For the Comfort of Zion
Supplements to
Vetus Testamentum Edited by the Board of the Quarterly
h.m. barstad – r.p. g...
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For the Comfort of Zion
Supplements to
Vetus Testamentum Edited by the Board of the Quarterly
h.m. barstad – r.p. gordon – a. hurvitz – j. joosten g.n. knoppers – a. van der kooij – a. lemaire – c.a. newsom h. spieckermann – j. trebolle barrera – h.g.m. williamson
VOLUME 139
For the Comfort of Zion The Geographical and Theological Location of Isaiah –
By
Lena-Sofia Tiemeyer
LEIDEN • BOSTON 2011
This book is printed on acid-free paper. Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data Tiemeyer, Lena-Sofia, 1969For the comfort of Zion : the geographical and theological location of Isaiah 40-55 / by Lena-Sofia Tiemeyer. p. cm. – (Supplements to Vetus Testamentum ; v. 139) Includes bibliographical references and index. ISBN 978-90-04-18930-0 (hardback : alk. paper) 1. Bible. O.T. Isaiah XL-LV–Criticism, interpretation, etc. 2. Bible. O.T. Isaiah XL-LV–Geography. 3. Jerusalem in the Bible. I. Title. BS1520.T54 2011 224'.1206–dc22 2010036403
ISSN 0083-5889 ISBN 978 90 04 18930 0 Copyright 2011 by Koninklijke Brill NV, Leiden, The Netherlands. Koninklijke Brill NV incorporates the imprints Brill, Hotei Publishing, IDC Publishers, Martinus Nijhoff Publishers and VSP. All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced, translated, stored in a retrieval system, or transmitted in any form or by any means, electronic, mechanical, photocopying, recording or otherwise, without prior written permission from the publisher. Authorization to photocopy items for internal or personal use is granted by Koninklijke Brill NV provided that the appropriate fees are paid directly to The Copyright Clearance Center, 222 Rosewood Drive, Suite 910, Danvers, MA 01923, USA. Fees are subject to change.
CONTENTS
Preface . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . xi Abbreviations . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . xiii Preliminary Matters . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Introduction. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . History of Research . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Layout of the Monograph . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Terminology . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
1 1 3 6 9
Chapter One. Authorship, Dating, Redactional Development and Final Form . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Introduction. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Authorship of Isaiah – . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .. A Prophetic Individual or a Group of Prophets? . . . . . . . . ... Isaiah :– . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . ... Isaiah :b; :–; :; :b; :– . . . . ... Isaiah :–, – . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . ... Isaiah :, b; :– . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . ... Conclusion. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .. A Female Author of Isaiah –? . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .. A Temple-Singer Author of Isaiah –? . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .. Summary . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Geography and Date . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . The Final Form of Isaiah –: A Rhetorical Unity . . . . . . . . . . The Final Form of Isaiah –: A Reading Drama . . . . . . . . . . . Conclusion . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
13 13 13 14 14 18 21 22 24 26 30 32 32 43 47 50
Chapter Two. Life in Judah and Babylon in the Sixth Century bc . . . Introduction. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Life in Judah during the Exile: The Biblical Accounts . . . . . . . . . Life in Judah: The Archaeological and Sociological Evidence . The Literary Ability of the People of Judah. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Life in Babylon: The Textual Evidence . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Life in Babylon: The Archaeological Evidence . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Conclusion . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
53 53 54 58 65 68 73 75
vi
contents
Chapter Three. Isaiah – and Babylonian Influence . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Introduction. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Methods in Comparative Studies . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Neo-Babylonian Imperialism . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Akkadian Influence in Isaiah –: Loanwords and Literary Style . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .. Loanwords . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .. Akkadian Influence over the Language of Isaiah – .. Isaiah :–: and the Cyrus Cylinder . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .. The “Self Predication” Formula . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .. The Trial Speeches . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .. Excursion: The Quality of the Hebrew Language of Isaiah – . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .. Akkadian Influence—Conclusion . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Specific Texts in Isaiah – . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .. The so-called Idol-Fabrication Passages . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . ... Isaiah :– . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . ... Isaiah : . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .. Babylon in Isaiah – . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . ... Isaiah :– and :–—Magic and Diviners . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . ... Isaiah :– . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . ... Isaiah . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . ... Isaiah :, . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .. Enûma Elîˇs and YHWH’s Incomparability . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Couleur Locale (Isaiah :; :–) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Conclusion . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Chapter Four. A Judahite Perspective in Isaiah –. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Introduction. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Passages that Betray a Judahite Point of Reference . . . . . . . . . . . .. Isaiah :– . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .. Isaiah : . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .. Isaiah :–. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .. Isaiah : . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .. Isaiah : . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .. Isaiah : . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .. Isaiah : . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .. Isaiah : . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .. Isaiah : . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .. Conclusion. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
77 77 78 79 84 85 86 96 98 104 105 106 107 107 109 113 116 117 118 123 126 128 128 130 131 131 132 132 134 135 138 139 141 141 143 144 145
contents .
.
Temple and Sacrifices . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .. Isaiah : . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .. Isaiah :–, . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .. Conclusion. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Conclusion . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
vii 146 146 147 152 152
Chapter Five. The Exodus Motif and the Journey through the Wilderness Motif. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Introduction. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . History of Interpretation: The Centrality of the Exodus Theme . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . History of Interpretation: The Peripheral Character of the Exodus Theme. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Exegesis of the Passages Said to Contain References to a Second Exodus . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .. Isaiah :–, – . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . ... The Return of the Exiles . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . ... A Metaphorical Reading of Isaiah :– . . . . . . . . ... God’s Triumphant Return . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .. Isaiah :– . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .. Isaiah :– . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .. Isaiah : . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .. Isaiah :– . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .. Isaiah :– . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .. Isaiah :, – . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .. Isaiah :– . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .. Isaiah :–. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .. Isaiah :– . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .. Isaiah :–. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .. Isaiah :– . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .. Isaiah :– . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Conclusion . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
168 168 169 172 173 176 178 181 182 184 186 190 191 192 195 197 198 202
Chapter Six. Isaiah – as a Judahite Reading Drama: Preliminary Issues . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Introduction. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Personification and Historical Reality . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Metaphors and Geographic Setting . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Geography and Theology . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Outline of Chapters – . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
205 205 206 208 210 213
155 155 156 160
viii
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Chapter Seven. Jacob-Israel in Isaiah – . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Introduction. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Isaiah : . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Isaiah :– . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Isaiah :– . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Isaiah :– . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Isaiah :– . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Isaiah :– . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Isaiah :– . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Isaiah : . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Isaiah :– . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Isaiah : . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Isaiah . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Isaiah . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Isaiah :– . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . YHWH, the God of Israel-Jacob (Isaiah :; :; :; :; :; :; :; :) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Conclusion . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
215 215 216 219 220 225 226 228 231 233 234 237 238 240 245
Chapter Eight. Zion-Jerusalem in Isaiah – . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Introduction. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . History of Research . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .. Zion-Jerusalem in Isaiah –: Physical City or Symbol? . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .. Zion, a Symbol of the Exilic Community? . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .. Zion-Jerusalem, a Symbol of the Post-Exilic Judahite Community of Returned Exiles? . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .. Conclusion. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Exegetical Overview . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .. Zion-Jerusalem as God’s People—Isaiah :–; :, ; :. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .. Zion-Jerusalem as the Recipient of Comfort—Isaiah :; :; :– . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .. Zion-Jerusalem and the Herald—Isaiah :; :; :–; :, . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . ... Isaiah : . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . ... Isaiah :– . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . ... Isaiah : . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .... Apposition: Zion, the Messenger of the Good News . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
251 251 252
248 249
252 259 263 265 265 266 271 276 276 278 279 280
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. .
.... Genitive Construction: Zion as the Recipient of the Good News . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .... Zion, the Messenger and the Recipient . . . .... Conclusion . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . ... Isaiah :, . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . ... Conclusion. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .. Personified Zion-Jerusalem—Isaiah :–; :; :–:; :– . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . ... Isaiah :– . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . ... Isaiah : . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .... Excursion: Zion’s Children . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . ... Isaiah :–: . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . ... Isaiah :– . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . ... Conclusion. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . The Judahite Timbre of Zion’s Voice . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Conclusion . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
Chapter Nine. God, the Prophet and the Servant—Competing Judahite Perspectives . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Introduction. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . The Servant . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .. The Servant and Zion-Jerusalem. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .. Geographical Information in the Servant songs. . . . . . . . . .. The Theology Expressed by the Servant Within Isaiah – . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .. The Portrayal of the Servant and the øáâ of Lamentations . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . The Prophetic Persona . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . The Theology of God’s Voice in Isaiah – and Ezekiel . . . . . Conclusion . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Excursus: Did Ezekiel and Isaiah – Influence Each Other? . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Chapter Ten. Isaiah :–—The Prologue of Isaiah – . . . . . . . . Introduction. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Isaiah :–—A Prologue . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Isaiah :–—A Literary Unit. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Allusions in Isaiah :– to the Rest of Isaiah – . . . . . . .. Isaiah :–—A Conglomeration of Themes from Isaiah – . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
ix
282 285 285 286 287 288 288 292 295 296 301 304 304 309
311 311 311 312 317 318 321 323 327 329 330 333 333 333 337 339 339
x
contents .. A Corresponding Epilogue to Isaiah : . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .. Conclusion. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Exegetical Consequences . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Conclusion . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
341 343 343 345
Chapter Eleven. Isaiah – and Lamentations . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Introduction. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Inner-Biblical Textual Allusions . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Allusions in Isaiah – to Lamentations: History of Research . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Reading the Allusions to Lamentations through Judahite Eyes . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .. Comfort My People—Isaiah :; : and :. . . . . . .. Forsaken and Childless to Remembered and Mother—Isaiah :– . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . ... Zion’s Abandonment and Restoration—Isaiah : . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . ... Zion’s Motherhood and her Children’s Return—Isaiah :– . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . ... Conclusion. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .. Jerusalem’s Starving and Dying Children—Isaiah :– . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .. The Return of the Exiles . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . ... Isaiah :– and Lamentations :– . . . . . . . . . . ... Isaiah :, and Lamentations :– . . . . . . . . . . Conclusion . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
347 347 348
. .
349 351 352 353 353 354 356 356 358 359 359 360
Concluding Remarks . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 363 Bibliography . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Source Index . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Author Index . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Subject Index. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
367 389 405 413
PREFACE
Many people have been involved in the making of this monograph. I wish to thank my former teacher Prof. Shalom Paul. Even though I find myself disagreeing with many of his interpretations of Isaiah –, I am nonetheless beholden to his insight and expertise. In particular, I am thankful for his second year undergraduate course on Isaiah – at the Hebrew University, which introduced me to the beauty of its language and left me forever enthralled by its message. I also want to express my gratitude to Prof. Joseph Blenkinsopp who has always been happy to chat with me about Isaiah – during the last three years. He also read through a draft of this book and provided very useful feedback. Likewise, I am indebted to Prof. Hugh G.M. Williamson who willingly obliged to act as a springboard for a range of ideas regarding Isaiah – . I am also grateful to Prof. Hans M. Barstad who happily sent me his off-prints, to Dr Stephanie Dalley who patiently answered questions concerning Assyriology and provided bibliographic references and to Dr Sharon Moughtin-Mumby who helped me to differentiate properly between metaphor, metonym, symbol and personification. Yet, although I have benefited greatly from their advice, they are not to blame for any of the content in this book. I am also indebted to Mr Jeffrey Aernie who proof-read the final manuscript and weeded out as many oddities in my treatment of the English language as he could find. Those that remain are my own responsibility. Finally, I would like to express my gratitude to the editor of the series Supplements to Vetus Testamentum, Prof. Hans M. Barstad, for accepting this work for publication. This book is dedicated to my loving family: to my husband Andreas who has not sacrificed himself in any respect during the writing of this book, but enjoyed life while leaving me to deal with dead prophets in peace and quiet, and to our twin daughters, Sissel and Viola, who, as far as we can tell, have suffered no long-term harm from their mother’s obsession with sixth century bc Judah. They have all, each in their own way, helped with this monograph. Andreas has been willing and eager to discuss the provenance of Isaiah – during romantic restaurant dinners and he read through a draft of the book without too much grumbling. Sissel and Viola have helpfully let me “play on my computer”
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preface
while they were playing together, more or less peacefully. I also wish to thank my parents, Gösta and Kjärsti Bard, and my parents-in-law, Horst and Renate Tiemeyer, who have expressed their delight (and I have willingly believed them) in taking care of their granddaughters during school holidays, thus letting me spend quality time with my somewhat ancient friends in the local library. Aberdeen, Scotland, May Lena-Sofia Tiemeyer
ABBREVIATIONS
AB AnBib ANET AOAT ASOR ATD BAR BBB BBET BDB BDS BETL BHT BibInt BibOr BJS BK BKAT BN BSOAS BWANT BZ BZAW CAD CBQ CHANE COS CThM CTJ EB EBib ESHM ETR EvT EH FAT
The Anchor Bible Analecta Biblica Ancient Near Eastern Texts Relating to the Old Testament (ed. J.B. Pritchard, d ed., Princeton, ). Alter Orient und Altes Testament American Schools of Oriental Research Das Alte Testament Deutsch Biblical Archaeology Review Bonner biblische Beiträge Beiträge zur biblischen Exegese und Theologie Brown, F., S.R. Driver, and C.A. Briggs, A Hebrew and English Lexicon of the Old Testament (Oxford, ). Bibal Dissertation Series Bibliotheca Ephemeridum Theologicarum Lovaniensium Beiträge zur historischen Tehologie Biblical Interpretation Biblica et Orientalia Biblical and Judaic Studies Bibel und Kirche Biblischer Kommentar: Altes Testament Biblische Notizen Bulletin of the School of Oriental and African Studies Beiträge zur Wissenschaft vom Alten und Neuen Testament Biblische Zeitschrift Beihefte zur Zeitschrift für die alttestamentliche Wissenschaft The Assyrian Dictionary of the Oriental Institute of the University of Chicago (Chicago, –). Catholic Biblical Quarterly Culture and History of the Ancient Near East The Context of Scripture. vols (eds W.W. Hallo and K. Lawson Younger, Jr., Leiden, Brill, –). Calwer theologische Monographien Calvin Theological Journal Estudios Biblicos Etudes Bibliques European seminar in historical methodology Etudes théologiques et religieuses Evangelische Theologie Europäische Hochschulschriften Forschungen zum Alten Testament
xiv
abbreviations
FOTL Forms of Old Testament Literature Series FRLANT Forschungen zur Religion und Literatur des Alten und Neuen Testaments FTL Forum Theologiae Linguisticae GCT Gender, Culture, Theory GKC Gesenius’ Hebrew Grammar (ed. E. Kautzsch, transl. A.E. Cowley, d. ed. Oxford, ). GTA Göttinger theologische Arbeiten HAR Hebrew Annual Review HAT Handbuch zum Alten Testament HBS Herders biblische Studien HBT Horizons in Biblical Theology HCOT Historical Commentary on the OT HSM Harvard Semitic Monographs HThKAT Herders Theologischer Kommentar zum Alten Testament IB Interpreter’s Bible ICC The International Critical Commentary IEJ Israel Exploration Journal JAOS Journal of the American Oriental Society JBL Journal of Biblical Literature JCS Journal of Cuneiform Studies JNES Journal of Near Eastern Studies Joüon-Muraoka P. Joüon, A Grammar of Biblical Hebrew. vols (translated and revised by T. Muraoka, Subsidia biblica /–, Rome, ). JPS Jewish Publication Society JR Journal of Religion JSJS Journal for the Study of Judaism Supplement JSOT Journal for the Study of the Old Testament JSOTS Journal for the Study of the Old Testament Supplement JSPS Journal for the Study of the Pseudepigrapha Supplement JSS Journal of Semitic Studies JSSM Journal of Semitic Studies Monographs JTS Journal of Theological Studies KHAT Kurzer Hand-Commentar zum Alten Testament KJV King James Version LCBI Literary Currents in Biblical Interpretation LHBOTS Library of Hebrew Studies / Old Testament Studies LSTS Library of the Second Temple Studies LUÅ Lunds universitets årsskrift NCBC New Century Bible Commentary NEB Die neue Echter Bibel NICOT New International Commentary on the Old Testament NIB New Interpreter’s Bible NTT Norsk Teologisk Tidsskrift NIV New International Version OBO Orbis Biblicus et Orientalis OBT Overtures to Biblical Theology
abbreviations OLP Or OTE OTL OTM OTS PouT PSB RB RBL RHPR SAA SAALT SBB SBEC SBL SBLDS SBLMS SBLSS SBS SBT SEÅ SJOT SOFS SOTS SSN StBL ScrHier TA TB
Orientalia Lovaniensia Periodica Orientalia Old Testament Essays Old Testament Library Oxford Theological Monographs Oudtestamentische Studiën De Prediking van het oude Testament The Princeton Seminary Bulletin Revue biblique Review of Biblical Literature Revue d’histoire et de philosophie religieuses State Archives of Assyria State Archives of Assyria Literary Texts Stuttgarter biblische Beiträge Studies in the Bible and Early Christianity The Society of Biblical Literature Society for Biblical Literature Dissertation Series Society for Biblical Literature Monograph Series SBL Semeia Studies Stuttgarter Bibelstudien Studies in Biblical Theology Svensk exegetisk årsbok Scandinavian Journal of the Old Testament Symbolae Osloenses Fasc. supplet The Society for Old Testament Study Studia Semitica Neerlandica Studies in Biblical Literature Scripta hierosolymitana Tel Aviv Theologische Bücherei: Neudrucke und Berichte aus dem . Jahrhundert TynBul Tyndale Bulletin TZ Theologische Zeitschrift UF Ugarit Forschungen VAB Vorderasiatische Bibliothek VT Vetus Testamentum VTS Vetus Testamentum Supplement WBC Word Biblical Commentary WeBC Westminster Bible Companion WMANT Wissenschaftliche Monographien zum Alten und Neuen Testament ZA Zeitschrift für Althebraistik ZAW Zeitschrift für die alttestamentliche Wissenschaft ZB Zürcher Bibelkommentare
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PRELIMINARY MATTERS
Introduction It has long been the consensus—in itself a remarkable feat given that biblical scholarship is not known for its consensuses—that Isa – was composed by the Jewish exilic community in Babylon between roughly – bc. Eight arguments are usually advanced for the traditional position that Isa – was written by the Jewish exilic community in Babylon:1 . Specific mention of YHWH having delivered Israel (Isa :; :– ; :). . The description of Zion as destroyed and abandoned (Isa :, , ; :). . Frequent references to Babylon or Chaldea (Isa :; :, ; :) and the more specific exhortation for the people to depart from Babylon (Isa :; :a). . The general and pervasive exodus imagery (e.g. Isa :; :), including references to a highway through the desert (Isa :–; :; :; :). . God’s ingathering of the people from afar (Isa :; :). . The mention of Cyrus by name (Isa :; :). . The detailed descriptions of Babylonian cultic practice (e.g. Isa :– ; :–). . The contrast between the “new things” of the present and the “former things” of the past. While it has been acknowledged that, taken separately, these arguments are not particularly compelling, scholars generally maintain that, when combined, they yield a definite picture of the historical context of Isa
1 See T.L. Leclerc, Yahweh is Exalted in Justice: Solidarity and Conflict in Isaiah (Minneapolis, Fortress, ), p. .
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–: that of the exilic community in Babylon.2 In this monograph, I shall challenge the wide-spread contemporary view of a Babylonian provenance of Isa –. Through a careful study of the textual evidence, I shall endeavour to show that these eight arguments cannot stand up to close scrutiny, whether treated alone or taken altogether. It follows that the accepted view of a Babylonian provenance of Isa – rests upon a shaky foundation and thus cannot be sustained. Moreover, I shall bring attention to several hitherto neglected aspects of the text that suggest a Judahite provenance of Isa –. My reasons for challenging the near consensus of a Babylonian provenance of Isa – are twofold. First, I am inherently suspicious of any kind of consensus and believe that it is academically healthy to reopen settled debates and to review regularly older interpretations in view of the latest scholarship. In the case of Isa –, I am doubly suspicious since I consider the consensus view regarding its Babylonian origin to be no more than loosely anchored in the actual biblical text. Secondly, I am uneasy about what appears to be the pro-exilic sentiments in many interpretations of Isa –. In other words, I believe that many exegetes are influenced, consciously or unconsciously, by the notion of the superiority of the exilic community in Babylon over against the one in Judah, as expressed, for example, in Jer :–; Ezek :; :–. As a result, these interpreters are pre-programmed to regard Isa – as a product of the former, rather than being open to listen to the claims of the texts of Isa – themselves. The question of provenance of Isa – is important because the geographical background of a text is a crucial aspect of historical-critical exegesis. In order to understand the message that an author wants to communicate to his/her audience, it is imperative to locate both that author and his/her audience in time and place. At present, most exegesis of Isa – is based on and also builds upon the assumption that all or at least significant parts of the material were uttered or composed in 2
See, e.g., P. Machinist, “Mesopotamian Imperialism and Israelite Religion: A Case Study from the Second Isaiah”, Symbiosis, Symbolism, and the Power of the Past: Canaan, Ancient Israel, and Their Neighbors—From the Late Bronze Age through Roman Palaestina (eds W.G. Dever and S. Gitin, The AIAR Anniversary Volume, Winona Lake, IN., Eisenbrauns, ), p. . “Taken together, each of the three clues—orientation, Cyrus, and Babylonian / Mesopotamian features—may be ambiguous in terms of situating the context of the prophet’s activity. But when they are combined, as they should be, since they all interweave with one another in the texts, [ . . .] the clues yield a reasonably clear and definite picture of the historical context. The center of it is the Babylonian Exile, under the Neo-Babylonian dynasty”.
preliminary matters
Babylon and aimed at the Jewish community there. As a result, there are plenty of examples in which exegetes interpret a verse in Isa – against the background of life in the Babylonian Diaspora (see especially chapter ). This type of exegesis is in itself methodologically correct. Yet, if it became clear that this interpretation of the background of the text is unsupported by the larger context, then such exegesis will turn out to be irrelevant.
. History of Research A Babylonian provenance of Isa – has not always been the consensus. On the one hand, a small group of scholars has argued that, although it is a product of the Diaspora, Isa – was not written in Babylon. Most famously, Duhm argued on the faint textual basis of Isa : that the author of Isa – lived in Phoenicia.3 Much more recently, Bass has argued for an Egyptian setting, albeit without offering any compelling arguments in support of her view.4 As neither Duhm’s nor Bass’s arguments (or lack thereof) in favour of their respective interpretation can be substantiated, I shall henceforth disregard them. On the other hand, another group of scholars has taken the extreme view that, given the scarcity of textual evidence of the situation in Babylon and elsewhere, the Jews were never in exile. Notably, Torrey argues that the whole idea of any long-term depopulation of Jerusalem, together with the ensuing Babylonian exile and subsequent return from Babylon, is largely fictional, as we have no credible record of the return of any considerable company from the Babylonian exile. Instead, Torrey proposes that Isa – stems from Judahite soil, composed at the time of the Chronicler, and the return that the author anticipates is not a return of exiles from Babylon but from the ends of the earth.5 Swayed by
3
B. Duhm, Das Buch Jesaia (HAT III/, Göttingen, Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht, ), pp. xviii, . See further the overview in H.M. Barstad, The Babylonian Captivity of the Book of Isaiah: “Exilic” Judah and the Provenance of Isaiah – (Instituttet for Sammenlignende Kulturforskning, Oslo, ). 4 D.M. Bass, God Comforts Israel: The Audience and Message of Isaiah – (Lanham, University Press of America, ), p. . Although she refers to the archaeological and textual evidence for an Egyptian based golah, she does not provide anything that can rightly be called an argument for her view. 5 C.C. Torrey, The Second Isaiah: A New Interpretation (Edinburgh, T&T Clark, ), pp. –.
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Torrey’s arguments, Simon places the author of Isa – around bc, arguing that the author “broadly and deliberately attacks the narrow schools of Judaism and the paganism of the Greek world and invites all, Jews and Gentiles in Palestine and everywhere to accept salvation on a transcendental scale”.6 This extreme view is not persuasive because there is incontestable extra-biblical evidence that demonstrates the existence of a Jewish community in Babylon in the sixth century bc (see chapter ). Leaving these relatively unconvincing views behind, my present research regarding a Judahite origin of Isa – rests upon and further develops the insights of an existing scholarly minority. The most wellknown advocate for this minority view is Barstad. His research has dealt with three significant issues in particular: () the lack of textual support for a desolate Judah during the exile; () the lack of convincing arguments in favour of a Babylonian provenance of Isa – (as I have already said, the commonly assumed Babylonian provenance is more the result of following the current scholarly status quo than of independent and convincing arguments in its favour); and () the poetic and metaphoric character of the language of Isa –. For example, expressions such as a “road in the wilderness” should not be taken literally as denoting an actual road but rather understood as referring to someone’s way in life (see further chapter ).7 Similar opinions have been expressed at regular intervals, although less comprehensively, by Spykerboer, Seitz and Goulder.8
6 U.E. Simon, A Theology of Salvation: A Commentary on Isaiah – (London, SPCK, ), p. . 7 E.g. H.M. Barstad, “Lebte Deuterojesaja in Judäa?”, Veterotestamentica (NTT /, ), pp. –, H.M. Barstad, “On the So-Called Babylonian Influence in Second Isaiah”, JSOT (), pp. –, H.M. Barstad, “On the History and Archaeology of Judah During the Exilic Period”, OLP (), pp. –, H.M. Barstad, A Way in the Wilderness: The “Second Exodus” in the Message of Second Isaiah (JSSM , Manchester, University of Manchester Press, ), H.M. Barstad, “Akkadian ‘Loanwords’ in Isaiah – and the Question of the Babylonian Origin of Deutero-Isaiah”, Text and Theology, FS Magne Sæbø (ed. A. Tångberg, Oslo, Verbum, ), pp. –, H.M. Barstad, The Myth of the Empty Land (SOFS , Oslo, ), Barstad, Babylonian Captivity of the Book of Isaiah. 8 H.C. Spykerboer, The Structure and Composition of Deutero-Isaiah: With Special Reference to the Polemics Against Idolatry (Franeker, T. Wever, ), C.R. Seitz, Zion’s Final Destiny: The Development of the Book of Isaiah: A Reassessment of Isaiah – (Minneapolis, Fortress, ), p. , M. Goulder, “Deutero-Isaiah of Jerusalem”, JSOT (), pp. –.
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This research has unfortunately remained on the margins of AngloSaxon and Israeli research;9 a result in part due to the fact that it has appeared in small and scattered publications. In addition, rather than looking at Isa – as a whole, the aforementioned scholars have tended to limit their discussions to single verses and/or sections of Isa –. As a result, most recent English speaking scholars maintain a Babylonian provenance of all of Isa – without much reflection, although, as should be emphasized, there is an emerging tendency in Anglo-Saxon scholarship to acknowledge that the foundation for a Babylonian setting of Isa – is not as firm as hitherto assumed. Several of the most recent commentaries on Isa –, for example, have professed doubts about its Babylonian setting, but no scholar has committed him- or herself firmly to a Judahite setting.10 It is therefore imperative to summarize and reassess the results of past research in one easily accessible volume. Moreover, there is a need to rectify the current lack of a systematic discussion of () all the verses that are relevant to the question of the geographical provenance of the text; and () all of the verses whose exegesis is influenced by the geographical provenance of the text, be it Babylonian or Judahite. In parallel to this research in the Anglo-Saxon world, a relatively large number of primarily continental European scholars divide the text of Isa – into redactional layers.11 While their suggested editorial schemes vary, they share the basic idea of a core-layer composed in 9
See, for example, the recent commentary by S.M. Paul, Isaiah – (Jerusalem, Magnes, ) (Hebrew), where Paul adheres staunchly to a Babylonian setting of all of Isa –. 10 E.g. J. Blenkinsopp, Isaiah – (AB A, New York, Doubleday, ), pp. – , J. Goldingay and D. Payne, Isaiah –, Vol. I (ICC, London, T&T Clark, ), pp. –, and J. Goldingay, The Message of Isaiah –: A Literary-Theological Commentary (London, T&T Clark, ), p. . See also the recent monograph by J. Adams, The Performative Nature and Function of Isaiah – (LHBOTS , London, Continuum / T&T Clark, ), pp. , , where he states that it is no longer possible to assume that the prophecies in Isa – have a Babylonian setting. His subsequent interpretation of Isa – takes into account the uncertainty with regard to its geographical setting. Along similar lines, H.G.M. Williamson, “Poetic Vision in Isaiah :–”, The Desert Will Bloom: Poetic Visions in Isaiah (eds A.J. Everson and H.C.P. Kim, Ancient Israel and Its Literature , Atlanta, GA., SBL, ), p. , leaves the issue of the geographical setting of Isa – open. 11 Key studies are H.-J. Hermisson, “Einhet und Komplexität Deuterojesajas: Probleme der Redaktionsgeschichte von Jes –”, The Book of Isaiah (ed. J. Vermeylen, BETL , Leuven, Leuven University Press, ), pp. –, R.G. Kratz, Kyros im Deuterojesajabuch (FAT , Tübingen, Mohr Siebeck, ), O.H. Steck, Gottesknecht und Zion (FAT , Tübingen, Mohr Siebeck, ).
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Babylon just before bc, and of several redactional layers compiled in Jerusalem around bc and later. Many of these theories are based on the recognition that much of the textual evidence can best be understood if assumed to reflect a Judahite perspective. Yet, at present, there is unfortunately little interaction between Anglo-Saxon and Continental European research on Isa –. In view of this, it is essential to combine the theories of European research pertaining to the historical and the geographical background of Isa – with the aforementioned insights of Barstad, Goulder and Spykerboer vis-à-vis viewing all of Isa – as the product of the people in Judah. Finally, there has recently been significant progress in our understanding and evaluation of the textual and archaeological findings from both Judah and Babylon from the time period of – bc which has a direct bearing on our understanding of the geographical provenance of Isa – . It is thus important to incorporate these new findings into research on Isa –.
. Layout of the Monograph This monograph begins with two chapters surveying and evaluating past research. It opens with chapter on introductory issues related to the authorship, dating, redactional development and final form of Isa –. I shall argue that the material, although probably composite in nature and composed by more than one author, is presented as a reading drama in its final form. As to its date, I shall argue that the individual textual strands began to develop just before bc and reached their final form sometime before bc, i.e. before the beginning of the building of the second temple in Jerusalem. Chapter looks briefly at the historical situation in Judah in the sixth century bc with the aim of determining to what extent the people in Judah in the time period between the destruction of Jerusalem in bc and bc would have been capable of composing Isa –. I shall look first at the accounts of the Judahite community found in Jeremiah and Ezekiel and highlight their bias towards the exilic community in Babylon. I shall then demonstrate that the archaeological evidence from sixth century Judah is suggestive of continuous habitation of at least parts of Judah throughout this period. Finally, I shall highlight the literary quality of the book of Lamentations, a book presumably composed by and reflecting the Judahite community.
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The remainder of the project consists of original research. Moving to more detailed textual issues, chapter looks at the points that have traditionally been raised as support for a Babylonian provenance of Isa – . These include: () familiarity with Babylonian religion and culture; () close similarities between the language of Isa – and Akkadian; and () explicit references to Babylon. After a general discussion of the methods involved in comparative studies of the Bible and the Ancient Near East, I shall discuss the repercussions of Neo-Babylonian imperialism and argue that it is very likely that both the Neo-Assyrian and the Neo-Babylonian Empires exercised considerable influence over both Israel and Judah from the seventh century onwards. A relatively large degree of shared societal, cultural and religious phenomena between the ruling superpower and the conquered state of Judah is therefore to be expected. It follows that familiarity with the religion and the culture of Babylon is not in itself an argument for a Babylonian provenance of the text. Along similar lines, I shall discuss the oft-cited Akkadian influence upon the language and the literary style of Isa – and demonstrate that nothing in Isa – necessitates a Babylonian based author: we have neither more nor less Akkadian loanwords in Isa – than in other biblical texts of the same size. In this context, I shall also discuss the alleged similarity between Isa :–: and the Cyrus Cylinder, and the potential Akkadian influence on the so-called “self predication” formula (Isa –, , and ). In addition, I shall discuss briefly the latest research pertaining to the development of the Hebrew language and what the characteristics of the Hebrew of Isa – can tell us about its geographical origin. Finally, I shall look at the specific texts in Isa – that have often been referred to as evidence of a Babylonian based author, such as the so-called idol fabrication passages (Isa :–; :–; :–), the references to Babylon (Isa :; :–; ; :, ), the references to Babylonian religious practices (Isa :–; :–; :) and the references to flora and fauna (Isa :– and : [trees]; Isa :, –; :–; : [mountains, hills, water etc.]) to determine what they can and cannot tell us about the geographical whereabouts of their authors and their target audience. Looking at the same issue but from the opposite perspective, chapter explores those passages in Isa – that imply a Judahite perspective (Isa :–; :; :; :; :; :; :, ; :; :) and the extent to which they provide support for a Judahite provenance. I shall subsequently turn to those passages that refer to sacri-
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fices and/or to the temple (Isa :; :–, ) and explore whether and/or to what extent they provide information about their geographical setting. Along the same line, chapter investigates the references to the Exodus and to the related tradition of the journey through the wilderness that are scattered throughout Isa –. A great number of scholars argue that these references allude to a second Exodus out of Babylon, and that this, in turn, constitutes an argument for a Babylonian provenance of Isa – in that the exiles would portray themselves as returning captives led by God through a wilderness transformed into fertile land. In contrast, I shall argue that much of the Exodus and related imagery in Isa – is better understood figuratively, serving as a typology for the transition from slavery to freedom and from death to life. As such, the majority of the passages that contain Exodus related imagery do not depict a second Exodus, and none of them constitutes an argument for a Babylonian provenance of Isa –, either in whole or in part. Turning to more literary concerns and to the final form of the text, chapter begins with a short methodological survey regarding the relation between, on the one hand, the characters within Isa – and, on the other hand, the authors and communities outside the text that together form its creators and its recipients. The following three chapters – then look at Jacob-Israel and Zion-Jerusalem, the two key dramatic characters in Isa –. I shall discuss each of the passages in which these two dramatic personae appear and explore the ways in which the characterizations of them hint at the whereabouts of their author(s) and of their intended audience(s). To a certain extent, these characters within the text function as symbols of and/or as metonyms for the historical audiences at whom the oracles were aimed. I shall also investigate the role of the Servant (Isa :–; :–; :–; :–:) and see if any geographical indications can be gleaned from the descriptions of him. Taking this issue even further, I shall investigate the theology attributed to the various voices in Isa – (the voices of Jacob-Israel, ZionJerusalem, the Servant, as well as those of God and the first person narrator). In particular, I shall explore how it compares with the theologies of Lamentations and Ezekiel, where the former represents typical Judahite speech and the latter represents the speech typical of the exilic community in Babylon. We shall discover that many of the opinions found in Isa – conform to the former, while there are very few theological similarities with the latter. This, in turn, constitutes an argument for a Judahite domicile of Isa – and its target audience.
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Chapter investigates the so-called prologue of Isa – (Isa :– ). I shall argue that, in the final form of Isa –, this prologue sets the tone and alerts the readers to the key ideas of the following text by introducing samples of the major themes, ideas and imagery that are to be expanded upon throughout the rest of the book. It further defines the agenda that it wishes to impose upon the reader by highlighting certain aspects of the text and ignoring others. In this manner, Isa :– directs the reader of the final form of Isa – to focus on Jerusalem and Judah. This in turn is suggestive of a final Jerusalem-based redaction of Isa – . Chapter looks finally at the place of Isa – within the canon of the Hebrew Bible. I shall argue that additional support for a Judahite provenance of Isa – can be found in the use of allusion to Lamentations in Isa –. I shall look in particular at the allusions to Lamentations that are found in Isa :; :–; : and :–, –; :, and show that these allusions emphasize the Judahite perspective of the latter text: as Lamentations speak from the heart of the people of Jerusalem, so the responses in Isa – seek to comfort them. The final pages of this work provide a summary of its content and suggest ways forward for future research. In particular, they pose the question as to how a Judahite provenance of Isa – might modify the current views of the formation of Isa – and of the book of Isaiah as a whole. As this is a project in its own right, I shall only briefly touch upon these issues. It is my belief that this reappraisal of the geographical provenance of Isa – will result in a smoother and more straight-forward interpretation of this material from a historical-critical perspective than has previously been achieved. A coherent picture will emerge of a group of prophets who spoke to the population of Jerusalem about God’s imminent restoration of Jerusalem and about the imminent arrival of the exiles from the corners of the earth.
. Terminology As to terminology, I shall use the term “Judahite” when I refer to people living in Judah, and the terms “exiles” or “deportees” or “golah” when I refer to those living in Babylon and/or in other places in the Diaspora. When I wish to refer indiscriminately to either or both groups, I shall use terms such as the “people of Israel” and, more rarely, the “Jews”. In
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exceptional cases when I refer to Israel in the sense of the Northern Kingdom, I shall explicitly state that I have the pre-exilic population of the Kingdom of Israel in mind. In contrast, the term “Judah” denotes not only the pre-exilic kingdom of Judah, but also the geographical territory with the same name under Neo-Babylonian rule, as well as the later province of Yehud under Persian rule. In those cases where I wish to refer to the territory of Judah in the specific time period between bc– bc, I shall use the term “templeless Judah”. Although there is some evidence of continuous worship in the ruined temple in Jerusalem (Jer :), and although there might have existed functioning sanctuaries in Judah during this time period (Zech :), this term denotes the years between the fall of the central temple in Jerusalem in bc and the beginning of the rebuilding of the same temple in bc.12 Furthermore, I use the term “God” relatively freely throughout the book to denote YHWH, the God of Israel. In contrast, my translations of biblical passages always distinguish between “YHWH” as denoting §ä and “God” as denoting íéäìà. It should also be noted that God is referred to throughout the monograph as “he”. This is a linguistic rather than an ontological decision that reflects the way in which the Hebrew texts refer to God. Likewise, I refer to Jacob-Israel as singular “he” and to ZionJerusalem as singular “she” for the sake of convenience as well as for the sake of clarity. I am, of course, aware that both entities denote more than one person and both entities may denote persons of both sexes.13 Finally, I shall use the plural term “authors” when speaking of the authorship of all of Isa –. In contrast, I shall use the singular term 12
This term is coined by J. Middlemas, The Troubles of Templeless Judah (OTM, Oxford, Oxford University Press, ), pp. –. As it is potentially confusing to speak of “exilic Judah”, and as such a phrase defines the people of Judah by the deported exiles rather than in their own right, I have adopted this phrase. See also R. Carroll, “Exile! What Exile? Deportation and the discourse of Diaspora”, Leading Captivity Captive: ‘The Exile’ as History and Ideology (ed. L.L. Grabbe, JSOTS /ESHM , Sheffield, Sheffield Academic Press, ), pp. –. 13 My decision to refer to Zion-Jerusalem as a feminine entity is done in part because that is how cities were often perceived throughout the Ancient Near East and in part because many biblical texts depict her in female terms and use female imagery to describe her. Cf. C.M. Maier, Daughter Zion, Mother Zion: Gender, Space, and the Sacred in Ancient Israel (Philadelphia, Fortress, ), p. , who states that “the female personification can be traced back to an ancient tradition of personified cities and to an anthropomorphic image of God, both of which create a relationship between the deity and the people as a female collective”. This feminine gender determines, of course, her behaviour within the text, and also how later reception history has viewed her.
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“author”, referred to as “s/he”, when speaking of the author of a specific verse. As Isa – does not provide us with any bibliographic material concerning its authors, we cannot rule out female authorship (see further in chapter ). In addition, as I assume that these authors were, at least in some sense, prophets, the term “prophet” is often used interchangeably with the term “author”. This is true for both the author(s) of the basic textual layer as well as of any subsequent editor(s). Both groups of people are likely to have regarded themselves as inspired by God, hence they can rightly be called prophets, and both groups contributed to the writing of the text, hence they were certainly authors.
chapter one AUTHORSHIP, DATING, REDACTIONAL DEVELOPMENT AND FINAL FORM
Introduction This chapter deals with preliminary issues related to the authorship, dating, redactional development and final form of Isa –. I shall argue that the material, although probably composite in nature and stemming from more than one author, takes the form of a reading drama in its final form. As to its date, I shall argue that the individual textual strands began to develop just before bc and reached their final form sometime prior to bc, i.e. shortly before the beginning of the rebuilding of the second temple in Jerusalem.
. Authorship of Isaiah – Isa – contains virtually nothing in terms of a prophetic bibliography, in contrast to what is found, for example, in the books of Jeremiah and Ezekiel. It is therefore unfounded to speak of an individual “DeuteroIsaiah”, either in the sense of a prophetic character within the text or in the sense of the actual prophet author. While we shall look further at the literary function of the first person statements contained in the text and explore the possible identities behind this voice in chapter , at present we shall limit the discussion to the broader question of whether the text of Isa – alludes to prophetic individuals within the text and to what extent these individuals constitute or represent the author(s) of Isa – .1 Furthermore, we shall explore whether or not parts of Isa – are
1 Some scholars reject any equation between a potential prophetic persona within the text and the author(s) of the same text. For example, C.R. Seitz, “The Divine Council: Temporal Transition and the New Prophecy in the Book of Isaiah”, JBL (), p. , maintains that the search for a prophet within Isa – who can be equated with the
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presented as having been written by a woman and, if so, to what extent this has a bearing on our view of the authorship of the text. .. A Prophetic Individual or a Group of Prophets? Isa – contains at least six examples of anonymous first person speech that are distinct from divine speech: Isa :ab–; :b; :; :b; :–:, and possibly also :– and :–. In addition, Isa :, b and :– and contain first person speech placed in the mouth of the Servant. ... Isaiah :– The speech in Isa :ab–, part of the longer :–, is a key passage in considering the use of first person speech in Isa –, thus we shall take it as our point of departure. . A voice says ‘speak’ and someone/I said ‘what shall I speak? All humanity is grass, and all its loving kindness2 is like the flower of the field. . Grass withers, blossoming fades, when God’s breath blows upon it. Indeed, the people are grass!’ . Grass withers, blossoming fades,3 but the word of our God endures forever. To begin with textual issues, much depends on the reading of the Hebrew øîàå in Isa :a. The MT vocalizes it as a m.sg. perfect + waw conjunctive (“and he said”), but the consonantal text could also support a sg. imperfect + waw consecutive (“and I said”) as the two consonantal forms authors of Isa – is fruitless. Instead, we might envision that the scribal activity of Isa – has a literary style and a sociological location not far removed from that which is assumed in the Psalms and in Lamentations. 2 When it has human beings as its subject, the word ãñç is translated elsewhere as “kindness”. See BDB, p. b. . However, as far as we can tell, the image of “kindness” is a poor fit for the present context. The Targum reads “all its strength” (ïåäô÷ú ìëå), the LXX reads “glory” (δχα, followed by Pet :), and the Vulgate reads “and all its glory” (omnis Gloria eius). BDB suggests as original Hebrew the orthographically similar åãåä = “its glory”. 3 Probably owing to homoioteleuton, likely to have been caused by the identical beginning of v. , this phrase is missing in the LXX and originally also in QIsª although there it is added later.
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are indistinguishable. The Ancient Versions attest to both reading traditions. The vocalized manuscripts of the Targum (øîàå) follow the MT, although, again, the consonantal form could support both reading traditions. In contrast, the LXX introduces a first person speaker (κα ε πα = “and I said”), as does the Vulgate (dixi = “I said”). Scholars are fairly equally divided between these two readings and it is difficult to establish which of the two was intended by the author. In fact, Melugin suggests that verse is intentionally equivocal,4 and Freedman states that the prophet / editors “seem eager to conceal [the speaker’s] identity”. Theirs was a theological decision, as nothing “must be allowed to share the limelight with or to interfere with the full impact of the Word of Yahweh”.5 A small number of scholars advocate a third reading tradition that may be attested in the QIsaa (äøîåàå). This form can be read either as a sg. imperfect or as a f.sg. participle. Petersen reads the form äøîåàå of QIsaa : as a f.sg. participle, and translates verse as “A voice says, ‘Cry’: and she said, ‘What shall I cry?’ ”. He identifies this female person with the ïåéö úøùáî in Isa :, and concludes that Isa : is a call to a Zion figure who personifies that portion of Israel which has been given the task of proclaiming comfort and victory.6 Based on the same reading, Seitz envisions a scenario in which Zion is charged within the heavenly council (vv. –a), objects (vv. b–), has her objection rebutted (v. ), and is then commissioned (v. ). Yet, Seitz ultimately rejects this reading as grammatically unlikely because of the preceding m.sg. imperative (v. a). Instead, äøîåàå, owing to the second waw, is probably a sg. form.7 Looking at all the evidence together, a first person statement in Isa :a is the most convincing alternative. The third person reading of Isa :a is only attested by one manuscript (QIsaa), and this instance can also be read satisfactorily as a sg. form. As to whether øîàå is a first person neutral or a third person masculine, the consonantal form 4
R.F. Melugin, The Formation of Isaiah – (BZAW , Berlin, de Gruyter, ),
p. . 5 D.N. Freedman, “The Structure of Isaiah :–”, Divine Commitment and Human Obligation. Selected Writings Vol. : Poetry and Orthography (ed. D.N. Freedman, Grand Rapid, Mich., Eerdmans, ), pp. , . 6 D.L. Petersen, Late Israelite Prophecy: Studies in Deutero-Prophetic Literature and in Chronicles (SBLDS , Missoula, MT., Scholars Press, ), p. . See also pp. – , note . Cf. R.E. Clements, “Zion as Symbol and Political Reality: A Central Isaianic Quest”, Studies in the Book of Isaiah. FS W.A.M. Beuken (eds J. van Ruiten and M. Vervenne, BETL , Leuven, Peeters, ), p. . 7 Seitz, “The Divine Council”, pp. –.
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attested in the MT and the T supports both readings, while the evidence of the LXX and the Vulgate clearly favours the former, as does QIsaa. Isa :– are part of Isa :–, the so-called prologue of Isa –, which forms either an authorial or a redactional unity (see further chapter ). The exact Gattung of Isa :– is debated. It has been understood as depicting either a scene in the heavenly council, a prophetic call narrative or a combination of the two, since these two interpretations are not mutually exclusive (cf. Kings :–; Isa ; Zech ).8 Notably, there are clear allusions in Isa :– to Isa .9 The central question concerns the recipients of the commands in verses –: are they human (prophets)10 or members of the heavenly host?11 There are good arguments on both sides; yet several factors render the former interpretation 8 Several scholars combine the two scenarios. See, e.g., D. McLain Carr, “Isaiah :– in the Context of the Macrostructure of Second Isaiah”, Discourse Analysis of Biblical Literature: What it is and What it Offers (ed. R.W. Bodine, Atlanta, GA., Scholars Press, ), pp. –, with cited bibliography. 9 See discussion by, e.g., Melugin, Formation of Isaiah, pp. –, K. Kiesow, Exodustexte im Jesajabuch: Literarkritische und motivgeschichtliche Analyses (OBO , Fribourg, Éditions Universitaires, ), pp. , , P.R. Ackroyd, “Isaiah –: Structure and Function”, Von Kanaan bis Kerala, FS J.P.M. van der Ploeg (eds W.C. Delsman, J.T. Nelis, J.R.T.M. Peters, E.H.Ph. Romer and A.S. van der Woude, AOAT , Neukirchen-Vluyn, Neukirchener, ), pp. –, R. Rendtorff, “Jesaja im Rahmen der Komposition des Jesajabuches”, The Book of Isaiah (ed. J. Vermeylen, BETL , Leuven, Leuven University Press, ), pp. –, B. Gosse, “Isaïe vi et la tradition isaïenne”, VT (), pp. – , F. Landy, “The Ghostly Prelude to Deutero-Isaiah”, BibInt (), pp. –, K. Holter, “Zur funktion der Städte Judas in Jesaja XL ”, VT (), pp. –, J. Werlitz, Redaktion und Komposition: Zur Rückfrage hinter die Endgestalt von Jesaja – (BBB , Berlin, Philo, ), pp. –, B.M. Zapff, “Jes und die Frage nach dem Beginn des deuterojesajanischne Corpus”, Gottes Wege Suchen (ed. F. Sedlmeier, Würzburg, Echter, ), pp. –. 10 See, e.g., J.H. Eaton, “The Origin of the Book of Isaiah”, VT (), p. , Kiesow, Exodustexte im Jesajabuch, p. , J.P. Fokkelman, “Stylistic Analysis of Isaiah :–”, OTS (), pp. –, Freedman, “The Structure of Isaiah :–”, pp. –, –, R.G. Kratz, “Der Anfang des Zweiten Jesaja in Jes , f. und das Jeremiabuch”, ZAW (), p. , U. Berges, Das Buch Jesaja: Komposition und Endgestalt (HBS , Freiburg, Herder, ), p. , Blenkinsopp, Isaiah –, pp. –, and C. Ehring, Die Rückkehr JHWHs: Traditions- und religionsgeschichtliche Untersuchungen zu Jesaja ,–, Jesaja ,– und verwandten Texten (WMANT , NeukirchenVluyn, Neukirchener, ), pp. , . Among the Ancient Versions, TJ adds “oh, you prophets” after the imperatives in v. . In contrast, some versions of the LXX add the vocative “oh, priests” at the end of the verse ( ες ερες) (as cited in Duhm, Jesaia, p. ). 11 E.g. Duhm, Jesaia, p. , K. Elliger, Deuterojesaja in seinem Verhältnis zu Tritojesaja (BWANT /, heft , Stuttgart, Kohlhammer, ), pp. –, F.M. Cross, “The Council of Yahweh in Second Isaiah”, JNES (), pp. – (p. ), S. McEvenue, “Who
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the more probable. First, the wider context of all of Isa :– invites the reader to make several identifications with regard to the various speakers and recipients of speech. For example, it implies that the speaker of unknown gender in verses ab– is a representative—presumably their leader—of the persons addressed by God in verses –. It further suggests that this speaker is to be identified with the female messenger in verse who is given the task of speaking to Zion (for my reading of úøùáî ïåéö, see chapter ). This, in turn, renders the first interpretation according to which the recipients of the commands in verses – are human (prophets) the more likely scenario. Furthermore, the best interpretation to date sees the doubts and the despondency of the words in :ab–, “among the most bitter lines in the Bible, comparable only to complaints of Job”,12 as a reflection of turmoil within the prophetic consciousness.13 It is difficult to imagine a member of the heavenly council, as proposed by the alternative interpretation, saying these words. Vincent criticizes this reading as overly psychological; yet his own interpretation, namely that Isa :– is a dialogue between cultic officials during a putative New Year’s festival,14 is unlikely given the lack of supporting evidence of this festival, let alone its content and performance. Secondly, in very sweeping terms, first person speech within prophetic books tends to belong either to God or to the prophet. As this is clearly not divine speech,15 it is probable on merely statistical grounds that the speaker is a prophet. Thirdly, the MT of Zech :, pointed as a sg imperfect + waw consecutive, provides a parallel to Isa :,16 in view of which Isa : is not a call narrative per se. Instead, as in Zech :, the prophet speaks as s/he is given a glimpse into the doings of the heavenly council. was Second Isaiah?”, Studies in the Book of Isaiah. FS W.A.M. Beuken (eds J. van Ruiten and M. Vervenne, BETL , Leuven, Leuven University Press, ), pp. –, Seitz, “Divine Council”, pp. –, Seitz, Zion’s Final Destiny, pp. –. 12 McEvenue, “Who was Second Isaiah”, p. . 13 E.g. C. Westermann, Das Buch Jesaja. Kapitel – (ATD , Göttingen, Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht, ), pp. –. 14 J.M. Vincent, Studien zur literarischen Eigenart und auf geistigen Heimat von Jesaja: Kap. – (Beiträge zur biblischen Exegese und Theologie , Frankfurt a.M., ), pp. –. 15 For a contrary opinion, see Ackroyd, “Isaiah –”, p. . Ackroyd suggests that, in line with àøå÷ ìå÷ in Isa :, God is the speaker in Isa : and he is the one who poses the rhetorical question “what should one say?” This interpretation is, however, difficult to accept. 16 Interestingly, the LXX omits the phrase, while the Vulgate and the Peshitta attests to a sg.m. reading. See further discussion in C.L. Meyers and E.M. Meyers, Haggai, Zechariah (AB B, Doubleday, New York, ), pp. –.
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These considerations present us with the following scenario. In Isa :–, God calls for people who can comfort Zion. In :ab–, one of these people, presumably a (female) prophet,17 objects to this task in the manner of the prophets of old, only to be overruled (v. ) and reconfirmed in her task (v. ). This scenario, in turn, contributes to the general impression of an individual prophet who is responsible for the oracles to Jerusalem in the subsequent text. In other words, the final form of Isa :– invites the reader to understand the rest of Isa – as the divine oracles conveyed by this distinct prophetic figure as the representative of a larger group of prophets.18 S/he is given the task of comforting Jerusalem, and, in response, s/he expresses words of doubt and laments the frailty and transient state of humankind. ... Isaiah :b; :–; :; :b; :– In addition to Isa :ab–, other passages in Isa – contain first person speech. In Isa :b, the MT records a first plural voice (åæ åì åðàèç), in contrast to the LXX which contains a third plural address ( μρτοσαν ατω). This verse is part of the longer section of Isa :–, –, a section that involves more than one addressee. While verse speak directly to a m.pl. audience, verses – refer in m.sg. to God’s blind and deaf servant / messenger (for the servant motif, cf. vv. –). Together, these three verses appear to be uttered by God, and they probably address the people about a particular (male) person who has failed in many of his duties. As in Isa :, verse refers to a messenger, although using different nouns and masculine forms (êàìî, íìùî). The following verses – refer to God in the third person, and speak of the people, identified as Jacob-Israel, in m.pl. In the midst of this section, as noted above, the MT of verse b contains pl. speech. In my view, the MT can be maintained, creating the following scenario: verses –
17
As pointed out by McEvenue, “Who Was Second Isaiah”, pp. –, if this were the case, the imperatives in aa would still in m.sg. (àø÷), as the identity of the one to be called is yet undetermined, but this is later answered by the (feminine) character in ab. He further suggests connecting the female voice of Isa : with that of the anonymous voice in verse (following the reading of QIsaa, reading it as a feminine particle), and he argues that the same female voice appear in v. , to be identified with the herald to Jerusalem. 18 Cf. D. Michel, “Das Rätsel Deuterojesaja”, Studien zur Überlieferungsgeschichte alttestamentlicher Texte (TB , Gütersloh, Chr. Kaiser Verlag, ), pp. –. See also Goldingay and Payne, Isaiah –, I, pp. –.
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contain God’s reproach to the people and to a specific person who may be identified as a prophet because of his identification as a êàìî, i.e. as a messenger. Verses – would then contain the response, spoken by this prophet and his colleagues, accepting the brunt of God’s accusation but also, as in Isa :ab–, implicating God. As a whole, Isa :– implies that one person, called God’s servant and possibly a prophetic character, is speaking on behalf of a larger group. In contrast, the speech addressed to God in Isa :– (see also chapter ), addressed to God, does not tell us anything about the identity of the person(s) responsible for it. Likewise, Isa : contains little in terms of specific information about the identity of its speakers. In this verse, an anonymous group of people speaks of “our redeemer” (ìàøùé ùåã÷ åîù úåàáö §ä åðìàâ). This is an independent statement within the oracle to Babylon (Isa ), and it appears to be a comment responding to God’s promise in the preceding verse b.19 Goldingay and Payne identify this voice with the prophet20 while Berges regards it as being uttered by Jacob-Israel (cf. the preceding Isa :–), representing those in the golah community who are returning to Judah.21 Both interpretations have merit, yet it is slightly easier to account for a prophetic voice in the midst of this oracle than that of Jacob-Israel. JacobIsrael is nowhere mentioned in this passage and, apart from Isa :, his voice is seldom heard in the rest of Isa –. It is therefore possible, but no more than that, that the anonymous speech in Isa : represents the voice of a group of prophets. Isa :b which seems detached from its immediate textual context, may provide more information about the prophetic figure within Isa – and/or about the prophetic author(s) responsible for Isa –. It is immediately preceded by a divine oracle (a),22 and it features an individual, distinct from God, who speaks in first person: §ä éðãà äúòå åçåøå éðçìù = “and now the lord YHWH has sent me, and his spirit”.23 The Targum adds àéáð øîà, thus testifying to an early tradition in which
19 See further also J. Goldingay and D. Payne, Isaiah –, Vol. II (ICC, London, T&T Clark, ), p. . 20 See further Goldingay and Payne, Isaiah, II, p. . 21 U. Berges, Jesaja – (HtKAT, Freiburg, Herder, ), p. . 22 See the discussion by Blenkinsopp, Isaiah –, p. , who points out that the content of v. a is necessarily spoken by God. Cf. Berges, Jesaja, p. . 23 LXX: κα τ πνε μα ατο —“and his spirit” (nominative). Likewise, the Vulgate has et spiritus eius (nominative).
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this verse was understood to have been uttered by the (male) prophet. Modern scholars often advocate similar interpretations which identify the speaker with either the prophet and/or with the Servant.24 The identification of the speaker with the Servant is based primarily on the fact that the phrase §ä éðãà, used in the speech here in :b, appears elsewhere only in the Servant’s speech (Isa :, , , ). Blenkinsopp, for example, interprets Isa :b as the authorial voice, identical with that of the Servant.25 Snaith, by contrast, identifies the Servant with Jacob-Israel as a result of the address to Jacob-Israel in the preceding verse ,26 as does Berges, who identifies the speaker in verse b with the Babylonian prophetic community that, symbolized by the Servant, is prepared to leave Babylon and return to Jerusalem.27 The use of the term åçåø favours a prophetic subject for is elsewhere employed, although not exclusively, to denote prophetic commission (cf. Zech :; probably also Isa : [used together with the phrase §ä éðãà]). Although both these verses may be dependent on Isa :b, they show an early understanding of Isa :b as a prophetic commissioning.28 According to this reading, verse b provides the introduction to the subsequent divine oracle in verses –.29 One final alternative holds that verse b represents the speech of Cyrus since he is most likely the anonymous object of the preceding verses – .30 None of these possibilities can be proven conclusively. To treat each one in turn, I hesitate, first, to assign the speech of verse b to the Servant, since this persona is nowhere mentioned in the immediate context of Isa . Similarly, I do not wish to identify Jacob-Israel with the Servant because, as shall be discussed further in chapter , these two
24 For a comprehensive overview of the different scholarly opinion, see J.L. Koole, Isaiah. Part , Volume : Isaiah – (HCOT, Kampen, the Netherlands, Kok Pharos, ), pp. –. 25 Koole, Isaiah. III/, p. , Blenkinsopp, Isaiah –, p. . 26 N.H. Snaith, “Isaiah –: A Study of the Teaching of the Second Isaiah and its Consequences”, Studies in the Second Part of the Book of Isaiah (eds N.H. Snaith and H.M. Orlinsky, VTS , Leiden, Brill, ), pp. –. 27 Berges, Jesaja –, p. . 28 Paul, Isaiah –, p. . Cf. Goldingay and Paine, Isaiah, II, pp. –. 29 J. Goldingay, The Message of Isaiah –: A Literary-Theological Commentary (London, T&T Clark, ), p. . 30 E.g. L.G. Rignell, A Study of Isaiah Ch. – (LUÅ /, Lund, C.W.K. Gleerup, ), p. , J.L. McKenzie, Second Isaiah: Introduction, Translation and Notes (AB, Garden City, N.Y., Doubleday, ), p. .
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characters convey opposite theological outlooks. It is tempting, given the context, to see Cyrus as the speaker, yet, in my view, the use of åçåø in the context of prophetic commissioning strongly suggests that we should see the first person speech in verse b as uttered by the same character as that in Isa :ab–: the prophetic speaker. In many respects this character shares a similar theological outlook with the Servant, but the text of Isa – does not support the equation of the two. The last passage to attest first person speech, Isa :–, contains a first person plural voice that speaks about the Servant. The speakers identify themselves as those on behalf of whom the Servant suffers. What is immediately noticeable is that this voice, like the one in Isa :b, sides with the sinners in the community. Further, as in Isa :, there is a link between the speaker and a servant figure (who may or may not be the same character). In Isa :– it is clear that the speaker is not identical with the Servant, while in Isa : it is possible that the Servant is one among the speakers. It is possible that this voice represents the prophetic voice but this cannot be verified. In conclusion, the bulk of Isa – gives a voice to various spokespersons in the community. It contains both first person singular (:b and possibly :–) and plural (Isa :b; :; :– and possibly :–) speech. None of these voices can be assigned unequivocally to a prophetic speaker, though, at the same time, nothing precludes it. Similarly, although there are links between this speaker and a servant figure, it is unclear whether the two are synonymous. We can conclude that although there is some evidence of a prophetic speaker within Isa –, the specifically prophetic identity of this speaker is nowhere highlighted. ... Isaiah :–, – In addition to the aforementioned passages, Isa – contains other passages in which a prophetic persona may speak. In particular, there are passages in which the speaker refers to God in the third person. These passages indirectly imply a prophetic persona within the text. To take one example, someone, presumably the prophet, refers in Isa :– to God’s arm, a metaphor for God’s executive power (e.g. Ps :). More significant for our purposes is Isa :– (cf. chapter ), which consists of a call to Jerusalem (vv. –aa) in which God is referred to in sg. (vv. , ) and a divine oracle (vv. ab–). The important verse in the present context is Isa :.
chapter one : Two (things), these are happening to you31 (êéúàø÷ äðä íéúù). Who will lament for you (êì ãåðé éî)? The devastation and the destruction and the famine and the sword: who was I to comfort you (êîçðà éî)?
The consonantal text of the MT contains a sg. reference that may refer to a single prophetic figure (êîçðà éî). In contrast, the LXX has a third person statement (τ ς σε παρακαλ σει = “who can comfort you?”), as does the V (quis consolabitur te = “who can comfort you?”) and QIsaa (êîçðé).32 Yet despite this variance, the MT can be maintained without problems as a prophetic voice.33 Understood as prophetic speech, verse resembles the first person speech in Isa :ab–, both in tone and in content. It should be conceded, at the same time, that there are a few indications that suggest that God is the speaker. As it is his prerogative throughout Isa – to comfort Zion-Jerusalem (Isa :; :; :), it could be argued, for instance, that he would lament his own short-comings here in Isa :. Even so, I find it likelier that Isa :– contains prophetic speech, conveying the prophet’s lament that s/he feels unable to fulfil the task that s/he was given in Isa :– to comfort Jerusalem (see further chapter ). ... Isaiah :, b; :– Isa – contains another two passages that are uttered in first person singular (Isa :, b; :–). They both appear in what is traditionally called the Servant Songs. Isa :– contains the first person speech of an individual person who states that God has called him before he was born to be his (male) servant (vv. , , —m.sg. ãáò). His task is akin to but surpasses that of a prophet: he is to be God’s servant, to bring Jacob back to God, to establish the tribes of Jacob, to restore the survivors of Israel, to be a light to the nations and to enable God’s salvation to reach the ends of the earth (v. ). We learn little about his identity. Most Jewish as well as many
31 According to BDB, pp. b–a, the root àø÷ here is not an unusual form of the root äø÷ = “to encounter, befall”. 32 This reading is followed by several scholars, among them Blenkinsopp, Isaiah –, p. . 33 See, e.g., Goldingay and Payne, Isaiah, II, pp. –, whose translation reads “Who was I to comfort you?” Payne and Goldingay suggest tentatively that the form êîçðà is a composite form of çðà and íçð.
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modern scholars assume that the speaker is a prophet.34 He is identified with Israel in verse , a reading that is supported by QIsaa, T and LXX,35 though several scholars regard the word “Israel” as an early gloss because of its apparent contradiction with verses –, (see further the discussion in chapter ).36 Isa :– relates the experiences of a non-gender-specific individual. As s/he defines him- or herself as a disciple (íéãåîìë òîùì—v. ), s/he implicitly refers to him/herself as part of a group of people. The following verses – then contain speech by another speaker who refers to the Servant in the third person. Although this speaker refers to God in the third person in verse , he is probably to be identified with God owing to the content of verse b.37 Furthermore it is likely, although not strictly necessary, that the (male) Servant, being referred to in the latter person’s speech, can be identified with the speaker of verses –. If this is the case, then this passage depicts God as encouraging the own audience to listen to the Servant. Brenner suggests a different reading, based on a different division of the text. Rather than accepting the traditional division between the divine oracle (Isa :–) and the third Servant Song (Isa :–, – ), she argues that it is a fruitful exercise to read these passages together because they are placed together by either the author or the redactor.38 She argues that both the image of a woman (:–) and that of a servant / slave (ãáò) (:–/) signify weakness and dependence.39 Brenner tentatively suggests that since nothing precludes us from associating the speech in verses – with a feminine speaker, the textual speaker is actually the metaphorical Jerusalem / Israel in her function as bereaved wife and as mother soon to be rehabilitated. On this interpretation, Isa
34
E.g. Blenkinsopp, Isaiah –, p. (seer), Goldingay and Paine, Isaiah, II, pp. –. See also J.L. Koole, Isaiah, Part , Volume : Isaiah – (HCOT, Kampen, the Netherlands, Kok Pharos, ), p. , who provides a succinct overview of the various interpretative options. 35 E.g. Goldingay and Paine, Isaiah, II, p. . 36 E.g. Blenkinsopp, Isaiah –, p. , contra Koole, Isaiah, III/, pp. –, who argues that the Servant is called Israel because it is his task to restore Israel. 37 Cf. Koole, Isaiah, III/, p. , and Goldingay and Paine, Isaiah, II, p. . 38 A. Brenner, “Identifying the Speaker-in-Text and the Reader’s Location in Prophetic Texts: The Case of Isaiah ”, A Feminist Companion to Reading the Bible: Approaches, Methods and Strategies (eds A. Brenner and C. Fontaine, Sheffield, Sheffield Academic Press, ), pp. –. She highlights that bothwives and chattel / slaves / minors are often equated economically. 39 Brenner, “The Case of Isaiah ”, p. .
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:– is a dialogue between God, i.e. the implied speaker-in-text of verses – (vv. –), and the implied audience of the text, which becomes a (metaphorical) female speaking voice in verses –.40 Brenner further compares Isa : with Isa : which states that Zion’s children will be taught by God (§ä éãåîì). Based on this parallel, in Isa :, God’s action can be interpreted as giving Jerusalem the language of teaching.41 According to Brenner’s reading, the Servant and Jerusalem merge to a certain extent. Yet, as I shall explore further in chapter , there are good reasons for keeping the Servant and Zion-Jerusalem distinct, and instead seeing them as partly complementary dramatic personae. Returning to the possibility of a prophetic speaker in Isa –, the Targum (cf. Isa :b) paraphrases the word “servant” in the whole of :– as “servant, the prophet” (vv. [éäåéáð àçìùì], [àééáð éäåãáò]), thus identifying the Servant with the prophet. While this is indeed a possible reading, it should be borne in mind that little in the actual text supports this identification. Moving to the question of authorship of Isa –, several modern scholars conclude, on the basis of Isa :, that the various strands in Isa – were composed by a group of people.42 Albertz, for example, suggests that this so-called “Deutero-Isaiah group” stood in the tradition of non-priestly cultic personnel, possibly cultic prophets, owing to the mixture of psalmic and prophetic languages in Isa –.43 Yet, to take this interpretation is to go beyond what the text allows. First, it is more likely that the speaker in verses –, rather than the Servant in verses –, represents a prophetic persona. Secondly, it is unjustified to assume that we have multiple authors of the text merely because the Servant within the text sees himself as a disciple. ... Conclusion To conclude, the textual support for the idea of a person named “DeuteroIsaiah”, either as a literary character or as a historical person, is meagre. 40
Brenner, “The Case of Isaiah ”, p. . Brenner, “The Case of Isaiah ”, p. . 42 Eaton, “Origin of the Book of Isaiah”, pp. –, R. Albertz, “Darius in Place of Cyrus: The First Edition of Deutero-Isaiah (Isaiah .–.) in bce”, JSOT (), pp. – (esp. , note ), and R. Albertz, Israel in Exile: The History and Literature of the Sixth Century B.C.E (trans. D. Green, Studies in Biblical Literature, Atlanta, GA., SBL, ), p. . 43 Albertz, Israel in Exile, pp. –. 41
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Furthermore, what evidence there is paints a somewhat surprising picture. Isa :–, ab– and introduce the reader to a group of human beings who are being commissioned to bring the good news to Jerusalem. Among them, we hear the doubting voice of a person of unknown gender speaking in the first person, and we learn that a female messenger is given the task of speaking to Jerusalem. The reader encounters other first person speakers of unknown gender throughout Isa – (:b; :–; :; :b; :–), but, although a few indicators suggest a prophetic persona, this cannot be determined conclusively. In addition, a male individual who refers to himself as God’s servant, speaks in Isa :–, yet it is extremely uncertain whether this Servant coincides with the author of Isa –. Finally, an individual speaks again in Isa :– who is identified as God’s servant by the following oracle (vv. – ). This individual speaker may or may not be identical with the Servant mentioned in Isa :– and/or with the male Servant in Isa :– and :–:. In the midst of this uncertainty, I hesitate to equate the Servant(s) with a prophetic persona within Isa – (i.e. Isa :ab–; :b; possibly also :b; :–; :; :–, –; :–). Instead, I prefer to see the Servant, alongside Daughter Zion, as one of the many voices that play a role within Isa –. Given this inconclusive data, it follows that it is even more difficult to speak of “the prophet” or “Second Isaiah” as the author of Isa –, even though he/she may very well have existed. Rather, it is preferable to speak of anonymous (prophetic) author(s) of Isa – or parts thereof. There may indeed have been an individual who, owing to his/her literary creativity and flair for language, functioned as the leader of a group that took collective responsibility for proclaiming the good news of Isa – and for continuing the tradition over subsequent generations,44 but this is beyond our ken. I shall therefore relate to the people responsible for the text of Isa – as a whole as authors (plural): but, at the same time, I remain open to the possibility that these different authors may in fact reflect but one person’s opinions over an extended period of time. As to the geographical whereabouts of this prophetic group, the text is silent.
44
Albertz, Israel in Exile, pp. –.
chapter one .. A Female Author of Isaiah –?
As we have seen, the text of Isa – is silent about the gender of the first person speaker in Isa – for obvious grammatical reasons. In view of this ambiguity, it cannot be ruled out a priori that one of the authors behind Isa – might have been a woman. There were female prophets in Ancient Israel and in the Ancient Near East,45 and female prophets are referred to matter-of-factly throughout the entire Hebrew Bible (Miriam, Deborah, “Mrs Isaiah”, Huldah, “women prophesying” [Ezek :–], Noadiah).46 It is thus possible that there could have been female biblical prophetic authors.47 In fact, in the particular case of Isa –, there are some indications that suggest female authorship, to which we shall now turn. To begin with, Isa – contains a relatively large number of metaphors likening God to a woman.48 God is described as a mother in the physical roles of giving birth (:; :) and in the traditionally maternal role of nurturing a child (:; :; :, ) and comforting (:; :; cf. :). Indeed, the word íçð often corresponds to the phonetically similar word íçø (“compassion / womb”). Moreover, Isa – consistently refers to female socio-sexual roles like virgin daughter, bride, wife, barren woman, divorced woman and widow (Isa :–, ; 45 See, e.g., M. Nissinen, “The Socioreligious Role of the Neo-Assyrian Prophets”, Prophecy in its Ancient Near Eastern Context: Mesopotamian, Biblical, and Arabian Perspectives (ed. M. Nissinen, Symposium, Atlanta, GA., SBL, ), pp. –, and W.C. Gafney, Daughters of Miriam: Women Prophets in Ancient Israel (Minneapolis, Fortress, ), pp. –. 46 See, e.g., the recent monograph on the topic by I. Fischer, Gotteskünderinnen: Zu einer geschlechterfairen Deutung des Phänomens der Prophetie und der Prophetinnen in der Hebräischen Bible (Stuttgart, Kohlhammer, ). 47 Brenner, “The Case of Isaiah ”, p. , and A. Brenner and F. Dijk-Hemmes, On Gendering Texts: Female and Male Voices in the Hebrew Bible (Biblical Interpretation, Leiden, Brill, ), pp. –, –. Brenner and Dijk-Hemmes define a “voice” as indicating orality within writing, the sum of speech assigned to a fictive person or the narrator within a text. This voice belongs to the persona who holds the primary subject position in the text, and, as such, often constitutes the narrator’s voice. The question to ask then is not so much “who wrote this?” but “who speaks?”, “whose viewpoint is dominant?”, “who focalizes the actions?” See also C. Camp, Wisdom and the Feminine in the Book of Proverbs (Bible and Literature Series , Sheffield, Almond Press, ), e.g., p. . 48 See further the recent study by H. Løland, Silent or Salient Gender? The Interpretation of Gendered God-Language in the Hebrew Bible, exemplified in Isaiah , , and (FAT II/, Tübingen, Mohr Siebeck, ), who looks especially at the use of feminine god-language in Isa :–; :– and :–. She does not, however, draw any conclusions regarding the gender of the author(s) of Isa –.
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:–; :; :, ).49 Also, the imagery related to God in Isa :– is derived from tasks that are traditionally associated with motherhood.50 In view of this, a small group of scholars have raised the possibility that the author of Isa – was actually a woman. McEvenue, for example, argues that a female prophet (whom he identifies with the speaker in Isa :ab–) composed Isa – and chose all the metaphors of children, birth and home that so characterize text.51 Secondly, much of the general imagery in Isa – relate to female concerns. Stone, for example, understands the command to Jerusalem to “lie down so we can walk over you” (:) and the statement that “the uncircumcised and the unclean will enter you no more” (:) as allusions to rape, as “to walk over” (øáò) and “to come into” (àåá) appears to have sexual connotations. References to a raped Jerusalem in texts referring to its destruction in bc would be apt, since rape was customary behaviour for conquering invaders. Stone thus argues that the voice behind Isa :–: is that of an exilic woman who was raped following the fall of Jerusalem.52 She further argues that the anonymous prophet behind Isa – sees the patriarchy of Israel itself as evil. She argues that Isa – blames the male population (e.g. Isa :–; :–, –), symbolized by Jacob (the men within the exilic community) and Israel (the nation now in exile), for God’s anger, while Zion is pardoned and is made to serve as God’s agent (Isa :). In fact, Stone claims that there are no negative images of women in Isa –. Notably, the woman in :– is described as a victim, and she is never accused of unfaithfulness or harlotry (contra Ezek , ), and even chapter describes Babylon as a woman and as a sister victim. Furthermore, Isa – contains “numerous reflections from gendered reality”. The “breaking of silence” (:), for example, alludes to the phenomenon of cultural silence, i.e. of restraining one’s speech and of holding one’s peace, a phenomenon strongly identified with women.53 Finally, Stone further points out that Isa : is the only text in the 49 See Landy, “Ghostly Prelude”, p. , B. Wheeler Stone, “Second Isaiah: Prophet to Patriarchy”, JSOT (), pp. –. 50 M.Z. Brettler, “Incompatible Metaphors for YHWH in Isaiah –”, JSOT (), pp. –. 51 McEvenue, “Second Isaiah”, pp. –. 52 Stone, “Second Isaiah”, pp. –. 53 Stone, “Second Isaiah”, pp. –. See also M.I. Gruber, “The Motherhood of God in Second Isaiah”, RB (), pp. –, and “Feminine Similes Applied to the LORD in Second Isaiah”, Beer Sheva (), pp. – (Hebrew). Gruber argues that the author
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Hebrew Bible outside of Genesis that mentions Sarah.54 Stone concludes by arguing that, because traditional roles tend to break down in times of chaos, the female prophet responsible for Isa – was able rise to prominence in exile. As a female exile, she is a victim of both sexual and political oppression.55 Stone’s interpretations of Isa : and : are convincing and constitute yet another factor that suggests female authorship of at least parts of Isa –. Her claim regarding changing gender roles in times of crisis is also borne out by the research of especially Meyers, Hackett and Ackerman.56 With this said, Stone’s emphasis on the exile is unjustified because the arguments concerning changed gender roles apply equally well to both those taken into exile and those who remained behind in Judah. Indeed, the latter community is probably more likely to have been open for less conventional types of leadership than the former as it was bereft of its old leadership.57 Along the same lines, the pillaging NeoBabylonian soldiers, whose acts of brutality inform parts of the female imagery in the text, probably did not differentiate between the women who were to remain in Judah and those who were to be taken into exile. Besides, given the time gap between bc and the likely date of Isa – near bc, a woman who was raped in bc would unlikely have been alive to tell the tale in bc. This does not, of course, disqual-
of Isa – chose the material comparisons for God in order to respond to and to balance the attitudes expressed in Jeremiah and Ezekiel that presented the faith of Israel as a male religion and that gave women little value. 54 Stone, “Second Isaiah”, p. . 55 Stone, “Second Isaiah”, p. . 56 See further J.A. Hackett, “In the Days of Jael: Reclaiming the History of Women in Ancient Israel”, Immaculate and Powerful: The Female in Sacred Image and Social Reality (eds C.W. Atkinson, D.H. Buchanan and M.R. Miles, Boston, Mass., Beacon, ), pp. –, who argues that that there is a often direct correlation between the increase in the centralization of the institutions of a society and a decline in participation by women within those same institutions. Furthermore, in times of social dysfunction— e.g. war—there is potential for an elevation in the status and power among women. See also C. Meyers, Discovering Eve: Ancient Israelite Women in Context (Oxford, Oxford University Press, ), pp. –, –, who argues that the role of women is significant in societies where the domestic sphere is not highly differentiated from the political realm, and she further points out that in pioneering societies, it is not uncommon for women to participate in military actions (cf. Deborah). Cf. S. Ackerman, “Why Is Miriam Also among the Prophets? (And Is Zipporah among the Priests?)”, JBL (), pp. –. 57 T. Cohn Eskenazi, “Out From the Shadows: Biblical Women in the Post-Exilic Era”, A Feminist Companion to Samuel and Kings (ed. A. Brenner, Sheffield, Sheffield University Press, ), pp. –.
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ify Stone’s argument about female authorship. As rape is usually a crime against women, it is likely that a female author, regardless of whether she herself were a victim of rape, would feel more inclined to cry out against it than a male author.58 I also do not agree with Stone’s reading of Isa :, as already hinted above. As I will discuss in greater detail below (chapter ), Zion is unlikely to be the herald of good news in :, given the degree to which she is wounded and doubtful. I also remain unconvinced by Stone’s argument that the treatment of Babylon in Isa is “sisterly”. On the contrary, the portrayal of Babylon as a young woman sexually humiliated and abused by God is rather vicious.59 It is, of course, important to remember that the use of female imagery does not necessarily imply that the author is a woman. Likewise, the employment of female imagery in biblical texts is not in and of itself any indication that women had a significant place in society, not even in the case of the mother.60 Several scholars have thus opted to understand the female imagery in other ways than as an indication of female authorship. Berges, for example, argues that it is Zion’s female identity that influences that of God, so that he comes to be depicted as a woman (:).61 From a different angle, Kaiser suggests that the female metaphors are expressions of a constructed persona, a mask behind which a male poet could express the fullest intensity of his emotions.62 Stone correctly points out, however, that such an analysis abstracts figures of speech and obscures the fact that sexually conditioned experience (such as rape) can influence the ways in which an author expresses him/her-self.63 Scholars have also suggested that this material imagery may derive from sources other than the author’s gender. Gruber argues that the prophet behind Isa – borrowed the idea of a mother goddess from
58
Of course, male authors can and do also use the notion of rape metaphorically. See, e.g., the discussion in P. Gordon and H.C. Washinton, “Rape as a Military Metaphor in the Hebrew Bible”, A Feminist Companion to the Latter Prophets (ed. A. Brenner, Sheffield, Sheffield Academic Press, ), pp. –. What singles out its use in Isa : and : is, however, the fact that it aims to rouse compassion for the victim. 59 S. Moughtin-Mumby, Sexual and Marital Metaphors in Hosea, Jeremiah, Isaiah, and Ezekiel (OTM, Oxford, Oxford University Press, ), p. . 60 Brenner, “The Case of Isaiah ”, pp. –. 61 U. Berges, “Personification and Prophetic Voices of Zion in Isaiah and Beyond”, The Elusive Prophet: The Prophet as a Historical Person, Literary Character and Anonymous Artist (ed. J.C. de Moor, OTS , Leiden, Brill, ), p. . 62 B.B. Kaiser, “Poet as ‘Female Impersonator’: The Image of Daughter Zion as Speaker in Biblical Poems of Suffering”, JR (), pp. –. 63 Stone, “Second Isaiah”, p. .
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Babylonian culture,64 a claim that has not been generally accepted by scholars. In response to Gruber, Schmitt points out that the Babylonian exile represents an unlikely time for such an introduction, as the NeoBabylonian cult, in contrast to the Neo-Assyrian one, did not value Ishtar very highly. Schmitt suggests that if the maternal idea did come from outside Israel, which he thinks unlikely, Canaan would have been a likelier point of origin.65 Ultimately, Schmitt argues that the motherhood of God parallels the motherhood of Zion in her goodness and constancy, thus, the female image of Jerusalem came first, that of God second. “Second Isaiah clearly understood and expressed the ancient tradition and imagery of that city as mother [ . . . ] this image should be taken as the inspiration for the depiction of God as mother”.66 To sum up, given the scarcity of information concerning the identity and the gender of the author(s) behind Isa –, even the smallest hint is valuable. We cannot prove that one of the authors behind Isa – was a woman, but, at the same time, it also cannot be ruled out. The unusually high number of metaphors traditionally associated with women’s sphere of life, such as nurturing and comforting, together with the positive image of Daughter Zion, the references to particular female evils such as rape and the references to child-labour are all suggestive of an author, of either gender, who used language to which women of that time could easily relate. In addition, it is possible that the collapse of traditional leadership in the templeless Period enabled a female prophet to make her mark upon the literature of Ancient Israel. In view of this, I shall refer to the author of passages in Isa – as s/he, and I shall remain open to the possibility that any hypothetic Isaianic School might have included female prophets. .. A Temple-Singer Author of Isaiah –? It has also been argued that a group of temple singers were responsible for the material in Isa –. This view is based primarily on the similarities 64 65
Gruber, “Motherhood of God”, p. . J.J. Schmitt, “The Motherhood of God and Zion as Mother”, RB (), pp. –
. 66 Schmitt, “Motherhood of God”, pp. –. Cf. M.C.A. Korpel, “The Female Servant of the Lord in Isaiah ”, On Reading Prophetic Texts: Gender-Specific and Related Studies in Memory of Fokkelien van Dijk-Hemmes (eds B. Becking and M. Dijkstra, Leiden, Brill, ), p. , who does not regards it as a surprise that the prophet foresees an active role for Zion as the female servant of God.
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between the language of the Psalter and that of Isa –.67 The fact that the book of Chronicles connects the music-making of Asaph, Heman and Jeduthun with prophecy points in the same direction ( Chron :), as does the fact that the same three men are referred to as “seers” (äæç) in Chron : (Heman), in Chron : (Asaph) and in Chron : (Asaph, Heman and Jeduthun).68 In view of this, Berges argues that such a group, first in Babylon (ca. bc) and later in Jerusalem, composed the oracles in Isa –.69 Weber further demonstrates that there are thematic similarities between the Asaphite Psalms (Pss ; –; – *) and Isa –. In her view, this interdependency between these texts suggests that a group of (Asaphite) temple singers was responsible for composing, transmitting and/or editing the exilic and the post-exilic portions of Isa –.70 While this identification is possible, it rests on rather meagre textual support. Thus, until more research has been done in this area, it must remain merely a possibility to which we should not attach too much significance. With regard to the geographical question, to which we shall turn shortly, it is worth noting that nothing in this interpretation precludes a Judahite origin of Isa –. Weber, for example, stresses the similarities between Isa :–:, a lament of Judahite origin (see further chapter ), and Pss – and in their ways of dealing with the catastrophic situation.71 Furthermore, the evidence suggests that cultic singers would have been active in the Jewish communities in both Babylon and templeless Judah. Keel, for example, argues that while the Asaph psalms may stem from the golah, the Heman and Jeduthun psalms may have originated in templeless Judah.72 If Keel’s claim is correct, then an identification of the authors behind Isa – with cultic singers would not contradict a Judahite provenance of the same time.
67
Berges, Jesaja –, pp. –. J.W. Kleinig, The Lord’s Song: The Basis, Function, and Significance of Choral Music in Chronicles (JSOTS , Sheffield, JSOT Press, ), pp. –. 69 Berges, Jesaja –, pp. –. 70 B. Weber, “ ‘Asaf ’ und ‘Jesaja’: Eine komparatistische Studie zur These von Tempelsängern als für Jesaja – verantwortlichem Trägerkreis”, OTE / (), pp. – . 71 Weber, “ ‘Asaf ’ und ‘Jesaja’ ”, pp. –. 72 O. Keel, Die Geschichte Jerusalems und die Entstehung des Monotheismus, Vol. (Orte und Landschaften der Bible IV, , Göttingen, Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht, ), p. . See also Berges, Jesaja –, p. . 68
chapter one .. Summary
To sum up, the data within Isa – does not justify speaking about an anonymous, individual prophetic author of Isa –. Isa – may, in fact, be the work of one person, but this must remain a conjecture. Furthermore, it is plausible that the anonymous first person prophetic speakers in Isa – and the authors of the same text can be equated. As to the gender of these authors, some textual evidence suggests a female author. Finally, as to the exact professional identity of these authors, it is possible that some of them had close ties to the temple and its singers.
. Geography and Date The identification of Isa – as an independent literary unity not composed by Isa ben Amos is a hypothesis resulting from historical criticism. It is primarily the shared dating of the various chapters in Isa – that holds them together. This dating sets Isa – apart from the preceding chapters – and the following chapters –, sections that, in my opinion, contain later material that dates from the final quarter of the sixth century bc as well as from the fifth century bc. If we reject this shared dating, other possible literary units appear, such as Isa –, or –, or – and –, or ; –; –, or even – etc. As to shared themes and theology, many themes in Isa – are also to be found in especially Isa and –. The situation is complicated by the fact that, if we accept the possibility that multiple authors may be responsible for Isa –, then we must concede that one passage within Isa – may not shed light on the dating of others. Further compounding the problem is the fact that the texts in Isa – do not give many hints as to their date. Nowhere do they specify the situation at which the speeches were directed. The evidence of the context of Isa – is of a much more indirect character, consisting in things like the twofold mention of the name Cyrus and references to the fall of Babylon and the escape from the city.73 In fact, the closest thing to a clear statement of the setting for Isa – is the narrative in Isa about Isaiah’s prophecy to Hezekiah concerning the exile to Babylon.74
73 74
Melugin, Formation, p. . Melugin, Formation, p. .
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The current monograph does not seek to provide a comprehensive dating scheme for the various passages in Isa –. In the present section, I wish to highlight and also challenge the correlation that is often though to exist between the geographic origin of a part of Isa – and its dating. I shall provide a short history of the research of this question, emphasizing the insights of particular scholars regarding the geographical provenance of the various texts within Isa –, while also challenging some of their presuppositions on the topic. We shall discover that while many individual verses of Isa – were likely composed in Judah, this in itself is seldom a sufficient reason for fracturing the passage into multiple textual layers. On the contrary, as I hope to demonstrate throughout this monograph, a Judahite perspective evident in one verse, combined with the authorial unity of the surrounding passage, supports the Judahite provenance of that same passage as a whole. The scholarly view that the chronological and geographical origin of Isa – correspond with each other goes far back. As early as , Haran argued that the earlier Isa – reflects a Babylonian setting while the later Isa – is shaped by its origins in Judah. Since Haran regards Isa – as the product of a single prophet, he postulates that this author must have begun his ministry in Babylon but later migrated to Judah.75 More recently, this view has been modified to take into account the lack of a distinct Deutero-Isaianic character; thus it is now common to regard Isa – as comprised of at least three chronologically distinct textual layers of differing geographical origins. The core layer is thought to have been composed by an individual or a group of peoples in the exilic community in Babylon shortly before bc. Later, either these same people or their disciples would have redacted the original core text and also added significant amounts of material to the gradually growing textual corpus of Isa – upon their arrival in Judah. This added material is thought to form at least two textual layers, dating from around bc and later. It is important to note the growing awareness that significant parts of Isa – are best understood as having been
75 M. Haran, “The Literary Structure and Chronological Framework of the Prophecies in Is. XL–XLVIII”, Congress Volume, Bonn (VTS , Leiden, Brill, ), pp. –. Haran further maintains that we are dealing with one rather than with many authors. This, according to Haran, is evident given the appearance of similar idioms and similar manners of speaking throughout all of Isa – (Isa –).
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composed in Judah. In the following survey, my aim is to highlight the interplay between chronological development and geographical setting in the various scholarly theories pertaining to the growth of Isa –. More subtly, I shall examine the rational behind many of these schemes: if it can be shown that the geographic perspective remains constant throughout a given textual unit, does that not remove the necessity in many of the cases of dividing the text into redactional layers? More specifically, I shall challenge the notion of a Babylonian core text: what if its authors lived in Judah? I shall also question the necessity of dating those texts that betray a Judahite perspective to the post-exilic period: what if it can be shown that the authors of Isa – never returned from Babylon because, quite simply, they were never there? Were that the case, then little remains that speaks in favour of dating these passages after the edict of Cyrus. Moreover, we would no longer need to interpret the literary motifs and theological ideas of those texts with a Judahite perspective as post-exilic phenomena. With that said, I do wish to retain the general notion that Isa – grew gradually over a certain amount of time. In his monograph, Kiesow argues that Isa – was composed in three main steps. He suggests that each layer ends with a hymn (Isa :–; :– and :–), and each layer begins with a section in Isa :– (see further chapter ). Kiesow’s arguments can be summed up in the following five points: . The core section (:–:*) was composed in Babylon and aimed at the exiles. These texts describe God as the powerful protector and master of history who will make possible the return of the exiles. This core reflects the perspective of the exilic community, portraying their (future) road back to Zion in poetic language.76 . In contrast, the first expansion (:–:*) is concerned with the fate of Zion and the rebuilding of the land. It adds Jerusalem to the material and emphasizes the theme of salvation and the dwelling of God’s glory in Jerusalem. As such, it presents a Judahite perspective and was written in Judah. . All subsequent expansions were also composed in Judah. The second expansion (Isa :–:) focuses on eschatological issues
76
Kiesow, Exodustexte, pp. –.
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(esp. :–). It introduces divine speech and dialogue as a new theme, focusing on the role of the individual prophet.77 . The bulk of Isa develops further the theme of Jerusalem as a new Eden, and speaks of an ingathering of the global Diaspora. . Lastly, Isa and :– contain traces of apocalyptic thinking and portray God as the vindicator of Israel. In sum, Kiesow maintains that the core composition has a Wegtheologie, i.e., a theology for pilgrimage from Babylon to Jerusalem that is not concerned with the actual arrival. Based on this interpretation, Isa :– :* comes to be seen as the result of a Jerusalem based redaction;78 and Isa :–: is taken to reflect Jerusalem-based concerns.79 Merendino, in his monograph, continues in the same tradition as Kiesow, although limiting his study to Isa –. He uses form criticism, redaction criticism and literary criticism, based mainly on style and vocabulary, in his analysis of the various passages. According to Merendino, parts of Isa – go back to an authentic prophet (DI) whose main audience was the Babylonian exilic community. This prophet did not leave behind a clearly defined and organized book (geschlossene Schrift) to us but a number of individual texts that form a written résumé of his preaching.80 Subsequent redactional layers transformed the core text in order to make it suitable for the community of returnees who were already established in Judah.81
77 Kiesow, Exodustexte, pp. –, –. Kiesow’s primary interest is tracing the development of the Exodus motif throughout the book of Isaiah, and he explores eight key texts in detail (Isa :–; :–; :–; :–; :–; :–; :– and :–). 78 Kiesow, Exodustexte, pp. –. 79 Kiesow, Exodustexte, pp. –. 80 R.P. Merendino, Der Erste und der Letzte: Eine Untersuchung von Jes – (VTS , Leiden, Brill, ), p. . 81 Merendino, Der Erste und der Letzte, p. . According to Merendino, the final text of Isa – consisted in two main parts: Isa :–:* and :–:*. In addition, there are the introductions to part (:–) and to part (:–:). Isa :– was then added to form the introduction to the whole of Isa :–: (p. ). The next step was the addition of :– and Isa :–: to Isa :–:. Then the servant songs (Isa :–, :–; :–; :–:) were added to the growing textual corpus. Finally, Isa :–, – and – were written, although by different redactors. The author responsible for :–, – was aware of the material in Isa – and connected it with Isa –. He then composed :–, –, to fit with specific ideas in Isa –. Isa :–, for example, is composed in view of Isa :–:, while Isa :– connects to the watchmen of Isa : (pp. –).
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Herminsson, in his important article from , deviates from the trend, seen in both Kiesow’s and Merendino’s research, of seeing only Isa –* as part of the Babylonian core. Instead he locates elements of the basic core of Isa – throughout both Isa – and –. More concretely, he argues that “Hätte Deuterojesaja seine Hörer nur in die Wüste geschickt und ihnen die Ankunft verweigert, hätte er ihren Unmut verdient”. In other words, the idea of a “pilgrimage” is a distinctly modern idea and the returning exiles certainly set out with the clear goal of reaching Judah in mind. He thus argues that the two parts of Isa – look at the issue of the return of the Babylonian exiles from two different perspectives: in Isa – the figure Jacob-Israel looks at the issue from the perspective of departure and journey; while, in Isa –, the figure Zion represents all of Israel from the perspective of arrival.82 Yet, despite this, Hermisson ultimately sees the whole text as infused by the exilic perspective of those who are either still in Babylon or who are new arrivals in Jerusalem. Steck’s collection of articles from brings together his redactional studies on Isa –. In these articles, he deals primarily with two issues, namely the Servant Songs and the passages about Zion that are found in Isa :–; :–, – and :–, and he discusses the roles of these texts within the redactional development of Isa –. Overall, Steck postulates nine developmental stages for Isa –, the last three of which were part of the creation of the larger book of Isaiah. Steck follows Hermisson in regarding the core text of Isa – as written from an exilic point of view and containing both departure and arrival perspectives.83 Steck also accepts the view that the oldest part of Isa – contains texts that announce the fall of Babylon and the return of the exiles and thus go back to a prophet living in exile in Babylon (Grundschicht—Isa ; :–; :–, –).84 In contrast, he argues that all subsequent redactional layers were composed in Judah over an extended period of time. The first three layers, the first redaction of Isa –*, were added prior to bc and reflect the concerns of the Jewish community in Babylon, whether under Babylonian or Persian rule (Zion-Fortschreibungen). The first of these lay-
82
Hermisson, “Einhet und Komplexität”, pp. –. Steck, Gottesknecht und Zion, pp. –, . Steck argues for a very large section of the core text dealing with the departure from Babylon (Isa :–:*) and a very small section dealing with the arrival (Isa :–; :–). 84 Steck, Gottesknecht und Zion, pp. –, . 83
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ers assures Zion that her children will return and that the city will be rebuilt (Isa :–a, , –; :–; :), the second layer continues on the same themes of return and rebuilding (Isa :–; :), and the third encourages both the returnees and Zion to trust in God’s power to save (Isa :–; :–; :; :–). Despite being composed in two different places, both the Grundschicht and the ZionFortschreibungen reflect the changing expectations of both those exiles still in Babylon and those who had returned. Steck then argues that Isa –* underwent a second redaction (Kyros-Ergänzungs-Schicht) around – bc, during the reign of Darius I.85 This redaction adds the Servant Songs that had until now circulated independently (EbedIsrael-Schicht) to the growing Isaianic corpus, and it links the Servant’s suffering with that of Lady Zion.86 After that, Steck postulates that yet another redaction (Heimkehrredaktion) occurred between – bc in which Isa :–: took the shape as we know it today. This redaction moves the focus away from the restoration to the role of Zion as mother and as destined queen. Steck argues that this change in focus is connected with a change of setting, since he suggests that these chapters were composed during the time of Nehemiah.87 Finally, between the years – bc, the Schlussredaktion of the book of Isaiah took place in which chapters Isa –, referring to the situation in Judah during the time of the Ptolemies, were completed. At this time, three final layers that form part of the editorial linking of Isa – and – were added to Isa –*. These layers focus on the eschatological repatriation of all the exiles and on God’s final judgment of Jerusalem’s enemies.88 Steck’s student Kratz followed suit in with a monograph on the formation of Isa –. This work focuses on the Cyrus texts89 that, according to Kratz, play a major role in the shaping of Isa –. Kratz uses form-critical research to argue that the final product of Isa
85
Steck, Gottesknecht und Zion, pp. –. Steck, Gottesknecht und Zion, pp. –. 87 Steck, Gottesknecht und Zion, pp. –. 88 Steck, Gottesknecht und Zion, pp. –, , –. See also J. van Oorschot, Von Babel zum Zion: Eine literarkritische und redaktionsgeschichtliche Untersuchung (BZAW , Berlin, de Gruyter, ), pp. –. The first of these layers includes Isa :–, –(?), –, b–; :–, –, the second layer contains Isa :; :, and the last layer contains Isa :–(?); :–a(?), b. 89 Isa :– [–], –; :–; :–; :–(), –; :()–; :– (a). 86
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– is problematic. Although Isa – exhibits an overarching unity in terms of content, it seems likely that it was composed from a large number of shorter and longer textual units that were placed in their current order by design to form the final version of the book. Kratz argues that this final form is filled with ambiguities and inconsistencies in its view points and motifs. In order to solve this problem, he postulates multiple redactional layers, each with its own intent and view point. In particular, Kratz detects a major break between Isa – and –. The former emphasizes the exodus out of exile by Israel-Jacob while the latter focuses on their return as the children of Zion. Kratz identifies five developmental stages of Isa –. First, he argues in favour of a Babylonian core collection (Grundschicht) that contains most of Isa :– :* and :–. He suggests that this core goes back to the prophet in exile, to be dated soon after bc. At the time in which the prophetic words were compiled, a framework consisting of Isa :–* and :– was added. In contrast to the core, however, this framework was composed in Judah, as it stands in the Jerusalem tradition of viewing God as enthroned in Zion. Likewise, Kratz goes on to argue that all further redactional layers were composed in Judah by the returned Golah community over the following century.90 Van Oorschot belongs in the same interpretative tradition as the aforementioned scholars. In his monograph, van Oorschot seeks to explain the fluctuation between universalistic and particularistic texts in Isa –. He understands Isa – to be the result of a tradition process that began with a core tradition in Babylon and reached its final form in Jerusalem, as indicated by the shifting focus towards Zion.91 Van Oorschot further supposes that this is a literary process. Although he assumes that some texts in Isa – can be traced back to a somewhat vague prophetic figure living in Babylon, we should focus on where Isa 90
Kratz, Kyros, pp. –, , (table). Van Oorschot, Von Babel, esp. pp. – (table), distinguishes between a core text, composed in Babylon (material from Isa :–:*, written in the period after bc), and six subsequent layers composed in Judah. The earliest of these layers is what he calls the Jerusalem redaction (die erste Jerusalemer Redaktion), including much of chapters , , , a prologue in Isa :–, – and an epilogue in :–, created around – bc. The text continued to expand throughout the fifth century, adding five separate layers to the text: the servant songs (Isa :–; :–; :–:), a “near-expectation” layer (Die Naherwartungsschicht) concerned with the wider Diaspora, a second “Zion-layer” (Die sekundäre Zionsschicht) including the third servant song (:–), and two final redactional layers, one which concerns “obedience and blessings” (Gehorsam und Segen), and one of which concerns idols (Die Götzenbilderschicht). 91
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– as a compilation of texts developed and reached its final form. He maintains that the bulk of Isa – is a product of Judah.92 Berges’s study follows the same trend. Berges envisions a fivestage development of Isa – of which only the core material stems from Babylon: . The Babylonian core, containing only a small part of :–:*, stems from – bc . The golah redaction, containing much, but not all, of Isa –*, was completed by a group of returning exiles around – bc. . The first Jerusalem redaction, composed in Jerusalem after bc added Isa –*. . The second Jerusalem redaction, in which Isa –, as well other texts (Isa :aa, –; :–; :–; :–; :–, –) were added, took place in the middle of the fifth century. . Even later, the fourth Servant Song was added.93 Werlitz’s monograph suggests yet another redactional scheme. As with his predecessors, Werlitz argues in favour of a Babylonian core collection, consisting primarily of Isa :–:*, that was composed by a Babylonian-based group of people and that is characterized by the presentation of Deutero-Isaiah as a theologian more than as a prophet. Between the years – bc, Werlitz maintains that this core collection underwent major redactional work by the same group of people who had by now arrived in Jerusalem. Seeking to transform the core collection into a book and to add structure to the text, this group added Isa :– , :–, :; :; :– and :–, the first three Servant Songs, and the so-called imperative texts of Isa :–:*. In this first book (Buch der Rückwanderer), Isa – speaks of the situation in Babylon among the exiles and it encourages them to overcome their feelings of confusion and doubts. In contrast, Isa – outlines the ways in which this work of convincing the exiles was to be continued in Judah.94 Most recently, Albertz’s book suggests yet another model according to which Isa – consists of a Babylonian core and subsequent Jerusalem-based redactions. Building on the research of especially Kratz 92 93 94
Van Oorschot, Von Babel. Berges, Das Buch Jesaja, pp. –, (summary). Werlitz, Redaktion und Komposition. See especially the conclusion on pp. –.
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and Berges, he moves through the text backwards and identifies two separate endings of Isa –: Isa :– and Isa :–. Turning to the beginning, he then recognizes two corresponding beginnings in Isa :–: Isa :–, – and :– (cf. chapter ). These two sets of beginnings and endings cause Alberz to conclude that Isa – underwent two consecutive redactions. The first edition (DtIE1), made up of Isa :–, –:*, seeks to proclaim a joyful message of return to the exiles and to bring comfort to Jerusalem. Since the beginning in Isa :– refers to Jerusalem, Albertz deduces that this edition contained not only the Jacob-Israel portion (Isa –) but also a Zion / Jerusalem portion (Isa –). The shift in perspective from Isa : to Isa : reflects the shift from exile to Jerusalem (see further chapter ). After the return and redemption of the exiles in Isa , God begins to comfort Jerusalem in Isa : as commanded in Isa :. The intermediate section in Isa :– connects the two parts. Albertz dates this edition to the time of Darius I, a time when the editors were able to look back upon the successful immigration of Zerubabbel and his group of returning exiles. Isa – was then added in a second and expanded edition (DtIE2) at the end of the sixth or in the beginning of the fifth century bc. At this point Isa :– and :– were composed to serve as a framework around this new edition. The emphasis on Zion throughout Isa – demonstrates that DtIE2 was produced in Judah. This edition stresses the enduring efficacy of God’s word in the face of all obstacles. Despite the fact that many exiles had already returned and that the rebuilding of the temple had been completed, many of the lofty expectations aroused by the authors of the first redaction of Isa – around bc had not been fulfilled. It was thus important for these later editors to defend the prophetic message against doubts and thus to proclaim that the restored city had attained its former splendour. This final edition of Isa – also testifies to a retraction from the political to the spiritual area. Its audience is encouraged to trust in God’s plan for salvation rather than in any plans of Cyrus or Darius.95 None of these schemes has won general acceptance in Anglo-Saxon research. In fact, most of them have been severely critiqued. Sweeney, for example, points out that Kratz’s criteria for dividing the text into very small compositional units can be challenged by recent rhetorical criticism. In particular, Sweeney considers shifts in the addressee within
95
Albertz, Israel in Exile, pp. –.
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a text to be insufficient grounds for stipulating multiple authorship of the same text. Furthermore, Sweeney argues that Kratz’s use of often fine distinctions in word usage as grounds for differentiating between various redactional layers borders on the hyper-critical.96 For similar reasons, Whybray criticizes Steck for treating consistency in the use of imagery as a criterion of authorship and date, and he is not persuaded by Steck’s suggestion that the Cyrus passages would have been written during the reign of Darius, i.e. after Cyrus’s death.97 Along the same line, Seitz aptly criticizes van Oorschot for performing exegetical surgery on texts that can be read successfully as an authorial unity. In his view, van Oorschot’s failure to explain how the final form of the came into being renders his book less helpful than it could have been. Overall, Seitz maintains that van Oorschot’s interpretation is unconvincing because so much of his exegesis depends on minute textual surgery, and because van Oorschot seems to shun away from any analysis that understands the final form of the text as coherent. In fact, van Oorschot’s work is limited to distinguishing between the various layers and to discussing the characteristics of each, while the actual content of the passages is quickly passed over.98 These aforementioned redaction-historical theories regarding the growth of Isa – have also often been dismissed out-of-hand, sometimes rather unfairly.99 Goldingay and Payne, for example, spend merely two pages in their recent commentary discussing them. In their view, such inquiries are founded upon the modern presupposition that authors remain consistent in style, language and point of view when writing a document. They therefore disagree with the idea that repetitions, syntactical roughness, diversity in theological perspective or changes in literary style indicate a new author. Goldingay and Payne also point out the subjective quality of the criteria used by the abovementioned scholars in their attempts to distinguish between different redactional layers. Lastly, Goldingay and Payne maintain that these types of studies make arbitrary decisions about what a prophet may have said. In fact, it is naïve to assume 96 M.A. Sweeney, “Review of R.G. Kratz, Kyros im Deuterojesaja-Buch”, JBL (), pp. –. 97 R.N. Whybray, “Review of O.H. Steck, Gottesknecht und Zion”, JTS (), pp. – (esp. p. ). 98 C.R. Seitz, “Review of Van Oorshot, Von Babel zum Zion”, RBL //. 99 Cf. H.G.M. Williamson, “Recent Issues in the Study of Isaiah”, Interpreting Isaiah: Issues and Approaches (eds D.G. Firth and H.G.M. Williamson, Apollos / IVP, Nottingham, ), pp. –, who states that “this newer approach can no longer be ignored”.
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that a writer’s/prophet’s goal is to remain consistent at all costs. As to a shift between Babylon and Judah, Goldingay and Payne reject the notion that a prophet in Babylon would not have talked about Jerusalem, and they doubt that any such shift reflects a process where material was taken from Babylon to Judah.100 There is truth in Goldingay’s and Payne’s critique. The lack of agreement between the different suggested schemes is a real argument against all of them. Likewise, the subjective element in the criteria for dividing a text into smaller components lessens their persuasive power. However, this is true also for the theories regarding the growth of other prophetic books. In the case of the book of Jeremiah, for example, there is virtually no scholarly agreement about the dating and origin of the various passages,101 yet I know of no scholar who uses that as an argument in favour of the authorial unity of Jeremiah. Furthermore, in their attempts to determine the exact origin of a given half-verse, many of the aforementioned scholars display an elsewhere unsurpassed knowledge of the finer details of the text. In the interest of the present study, their research reveals the Jerusalem perspective of many of the texts, a perspective that too often has gone unnoticed by Anglo-Saxon scholars. Likewise, this research highlights the focus on Jerusalem present in many of the texts in Isa – and it presents a good case for a Judahite provenance of the same texts. Goldingay and Payne are, of course, right in claiming that a prophet may speak about a land or a city far away, and that s/he may even address it directly. However, as we shall see further below in chapter , there is a palpable difference between the use of direct speech to Jerusalem as found in Isa – and that in, for example, the oracles against the nations. The fact that many of the texts in Isa – address Jerusalem is therefore a strong argument for their Judahite origin. In conclusion, I do not insist upon single authorship of Isa –, and I do not claim that all the material in Isa – was written over a short period of time. On the contrary, it is likely that Isa –, as any other prophetic text, underwent several stages of growth. At the same 100 Goldingay and Payne, Isaiah –, I, pp. –. See also Adams, Performative Nature, pp. –. 101 See, for example, my article “The Priests and the Temple Cult in the Book of Jeremiah”, Prophecy in the Book of Jeremiah (eds H. Barstad and R. Kratz, BZAW , de Gruyter, Berlin, ), pp. –, where I briefly review the various dates that have been proposed for twenty-some passages in the book of Jeremiah. Notably, in no single instance can general agreement be found.
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time, I question the validity of any enterprise that focuses more on one’s capability of dividing a text into textual layers than on the skill needed to read it as a consistent whole. In my view, a good exegete should only divide an oracle because s/he must, not because s/he can. The burden of proof lies with the scholar who seeks to divide the text rather than vice versa. Furthermore, as we only have access to the final form of the text, it may in some cases be impossible to reconstruct the different stages of growth. Throughout the remainder of this monograph, I shall challenge the necessity of a Babylonian core collection. For instance, if I detect a verse with a clear Judahite perspective, and if this verse is part of a unified oracle that has an otherwise neutral perspective, I shall interpret the oracle as a whole as a Judahite composition. In these cases, it is seldom necessary to extrapolate those verses with a Judahite perspective and to regard them as later additions to an earlier Babylonian composition. I shall further question the assumption that the authors of those verses that betray a Judahite origin were returning exiles. The fact that a certain verse expresses the hope of a return of the Diaspora does not automatically mean that its author was a member of the exilic community, and it is a completely unsubstantiated assumption that the author of a passage that addresses Jerusalem must be a member of the Babylonian exile who has now returned to Judah. This awareness, in turn, poses a serious challenge to the dating of the various strands of Isa –. It cannot, for instance, be assumed a priori that a text that advocates Judahite interests inevitably must have been composed after bc.
. The Final Form of Isaiah –: A Rhetorical Unity Moving on to the question of the final form of Isa –, form-critical and composition critical criteria favour the literary unity of Isa –. Begrich’s study seeks to identify the various types of literary genres in Isa – (oracles of salvation and of favour, judgment discourses and disputations) from a form-critical perspective. Begrich argues that the speeches in Isa – are literary imitations of oral genres. That is, Deutero-Isaiah was familiar with Israel’s myths and traditions, as well as with the different prophetic speech forms, and he imitated them.102 102 J. Begrich, Studien zu Deuterojesaja (TB , München, Chr. Kaiser, [originally published ]), esp. pp. –.
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Furthermore, he wrote them down because he was living in Babylon, and was therefore unable to utter the oracles freely in the same way as his predecessors. Even so, all his words were meant to be understood as oral speeches (Alle seine Worte sind als mündliche Rede gedacht).103 Muilenburg’s commentary develops further the form critical investigation of Isa –. Muilenburg analyzes the various rhetorical and poetical devices that are to be found within Isa –, and he rejects the commonly accepted form critical approach to the text. He argues instead that although a “literary genius” such as Deutero-Isaiah would have made use of traditional form critical genres, he would not have considered himself bound by them. Instead Deutero-Isaiah felt free to transform them to fit his own creative purpose.104 Muilenburg therefore develops his own rhetorical-critical approach to the text. He suggests that Isa – contains new types of literary compositions that are longer than the pre-exilic prophetic oracles, and argues that even though the various strophes of the longer compositions contain many different literary types, their blending is intentional and contributes to the final form of the text.105 Westermann’s commentary modifies the scholarly view of what constitutes a textual unity. Westermann argues that although Isa – consists of smaller textual units of independent origin, their present order is the deliberate result of a process of redaction, going back to the author himself.106 Westermann develops his theory further in a later publication from in which he argues that Isa – shows clear signs of a deliberate order, including a prologue (Isa :–) and an epilogue (Isa :–). The prophet used different speech forms in order to express his message in the best way. We are thus not dealing with a collection of single pieces but with a coherent whole, where different genres have been consciously fused together into longer poems.107
103
Begrich, Studien, p. . J. Muilenburg, “The Book of Isaiah Chapters –”, IB (Nashville, Abingdon, ), pp. –. 105 Muilenburg, “Book of Isaiah”, pp. –. 106 Westermann, Jesaja, p. . As to the servant songs, Westermann argues that although the four servant songs form a separate strand and thus were added later to the rest of Isa –, Deutero-Isaiah was the author of the first three servant songs. The fourth servant song is likely to be of later and separate origin, but might have been added together with the others (Westermann, Jesaja, pp. –). 107 C. Westermann, Sprache und Struktur der Prophetie Deuterojesajas mit einer Lite104
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Later studies have adjusted these theories. Spykerboer, in his monograph, uses a literary-critical approach and maintains that Isa : –: is a coherent and continuous literary composition. Spykerboer highlights the formal and conceptual links that suggest continuity within Isa –. The text begins with God’s stirring up of Cyrus and the fall of Babylon and continues with God’s restoration of Jerusalem, in order to end finally with God’s triumphal return to Zion (:–). Of particular interest here is Spykerboer’s conclusion: the basic coherence of Isa – shows that it was meant for one group of people only, namely the inhabitants of Jerusalem. Spykerboer suggests that Isa – constitutes a letter sent from Babylon to Jerusalem.108 In other words, although he regards the Jerusalemites as the original audience of Isa –, he nonetheless situates the prophetic author in Babylon. Spykerboer’s overall thesis has won little acceptance. Naidoff, for example, rejects Spykerboer’s claims regarding the overall structure of Isa – and criticizes him for failing to address the possibility that Isa – is a redactional rather than an authorial unity.109 Furthermore, Spykerboer’s suggestion that Isa – is a letter written by a Babylonian-based prophet to the Jerusalem community is an unnecessarily round-about way of interpreting the Judahite perspective of Isa – . Published in the same year as Spykerboer’s monograph, Melugin’s study argues in favour of a carefully structured final text of Isa – . Melugin disagrees strongly with Westermann’s claim that the different oracles in Isa – all go back to the same author, and he rejects Muilenburg’s strophe analysis and his assumption that the creativity of Deutero-Isaiah so dominated the process of writing that earlier forms were completely transformed and therefore unable to signify changes in authorship. In Melugin’s view, Isa – is a collection of originally distinct utterances. At the same time, the present arrangement is “kerygmatic”, i.e. the material is arranged in a manner suitable for preaching
raturübersicht “Hauptlinien der Deuterojesajaforschung von –” zusammengestellt und kommentiert von Andreas Richter (CThM , Stuttgart, Calwer, ), pp. – (summary). 108 Spykerboer, Structure and Composition. His discussion is centred upon the material in Isa –, while the material in – is more schematically discussed. He looks in particular at eight texts (Isa :–; :–; :–:; :–; :–:; :–; :–:). 109 B.D. Naidoff, “Review of Spykerboer, The Structure and Composition of DeuteroIsaiah”, JBL (), pp. –.
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and proclamation rather than in an artistic or a mechanical fashion. Melugin also argues that Isa – underwent several stages of growth, but he maintains that it is impossible to reconstruct them. In fact, the final form of Isa – “has deliberately eradicated any indicator of the process of growth. It is as if we were intended to see only the final pattern of arrangement.” This erasing, according to Melugin, is due to the authors’ interest in the continuity of the prophetic word within the book of Isaiah.110 Other scholars reappraise some of the older approaches. Clifford’s study follows in Muilenburg’s footstep, with the important difference that Clifford emphasizes the oral quality of the speeches. Rather than imagining the prophet as sitting in exile and composing silent speeches, Clifford maintains that the prophet delivered his speeches orally to his contemporary audience. Clifford thus investigates the rhetoric of the speeches against what he perceives to be the historical context of the prophet, i.e. the exilic community. In his view, the rhetoric of the texts contributed to the primary aim of the prophet’s speeches, namely to persuade the exiles to return to Zion.111 In his monograph, Gitay takes classical theories of rhetoric into account. As with Clifford, Gitay focuses on the public function of the prophetic speeches and investigates the rhetorical strategies used to appeal to and to persuade the audience. Gitay regards the speeches in Isa – as spoken words, although he remains open to the possibility that they were composed as literary units before they were read out loud. Gitay concludes that Isa – is best understood as a chain of arguments, aimed towards changing the audience’s attitudes. Its prophetic author appeals rationally, emotionally and ethically, and he repeats himself at times in order to emphasize a certain point. At the same time, as the only thing we have left of these oral speeches is a text, Gitay stresses the importance of exploring the present relationships between the literary text, the prophet and his audience. Gitay divides Isa – into ten rhetorical units. These ten units often share key themes as the prophet repeatedly sought to persuade his audience of their validity. Because of this repetition, it is difficult to see Isa – as a planned composition; yet there is a certain order; since the prophet was trying to persuade
110
Melugin, Formation of Isaiah, esp. pp. – (summary). R.J. Clifford, Fair Spoken and Persuading: An Interpretation of Second Isaiah (New York, Paulist Press, ), pp. –. 111
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his audience, his argument proceeds in a somewhat logical and coherent fashion of argumentation, where the latter arguments build on the former.112 Finally, Adams’s study belongs, in terms of methodology, somewhere between the rhetorical criticism of Muilenburg, Clifford and Gitay, and the theories of Westermann. Adams looks at Isa – through the lens of speech act theory, and argues that the identified strophes are literary units possessing structures and genres. In his view, these units were brought together intentionally in such a way as to create themes, contrasts, beginnings and endings, as well as ambiguities, tensions and paradoxes. Adams also maintains that the material reflects the incorporation of various oral speech forms.113 To conclude, the aforementioned studies all demonstrate that the final form of Isa – displays a certain unity and coherence. It is therefore possible to speak of Isa – as a distinct textual corpus, although it might never have served as a text on its own and although its unity may be redactional rather than authorial. Furthermore, the rhetoric of the different units within Isa –, regardless of whether originally spoken or written, was a tool used to persuade the prophets’ audience(s). As Hermisson phrases it, the authors of Isa – sought to confront the scepticism of their audience and to convince them of the message of salvation.114 In view of this, I shall treat the texts in Isa – as polemical, addressed to the prophets’ contemporaries (on both authorial as well as redactional levels), and assume that these prophets sought to challenge their audience to see their situation in a new light.
. The Final Form of Isaiah –: A Reading Drama While the scholars in the preceding section focused on the form-critical and rhetorical unity of Isa –, another group of scholars has looked 112 Y. Gitay, Prophecy and Persuasion: A Study of Isaiah – (FTL , Bonn, Erhardt Büttgemanns, ), esp. pp. , – (summary). 113 Adams, Performative Nature, pp. –. 114 H.-J. Hermisson, “Diskussionsworte bei Deuterojesaja. Zur theologischen Argumentation des Propheten”, EvT (), pp. – (esp. pp. –). See also A. van der Woude, “Can Zion Do Without the Servant in Isaiah –?”, CTJ (), pp. – . See also the overview of research presented in A. Graffy, A Prophet Confronts his People: The Disputation Speech in the Prophets (AnBib , Rome, Biblical Institute Press, ), pp. –.
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more closely at the interplay between the different characters within Isa –—Jacob, Israel, Jerusalem, (Daughter) Zion, the islands, Cyrus, the traders of Egypt and Ethiopia, the Sabeans etc.—and suggests seeing the final form of Isa – as akin to a drama.115 These theories all detect a progression of thought throughout Isa –, starting in chapter and ending in chapter (cf. Spykerboer, above).116 Muilenburg, for example, states that although Isa – does not display the kind of continuity that we see in Western literature or even in the book of Job, it nevertheless attests to a certain development, seen most clearly in the relation between the announcement and fulfilment of God’s promises.117 There is little scholarly agreement regarding the specific type of drama that Isa – would constitute. It has been suggested that Isa – is either a liturgical drama,118 or a theological drama,119 or even a script of an actually performed play,120 or a literary drama / a dramatic text. The last theory, as developed primarily by Dutch scholars, has become dominant in much of contemporary research. In his commentary, Beuken argues that Isa – unfolds a drama. He defines the genre “drama” to imply that the text and the reader move forward chronolog115
The book of Isaiah as a whole has sometimes been likened to a drama. U. Berges, “Die Zionstheologie des Buches Jesaja”, EB (), pp. – (p. ), for example, compares the book of Isaiah to a Mediaeval cathedral. It contains many voices (das vielstimmige Jesajabuch), that, like a Mediaeval cathedral, were built over centuries and contain parts from different time periods, yet nevertheless have a basic pattern, and he uses musical terminology for describing the different parts. Likewise, Miscall, Isaiah, p. , maintains that the whole book is dominated by dramatic speeches. 116 For summaries in English of some of these theories, see A. van der Woude, “What Is New In Isaiah :–? On the Drama Theories of Klaus Baltzer and Henk Leene”, The New Things: Eschatology in Old Testament Prophecy. FS Henk Leene (eds F. Postma, K. Spronk, E. Talstra, Maastricht, Shaker, ), pp. –, and C. Conroy, “Reflections on some Recent Studies of Second Isaiah”, Palabra, Prodigio, Poesía. FS P.L. Alonso Schökel, S.J. (ed. V.C. Bertomeu, AnBib , Rome, Pontifical Institute, ), pp. – . 117 Muilenburg, “Book of Isaiah”, p. . 118 E.g. Vincent, Heimat von Jesaja, esp. p. , J.H. Eaton, Festal Drama in DeuteroIsaiah (London, SPCK, ), M.D. Goulder, Isaiah as Liturgy (SOTS, Aldershot, Ashgate, ). 119 E.g. Muilenburg, “Book of Isaiah”, pp. –, E. Hessler, Das Heilsdrama: Der Weg zur Weltherrschaft Jahwes (Jes –) (Hildesheim, Georg Olms, ), pp. –, S. Paganini, Der Weg zur Frau Zion, Ziel unserer Hoffnung: Aufbau, Kontext, Sprache, Kommunikationsstruktur und theologische Motive in Jes ,– (SBB , Stuttgart, Katholisches Bibelwerk, ), pp. –. 120 J.D.W. Watts, Isaiah – (WBC, Waco, Texas, Word, ), K. Baltzer, DeuteroIsaiah: A Commentary on Isaiah – (transl. M. Kohl, Hermeneia, Minneapolis, Augsburg / Fortress, ).
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ically throughout the reading. This means that the text and reader of, for example, Isa , are in a different position and further ahead than those of Isa . For Beuken, this drama situates the reader towards the end of the exile, after the rise of Cyrus and before the redemption from Babylon and the journey to Zion, and it portrays a course of events that serves to “bring” Israel via several intermediate stages from Babylon to Zion. This portrayal of the redemption of Israel from Babylon binds Isa – together as it seeks to engage Israel in the project of returning to Jerusalem: the exiles, i.e. the intended audience of Isa –, are encouraged to concentrate their thoughts on Zion, as if their current situation in Babylon and/or their current situation of bondage could no longer threaten them.121 Leene’s monograph builds upon Beuken’s insights. According to Leene, Isa – presents a consecutive story and testifies to what he calls “dramatic progression”. The events as presented in the various chapters stand in relation to each other. They presuppose and build upon each other in the sense that every passage constitutes a vital link within a chain of events. Moreover, Isa –, like a drama, presents the events essentially in a chronological order, unlike narrative texts where the narrator can insert flashbacks. Every passage carries the story further, causing the situation in, for example, Isa to be fundamentally different from that in Isa . Leene outlines three features that characterize a dramatic text: () the impression of an immediate presence of the story, () speaking as the common way of presenting the story, and () a performative nature. Isa – is not a play to be performed because these chapters, except for the language, do not aim at the use of other means to evoke a presentation. Instead, Isa – is a dramatic text because it contains performative moments.122 In a article, van der Woude draws a similar conclusion. She claims that Isa – has all the characteristics of a “reading drama”. It lacks a narrator and there is a sense of an immediate presence of the story, both 121
W.A.M. Beuken, Jesaja, ed. (PouT A, Nijkerk, Callenbach, ), pp. –. I am dependent in part on the discussion of Beuken’s theory as it is described by R. Abma, Bonds of Love: Methodic Studies of Prophetic Texts with Marriage Imagery. Isaiah :– and :–, Hosea –, Jeremiah – (SSN , Assen, Netherlands, Van Gorcum, ), p. . 122 H. Leene, De vroegere en de nieuwe dingen bij Deuterojesaja (Amsterdam, VU Uitgeverij, ), pp. –. Again, I am dependent in part on the discussion of Leene’s theory as it is described by Abma, Bonds of Love, pp. –. For a more extensive English summary of Leene’s work, see van der Woude, “What Is New In Isaiah :–”, pp. – .
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key features of a dramatic text according to literary theory. Even so, as Isa – does not rely on anything else but words to appeal to its audience, van der Woude suggests that it was probably meant to be read rather than performed.123 These theories are commendable in that they highlight the dialogic character of Isa –, a text in which many different voices interact with and speak out against the dominant voice of God (see further chapters – ). The act of reading Isa – as a dramatic text is therefore a fruitful approach since it brings out its polyvalent character and emphasizes its inherent tension. At the same time, it is unlikely that Isa –, any more than the book of Job, was meant to be read as a play or, even less, to be performed on stage. It can also be maintained that the final chapters of Isa – build upon the earlier ones, yet I fail to detect anything akin to a steady progression of thought throughout Isa –. Instead, I remain closer to Gitay’s view (above) that the speeches in Isa – reflect the logical procedure of argumentation. Isa – does not set out to be a drama but to convince the audience of a certain view point. The multiple voices are thus representatives of the different groups of people with whom the authors of Isa – interacted and whose ideas they sought to confront.
. Conclusion In this chapter, I have discussed the authorship, the redactional history and the final form of Isa –. My aim has been to highlight those aspects that relate to the geographical provenance of Isa –. In the case of authorship, the notion of a single prophet is unsupported by the text. It is possible that there was a “Deutero-Isaiah”, as testified by the few statements in sg. or pl. that appear to represent the author’s opinion but, given the scarcity of information about this person, this cannot be proven. This author may have been a man or a woman, and s/he may have been part of a group of authors. In the remainder of this book, I shall therefore treat Isa – as composed by several authors, but I shall remain open to the possibility that these authors may turn out to be one person. 123 A. van der Woude, “ ‘Hearing Voices while Reading’: Isaiah – as a Drama”, One Text, A Thousand Methods. FS Sjof van Tilberg (eds P.C. Counet and U. Berges, Biblical Interpretation Series , Leiden, Brill, ), pp. –.
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Hand in hand with the realization that there may not have been a single “Deutero-Isaiah”, scholars are beginning to reject the notion that all of Isa – was composed in Babylon. Nevertheless the dominant view of a core text composed in Babylon and subsequent Jerusalem redactions following the return of some of the Babylonian exiles remains. As we shall discover throughout the rest of this monograph, very few texts in Isa – testify to a Babylonian origin. Likewise, there is little support for the supposition that the exilic community, after having returned to Judah, was responsible for the ensuing Jerusalem redactions. There is therefore no need to date the passages presupposing a Judahite setting to the time period after bc. Finally, it is a useful reading strategy to approach Isa – as a reading drama in as much as it emphasizes its dialogic character. I further suggest that the literary form of Isa –, in which different and often opposing voices compete for the reader’s attention, served as a polemical tool which enabled the authors of Isa – to interact with the opinions of the various groups of people that formed their target audience.
chapter two LIFE IN JUDAH AND BABYLON IN THE SIXTH CENTURY BC
Introduction One key reason why many scholars maintain that Isa – is a product of the exilic community in Babylon is historical rather than exegetical. It is commonly held that Judah was left more or less empty after the destruction by the Neo-Babylonians in bc. Judah would thus have lacked authors of the kind of calibre necessary for penning the poetry of Isa –. Yet a small number of scholars, ranging all the way back to Buttenwieser, have sporadically challenged the picture of Judah as being only sparsely populated by illiterates.1 This debate is important and has significant ramifications for the present study. Therefore, I shall briefly assess the historical situation in Judah during the sixth century bc in order to assess to what extent the people in templeless Judah, given their social situation, would have been capable of composing Isa –. Whether they were likely to have done so will be discussed throughout the rest of this book. I shall first look at the biblical appraisals of the Judahite community found in Jeremiah, Ezekiel, and elsewhere, and discuss what they tell us about the situation in Judah during the templeless period. We shall discover that the biblical evidence does not paint a unified picture of the situation in Judah; rather, it reflects a number of conflicting views. While some texts are biased towards the golah community in Babylon ( Chron :–; Kgs :, ; :– and :– [// Jer :–]; Jer :–; :; Ezek :; :–), other texts reflect a Judahite point of view ( Kgs :–; Jer –*; Lamentations). I shall then turn to the archaeological evidence and compare it with the two aforementioned biblical portraits of Judah. I shall argue that while the destruction of Jerusalem led to immense suffering and wide-ranging destruction both
1
M. Buttenwieser, “Where did Deutero-Isaiah Live?”, JBL (), pp. –.
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in the city and the surrounding areas of Judah, there is also evidence of continuous habitation in parts of Judah throughout this time period. I shall also reflect upon the literary quality of the book of Lamentations, a text that in all likelihood was composed by the community in Judah, and what light it can shed upon the question of the geographical setting of Isa –. Finally, I shall look very briefly at the textual and archaeological data pertaining to the situation in the Babylonian golah, and explore to what extent this data provide a suitable background for Isa –.
. Life in Judah during the Exile: The Biblical Accounts The impression of an “empty Judah” is based first and foremost on the biblical evidence, in particular on those texts that betray a golah perspective. As more than one scholar has noted and discussed this issue,2 a brief summary will suffice at this point. To begin with Chron :– (cf. Jer :), this passage describes the land of Judah as desolate, keeping the Sabbath rest during the years while the exiles were in Babylon. Because the people of pre-exilic Judah had polluted the temple in Jerusalem, they were either killed or exiled. After the allotted time, the purged descendents of those who had been exiled at the time of the destruction of Jerusalem in bc returned to the empty and purified land. The passages in Kgs :– and :– (// Jer :–) presents a similar picture. In these passages, the land is not totally empty but contains the poor of the land (õøàä úìã) who were left in Judah to be vinedressers and farmers. In the words of Lipschits, the goal of the account in Kgs : “was to minimize the significance of those who remained in Judah and to amplify the importance of those who returned”.3 Jer : gives the same impression as it depicts how Nebuzaradan, the captain of 2 See especially R. Carroll, “The Myth of the Empty Land”, Semeia (), pp. – , Barstad, “History and Archaeology”, and the more recent Myth of the Empty Land, Middlemas, Templeless Judah, pp. –, O. Lipschits, The Fall and Rise of Jerusalem (Winona Lake, IN., Eisenbrauns, ), pp. –. See also S. Japhet, “Periodization: Between History and Ideology. The Neo-Babylonian Period in Biblical Historiography”, Judah and the Judeans in the Neo-Babylonian Period (eds O. Lipschits and J. Blenkinsopp, Winona Lake, IN., Eisenbrauns, ), pp. –, who points out that, from the point of view of biblical historiography, the Neo-Babylonian period in Judah does not exist, with the brief exception of Kings and Jeremiah. Rather, history proceeds directly from the fall of Jerusalem to the return of the exiles from Babylon. 3 Lipschits, Fall and Rise, p. .
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the guard, left the poor of the land (äîåàî íäì ïéà øùà íéìãä íòä), i.e. those who previously had had nothing, in possession of the vineyards and the fields in Judah. Jer :– and Ezek :; :– betray a similar bias towards the golah community and both passages serve, at least to a certain extent, to legitimize the returned exiles’ takeover of the land.4 Jer :– symbolizes the golah community by a basket of good figs and the people of templeless Judah by a basket of bad figs. The two related passages in Ezekiel declare that the people in Judah have no right to the land of Judah as it belongs to the golah community.5 Speaking of the northern kingdom of Israel, Kgs : and : present a similar philosophy according to which God moved the whole of the nation (ìàøùé òøæ ìë—v. ) into exile. Several scholars have pointed out that the portrayal of Judah as an empty land represents an ideological construction of the Second Temple period.6 This view has recently been challenged by Oded, who argues that these kinds of references to emptiness should not be taken literally. Rather, the term “all” in the description of the deportations in Kgs ; ; , as well as the similar ones in Jer :–; :, is a typical example of a Mesopotamian hyperbolic phrase, used for intimidation. Oded further challenges the notion that these references to an empty Judah were part of an ideological construct that served the purpose of the exilic community. Notably, Ezra-Nehemiah, material that clearly betrays a golah perspective, refers to people having lived in Judah throughout the templeless period. Ezra and Nehemiah and their followers thus did not consider an empty land to be a pre-requisite for their return.7 In my view, the golah perspective of the aforementioned biblical passages is obvious and it serves to legitimize the return of the exiles to Judah and to uphold their right to the land. At the same time, Oded is correct in pointing out that the portrayal of Judah as an empty land is a literary hyperbole that was never meant to be taken literally. There were always people in Judah and their presence there did not constitute either an 4
Carroll, “Myth of the Empty Land”, pp. –. See further my discussion in L.-S. Tiemeyer, “Abraham, a Judahite Prerogative”, ZAW (), pp. –. See also C.R. Seitz, Theology in Conflict: Reactions to the Exile in the Book of Jeremiah (BZAW , Berlin, de Gruyter, ), pp. –, . 6 E.g. Carroll, “Myth of the Empty Land”, pp. –. 7 B. Oded, “Where is the ‘Myth of the Empty Land’ to be found?”, Judah and the Judeans in the Neo-Babylonian Period (eds O. Lipschits and J. Blenkinsopp, Winona Lake, IN., Eisenbrauns, ), esp. pp. –. 5
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ideological or a practical obstacle for the return of the exiles. On the contrary, they are marginalized and described as of no import. This golah inspired picture is not the only depiction of templeless Judah in the Hebrew Bible, however. Kgs :– and Jer :–: contain accounts that differ in their evaluation of the situation in Judah immediately following the fall of Jerusalem in bc. Kgs : describes how, after the destruction of Jerusalem, “all the captains of the forces, they and [their] men” (íéùðàäå äîä íéìéçä éøù ìë) heard that the Babylonian king had appointed Gedaliah (as governor) (ìáá êìî ãé÷ôä éë åäéìãâ úà) at Mizpah. This verse implies that the population of Judah post- bc must have been sufficiently large to require a governor, and it further suggests that the people left in the land included soldiers of a relative high rank.8 Kgs : then obscures the picture further, claiming that “all the people” (ìåãâ ãòå ïè÷î íòä ìë) who were left in the land fled to Egypt.9 However, as noted above, the use of “all” here should not be taken literally but instead understood as a literary hyperbole. Relating to the same time period, Jer :–: preserves traditions that predict hope and blessing for those remaining in the land following the fall of Jerusalem in bc. Both Jer : and : call the people of Judah a “remnant” (úéøàù), a term that is also used in Jer : to refer to the exiles (cf. Mic :). Jer : further depicts the first harvest following the fall of Jerusalem as a divine blessing.10 Yet Jer :–: does not depict Judah as an idyllic place. The power-struggle between Gedaliah and his opponents, which results in the assassination of the former and his followers, portrays a society without stable leadership. Taken as a whole, Jer :–: conveys a picture of Judah shortly after bc as an inhabited, economically stable province, but one with political struggles. These different and contrasting pictures of Judah in the book of Jeremiah suggests (at least) two conflicting textual layers, one composed in Judah and one composed at a later date during the Babylonian exile. Seitz, for example, differentiates between, on the one hand, the view that God allowed for the continued existence of his people in Judah itself, found in
8 9 10
Cf. Barstad, “History and Archaeology”, pp. –. See further the detailed discussion in Lipschits, Fall and Rise, pp. –. Middlemas, Templeless Judah, pp. –.
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the oracles of Jeremiah that potentially represent the prophet’s own views, and, on the other hand, the view of the golah redaction that prescribed that the land belonged to the exiles upon their return.11 The book of Lamentations, commonly regarded as having been composed in Judah before bc, at least in part if not in its entirety,12 conveys yet another impression of templeless Judah. It testifies to a situation in which Jerusalem is a ruined and empty city, characterized by death, famine, misery, mass deportation and desolation (e.g. Lam :–).13 As to the religious situation in Judah, the biblical material does not present a uniform picture. On the one hand, the reference to the religious practices of some of the people left in Judah in Jer :– certainly does not testify to a flourishing cult of YHWH. On the other hand, the people’s request to Jeremiah to intercede on their behalf before YHWH (Jer :–), as well as the appearance of eight men who wished to sacrifice to YHWH at the temple place (Jer :–), suggests that the people who remained in Judah were loyal to YHWH. Likewise, the book of Lamentations, in the midst of its expressions of despair and reproach, testifies that the suffering people in Judah turned to YHWH rather than to other deities. To conclude, the evidence from the Hebrew Bible not only lacks uniformity but is also tendentious. It therefore does not yield much information about the situation in templeless Judah. The evidence from the book of Lamentations, together with the few references in Kings and Jeremiah to the remaining poor, implies that Judah was populated following the fall of Jerusalem. However, they were clearly not well off, despite
11
See further C.R. Seitz, “The Crisis of Interpretation over the Meaning and Purpose of the Exile”, VT (), pp. – (esp. pp. –), and Seitz, Theology in Conflict, pp. –, , contra M. Leuchter, The Polemics of Exile in Jeremiah – (Cambridge, Cambridge University Press, ), pp. –, who argues that Jer :– is concerned with the recognition of a Shaphanide. 12 See the recent discussion in A. Berlin, Lamentations: A Commentary (OTL, Louisville, Kent., WJK, ), pp. –. Berlin argues against regarding the vividness of the descriptions of the destruction of Jerusalem as a compelling reason for dating Lamentations close to bc. At the same time, she maintains that the Hebrew of Lamentations renders an exilic dating of the texts likely. It is possible that Lam was composed later. See, e.g., C. Westermann, Die Klagelieder: Forschungsgeschichte und Auslegung (Neukirchen-Vluyn, Neurkirchener, ), pp. –, –, –. See also the discussion in Middlemas, Templeless Judah, pp. –. 13 See Oded, “Myth of the Empty Land”, pp. –.
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references to a harvest (Jer :), and their life was hard, to which the book of Lamentations bears clear witness. The biblical material further testifies to the emergence of a new ideology that sought to explain the destruction of Judah brought on by the Neo-Babylonian armies and the ensuing exile of parts of the population. This ideology appears to have served the interests of the golah as it disenfranchised those who remained in the land and as it distinguished between a clean and accepted Babylonian community (Jer ; ), a rejected Egyptian community (Jer ; ) and an unclean and rejected community in Judah (Jer ; ; Hag :–; Ezek :– and Ezra ).14 It is further possible that these passages sought to facilitate the exiles’ take-over of the land of Judah upon their return. They certainly foreshadow the conflict expressed in the later book of Ezra between the returnees and those people who had remained in Judah during the exile (Ezra ). At the same time, the very polemic of this material suggests that the inhabitants of templeless Judah came to lay claims on the land over time. This, in turn, emphasizes the need to take the existence of these inhabitants into consideration when looking at the history of templeless Judah.
. Life in Judah: The Archaeological and Sociological Evidence Turning to the archaeological data, we are slightly better off. The last years have yielded significant progress in terms of understanding the conditions in templeless Judah;15 yet the epigraphic and archaeological data from Judah proper are still scarce. Again, as the political and social situation in Judah in the sixth century is not the primary concern of this study, a brief overview of the relevant scholarship will suffice at this point. As we shall see, the archaeological data from Benjamin testifies to a certain degree of continuity in the rural areas throughout the NeoBabylonian period, while the archaeological evidence from Judah bears witness to the destruction of the urban area of Jerusalem and much of Judah. This picture is corroborated by the biblical data which, as seen 14 C.E. Carter, “Ideology and Archaeology in the Neo-Babylonian Period”, Judah and the Judeans in the Neo-Babylonian Period (eds O. Lipschits and J. Blenkinsopp, Winona Lake, IN., Eisenbrauns, ), p. . 15 For a recent overview, see Middlemas, Templeless Judah, pp. –.
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above, portrays a semi-functioning Benjamin ( Kgs :– and Jer :–:) and a Jerusalem in ruins (Lamentations). Furthermore, the notion that Mizpah served as some kind of administrative centre is supported by both archaeology and the biblical material, although its authority and its size are disputed. As to the wider demographic and sociological interpretation of this data, scholars differ widely. While there is a growing consensus that Judah was not empty following the NeoBabylonian destruction in bc, there is less agreement regarding the degree of the destruction and its repercussions for the population left in Judah. Did life go on as normally for those who stayed in Judah, or did the destruction cause a major disruption or even a “gap”, i.e. a time period without significant settlements? Several scholars maintain that the destruction of Judah in bc was partial. Barkay, for example, based on his excavations at the Hinnom Valley (Ketef Hinnom), points out that burials in the cave tombs on Ketef Hinnom did not stop with the Babylonian conquest of Judah in bc. This, in turn, suggests that the destruction of the city was incomplete and that the city continued to exist. It stands to reason that the family members whose ancestors prepared the caves at the end of the First Temple period were the ones who continued to bury their dead there after the destruction of the temple. To support his argument, Barkay refers to Jer :, which speaks of vinedressers and plowmen who were not exiles and continued to live in the region of Bethlehem and in Benjamin, and :, which speaks of people passing through Mizpah on their way to bring offerings and incense to the temple after the destruction.16 On a broader scale, Carter surveys the excavated sites from Judah (Yehud) dating to the Neo-Babylonian Period. He concludes that Gibeon (El-Jîb) was definitely occupied during the Neo-Babylonian Period and possibly also in the early Persian period. Likewise, Tell en Nas. beh, probably to be identified with Mizpah, seems to have been continuously inhabited from the Iron I through to the Hellenistic / Roman periods. The same is true for Horvat Zimri/Pisgat Ze"ev and Kh. Er-Ras which were . inhabited during the Neo-Babylonian and the Persian periods. Gibeah (Tell el-Fûl) was occupied in the Neo-Babylonian Period but probably abandoned at the transition to the Persian period. Likewise, Bethel was inhabited during the Neo-Babylonian period, only to be destroyed later 16 G. Barkay, “Excavations at Ketef Hinnom in Jerusalem”, Ancient Jerusalem Revealed (ed. H. Geva, Jerusalem, Israel Exploration Society, ), esp. pp. –.
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in the transition to the Persian period.17 Finally, Carter maintains that Jerusalem clearly suffered wide-spread destruction at the hands of the Neo-Babylonians; yet he follows Barkay’s interpretation of the Ketef Hinnom and the Mamilla tombs and argues that it is possible that a small settlement around Jerusalem existed. Carter further points out that the salvage excavations in the Manahat section of Jerusalem have uncovered remains from the Iron-Age-Persian period, including wine presses. Overall, Carter argues that the archaeological surveys of the area south of Jerusalem suggest continuity. While life did not go on normally, life did continue, although probably with a “substantial disconnect”.18 Berquist voices the same sentiments. He maintains that while Jerusalem’s population decreased remarkably, the rural areas show rather little change in population following bc. In fact, he states that “the effects of the exile on the Judean peasantry seem minor”.19 Blenkinsopp analyses the archaeological situation in Judah during the templeless period, and, among other things, detects a relatively strong continuity in terms of material culture and administrative organization. Blenkinsopp argues that the Neo-Babylonians often simply took over the Assyrian provincial system that was already in place in many of the conquered regions. He also points out that as many people did not live in towns, they did not leave “their signature on the archaeological record”. He also cautions against underestimating the resilience of a population under severe stress “to restore some semblance of normality in a fairly short time”. Many people might simply have retreated to places of refuge during the onslaught of the Babylonians, merely to emerge later “when the dust had settled”.20 Blenkinsopp therefore calls for a more nuanced 17
C.E. Carter, The Emergence of Yehud in the Persian Period: A Social and Demographic Study (JSOTS , Sheffield, Sheffield Academic Press, ), pp. –. He follows in many respects the conclusions of N. Lapp (see listed publications). See also the more recent Carter, “Ideology and Archaeology”, pp. –. For a slightly different view concerning Bethel, see E.A. Knauf, “The Israelite Impact on Judean Language and Literature”, Judah and the Judeans in the Neo-Babylonian Period (eds O. Lipschits and J. Blenkinsopp, Winona Lake, IN., Eisenbrauns, ), p. , note , who maintains that there may have been a partial destruction of Bethel in the second half of the sixth century. 18 Carter, “Ideology and Archaeology”, pp. –. 19 J.L. Berquist, Judaism in Persia’s Shadow: A Social and Historical Approach (Minneapolis, Augsburt / Fortress, ), p. . 20 J. Blenkinsopp, “The Bible, Archaeology and Politics; or The Empty Land Revisited”, JSOT (), pp. –. See also J. Blenkinsopp, “Bethel in the Neo-Babylonian Period”, Judah and the Judeans in the Neo-Babylonian Period (eds O. Lipschits and J. Blenkinsopp, Winona Lake, IN., Eisenbrauns, ), p. .
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picture of the Neo-Babylonian destruction of Judah in bc. It was certainly a catastrophe that caused significant loss of life, destruction of property, temporary interruption of economic activities and considerable ecological degradation as military incursions tend to do. However, the destruction was neither indiscriminate nor total.21 Stern, responding to Blenkinsopp, claims the contrary, namely that the most recent archaeological surveys and excavations actually strengthen the view that Judah was completely destroyed by the Neo-Babylonians. First, Stern maintains that before the Neo-Babylonian onslaught, eight independent kingdoms existed alongside the Assyrian provinces of Megiddo and Samaria: the four Philistine city states, Judah, Ammon, Moab and Edom. A short while later, all of these kingdoms had entirely disappeared. Secondly, Stern claims that after a conquest, the Neo-Babylonians completely replaced the old population with another group of people. For example, most of the area of Judah became Idumaea and was inhabited by Edomites, not Jews. Likewise, the Philistines disappeared and many of their cities were never resettled. Thirdly, Stern argues that Ein Gedi was destroyed by the Babylonians and resettled only in the Persian period. Stern acknowledges some exceptions to this general destruction, such as central Samaria, the Land of Benjamin and Rabat Ammon and its surroundings, where some degree of cultural continuity can be detected.22 Stern’s view is currently not the prevailing scholarly view. Lipschits covers much of the same territory as Stern in his discussions of the archaeological evidence that relates to the situation in Judah after the surrender of Jerusalem. Lipschits notes that the Neo-Babylonian policy towards its conquered territories differed from the preceding NeoAssyrian one in that less attention was given to the conquered areas. The Neo-Babylonians conquered vast areas, much of which constituted smaller provinces that had already lost their national and cultural identity after having lived in the shadow of the Neo-Assyrian Empire for more than hundred years. As a result, the Neo-Babylonians were able to establish control over these provinces by conquering their centres and/or by destroying them and exiling the elite, ruling classes. This policy led to a drastic decline throughout the Levant in both economy and trade. At the same time, there was no corresponding decline in material culture
21
Blenkinsopp, “The Bible, Archaeology and Politics”, p. . E. Stern, “The Babylonian Gap: The Archaeological Reality”, JSOT (), pp. –. 22
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(contra Stern).23 In the particular case of Judah, the archaeological evidence attests to a sharp decline in urban life after bc, whereas there is continuity of the rural settlements in the highland of Judah, particularly in the area between Hebron and the territory of Benjamin. This settlement pattern stays fairly constant throughout the Persian period, showing that the culture remained rural and that the rebuilding of Jerusalem did not change much in terms of demography. In more specific terms, Jerusalem, together with its border cities in the west, was destroyed in bc. In contrast, there was no destruction in the Benjamin regions and in the highlands of Judah. These areas further preserved the material culture that was known from the pre-destruction period. Thus, the centre of gravity moved from the urban area of Jerusalem to the periphery. For Lipschits, this means that one can speak of a “gap” during the NeoBabylonian period after bc, but this is true only insofar as it refers to the urban centres around Jerusalem and southwards, in the Judean Desert, the Jordan valley, the Dead Sea region, the Negev and the southern Shephelah. There is no “gap” in the rural areas of Benjamin and the highlands of Judah.24 Instead these areas bear witness to continuity in the kinds of pottery throughout the sixth and the early fifth century bc. Only in the middle of the fifth century is there a definite change to a new type of pottery. Having said that, the sixth century is also a time of transition, where Judahite pottery began to display new features, in terms of shape, processing technique and material.25 Looking more closely at Jerusalem, Lipschits maintains, contra Barkay, that there is no archaeological evidence of any settlement in Jerusalem from bc until the middle of the Persian period. It was probably emptied of most of its population following the destruction, only to be resettled in the Persian period. In fact, Jerusalem remained poor even at the height of the Persian period, constituting little more than the temple, and there was probably little in terms of residential areas apart from those associated with the temple personnel.26 As to the archaeological evidence for a “Remnant” in Judah after bc, Lipschits, alongside many scholars before him, notes that four important settlements testify to continuous and in fact flourishing habitation in the sixth century bc (cf. Carter 23
Lipschits, Fall and Rise, pp. –. Lipschits, Fall and Rise, pp. –. For a discussion of the encompassing destruction of the areas south and west of Jerusalem, as well as in the Jordan Valley and the Judean desert, see pp. –. 25 Lipschits, Fall and Rise, pp. –. 26 Lipschits, Fall and Rise, pp. –. 24
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above): Mizpah, Gibeah, Bethel and Gibeon. Lipschits suggests that the decline of Mizpah in the early Persian period might have been due to the shift in power from Mizpah to Jerusalem.27 Even so, surveys of both the Neo-Babylonian and the Persian periods actually show that the latter was a general period of decline rather than the reconstruction stage as is suggested by the biblical accounts. Likewise, the settlements in Benjamin grew gradually more impoverished throughout the course of the fifth century.28 Lipschits concludes that, based on the archaeological data available, the Benjamin region, as well as the vicinity of Bethlehem, did not suffer destruction during the Babylonian campaign against Judah. Furthermore, there is no doubt that it would have been in the Babylonians’ best interest to permit most of the people of Judah to remain.29 This last claim has been picked up by Barstad, who argues that the Neo-Babylonian Empire is highly unlikely, given its strategy elsewhere, to have aimed for the complete destruction of Judah. Rather it would have sought to benefit economically from the produce of the land, in particular from its olive oil and wine.30 For example, as shown by Frankel, the olive presses installed at Tel el-Nas. beh (Mitzpah) during the Iron Age continued to be in use during the Persian Period. Therefore, while it is important not to belittle the impact of the deportations, Barstad maintains that the people remaining in Judah formed a small wheel in the big economic machinery of the Neo-Babylonian Empire. “Life went on after pretty much in the same way as it did before the arrival of Nebuchadnezzar’s armies, possibly, but not necessarily, on a reduced scale”.31 While much of what Barstad suggests is convincing, his last statement needs modification. The book of Lamentations, stemming from this time period, depicts life in Jerusalem in stark colours. As phrased by Smith-Christopher, we should not stop at the literary quality of Lamentations and ignore its 27
Lipschits, Fall and Rise, pp. –. Lipschits, Fall and Rise, pp. –. 29 Lipschits, Fall and Rise, p. . 30 H.M. Barstad, “Judah in the Neo-Babylonian Period”, History and the Hebrew Bible (FAT , Tübingen, Mohr Siebeck, ), pp. –. For more information regarding the wine and oil industry in Judah and the Galilee, see R. Frankel, Wine and Oil Production in Antiquity in Israel and in Other Mediterranean Countries (JSOT / ASOR Monograph Series , Sheffield, ), pp. , , , –. As most of the discussed material stems from the Iron Age II Period (roughly – bc), however, Frankel’s study does not shed much light upon the wine and oil production during the specific period of – bc. See also N. MacDonald, What Did the Ancient Israelites Eat? Diet in Biblical Times (Grand Rapids, Mich., Eerdmans, ), p. . 31 Barstad, “Judah in the Neo-Babylonian Period”, p. , cf. p. . 28
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content. Its poetry depicts the horrific devastation of Jerusalem and it must be taken seriously, despite its outstanding literary quality.32 Recently, some scholars have questioned Blenkinsopp’s and Lipschits’ claim that Mizpah served as a Neo-Babylonian administrative centre. Vanderhooft, for example, points out that we have only meagre textual and archaeological evidence pertaining to the Neo-Babylonian imperial and administrative practices in the Levant, and little evidence supports the idea that the Neo-Babylonians took over the Neo-Assyrian practices and installed a provincial government in Judah. The idea that the NeoBabylonians sought to promote a provincial administration with the goal of benefiting economically from the resources of Judah is therefore difficult to sustain.33 Although Zorn argues that the cuneiform inscription found on a bronze ringlet at Mizpah suggests that Mizpah was an administrative centre,34 Horowitz and Oshima point out that the date of the inscription cannot, on orthographical grounds, be limited to the NeoBabylonian period. They also detect no specific connection between the ringlet and Mizpah. In view of this, the ringlet cannot be used as evidence of a Neo-Babylonian administrative centre in Mizpah.35 In conclusion, the archaeological evidence suggests beyond doubt that the territory of Benjamin, and probably significant parts of territory of Judah, was inhabited during the templeless period. What percentage of the descendents of the pre-exilic kingdom of Judah remained in the land and what percentage was taken to Babylon is, in the present context, relatively unimportant. The archaeological and biblical evidence corroborate to a relatively large extent. Both sets of evidence agree that the destruction and the deportations brought about a different reality in the land, one that was without monarchy and without temple. As to the living conditions of the people in templeless Judah, I would not go so 32
D.L. Smith-Christopher, A Biblical Theology of Exile (OBT, Minneapolis, Fortress, ), p. . See also Oded, “Myth of the Empty Land”, pp. –, esp. pp. –. 33 D.S. Vanderhooft, “Babylonian Strategies of Imperial control in the West”, Judah and the Judeans in the Neo-Babylonian Period (eds O. Lipschits and J. Blenkinsopp, Winona Lake, IN., Eisenbrauns, ), pp. –. 34 J.R. Zorn, “Mizpah: Newly Discovered Stratum Reveals Judah’s Other Capital”, BAR / (), pp. –, (esp. p. ). 35 W. Horowitz, and T. Oshima, with S. Sanders, Cuneiform in Canaan: Cuneiform Sources from the Land of Israel in Ancient Times (Jerusalem, Israel Exploration Society / The Hebrew University of Jerusalem, ), p. . See also W. Horowitz, and D.S. Vanderhooft, “The Cuneiform Inscription from Tell en-Nas. beh: The Demise of an Unknown King”, TA / (), pp. –.
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far as to say that life went on normally. The book of Lamentations is a strong witness to the contrary. Yet, as time went by, and as we approach the end of the Neo-Babylonian era, i.e. the earliest date of the oldest material in Isa –, it is reasonable to assume that life, especially in the rural areas, would have returned to some kind of routine. There was also in all likelihood a certain Neo-Babylonian presence in Judah that governed the affairs of the region, with its centre at Mizpah. To what extent this presence was part of a formally organized province is less certain. Finally, it is possible that the produce of Judah contributed to the imperial economy but, as this evidence is at most circumstantial, this must remain a conjecture.
. The Literary Ability of the People of Judah Having argued that templeless Judah and possibly also Jerusalem were inhabited, what repercussions does this have for the whereabouts of the authors of Isa –? Could templeless Judah have harboured authors able to produce literature on the level of Isa –? The answer must be yes based on the following grounds. Beginning with Lamentations, none would doubt the literary merits of those poems, and virtually no one would deny that people in Judah were the authors.36 Not only that, its incorporation in the later canon of the Hebrew Bible demonstrates that the final product of the Hebrew Bible allowed for views that did not conform to, and in fact challenged, the bias towards the golah community found in many other texts. Likewise, as noted above, one literary strand in Jeremiah is also sympathetic towards the people who remained in Judah in the sixth century bc. Thus, there is no support for assuming that the final editors of the book of Isaiah would only have accepted literature with a golah oriented theology. Aside from Lamentations and Jeremiah, the laments in Isa :–: and Neh are probably also Judahite compositions.37 Finally, it has been argued that a native Judahite wrote the book of Haggai.38
36
Cf. Barstad, “Judah in the Neo-Babylonian Period”, p. . See especially H.G.M. Williamson, “Isaiah ,–,: Exilic Lament or Post-Exilic Protest?”, ZAW (), pp. –. See also my discussion in Tiemeyer, “Abraham”, pp. –. 38 See, e.g., the discussion in J.E. Tollington, Tradition and Innovation in Haggai and Zechariah – (JSOTS , Sheffield, JSOT Press, ), pp. –. She notes that there 37
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Several scholars also argue for Judahite authorship of the Deuteronomistic History (DtrH). According to Noth, the redactor of the Deuteronomistic History (DtrR) had access to various local traditions, especially those attached to the (assumed) shrines in Bethel and Mizpah.39 Noth further reflects on the lack of expectation of a return in the DtrH and on the obvious focus on the holy place in Jerusalem, although he never explicitly argues for a Judahite provenance of DtrR.40 Building upon Noth’s arguments, Janssen maintains that DtrH was composed in Judah for the following four reasons. First, the concern of Canaanite idolatry is more relevant for the people in Judah than for those in exile. Secondly, the reference to the temple as a house of prayer ( Kgs ) fits templeless Judah better than Babylon. Thirdly, the focus always remains on the destruction of Judah and never stretches beyond that. Finally, the words äìâ and äáù are hardly ever used.41 Janssen further argues that, in addition to Lamentations, Isa , Obadiah, and Pss , , , and were all composed on Judahite soil,42 as were the prose sermons of the book of Jeremiah, influenced as they are, by the book of Deuteronomy.43 If Janssen were correct, we would have further evidence of a group of prolific writers in templeless Judah.44 Recent scholarship has, however, rejected a Judahite origin of the DtrH.45 It is indeed questionable whether Janssen’s criteria for placing DtrH in Judah, such as the references to idolatry and to the temple as a house of prayer, would not be equally applicable to the situation in Babylon. The infrequent use of the words äìâ and äáù is also not really an argument for the geographical setting of a text as it must be assumed that the notions of exile and captivity could have been of interest to the people in Judah and Babylon alike. Instead, the majority of contemporary scholars regard DtrH as a two or even three step process, in which the first step(s) took place in preis no direct indication as to whether Haggai had been among those deported to Babylon or whether he had lived in Judah all his life. 39 M. Noth, Überlieferungsgeschichtliche Studien (Halle, Königsberger, ), p. . 40 Noth, Überlieferungsgeschichtliche Studien, pp. –. 41 E. Janssen, Juda in der Exilzeit: Ein Beitrag zur Frage der Entstehung des Judentums (FRLANT , Göttingen, Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht, ), pp. –. 42 Janssen, Juda in der Exilzeit, pp. –, –. 43 Janssen, Juda in der Exilzeit, pp. –. 44 See further the overview of both Janssen’s and Noth’s work in Middlemass, Templeless Judah, p. . 45 See e.g., E.W. Nicholson, Preaching to the Exiles: A Study in the Prose Tradition in the Book of Jeremiah (Oxford, Blackwell, ), pp. –.
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exilic Judah and the final stage(s) took place in Babylon.46 Likewise, a Judahite setting of the final editing of the book of Jeremiah has also by and large been rejected,47 and more nuanced redactional schemes have been proposed according to which the final redaction of the book took place in Babylon.48 Although these new theories cast doubt upon Noth’s and Janssen’s claims that the final redaction of DtrH and Jeremiah took place in templeless Judah, they are important insofar as they show that past scholars considered templeless Judah to be a place of literary ability and creativity. We may thus conclude that the people of Judah had the necessary capability for composing texts of a high literary quality. The question remains as to where this writing could have taken place. Since the urban centre of Jerusalem and the religious centre of the temple had been destroyed, did any alternative institutional infrastructure exist, such as a scribal school or a functioning local sanctuary, which fostered and encouraged this kind of intellectual endeavour? In this discussion, we cannot differentiate between Lamentations and Isa – as their literary quality is comparable. In other words, we cannot argue that Isa – must have been composed within a scribal community while, at the same time, maintaining that Lamentations originated outside such a community. Blenkinsopp suggests that Bethel, situated near the administrative centre of Mizpah, might have been the associated cultic and cultural centre of Yehud, in the sense of an imperially sponsored sanctuary.49
46 See the overview of many of the recent and diverse theories in G.N. Knoppers, Two Nations under God: The Deuteronomistic History of Solomon and the Dual Monarchies, Vol. The Reign of Solomon and the Rise of Jeroboam (HSM , Atlanta, GA., Scholars Press, ), pp. –, as well as his own theory presented throughout the two volumes of his work. 47 Again, see Nicholson, Preaching to the Exiles, pp. –. 48 See, e.g., Seitz, Theology in Conflict, pp. – (summary), and Seitz, “Crisis of Interpretation”, pp. –, who suggests a gradual development of the editing of the Jeremianic oracles. Drawing attention to the two conflicting views concerning the population remaining in Judah (see above), Seitz proposes that the oracles underwent two redactions. The first redaction, what he calls the Scribal Chronicles, was composed after bc but before bc in Judah and it is written from a pro-Judahite perspective. In contrast, the second redaction that gradually came to be the final form of the book of Jeremiah, was composed in Babylon and carried out under the influence of the Ezekiel tradition, and thus made to fit the negative view of the Judahite remnant found in Kings and Ezekiel. 49 J. Blenkinsopp, “Bethel in the Neo-Babylonian Period”, Judah and the Judeans in the Neo-Babylonian Period (eds O. Lipschits and J. Blenkinsopp, Winona Lake, IN., Eisenbrauns, ), pp. –, Knauf, “Israelite Impact”, p. .
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Both places would thus have hosted a scribal class in operation during Gedaliah’s administration and later. Even so, since both Lamentations and Isa – never refer to their place(s) of composition, let alone to Mizpah, this suggestion must remain a hypothesis. It is also possible that Lamentations and Isa – originated orally and were committed to their final written forms only later in the scribal setting of the newly built temple in Jerusalem. This, after all, is what we would expect of prophetic oracles. To sum up, it is reasonable to assume that the people who were capable of composing Lamentations would have been capable of composing Isa –. It is possible that this literary creativity took place, either orally or in writing, at Mizpah or at the nearby Bethel, but this must remain no more than a conjecture due to the lack of concrete evidence.
. Life in Babylon: The Textual Evidence In order to complete this background survey, I shall also look briefly at the textual and archaeological evidence of the exiles’ situation in Babylon. As in the previous section, I shall examine whether the golah community in Babylon could have fostered the authors of Isaiah –. Again, owing to the scarcity of the material available today, we have only an incomplete picture. Ezekiel is the only book in the Hebrew Bible that presents the ministry of a prophet as having taken place in Babylon. It also provides glimpses into more general aspects of life in exile (cf. Ps ; Jer ). In the book of Ezekiel, the first person narrator describes his daily life in the Babylonian community, and mentions Babylonian place names. This presentation of the Babylonian exilic community agrees with the little we know from the meagre contemporary Neo-Babylonian sources.50 Therefore, alongside many contemporary scholars, I advocate a Babylonian setting for either the book of Ezekiel as a whole or at least the bulk thereof.51 We can
50 A. Mein, Ezekiel and the Ethics of Exile (OTM, Oxford, Oxford University Press, ), pp. –, provides a good overview of what is known to us about the exiles’ situation in Babylon. 51 Cf. T. Renz, The Rhetorical Function of the Book of Ezekiel (VTS , Leiden, Brill, ), pp. –. See also the recent discussion in P.M. Joyce, Ezekiel: A Commentary (LHBOTS , London, T&T Clark, ), pp. –.
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thus surmise that there was some kind of an Ezekiel school in Babylon that preserved and redacted the material.52 This supposition is further supported by the abovementioned dominant scholarly view that the book of Jeremiah and the Deuteronomistic history were edited in Babylon. Nevertheless, a relatively large number of scholars reject a sixth century dating of most of Ezekiel and instead maintain that the book developed over several hundred years. Garscha, for example, argues that the book was only completed around bc,53 and Pohlmann assigns the bulk of Ezekiel to the Persian period.54 While neither of the two specifies the geographic location of these redactions, both maintain that the perspective of the redactions is that of the golah. These theories are open to critique, and neither of them has commanded widespread support.55 Moreover, some recent work has shown that contested parts of Ezekiel are alluded to by authors in the early Persian period and thus must have existed in some form at that time.56 There are also solid arguments that suggest that while the final form of the MT of Ezekiel may be a product of the Hellenistic period, the LXX preserves an earlier version.57 Finally, from time to time various scholars have suggested that the book of Ezekiel, in its entirety, is a kind of historical fiction written much later in Judah. While some scholars detect allusions to events during the
52
See, e.g., W. Zimmerli, Ezekiel (Hermeneia, transl. R.E. Clements, Philadelphia, Fortress, ), p. . 53 J. Garscha, Studien zum Ezechielbuch: Eine Redaktionskritische Untersuchung von Ez – (EH ., Bern and Frankfurt a.M., Peter Lang, ). He postulates three chief layers of the book: () the original prophetic book (VEz), containing, but not identical to, the words of the prophet Ezekiel (–/ bc), () the deuteronezekielian reworking (DEz) (– bc), and () the cultic law redaction (die sakralrechtliche Schicht, SEz) ( bc). 54 K.-F. Pohlmann, Das Buch des Propheten Hesekiel / Ezechiel Kapitel – (ATD , Göttingen, Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht, ), pp. –. He postulates a small core text going back to the prophet, and two main redactional layers from the Persian period: an early golaorientierte Redaktion and a later diasporaorientierte Redaktion. 55 Mein, Ethics, p. . 56 For example, M.R. Stead, The Intertextuality of Zechariah – (LHBOTS , London, T&T Clark Continuum, ), pp. –, , , has recently demonstrated that, based on allusions to Ezek – in Zech –, it is likely that this material precedes bc. 57 See, e.g., the discussion in J. Lust, “The Use of Textual Witnesses for the Establishment of the Text”, Ezekiel and His Book: Textual and Literary Criticism and their Interrelation (ed. J. Lust, Leuven, Leuven University Press, ), pp. –.
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Hellenistic period,58 others maintain that since Ezekiel contains a large portion of material that can be classified as apocalyptic, it must stem from a time period significantly later than the sixth century.59 Yet others argue, based on the fact that many of the oracles in the book of Ezekiel appear to address Jerusalem, that the whole concept of exile in the book is a literary notion, a metaphor of the fears of the people in Judah.60 These latter views have not, however, won any general scholarly acceptance. In fact, as I have suggested elsewhere, eschatological and/or apocalyptic features in a text are not in themselves valid criteria for dating a text to the Hellenistic period.61 Given the probability that the bulk of the book of Ezekiel, although possibly in a form more closely resembling the LXX than the MT, goes back to sixth century bc Babylon, a careful reading of Ezekiel will yield information about the social and religious situation of the golah community in Babylon at that time. To begin with the social aspects, the reference to elders in Ezek : indicates that the exiles were free to assemble at
58 See, e.g., C.C. Torrey, Pseudo-Ezekiel and the Original Prophecy (New Haven, Yale University Press, ), pp. –, who bases his late dating upon, among others, the following general considerations: () the reference in Ezek : to God speaking to prophets “in old times”, () the references to Persia in : and :, () the late biblical Hebrew, and () the Aramaic elements in Ezekiel. Torrey also lists more specific reasons. For example, he maintains that Ezek refers to the destruction of Tyre by Alexander the Great, that the reference to Gog in Ezek – is an allusion to Alexander the Great, and that the river of Ezek is an apocalyptic motif that belongs to the third century bc. Torrey concludes that Ezekiel should be dated shortly after Dan (between Ptolemy III and Sleucus II, i.e. – bc) around bc. 59 See, e.g., J. Becker, “Ez – als einheitliche Komposition in einem pseudepigraphischen ezechielbuch”, Ezekiel and his Book: Textual and Literary Criticism and their Interrelation (ed. J. Lust, BETL, Leuven, Leuven University Press, ), pp. –, who regards the whole book of Ezekiel as a pseudepigraph. This can be seen by the clear structure of the book. The unity of the book of Ezekiel is not a redactional unity of the final form but a clearly planned work of an author. As the book contains apocalyptic material, Berger maintains that it cannot have been composed in the sixth century bc, but in the fifth century bc. Along similar lines, U. Feist, Ezechiel: Das literarische Problem des Buches forshungsgeschichtlich betrachtet (BWANT , Stuttgart, Kohlhammer, ), pp. –, maintains that the literary unity of the book is best understood against the background of apocalyptic literature. 60 See, e.g., R. Carroll, “Deportation and Diasporic Discourse in the Prophetic Literature”, Exile: Old Testament, Jewish and Christian Conceptions (ed. J.M. Scott, JSJS , Leiden, Brill, ), pp. – (esp. –), and “Exile! What Exile?”, pp. –. 61 L.-S. Tiemeyer, “Will the Prophetic Texts from the Hellenistic Period Stand Up, Please”, in Judah between East and West: The Transition from Persian to Greek Rule (– bce) (eds L.L. Grabbe and O. Lipschits, LSTS, T&T Clark, forthcoming).
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Ezekiel’s house and that they had some form of self-rule. Ezekiel’s interaction with the elders further suggests that the exiles were free to debate religious and public issues. Ezek also suggests that the exilic community harboured prophets who were free to deliver their oracles in some kind of public space.62 At the same time, the harsh critique against the oppression of Israel’s leadership in Ezek , possibly aimed at the government within the exilic community,63 does not speak well of the general situation in the society. From a different angle, the portrayal of the prophet and the dominant theology of retribution within the book of Ezekiel testify to the exiles’ stressful experience and their feelings of displacement and trauma.64 Likewise, Ezek : and : reflect the community’s negative assessment of its situation in Babylon (cf. Ps which betrays the deep sense of loss and dislocation that the exiles felt).65 Turning to the religious practices of the golah community in the sixth century bc, the book of Ezekiel paints a fairly negative picture of the prophet’s fellow compatriots. With the exception of Ezekiel himself, it describes all prophets, male and female, as acting in ways that are abominable in the eyes of YHWH (Ezek ).66 Along the same lines, Jer :–, part of a letter that Jeremiah is to have sent to “the elders of the golah community, and to the priests and to the prophets, and to all the people Nebuchadnezzar had deported from Jerusalem to Babylon” (Jer :), refers to two prophets, Ahab son of Kolaiah and Zedekiah son of Maaseiah, who have not only prophesied falsely in God’s name but also committed adultery with their neighbours’ wives. In addition, several passages in Ezekiel hint at a certain tension between the prophet and the rest of the community because of religious differences. Ezekiel accuses “the elders of Israel” for having set up “their idols in their hearts” (íáì ìò íäéìåìâ åìòä) and for having “put a 62
See further Mein, Ethics of Exile, pp. –. See further D.I. Block, The Book of Ezekiel: Chapters – (Grand Rapids, Mich., Eerdmans, ), p. . 64 See especially Smith-Christopher, Theology of Exile, pp. –. 65 Mein, Ethics of Exile, p. . 66 For different interpretations of these accusations, see, e.g., N.R. Bowen, “The Daughters of Your People: Female Prophets in Ezekiel .–”, JBL (), pp. – (esp. –), E. Jost, “The Daughters of Your People Prophesy”, Prophets and Daniel: A Feminist Companion to the Bible (Second Series) (ed. A. Brenner, Sheffield, Sheffield Academic Press, ), pp. – (esp. pp. –), and M.C.A. Korpel, “Avian Spirits in Ugarit and in Ezekiel ”, Ugarit, Religion and Culture: Essays Presented in Honor of J.C.L. Gibson (ed. N. Wyatt, Ugaritisch-Biblische Literatur , Münster, Ugarit-Verlag, ), pp. –. 63
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stumbling block of their iniquity before their faces” (çëð åðúð íðåò ìåùëîå (Ezek :–). Likewise, Ezekiel refuses to respond to the elders’ request to enquire of YHWH (Ezek :–). Outside of the book of Ezekiel, the later text in Ezra :– implies that certain Levites had settled in Casiphia (v. ). Based in particular on the somewhat awkward Hebrew expression íå÷îä àéôñëá (“in Casiphia, the place”), scholars have argued that Casiphia was a Jewish cultic centre with functioning cultic officials,67 or a centre of Levite scribal activity and teaching.68 However, as Ezra :– contains no explicit reference to either a scribal centre or a sanctuary, even though local sanctuaries certainly existed in the Diaspora (cf. the temple at Elephantine), and as it is not necessary to translate the term íå÷îä as alluding to a sacred place, these interpretations are no more than reasonable guesses.69 We should also bear in mind the significant time gap between the earliest parts of the book of Ezekiel and Ezra :–. In other words, although there might have been an active cultic centre in Casiphia in the fifth century bc, we cannot infer that this was the case hundred years earlier. íäéðô)
To sum up, given the probability that several biblical books were redacted in Babylon, it is reasonable to assume that the exilic community developed over time some form of scribal centre. It is possible that Casiphia was such a centre, and there may have been others that are unfamiliar to us. As such, Isa – could definitely have been written and edited in Babylon. At the same time, other factors render this possibility less likely. First, it is important to distinguish between the situation in the Diaspora community in sixth century bc Babylon, as evidenced by material in the book of Ezekiel, and the later situation described in Ezra-Nehemiah. For example, we cannot assume that the kind of fervent Zionism—to use an anachronistic term—that characterizes parts of the Babylonian golah community in Ezra-Nehemiah was already shared by many exiles in the sixth century bc. Ezekiel’s vision of the return in Ezek :– (cf. chapter ); :–; :–, , although showing some thematic similarities with Isa – (e.g. Ezek :– // Isa :), is not the central
67 See especially L.E. Browne, “A Jewish Sanctuary in Babylonia”, JTS (), pp. –. 68 M. Leuchter, “Ezra’s Mission and the Levites of Casiphia”, Community Identity in Judean Historiography: Biblical and Comparative Perspectives (eds G.N. Knoppers and K.A. Ristau, Winona Lake, IN., Eisenbrauns, ), pp. –. 69 Cf. H.G.M. Williamson, Ezra, Nehemiah (WBC, Waco, Texas, Word, ), p. .
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message of the book of Ezekiel. Likewise, even if we accept that Casiphia was a scribal centre in the fifth century bc (Ezra :–), we cannot assume that it already existed one hundred years earlier. Secondly, the portrayal in Ezek and Jer :– of the unorthodox prophetic practices within the golah community in Babylon make it difficult to argue that the Babylonian community was a more plausible birthplace of the theology of Isa – than the Judahite community.70 The question of the provenance of Isa – must therefore remain open.
. Life in Babylon: The Archaeological Evidence The archaeological evidence is primarily onomastic in character, i.e. it consists of texts that mention names containing a theophoric element related to YHWH or names that are accompanied by the ethnic designation “Judahite”. We have three tablets from the early Persian period with Hebrew names. In addition, there are another ninety texts in a private collection (henceforth TAYN corpus) containing references to Jews living in the Babylon-Borsippa region in the sixth century bc. Finally, the Murashu archive from Nippur contains tablets dating from – bc.71 Zakok’s study of the Murashu archive shows that while the Jews were fairly well integrated into the Babylonian society by the fifth century bc, it is unlikely that they assimilated into the population around them. We have no evidence of inter-marriages, and none of the three Jewish cylinder seal-impressions found in the Nippur area bears any pagan cultic scenes. There is also no evidence of Jews bringing cases before a nonJewish court of law. In addition, Zadok’s study reveals no indications that the Jews in Babylon rose to the highest classes of the society; rather, they served as minor functionaries. Finally, it shows that the Jewish exiles at Murashu, like their neighbours in the Nippur area, were involved in agriculture as owners and tenants of small and middle-sized properties. While there are two attested examples of Jewish fishermen and one attested example of a Jewish shepherd, we lack references to Jewish
70
Contra Oded, “Myth of the Empty Land”, pp. –. See further L.L. Grabbe, A History of the Jews and Judaism in the Second Temple Period: Yehud—A History of the Persian Province of Judah. Vol. (LSTS, Edinburgh, T&T Clark, ), pp. – (with listed bibliography). 71
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artisans. Since the Murashu archive deals primarily with agriculture this lack of evidence may simply be the result of our limited and random sources.72 More recently, Oded has surveyed the references to exiles from Israel and Judah in Mesopotamian cuneiform texts dealing with forced migration.73 He argues that many of these deportees, including those from Israel and Judah, settled in the rural areas of Babylon that had previously been devastated in the many wars between Assyria and Babylon in order to restore the settlements and to cultivate the deserted arable lands.74 In addition, Oded discusses the records, found in the palace of Nebuchadnezzar II, which mention that Jehoiachin, king of Judah, and his five sons received rations from the palace treasure,75 and points out that they also refer to other names with the ethnic designation Ia-a-hu-da-a-a/ Ia-úda-a-a (i.e. Judahites).76 He concludes that the Israelite / Jewish community was already dispersed throughout Mesopotamia before the Edict of Cyrus, in line with customary Neo-Assyrian and Neo-Babylonian deportation systems. Although many of the exiles were originally settled on the rivers or canals of Babylon, it is likely that, in the course of time, they began moving around, from the agricultural periphery into the cities and vice versa, for economic or other reasons.77 Pearce looks at the TAYN corpus from the villages of a¯l-Y¯ah¯udu and Naˇsar and suggests that these documents show a gradual integration of the exiles into the general Babylonian economic life. Persons with Hebrew names are recorded as participating in ordinary economic transactions, such as serving as debtors and creditors in a variety of loan documents and receipts. Also, Pearce points out that the toponym a¯l-Y¯ah¯udu lacks a gentilic ending, and interprets this to mean that the exiles living
72
R. Zadok, The Jews in Babylonia in the Chaldean and Achaemenian Periods in the Light of the Babylonian Sources (Tel-Aviv, Tel-Aviv University, ), pp. , –. For a recent edition of the texts themselves, see M.W. Stolper, “Fifth Century Nippur: Texts of the Muraˇsu and from Their Surroundings”, JCS (), pp. –. 73 B. Oded, “The Settlements of the Israelite and the Judean Exiles in Mesopotamia in the th–th Centuries bce”, Studies in Historical Geography and Biblical Historiography. FS Zecharia Kallai (eds G. Galil and M. Weinfeld, VTS , Leiden, Brill, ), pp. – . 74 Oded, “Settlements of the Israelite and the Judean Exiles”, p. . 75 For a recent discussion of this ration lists, see M. Gerhards, “Die Begnadigung Jojachins—Überlegungen zu .Kön.,– (mit einem Anhang zu den Nennungen Jojachins auf Zuteilungslisten aus Babylon)”, BN (), pp. –. 76 Oded, “Settlements of the Israelite and the Judean Exiles”, p. . 77 Oded, “Settlements of the Israelite and the Judean Exiles”, pp. –.
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there had become assimilated into the society to the extent that they were no longer considered to be foreigners. At the same time, it also suggests that the exiles were settled in communities together with their compatriots.78 To sum up, the biblical and the archaeological evidence together depict a functioning exilic community at the lower levels of the Babylonian society. While in no way seeking to diminish the suffering of the displaced people from Judah, it seems that, over time, they settled adequately into the larger Babylonian society.
. Conclusion In conclusion, we can definitely answer our initial question in the affirmative. Yes, nothing precludes the assumption that there were people in Judah capable of composing Isa –. The question as to whether they were likely to have done so will be addressed throughout the rest of this monograph.
78 L.E. Pearce, “Judeans in Babylon”, Judah and Judeans in the Persian Period (eds O. Lipschits and M. Oeming, Winona Lake, IN., Eisenbrauns, ), pp. –.
chapter three ISAIAH 40–55 AND BABYLONIAN INFLUENCE
Introduction This chapter investigates the frequent claims that the Babylonian setting of Isa – is supported by close similarities between the language of Isa – and Akkadian, by explicit references to Babylon, and by familiarity with its religion and culture. I shall examine these claims and determine to what degree they actually support a Babylonian origin of Isa –. As we shall discover, most, if not all, of these claims do not support a Babylonian setting of Isa – but presuppose it. I shall begin with a general discussion of the methods involved in comparative studies of the Bible and the ancient Near East, showing what one can and cannot prove. I shall then turn to the matter of NeoBabylonian imperialism and argue that both the Neo-Assyrian and the Neo-Babylonian Empires exercised considerable influence over Israel and Judah from the eighth century bc onwards. We should therefore not be surprised to find a relatively large degree of shared phenomena between the ruling superpower and the state of Judah living in its shadow, both in terms of language and with regard to societal, cultural and religious matters. It follows that superficial knowledge of Babylonian customs in a text is not an argument that proves that its author was a Babylonian resident. I shall also discuss the Akkadian influence on the language and literary style of Isa – and argue that nothing in Isa – necessitates a Babylonian-based author. In particular, I shall investigate the alleged similarity between Isa :–: and the Cyrus Cylinder, as well as the potential Akkadian influence on the so-called “self predication” formula, found throughout Isa –, , and . In addition, I shall look briefly at the latest research pertaining to the development of the Hebrew language and what the characteristics of the Hebrew of Isa – can tell us about its geographical origin. I shall turn finally to specific texts in Isa – that have often been cited as evidence of a Babylonian provenance of Isa –—the co-called idol fabrication passages (Isa :–; :–; :–), the references to
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Babylon (Isa :; :–; ; :, ), the references to Babylonian religious practices (Isa :–; :–; :), and the descriptions of God’s supremacy and his incomparability (e.g. Isa :, , b, ; :)—in order to determine what they tell us about the geographical whereabouts of the authors of Isa – and their target audience.
. Methods in Comparative Studies Before we can begin to investigate whether or not Isa – betrays Babylonian influence, it is important to establish the methods that can be used for undertaking such an investigation. In the following discussion, I depend in particular upon Talmon’s four helpful guidelines for comparative studies of the Bible and the ancient Near East: () the interpretation of biblical features—whether socio-political, cultic, generalcultural or literary in nature—should give priority to inner-biblical parallels and only thereafter look to extra-biblical parallels, () if comparisons with extra-biblical material are made, preference should be given to parallels from societies contemporary with the biblical text, () likewise, when studying social phenomena, the study of a particular phenomenon within Israel must be given priority before looking for extra-biblical parallels, and () an holistic approach should be preferred over an atomistic approach.1 In view of these guidelines, I maintain that, when we investigate a societal function or a cultural and/or religious custom referred to in Isa –, we should begin by asking whether this phenomenon can be explained satisfactorily by other biblical texts. In the case of words or phrases, for example, we should always seek to understand them through our knowledge of biblical Hebrew before turning to external parallels. It is furthermore important to pay heed to Barr’s cautionary remarks pertaining to philological influence in a biblical text. Barr highlights the tendency among scholars to detect loanwords and philological influence from languages that are their own speciality. In other cases, scholars are affected by the simple matter of availability of certain data. For example, if there is data suggesting Aramaic influence, then scholars tend to look for Aramaic (but not other kinds of) loanwords. Yet again, scholars often display a preference for one cognate language over another, although it is 1 S. Talmon, “The ‘Comparative Method’ in Biblical Interpretation—Principles and Problems”, Congress Volume: Göttingen, (ed. J.A. Emerton, VTS , Leiden, Brill, ), pp. – (summary p. ).
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often impossible to detect any decisive reason for this preference. In other words, certain languages are more popular than others when it comes to detecting similarity. Barr therefore suggests three principles. First, comparisons with sources nearer to the Hebrew Bible in time are to be given priority. Secondly, sources closer to Israel and Judah geographically are likely to be more reliable. Thirdly, closer linguistic affinity within the classification of the Semitic family will in general yield more convincing results, even though there are many examples of methodologically sound comparisons between, for example, Akkadian and Hebrew.2 In view of these words of warning, we shall now proceed to consider the comparisons that scholars have made between the text of Isa – and the world of the Neo-Babylonian Empire.
. Neo-Babylonian Imperialism There is no doubt that the Neo-Assyrian Empire and the subsequent NeoBabylonian Empire exerted cultural and religious dominance over the areas under their control. Imperial ideas and institutions were exported to the countries under their control, and both resistance to and familiarity with these ideas naturally developed among the conquered peoples.3 We should therefore expect to find a relatively large degree of Mesopotamian influence in the intellectual life of Israel and Judah. In fact, it is very likely that the inhabitants of Judah were familiar with NeoAssyrian policies and customs even before bc when Judah’s close neighbour Israel became an Assyrian province following its conquest by the Neo-Assyrian army under Shalmanezer V and his successor Sargon II.4 Parpola, for example, has looked at the long-term affects of the Assyrian expansion upon the territories subject to its rule. He argues that although Judah in the seventh century bc remained a semi-independent vassal kingdom that was not incorporated formally into the Assyrian 2
J. Barr, Comparative Philology and the Text of the Old Testament (Oxford, Clarendon, ), pp. –. 3 See, e.g., the discussion in D.S. Vanderhooft, The Neo-Babylonian Empire and Babylon in the Latter Prophets (MSM , Atlanta, GA., Scholars Press, ), pp. – . 4 For the impact of Neo-Assyrian economic policies upon its provinces, see further S. Gitin, “The Neo-Assyrian Empire and Its Western Periphery: The Levant, with Focus on Philistine Ekron”, Assyria : Proceedings of the th Anniversary of the Neo-Assyrian Text Corpus Project, Helsinki, September –, (eds S. Parpola and R.M. Whiting, Helsinki, The Neo-Assyrian Text Corpus Project, ), pp. –.
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provincial system, Assyrian influence increased significantly during the reign of Manasseh (– bc). For example, Assyrian religious and ideological motifs appear on locally manufactured cylinder seals and cult objects during this timeframe.5 The imperial influence over pre-exilic Judah is further confirmed by the number of cuneiform texts that have been found in the territories of Israel and Judah. The Cuneiform in Canaan Project is comprised of ninety-one objects from twenty-eight sites, including various cuneiform tablets and inscribed objects. The tablets hold literary texts, letters, administrative texts, royal inscriptions, private dedicatory inscriptions, lexical lists, school exercises, mathematics and a magical / medical text. The sites are situated throughout the territories of ancient Israel and Judah and they date from both the second and the first millennia bc, with the majority of sites stemming from the Late Bronze Age. In the present context, the seventeen texts that belong to the Neo-Assyrian period, as well as the few isolated texts from the late NeoBabylonian and Persian periods, are of specific interest.6 These texts fall into two main groups. The first group contains stelae and stele fragments commemorating the Assyrian conquest from the reigns of Sargon II and Esarhaddon. The second group consists of administrative documents and a few other miscellaneous items documenting the Assyrian occupation. These latter texts, found at Gezer, Tel Hadid, Tel Keisan, Khirbet Kusiya, and Samaria, stem from the reigns of Sennacherib and Assurbanipal, and they reflect a situation in which several Assyrian administrators lived and worked in Judah and Israel. However, it would be to go beyond the textual evidence to draw any firm conclusion regarding the specific level of contact between these administrators and the local population.7 There is also evidence that suggests that the Neo-Assyrian Empire exerted influence over Israel and Judah in the spheres of astral science and symbolism. As noted by Halpern, Babylonian astronomers in the eighth century bc began to compile daily diaries of heavenly phenomena, 5 S. Parpola, “Assyria’s Expansion in the th and th Centuries and Its Long-Term Repercussions in the West”, Symbiosis, Symbolism, and the Power of the Past: Canaan, Ancient Israel, and Their Neighbors—From the Late Bronze Age through Roman Palaestina (eds W.G. Dever and S. Gitin, the AIAR Anniversary Volume: Winona Lake, IN., Eisenbrauns, ), pp. – (esp. pp. –). For images, see O. Keel and C. Uehlinger, Gods, Goddesses and Images of God in Ancient Israel (transl. T.H. Trapp, Edinburgh, T&T Clark, ), pp. –. 6 Horowitz and Oshima, Cuneiform in Canaan, pp. –. 7 Horowitz and Oshima, Cuneiform in Canaan, pp. –.
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and during the reign of Sargon II these diaries were incorporated into the service of his political empire, reaching all the way to the Mediterranean. According to Halpern, this explains why similar (Babylonian) ideas about the heaven and its constellations were known and expanded upon in places as far apart as Judah and Miletus in Anatolia.8 Finally, some evidence suggests indirectly that the conquered areas adapted certain Neo-Assyrian cultic issues. Holloway, for example, argues that while there are few direct example of religious imperialism in the cases of Judah and Israel,9 the accumulative evidence relating to the Neo-Assyrian conquests of foreign territories shows that it was the norm to install certain Assyrian divine objects in the cities and/or the temples of the conquered areas.10 In the instances when they forced their own cults upon the conquered people, the Assyrians were content to shelter their cults in native palaces, shrines or temples.11 In view of the cultural and religious dominance of the Neo-Assyrian and the subsequent Neo-Babylonian Empires, it should come as no surprise to find ample references to Babylonian practices in the biblical texts stemming from the eighth to the sixth centuries bc. In addition, we should expect to see evidence of influence in terms of literary and religious concepts. It is, for example, widely accepted that there is significant NeoAssyrian influence on the book of Deuteronomy. As van der Toorn states, there is little doubt that the pre-exilic Judahite scribe responsible for what van der Toorn deems to be the first edition of the book of Deuteronomy, created as a subsequent theological reflection of Josiah’s reform, was “a professional with a thorough knowledge of the legal tradition and the conventions of international treaties”.12 This in turn suggests that at 8 B. Halpern, “Late Israelite Astronomies and the Early Greeks”, Symbiosis, Symbolism, and the Power of the Past: Canaan, Ancient Israel, and Their Neighbors—From the Late Bronze Age through Roman Palaestina (eds W.G. Dever and S. Gitin, the AIAR Anniversary Volume, Winona Lake, IN., Eisenbrauns, ), pp. –, –. 9 S.W. Holloway, Aˇ sˇsur is King! Aˇsˇsur is King! Religion in the Exercise of Power in the Neo-Assyrian Empire (CHANE , Leiden, Brill, ), p. , defines “imperialism” as “deliberate, coercive involvement in the affairs of a foreign and subordinate polity with the intention of either manipulating the internal affairs of the foreign cult, or of imposing cultic dues and obligations consciously understood by both polities for the support of the cult(s) of the imperial polity, or both.” 10 Holloway, Aˇ sˇsur is King, pp. –. 11 Holloway, Aˇ sˇsur is King, pp. –. 12 K. van der Toorn, Scribal Culture and the Making of the Hebrew Bible (Cambridge, MA., Harvard University Press, ), pp. –. See also Parpola, “Assyria’s Expansion”, p. .
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least the scribes, and possibly also the rest of the people of Judah, had at least a rudimentary understanding of Mesopotamian religious ideas. Likewise, Machinist argues that the significant Neo-Assyrian influence in the language of Isa –*, including several cognate expressions, is the direct result of Assyrian propaganda in Judah.13 Although the prophet may have known some of these expressions and idioms from his own native tradition, it is more feasible that his selection and formulation of them resulted from the direct impact of the Neo-Assyrian idioms, familiar from Assyrian literature known (at the royal court) in Judah at his time, or from Assyrian propaganda on public monuments and the like.14 Furthermore, rather than postulating that someone like Isaiah ben Amos would have been able to read cuneiform Akkadian, it is more reasonable to assume that this type of propaganda was disseminated in Judah with the help of bilingual Akkadian-Aramaic texts.15 What the prophet was doing might, in fact, have been an attempt at deflecting and reworking the Assyrian propaganda that he encountered.16 Along similar lines, Vanderhooft looks at the references to the Neo-Babylonian Empire in the Hebrew Bible, with a focus on the Latter Prophets, in order to determine how the biblical writers resisted or acquiesced to the ideas and the practices of the Empire. Vanderhooft discusses texts that he considers to be contemporary with the Neo-Babylonian Empire (Mic :; Isa :–; :–; :–; Jer –*; –; Hab –; Ezek ; ; Isa :–; :–). For example, he examines the polemic in Hab :– against Babylonian idol fabrications, and concludes that these passages reflect Habakkuk’s manipulation and reversal of Mesopotamian ideas.17 He also follows Tsumura’s suggestion that the verb øàá in Hab : is a cognate of the Akkadian bâru III (stem D, “to clarify” with legal connotations), and he finds more Akkadian cognates for verbs in Hab :.18 Together, these examples illustrate well the influence that the Mesopotamian cultures exacted over the various biblical texts stemming from the eighth to the sixth century bc.
13
P. Machinist, “Assyria and Its Image in the First Isaiah?”, JAOS (), pp. –
. 14
Machinist, “Assyria and Its Image”, pp. –. Machinist, “Assyria and Its Image”, pp. –. 16 Machinist, “Assyria and Its Image”, p. . 17 Vanderhooft, Neo-Babylonian Empire, pp. –. 18 Vanderhooft, Neo-Babylonian Empire, pp. –. See further D.T. Tsumura, “Hab : in the Light of Akkadian Legal Practice”, ZAW (), pp. –. 15
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To sum up, the Neo-Assyrian and the Neo-Babylonian Empires were major centres of power whose influence spread beyond their borders, and they had direct impact upon life in Judah in the seventh and the sixth century bc. Although the degree of knowledge of the Akkadian language and its literature in Judah is uncertain, and although some of this cultural familiarity may have been filtered through Aramaic, there is little doubt that the basic structure of Neo-Assyrian views on divinity were known in Judah.19 We can therefore assume that the people in Judah during the ascent of Neo-Babylonian power were roughly familiar with Mesopotamian religious customs and beliefs. This, in turn, means that the mention of Assyria / Babylon, or indeed a display of knowledge about Babylonian customs, or even the occurrence of Akkadian idioms in a biblical text, are not in themselves arguments for the Assyrian or the Babylonian provenance of the same text. Likewise, the presence of polemic against Babylon and its religious practices in a given text does not on its own suggest that its author lived in Babylon. Notably, van der Toorn nowhere contemplates the possibility of Babylonian authorship of Deuteronomy and Vanderhooft does not, as far as I am aware, consider the possibility that the author of the idol fabrication passages in Hab :– lived in Babylon. However, in the case of Isa –, Vanderhooft argues, for the very same reasons, i.e. because of descriptions of Babylonian realia, satirical description of the Babylonians’ construction and worship of divine images,20 and similarities in the language of Isa – to cuneiform inscriptions, that the author of Isa – spent his formative years and part of his prophetic career in Babylon.21 For example, in contrast to the idol fabrication passages in Jer :–; Hab :– and Deuteronomy, Vanderhooft maintains that the ones in Isaiah – “are directly dependent on the prophet’s knowledge of actual Babylonian practices and language, in a manner that is not evident in Jeremiah, Habbakuk and Deuteronomy”.22 This manner of reasoning is clearly circular, stemming from his prior assumption that Isa – was composed in Babylon.
19 M.S. Smith, God in Translation: Deities in Cross-Cultural Discourse in the Biblical World (FAT , Tübingen, Mohr Siebeck, ), pp. –. 20 Isa :–; :–, –, :; :–; :, –; :–, – and :. 21 Vanderhooft, Neo-Babylonian Empire, pp. –. 22 Vanderhooft, Neo-Babylonian Empire, p. .
chapter three . Akkadian Influence in Isaiah –: Loanwords and Literary Style
One key reason for regarding Isa – as a Babylonian composition has been the Akkadian influence on its vocabulary and expressions and/or the literary influence of Mesopotamian texts on its ideas and composition. I shall begin by examining the claims of Akkadian influence on the Hebrew of Isa –. I shall first evaluate to what extent these claims are correct and, secondly, to what extent such claims testify to a Babylonian origin of Isa –. I shall then look closely at two specific cases of alleged influence, namely the Edict of Cyrus in Isa :–:, and the so-called “self-predication statements”. It will become evident that the search for Akkadian parallels tends to follow from the consensus of a Babylonian setting rather than providing independent arguments for it. Barstad has already discussed this issue.23 The present discussion therefore builds upon his research, as well as incorporating the scholarly findings subsequent to his publication. My conclusion will, however, differ from Barstad’s in one important aspect. While Barstad concludes that “we have not a single word in Isa – which may indicate any Akkadian influence on the writer of this text”, I shall argue that it is indeed possible to detect Akkadian influence in Isa –. This influence, however, does not constitute an argument for a Babylonian domicile of the authors responsible for Isa –. As we shall see, the question that needs to be asked is not whether there are Akkadian loanwords in Isa –—we can take that for granted, given the dominance of Mesopotamian culture over Judah and Israel from the eighth century bc onwards—but whether there are significantly more Akkadian loanwords in Isa – than in other texts from the same time period. Furthermore, if this indeed were the case, we would have to explain why Isa – contains Akkadian loanwords rather than Aramaic loanwords, given that the spoken language of the Neo-Babylonian Empire was no longer Akkadian but Aramaic. Finally, we would also have to demonstrate that the authors of Isa – had access to and the ability to read texts written in Akkadian. Only then would we be able to argue that this alleged high number of Akkadian loanwords in Isa – is best explained by a scenario where its authors resided in Babylon.
23
Barstad, “Akkadian ‘Loanwords’ ”, pp. –.
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.. Loanwords It cannot be denied that Hebrew contains a high number of words that are similar to Akkadian terms. In some cases, these words may be actual loanwords, i.e. new words in the receptor language derived from the donor language as the result of contact between speakers (or writers) of the two languages. In other cases, the phonetic and the lexical similarity of two words may be due to the fact that they are cognates, i.e. sibling-descendants of the same ancestor. In the specific case of Akkadian and Hebrew, it is often difficult to differentiate between loanwords and cognates as the two languages are related, and there is a common stratum of syntax and vocabulary shared by all Semitic languages. There may be more Akkadian loanwords in Hebrew than we can detect owing to this general similarity. In fact, most of the detected Akkadian loanwords are themselves of non-Semitic origin, a feature that renders them more easily recognizable.24 There are different types of loanwords. Mankowski distinguishes between Kulturwörter, Lehnwörter and Fremdwörter. Kulturwörter are characterized by their mobility, they are always nouns and tend to denote concrete, physically palpable objects. They tend to be plant and vegetable products, metals, minerals, wild animals and utensils. The word “chutney”, borrowed from Hindi, is a typical example in English. These words were probably transmitted in many different ways, as evidenced by their multiple spellings in the same language. Lehnwörter denote words that are almost totally assimilated into the lexicon of the receptor language. The English word “music” (from the French musique) is a good example. Finally, Fremdwörter continue as foreign terms when used in the receptor language and refer exclusively to foreign objects. For example, biblical scholars, when referring to the specific pyramidal temples built in ancient Mesopotamia, use the Akkadian word ziggurat/ziggurats in a sentence that is otherwise completely in English. For a more modern example, many English speakers use the German word Autobahn when referring to a German motorway.25
24 See further Barr, Comparative Philology, pp. –, and P.V. Mankowski, Akkadian Loanwords in Biblical Hebrew (HSS , Harvard Semitic Museum, Winona Lake, IN., Eisenbrauns, ), pp. –, with cited bibliography. 25 Mankowski, Akkadian Loanwords, pp. –. The examples are mine.
chapter three .. Akkadian Influence over the Language of Isaiah –
The scholarly claim that Isa – is influenced by Akkadian goes back to the end of the nineteenth century. In , Kittel laid the foundation for much of the subsequent research of the Akkadian influence on Isa – . He detected similarities between Isa :– and the so-called Cyrus Cylinder (God calling Cyrus his friend, that he has chosen him to do his will, and that he has taken him by the hand and called him by name), and, in order to explain these similarities, Kittel postulated that both texts drew upon a common tradition, namely the style of the Babylonian court.26 Smith rejects Kittel’s rather general way of explaining these similarities. He suggests instead that Cyrus’s agent influenced the author of Isa – to reproduce Cyrus’ propaganda in order to prepare the people of Babylon for Cyrus’s coming conquest. Smith then detects parallels between Isa – and Yasna , a series of questions addressed to Ahura Mazda, which he interprets as evidence of a shared tradition. In particular, following Behr,27 he sees a parallel between the reference to “light” and “darkness” in Isa :– and the Zoroastrian idea of seven supernatural entities, light and darkness being the prime among them.28 This latter interpretation has not stood the test of time29 and we will leave it at that, to serve as an explicit example of what Barr warned about (above), namely the tendency among scholars to detect philological influence from languages that are their own speciality. Following in Kittel’s footsteps, Stummer provides a detailed discussion of the similarities between expressions in Isa – and in cuneiform literature. He discusses specific expressions,30 or literary motifs31 in Isa – , and he lists parallels between Babylonian texts and Isa :. These parallels are found in a multitude of texts, ranging from hymns to Marduk,
26
R. Kittel, “Cyrus und Deuterojesaja”, ZAW (), pp. –, esp. pp. –. J.W. Behr, The Writings of Deutero-Isaiah and the Neo-Babylonian Royal Inscriptions: A Comparison of the Language and Style (Pretoria, Publications of the University of Pretoria, III: Arts. No. , ), pp. –. 28 M. Smith, “II Isaiah and the Persians”, JAOS (), pp. –. 29 It should be noted, however, that I. de Hulster, Iconographic Exegesis (FAT II/, Tübingen, Mohr Siebeck, ), p. , appears to be a recent proponent of the theory of Zoroastrian influence on Isa –. 30 Isa :– (êøã åðô, §ä ãåáë); :– (ùéìù, íéî åìòùá ããî éî, ïëú); :– (êéúñàî àì, àøéúìà). 31 Isa ://://:; : ff.; :; :; :; :; :; :; :. 27
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ˇ oracles to Esarhaddon, the covenant between Suppiluliuma and Mattiuaza, to more epic texts of Marduk’s return from Elam and Enûma Elîˇs.32 Many of these examples demonstrate similarities in vocabulary. These similarities are, however, better explained as cognate Semitic expressions rather than evidence of explicit influence. One cannot help but suspect that had the author done a similar search of, for example, the book of Hosea, a comparable amount of lexical parallels would have been detected. Furthermore, Stummer’s suggested parallels between Isa : and Babylonian literature rather proves the point, as very few scholars today would stipulate a Babylonian setting for Isa –. Building upon the research of Kittel and Stummer, Behr’s slim monograph discusses the general cultural influence on the writing of Isa –. Behr claims that, although Isa – contains no references to a Babylonian locale, its author speaks of cultural and religious aspects of Babylonian life as an eyewitness.33 However, Behr gives virtually no specific indications to support this claim beyond the fact that Cyrus is mentioned by name in Isa :; : and that the doom of Babylon is described as pending (Isa :; : ff.; :). As we shall discover below, a closer look at these passages reveals that they cannot serve as arguments for a Babylonian domicile of Isa –. Behr argues further that there is a close analogy between Babylonian literature and Isa – pertaining to language, phraseology and ideology. He suggests that the emphasis of YHWH’s power of knowing, and of declaring past and present things (e.g. Isa : ff.; :; :) are reminiscent of words spoken by Nabu.34 As all his examples are based on Kittel’s and Stummer’s research (cf. above), the critique levelled against them is pertinent here as well. The bulk of Behr’s book concerns what he calls the “striking parallelisms in expression and ideology that permeates the writings of the [Babylonian Royal] inscriptions and that of Deutero-Isaiah”, in particular those of Nebuchadnezzar and Nabunidus.35 Behr concludes that the accumulated data suggests that the writings in Isa – are the product
32
F. Stummer, “Einige keilschriftliche Parallelen zu Jes. –”, JBL (), pp. –
. 33
Behr, Writings of Deutero-Isaiah, pp. –. Behr, Writings of Deutero-Isaiah, p. . 35 For the exact references, Behr refers to the edition of the Neo-Babylonian inscriptions in S. Langdon, Die Neubabyonischen Königsinschriften (VAB IV, Leipzig, J.C. Hinrichs’sche Buchhandlung, ). 34
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of a Babylonian cultural environment, with access to the royal archives.36 Along similar lines, having adopted many of Behr’s arguments, Paul aims to demonstrate that much of the language in Isa – reflects knowledge of cuneiform royal inscriptions.37 As we shall see shortly, however, a closer look at Behr’s suggested similarities leads to a different conclusion, as many, if not most, of these similarities are better explained through inner-biblical parallels (cf. Talmon above). In some cases, Isa – may be the earliest time a certain expression is attested. Even so, its appearance elsewhere in the biblical corpus is a strong indication that it is integral to the Hebrew language. Behr’s suggested similarities can be divided into three main groups.38 The examples in his first group contain similar expressions: – Claim: The expression íùá àø÷ (Isa :) corresponds to the Akkadian expression nabu nibitta, found in the royal inscriptions of Nebuchadnezzar and Nabunidus where it denotes how Marduk called this monarchs by name. Likewise, the expression íù øéëæä (Isa :) corresponds to the Akkadian ˇsuma zak¯aru.39 – Response: This expression is integral to Hebrew (see, e.g. Exod :; :).40 There is no reason to see it as an example of Babylonian influence. – Claim: The expression ïéîéá ÷éæçä (Isa :; :; :) corresponds to the expression q¯atu tam¯ahu in the Cyrus Cylinder and in the inscriptions of Nabunidus.41 – Response: The expression ãéá ÷éæçä is attested in Gen :; :; Judg : and Jer :.42 Thus, as Barstad points out, Isa – contains a well known idiomatic Hebrew expression, and its Akkadian equivalent is equally commonly attested. Both
36
Behr, Writings of Deutero-Isaiah, pp. –. S.M. Paul, “Deutero-Isaiah and Cuneiform Royal Inscriptions”, JAOS () (FS E.A. Speiser), pp. –. 38 Behr, Writings of Deutero-Isaiah, pp. –. I have listed what that I consider to be the strongest examples in Behr’s favour. For an exhaustive list, see Behr’s article. 39 See also Kittel, “Cyrus und Deuterojesaja”, p. , and Paul, “Deutero-Isaiah”, p. . 40 J.A. Maynard, “The Home of Deutero-Isaiah”, JBL (), p. . See also Barstad, “Lebte Deuterojesaja in Judäa”, p. . 41 See also Kittel, “Cyrus und Deuterojesaja”, p. . 42 Maynard, “Home of Deutero-Isaiah”, p. . 37
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expressions convey that a person is particularly supported by the local deity. This is not a matter of influence but rather of two texts expressing the same general idea using similar, though not cognate, idioms (see further below).43 – Claim: The Hebrew expression éðôì êìä (Isa :) and the Akkadian al¯aku idi (ana idi) both convey the idea that the deity is walking alongside a person as a kind of guardian. – Response: This expression is attested elsewhere in biblical Hebrew, especially in the Exodus narrative (e.g. Exod :; cf. :). Given the frequent use in Isa – of Exodus related motifs (see chapter ), it is likely that the idea of God “walking before” the people as a guardian is influenced by the Exodus narrative. – Claim: The Hebrew expressions êøã øùé (Isa :) and äìñî øùé (Isa :) and the Akkadian haranu iˇsartu all denote figuratively that the deity removes the obstacles that may be in a person’s way. – Response: The rare expression êøã øùé is also attested in Prov : (åëøã øùéú íéîú ú÷ãö = “the righteousness of the blameless will make his way straight”) with the same sense although with a different subject. It is not possible, owing to the difficulties involved in dating Proverbs, to explain its use in Isa : through Proverbs. Even so, the fact remains that the Hebrew Bible attests to this expression outside of Isa –. It is therefore uncertain whether or not this expression is indigenous to Hebrew. – Claim: The Hiphil form of the root íìù (Isa :, ) with the sense of “to fulfil” and the Akkadian verb ˇsal¯amu as used in Nabonidus’ inscriptions carry the same sense. – Response: The Hiphil form of íìù carries this meaning in Job :. As above, it is impossible, given the uncertain date of Job, to establish whether Isa :, is the earlier or the later text. At best, it remains a possibility that this meaning of the root íìù is present in biblical Hebrew. The examples in Behr’s second group contain more conceptual similarities:
43
Barstad, “Babylonian Influence”, pp. –.
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– Claim: The idea of predestination from the womb, attested as àø÷ ïèáî (Isa :) and as ïèáî øöé (Isa :, ; :) is found, although using different verbs, in both Neo-Assyrian and Neo-Babylonian texts where it denotes kings, including Sennacherib, Esarhaddon, Nebuchadnezzar and Nabonidus.44 – Response: The same idea, using the same verb, although a different preposition, is attested in a comparable context in Jer : with reference to the prophet Jeremiah (ïèáá [êøöà] êøåöà íøèá êéúùã÷ä íçøî àöú íøèáå êéúòãé). Recognizing this similarity, Paul argues that the author of Isa – drew on two sources: inner-biblical sources and extra-biblical royal inscriptions, with the former being the more influential source.45 In my view, since the idea of predestination is already attested in Jeremiah, it is unwarranted to postulate influence from extra-biblical sources. – Claim: The verb áäà (Isa :) corresponds to the Akkadian verb ru" a¯mu that is used to denote the close relationship between Marduk and an individual. Along the same lines, Paul compares the expression éáäà in Isa : with, e.g., Akkadian nar¯am ili “the beloved of the god”.46 – Response: The common Paal verb áäà is used to express divine love for humans and for Israel collectively in several places (e.g. Deut :; Hos :; Jer :) and is thus integral to biblical Hebrew. – Claim: The Hebrew äòø (“shepherd”) (Isa :; :) and Akkadian r¯e"ûm both denote a deity or a king.47 – Response: Maynard has already pointed out that the expression “my shepherd as an image of the king”, although commonly used to denote Assyrian and Babylonian monarchs, is found in Sam :; Jer :; :–; Mic :; Nah : and thus integral to biblical Hebrew.48 – Claim: The idea of bowing the head or neck as a sign of submission (Isa :) is found in both Isa – and Neo-Babylonian texts. 44
See the more extensive discussion in Paul, “Deutero-Isaiah”, pp. –. Paul, “Deutero-Isaiah”, p. . For parallels between Deutero-Isaiah and Jeremiah, see S.M. Paul, “Literary and ideological Echoes of Jeremiah in Deutero-Isaiah”, Proceedings of the Fifth World Congress of Jewish Studies, vol. : Ancient Near East, Bible, Archaeology, First Temple Period (Jerusalem, World Union of Jewish Studies, ), pp. –. 46 See also Paul, “Deutero-Isaiah”, p. . 47 See also Paul, “Deutero-Isaiah”, p. . 48 Maynard, “Home of Deutero-Isaiah”, p. . 45
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– Response: The verb äåçúùä, together with the idea of bowing down before a superior as a sign of submission, is attested throughout the Hebrew Bible (e.g. Gen :; Sam :; Kings :) and thus integral to biblical Hebrew. – Claim: The hapax legomenon expression êùç úåøöåà in Isa : brings to mind the great wealth of the Neo-Babylonian rulers. – Response: The word øöåà and references to “wealth” are attested throughout the Hebrew Bible. For example, Josh : refers to the treasury of YHWH, and Jer : speaks of the wealth of the people of Israel. In addition, the concept of great wealth is far too general of a notion to be used to point to any specific historical background. – Claim: The motif of the monarch as the deity’s servant is found throughout both Isa – and Neo-Babylonian royal inscriptions.49 – Response: It is also found in Deut :; Kings :; etc. – Claim: The idea of the word of the deity being unchangeable is attested in Isa : and in Neo-Babylonian royal inscriptions. – Response: The exact expression in Isa : that God’s word, once spoken, will not return is unique. However, the idea of the durable quality of God’s word is attested in elsewhere in, for example, Ps : and Isa :. The examples in the third group contain references to specific objects: – Claim: Isa : speaks about bronze doors (äùåçð úåúìã). There are frequent references to wooden doors overlaid with bronze in the Babylonian royal inscriptions. – Response: The phrase äùåçð úåúìã is unique in Isa : where it functions, together with “bars of iron” (ìæøá éçéøá) as a symbol of strength that will be overcome. As such, it is doubtful that it can tell us anything in particular about the whereabouts of the author. Anyone can imagine doors of bronze. As shown by Behr and Paul, there are definitely cognate expressions in the biblical Hebrew of Isa – and in the Akkadian of the NeoAssyrian and Neo-Babylonian royal inscriptions. At the same time, these same expressions appear elsewhere in the Hebrew Bible with more or
49
See also Paul, “Deutero-Isaiah”, p. .
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less frequency. Following Talmon’s principle (outlined above) concerning giving preference to inner-biblical parallels, it follows that we cannot argue soundly that the language of Isa – is directly influenced by the Akkadian literature. Instead it is more likely that it reflects shared Semitic ways of expression. Along the same lines as Behr and Paul, Waldman argues that the theme in Isa :– of clearing a way in the wilderness is indebted to a long history of Mesopotamian inscriptions, ranging from those of Naram-Sin to those of Nabunidus, via Hammurabi, Tukulti-Ninurta I, Sennacherib, Ashurbanipal and Nebuchadnezzar, that contain the motif of overcoming obstacles on the way through the mountains and the desert. Although Waldman is aware that the Exodus narrative has influenced the author of Isa :–, this does not, in his view, rule out Mesopotamian influence. In particular, he argues that the statement in Nabunidus’ inscription “the king who, with his great skill, climbed many remote mountains and crossed many high peaks” (CAD B, p. a) could be the link to Isa – . He also notes that a related idea exists in Jer : (and later in Jer :[] and Zech :).50 I find Waldman’s argument to be far-fetched on at least three levels. First, we are not looking at a close verbal parallel. Second, the motif of a journey in the wilderness is already attested in Exodus and in Jer :. Third, although the biblical material and the Mesopotamian material may indeed share the same theme, it is highly unlikely that this is the result of direct influence. In fact, I consider the idea of overcoming obstacles in one’s journey to be a fairly common and universal theme. Looking at the issue from the wider scope of the Hebrew Bible, the issue of Akkadian influence in Isa – must be put in proper perspective. First, I would claim that most texts in the Hebrew Bible betray Akkadian influence. It is notable that both Behr and Paul detect similarities between Neo-Babylonian royal inscriptions and Isa –,51 a text that few scholars today assume to have been composed in Babylon. Likewise, a brief glance through Paul’s Amos commentary reveals that Paul detects 50 N.M. Waldman, “A Biblical Echo of Mesopotamian Royal Rhetoric”, Essays of the Occasion of the Seventieth Anniversary of the Dropsie University (eds A.I. Katsh and L. Nemoy, Philadelphia, Dropsie University Press, ), pp. –. 51 For example, Behr, Writings of Deutero-Isaiah, p. , notes that the idea of Marduk as the light of the gods is reminiscent of the idea in Isa :– of YHWH being the light of the world. See also Paul, “Deutero-Isaiah”, pp. –.
isaiah – and babylonian influence
a high number of Akkadian loanwords in the book.52 These two examples demonstrate how relatively easy it is to find verbal and conceptual parallels between a Hebrew text and an Akkadian text of roughly the same age without necessarily postulating that the author resided in Babylon. In the case of Amos, for example, I am not questioning the identification of the cognates. Their occurrence in the book of Amos demonstrates clearly that Hebrew throughout the eighth to the sixth century bc incorporated a number of words from Akkadian, the politically dominant language of the time, either directly or via Aramaic. As to the latter case, Aramaic was spoken not only in the areas of Babylon where the Jewish exiles lived in the sixth century bc but it was also becoming the new lingua franca of the Levant and Mesopotamia, thus having significant impact on the local languages. Therefore, a loanword that has entered Hebrew via Aramaic cannot by any stretch of the imagination be an acceptable argument for a Babylonian setting of Isa –. Secondly, there is evidence to suggest that the relative amount of actual loanwords in Isa – is neither more nor less than what is attested in the rest of the Hebrew Bible. Mankowski, having looked at the distribution of Akkadian loanwords in the Hebrew Bible, shows that the major prophetic books: Isaiah ( loanwords), Jeremiah ( loanwords) and Ezekiel ( loanwords), contain the largest number of Akkadian loanwords. All three books are long and many of the texts within them were composed, although probably not in their final form, during the height of Neo-Assyrian and Neo-Babylonian imperial power. We also find that Nehemiah ( loanwords), Psalms ( loanwords) and Chronicles ( loanwords) are not far behind.53 Taking the varying length of these books into account, it is true that the book of Isaiah contains the highest ratio of loanwords.54 Even so, a closer look reveals that Mankowski recognizes but three Akkadian loanwords in Isa –, namely Isa : and : (íâà = “pond”); : (èéè = “mud”); and : (äôùà = “quiver”).55 He discusses other words as well but ultimately 52
S.M. Paul, Amos (Hermeneia, Minneapolis, Fortress, ), finds Akkadian cognates for most expressions in the book of Amos. See, for example, p. (éøçà êìä // arki al¯aku—characteristic of the Dtr writings, found in Amos :), p. (Amos :—ùôú úù÷ // t¯ ameh qaˇsti), p. (Amos :—the motif of “fleeing naked” is also found in the Prism of Esarhaddon), to name but a few. 53 Mankowski, Akkadian Loanwords, pp. –. 54 Isaiah ( verses), Jeremiah ( verses) and Ezekiel ( verses). Source: www.deafmissions.com. I am indebted to Dr David Reimer for drawing my attention to these statistics. 55 Mankowski, Akkadian Loanwords, pp. , –, .
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rejects them.56 For example, he does not consider the word íéðîà in Isa : to be an Akkadian loanword.57 It should also be noted that the appearance of the accepted loanwords is not restricted to Isa –. Notably, íâà is attested in Exod :; :; Isa :; :; :; Jer : and Pss :; :. Based on Mankowski’s research, Isa – does not contain more Akkadian loanwords, either directly or via Aramaic, than other comparable books in the Hebrew Bible. At the same time, the lower number of Akkadian loanwords in the book of Ezekiel agrees with the fact that the exiles in Babylon did not speak Akkadian. In fact, this example shows that the appearance of Akkadian loanwords in a biblical text cannot be used as an argument to show the Mesopotamian origin of the same text. Thirdly, turning the issue around, there are words in Isa – that have cognates in Ugaritic. For example, the Paal verb òúù (“to be dismayed”) in Isa : is probably an example of shared Ugaritic-Hebrew philology. Likewise, the word úòá÷ in Isa : is a cognate of the Ugaritic “chalice”.58 Even so, few scholars since Duhm59 have seriously contemplated placing the authors of Isa – in Syria although, it must be admitted, Dahood uses this very argument for claiming that the author of at least Isa :–: lived in Phoenicia.60 There is also a question as to what extent a person living in Babylon in the Neo-Babylonian period actually spoke Akkadian. Most assyriologists agree that by the time of the Neo-Babylonian Empire, Akkadian was no longer the vernacular in Babylon, having been replaced by Aramaic. Akkadian was preserved as the language of rituals, culture and administration.61 This can be deduced primarily by the clear Aramaic 56
See, e.g., Mankowski, Akkadian Loanwords, pp. – (regarding ïøà in Isa :),
etc. 57
Mankowski, Akkadian Loanwords, p. . See the discussion and accompanying footnotes in H.R. Cohen, Biblical Hapax Legonema in the Light of Akkadian and Ugaritic (SBLDS , Ann Harbor, Mich., Scholars Press, ), pp. –. 59 Duhm, Jesaia, p. xviii. 60 M. Dahood, “Phoenician Elements in Isaiah :–:”, Near Eastern Studies in Honor of William Foxwell Albright (ed. H. Goedicke, Baltimore, John Hopkins Press, ), pp. –. 61 M. van de Mieroop, A History of the Ancient Near East: Ca. – bc (Oxford, Blackwell, ), p. . For more details, see A. George, “Babylonian and Assyrian: A History of Akkadian”, The Languages of Iraq, Ancient and Modern (ed. J.N. Postgate, The British School of Archaeology in Iraq, ), p. , who states that “at the Assyrian and Babylonian courts and in the market place, the more vital language of literary expression 58
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influence on the royal inscriptions,62 from the iconographic evidence from Assyrian sculpture, where scribes of tablets and scribes of scrolls are depicted as standing side by side, and from a few clay tablets with Aramaic writing.63 This means that unless we assume that the authors of Isa – were involved in the administration of the Empire or present at court, there would have been no need for the Jewish exiles in Babylon to learn Akkadian.64 As neither biblical nor extra-biblical texts suggest any larger involvement of the Jewish community in Babylon with the imperial administration, and as I find it difficult to imagine the clearly Yahwistic authors of Isa – having any deeper involvement in the Babylonian cult, I fail to see how Akkadian parallels would support a Babylonian domicile of the authors of Isa –. To sum up, the occurrence of expressions in Isa – with Akkadian cognates, as well as the occurrence of idiomatic expressions or literary motifs in Isa – with parallels in Mesopotamian texts, is not evidence of a Babylonian provenance. Rather, the cognate expressions testify to the fact that Hebrew and Akkadian, as two Semitic languages, use related expressions to express related ideas. Likewise, the similar idioms and cultural outlook are better explained as either the shared cultural heritage of the ancient Near East and/or as a matter of influence of the dominant culture of Assyria and Babylon upon its vassal states. It should also be born in mind that Isa – does not have a higher ratio of Akkadian loanwords to Hebrew than other texts from the same time period.
and oral literary tradition was undoubtedly Aramaic”. This transition from Akkadian to Aramaic as the vernacular began already in the Neo-Assyrian period. In the same volume, see further A. Millard, “Early Aramaic” The Languages of Iraq, Ancient and Modern (ed. J.N. Postgate, The British School of Archaeology in Iraq, ), p. , for a more tentative opinion. See also H. Tadmor, “The Aramaization of Assyria: Aspects of Western Impact”, Mesopotamien und seine Nachbarn: politische und kulturelle Wechselbeziehungen im Alten Vorderasien vom . bis . Jahrtausend v. Chr. Rencontre assyriologique internationale Berlin, . bis . Juli (eds H.-J. Nissen and J. Renger, Berliner Beiträge zum Vorderen Orient , Berlin, D. Reimer, ), pp. –. 62 H. Schaudig, Die Inschriften Nabonids von Babylon und Kyros’ des Großen, samt den in ihrem Umfeld entstandenen Tendenzschriften. Textausgabe und Grammatik (Münster, Ugarit-Verlag, ), esp. pp. – (conclusion). 63 F.M. Fales, Aramaic Epigraphs on Clay Tablets of the Neo-Assyrian Period (Materiali per il lessico aramaico , Studi semitici nuova ser., , Roma, Università degli studi “La sapienza”, ). 64 S. Dalley, The Oriental Institute, Oxford, email communication.
chapter three .. Isaiah :–: and the Cyrus Cylinder
Turning to more specific examples, it has commonly been argued that Isa :–: contains parallels with the Cyrus Cylinder and, in turn, that these parallels prove the Babylonian domicile of the author of Isa –. What has particularly captured scholars are the expressions “whose right hand I have grasped” and “he called his name”, both found in line of the Cyrus cylinder and in Isa : (åðéîéá éú÷æçä øùà = “whose right hand [YHWH] has taken”) and : (êîùá àøå÷ä §ä = “I who am calling [you] by your name”).65 Line : iˇs-te-é-e-ma ma-al-ki i-ˇsá-ru bi-bil sˇà-bi-ˇsa it-ta-ma-ah qa-tu-uˇs¯ ˇsu mKu-ra-áˇs lugal uru an-ˇsa-an it-ta-bi ni-bi-it-su a-na ma-li-ku-tì kulla-ta nap-har iz-zak-ra ˇsu-um-ˇsú ¯ “[Er] suchte gründlich und ergriff dann mit seiner Hand einen gerechten König, seinen Herzenswunsch, K¯uraˇs, der König der Stadt Anˇsan, berief er mit seinem Namen, zur Königsherrschaft über das gesame All nannte er seinen Namen.”66
To begin with the alleged parallel to Isa :, a mere cursory glance establishes the fact that the Cyrus cylinder does not use the phrase q¯ata s. ab¯atu or the related q¯ata ah¯azu, i.e. cognate expressions of the ¯ Hebrew ãé ÷éæçä that is found in Isa :. In fact, the verb s. ab¯atu (“to seize”) is nowhere attested on the entire cylinder.67 Rather, it contains the phrase it-ta-ma-ah qa-tu-uˇs-ˇsu, derived from the verb tam¯ahu + ¯ ¯ q¯atu (“to give in the hand”; “in die Hand geben”).68 Also, the subject and the object differ in the two texts. While the hand belongs to Cyrus in the biblical text, the hand belongs to Marduk in the Cyrus cylinder. It is therefore far from obvious that the Hebrew and the Akkadian expressions convey the same meaning. In fact, as shown by Oppenheim, and as reflected in the recent, more idiomatic translation of the 65
See, e.g., Kittel, “Cyrus and Deuterojesaja”, p. , and Behr, Writings of DeuteroIsaiah, p. . Kittel argues that, assuming that the author of Isa – lived in Babylon and that he was familiar with the Babylonian royal writings (babylonische Hofstil), there is no need for direct dependency of one text upon the other. Likewise, Behr does not postulate any direct dependency of one text upon the other. 66 For the transliteration and translation, see Schaudig, Inschriften Nabonids, pp. – . 67 See Schaudig, Inschriften Nabonids, pp. – (glossary) which lists all the attestations of the verb sab¯atu in the inscriptions of Nabonides and Cyrus. ¯ 68 Schaudig, Inschriften Nabonids, p. (glossary). See also CAD , p. , :’:b, which lists tam¯ahu + q¯atu as “to take up in order to assist”, “to lead”, in the context of the Cyrus cylinder.
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cylinder by Cogan, a better way to translate the Akkadian is “He surveys and looked throughout all the lands, searching for a right-out king whom he could support”.69 Thus, although Isa : is reminiscent of the Cyrus cylinder, the parallels are more general than what has often been assumed. Furthermore, it is unlikely that this general similarity between Isa : and the Cyrus cylinder reflects a situation in which the Isaianic author borrowed directly from the Akkadian text. Instead it is preferable to see the similarity as arising from a shared ideology within the ancient Near East, where the specific relationship between a king and his deity is expressed in term of the deity supporting and strengthening the ruler. Furthermore, this ideology is not restricted to Isa – (:, ; :) but is also attested elsewhere in the Hebrew Bible (Jer :; Ps :). To turn to Isa :, the phrase ˇsuma zak¯aru is the semantic equivalent of the Hebrew (êîùá àøå÷ä §ä éðà). Yet this expression is integral to biblical Hebrew, as can be seen by its occurrence in not only Isa : and : but also Exod : and :. Following Talmon’s criteria above, the text of Exodus, rather than the Cyrus cylinder, is thus the most likely source of influence on Isa :. There are also other reasons to doubt that Isa :–: has anything to do with the Cyrus cylinder. Kuhrt has demonstrated that the content of the Cyrus Cylinder is modelled after earlier Assyrian prototypes, such as royal building inscriptions and foundation texts. The closest stylistic parallels to the Cyrus cylinder are a group of texts which relate to Assurbanipal’s rebuilding of Babylon and the reestablishment of the cult of Marduk. The Cyrus cylinder therefore does not reflect Cyrus’s own religious and political convictions; rather, it shows how Cyrus adopted local traditions and procedures, as befitting anyone claiming to be a legitimate ruler of Babylon. In addition, as the text is related specifically to Marduk, and as it reflects mostly inner-Babylonian conditions (lines –), it lacks direct bearing on the situation in Judah. It is, however, possible, from a more general perspective, that Cyrus followed a policy similar to that of earlier Assyrian rulers who supported the reinstatement of the privileges of particular cities that occupied key-positions in troublesome areas, or
69 A.L. Oppenheim, “Idiomatic Accadian (Lexicographical Researches)”, JAOS (), p. , M. Cogan, “Cyrus Cylinder”, COS, , p. . See also Barstad, “Babylonian Influence”, p. , and “Lebte Deuterojesaja in Judäa”, pp. –.
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areas where conflict was likely to take place.70 We can thus assume that while Cyrus himself, as the conqueror of the Neo-Babylonian Empire, was of great concern for the people of Israel, both in Judah and in Babylon, it is doubtful that the precise content of the actual Cyrus Cylinder was particularly relevant. It is therefore unlikely that an Israelite prophet, independent of his/her geographical whereabouts, would have modelled his/her oracles after it. Along similar lines, Barstad points out that, as the message of the cylinder is so Babylon / Marduk centred, it is implausible that a prophet of YHWH would have taken inspiration from it. It is instead preferable to read Isa :–: in the context of the other Cyrus passages in Isa – (Isa :–; :; :; :, ; :–; :; :–). They testify to the enormous impact that Cyrus must have had on the people of Israel, both in Judah and in Babylon. At the same time, these passages convey the message that the actual power behind Cyrus is none other than YHWH, the God of Israel.71 Finally, even if we were to assume for the moment that Isa – was influenced by the Cyrus cylinder, it would still not support a Babylonian domicile of the authors of Isa –. As it is highly unlikely that these Isaianic authors read cuneiform, we must assume that they heard it proclaimed (rather than actually saw it and read it), something which they could have done equally well in Jerusalem as in Byblos or Babylon.72 .. The “Self Predication” Formula A few scholars also suggest that the so-called “self-predication formula”, attested throughout Isa –, , and , is influenced by Akkadian texts, and argue that this influence supports a Babylonian origin of Isa –. This “self-predication formula” contains two parts: () God presents himself (“I am YHWH”), and () a short hymnic statement that assigns an attribute to God (e.g. “the first and the last one” [Isa :];
70 A. Kuhrt, “The Cyrus Cylinder and Achaemenid Imperial Policy”, JSOT (), pp. –. See also R.J. van der Spek, “Did Cyrus the Great Introduce a New Policy towards Subdued Nations?” Persica (), pp. –, and M. Cogan, “Cyrus Cylinder”, COS, , p. . 71 Barstad, “Lebte Deuterojesaja in Judäa”, pp. –. 72 A.S. Kapelrud, Et folk på hjemferd. “Trøstepropfeten”—den annen Jesaja—og hans budskap (Oslo, Universitetsforlaget, ), p. .
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“the one who strengthens your right hand” [Isa :]).73 This formula is distinct from, yet probably related to, the “self presentation formula” (e.g. Gen :; :; :, :; :; :; Exod :) that lacks the hymnic statement.74 Gressmann, the prime advocate of this view, maintains that although the comparable “self-presentation formula” is attested throughout the biblical corpus, the self-predication formula in Isa – is derived from Babylonian sources.75 Gressmann argues that the use of the former “selfpresentation formula” in ancient Israel rose out of polytheism. Since there would have been no need to refute polytheism in exile (assuming that they would have adopted monotheism at this point), it follows that the occurrences of the formula in Isa – must be an example of Babylonian influence.76 From a different perspective, Dion detects similarities between the writings of Isa – and a Sumerian hymn form where the deity praises him/herself (hymne à soi-même), and, on the basis of this similarity, concludes that the author of Isa – learned about this type of literature in Babylon.77 These claims are untenable for multiple reasons. First, Gressmann’s views concerning the development of Israel’s religious beliefs are unacceptable. It is likely that belief in YHWH received a serious blow after the destruction of Jerusalem in bc, and that the authors of Isa – used the “self-predication formula” to emphasize YHWH’s power and ability.78
73 For a complete list and a detailed discussion of all the occurrences in Isa –, see A.A. Diesel, “Ich bin Jahwe”: Der Aufstieg der Ich-bin-Jahwe-Aussage zum Schlüsselwort des alttestamentlichen Monotheismus (WMANT , Neukirchen-Vluyn, Neukirchener, ), pp. –. 74 W. Zimmerli, “Ich bin Jahwe”, Geschichte und Altes Testament. FS Albrecht Alt (ed. W.F. Albright, BHT , Tübingen, Mohr Siebeck, ), pp. –. 75 See further the extended discussion in Diesel, Ich bin Jahwe, pp. –, –. She focuses her discussion on the self-identification formula “I am YHWH” in Exod :– which she regards as a key post-exilic expression for monotheism, but she also discusses the occurrences throughout Lev – and in the prophetic literature, where it is primarily attested in Ezekiel and Isa – but also found in Hos :; : and Jer :. 76 H. Gressmann, “Die literarische Anaylse Deuterojasajas”, ZAW (), pp. – (esp. pp. –). 77 H.-M. Dion, “Le genre littéraire sumérien de l’ ‘hymne à soi-même’ et quelques passages du Deutéro-Isaïe”, RB (), pp. –. For a translation of the relevant text (Enki and the World Order), see S.N. Kramer, The Sumerians: Their History, Culture, and Character (Chicago, The University of Chicago Press, ), pp. –. 78 Barstad, “Babylonian Literary Influence”, pp. –.
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Secondly, following Talmon’ guidelines, it is methodologically preferable to give precedence to the inner-biblical evidence. While not doubting that the “self-predication” formula existed in Sumerian and Akkadian literature, it is overall more plausible that the authors of Isa – drew from their own, already existing, tradition of the “self-presentation formula” rather than borrowed it from Sumerian and Babylonian texts. This remains true regardless of whether the prophet lived in Judah or in Babylon. Although it may be true that the “self predication formula” in Isa – ultimately stems from Sumerian culture, we have to distinguish direct literary influence from shared cultural heritage.79 It is therefore methodologically more sound to follow Barstad, who detects an early prophetic documentation of the “self-presentation formula” in Amos : (éäìà §ä åîù úåàáö), although lacking the independent pronoun, and accordingly suggests that the later authors of Isa – reused and developed this older formula in order to ensure their audience that YHWH is the author of their prophetic message.80 Likewise, even though I ultimately disagree with his interpretation, it is preferable to follow Zimmerli, who locates the origin of the “self-predication formula” in the Israelite priestly circles and priestly prophetic circles (priesterliche Heilsorakel), as expressed in the priestly oracles of salvation.81 Thirdly, Diesel has demonstrated that the ancient Near Eastern formula “I am + N.N.” does not belong to a certain Gattung and is not characteristic of a certain time or a certain type of literature. Rather, it appears in a variety of ancient Near Eastern contexts. Therefore, Diesel argues that although it is probably correct to assume that the formula “I am YHWH” is connected with the ancient Near Eastern formula “I am + N.N.”, we cannot isolate one source of influence in one type of literature.82 Rather, the idea of self-presentation is a shared stylistic phenomenon throughout much of ancient literature. Furthermore, as it appears in a great variety of ancient Near Eastern contexts, it should not surprise us that it is attested in a wide range of different contexts in the Hebrew Bible.83
79
Barstad, “Babylonian Literary Influence”, pp. –. Barstad, “Babylonian Literary Influence”, pp. –. 81 Zimmerli, “Ich bin Jahwe”, pp. –. Zimmerli is aware of the use of the formula in prophetic texts from Neo-Assyria and Mari (pp. –), but nevertheless argues that this formula has its Sitz-im-Leben not in the prophetic literature but in the cult. Its occurrences in the book of Ezekiel are due to the priestly theology of that book (p. ). 82 Diesel, Ich bin Jahwe, pp. –. 83 Diesel, Ich bin Jahwe, pp. –. 80
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Although I accept Diesel’s claim that expressions of self-presentation exist in many different textual genres, I nonetheless wish to argue that the specific Sitz-im-Leben of the “self-predication formula” in Isa – can be located in prophetic circles. Weippert suggests that the formula in Isa – is influenced by the so-called Neo-Assyrian prophetic royal oracles (Königsorakel).84 In particular, he highlights the similarity between the formula §ä éëðà/éðà in Isa – and the Akkadian self-presentation formula an¯aku Iˇstar ˇsa Arbail (“I am Ishtar of Arbela”—e.g. SAA ., line i ; SAA ., line i ; SAA ., line iii ) or the less frequent formula an¯aku B¯el (“I am Bel”—SAA ., line ii ) in the NeoAssyrian prophetic texts.85 The use of the formula in the Neo-Assyrian oracles differs, however, from that in Isa –. As Nissinen shows, the formula is part of a monotheistic manifesto in Isa –.86 Moreover, Nissinen points out that the use of this formula does not remain constant throughout Isa –. For example, while some instances (e.g. Isa :– ) stay close to the original idea of royal oracles (as in pre-exilic times), others (e.g. Isa :) betray a broadening of the target (Kollektivierung). That is, while the royal oracles addressed the king, the comparable oracles in Isa – now address Israel.87 These attestations of the formula “I am + divine name” in the NeoAssyrian prophetic texts suggest that any influence must have occurred already in pre-exilic times.88 How, then, do we explain the similarities between Isa – and the Neo-Assyrian prophecies? Weippert rules
84 M. Weippert, “ ‘Ich bin Jahwe’—‘Ich bin Iˇ star von Arbela’: Deuterojesaja im Lichte der neuassyrischen Prophetie”, Prophetie und Psalmen. FS Klaus Seybold (eds B. Huwyler, H.-P. Mathys and B. Weber, AOAT , Münster, Ugarit-Verlag, ), pp. –, –. For a good overview of Mesopotamian royal prophecies, see M.J. de Jong, Isaiah among the Ancient Near Eastern Prophets: A Comparative Study of the Earliest Stages of the Isaiah Tradition and the Neo-Assyrian Prophecies (VTS , Leiden, Brill, ), pp. –. 85 Weippert, “Ich bin Jahwe”, pp. –. In contrast, Diesel, Ich bin Jahwe, p. , notes the relatively high frequency of this formula in both the Ishtar oracles from the time of Esarhaddon and the royal inscriptions from the same time period, and she argues that taken together they suggest that, at this time, the formula had become characteristic of powerful speech. 86 M. Nissinen, “Die Relevanz der neuassyrischen Prophetie für die alttestamentliche Forschung”, Mesopotamica—Ugaritica—Biblica. FS Kurt Bergerhot (eds M. Dietrich and O. Loretz, AOAT , Kevelaer, Butzon & Bercker, ), p. . Cf. Weippert, “Ich bin Jahwe”, p. . 87 Nissinen, “Relevanz der neuassyrischen Prophetie”, pp. –. Cf. Weippert, “Ich bin Jahwe”, pp. –. 88 Nissinen, “Relevanz der neuassyrischen Prophetie”, p. . Nissinen is open to the possibility of additional influence in Babylon during the time of the exile.
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out the notion that the authors of Isa –, whom he presumed to be living in Babylon, could have been directly familiar with the NeoAssyrian prophesies. The latter were composed seventy-five years earlier in Nineveh and nothing suggests that the traditions surrounding these prophecies relating to Neo-Assyrian monarchs were brought to Babylon. It is therefore unlikely that any Hebrew prophet would have found tablets containing Neo-Assyrian prophecies in some archive or library in Babylon. Weippert allows for the possibility that a Hebrew prophet might have spoken to some Babylonian prophets that belonged to the same prophetic tradition as the Neo-Assyrian prophets and learned from them. Nonetheless, he discards this option since we lack knowledge of any Neo-Babylonian prophets. Weippert considers it more plausible that there existed a shared Syrian-Mesopotamian prophetic tradition in which both Neo-Assyrian and Hebrew prophets were part. In support of this view, Weippert cites the old Aramaic Stele of the king Zakkur of Hamath, as well as the oracles to king Jeroboam I of Israel ( Kings :– , esp. v. ), both from the eighth century bc, and both speaking of the deity taking care of the king.89 The situation is the same with regard to other cases of affinity between Isa – and Neo-Assyrian prophecies. For example, Nissinen and Parpola, in their discussion of the letter from Aˇsˇsurhaatu"a to Assurbanipal (SAA , ), argue that the theology of reconciliation expressed in many Neo-Assyrian prophetic texts resembles the theology of redemption in Isa –. As Marduk abandoned Esaggil, so YHWH abandoned the temple in Jerusalem. Later, after a period of divine wrath and absence, the time then comes to speak tender words again and to proclaim that the debt has been paid. Isa :– (esp. vv. , a) in particular contains notions that are typical of Neo-Assyrian prophecy, such as “fear not”-sayings, creation / upbringing, redemption / reconciliation, calling by name and divine love. Despite this affinity, however, Nissinen and Parpola reject any notion of direct influence since “the Assyrian documents we have at our disposal were already buried with the city of Nineveh”. In their view, the evident influence is the result of cultural and ideological interaction between the people of Marduk and the people of YHWH.90
89
Weippert, “Ich bin Jahwe”, pp. –. M. Nissinen and S. Parpola, “Marduk’s Return and Reconciliation in a Prophetic Letter from Arbela”, Verbum et Calamus. FS Tapani Harviainen (Studia Orientalia, eds H. Juusola, J. Laulainen and H. Palva, Studia Orientalia, Helsinki, Vammanlan Kirjapaino Oy, ), pp. – (esp. p. ). 90
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Taken together with Weippert’s comment above, we can conclude that this cultural and ideological interaction between the two people groups must have taken place in Judah in the eighth and seventh centuries bc, i.e. long before the composition of Isa –. More broadly, de Jong argues that Neo-Assyrian prophecy and ancient Israelite prophecy were part of the same phenomenon. More specifically, de Jong detects a number of similarities between Neo-Assyrian prophecies and those attributed to Isaiah ben Amos, dated to roughly the same time period in the eighth century bc.91 Taking this reasoning one step further, as Isa – clearly stands in the same tradition as the preceding Isaianic material,92 we should almost expect it to display affinity with its Mesopotamian counterpart. To sum up, the fact that the self-presentation formula exists in both Isa – and in Neo-Assyrian prophetic texts is best explained as an expression of two distinct attestations that form part of the shared prophetic heritage. In addition, given the political ties between the Neo-Assyrian Empire and both Israel and Judah, direct influence cannot be ruled out. The authors of Isa –, staying close to the traditions of their prophetic antecedents, adopted and further developed this formula in order to address the needs of their audiences following the destruction of Judah in bc. In particular, they employed it to express the overarching power of YHWH over any other deity. This transformation of the formula is independent of the authors’ geographical whereabouts. I further suggest that the occurrence of the formula in Amos : is evidence of exactly this kind of shared heritage. It has been argued, in view of the similarity with Isa –, that this verse is an exilic or postexilic interpolation.93 I prefer to turn the argument around: the NeoAssyrian comparative evidence actually supports an eighth or seventh century bc dating, i.e. during the height of Neo-Assyrian imperial influence.
91
De Jong, Isaiah among the Ancient Near Eastern Prophets, esp. pp. –. See especially H.G.M. Williamson, The Book Called Isaiah: Deutero-Isaiah’s Role in Composition and Redaction (Oxford, Clarendon, ). 93 See the discussion and bibliography in J. Jeremias, The Book of Amos (transl. D.W. Scott, OTL, Louisville, Kent., WJK, ), pp. –. 92
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Finally, Machinist has recently argued that the relatively certain Babylonian setting of Isa – can help explain the use of the so-called trial speeches and other polemical material that contrasts foreign gods and the uniqueness of YWHH. In particular, Machinist suggests that these trial speeches are best understood within the context of the last Babylonian king Nabonidus (– bc) and his exaltation of the moongod Sin and the ensuing conflict with those who wished to maintain the supremacy of Marduk in the Babylonian cult. This conflict is reflected in Nabonidus’ own inscriptions as well as in the texts of his opponents (especially in the Persian Verse Account, the Cyrus Cylinder and the Babylonian Dynastic Prophecy).94 What Machinist argues for is a certain “Babylonian Zeitgeist” of Isa –. He assumes that the author of Isa – was aware of the intense debate at the time between those in favour of Sin and those in favour of Marduk, and he suggests that these ideas and debates became an important stimulus for the author to rethink and rearticulate the traditions of his own community.95 First, although the trial-courtroom setting, prevalent in Isa –, is not found in the Nabonidus texts, the former text provides us with a glimpse of Nabonidus talking to his assembly of scholars and of the argumentative character of the dialogue. Secondly, the propositions for and against deities and their powers of accomplishments bring Nabonidus and Isa – together. In particular, the utter rejection of the opponents in all three sets of texts (pro-Nabonidus texts, anti-Nabonidus texts, Isa –) is reminiscent of one another. Thirdly, Nabonidus’ insistence that Sin is the only deity capable of acting is reminiscent of the claims in Isa – that YHWH allows Cyrus to defeat and conquer Babylon. Fourthly, the demotion of Marduk and Bel by Nabonidus is akin to the description in Isa :– of the humiliation of these two gods. Fifthly, the emphasis in the Nabonidus texts on special knowledge of divine traditions and the heaven, including divination, brings to mind the reference to divine signs that YHWH announces (Isa :), as well as the references to signs and divination practices of the Babylonians (Isa :; :–).96
94 Machinist, “Mesopotamian Imperialism”, pp. –. For critical editions of these texts, see the bibliography on p. . 95 Machinist, “Mesopotamian Imperialism”, p. . 96 Machinist, “Mesopotamian Imperialism”, pp. –.
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At first, Machinist’s arguments appear to pose a serious challenge to a Judahite provenance of Isa –. A closer look, however, reveals that Machinist’s arguments only function within the context of the consensus of a Babylonian setting of Isa –. In other words, they do not demonstrate that the authors of Isa – lived in Babylon, they presuppose it. Machinist accepts the view that Isa – was composed in Babylon and, on this basis, does his exegesis. Within that context, his interpretations are sound. For example, he argues that given that the author of Isa – lived in Babylon and, as such, had contact with native Babylonians and their practices, even though he might have lived in rural areas, he would have been familiar with the debate between the advocates of Maruk and those of Sin.97 If, however, as I hope to demonstrate throughout this monograph, Machinist’s underlying assumption of a Babylonian setting of Isa – cannot be sustained, then his interpretation becomes largely irrelevant and his comparisons cease to persuade. It should also be noted that Machinist acknowledges that the five areas of correspondence do not fit perfectly, and that taken individually these phenomena are not exclusive to Nabonidus and Isa – but also occur in other periods and sources both from Mesopotamia and ancient Israel. .. Excursion: The Quality of the Hebrew Language of Isaiah – There are aspects of Isa –, independent of the geographical references that are imbedded in the text itself, that hint at its origin of composition. Interestingly, recent research in the development of the Hebrew language emphasizes the continuity between the pre-exilic and the postexilic prophetic texts. Talshir, for example, demonstrates that Classical Biblical Hebrew (henceforth CBH) continued to be the language of the texts standing in the Judahite tradition, i.e. “the Hebrew of Yehud”, as shown by Haggai and Zechariah. The language of these books, while showing some traits of Late Biblical Hebrew (henceforth LBH), does not really diverge from CBH. In contrast, LBH is connected with the exiles, “the Hebrew of the Eastern Diaspora”, with Ezekiel as its prime example, followed by Esther, Daniel, Ezra-Nehemiah and Chronicles. He concludes that the great linguistic shift from CBH to LBH happened during the fifth century with Ezra and Nehemiah, rather than with the first
97
Machinist, “Mesopotamian Imperialism”, pp. –.
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waves of returnees from Babylon in the sixth century bc.98 In the particular case of Isa –, Talshir observes that its language shows affinity with the Judahite tradition of Haggai and Zechariah rather than with the exilic tradition.99 Young agrees with Talshir that from a linguistic viewpoint Ezekiel represents a Diaspora / Eastern type of Hebrew, while Isa –, Haggai and Zechariah together represent a Western / Judahite type. In fact, Young marvels at how little the eastern Diaspora perspective comes through in these latter books: “the focus is firmly western, not eastern.” Young further suggests that this focus is likely to be the result of the outlook of the original authors of these works. Since a Babylonian origin of Isa – is by no means obvious from its content, together with the fact that Isa – is presented as part of the book of Isaiah of Jerusalem, Young suggests a reconsideration of the geographical setting of the prophecies of Isa –.100 In a more recent publication, Young, Rezetko and Ehrensvärd re-examine the language of Isa – and conclude that its language is “well anchored” to CBH. In contrast, the book of Ezekiel has a relatively high concentration of typical LBH features and Aramaisms.101 In summary, there are significant linguistic differences between the language of Isa – and that of Ezekiel. One plausible explanation of these differences would be that the two textual corpora stem from two different geographical areas. .. Akkadian Influence—Conclusion As we have seen, there is a resilient tendency among scholars to assume that Isa – was composed in Babylon, and then, based on this assumption, to detect similarities between this text and various Mesopotamian texts. This whole process, however, is methodologically questionable as the Babylonian background of Isa – is not beyond doubt. There are similarities between Isa – and several Mesopotamian texts which 98 D. Talshir, “The Habitat and History of Hebrew during the Second Temple Period”, Biblical Hebrew: Studies in Chronology and Typology (ed. I. Young, JSOTS , London, T&T Clark, ), pp. –. 99 Talshir, “Habitat and History”, p. . 100 I. Young, “Concluding Reflections”, Biblical Hebrew: Studies in Chronology and Typology (ed. I. Young, JSOTS , London, T&T Clark, ), pp. –. 101 I. Young, R. Rezetko, and M. Ehrensvärd, Linguistic Dating of Biblical Texts. Vol. : A Survey of Scholarship, a New Synthesis and a Comprehensive Bibliography (London, Equinox, ), pp. –, .
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justify concluding that the authors of Isa –, alongside many other prophetic authors in the Hebrew Bible, were familiar with Mesopotamian ideas, either through direct influence or through shared cultural heritage. Such a conclusion is further supported by the fact that many of the cognate linguistic parallels are found elsewhere in the Hebrew Bible, as well as by the facts that the Neo-Assyrian and the Neo-Babylonian Empires were the dominant cultures in Mesopotamia throughout most of the eighth to the sixth century bc and that Akkadian had served as the lingua franca of the ancient Near East for an even longer period. A conclusion that we cannot draw, however, is that the authors of Isa – must have lived in Babylon.
. Specific Texts in Isaiah – Apart from the general claims that Isa – displays Akkadian / Babylonian influence, several scholars have also detected examples of direct knowledge of Babylon in specific passages, and used these examples as part of their argument for a Babylonian origin of Isa –. These passages fall into two general groups although a given passage may belong in both groups. First, we have texts that refer to religious practices that can be associated with Babylon. This category contains the so-called idol fabrication passages (:–; :–; :–) as well as Isa :– and :–. Secondly, we have texts that contain explicit references to Babylon or to Babylonian gods (:; :–; :–; ; :, ). Because several of these texts belong in more than one group, I have chosen to discuss the passages in the order in which they appear in the biblical text, and to discuss all issues relevant to the particular passage at the same time. .. The so-called Idol-Fabrication Passages Isa – contains three passages that speak about the production of idols (:–; :–; :–). Before we look at Isa :– and Isa :– in detail,102 however, we must first determine the target audience of these oracles. More specifically, who are the idol builders and who are the worshippers of the idol? 102 As Isa :– does not contain any specific details pertaining to its geographical setting, I shall not discuss it in the present context. It is possible that Isa :– and
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First, it is reasonably clear that these texts address Israelites rather than foreigners.103 The biblical polemic against idol worship seldom targets non-Israelites who, from the perspective of most biblical authors, were free to worship their own deities. Rather, the bulk of the polemic against idolatry aims at the Israelites who are thereby admonished to refrain from worshipping images of foreign deities and instead instructed to worship YHWH in an aniconic manner. In the particular case of Isa –, it is likely, as Clifford points out, that the primary goal of the idol fabrication texts was to serve as the background for emphasizing that YHWH is the creator of the world.104 Secondly, the critique of idol worship is, in itself, as likely to be levelled against the people in Judah as against the exilic community in Babylon. On the one hand, a person, living in a land full of images of deities (such as Babylon), which are understood as symbolizing the essence of the deities that they represent, could easily be influenced by this type of thinking. On the other hand, the tendency to worship idols is nothing novel to the situation after the fall of Jerusalem. Both the DtrH and the pre-exilic prophetic texts habitually accuse the people of Israel and Judah of worshipping other gods and their images. These accusations are born out by the archaeological remains from Judah which testify to the worship of a variety of idols.105 It is thus possible that the people who remained in Judah either continued (depending on our evaluation of the accusation of DtrH and the prophets) or resumed worshipping idols following the catastrophe in bc. After all, from their perspective, worship of YHWH had not prevented the disaster. In view of this, the idol fabrication passages in Isa – per se do not hint at the whereabouts of their original target audience.
Isa :– originally belonged together. See further the discussion in K. Holter, Second Isaiah’s Idol-Fabrication Passages (BBET , Frankfurt a.M., Peter Lang, ), pp. –. 103 See, e.g., the recent discussion by B. Scheuer, The Return of YHWH: Deliverance and Repentance in Isaiah – (BZAW , Berlin, de Gruyter, ), pp. –. 104 R.J. Clifford, “The Function of Idol Passages in Second Isaiah”, CBQ (), pp. –. 105 See, e.g., the overviews with cited bibliography in K.J.H. Vriezen, “Archaeological Traces of Cult in Ancient Israel”, Only One God? Monotheism in Ancient Israel and the Veneration of the Goddess Asherah (eds B. Becking, M. Dijkstra, M.C.A. Korpel and K.J.H. Vriezen, Sheffield, Continuum, ), pp. –, and in R.S. Hess, Israelite Religions: An Archaeological and Biblical Survey (Nottingham, Apollos, ), pp. – . Note that parts of the material discussed in these surveys are significantly older than the sixth century bc.
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... Isaiah :– Despite this general lack of geographic indicator in the idol fabrication texts, it remains possible that they contain specific technical details that can shed light upon their author’s geographical location. In the specific case of Isa :–, the critical issue is the type of wood used for constructing the idol. Much depends on the translation of the expression äîåøú ïëñîä, defined by the following clause as “a tree that does not rot” (á÷øé àì õò). Isa : He chooses a äîåøú ïëñîä, a tree that does not rot (á÷øé àì õò) (ethnachta), he seeks out for himself a skilled craftsman to set up an idol (ìñô ïéëäì) [that] will not topple (èåîé àì).
Williamson provides a solid history of research on this passage, leading up to the conclusion that ïëñî is the name of a particular type of wood.106 I shall therefore summarize only the pieces of research deemed important in hindsight. Zimmer demonstrated that the Hebrew ïëñîä is cognate with the Akkadian musukkannu and he translated it as “palm wood”.107 Gershevitch then showed that this type of wood (GISˇ miˇs.ma.kan.na— partly restored) is attested in an inscription of Darius from Susa, as the Akkadian equivalent of the Old Persian yak¯a-, where it refers to a material used in the building of Darius’ palace at Susa. This type of wood is elsewhere attested as being used in the construction of vehicles, doors and furniture. Gershevitch points out further that the Samaritan translator of the Pentateuch rendered the “gopher wood” in Gen : as íñéñ, the Aramaic equivalent of the Arabic s¯asam, and that in the modern dialect of that area a form of this word denotes the Dalbergia sissoo Roxb, a durable type of wood used for the construction of furniture and buildings. Thus the musukkannu denotes the sissoo tree, found in the present day area of the Persian Gulf.108 This type of wood was used 106
H.G.M. Williamson, “Isaiah ,—A Case of Not Seeing the Wood for the Trees”, Biblica (), pp. –. He notes, among other things, the translation of äîåøú ïëñîä in the TJ (éøá ïøåà = “pine”), Jerome’s Vulgate (forte lignum = “strong wood”), as well as the translation of Sa"adia HaGaon who identifies it with an “oak” (see pp. –, for supporting bibliography). See also F. Stummer, “äîåøú ïëñîä (Jes :) in der Vulgata”, ZAW (), pp. –. 107 H. Zimmer, “mesukkân Jes. ,—ass. musukkânu ‘Palme’ ”, ZA (), pp. – . 108 I. Gershevitch, “Sissoo at Susa”, BSOAS (), pp. –, followed by M.B. Dick, “Prophetic Parodies of Making the Cult Image”, Born in Heaven, Made on Earth: The Making of the Cult Image in the Ancient Near East (ed. M.B. Dick, Winona Lake, IN., Eisenbrauns, ), p. , note g.
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in Mesopotamia primarily in monumental architecture and furniture,109 although, as Walker and Dick have shown, one text connects it with divine images.110 It is also likely that this word entered into Hebrew from a Babylonian dialect of Akkadian.111 Subsequent to the work of Zimmer, Millard and Snook connected this musukkannu with Isa :, translating the verse as “one chooses sissoo, an unrotting wood, a base”. They further understood äîåøú to mean “base” or “podium”, on the basis of the root íåø (“be elevated”).112 This translation, however, is unlikely in view of Isa : (below), a verse that contains similar imagery, but where the word åéúçú (literally meaning “beneath it”) most likely denotes the base of the idol or its position.113 Finally, Williamson suggests that the phrase á÷øé àì õò is a gloss that explains the preceding foreign word.114 Moreover, in contrast to Millard and Snook, Williamson connects the word äîåøú with the Akkadian cognate tar¯ımtu (“gift, tribute”) which stems from the root íéø (“to grant, give”) attested in Akkadian.115 Understanding the initial ä of ïëñîä as the interrogative ä, Williamson translates Isa :aa as “or someone may choose sissoo that is fit for tribute”.116 Given its Akkadian cognates, some scholars argue that the word ïëñîä in Isa : suggests a Babylonian provenance for the author. Hutter, for 109
CAD M/II, pp. –, and AHw, p. . See, e.g., C.B.F. Walker and M. Dick, The Induction of the Cult Image in Ancient Mesopotamia: The Mesopotamian M¯ıs-pî Ritual (SAALT , Helsinki, The Neo-Assyrian Text Corpus Project, ), pp. –, who list an incantation associated with the Mesopotamian M¯ıs-pî ritual (STT , Ritual Tablets from either Nineveh or Babylon), something that suggests that divine images were fashioned from musukkannu wood. (obv. giˇs.tir.giˇs.meˇs.má.gan.na.kù.ga = “as you come for the pure forest of mulberrytrees, wood of the pure forest of mulberry trees”). 111 See further S.J. Sherwin, “Hamsukk¯ an in Isaiah :: Some Reflections”, TynBul (), p. . 112 A.R. Millard and I.R. Snook, “Isaiah :, towards a Solution”, TynBul (), pp. –. This understanding is followed by A. Fitzgerald, “The Technology of Isaiah :– + :–”, CBQ (), pp. –, who argues that “the context cries out for a word meaning ‘base’ or ‘platform’ ”. He connects it with the Hiphil of the root íåø (“to be high”, “to elevate”), as found in Isa :, and the Paal, as found in Isa :. See also Dick, “Prophetic Parodies”, p. , note i. Along similar lines, Koole, Isaiah, III/, p. , simply translates “mulberry-wood as exaltation (?)”. 113 ùéîé àì åîå÷îî ãáòéå åéúçú åäçéðéå åäìáñé óúë ìò åäàùé (“They carry it upon shoulder(s), they bear it, and they set it in its place and it stands, it does not move from its place.”) 114 Williamson, “Isaiah ,”, pp. –, followed by Goldingay and Payne, Isaiah, I, pp. –. 115 W. von Soden, “Mirj¯ am-Maria ‘(Gottes-) Geschenk’ ”, UF (), pp. –. 116 Williamson, “Isaiah ,”, p. . 110
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example, shows that the sissoo tree is attested in the Poem of Erra (I, lines –) where it denotes a kind of axis mundi, i.e. a foundation that cannot be moved.117 As it is also described as “the meat of the gods”, Hutter suggests that this type of wood was used for idol fabrications. Furthermore, in view of the descriptions in Isa : and , Hutter argues that musukkannu-wood was considered to be as precious as gold or silver and thus a fitting gift (äîåøú). Hutter concludes that the author of Isa : used an expression of Akkadian origin.118 Moving one step further, Eph"al argues for the direct dependence of Isa :– on a Neo-Assyrian votive inscription from the third year of the reign of the Assyrian king Aˇsˇsur-etel-il¯ani ( bc). The text, representing the dedication of an offering table of musukkannu-wood to Marduk has some remarkable similarities to Isa :. It refers not only to musukkannu-wood as “durable” (musukkanni i¸s¸su d¯arû [line , cf. Isa :—á÷øé àì õò]) but also states that the inscription is manufactured with the skill of clever craftsmen (ina ˇsipir m¯arê ummani nakliˇs ˇsupuˇsu) (line , cf. Isa :—åì ù÷áé íëç ùøç).119 At the same time, the wider context of the two texts differs. As postulated by Leichty, the Neo-Assyrian tablet containing the inscription was meant to serve as the manuscript for the actual inscription that was to be carved or painted on the offering table before it was placed in the temple.120 In view of both the similarities and the differences, we need to evaluate Eph"al’s claim of direct influence of this single Neo-Assyrian Akkadian cuneiform tablet brought to Babylon in the second year of Nabopolassar upon the language of Isa :–. In my view, the chances that our sixth century bc Hebrew / Aramaic speaking Isaianic author, regardless of whether s/he was in Babylon or in Judah, was familiar with this Neo-Assyrian votive inscription from bc are negligible. I cannot think of a plausible scenario in which s/he would have come across this individual tablet. Therefore, although the similarity is striking, it is unlikely to be more than a coincidence. Vandenhooft also argues for a Babylonian setting of Isa :–. First, as musukkannu-wood was unknown in the Levant, and secondly, 117
S. Dalley, “Erra and Ishum”, COS, I, p. , note . M. Hutter, “Jes ,—kulturgeschichtliche Notizen zu einer Crux”, BN (), pp. –. 119 I. Eph"al, “On the Linguistic and Cultural Background of Deutero-Isaiah”, Shenaton (/), pp. – (Hebrew). For a discussion of the actual inscription, see E. Leichty, “An Inscription of Aˇsˇsur-etel-il¯ani”, JAOS (), pp. –. 120 Leichty, “Inscription of Aˇ sˇsur-etel-il¯ani”, p. . 118
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as the expression á÷øé àì õò (“wood that will not rot”) is probably derived from the Akkadian is. s. u d¯arû (“the lasting, durable wood”), where it commonly defines musukkannu-wood (cf. above), the prophet must have learned about sissoo wood in Babylon.121 Vanderhooft detects examples in Neo-Babylonian inscriptions of architectural ornamentations made from musukkannu-wood overlaid with gold and, combining these Neo-Babylonian architectural inscriptions with the Neo-Assyrian votive inscription mentioned above, concludes that the description in Isa : of a skilled artisan constructing a votive object of ïëñî overlaid with gold must be derived from the author’s knowledge of such NeoBabylonian practices.122 Sherwin questions the assumption that musukkannu-wood was unknown in the Levant. Although there is no clear textual evidence for the use of this wood west of Mari, a fragment of a lexical text that mentions musukkannu-wood has been found in Ashkelon.123 On this basis, Sherwin tentatively suggests that this type of wood was known in Judah in the second millennium bc. This, in turn, would mean that we cannot rule out that musukkannu was known as a luxury item in Judah, and that the reference to it in Isa : cannot be used without reservation as evidence for a Babylonian setting of Isa –.124 To conclude, Isa : contains a reference to musukkannu-wood, a type of wood, known in Babylon as a costly material used for monumental architecture, furniture and, in rare cases, idols. The Hebrew word ïëñî is an Akkadian loanword that probably entered Biblical Hebrew from a Babylonian dialect of Akkadian. This indeed suggests a Babylonian provenance of Isa :. Yet, several considerations render this scenario unlikely. First, idols were not commonly manufactured out of musukkannu-wood. Secondly, there is some indirect evidence that musukkannu-wood was known in Judah as a precious type of wood. It is therefore possible that the author of Isa :, by referring to musukkannu-wood, i.e. a foreign, and thus rare and very valuable, com121
Vanderhooft, Neo-Babylonian Empire, pp. –. Vanderhooft, Neo-Babylonian Empire, p. . 123 Tablet III of the lexical series har-ra = hubullu (line ). See further J. Hueh˘ ˘ Text from Ashkelon with a Canaanite nergard and W. van Soldt, “A Cuneiform Lexical Column”, IEJ (), pp. –. The fragment itself does not contain line of the lexical list but only lines –. Thus, the actual word musukkannu is not attested on the fragment. For the whole text of the list har-ra = hubullu, see B. Landsberger, Mate˘ ˘ Pontificium Institutum Biblicum, rialien zum sumerischen Lexicon, (Rome, Sumptibus ), p. (giˇsmes má-gan-na // mu-su-ka-nu). 124 Sherwin, “Hamsukk¯ an”, TynBul (), p. . 122
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modity, sought to convey the utter (economic) folly of idol making. This impression is further emphasized by the reference to gold and silver in the preceding verse . ... Isaiah : It has been argued that the description of idol fabrication in Isa :– has the characteristics of an eyewitness account. This impression, in turn, has been used as an argument for a Babylonian setting of the passage.125 An immediate response is that the question of whether or not the report is an eyewitness account of the production of an idol is immaterial to the question of the geographical setting of Isa :–. As already mentioned, there is nothing inherently Babylonian about idol worship if we give any credence to the writings of the pre-exilic prophets of Israel and Judah, and we must therefore assume that idols were commonly fabricated throughout the Levant and Mesopotamia, including Judah. Nevertheless, it is still possible that Isa :– may yield information concerning the whereabouts of its author. As in the case of Isa :, it is useful to take a closer look at the types of trees / wood that are mentioned in Isa :. Barstad has cautioned against drawing conclusions about the provenance of the text of Isa – based on botanical details within the text.126 Barstad’s approach appears overly careful, however, since details in a given text can (from its author’s point of view) shed unintended light upon issues such as dating and geographical setting. Isa : He cuts down for himself (åì úøëì) íéæøà, and he takes äæøú and ïåìà and secures for himself (åìõîàéå) [from] among the trees of the forest (ethnachta), he plants (òèð) ïøà and rain makes [it] grow.
Dillmann claimed that the fact that someone actually had to plant these trees (òèð) points to a Babylonian setting, as few trees grew there naturally.127 Dillman’s interpretation is, however, unlikely. Rather, the combined use of the five verbs úøë (Paal “cut down”), ç÷ì (Paal “take”), õîà (Piel “strengthen”), òèð (Paal “plant”) and ìãâ (Piel “cause to grow”) renders it more likely that Isa : speaks of the generative circle of the life of a tree rather than any specific planting thereof. As to the type of wood, Isa : refers to æøà, äæøú, ïåìà and ïøà. Recently, Shervin has examined this vocabulary in search of what these 125 126 127
E.g. Behr, Writings of Deutero-Isaiah, p. , Muilenburg, “Book of Isaiah”, p. . Barstad, Babylonian Captivity, p. . A. Dillmann, Der Prophet Jesaia (Leipzig, S. Hirzel, ), p. .
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four types of wood can tell us about the whereabouts of the authors of Isa –.128 Based on a detailed etymological discussion, he translates them as “cedars”, “ilex / holm-oak”, “oak” and “pine”, respectively, and he draws the following conclusions regarding their habitat: . In the case of cedar (æøà // Akk. er¯enu—a cognate rather than a loanword),129 Sherwin argues that this tree would fit either a Western or a Babylonian provenance for Isa :. Its wood was used extensively in both places and there were expeditions from Mesopotamia to Lebanon with the purpose of cutting down cedar trees (cf. the Epic of Gilgamesh, tablets III–V). At the same time, it is not attested in Babylonian texts as the prime material for fashioning idols,130 although, as Dick points out, it is used as a wood and as balsam in the m¯ıs pî rituals.131 . As to holm-oak (hapax legomenon äæøú), there is no cognate in Akkadian, and it is mentioned in neither economic nor lexical texts. This absence is surprising, as this implies that the holm-oak was not even known as an import. Arabic taraza (“be hard”) is a possible cognate.132 The LXX and the V identify it with a kind of oak. This speaks against äæøú being an Akkadian loanword and it speaks against a Babylonian context for Isa :. . Oak (ïåìà) was a recognized feature of the Israelite landscape. It is, in fact, possible that oak forests once spread over much of the Costal Plain.133 There is an Akkadian cognate (all¯anu) but this tree is very rare and is only attested in economic texts from the Ur III period.134 Although it may have been imported to Babylon in later times, the fact that it is mentioned so sparely speaks against the notion that it was readily available in Babylon. . Finally, pine (hapax legomenon ïøà) may be cognate with the Akkadian term urnu. Rather than being an Akkadian loanword, von Soden argues that the Akkadian word urnu may be a West Semitic loan128 S.J. Sherwin, “In Search of Trees: Isaiah xliv and its implications”, VT (), pp. –. See this article for the references to the specific Akkadian texts discussed. 129 See further the discussion in Mankowski, Akkadian Loanwords, pp. –. 130 Cf. Maynard, “Home of Deutero-Isaiah”, p. . 131 Dick, “Prophetic Parodies”, p. , note y. 132 See Dick, “Prophetic Parodies”, p. , note w. 133 Cf. N. Liphschitz, S. Lev-Yadum, R. Gophna, “The Dominance of Quercus Calliprinos (Kermes Oak) in the Central Coastal Plain in Antiquity”, IEJ (), pp. –. 134 CAD, A/I, p. b.
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word.135 Textual evidence suggests it being imported to Babylon from Mari to Eshnunna. Pine was thus growing in the Levant while not readily available in Mesopotamia. There is also some evidence that it was planted in Judah.136 In view of this material, Sherwin points out that the trees mentioned in Isa : are suggestive of a Western, rather than a Babylonian, setting. Such a provenance is further implied by the mention of their dependence on rainfall. Sherwin therefore concludes that, assuming that the author wanted to refer to types of wood easily available for the idol maker, a Judahite rather than a Babylonian setting fits better.137 Goldingay and Payne likewise point out that trees of the oak family, like the cedar, tend to grow in the cooler, wetter, more northern hilly areas of the Levant than in the warmer, drier, more southern valleys. In general therefore the combination of trees in this verse is suggestive of a SyriaPalestinian rather than a Babylonian setting.138 Sherwin then stipulates three possible scenarios behind Isa :–: . The author of Isa :– is writing about Western image-making from the West. There is accordingly no reference here to Babylonian idolatry. . The author is writing a parody of Babylonian idolatry from the West. . The author is writing about Babylonian idolatry from Babylon. However, as he has only just arrived, he is as yet unfamiliar with the local customs and is therefore in error.139 The first two scenarios are the most plausible. The explicit references to Cyrus in Isa – render it very likely that the author lived at least one generation away from the destruction of Jerusalem in bc. If we postulate an author living in Babylon, the displayed lack of local knowledge would be unlikely. As to the message of Isa :–, in contrast to Isa : where the author seeks to describe the economic folly of the individual person seeking to make an idol by referring to gold, silver, a costly type of wood and the hiring of qualified craftsmen, the idea
135 136 137 138 139
AHw, p. b, urnu(m) II (wsem. Lw? he. oren) “eine kleine Zeder”. Sherwin, “In Search of Trees”, pp. –. Sherwin, “In Search of Trees”, pp. –. Goldingay and Payne, Isaiah, I, p. . Sherwin, “In Search of Trees”, pp. –.
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here in Isa : appears to be more accusatory in tone. The message, especially that of verses –, conveys the details of the actual process of fabrication.140 In this context, Dick suggests that the author of Isa :– may have been referring to the actual ritual sequence of the Babylonian m¯ıs pî ritual, but, as he depicts the carpenter as first carving the image (v. ) and only then going to the forest to cut and nurture the wood (v. ), and as he refers to the cedar trees as well as to an encyclopaedic list of rare words, “he might be aware of the ritual in its broadest outline and be mocking its apparently unnatural sequence”.141 If Dick’s theory is correct, this would again imply, as above, that the author is not overly familiar with Mesopotamian ways of manufacturing idols. To sum up, contrary to the claims of Dillmann and others, the various references to types of wood in Isa : point to an author who was more familiar with the flora and the living conditions in Judah as opposed to those in Babylon. Looking at Isa : and Isa : together, the former passage points to a Babylonian setting while the second points to a Judahite setting. Given this ambiguous situation, we can at best say that the evidence neither confirms nor contradicts a Judahite setting of Isa –. .. Babylon in Isaiah – The references to Babylon (Isa :; :–; ; :, ) and to Babylonian practices (Isa :– and :–) have often been treated as evidence of the Babylonian origin of Isa –. In the present context, I shall explore Isa :–; :–; and :, (Isa : will be discussed in the following chapter ). In general terms, Babylon is definitely the most frequently mentioned foreign nation in Isa –. At the same time, allowing for a moment the notion that much of Isa – was penned in Babylon, these instances are surprisingly few and vague, and they do not imply local knowledge of that nation. Rather, Babylon is referred to as the most important political and military power of the time and, in particular, as the nation who brought destruction upon Jerusalem. In a sense, the name Babylon functions typologically as a reference to foreign idolaters and oppressors in the present time (Isa :–; ), in the same way as Egypt functions typologically as a reference to Israel’s past
140 141
Holter, Idol-Fabrication, p. . Dick, “Prophetic Parodies”, p. .
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bondage.142 As such, they neither necessitate nor support a Babylonianbased author. At the same time, the attitude towards Babylon that these references express is consistent with that which is found in the book of Lamentations. In fact, the portrayal of Lady Babylon in Isa draws upon the Judahite book of Lamentations (see further chapter ). As such, it favours a Judahite view point. ... Isaiah :– and :–—Magic and Diviners Isa :– and :– mention (stereo)typical Babylonian divination practices. It is possible that Isa : refers to magicians if we follow Driver’s suggestion, emending the word êéøçñ (merchants) in the MT to êéøçù as a pun on the word äøçù (“dawn”) and its Akkadian cognate sah¯aru in verse a.143 Based on these references, Behr, among others, ˘ maintains that these verses testify to their Babylonian setting.144 Isa : who frustrates the signs of the omen priests (íéãá úåúà)145 and makes the diviners mad (ììåäé íéîñ÷å), who turns backwards the wise [men] and makes their knowledge foolish. Isa :– 12Stand (f.sg.) there with your spells (êéøáçá), and with your many sorceries (êéôùë áøáå), with which you have laboured from your youth. Perhaps you will be able to profit (ìéòåä éìëåú éìåà). Perhaps you will cause terror (éöåøòú éìåà). 13You have wearied yourself with your many pieces of advice. Let them stand and save you, the astrologers ([éøáç] åøáç íéîù), the stargazers (íéáëåëá íéæçä), [those] who announce at the new moons (íéùãçì íòéãåî) whatever (øùàî) will come upon you.
Although the interpretation of some of the technical terminology is debated, and although some of the terms used have Akkadian cognate forms, these two passages do not contain any Akkadian loanwords and all the terms for the various religious experts are attested in the Hebrew Bible outside of Isa –.146 There is thus no reason, on the basis of the language itself, to postulate direct Akkadian influence. As to the 142
W.H. Cobb, “Where was Isaiah – Written?”, JBL (), p. . See G.R. Driver, “Linguistic and Textual Problems: Isaiah xl–lxvi”, JTS (), pp. –, followed by Blenkinsopp, Isaiah –, p. , note aa. 144 Behr, Writings of Deutero-Isaiah, p. . See also Muilenburg, “The Book of Isaiah”, p. . 145 Emending the consonantal text íéãá to íéøá and reading it as a reference to the Akkadian word for omen readers / scholars (b¯arû). See, e.g., Duhm, Jesaia, p. , Berges, Jesaja –, p. . 146 For a detailed discussion of the Hebrew terminology, see Vanderhooft, Neo-Babylonian Empire, pp. –, with cited bibliography. 143
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content, Babylon was widely known for its knowledge of the stars. In fact, astrology, divination and magic are exactly the kind of things that people throughout the ancient world would have associated with Babylon. These passages therefore do not contain any details that should cause us to assume that its author had any deeper knowledge of Babylonian customs beyond that which was generally known.147 ... Isaiah :– It is also commonly held that the imagery of Isa :– reflects an insider’s knowledge of Babylon.148 Muilenburg, for example, argues that the “vivid picture of the gods leaving Babylon has the verisimilitude of one who has seen the sacred processions”.149 As we shall see, a closer look at Isa :– does not support this claim. :– 1Bel has bowed down (ìá òøë), Nebo has bended down (åáð ñø÷), their images have been consigned to an animal and to a beast of burden (äîäáìå äéçì íäéáöò åéä). Your burdens that are being carried (íëéúàùð úåñåîò)150 are [now] a burden for the weary (äôéòì àùî). 2They bended down (åñø÷), they bowed down (åòøë) together, they could not deliver (èìî) a burden, but they themselves went into exile (äëìä éáùá íùôðå). :– 3Listen to me, house of Jacob, and all the remnant of the house of Israel, who have been borne from birth (ïèá éðî íéñîòä), carried from the womb (íçø éðî íéàùðä). 4And until old age I am He, and until grey hair (äáéù), I will carry (ìáñà éðà). I have done and I will do, and I will carry and I will rescue (èìîàå).
The oracle in Isa :– mentions Bel (Marduk) and Nebo (Nabu), the chief deities of the Neo-Babylonian Empire. The oracle contains polemic speech against these deities in which YHWH declares that he is mightier and more dependable than they are, and therefore best suited to take care of Jacob-Israel. What is immediately noticeable when looking at Isa :– is the way in which verses – echo the vocabulary of verses –. The three roots àùð, ñîò and èìî are used in a contrasting 147 Kapelrud, Et folk på hjemferd, p. . See also Duhm, Jesaia, p. , and Maynard, “Home of Deutero-Isaiah”, p. . 148 E.g. Kittel, “Cyrus und Deuterojesaja”, p. . 149 Muilenburg, “Book of Isaiah”, p. . 150 The Hebrew is unclear. The first word, íëéúàùð, is a Paal passive participle (“that which is being borne”) with a possessive pronouns. It is here rendered “your burdens”. The second word, úåñåîò, is also a Paal passive participle, meaning “to be carried”. The sense may be that the images, rather than being carried (i.e. that which is being carried, possibly: in processions, cf. JPS translation), have now become mere burdens.
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fashion. Furthermore, there is an obvious word-play between éáù (“exile”) and äáéù (“grey hair”, i.e. old age). The central message of the text is thus the worthlessness of the Babylonian deities in contrast to YHWH’s omnipotence and reliability. The idea of Babylon’s deities as fallen is foreshadowed in Isa :, a verse which depicts Babylon herself as fallen, with all the images of her gods lying shattered on the ground.151 Isa :– is filled with textual difficulties. In particular, it is unclear who the recipient of the speech in verse b is (úåñåîò íëéúàùð). It cannot be the idols as they are the burden, and it is unlikely to be the beasts of burden. The remaining options for the recipients are either the Babylonians or the people of Israel, the latter being addressed in verse where they are identified as the burden that God carries. Beginning with the former option, Paul identifies the audience as the Babylonians. Paul detects a dichotomy between the Babylonians who carry their gods and the people of Israel who are being carried by God.152 In the case of the latter option, Schaudig understands :b as addressing directly the actual audience of the text, whom he identifies as the Israelite deportees.153 Likewise, although from a different perspective, Berges argues that it refers back to those who build idols in Isa :–.154 This last interpretation best fits the context for several reasons. First, while the indigenous population of Babylon is never explicitly referred to elsewhere in Isa –, the idolmakers, presumably Israelites (cf. above), are referred to and addressed in the immediately preceding Isa :– and the immediately following :–. Secondly, the idea of idols being carried by humans is also attested in the preceding :. Marduk and Nabu, as the chief deities of the most influential nation of the time, thus become the examples par excellence of deities. All deities, apart from YHWH, are burdens for their worshippers, including the prime deities of the Neo-Babylonian Empire.
151
C.A. Franke, “Reversals of Fortune in the Ancient Near East: A Study of the Babylon Oracles in the Book of Isaiah”, New Visions of Isaiah (eds R.F. Melugin and M.A. Sweeney, JSOTS , Sheffield, Sheffield Academic Press, ), p. . 152 Paul, Isaiah –, p. , See also Goldingay and Payne, Isaiah –, II, p. . Holter, Idol-Fabrication Passages, p. , leans in this direction as well, in that he argues that the Babylonian names in : connect with the oracle against Babylon in Isa . He therefore considers it plausible that the idol makers in Isa somehow represent the Babylonians. 153 H. Schaudig, “ ‘B¯ el Bows, Nabu Stoops!’ The Prophecy of Isaiah xlvi – as a Reflection of Babylonian ‘Processional Omens’ ”, VT (), p. . 154 Berges, Jesaja –, pp. –. See also C.A. Franke, Isaiah , , and : A New Literary-Critical Reading (BJS , Winona Lake, IN., Eisenbrauns, ), pp. –.
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The imagery of verses – has been interpreted in three main ways: the ak¯ıtu festival, the Babylonians bringing their idols to safety or the Babylonian idols being carried into captivity. First, several scholars maintain that Isa :– is an eyewitness account and/or a parody of the part of the ak¯ıtu festival that featured the statues of Marduk and Nabu being carried in a procession through Babylon.155 Schaudig, for example, interprets Isa :– as a prophecy, fashioned as a parody of the ak¯ıtu festival, and uttered on the very occasion of that festival to the prophet’s audience in Babylon.156 In particular, he argues that the description in Isa :– of the idols moving to and fro is directly inspired by the prophet witnessing the Babylonian custom of interpreting the future according to the condition and the movement of the statue of Marduk at the ak¯ıtu festival, the so-called “processional omens”. In support of his interpretation, he suggests that the two verbs that appear repeatedly in Isa :–, òøë and ñø÷, are semantic and morphological equivalents of the Akkadian z¯ır (zâru = “twist”, “turn”) and kedir (kad¯aru = “bow down”, “tilt”) found in the processional omens. The direction in which the statue tilted (backwards, forwards, left, right—interpreted geographically according to the compass rose) was interpreted as an omen for that geographical area.157 It is difficult to adopt Schaudig’s interpretation for two reasons. First, as in the case of Machinist’s interpretation (above), it depends on the assumption that the prophet saw the ak¯ıtu festival rather than providing evidence that Isa :– is itself an eyewitness account. Secondly, it fails to take the overall message of Isa :– into consideration. Schaudig first points out the similarities between the ak¯ıtu festival and Isa :–, namely that the statues of Marduk and Nabu are being carried on the backs of animals. He then explains the differences between the ak¯ıtu festival and the biblical text, namely that in the latter the statues are being carried by tired animals (v. b) and that they are being carried away into captivity (v. b), as the prophet’s conscious subversion of the original message of the ak¯ıtu festival, done with the aim of preventing his exilic compatriots from being overwhelmed by the glory of the
155 See discussion in Franke, Isaiah , , and , pp. –. See also Berges, Jesaja – , p. , who argues that Isa :– is a parody of the ak¯ıtu festival, and F. Hägglund, Isaiah in the Light of Homecoming after Exile (FAT II/, Tübingen, Mohr Siebeck, ), p. . 156 Schaudig, “B¯ el Bows, Nabu Stoops!”, pp. –, . 157 Schaudig, “B¯ el Bows, Nabu Stoops!”, pp. –.
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procession.158 In other words, the prophet transforms the visual imagery of the ak¯ıtu festival from one that glorifies the chief Babylonian deities into a description of their defeat and humiliation. This is a possible way of explaining the discrepancies between the ak¯ıtu festival and the biblical account. However, it is built on the assumption that Isa :– was based upon and was inspired by an actual experience that was shared by the prophet and his audience alike. In my view, the starting point of exegesis must be the literary presentation of all of Isa :–. Only afterwards can we try to find a suitable occasion that fits the description. In the biblical text, the imagery of deities being carried by animals is a sign of their lowliness and their inability, in contrast to YHWH’s ability to carry those in his care. Thus, we need to look for an occasion where the bowing down of the statues can be interpreted as a metaphoric description of their defeat and humiliation. As with Schaudig, Vanderhooft interprets Isa :– as a parody of the ak¯ıtu festival. His interpretation takes the schism between Nabunidus and the more traditional elements in the Babylonian society, expressed most poignantly by the absence of the ak¯ıtu festival during many of the final years of Nabunidus’ reign, into account when interpreting Isa :– . He suggests that Isa :– was delivered in the seventeenth and final year of Nabunidus’ reign, a year when the ak¯ıtu festival was actually celebrated (– bc). The prophet, who according to Vanderhooft was present in Babylon during the end of Nabunidus’ reign, delivered Isa :– sometime after the celebration of the ak¯ıtu this very year. The oracle reinterprets the ak¯ıtu procession as reflecting Nabunidus’ collection of all the cult statues from adjacent cities into Babylon for fear of their destruction as a result of the volatile political situation. Rather than emphasizing their imperial might, the procession becomes “emblematic of their eventual departure into exile”.159 As acknowledged by Vanderhooft himself, this reconstruction provides a suitable background to Isa :– only if we accept the hypothesis that its author was present in Babylon during the end of Nabunidus’ reign. However, this reconstruction does not prove the hypothesis. Moreover, no independent evidence supports the the notion that this oracle stems from – bc. In fact, Vanderhooft stipulates this date in order to accommodate his interpretation.
158 159
Schaudig, “B¯el Bows, Nabu Stoops!”, pp. –, . Vanderhooft, Neo-Babylonian Empire, pp. –.
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Secondly, a few scholars argue that the Babylonians themselves are carrying the idols to safety.160 This interpretation is in line with a metaphoric reading of the passage as suggested above. At the same time, it does not fit well with the reference in verse b to the statues being taken into exile, and is therefore not ideal. This brings us to the third interpretation, namely that Isa :– depicts how Babylon’s enemies carried away the statues of Marduk and Nabu as trophies.161 The idea of deities going into exile is a well-known feature of ancient Near Eastern theology that can be traced back to the twelfth century bc.162 This interpretation comports well with the general message of Isa :– that the idols themselves are unable to deliver a burden (v. ab) so instead they have to be carried (as a burden) (v. b). It also sets the scene for the contrasting imagery in verse where God carries his people Israel.163 The image is that of humiliating defeat, either mirroring the reality post- bc or the prophet’s vision in which the Babylonians are defeated and their idols are loaded onto pack animals. The fact that Cyrus is not reported as having dethroned the statues of Babylon but having supported and sought to reinstate the cult of Marduk in Babylon renders the latter interpretation likely. It is a future prediction from before bc rather than a report of an event that has already taken place.164 It follows that the perfect verbs are best understood as the socalled prophetic perfect, suggesting that yet future actions are to be seen as already accomplished.
160
E.g. Blenkinsopp, Isaiah –, p. . E.g. F.W. Dobbs-Allsopp, Weep O Daughter of Zion: A Study of the City Lament Genre in the Hebrew Bible (BibOr , Rome, Potifical Biblical Institute, ), p. , Holter, Idol-Fabrication Passages, p. . 162 The other relevant texts are: () Nabunidus’ Babylonian Steele that refers to the return of the gods to Harran after Nabunidus’ rebuilding of the Sin-temple Ehulhul, () the Adad-Guppi Steele fictively written by Nabunidus’ mother about the same event and the accompanied return of Marduk and his statue, () the inscriptions of Esarhaddon about the rebuilding of Babylon following the destruction by Sennacherib, () The Poem of Erra speaking about the same event and () the texts from the reign of Nebuchadnezzar I speaking of the destruction of the city of Babylon by the hands of the Elamites and of the capture of the Marduk statue, and how Nebuchadnezzar I fought victoriously against the Elamites and brought the statue back to Babylon (Ehring, Rückkehr JHWHs, pp. –, with accompanying bibliography of the Mesopotamian texts). 163 Cf. C.A. Franke, “The Function of the Satiric Lament over Babylon in Second Isaiah (xlvii)”, VT (), p. , Koole, Isaiah, III/, p. . 164 See the Cyrus Cylinder. Cf. Schaudig, “B¯ el Bows, Nabu Stoops!”, pp. –, contra Berges, Jesaja –, pp. –, who argues, on the same grounds, for a later dating of the reign of Cyrus, i.e. around – bc. 161
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Nothing in this interpretation demands an author who resides in Babylon. In the words of Blenkinsopp: “No local features and no individuals are mentioned, and there is nothing that calls for more than an active imagination nourished with a minimum of general cultural information”.165 A prophet in both Babylon and Judah would be able to envision the fall of Babylon along the lines of the well-known ancient Near Eastern ideology of the deportation of its statues. In fact, there are factors that actually point in the opposite direction, especially if we do not accept Vanderhooft’s precise dating of the oracle in Isa :– to the year / bc. As Maynard, Kapelrud and, more recently, Hägglund emphasize, Isa :– reveals a conception of the Babylonian gods that does not fit the situation in Babylon during the last years of the NeoBabylonian Empire. Presumably a prophet living in Babylon would have been familiar with Nabunidus’ attempt to replace the worship of the traditional Babylonian chief deities Marduk and Nabu with that of the moon god Sin. This unfamiliarity with the cultic issues of Nabunidus’ reign invites the conclusion that the author of Isa :– lived at some distance from Babylon.166 In conclusion, the imagery of Isa :– is best understood to envision the deportation of the Babylonian statues after the fall of Babylon. As the ideology connected to the exile of a statue is found in several texts, the earliest of them dating from the twelfth century bc, this ideology in itself does not provide a clue to the domicile of the author of Isa :–. The fact that Cyrus did not arrange for such a deportation when he conquered Babylon is a strong indication that this oracle was delivered prior to bc. Moreover, the reference to Nabu and Marduk, the traditional chief gods of Babylon rather than to Sin, Nabunidus’ own choice, suggests that the author of Isa :– was not up-to-date with the latest developments in Babylon, something which in turn indicates that s/he was not living in Babylon. ... Isaiah Isa places Babylon in the centre of attention as it addresses “Virgin Babylon” in direct speech. Its style is reminiscent of that of Mesopotamian city laments as much of the chapter, and especially Isa :–, is cast 165
See Blenkinsopp, Isaiah –, p. . Maynard, “Home of Deutero-Isaiah”, p. , Kapelrud, Et folk på hjemferd, pp. , –, Hägglund, Isaiah , p. . 166
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in qinah meter. In addition, there are also possible Ugaritic parallels.167 As to its setting within Isa –, chapter forms the pivotal oracle. The main theme of the preceding chapters is that of down-trodden Israel, in contrast to the descriptions of Zion-Jerusalem and her elevation and rejoicing in the following chapters.168 It further connects both backwards to Isa : and forwards to Isa : in its message about Babylon’s destruction and the realization of God’s plans for Jerusalem. Finally, Isa belongs firmly in the wider tradition of Isa – as shown by its shared vocabulary and imagery.169 As an example, the portrayals of Daughter Zion in Isa :–; :– and :– serve as mirror images of the portrayal of Daughter Babylon in Isa . Whereas Babylon sits in the dust (:), Zion is told to get up (:), whereas Babylon is forced to expose herself (:–), Zion is told to dress in beautiful clothes (:), whereas Babylon is a childless widow (:), Zion will be comforted and given children (:–; :) and whereas Babylon is shamed (:), Zion will no longer experience shame (:).170 What, if anything, can this central position of (personified) Babylon tell us about the geographical setting of Isa –? In terms of literary genre, Isa falls into the typical category of “oracle against the nations”. As such, its main purpose was to inform the people of Israel about YHWH’s power in comparison to that of the deities of the foreign nations,171 much along the same line as Isa :– (above). Yet the question remains whether this Israelite audience was in Babylon or in Judah. Some scholars merely assume a Babylonian setting. Martin-Achard, for
167
E.g. Franke, “Function of the Satiric Lament”, pp. –, Dobbs-Allsopp, Daughter of Zion, pp. –. 168 Franke, “Function of the Satiric Lament”, p. . 169 R. Martin-Achard, “Esaïe et la tradition prophétique sur Babylone”, Prophecy. FS G. Fohrer (ed. J.A. Emerton, BZAW , Berlin, de Gruyter, ), p. . 170 Dobbs-Allsopp, Daughter of Zion, pp. –. See further Hermisson, “Einheit und Komplexität”, p. , H.-J. Hermisson, “Die Frau Zion”, Studies in the Book of Isaiah. FS W.A.M. Beuken (eds J. van Ruiten and M. Vervenne, BETL , Leuven, Peeters, ), p. , P.T. Willey, Remember the Former Things: The Recollection of Previous Texts in Second Isaiah (SBLDS , Atlanta, GA., Scholars Press, ), pp. –, Blenkinsopp, Isaiah –, p. , M.E. Biddle, “Lady Zion’s Alter Egos: Isaiah .– and .– as Structural Counterparts”, New Visions of Isaiah (eds M.A. Sweeney and R.F. Melugin, JSOTS , Sheffield, Sheffield Academic Press, ), pp. –. See also R. Nurmela, The Mouth of the Lord has Spoken: Inner-Biblical Allusions in Second and Third Isaiah (Studies in Judaism, Lanham, University Press of America, ), p. , who points out that the verb óö÷ (“to be angry”) is used in the same context as the root íçø (“compassion”) only in Isa :; : and :. 171 A. Schoors, I Am God Your Saviour (VTS , Leiden, Brill, ), p. .
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example, states that Isa declares to the prophet’s compatriots in Babylon that Babylon is not an obstacle to their return to the Holy Land.172 Yet several factors speak in favour of Isa being a Judahite composition. It can first of all be argued that the very content of Isa makes a Babylonian setting unsuitable and even dangerous, making it an unlikely option. More importantly, there is significant overlap between the depiction of Babylon in Isa and that of Daughter Zion in Lamentations:173 First, both the opening line in Isa :a (ìáá úá úìåúá øôò ìò éáùå éãø) and the command to sit in silence in Isa : (íîåã éáù) are modelled after Lam : (åãéøåä íé÷ù åøâç íùàø ìò øôò åìòä ïåéö úá éð÷æ åîãé õøàì åáùé íìùåøé úìåúá ïùàø õøàì). Secondly, Babylon’s nakedness in Isa : (ìâú êúôøç äàøú íâ êúåøò) echoes the similar state of Zion in Lam : (åàø äúåøò). Thirdly, Babylon’s thoughtless arrogance described in Isa :b (äúéøçà úøëæ àì) alludes to the description of Zion in Lam : (äøëæ àì äúéøçà).174 Fourthly, the description of God’s anger in Isa :aa (éúôö÷ éîò ìò) is reminiscent of that in Lam : (åðéìò úôö÷ åðúñàî ñàî íà éë ãàî ãò). Fifthly, God pollutes Babylon in Isa :ab (éúìçð éúììç) and his heritage in Lam :b (äøéùå äëìîî ììç) and in : (íéøæì äëôäð åðúìçð íéøëðì åðéúá). Sixthly, the plight of the elderly in Isa :bb (úãáëä ï÷æ ìò ãàî êìò) brings Lam :ab (åòåâ øéòá éð÷æå éðäë); :aa (úåöåç õøàì åáëù ï÷æå øòð) and :b (åøãäð àì íéð÷æ éðô) to mind.175 Seventhly, the imagery of Babylon not sitting as a widow in Isa :ba (äðîìà áùà àì) is modelled after Lam :a (äðîìàë äúéú íò éúáø øéòä ããá äáùé äëéà).176 In this manner, the author of Isa depicted the downfall of Babylon in the same terms as those used by the people of Judah for remembering the downfall of Jerusalem.177 These similarities render it likely that the same community stands behind both texts. Having already argued for a Judahite setting of Lamentations, a similar setting for Isa is plausible (see chapter and chapter ).
172
Martin-Achard, “Esaïe ”, p. . This was noted already by T.F. McDaniel, “Philological Studies in Lamentations, I”, Biblica (), p. . 174 Willey, Remember the Former Things, p. . Some of these parallels have been noted by other scholars. See, e.g., Dobbs-Allsopp, Daughter of Zion, p. . See also M. Wischnowsky, Tochter Zion: Aufnahme und Uberwindung der Stadtklage in den Prophetenschriften des Alten Testaments (WMANT , Neukirchen-Vluyn, Neukirchener, ), p. , and Nurmela, Mouth of the Lord, pp. –. 175 Dobbs-Allsopp, Daughter of Zion, p. . 176 Nurmela, Mouth of the Lord, p. . 177 Willey, Remember the Former Things, p. . 173
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To conclude, Isa , as an oracle against the nations, does not address Babylon directly. On the contrary, the people of Israel, regardless of their whereabouts, are its intended target audience. In addition, the similarities between Isa and Lamentations in their presentations of personified Babylon and Jerusalem make it likely that Isa was composed in Judah for a Judahite audience. ... Isaiah :, The last reference to Babylon in the book of Isaiah is in Isa :, .178 Both verses are part of the longer oracle of Isa :– which addresses Jacob-Israel (v. ) and which deals with Cyrus’ mission, although Cyrus is only referred to by third person pronouns (vv. –).179 In this oracle, God admonishes Jacob-Israel to listen, as God is the one who has brought Cyrus to cause the downfall of the Babylonians. Isa : Gather together, all of you, and listen! Who among them has declared these [matters]? YHWH has loved him. He will do his pleasure against Babylon, and his arm [will do against the] Chaldeans (íéãùë åòøæå).
Isa : mentions Babylon but, as in the case of Isa (above), the mere reference to Babylon does not tell us anything about the whereabouts of the author. In contrast, Isa :– is a key passage for all who regard Isa – as a product of the golah community in Babylon. As such, it will be discussed at several points throughout this study. Here, I shall address verse and determine what it can tell us about its inherent perspective. In chapter , I shall focus on the Exodus related imagery in verse . I shall also touch upon these two verses in chapter . Isa : Get out of Babylon! Flee from the Chaldeans! Declare with a ringing cry, make this heard! Make it go forth until the end of the earth! Say “YHWH has redeemed his servant Jacob”!
There is no doubt that Isa : concerns itself with the exiles in Babylon and its central message is to get them out of there. Whether this exhortation is meant as encouragement of being set free from Babylon or as a warning that the people must come out of Babylon as quickly as possible since the city is about to fall to Cyrus is open for dispute. The latter fits,
178
Miscall, Isaiah, p. . The MT can be retained in v. as it fits the following material in v. . See further the discussion in Blenkinsopp, Isaiah –, p. , note e. 179
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in my view, the immediate context better, as the destruction of Babylon is already described in Isa :.180 Others see it as an injunction to join the celebration of God’s redemption, thus providing a fitting end to the section of Isa –.181 What is unclear, however, is to what extent this verse forms an argument for a Babylonian setting of the verse. Although the return of the exiles from the Diaspora, including Babylon, is of prime importance for the authors of Isa –, we would do well to remember that this in itself is not an argument for a Babylonian setting. In the present context, I wish to argue that a close reading of Isa : actually reveals a Judahite perspective. First, as implied by the m.pl. imperative (rather than a cohortative), the author does not include him- or herself in the exilic community but assumes the role of an outsider in the anticipated return the reference to Babylon.182 This impression is supported by verse (and probably also v. ), which appears to be a comment or statement on the author’s part referring to the returnees in the third person.183 Secondly, the addressees of the oracle are not the people of Babylon but those of Judah. The syntax suggests that verse aa (åàö íéãùëî åçøá ìááî) and verse ba (á÷òé åãáò §ä ìàâ) are statements that the audience, i.e. Jacob-Israel, are to call out (v. ab-ba—åãéâä äðø ìå÷á åøîà õøàä äö÷ ãò äåàéöåä úàæ åòéîùä). In other words, the prophet gives Jacob-Israel the task to call out to people in Babylon to flee and to call out to the ends of the earth that God has redeemed him (i.e. JacobIsrael).184 In conclusion, a close reading reveals that the text gives one group of people the task to speak to the exiles in Babylon. This first group forms the target audience of the text as a whole, which in turn implies a non-Babylonian audience. As such, nothing in Isa : warrants a Babylonian setting.
180 Cf. C.R. North, The Second Isaiah (Oxford, Clarendon, ), p. , Barstad, Way, p. , Goldingay and Payne, Isaiah, II, p. , Ø. Lund, Way Metaphors and Way Topics in Isaiah – (FAT II/, Tübingen, Mohr Siebeck, ), pp. , . 181 Blenkinsopp, Isaiah –, p. . 182 Buttenwieser, “Where did Deutero-Isaiah Live”, pp. –. 183 Lund, Way, p. . 184 D. Smart, History and Theology in Second Isaiah: A Commentary on Isaiah , – (London, Westminster, ), p. .
chapter three .. Enûma Elîˇs and YHWH’s Incomparability
It has also been argued that many of the descriptions of YHWH form a conscious polemic against the Babylonian Marduk cult in general and against the New Year akitu festival in particular, during which the creation myth Enûma Elîˇs was recited,185 and that this, in turn, is yet another factor that confirms the Babylonian setting of Isa –. Blenkinsopp, for example, argues that the emphasis in Isa – on God’s uniqueness and incomparability serves as the mirror-image of the ideology expressed by the Enûma Elîˇs. The imagery of YHWH as the cosmic creator (Isa :, , ; :; :, ; :; :–, , ; :–; :, ), as well as his titles such as “the eternal God” (Isa :), “the god of all the earth” (Isa :) and “the Sovereign Lord” (Isa :), together suggest that Isa – is written as a conscious rejection of the theogony of Enûma Elîˇs (I –). In addition, the proclamation of YHWH’s kingship in Isa : is polemic against the expression “Marduk is king” in Enûma Elîˇs (Mardukma ˇsarru, IV ). The same is true for expressions of YHWH’s incomparability such as “I am YHWH and there is no other” (Isa :, , b, ; :).186 In response, I agree that the descriptions of YHWH stress his power and strength in comparison with the gods of the Neo-Babylonian Empire. However, as argued above, this is not an argument for a Babylonian setting of Isa –. Rather, it testifies to the supremacy of Babylon, a supremacy that must have been felt and disliked by both the people in the conquered territories and the various groups of exiles in the heartland of Babylon. The polemic against Babylon and its deities in Isa – is thus a consequence of the destruction of Jerusalem in bc, but it is not a consequence of a Babylonian based author.
. Couleur Locale (Isaiah :; :–) Finally, it has been suggested that certain passages betray intimate knowledge of Babylon, in particular the references to the rivers of Babylon (Isa :; :), its treasures (Isa :) and its trees and canals (Isa : [discussed in chapter ]; Isa : [discussed in chapters and ]).187 185
See, e.g., Berges, Jesaja –, pp. –, Paul, Isaiah –, pp. –. Blenkinsopp, Isaiah –, pp. –. 187 See further Maynard, “Home of Deutero-Isaiah”, p. . Cf. Behr, Writings of Deutero-Isaiah, p. . 186
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For example, it has been argued that the prediction in Isa : is a concrete expression for the draining of the Euphrates canal leading up to the capture of Babylon. A close reading of the text makes this interpretation unlikely.188 Isa : Who says to the ocean-deep (äìåö) ‘be dry’, and I will dry up your rivers.
Isa : is part of a divine oracle with multiple addressees. The preceding material in verse is addressed to Jerusalem while God speaks about Cyrus and Jerusalem in verse . In this context, the word äìåö does not imply any local geographical setting but is better understood as a reference to the chaos imagery of creation (cf. Ps :–). The word äìåö is a hapax legomenon but is comparable with the similar äìåöî (Exod :; Ps :; Jon :; Job :).189 Its use here is in line with the practice of seeing countries as personifications of primeval creatures (cf. Isa : where Egypt is identified with Rahab).190 It is true that the Targum reads “Babylon” (ìáá ìò øîàã) but this does not constitute an argument for a Babylonian setting, in the same way as the translation “ocean-deep” does not imply an oceanic setting. It has further been argued that Isa : refers to leaving Egypt191 and, by extension, serves as a symbol of the “second Exodus” out of Babylon.192 This claim needs to be modified. As we shall explore further in chapter , the Exodus narrative uses chaos language to describe God’s deeds at the Red Sea on behalf of Israel. The immediate context of Isa : does not refer to the exiles but to God’s power over his creation for the sake of Jerusalem (vv. , , see chapter ). The preceding verses, –, , are directed to Jacob-Israel, verse speaks to nature, and verses – refer to omen priests, God’s servant, his messengers (åéëàìî), Jerusalem and the cities of Judah. Likewise, verse speaks about Cyrus and, indirectly, about Jerusalem, as Cyrus will declare that the city will be built up and that its temple will be established. In conclusion, Isa : contains no local Babylonian colour and it does not contain imagery that alludes to the return of the exiles from Babylon to Judah.
188 189 190 191 192
See the critique of this position by Blenkingsopp, Isaiah –, p. . BDB, pp. –. Blenkingsopp, Isaiah –, p. . See, e.g., North, Isaiah, p. . Paul, Isaiah –, p. .
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Likewise, the references in Isa :– to the destruction of bronze doors and gates, cutting through iron bars and bolts and finding treasures concealed in the dark, sometimes suggested to reveal Babylonian local colours, are equally unspecific.193 Isa :– 1Thus says YHWH to his anointed, to Cyrus, whose right hand I have strengthened, to subdue nations before him, and to loose (çúôà) the loins of kings, to open before him doors, and [to] not [letting] gates be closed. 2I will go before you and I will straighten the crooked [places]. I will shatter the bronze doors, and I will cut down the iron bars. 3And I will give you the treasures of darkness, and hidden riches of secret places, so that you will know that I, YHWH, am calling you by name, the God of Israel.
While the imagery of breaking through gates may refer to the specific destruction of the city gates at the time of conquest,194 the references to “doors” and “gates” here are probably better understood metaphorically, pertaining to the notion that God will prepare the way for Cyrus and remove all obstructions before him (including military obstacles). There is thus no need to interpret Isa :– as a reference to Babylon’s many gates or as a specific description of the fall of Babylon.
. Conclusion There is little in terms of specific knowledge of Babylon in Isa – and nothing that warrants the claim that Isa – was written in Babylon. What there is in terms of familiarity of Babylonian customs and deities is broad in character and best explained as shared cultic heritage. Judah had lived in the immediate military and cultural shadow of Assyria and Babylon for nearly a century before the fall of Jerusalem. We can therefore safely assume that the people of Judah, long before the catastrophe in bc, were well aware of the customs and religious beliefs of these dominant superpowers in the east. In addition, a conquered people group learns the customs of the conqueror quickly, regardless of whether they are deported or not.
193 194
See the critique of this position by Blenkinsopp, Isaiah –, p. . Cf. Paul, Isaiah –, p. .
chapter four A JUDAHITE PERSPECTIVE IN ISAIAH 40–55
Introduction We concluded in the preceding chapter that the arguments that are commonly marshalled in favour of a Babylonian provenance of Isa – fail to convince. This chapter turns the issue around: are there aspects of Isa – that actually suggest a Judahite setting? It has been noted from time to time that several passages in Isa – betray a Judahite perspective, or that they would make the most sense if they addressed a Judahite audience. I shall revisit these passages in order to determine whether or not they contain a geographical perspective. If they do, can we, on that basis, infer that these passages originated in Judah? I shall first examine nine passages in Isa – (Isa :–; :; :–; :; :; :; :; :; :) that contain spatial connotations. I shall then look at three passages that refer to sacrifices and/or to the temple (Isa :; :–, ) and discuss whether these references tell us anything about their geographical setting. It should, however, be conceded that the evidence in these passages is at best circumstantial and/or implicit. Had there existed stronger indications of the Judahite location of Isa –, it is doubtful that the present monograph would have been needed. Isa – contains passages that mention types of flora and fauna that are more commonly found in Judah rather than in Babylon (Isa :; :, –; :–, ; :–). However, I discuss these passages elsewhere. I have already dealt with Isa :– and : in chapter since they form part of the so-called idol fabrication sections. Likewise, I will discuss Isa :; :–, in chapter because they from part of the oracles to Jacob-Israel. Finally, I will examine Isa :– and :– in chapter since they are often understood to contain imagery related to the Exodus. In my translations of the different passages, I translated all perfect forms as past tense unless otherwise stated. I am aware, however, that in many of these cases, these perfect forms may be examples of the
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so-called “prophetic perfect”. As such, they denote events which are yet to take place but which, from God’s perspective, are already accomplished.
. Passages that Betray a Judahite Point of Reference It has been argued sporadically by scholars that the following nine passages (Isa :–; :; :–; :; :; :; :; :; :) betray a Jerusalem-oriented perspective. Some of them refer to Babylon as a distant land, while others describe the ingathering of the Diaspora as a movement towards Jerusalem rather than away from another location. Yet others presuppose Jerusalem as their centre point. I shall explore these verses in order to establish their geographical perspective. I shall also ask whether this Jerusalem perspective supports a Judahite origin for these passages. .. Isaiah :– Isa :–, part of the longer oracle of Isa :–, addresses JacobIsrael directly in second person singular (cf. chapter ). The key issue in the present context is the phrase õøàä úåö÷î (“from the end of the earth”) in verse . First, what perspective does this phrase imply, and secondly, what does this perspective tell us about the author’s view of the Diaspora?1 Isa :– 8But you, oh Israel, my servant, Jacob, whom I have chosen, the seed of Abraham, my friend, 9whom I have extracted (êéú÷æçä) from the ends of the earth (õøàä úåö÷î), and from its far corners I have called you, and I have said to you ‘you are my servant, I have chosen you, and I have not rejected you’. 10Do not be afraid, because I am with you, do not be dismayed for I am your God. I have strengthened you (êéúöîà), indeed I have helped you (êéúøæò óà), indeed, I have supported you (êéúëîú óà) with my just right hand (é÷ãö ïéîéá).
There are arguments in favour of both a Babylonian and a Judahite perspective with regard to this passage. To begin with the former, one matter of syntax favours an exilic perspective of Isa :–. As indicated by the m.sg. verbal suffix on the verbs êéúøçá, êéú÷æçä, and êéúàø÷ in verse , it is Israel that is being chosen, taken from the ends of the 1 I have discussed this matter in greater detail elsewhere (Tiemeyer, “Abraham”, pp. –). What is presented here is an abbreviated version of the relevant sections.
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earth, and called from its corners.2 Furthermore, scholars have often interpreted the reference to Abraham in Isa :– as an allusion to the exiles’ being called out of Babylon. In other words, Abraham here serves as the model of a person who leaves his Mesopotamian home and who travels to his yet unknown home in Judah.3 Two stronger textual points favour a Judahite setting. First, the viewpoint of Isa :– is that of Jerusalem. Gen : narrates how God calls Abram and Sarai to leave Ur in Babylon and to travel via Harran to Canaan. Isa : refers to Abraham’s place of origin as “the ends of the earth” (õøàä úåö÷), from which we can infer that, from its author’s perspective, Babylon was remote.4 The expression õøàä úåö÷, either singular or plural, is also attested in Isa : (õøàä úåö÷—God’s creation of the ends of the earth); : (õøàä úåö÷—the ends of the earth and the islands witness God’s elevation of “the man from the East”); and : (äö÷î õøàä—the return of the world-wide Diaspora, cf. below). In all these cases, “the ends of the earth” denotes distant and non-specific places. It is therefore likely that the same expression in Isa : also refers to a distant location. Vice versa, a person living in sixth-century bc Babylon would hardly refer to the still-existing Babylonian city of Ur as “the ends of the earth”. Secondly, all the verbs are in the perfect (êéúøçá, êéú÷æçä, êéúàø÷), thus indicating that, from the point of view of the speaker, the choosing, the taking and the calling are all things of the past. Abraham, here chosen to represent Jacob-Israel, was brought to Judah from Babylon in the distant past. In this manner, these verbs seek to ensure the author’s audience that they were chosen by God a long time ago and that this selection has not been invalidated by recent events. The use of the name Abraham may also suggest that Isa :– is a Judahite composition. First, the name Abraham has strong Judahite connotations. The fact that many of the narratives about Abraham are set in the southern part of the hill country of Judah, together with the link between Abraham and Jerusalem in Gen :, suggests that the
2
Cf. Baltzer, Deutero-Isaiah, p. . E.g. Watts, Isaiah –, p. , S. Japhet, “People and Land in the Restoration Period”, Das Land Israel in biblischer Zeit (ed. G. Strecker, GTA , Göttingen, Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht, ), pp. –, Koole Isaiah, III/, p. , P.E. Bonnard, Le second Isaïe, son disciple et leurs éditeurs Isaïe – (EBib, Paris, J. Gabalda, ), p. , and Albertz, Israel in Exile, pp. –. 4 Cobb, “Where was Isaiah – Written”, p. , Buttenwieser, “Where did DeuteroIsaiah Live”, p. . 3
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Abraham tradition in Genesis is connected to Judah.5 Therefore, although the dating of the different Abraham traditions preserved in Genesis is uncertain, at some point in history the character of Abraham became closely connected with Judah and Jerusalem. Secondly, references to Abraham are characteristic of texts from Judah. Apart from the two references in Isa – (:; :), Abraham is mentioned in texts that were either composed by Judahites (Isa :; Neh :–),6 or in sayings placed in the mouth of Judahites (Ezek :; :). In many of these texts, the figure of Abraham is a symbol for God’s covenant of peace with him and for the divine promise of the land. These texts further suggest that the figure of Abraham served as a model for the people in templeless Judah, not because of Abraham’s Mesopotamian origin but because he had settled in Judah and made that land his own, acquiring properties from its original owners (cf. Gen ) and building up a family and a future there. Thus, as Abraham did in the past, so the people in Judah are doing now; taking over properties and settling into the land. In conclusion, the appeal to the Abraham traditions in Isa :– suggests that the text originated in Judah. Likewise, the reference to Ur in Babylon as the ends of the earth supports a Judahite origin of Isa :–. .. Isaiah : Kapelrud has argued that the notion that Cyrus would come “from the north” and “from the east of the sun” fit a Judahite rather than a Babylonian perspective.7 Isa : I have roused [him] from the north, and he has come (úàéå), from the east of the sun he will call upon my name, and he will come (àáéå) [upon] rulers as [upon] mortar, and as a potter he will trample clay.
First, however, it should be remembered that the idea of someone coming “from the north” may not necessarily imply the geographical direction “north”. Instead it may convey the conceptual idea of “north” as the direction from which danger comes (cf. Jer :–). Yet, this understanding 5 M. Noth, A History of Pentateuchal Traditions (transl. B.W. Anderson, Englewood Cliffs, N.J., Prentice-Hall, ), pp. –, esp. p. , I. Finkelstein and N.A. Silberman, The Bible Unearthed: Archaeology’s New Vision of Ancient Israel and the Origin of its Sacred Texts (New York, Touchstone, ), p. . 6 See, e.g., Williamson, “Isaiah ,–,”, pp. –, H.G.M. Williamson, “Structure and Historiography in Nehemiah ”, Studies in Persian Period History and Historiography (FAT , Tübingen, Mohr Siebeck, ), esp. pp. –. 7 Kapelrud, Et folk på hjemferd, p. .
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of “north” is unlikely, given that, from an Israelite perspective, Cyrus was coming as a liberator and not as an enemy. This means that the terms “north” and “east” denote a geographical perspective. From a purely geographical perspective, the Persian plateau is indeed in the north-east. This, however, is true both from the perspective of Mesopotamia and that of the Levant. Isa : is thus consonant with both a Babylonian and a Judahite point of reference,8 and accordingly, does not provide any information pertaining to its geographical provenance. .. Isaiah :– Isa :–, part of the longer :– (see also chapters and ), contains references to exiles returning from all directions of the compass. Isa :– 1And now, thus says YHWH who created you (m.sg.), oh Jacob, and who formed you, oh Israel. Do not be afraid because I have redeemed you. I have called you by your name. You are mine. 2When you pass through water, I am with you, and through rivers, they will not overflow you. When you walk through fire you will not be burned, and the flame will not consume you. 3For I am YHWH your God, the Holy One of Israel, your saviour. I have given Egypt (as) your ransom, Ethiopia and Saba instead of you. 4Since (øùàî) you are precious in my eyes, and honoured, and I love you, therefore I give (ïúàå) humankind (íãà) in your stead (êéúçú), and peoples (íéîà) instead of your life (êùôð úçú). 5Do not be afraid because I am with you. From the east I will bring your offspring, and from the west I will gather you together. 6I will say to the north ‘give!’ and to the south ‘do not withhold! (éàìëú ìà) Bring (éàéáä) my sons from afar (÷åçøî) and my daughters from the end of the earth’ (õøàä äö÷î). 7Everyone who is called by my name, and whom I have created for the sake of my glory, whom I have fashioned, indeed, even made.
The addressee is Jacob-Israel (v. ), whose offspring is expected to arrive from the four points of the compass. The implications of the statement in verses – are threefold. First, it demonstrates that the expectation surrounding the return of the exiles did not have Babylon as its focal point. Secondly, the perspective of Isa :– (as well as that of :) is Jerusalem-centred, as implied by God’s statement “I will bring” (v. ), whose own location can safely be assumed to be Jerusalem (cf. Isa :), and by the supposition that Judah / Jerusalem is the envisioned final destination of the returning exiles.9 Thirdly, verse emphasizes that the 8 9
Cf. Blenkinsopp, Isaiah –, p. . Cobb, “Where was Isaiah – Written”, pp. –.
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exiles’ place of departure is far away, indeed “the end of the earth”. Taken together, this mental picture best fits a person living at the point of destination, namely Judah.10 This Judahite perspective of verses – has been recognized by many of those scholars who distinguish between a core text composed in Babylon and later editorial layers added in Judah. Van Oorschot’s position is in many ways typical. He distinguishes between a Babylonian core section (vv. –a, b), additions in the Jerusalem-based Naherwartungsschicht (vv. , a, ) and additions in the later Jerusalem-based Zionsschicht (vv. b, ). He bases his division on the perceived changes in perspective between Babylon and Judah. On the one hand, verses – and b seemingly imply a Babylonian perspective. Verses –a promise JacobIsrael, the addressee of the oracle, that he will remain unhurt even when passing through water and fire. Likewise, verse b speaks about the return of the exiles from the ends of the earth. On the other hand, verses and a presumably address Jerusalem as they speak of bringing home “your children” from afar and must therefore have been written in Judah at a later date.11 To the same effect, Kratz defines Isa :– as a salvation oracle, speaking about the way from Babylon to Judah, and accordingly assigns it to his Grundschrift. This earliest textual core, written from a golah perspective, focuses on the return of the exiles and God’s enthronement in Jerusalem.12 In contrast, partly because of the universal aspects of the description of the return, Kratz assigns Isa :– (cf. Isa –) to the fifth and latest layer in his reconstruction (Ebed-Israel-Schicht). This layer is characterized by the change from the Babylonian exiles to Lady Zion who is the servant and the representative of all of Israel in the land. In this layer, Lady Zion no longer waits for a return from Babylon only, but for her “sons and daughters” from the whole world.13 Other scholars regard Isa :– as a redactional unity. Conrad, for example, views verses – and verses – as two originally independent oracles.14 10
Buttenwieser, “Where did Deutero-Isaiah Live”, p. . Van Oorschot, Von Babel zum Zion, pp. –. He partly follows Merendino, Der Erste und der Letzte, pp. –, , who assigns :–a* (without the word “Jacob”), vv. –a, to Deutero-Isaiah himself. In contrast, he assigns :b– to a (largely unspecified) later redactor. 12 Kratz, Kyros, pp. –, –, –, (summarizing table). Kratz never states explicitly that this layer was written in Babylon, although he argues that its perspective is that of the exiles. 13 Kratz, Kyros, pp. –. 14 E.W. Conrad, “The ‘Fear Not’ Oracles in Second Isaiah”, VT (), pp. – . See also Melugin, Formation of Isaiah, pp. –, who differentiates between Isa 11
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Although the various parts (vv. –a, b–, –) could reflect a gradual growth of the text, or consist of independent oracles that a later redactor brought together, three factors suggest authorial unity.15 First, the structure of Isa :– is comparable with that of Isa :–. Secondly, verses and form an inclusio, both using the verbs “create” and “form”, as well as the motifs of naming and calling.16 Thirdly, as emphasized by Koole17 and Blenkinsopp,18 the form-critical arguments in favour of dividing Isa :– are based on an idea of structure that is too strict. It is, in their view, doubtful that any orator, seeking to convince his public, would hold on to forms of speech that rigidly. In view of these arguments, nothing prevents us from treating Isa :– as an authorial unity. As to the purportedly shifting perspective, a close reading of the text eliminates the obstacles. Verses –a speaks about the current hardship of its target audience, here called Jacob-Israel. These verses contain no references to Babylon and/or returning exiles. Likewise, verses b–, without ever referring to Babylon, to the exile or to any return, declare that God will save the addressee. He will even use other nations in order to fulfil his task. Verses – speak about a return of exiles, yet rather than referring to Babylon, they promise the return of all the addressee’s children. Thus, nothing in verses – implies a Babylonian perspective, and accordingly there are no reasons for assigning parts of Isa :– to a Babylonian core text. Instead, it is likely that the Judahite perspective of verses – pervades the entire oracle. Likewise, nothing in verses – hints at a particular dating. The only possible chronological hint is the hope of returning exiles in verses –. In my view, the scope of the expectations, as well as the fervent tone of the oracle, favours an early dating just before the fall of Babylon in bc :–a and :– as two oracles of salvation / assurance, while arguing that vv. b– has a degree of independence from its context. Although the three parts share motifs and are clearly to be read as a coherent whole in their present position, Melugin nonetheless regards the final form of Isa :– as the work of a redactor. 15 Begrich, Studien zu Deuterojesaja, p. , sees it as one coherent speech with two parts: vv. –a and vv. b–. See also Hermisson, “Einheit und Komplexität”, p. , who, without discussing the text in any detail, assigns all of Isa :– to the oldest Babylonian collection. 16 Goldingay and Payne, Isaiah –, I, pp. –, and Blenkinsopp, Isaiah –, pp. –. 17 Koole, Isaiah, III/, p. , finds the repetition of elements in v. from vv. – as a sign of unity. Furthermore, he finds no compelling reasons to doubt the authenticity of vv. –, stating that “one should not put too many restrictions on an author’s means of expression”. 18 Blenkinsopp, Isaiah –, p. .
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or shortly afterwards. A fifth century bc dating, at a time when many exiles had already returned to Judah and when the different Diaspora communities had cemented their existence outside of Judah, does not fit the context as well. I therefore suggest that Isa :– addresses, in its entirety, the community in the city of Jerusalem during the templeless period. To sum up, the perspective in Isa :–, as expressed in verses – , is that of Judah. This, in turn, suggests that Jacob-Israel, as the target audience, represents the people of Judah (see further chapter ). The oracle provides comfort and promises survival in a time of hardship and destruction, as well as the restoration of the population of Jerusalem through the return of her lost children currently living in the Diaspora. In this sense, the oracle seeks to encourage the people of Judah to regard the returning exiles as part of their own community.19 .. Isaiah : Isa : opens the larger oracle of :– (cf. above). Nothing in the text identifies its audience, addressed in m.pl. Later on, in verse , God refers to “this people” whom he has formed (éúøöé åæ íò). Given the poetic flavour of the text, as well as God’s self-identification as the “Holy One of Israel” in verse , it is likely that the audience should be identified with Israel (whose whereabouts are left unspecified). :– 14Thus says YHWH your (m.pl.) redeemer, the holy one of Israel: ‘For your (m.pl.) sake I have sent towards Babylon (äìáá éúçìù íëðòîì) and I have brought down all of the fleeing ones (íéçéøá), and the Chaldeans in ships their cry (íúðø úåéðàá).20 15I am YHWH your holy one, the creator of Israel, your king’.
The MT is difficult but there is no need to resort to textual surgery by removing the words Babylon and Chaldea as has been suggested.21 Retaining the MT, we learn that, for the sake of this audience, God will 19
Goldingay, Message, p. . The meaning of the last clause is uncertain. The paraphrase in the T is of little help determining the sense of the Hebrew and reflects the difficulty of the text. The LXX suggests “and the Chaldeans will be bound on ships” (κα Χαλδαοι "ν πλο οις δε #σονται). Blenkinsopp, Isaiah –, p. , note c, points to the similarity between the word úåéðà = “ships” and the orthographically identical “lamentations”. Goldingay and Payne, Isaiah, I, pp. –, see this verse as describing how God will cause the people living in Babylon to take to the river and flee in their boats. 21 Contra Torrey, Second Isaiah, p. , Smart, Second Isaiah, p. . 20
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“send towards Babylon” (äìáá éúçìù—prophetic perfect) to lay low all those who flee with the result that the triumphant cries of the Chaldeans will turn into lamentations. In all likelihood, this statement concerns Cyrus,22 in the sense that God is sending him to Babylon in order to fight against it. The reading of QIsaa ìááá (= “against Babylon”) is therefore probably an interpretation of the MT rather than a different version. This verse thus differs from Isa : (below) where God awakens Cyrus for the purpose of rebuilding Jerusalem and sending the exiles (home).23 Isa : nowhere suggests that the audience, for whose sake God is sending [Cyrus], is located in Babylon.24 We are only told that the audience will benefit from Cyrus’ punitive acts against Babylon, wherever they are, something which would be applicable to both the exiles in Babylon and the people in Judah who are suffering under Babylonian rule. Likewise, along the lines of Isa (cf. chapter ), Isa : does not speak of the return of the exiles but focuses on the reversal of fortunes at the time when God will destroy Babylon, an issue that would have been relevant for the Jews in Babylon and Judah alike. The only hint at the geographical setting of the speaker and his/her target audience is found in the enigmatic statement äìáá éúçìù with its directive he (äìáá).25 We can infer from this directive he that the speaker looks towards Babylon from a distance rather than from within Babylon itself, in which case we would have expected a form like äðä (“hither”).26 To conclude, a Judahite perspective, albeit faint, is implied in Isa :. .. Isaiah : As Isa :, Isa :, part of the longer oracle in :–, presumably speaks about Cyrus and how God, through him, is engineering the release of the exiles.
22
Cf. Paul, Isaiah –, p. . Cf. Berges, Jesaja –, p. . 24 Contra Paul, Isaiah –, p. , who argues that the message is that of deliverance of the exiles out of Babylon. 25 QIsaa writes ìááá = “against Babylon”, and QIsab writes ìáá “Babylon”. V has propter vos emisi Babylonem (“For your sake I sent to Babylon”), and LXX attests to $νεκεν %μ&ν 'ποστελ& ε(ς Βαβυλ&να (“for your sakes I will send to Babylon”). There is little reason to doubt the reading of the Ancient Versions. The majority of critical scholars also support the MT. See, e.g., North, Second Isaiah, p. , Blenkinsopp, Isaiah –, pp. –, Berges, Jesaja –, pp. , . 26 BDB, p. b. 23
chapter four Isa : I will rouse him27 in righteousness, and all his ways I will make smooth. He will build my city and he will release my exiles (éúåìâ) for free (øéçîá àì) and without a bribe (ãçùá àì), says YHWH of Hosts.
Isa : either addresses a group of non-Israelites or makes rhetorical statements, given that verse encourages the audience in m.pl. to ask God concerning his sons, i.e. the Israelites.28 This verse is suggestive of a Jerusalem setting by its sheer wording. First, the exiles are unspecified, something which implies that their significance lies not in their port of departure but in their destination. Secondly, Isa : places the rebuilding of Jerusalem before the return of the exiles. While not wishing to make too much of this argument, it is nonetheless notable that Jerusalem is placed in a position of prominence.29 The emphasis on Jerusalem in verse is further strengthened by its proximity to verse which in all likelihood addresses Jerusalem, as implied by the f.sg.30 This, in turn, suggests that, at least from the perspective of the final redactor, Jerusalem was the target audience of verse . Goldingay and Payne object to this interpretation, arguing that Jerusalem in Isa – is not a community of flesh and blood but one of stones. Therefore, “Jerusalem” in verse cannot be earthly Jerusalem but must refer to the Babylonian exiles, i.e. exilic Jerusalem. In support of their interpretation, they point out that the exiles (éúåìâ) are the last group of people to be mentioned in verse .31 As I shall show at length in chapter , however, the view that Jerusalem in Isa – is devoid of its earthly inhabitants is unsupported by the textual evidence. There are therefore no reasons to assume that Jerusalem is anything else but the city, consisting of both stones and people. To sum up, there are few hints as to the geographical setting of Isa :, but the existing ones suggest a Jerusalem setting for the verse.
27 Cobb, “Where was Isaiah – Written”, p. , argues that Isa : points to the servant who will build up Jerusalem and will redeem the exiles everywhere. However, it is more likely that the text speaks about Cyrus rather than the servant. See further Koole, Isaiah, III/, p. , Berges, Jesaja –, p. . 28 Berges, Jesaja –, p. . 29 Cf. Smart, Second Isaiah, p. . In contrast to the situation in Isa :, Smart points out that in the book of Ezra the liberation comes before the rebuilding. 30 Koole, Isaiah, III/, p. . It has been suggested that, given the focus on the one whom God will awaken in v. , here identified with Cyrus, the pronominal object suffixes should be re-vocalized to m.sg. See further Berges, Jesaja –, pp. –. 31 Goldingay and Payne, Isaiah, II, pp. –.
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.. Isaiah : Isa : might also betray a Jerusalem perspective: Isa : (I am) calling from the east (çøæîî) a bird of prey (èéò), from a land far away (÷çøî õøàî) a man of my32 counsel ([éúöò] åúöò). I have spoken, so I will bring it to pass (äðàéáà óà éúøáã óà), I have created [it], so I will do it (äðùòà óà éúøöé).
As in Isa :, there is little doubt that the image of a bird of prey coming from “the east” and the parallel reference to a man of God’s counsel from “a land far away” refer to Cyrus.33 The geographical descriptions fit both a Jerusalem and a Babylonian perspective as Persia is east of and far away from both Judah and Babylon. In fact, as Berges maintains, Isa : is probably less concerned with the perspective of the author and more with establishing that God is Lord over a great distance and is able to call people from afar to do his bidding.34 At the same time, it should again be noted that Isa : contains no references to the exiles. Rather, the verse focuses on Jerusalem, and it defines Cyrus’ task as doing YHWH’s bidding in general. Verses – continue these themes. They call the audience to listen as God brings his salvation and they state that God will place his glory in Jerusalem for the sake of Israel. In conclusion, the geographical perspective of Isa :, as well as its content, is applicable to both a Judahite and a Babylonian setting. .. Isaiah : Isa :– is a subsection of the longer :–, consisting of two oracles (v. , vv. –) and a hymn (v. ).35 The preceding oracle in Isa :– deals with the Servant and : implies that the Servant remains the addressee of the following material in verses –.36 In contrast, verse addresses a wider audience, as indicated by its m.pl. imperatives. I shall here look at Isa :, a verse that betrays a Jerusalem perspective. The larger passage of Isa :– will be discussed in chapter .
32 33 34 35 36
The translation follows the qere. The ketib has åúöò= “his counsel”. E.g. Koole, Isaiah, III/, p. , Berges, Jesaja –, p. . Berges, Jesaja –, p. . See, e.g., Blenkinsopp, Isaiah –, pp. –. Blenkinsopp, Isaiah –, pp. –.
chapter four Isa : Behold, these will come from afar (÷çøî), and behold, these from the north and the west, and these from the land of Sinim (íéðéñ).
Isa :– differentiates between the Servant (vv. –aa) who is to serve as a covenant with God, to establish the land and to apportion the desolate places, and the people who will be the recipients of the Servant’s commands (vv. ab–, ). Thus, in contrast to Isa : (see chapter ), Isa : is not an exhortation to the exiles to leave the Diaspora. Rather, in line with Isa :, this verse speaks about the return of exiles from far away. In doing so, Isa : implies that the audience, i.e. the Servant, is not in exile but at home, i.e. in Judah.37 This impression is strengthened by the proximity to the following oracle which commences with Zion’s speech (Isa :). Thus, the scenario is that of God informing the Servant—who is in Judah—that the exiles are returning (there) (cf. vv. –). Had the audience been in exile and/or had the audience been identical with the exiles, either in Babylon or elsewhere, this verse would have looked very different. The reference to “the land of Sinim” may also testify to a Judahite perspective for Isa :. While there has been a wealth of proposals, most scholars today accept the reading íééðåñ in QIsaa, suggestive of the Egyptian Syene / Aswan / Elephantine (Ezek :; :), as reflecting the original meaning of the text.38 The exiles are thus described as returning from afar, from the north, from the west and from Syene. As the term “east” is used in Isa : (above) as a parallel to “a far-away land”, a similar sense is probably intended here as well. It follows that Syene functions as a reference to “south”, which, in turn, betrays a Judahite perspective. Syene is south only when looking from Judah.39 Finally, Isa : shows that the author did not assign any special significance to those exiles returning from Babylon. Indeed, if any emphasis was intended, it would be on the return of the exiles from the Jewish colony in Elephantine. Notably, many, if not all, of those scholars who argue for a gradual growth of Isa – assign this verse to a later Jerusalem-based redaction of Isa –, and they regard the motif of a return from all four corners of the world as a later development of the 37 Cf. Kiesow, Exodustexte, p. , H. Simian-Yofre, “Exodo en Deuteroisaías”, Biblica (), pp. –, Barstad, Way, pp. –, Lund, Way, p. . 38 See, e.g., Torrey, Second Isaiah, p. , Blenkinsopp, Isaiah –, p. , B. Childs, Isaiah (OTL, Louisville, WJK, ), p. , note d, Goldingay and Payne, Isaiah, II, p. . 39 E.g. Cobb, “Where was Isaiah – Written”, p. , Baltzer, Deutero-Isaiah, pp. – .
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ingathering motif that no longer concerns the return of the exiles from Babylon but places the return in a more universal context (cf. Isa :–, above; :).40 I agree that the motif of a global ingathering of exiles fits poorly with a Babylonian setting; yet I also maintain that a Judahite setting of all of Isa – removes the necessity of distinguishing between a Babylonian and a more global return. The Judahite authors of Isa – expected the Jews to return from the wider Diaspora, including Babylon, but they saw no reason to emphasize or prioritize this latter port of departure. To conclude, Isa : betrays a Jerusalem perspective. In addition, through its expectation of a global return of the exiles, it deemphasizes the Babylonian exiles’ role in this return. .. Isaiah : In contrast to Isa :–, Isa : addresses the audience in f.sg., something which suggests that Zion-Jerusalem, serving as a symbol for the earthly city and its human population (see further chapter ), is the intended addressee. Isa : Your sons / builders (êéðá)41 hurried (åøäî), those destroying you (êéñøäî) and those that lay you waste (êéáøçî) shall go forth from you (åàöé êîî).42
Although the whereabouts of the audience do not necessarily equal those of the author, this is likely to be the case in Isa :. The expression êîî åàöé (“go forth from you”) implies a Jerusalem setting (cf. Isa :; :). Jerusalem stands in the centre and those destroying her will leave her. Jerusalem’s sons / builders will hurry (to come to her). They are distinct from Jerusalem and probably denote returning exiles. Again, however, 40
E.g. Kiesow, Exodustexte, pp. –, Albertz, Israel in Exile, pp. –. Verse a is ambivalent. The MT vocalizes word êéðá as “your sons”, while the LXX reads κα ταχ, ο(κοδομη #σ.η %φ0 ν κα .ηρ ης = “and you will quickly be built by those by whom you were destroyed”, thus suggesting a Hebrew Vorlage with the same consonants but vocalized as “your builders”. The latter reading is more compatible with the present context, as v. b contrasts the êéðá with those who had torn down the city. As such, the imagery of vv. – is contingent with that of a physical city. In favour of the former reading, “your sons”, is the material in v. , as it is more likely that the word íìë (“all of them”) refers back to “your sons” as opposed to “your builders”. In addition, v. speaks generally about offspring and v. mentions sons and daughters. 42 This translation follows the Masoretic accents of the verse. Cf. Koole, Isaiah, III/, pp. –. For alternative readings, see Blenkinsopp, Isaiah –, p. , note e, and Goldingay and Payne, Isaiah –, II, p. . 41
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it is notable that Isa : never specifies the origin of these returnees. The focus is not on their place of origin but that of their destination, i.e. Jerusalem. Maynard suggests that the statement that “those destroying you and those that lay you waste shall go forth from you” (êîî êéáøçîå êéñøäî åàöé) in Isa : refers to the Edomites in Judah. He finds additional support for this identification in the expressed desire to enlarge “the tents” in Isa :–, a statement that Maynard holds to refer to the evacuation of Hebron and the Negeb by the Edomites.43 Maynard’s interpretation has not, however, withstood the test of time. Instead, the participles are better read as referring to the attack of the Babylonian armies in bc and their continuous presence during the ensuing military occupation of Judah. To sum up, Jerusalem is the intended audience of Isa :. She is also the focal point of the verse. The exiles will return to Jerusalem (from somewhere) and they will build her up. .. Isaiah : Isa : 11Turn away (m.pl.), turn way, set out from there (íùî), do not touch (anything) unclean. Set out from her midst, purify yourselves, [you] carriers of the vessels of YHWH.
It has been long noted that the imperatives to “depart from there” and “get out of her midst” in Isa : imply that the speaker is situated at the point of the exiles’ destination, i.e. in Judah.44 It can also be assumed, in view of the affinity of Isa : to Isa :–, that the people commanded to “set out” are at the point of departure, i.e. in Babylon.45 This perspective has caused problems for those scholars who place the entirety of Isa – in Babylon. Blenkinsopp, for example, tries to argue that the phrase íùî no more rules out a Babylonian location for the speaker than the Exodus theme requires it.46 Yet most of these scholars recognize that the summons to “set out from there” is ideally issued from 43 44
Maynard, “Home of Deutero-Isaiah”, p. . Buttenwieser, “Where did Deutero-Isaiah Live”, p. , Kapelrud, Et folk på hjemferd,
p. . 45 Contra Childs, Isaiah, pp. –, who argues that the focus in Isa : is very different from that in Isa :. He maintains that the references to the Exodus theme in the former are much stronger, and that its main idea is that of departing in peace, knowing that God is with you, rather than any specific geographical point of departure. 46 Blenkinsopp, Isaiah –, p. .
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Jerusalem.47 In contrast, those scholars who advocate a gradual growth of Isa – readily accept the Jerusalem perspective as a sign of the authors / redactors actual geographical whereabouts. Consequently, they tend to place Isa :– in the first Jerusalem redaction (cf. Isa :– above).48 Isa : further reveals its Jerusalem perspective by stressing the exiles’ purity as carriers of the holy vessels. The returnees need to be ritually clean in order to ensure that Jerusalem is fit for serving anew as God’s city. The focus is thus on the restitution of Jerusalem and not the exiles’ liberation from Babylon.49 The fact that Isa : (cf. Isa :–, chapter ) speaks directly to the exiles (in Babylon) while its author is clearly elsewhere, presumably at the point of destination in Jerusalem, raises the question of the rhetorical function of this verse. Unless we assume that this message was sent to the exilic community in a letter, a somewhat far-fetched scenario, the best interpretation of the situation is to see Isa : as on par with the oracles against the nations. In other words, a prophet in community X utters an oracle that addresses community Y, although community Y is not present. Its absence is irrelevant, however, as the oracle is not meant to benefit community Y but the prophet’s own community X. Thus, the oracle in Isa : sought to communicate to the author’s compatriots in Judah that God is bringing back the exiles in order to restore Jerusalem and its temple cult. .. Conclusion To sum up, I have examined the embedded spatial perspective of Isa :–; :; :–; :; :; :; :; :; and :. All of these passages can be successfully understood as having been spoken by a person situated in Judah / Jerusalem and addressing a Judahite audience. The majority of these cases suggest a Judahite setting (Isa :–; :– ; :; :; :; :; :), although in two of the cases the evidence in favour of a Judahite setting is relatively weak (Isa :; :). The geographical perspective of the two remaining cases (Isa :; :) fits both a Babylonian and a Judahite setting.
47 48 49
North, Second Isaiah, p. . See, e.g., Albertz, Israel in Exile, pp. –. Lund, Way, p. .
chapter four . Temple and Sacrifices
Isa : and :– mention sacrifices. In addition, Isa : might possibly refer to a sanctuary. It has been argued that these passages support a Judahite setting of Isa –. In the following section, I shall examine these claims and determine to what extent these passages hint at a certain geographical setting. .. Isaiah : To begin with, Cobb claims that the references to sacrifices in Isa : would make the most sense if they addressed a Judahite audience.50 Isa : And Lebanon is not enough (éã ïéà) to burn and its animals are not enough [for] sacrifice (äìåò).
Most recent discussions of Isa : have focused less on the practicalities of the mentioned sacrifices, however, and more on the wider message of the verse. Goldingay and Payne, for example, maintain that, as Lebanon in the Hebrew Bible functions as a symbol for majesty, Isa : makes the point that not even the most majestic of all forests would suffice to declare the greatness of YHWH.51 Nonetheless, many of the same scholars also touch upon the geographical background of the imagery, a background that they tend to identify with Babylon. Berges, for example, is open to the possibility that the massive sacrificial cult of Marduk in Babylon has contributed to the imagery of Isa :.52 Likewise, Koole argues that, despite the “typically Israelite word äìåò”, Isa : addresses the general human conception which “especially dominates the sacrificial theology of Mesopotamia” that the gods need humankind for their survival. For Koole, Isa : aims at hindering the exiles from becoming confused by the impressive cult that they are witnessing in Babylon.53 I disagree not only with Cobb but also with Berges and Koole. In my view, Isa : sheds no light upon its geographical setting. It is entirely possible for an author in Babylon—or in Judah—to speak not only about the trees of Lebanon, a well known commodity throughout 50
Cobb, “Where was Isaiah – Written”, p. . Goldingay and Payne, Isaiah, , p. . See also Berges, Jesaja –, pp. –, and Koole, Isaiah, III/, p. . 52 Berges, Jesaja –, p. . 53 Koole, Isaiah, III/, p. . 51
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the ancient world, but also about sacrifices. Even so, it is noteworthy that the exegesis of both Berges and Koole is based on the prior assumption that Isa : is set in Babylon. This in itself is not faulty exegesis but it demonstrates unequivocally the (undue) impact that the Babylonian consensus continues to have upon the interpretation of Isa –. To sum up, Isa : does not hint at the whereabouts of its author or his/her audience. .. Isaiah :–, As with Isa :, a few scholars have pointed out that the reference to sacrifices in Isa :– would be out of place in Babylon, and therefore reflects a Judahite origin.54 Isa :– 23You (m.sg.) have not brought me sheep for your burnt offerings (êéúìò), and you have not honoured me with your sacrifices (êéçáæ). I have not burdened you (êéúãáòä àì) with an offering (äçðîá) and I have not wearied you (êéúòâåä àìå) with frankincense (äðåáìá). 24You have not bought me reed / sweet cane with money, and you have not sated me with the fat of your sacrifices (êéçáæ áìç). Instead (êà) you have burdened me (éðúãáòä) with your sins (êéúåàèçá) and you have wearied me (éðúòâåä) with your sins (êúðåòá).
The oracle that spans all of Isa :–: can be divided into four subsections: :–; :–; :– and :–.55 What concerns us in the present context is the time frame of the critique against sacrificial practices as found in :–. Is this critique levelled against the prophet’s contemporary audience (Jacob-Israel, v. ), the inhabitants of pre-exilic Judah or does the text fuse the two perspectives? First, it is possible that the verb forms used throughout Isa :– can shed light upon the chronological perspective of the text. Verses – use the perfect form of the verb to denote the acts committed by the audience, thus implying that these acts took place in the past. In contrast, participles and imperfect verbal forms denote God’s acts in verse , and verse addresses the audience with imperatives. Yet again, verse employs perfect forms when describing Israel’s actions, while verse uses the imperfect with waw consecutive for God’s actions. This appears 54 Cobb, “Where was Isaiah – Written”, p. , Torrey, Second Isaiah, p. , Smart, Second Isaiah, p. . 55 Berges, Jesaja –, pp. –. See also Blenkinsopp, Isaiah –, pp. –, who states that it is important to regard Isa :– together with the preceding Isa :–.
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to suggest that Israel’s actions, or lack thereof, took place in the past. At the same time, going back further, verse describes God’s act of destroying Babylon using perfect forms. In contrast, participles denote God’s actions in verses –a, while imperfect forms are used for the actions of the chariots and the horses even though they probably refer to the Exodus out of Egypt (see further chapter ). The audience is then addressed with the imperfect in verse , while verse uses participles and imperfects to denote God’s actions. The actions of the beasts of the field etc. are in the imperfect, while God’s actions are in the perfect (vv. –). By this constant change of tense, the text emphasizes that God acts continuously (past, present, future) on behalf of the audience. At the same time, given this great variety of verbal forms, it is doubtful whether we can use the verbs as the means of determining the time frame of the text. Secondly, it is possible that the exact nature of the complaint in Isa :– can provide information on the timeframe of the passage. These two verses state that Jacob-Israel has not brought sheep for burnt offerings and that he has not honoured God through sacrifices. He has not spent money on cane and he has not sated God with their sacrifices. This critique is ambiguous. First, it can mean that Jacob-Israel has not sacrificed at all. Secondly, placing emphasis on the specific reference to sheep, cane and money, as well as on the honouring and the sating, it can mean that Jacob-Israel has sacrificed but not placed God foremost in his life. He has sacrificed less than a sheep, he has bought second-rate cane in order to save money, and, in doing so, he has failed to honour God, with the result that God has been left unsatisfied. Thirdly, stressing the references to Jacob-Israel’s sins, it can mean that although the people sacrificed, their sacrifices have not reached God because of their sins. Fourthly, emphasizing the word “to me”, it can mean that the people have sacrificed but not to YHWH. Since there is no mention of any deviating practice or any name of a foreign deity in the immediate context, this fourth option fails to convince.56 Furthermore, the second and the third option can be combined, leaving us de facto with two interpretations: Jacob-Israel has either failed to sacrifice at all or he has neglected the sacrificial cult in either thoughts or deeds. The majority of scholars
56 Contra North, Second Isaiah, p. , who cites Isa : in support. This verse, however, is not part of the same oracle as Isa :–, and is therefore unlikely to contribute to its interpretation.
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adhere to the latter interpretation.57 For Berges, Isa :– stresses that the audience, through the cult, has turned God into its servant. In other words, through their sins, the people have burdened rather than served God.58 The issue would then be not cultic neglect per se but moral neglect, in that the performed cultic actions were accompanied by sins. This, in turn, would fit an understanding of Isa :– as referring to the situation in the pre-exilic period,59 in that, as far as we know from the relevant material in Kings, the sacrificial cult was functioning in the years leading up to the fall of Jerusalem. However, is it really likely that Isa :– speaks of the sins of the past, given that the activities of the pre-exilic community are not referred to elsewhere in Isa –?60 Why would Jacob-Israel here suddenly refer to the pre-exilic community when elsewhere the term refers to the prophet’s contemporaries? From a contextual perspective, it is therefore preferable to understand the perfect forms in Isa :– not as referring to the distant past but to the more immediately preceding situation. Scheuer’s research of the interplay between the demands for repentance and the offers of salvation in Isa – supports this latter interpretation. Scheuer discusses the passages in Isa – that accuse the audience of wrongdoings (Isa :–; :–; :– and :–) and argues compellingly that these accusations concern the sins of the author’s contemporary generation rather than any sins of the past.61 Isa – thus conveys a tension between God’s invitation to his audience to return to him and his exhortations to bring about their repentance. This tension is furthermore deliberate rather than the (unfortunate) result of the gradual growth of the text. In fact, Scheuer regards it as methodologically unsustainable to differentiate between textual layers on the basis of theology. She emphasizes that theological reflections are often complicated matters that cannot be confined easily to one specific historical moment. Therefore, rather than distinguishing chronologically between
57
See, e.g., R.N. Whybray, Isaiah – (NCBC, Grand Rapids, Mich., ), pp. – , Blenkinsopp, Isaiah –, p. , C.R. Seitz, “The Book of Isaiah –”, NIB, VI (Nashville, Abingdon, ), p. . 58 Berges, Jesaja –, pp. –. See also Whybray, Isaiah, p. , who puts emphasis on the word éì (“to me”) and thus argues that Jacob-Israel sacrificed but that the sacrifices never reached God because of the sinfulness of those sacrificing. 59 E.g. Blenkinsopp, Isaiah –, p. , Koole, Isaiah, III/, p. , Berges, Jesaja –, pp. –. 60 Goldingay and Payne, Isaiah, , p. . 61 Scheuer, Return of YHWH, esp. pp. –.
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the calls to repentance and the oracles of deliverance, and seeing the former as referring to the sin of pre-exilic Judah and the latter as the salvation of exilic Israel, it is preferable to regard both types of texts as speaking to the same generations of people, i.e. the author’s own contemporaries.62 In view of Scheuer’s findings, I suggest that Isa :– addresses the faults of the current audience: Jacob-Israel has not brought any sacrifices (now). This brings us to the alternative reading of verses – according to which Jacob-Israel has not sacrificed at all. Those scholars who advocate this interpretation tend to presuppose an exilic setting of Isa – . Wade, for example, suggests that the condemnation intended here concerns Israel’s failure to offer sacrifices, and that the author did not consider the condemnation of offering sacrifices outside “the one chosen place” (Deut :, ) to be mandatory in their exilic situation (cf. the Jews in Elephantine). The neglect of sacrifice among the Babylonian exiles was thus a sin of omission.63 However, this interpretation rests on shaky ground. Although textual evidence suggests that the Jewish community in Elephantine built a sanctuary, there is no corresponding evidence pertaining to the exilic situation in Babylon. This does not mean that there was no sanctuary—there might have been one in the fifth century bc in Casiphia from where Ezra managed to recruit a number of clergy before setting out to Judah (Ezra :–, cf. chapter )—but we cannot base our interpretation on this absence of evidence. Alternatively, it has been argued that Isa :– constitutes not so much a reprimand but rather a factual statement. Again assuming an exilic situation, the text may simply state that there are no sacrifices in Babylon—because there could not be any.64 As prophets seldom restrict their speech to merely stating facts, however, this interpretation fails to convince. Rather, prophets tend either to admonish or comfort their audiences, the former being by far the more prevalent option (cf. Isa
62 Scheuer, Return of YHWH, pp. –. Scheuer herself maintains that much of Isa – was proclaimed in Babylon but later written down in Jerusalem, and she accordingly identifies Jacob-Israel in Isa :– with the Babylonian exiles (pp. –, ). This, however, is a peripheral aspect of her work and her conclusion regarding the identity of Jacob-Israel in Isa :– as denoting a community contemporary with the author does not depend on it. 63 G.W. Wade, The Book of the Prophet Isaiah (London, Methuen, ), pp. –. 64 Goldingay and Payne, Isaiah, , pp. –. See also Muilenburg, “Isaiah”, p. , who sees this as a statement confirming that the cult was not maintained at all.
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:, an admonition addressing Israel’s failure to uphold cultic matters). Notably, the following verse, Isa :, accuses the people of having transgressed against God in the cultic realm. Who, then, is the most likely group of people to constitute the prophet’s addressees? Much, of course, depends on the identity behind the symbol of Jacob-Israel, a topic which I shall address at length in chapter . The solution may lie in Jer :, a verse that speaks of sacrifices taking place in the ruins of the temple in Jerusalem. Jer : And people came from Shechem, from Shiloh and from Samaria, eighty men, [with] beards shaven and [with] torn clothes and having cut themselves (íéããâúî), and [with] offering (äçðî) and frankincense (äðåáì) in their hands to bring to the house of the Lord (§ä úéá).
As there are few convincing reasons to doubt the historicity of Jer : (cf. chapter ), we may conclude that some form of sacrificial cult took place in Jerusalem following the fall of Jerusalem in bc.65 It should also be noted that Jer : mentions the same types of sacrifices as Isa : (äçðî, äðåáì).66 I therefore suggest that Isa : criticizes this existing sacrificial cult and declares that it has failed to satisfy God’s standard. Going one step further, we may tentatively argue that, as a result, sacrifices would have been closer to the thoughts of the people of Judah rather than those of the exiles in Babylon. Thus, the references to sacrifices in Isa :– may testify to a Judahite setting of the passage.67 It has also been argued that Isa : refers to a sanctuary and, as such, is suggestive of a Judahite setting insofar as it points to the temple in Jerusalem.68 Isa : So I profaned (ììçàå) the princes of the sanctuary / sacred leaders (ùã÷ éøù), and I devoted Jacob to the ban (íøçì) and Israel to reviling (íéôåãâì).
In order to evaluate this proposition, we need to examine the Hebrew text closely. In particular, we must determine whether the word ùã÷ in the genitive constructionùã÷ éøù denotes the temple (“the leaders of the sanctuary”) or whether it modifies the leaders and thus is better translated adjectively (“holy leaders”). The versions, as well as the scholarly world, are divided. The Vulgate (principes sanctos) understands the word 65 66 67 68
Cf. Smart, Second Isaiah, p. . Noted by Goldingay and Payne, Isaiah, , p. . Smart, Second Isaiah, p. . Cobb, “Where was Isaiah – Written”, p. .
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as an adjective denoting the princes.69 In contrast, the LXX treats ùã÷ as meaning “sanctuary”.70 The reading of the LXX differs significantly from that of the MT in that the princes are the subject and the sanctuary is the object: “And the princes have defiled my sanctuaries” (κα "μ αναν ο 1ρχοντες τ2 3γι μου). This reading is likely to be a later modification of the MT rather than attesting to a different Vorlage, however. As Berges points out, the LXX probably reflects the translators’ hesitation to assign any profaning act to God.71 From an exegetical perspective, the two readings make little difference as both “princes of the sanctuary” and “holy princes” can be identified with the priests. Nonetheless, the translation “sanctuary” is slightly superior, since, according to this verse, the leaders are not holy—they are polluted! This translation is further supported by the allusion to Lam :, a verse that speaks of the pollution of the “princes of the kingdom” (äéøùå äëìîî ììç).72 It is furthermore possible that Isa : alludes to the description of leaders in Lam :–. In view of these allusions, I suggest that Isa : is a backward glance to the destruction of Jerusalem in bc (cf. Kgs :–). As such, it does not testify to a certain geographical setting. ùã÷
.. Conclusion To sum up, neither Isa : nor :–, contains any solid indication of their geographical setting. While Isa : and : contain no hints at all, Isa :–, if interpreted as speaking about the prophet’s contemporary audience, fits a Judahite setting best.
. Conclusion A close reading of Isa :–; :; :–; :; :; :; :; : and : reveal that their perspective is that of the land of Judah and/or the city of Jerusalem. This perspective, in turn, suggests that their author(s) lived in Judah. Although the perspective of a text does not 69 This reading is followed by, e.g., Koole, Isaiah, III/, pp. –, Goldingay and Payne, Isaiah, , p. . 70 Followed by, e.g., Blenkinsopp, Isaiah –, pp. –, note f, , Paul, Isaiah –, pp. –, Muilenburg, “Isaiah”, pp. –, and Berges, Jesaja –, p. . 71 Berges, Jesaja –, p. . 72 Blenkinsopp, Isaiah –, pp. –, note f, p. , Paul, Isaiah –, pp. – .
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always correspond to that of its author, this is the most likely scenario in the aforementioned examples. As to the references to the temple and sacrifices in Isa :; :–, , we are on more uncertain ground, although Isa :– may tentatively hint at a Judahite setting.
chapter five THE EXODUS MOTIF AND THE JOURNEY THROUGH THE WILDERNESS MOTIF
Introduction Isa – contains imagery related to the traditions of the Exodus and to the journey through the wilderness. In the present context, the contention pertains to the interpretation of this imagery: does it point forward to a Second Exodus, and, if so, does that constitute an argument for a Babylonian setting of the text? A quick survey of the history of interpretation of Isa – shows that the Exodus imagery, more than any other literary motif in this text, has been regarded as evidence of a Babylonian setting of Isa –. It is commonly held that this imagery serves as a prototype for describing the anticipated Second Exodus out of Babylon, and that this focus on a Second Exodus, in turn, suggests a Babylonian setting for the text as a whole. According to this line of thinking, the exiles portray themselves as returning captives led by God through a wilderness transformed into fertile land. In this chapter, I shall focus on three issues. First, I shall demonstrate that the Exodus imagery in Isa – is not the central topic but one theme among many. Secondly, I shall argue that the occurrence of Exodus imagery does not always demand the motif of a literal Second Exodus. Rather, in most of the cases where it occurs, it is better understood figuratively, serving as a typology for the transition from slavery to freedom and from death to life, than as a description of the physical journey from Babylon to Judah. Finally, I shall challenge the assumption that the use of Exodus imagery constitutes an argument for a Babylonian setting of Isa –. The chapter begins with a history of interpretation, followed by a detailed discussion of each of the individual passages.
chapter five . History of Interpretation: The Centrality of the Exodus Theme
The Exodus tradition is one of the most important and influential traditions in the Hebrew Bible. It tells how YHWH led the people out of bondage in Egypt through the water of the Red Sea and through the perils of the wilderness to safety in the land of Canaan. This tradition soon became universalized as a symbol for the transition from slavery to freedom and from death to life, and, as such, it came to dominate much of the thinking about YHWH as found in the Hebrew Bible. In this sense, the Exodus became the mythos of the origins of Israelite religious consciousness and nationhood, as well as the pivotal example of God’s care and provision for his people (cf. Amos :; :–; Mic :).1 In Isa – , the Exodus motif reflects four key theological ideas: () God’s act of grace as it preceded the covenant in the wilderness (e.g. Isa :), () God’s acts on behalf of Israel in the eschatological future (e.g. Isa :; :–), () God’s act of creation, emphasizing that Israel’s redeemer is the creator of the world (e.g. Isa :–) and () God’s kingship (e.g. Isa :).2 Many interpreters do not stop here, however, but argue further that the Exodus motif in Isa – alludes to a Second Exodus out of Babylon, along the same lines as the first Exodus out of Egypt. Blenkinsopp is typical in this respect when he states that “the concrete historical situation of Israel in Babylon and the place of the exodus-theme in the tradition at that time would have made comparison with the original situation in Egypt inevitable”.3 Along the same lines, Propp maintains that the explicit aim of the wilderness theme was “to encourage people to return to Judah”.4 The theme of a Second Exodus, in turn, has often been understood to confirm the already assumed Babylonian setting of Isa –. As pointed out by Lund, the commonly accepted practice 1 See, e.g., J. Blenkinsopp, “Scope and Depth of the Exodus Tradition in DeuteroIsaiah –”, Concilium / (), pp. –, M. Fishbane, “The ‘Exodus’ Motif: The Paradigm of Historical Renewal”, Text and Texture: Close Readings of Selected Biblical Texts (New York, Schocken Books, ), p. . 2 See, e.g., Blenkinsopp, “Exodus Tradition”, pp. –. 3 Blenkinsopp, “Exodus Tradition”, p. . See also W. Zimmerli, “Der ‘Neue Exodus’ in der Verkündigung der beiden grossen Exilpropheten”, Gottes Offenbarung: Gesammelte Aufsätze zum Alten Testament (ed. W. Zimmerli, TB , München, Kaiser, ), pp. – . 4 W.H. Propp, Water in the Wilderness: A Biblical Motif and its Mythological Background (Atlanta, GA., Scholars Press, ), p. .
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has been to first place Isa – in a specific historical setting—that of exilic Babylon—and then to assume that the central theme or even the central problem of Isa – is that these people are unable or unwilling to leave Babylon and therefore must be helped.5 Most of Isa –, and especially the Exodus imagery, must therefore relate to this problem and, in some form or another, provide the solution. God, with the help of his anointed Cyrus, is setting the people free and, as he led the children of Israel out of Egypt, so he will lead the exiles out of Babylon and home to Jerusalem. Texts such as Isa :– and :– must therefore be exhortations to the people to leave Babylon, and texts such as Isa :– and :– must depict a wilderness journey homewards. Furthermore, because the Babylonian setting of Isa – is determined first, the accumulative evidence of Exodus imagery in Isa – contributes to this picture, even though a close reading of Isa – reveals few concrete examples of a Second Exodus.6 Finally, again because the Babylonian setting of Isa – is presupposed, it has become commonplace to assume that this Second Exodus will take place on physical roads leading through the physical wilderness between Babylon and Israel. God will transform the corporeal wilderness into a fertile land in order to sustain his people on the way, and he will create actual roads in order to ease their journey. As a result, passages containing road imagery (e.g. Isa :–; :–; :; :) are frequently interpreted as referring to this Second Exodus although many of them contain no imagery related to the Exodus.7 Anderson’s interpretation of Isa – represents this type of exegesis well. First, Anderson detects the Exodus motif in both the opening (:– ) and closing (:–) sections of Isa – and argues that this
5 See, e.g., the interpretation of R.E. Watts, “Consolation or Confrontation? Isaiah – and the Delay of the New Exodus”, TynBul (), pp. –, who argues that the Exodus tradition is elevated to the most prominent status, “shaping the heart of – and even replacing the first Exodus as the saving event” (p. ), and that Isa – presents a vision of God who, after smashing the powers of chaos and making a way through the wilderness, gently leads his flock home to Zion (p. ). In this way, God’s creative power and decisive word overcomes all obstacles to the performance of his will, and he is able to come to the rescue of his helpless people (p. ). 6 Lund, Way, p. . 7 Lund, Way, pp. –, provides an in-depth discussion of the various theories together with a comprehensive bibliography. A few illustrative examples are Zimmerli, “Neue Exodus”, p. , and D. Baltzer, Ezechiel und Deuterojesaja (BZAW , Berlin, de Gruyter, ), pp. –.
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inclusio points to its centrality.8 Secondly, he maintains that all of Isa – re-imagines the history of ancient Israel, from the promise of the patriarchs (e.g. :), via the deliverance out of Egypt (e.g. :; :; :), the journey in the wilderness (e.g. :–; :; :) and the encounter at Sinai (e.g. :, ; :–), to the re-entry into the Promised Land (e.g. :; :).9 Thirdly, he argues that Isa – equates the Exodus with the conflict with watery chaos at the dawn of time (Isa :; :; :).10 Finally, on a broader basis, Anderson identifies the “new things” in Isa – with the events taking place in the wake of the rise of Cyrus (the overthrow of Babylon, Israel’s return from exile and the restoration of Zion), i.e. a Second Exodus, and he sees the references to the Exodus serving as a guarantee for the exilic audience of Isa – that God had the power to give them a future.11 According to the typology of Isa –, this Second Exodus is better than the first. Now, God will transform nature, and the people of Israel will be able to leave Babylon slowly and in peace (Isa :; :), in contrast to the haste that characterized the Exodus (Deut :).12 Anderson’s interpretation is only loosely based on the text of Isa – . First, a close reading of the opening and closing section in :– and :– reveals that neither passage refers to a return of the exiles. It is also doubtful that they contain any Exodus imagery (see below). Secondly, although Isa – shows dependence upon both the patriarchal and Exodus traditions, the individual passages that Anderson cites do not form a coherent chronological narrative from Abraham to Joshua. Thirdly, the very fact that Isa – emphasizes the chaos conflict within the Exodus tradition shows that the scope of the latter reaches far beyond that of a Second Exodus. Fourthly, Anderson notes himself that the return of the exiles is only one aspect of the “new things” that God will bring about. Finally, the transformation of nature does not necessarily form part of a Second Exodus; rather, it may constitute a more general aspect of God’s actions on behalf of his people.
8 B. Anderson, “Exodus Typology in Second Isaiah”, Israel’s Prophetic Heritage: Essays in Honor of James Muilenburg (eds B.W. Anderson and W. Harrelson, New York, Harper & Row, ), pp. –. 9 Anderson, “Exodus Typology”, pp. –. 10 Anderson, “Exodus Typology”, p. . 11 Anderson, “Exodus Typology”, pp. –. 12 Anderson, “Exodus Typology”, pp. –.
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Patrick’s interpretation is another typical example of this type of exegesis. As with Anderson, Patrick locates the Exodus motif in Isa – in the context of the return of the exiles from Babylon, and he maintains that Isa – speaks of a Second Exodus. In contrast to Anderson, however, Patrick sees the epiphany motif as the core imagery in Isa –. Isa :– forms the initial epiphany proclaiming that God will reveal his glory to all humankind, while the following material in Isa :– ; :–; :– and :– depicts the return journey of the exiles as a part of the continuous epiphany. Among them, Isa :–; :– and :– also portray a radical transformation in the wilderness to “facilitate the survival of the people”.13 This imagery of natural transformation in the Exodus passages in Isa – fits the description of an epiphany and, in addition, it has an eschatological flavour. According to Patrick, Isa – draws upon already existing traditions when it portrays the Second Exodus as an epiphany of YHWH. For example, it fuses the traditions that depict YHWH’s intervention to save Israel out of Egypt accompanied by dramatic convulsions in nature (e.g. Exod :– ; Pss :–; :) with those that portray YHWH’s future intervention in history as epiphanic (Isa :–; Mic :–). The end result is a description of the return from exile as a new, eschatological Exodus.14 Patrick’s interpretation stays close to the text of Isa – and his insight regarding the theophanic aspect of the imagery pertaining to God’s return to Jerusalem is significant.15 At the same time, he fails to emphasize that the motif of epiphany is seldom directly connected to the return of the exiles. In a few cases, the two are described together (e.g. Isa :–), but this is the exception rather than the rule. Finally, it is common among those scholars who argue that Isa – contain imagery of a Second Exodus to regard Isa – as proscribing a progressing journey from Babylon to Zion containing the following elements:16
13 D.A. Patrick, “Epiphanic Imagery in Second Isaiah’s Portrayal of a New Exodus”, HAR (), pp. –. 14 Patrick, “Epiphanic Imagery”, pp. –. 15 Cf. Watts, “Consolation and Confrontation,” p. , who argues that the enthronement of YHWH in a restored Jerusalem-Zion is the goal of the new Exodus. 16 See, e.g., Blenkinsopp, “Exodus Tradition”, p. . See also C. Stuhlmueller, Creative Redemption in Deutero-Isaiah (AnBib , Rome, Biblical Institute Press, ), p. , who provides a table of those verses that are normally associated with the Second Exodus.
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. Setting out (:–; :–; :–; :–) . Setting the captives free (:–) . YHWH’s mighty hand and arm (:–; :; :–; :–; :–; :) . The miraculous crossing of a body of water (:–; :; :– ) . The way through the wilderness (:–; :–; :–) . Miracles of mercy in the wilderness (:–) . Entry into the Promised Land (:–). A quick glance over this list reveals that this imagery is not presented in a consecutive order. Notably, references to the “going out” are scattered throughout Isa –, and the reference to the “crossing of the Red Sea” in Isa :– is preceded by the references to the “way through the wilderness” in Isa :–; :–. Furthermore, many of the mentioned passages do not speak of the exiles’ return but of God’s return to Jerusalem. In conclusion, there is definitely Exodus imagery in Isa –. However, the claims concerning its centrality seldom arise out of a close reading of the text but tend to result from the prior assumption that Isa – was composed in Babylon. Furthermore, the link between the Exodus imagery and the notion of a Second Exodus is weak insofar as most of the Exodus imagery in Isa – is primarily connected with God’s return to Jerusalem. Finally, there is no progressive move from departure to arrival in Isa –. Instead, the Exodus imagery is spread throughout the material without a clear beginning or end.
. History of Interpretation: The Peripheral Character of the Exodus Theme As noted above, the aforementioned interpretations rest firmly upon the assumption that Isa – has a Babylonian origin and that its primary concern is that of the return of the exiles. If, however, we acknowledge that a Babylonian setting is at best tentative, then other ways of interpreting the Exodus imagery open up. We shall look at five issues: () the link between a Babylonian setting of Isa – and the notion of a Second Exodus, () the significance of the Exodus imagery in Isa – , () the suggestion that the Exodus imagery evolves along with the chronological development of the text of Isa –, () a metaphorical
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understanding of the Exodus imagery and, finally, () the role of Exodus imagery in the book of Isaiah as a whole. First, the link between the three notions of () Exodus related motifs, () a Second Exodus and () the claim that Isa – was composed in Babylon, is weak. As already noted, although Isa – contains references to and terminology related to the Exodus, this in itself does not create the motif of a Second Exodus. The grounds for using the Exodus imagery as an argument for a Babylonian setting of Isa – are even weaker.17 A text can speak about a return of exiles and clothe its message in Exodus imagery without necessarily being composed in exile and addressed to an exilic group of people. Notably, although Hos :– combines the Exodus motif with the anticipation of restoration,18 to my knowledge no scholar has suggested a Babylonian setting of this oracle. It is illuminating to compare the use of the Exodus imagery in Isa – with that in Ezekiel (e.g. Ezek :–), a book the bulk of which probably reflects the concerns of the Babylonian exilic community (cf. chapter ). There is a marked difference in the ways in which these two texts employ Exodus imagery. The exiles are brought out of Babylon according to Ezek , but only as far as the wilderness, and only in order to be cleansed. In fact, verse states explicitly that the exiles will never reach Judah (contra v. where they seemingly do). God will stretch out his arm and rule with fury (v. ) and cause them to pass under the rod (v. ). The final aim of the endeavour is to cause the people of Israel to feel guilty and ashamed (v. ).19 The uses of the Exodus imagery in Isa – could not be more different in their focus on divine grace. In this way, the differences between the two texts actually suggest that they stem from two distinct communities. Secondly, little warrants seeing the Exodus as constituting the major theological theme of Isa –.20 Rather, it is one of many attempts, 17
Cf. Seitz, “The Book of Isaiah –”, p. , who points out that although it can be argued that, given the prevalent Exodus language, Cyrus is modelled on typological grounds as a “Second Pharaoh”, who witnesses God’s mighty acts, the references to him are too meagre to suggest that the author and the audience must have been in Babylonian exile or that they were concerned about something so imminent as to fix this proclamation at only one moment in time. 18 See further Fishbane, “Exodus Motif ”, p. . 19 See further Zimmerli, “Neue Exodus”, p. , who argues that the passages about Babylon (Isa :–; :– and ) form the background to the new Exodus. The call to march out of Babylon in Isa :– then initiates the Exodus. 20 See, e.g., J.I. Durham, “Isaiah –: A New Creation, a New Exodus, a New Messiah”, The Yahweh / Baal Confrontation and Other Studies in Biblical Literature and
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within Isaiah as a whole, to convince the audience that God not only led and saved his people in the past but he will do so also in the present.21 As Spykerboer points out, the two key themes in Isa – are God’s return to his people in Jerusalem and the restoration and rebuilding of Jerusalem. All references to the transformation of the desert into a highway “for our God” must accordingly be interpreted in the light of this.22 He also maintains that those cases where the exile is referred to should be understood in more general terms as referring to an act of liberation connected to God’s promise to deliver Israel rather than to a specific Second Exodus. To strengthen his case, Spykerboer argues that Isa :–; :– and :–, passages of which at least the former two contain a clear notion of a Second Exodus (cf. below), are later additions.23 Spykerboer is correct in pointing out the secondary import of the Exodus motif with regard to the more prominent themes of God’s return to Jerusalem and the restoration of the city. At the same time, his interpretation is methodologically unsound as it rests upon his removal of contradictory, yet immediately relevant passages. In the ensuing discussion, I shall therefore regard the aforementioned passages as integral to the overall message of Isa –. From a different angle, Vincent rejects the view that the prophecies in Isa – speak of a Second Exodus. He views Isa – as a series of short oral prophecies, written down in Judah after the fall of Jerusalem, that relate to various cultic celebrations in Jerusalem. He points out that the motif of the drying of the sea (Isa :; :; :) is not directly related to the Exodus, and he also notes that Isa : speaks more of divine judgement or ordeal than of emigration. Likewise, Isa :– and : refer to the Exodus only as part of an historical overview, and Isa :– fuses creation myths with a description of a procession into Jerusalem. The only passages that possibly contain the notion of a Second Exodus are Isa :– and :–. Vincent proposes that :– was part of a ritual portraying the Exodus, and that the passage had
Archaeology: When Religions collided: Essays in Honour of Emmett Williard Hamrick (eds J.M. O’Brien and F.L.J. Horton, SBEC , Lampeter, Edwin Mellen Press, ), p. , who states that the image of a new Exodus “almost gives the impression that Isaiah – is more about exodus than the Book of Exodus itself ”. 21 Cf. S. Paganini, “Ein ‘Neuer Exodus’ im Jesajabuch”, Führe Mein Volk Heraus: Zur innerbiblischen Rezeption der Exodusthematik. FS G. Fischer (ed. S. Paganini, Frankfurt a M., Peter Lang, ), pp. –. 22 Spykerboer, Structure and Composition, pp. –, –, –. 23 Spykerboer, Structure and Composition, pp. , , .
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the Babylonian exiles in mind. Isa :– is more problematic, and Vincent therefore suggests that it is a secondary addition (cf. Spykerboer, above). In conclusion, Vincent maintains that a Second Exodus out of the exile is not a key motif in Isa –.24 Vincent’s interpretation that Isa – relates to the cult in Jerusalem has not withstood the test of time, primarily because it rests upon a very weak textual foundation. Furthermore, as in the case of Spykerboer, it is unsound to discard relevant passages as later additions. At the same time, Vincent is correct to point out that most of the Exodus imagery in Isa – is only indirectly connected to the Exodus narrative in Exod – and very rarely connected to a return from exile. Thirdly, as already noted above, little supports the view that Isa – portrays a consecutive account of a journey from Babylon to Judah. Kiesow in particular has highlighted that, although the Exodus theme exists, it is not used consistently throughout Isa – and it is impossible to fit the relevant passages into a coherent and forward-moving narrative. The references to the Exodus are scattered throughout Isa – and are in many cases ambiguous.25 Moreover, the Exodus motif in Isa – is combined with metaphorical “way” imagery. This combined motif often conveys the sense of “way of life” or “human journey”.26 In a few cases, however, such as Isa :, the existing metaphors pertaining to “ways” do apply to the return of the exiles.27 Kiesow further suggests that the evolution of the Exodus motif mirrors the chronological development of Isa –. In what Kiesow deems to be the first exilic Grundschicht of Isa – (Isa :–; :–; :), the imagery is only that of a road and the text emphasizes neither its origin nor its end-point. The language is too metaphorical to be understood as a concrete direction for the exiles’ return. Subsequently, in Kiesow’s postulated first Jerusalem redaction, the Exodus theme has become “mythologized” (Mythisierung) and stresses God’s own return to Zion, as well as the end of Zion’s suffering and the beginning of the time of salvation (Isa :–, – ; :b–; :–; :–; :–, –). Finally, the postulated second Jerusalem redaction gives the Exodus theme cosmic dimensions (e.g. Isa :–). This layer foresees the coming not of God himself
24 25 26 27
Vincent, Heimat, esp. p. . Kiesow, Exodustexte, pp. –. Kiesow, Exodustexte, pp. –. Kiesow, Exodustexte, p. .
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but of his word (Isa :–).28 Regardless of whether or not we accept Kiesow’s suggested chronological development of Isa –, Kiesow’s research demonstrates the lack of support for a consecutive development of the imagery throughout Isa –, and it further shows that some passages are best understood figuratively. Furthermore, the fact that Kiesow assigns many of the passages that contain Exodus imagery to subsequent Jerusalem-based redactions illustrates well that this imagery cannot be used as an argument for a Babylonian origin of the passages in which it occurs. Following Kiesow, Berges notes that Isa – contains no explicit references to the Exodus out of Egypt or to a similar Exodus out of Babylon, and that the exiles are addressed in direct speech only in Isa :.29 As to the motif of transformation of the wilderness and the nature (Isa :– –; :–; :–; :–; :), and the road / Exodus motif (Isa :–; :–; :–; :–; :– ), Berges maintains that we have to distinguish not only between these two motifs but also between how they are used in the different textual layers. Berges claims that exegetes mistakenly combine these two motifs in Isa – due to their fusion in the later material in Isa . Although Isa postdates Isa –, it precedes it in the present form of Isaiah and thus causes the reader / exegete to see the two originally separate motifs as two sides of the same coin. The motif of the transformation of the wilderness and of nature contains no notion of a “Second Exodus” but only salvation for Jerusalem. In contrast, the road / Exodus imagery in the later material in Isa – is connected with the return of the Diaspora. Berges further argues that these motifs are used differently in the core material of Isa – and in the subsequent redactional layers. In the earlier texts, the motif of the transformation of nature and the road / Exodus imagery are metaphorical expressions that serve to encourage the audience to trust in God and his salvation. In contrast, the later redactional texts transform these motifs to refer to the return of the golah.30 As we shall see shortly, a close reading of the relevant texts will bear out many of Berges’ distinctions between the Second Exodus theme
28
Kiesow, Exodustexte, pp. –, –, –, including note . U. Berges, “Der zweite Exodus im Jesajabuch. Auszug oder Verwandlung?”, Das Manna fällt auch heite noch. FS E. Zenger (eds F.-L. Hossfeldt and L. SchwienhorstSchönberger, HBS , Freiburg, Herder, ), p. . 30 Berges, “Zweiter Exodus”, pp. – (esp. pp. , –). 29
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and that of the transformation of the wilderness and nature. It is less easy to detect a chronological development of these two distinct motifs. Fourthly, it is unlikely that the Exodus imagery in Isa – relates to a physical journey. Simian-Yofre argues that much, if not all, of the Exodus imagery should be understood metaphorically. Thus, to establish a road for God means to adopt a special attitude towards him, i.e. to prepare one’s heart. Likewise, the concept of “wilderness” is probably used as a symbol for the people’s difficult situation (e.g. Isa :–; :–; :–; :–; :–).31 Simian-Yofre also suggests that the texts that call for people to set out from where they currently are (Isa :– ; :– and :–) have in mind a place much further away than Babylon. These exhortations to leave are therefore best seen as rhetorical or even liturgical.32 Alongside the earlier mentioned interpretations of Patrick, Spykerboer and Vincent, Simian-Yofre maintains that Isa – is not concerned primarily with a forthcoming Exodus out of Babylon.33 Its key theological import is instead to portray God as a saving warrior, and to emphasize his power and his battle over the forces of chaos on behalf of his people.34 For example, Isa :– shares imagery with Pss :; :, and Hab :, and speaks of God’s battle against the forces of chaos.35 Likewise, Seitz argues that the wilderness motif is closely related to the theme of chaos and desolation familiar both from the Psalter and the opening chapters of Genesis (e.g. Isa :, ; :–), and that the best way to understand this motif is as a metaphorical description of Zion’s own state (Isa :; :; :). Seitz also stresses that God’s return is far more prominent in Isa – than “any sort of mundane return by God’s people” (Isa :, ; :).36 Along similar lines, Barstad maintains that the Exodus imagery in Isa – is metaphorical rather than referring to a specific historical situation. Following Patrick, Spykerboer and Vincent, Barstad also downplays the relative significance of the Exodus imagery within Isa –. This textual corpus contains a large number of key themes alongside that of the return of the exiles, such as God’s return to Zion, the destruction 31
Simian-Yofre, “Exodo en Deuteroisaías”, pp. –, esp. p. . Simian-Yofre, “Exodo en Deuteroisaías”, pp. –. 33 Simian-Yofre, “Exodo en Deuteroisaías”, pp. –. 34 H. Simian-Yofre, “La teodicea del Deuteroisaías”, Biblica (), pp. –. 35 Simian-Yofre, “Exodo en Deuteroisaías”, pp. –. 36 C.R. Seitz, Word Without End: The Old Testament as Abiding Theological Witness (Grand Rapids, Mich., Eerdmans, ), pp. –. 32
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of the enemy nations and the incomparability of God. Likewise, Isa – employs many literary motifs in addition to that of the Exodus motif, such as the creation motif, the water motif, the levelling of the ground motif and the desert motif.37 Slightly differently, Zenger argues that although the Exodus functions as a key motif in Isa –, it is not a military motif and it does not focus on the return of the exiles. Instead, it emphasizes God’s transforming power. In alluding to the Exodus, the Isaianic authors stress God’s ability to bring his people out of the wilderness, i.e. out of their present circumstances.38 Most recently, Lund has advocated a metaphorical understanding of the Exodus imagery in Isa –. In contrast to previous works, however, Lund, discusses all passages that mention either a “way” or speak of the circumstances that unfold on a “way”. Lund enables the material in Isa – to make its own selection rather than placing external criteria, such as an assumed geographical setting, upon it. Lund differs from earlier scholars also in that he maintains that a metaphorical reading of a text should not be treated as a last resort, i.e. when a literal reading cannot be upheld. Instead, the reader of a biblical text must be open to the possibility of encountering metaphors even in those cases that can be read literally. In the specific case of the “way” passages in Isa –, Lund sees it as the exegete’s duty to determine, in each passage, whether a literal or a metaphorical reading would be the superior, and thus the more likely, reading of the passage. Lund examines Isa :–; :–; :–; :–; :–; :–; :–; :–; :– and :–, and concludes that they are all best read metaphorically, speaking about the relationship between God’s way and the people’s way(s), past and present. This “way” imagery expresses the thought that God is now establishing new ways, upon which he himself will lead his people through the rough terrain. God’s aim is to change the addressees’ perspective, in order to make them realize the rightness of God’s ways so that they will adopt them.39 37
Barstad, Way. E. Zenger, “The God of Exodus in the Message of the Prophets as seen in Isaiah”, Concilium (), pp. – (eng. transl. G. Harrison). See also P.D. Brassey, Metaphor and the Incomparable God in Isaiah – (BDS , North Richland Hills, Bibal, ), p. , who argues that the primary aim of the renewal of nature imagery in Isaiah – is to describe the people’s spiritual condition. At the same time, he maintains that this imagery also calls for a departure from Babylon. 39 Lund, Way. See also my review of Lund’s book in SEÅ (), pp. –. 38
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Fifthly, it is fruitful to interpret the Exodus imagery in Isa – against the background of the larger book of Isaiah. Seitz, in particular, argues that the concept of God bringing back his people from regions of dispersion and captivity attested in Isa :–; : belongs in the larger Isaianic tradition (cf. Isa :, –; :–; :–; :– ).40 Therefore, the fact that Isa – uses the typology of the Exodus for expressing the hope that the exiles will return is not a sign of Babylonian authorship. This portrayal rather forms part of the wider Isaianic tradition. Notably, Isa :– speaks of a way paved for the remnant of God’s people from Assyria, comparable to the Exodus (v. ), Isa :– transforms the Exodus tradition by referring to a highway from Egypt to Assyria. In fact, Isa :– goes even one step further in applying the Exodus motif to Egypt itself.41 The dating of these passages is unclear, and there are good reasons to suspect that Isa :–42 and Isa :– 43 are later than Isa –. Even so, the occurrence of Exodus imagery throughout the whole of Isaiah suggests that it should be detached from the immediate context of a return of the exiles from Babylon in the years immediately following bc and instead be interpreted as part of a more general expectation of God bringing dispersed members of the people of Israel back to their homeland. To conclude, there is less of a consensus regarding the interpretation of the Exodus imagery in Isa – than is often assumed. The link between the Exodus imagery and a Babylonian setting of Isa – is also significantly weaker than what is commonly presupposed. Finally, it is erroneous to speak of one set of images that relate chronologically to both the Exodus and to the subsequent journey through the wilderness. Instead much of the evidence favours distinguishing between the various types of imagery: God’s battling with forces of chaos, road imagery
40
Seitz, Word Without End, p. . See further Fishbane, “Exodus Motif ”, pp. –. 42 See further J. Blenkinsopp, Isaiah – (AB , New York, Doubleday, ), pp. –. For a contrary view, see the discussion by M.A. Sweeney, Isaiah –: With Introduction to Prophetic Literature (FOTL, Grand Rapids, Mich., Eerdmans, ), pp. –, who sees Isa :– and :– as part of a Josianic redaction of Isa – *, reflecting the mid-seventh century, with trade routes and alliances with both Egypt and Assyria. 43 See especially O.H. Steck, Bereitete Heimkehr: Jesaja als redaktionelle Brücke zwischen dem Erten und dem Zweiten Jesaja (SBS , Stuttgart, Katholisches Bibelwerk, ). See also the succinct discussion in Blenkinsopp, Isaiah –, pp. – . 41
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and wilderness imagery. The former type emphasizes God’s redemptive power on behalf of his people, while the latter two types stress Israel’s physical and spiritual difficulties.
. Exegesis of the Passages Said to Contain References to a Second Exodus We shall now look more closely at those passages in Isa – that allegedly contain imagery related to the Exodus (:–, –; :– ; :–; :; :–; :–; :–; :–; :–; :– ; :–; :–; :–).44 When discussing these passages, we shall focus on three interrelated questions. First, to what extent do these passages contain Exodus imagery? Secondly, to what degree does the attested Exodus imagery speak of a Second Exodus? Finally, in what ways do the references to a Second Exodus constitute an argument for a Babylonian setting of the text? A significant amount of research has already been carried out on these passages with regard to its imagery (especially by Lund but also by the other aforementioned scholars with whom Lund interacts frequently). Even so, as most of this past research has only touched indirectly upon the issue of the geographical setting of Isa –, we still need to determine what these passages can tell us about the whereabouts of the original authors and their target audiences. What follows is therefore more of a survey than an in-depth exegetical discussion. The exception to this rule is Isa :– and –. These verses commence Isa – and thus set the tone for much of the subsequent interpretation of the texts to follow. Given their significance in this respect, I have chosen to discuss them at length. .. Isaiah :–, – Isa :–, – is part of the longer textual unit of Isa :–. In chapter , I shall make a case for interpreting the whole of Isa :– as a textual unity, composed to serve as a prologue to the following Isa –.
44 Two additional cases are discussed elsewhere: Isa :– in chapter and Isa : in chapter .
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As for now, it will suffice to say that, presupposing textual unity, it is possible to let the interpretation of verses – inform the interpretation of verses – and vice versa. :– 3A voice proclaims: “Prepare (m.pl.) in the wilderness (øáãîá) the way of YHWH, make straight in the arid land / desert (äáøòá) a high-way for our God.45 4Every valley will be raised, and every mountain and hill will be made low. The rugged will become level (øåùéîì á÷òä äéäå), and the rough places [will become] a plain (äò÷áì íéñëøäå). 5And the glory of YHWH will be revealed, and all humanity together will see; for the mouth of YHWH has spoken.” :– 9Climb up (f.sg.) upon a high mountain, oh herald of Zion; raise your voice with power, oh herald of Jerusalem!46 Lift [it] up, do not be afraid; say to the cities of Judah: “There is47 your God”! 10There is the Lord YHWH! He will come in strength and his arm rules for him. There is his recompense with him, and his deed is before him. 11As a shepherd, he will tend his flock, he will gather together the lambs with his arm, and he will carry them in his bosom. He will lead the ewes.
... The Return of the Exiles The various interpretations of the imagery in Isa :–, – fall into three main categories: () the return of the exiles from Babylon, () Israel’s metaphorical journey through hardship and () God’s triumphant return. The common interpretation that Isa :–, – speaks about a return of the exiles from Babylon is based on two interrelated issues. First, the motif of a “way in the wilderness” in Isa : (cf. :–; :–; :–; :– and :–) has often been understood as alluding to the Exodus narrative and, as such, proclaiming a Second Exodus out of Babylon.48 This “way in the wilderness” would thus be a literal road 45 I read §ä êøã as a genitive construction, and the parallel clause åðéäìàì äìñî as a dative construction. See further Kiesow, Exodustexte, pp. , , Koole, Isaiah, III/, p. , Goldingay and Payne, Isaiah –, I, pp. –. 46 For this translation, see further chapter . 47 For the translation of äðä, see S. Kogut, “On the Meaning and Syntactical Status of äðä in Biblical Hebrew”, Studies in Bible (ed. S. Japhet, ScrHier , Jerusalem, Magnes, ), pp. – (see esp. pp. –), followed by Payne and Goldingay, Isaiah, I, p. . 48 See, e.g., Anderson, “Exodus Typology”, pp. –, who detects the Exodus theme in, among other places, Isa :–, , B. Anderson, “Exodus and Covenant in Second Isaiah and Prophetic Tradition”, Magnalia Dei—The Mighty Acts of God: Essays on the
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between Babylon and Judah. Furthermore, this road would not only be for God but also for God’s redeemed ones, i.e. the Babylonian exiles, as they return home together.49 Going one step further, Loretz maintains that the return of the exiles is the key message of the core-text of Isa –, and argues that Isa :–* was originally a call to the exiles to return. A later author added the words §ä and åðéäìà to verse in order to make the text include God’s return.50 Secondly, the portrayal of God in verses – has often been understood to refer to God’s impending act of leading the exiles home. The reference to God’s arm (v. a) thus alludes to God’s act of bringing the people of Israel out of Egypt (cf. Deut :; : etc.), the mention of God’s recompense and deed (v. b) refers to his liberation of the exiles and the image of lambs (v. ) denotes God’s gentle care of the captives who are returning home alongside him.51
Bible and Archaeology in Memory of G. Ernest Wright (eds E.E. Lemke, F.M. Cross, and P.D. Miller, Garden City, N.Y., Doubleday, ), pp. –, J.C.D. de Moor, “The Integrity of Isaiah ”, Mesopotamica, Ugaritica, Biblica. FS Kurt Bergerhof (eds M. Dietrich and O. Loretz, AOAT , Kevelaer, Butzon & Bercker, ), p. , Childs, Isaiah, p. , R.F. Melugin, “Poetic Imagination, Intertextuality, and Life in a Symbolic World”, The Desert Will Bloom: Poetic Visions in Isaiah (eds A.J. Everson and H.C.P. Kim, Ancient Israel and Its Literature , Atlanta, GA., SBL, ), pp. –. 49 See, e.g., Elliger, Verhältnis, pp. –, Westermann, Jesaja, pp. –, Merendino, Der Erste und der Letzte, p. , A. Laato, “The Composition of Isaiah –”, JBL (), pp. , , B.M. Zapff, Jesaja – (NEB, Würzburg, Echter, ), p. . Looking at the text from a different perspective, Landy, “Ghostly Prelude”, pp. –, holds a similar opinion. See also M.P. Zehnder, Wegmetaphorik im Alten Testament: Eine semantische Untersuchung der alttestamentlichen und altorientalischen Weg-Lexeme mit besonderer Berücksichtigung ihrer metaphorischen Verwendung (BZAW , Berlin, de Gruyter, ), pp. – (esp. –). In his examination of road metaphors in the Hebrew Bible, Zehnder categorizes the group of road lexemes in Isa – (Isa :; :; :; :, ; :) together with Isa :; :; :; Jer : and Mal : as referring to an “Eschatologische Wunderstrasse”. His interpretation has been aptly criticized by Lund, Way, p. . 50 O. Loretz, “Die Sprecher der Götterversammlung in Is ,–”, UF (), pp. –. See also O. Loretz, “Die Gattung des Prologs zum Buche Deuterojesaja (Jes ,–)”, ZAW (), pp. – (esp. pp. –), and O. Loretz, “Mesopotamische und ugaritisch-kanaanäische Elemente im Prolog des Buches Detuerojesaja (,– )”, Or (), pp. –, where he argues for an original core text of vv. –* that spoke originally about the return of the exiles to Jerusalem. Later on, vv. –, c and – were added to this text (following Kiesow), as well as vv. –. At this point, the whole of Isa :– was transformed to refer also to God’s return to Jerusalem. 51 E.g. North, Second Isaiah, pp. –, Freedman, “The Structure of Isaiah :–”, p. , Laato, “Composition of Isaiah –”, p. , K. Pfisterer Darr, Isaiah’s Vision and the Family of God (LCBI, Louisville, WJK, ), p. .
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Other scholars distinguish between the imagery of God’s return in verses – and the imagery of the returning exiles in verses –, yet they maintain that when they are read together, both passages allude to the return of the exiles.52 Kiesow, for example, rejects a simple equation between the motif of God’s return and the return of the exiles, and maintains that the goal of the highway in Isa :– is to display God’s glory at his return. Nonetheless, Kiesow also argues that the imagery of the later :– and –, as well as that of the parallel text in Isa :–, alludes to the Exodus tradition.53 Likewise, although noting that there are surprisingly few explicit references to the actual return of the exiles in Isa – (:bb; :, ), Kratz detects a reference to the return of the exiles to Jerusalem in Isa :–.54 In his view, the return of the exiles does not need to be mentioned specifically, as it follows self-evidently after God’s return to Jerusalem.55 There are three strong objections to these interpretations. First, as already discussed above, allusions to the Exodus narrative do not demand the existence of a Second Exodus motif. A text may allude to God’s past redemption of the Israelite slaves out of Egypt without thereby necessarily implying that God will now redeem the exiles out of Babylon. Furthermore, it is possible to make use of Exodus imagery topologically as the means of describing God’s saving actions on behalf of his people in general. In other words, Exodus imagery in the Bible is not restricted to acts of physical redemption. Secondly, and more significantly, a mere glance at Isa :– confirms that it contains no hint of a return of exiles from Babylon.56 Although verse speaks of “gathering” (õá÷), this refers to the ingathering of 52 See especially R. Kilian, “ ‘Baut eine Straße für unseren Gott!’ Überlegungen zu Jes ,–”, Künder des Wortes: Beiträge zur Theologie der Propheten. FS Josef Schreiner (eds L. Ruppert, P. Weimar and E. Zenger, Würzburg, Echter, ), pp. –, and van Oorschot, Von Babel zum Zion, pp. –. 53 Kiesow, Exodustexte, pp. –, –. Overall, he acknowledges a link between this “way” motif and the journey of the redeemed exiles from Babylon to Judah (p. ). 54 Kratz, Kyros, p. . 55 Kratz, Kyros, pp. –. 56 E.g. Spykerboer, Structure and Composition, pp. –, Vincent, Heimat, p. , Steck, Gottesknecht und Zion, p. , Ehring, Rückkehr JHWHs, pp. –. This lack of support in Isa :– for a Second Exodus motif is even acknowledged by some of the scholars who nevertheless advocate it. Freedman, “The Structure of Isaiah :–”, pp. –, for example, argues that although the exiles are not mentioned as such in Isa :–, their presence is confirmed by other parallel and complementary passages (e.g. Isa :–; :; :– and :–).
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the wider Diaspora as well as to pilgrims from among worshippers of YHWH from around the world.57 Verses – speak of God’s road and verse proclaims “behold your God”, not anything akin to “behold the procession of exiles”.58 Furthermore, verse mentions the shepherd’s flock but it never identifies the sheep. In fact, it is likely that the flock is not meant to be identified with a specific group of people. More likely, they are part of the extended shepherd metaphor, serving, in a sense, as typical shepherd paraphernalia (shepherds have sheep, otherwise they are not shepherds). On another level, the sheep, and especially the reference to the lambs and the mothering ewes, serve to emphasize the shepherd’s tender care. It is thus unwarranted to read the exiles into this metaphor.59 Thirdly, the idea of a return route from Babylon through a hostile desert is historically unjustifiable, and no comparable textual evidence suggests that any of the Babylonian exiles ever returned this way. Blenkinsopp aptly labels such an itinerary “suicidal”.60 The returning exiles would rather have followed the north-western road through the Fertile Crescent along the course of the Euphrates into Syria, then south to Damascus, and then either along the coastal route or the central ridge to Jerusalem (this route can be inferred from Neh : ff.; Ezra : ff.).61 In view of this, we need to look for a better interpretation of Isa :–. ... A Metaphorical Reading of Isaiah :– If the “way through the wilderness” in Isa :– is not a literal way by which the exiles would have travelled from Babylon to Judah, what is it? As already seen above, a relatively large number of scholars argue that a non-literal reading fits not only the immediate surrounding Isa :– but also the wider context of Isa –. As the language of Isa – has a strong poetic flavour, the texts that allude to the Exodus narrative or that contain motifs associated with travelling or with road terminology are best read metaphorically, expressing God’s care and provision for the people and for easing their way (in life). In the particular case of Isa :–, a significant group of scholars regard the “highway” in Isa :– as metaphorical. Haag, for example, 57
Berges, Das Buch Jesaja, pp. –. Smart, History and Theology, p. . 59 J.N. Oswalt, The Book of Isaiah: Chapters – (NICOT, Cambridge, Eerdmans, ), p. . 60 Blenkinsopp, Isaiah –, p. . 61 Oswalt, Isaiah, p. . 58
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suggests that the “wilderness” and the “desert” are images of Israel’s state of judgment before God (Gerichtszustand). Into this situation, Isa :– promises that God will lead them on a road towards community with him.62 Likewise, Simian-Yofre understands the road imagery in Isa :– as speaking about preparing the heart.63 Most recently, Lund demonstrates that the notion of “desert”, i.e. a place without water, is a standard symbol for curse, punishment and death within the culture where Isa – was composed, as evidenced by, for example, Ps :–; :; :–, ; :. Isa :– is thus a conventional theophany that proclaims God’s imminent transformation of his people’s situation. Most of all, the metaphor communicates that God’s way in the wilderness is comfort.64 I agree in part with the view that many, but not all, of the passages featuring road imagery and desert imagery in Isa – can successfully be read metaphorically as pertaining to Israel’s difficult situation. In the specific case of Isa :–, however, the text is not concerned with the people, either in Judah or in Babylon, but with God. The preparation of a way through the wilderness is for him and him alone. ... God’s Triumphant Return This brings us to the final interpretation of Isa :– and –. As already noted, these verses place God alone on the centre stage. The chief imagery of Isa :–, as well as that of Isa :– which shares the concepts of “preparing a way” (êøã åðô) and “the glory of YHWH” (ãåáë §ä), is God’s return to and subsequent entrance into Jerusalem, visible for all to see (v. ).65 The text accentuates God’s kingship, as illustrated by his appearance as Israel’s victorious warrior (v. ) and as a shepherd (v. ), 62 E. Haag, “Der Weg zum Baum des Lebens: Ein Paradiesmotiv im Buch Jesaja”, Künder des Wortes: Beiträge zur Theologie der Propheten. FS Josef Schreiner (eds L. Ruppert, P. Weimar and E. Zenger, Würzburg, Echter, ), pp. – (esp. pp. –). Cf. H.M. Barstad, “Isa :–. Another Reading”, Congress Volume: Basel, (ed. A. Lemaire, VTS , Leiden, Brill, ), pp. –, and Barstad, Way, pp. –. 63 Simian-Yofre, “Exodo en Deuteroisaías”, p. . 64 Lund, Way, pp. –. At the same time, Lund is open to the possibility that this metaphor was chosen also to encompass a more literal understanding of a physical road serving to bring back people from exile to Jerusalem (pp. –). 65 E.g. R. Oosting, “Returning (to) Zion: Isaiah : in light of Verbal Valency Patterns”, The New Things: Eschatology in Old Testament Prophecy. Festschrift for Henk Leene (ed. E. Talstra, Maastricht, Shaker Publishing, ), p. , van der Woude, “Hearing Voices While Reading”, p. .
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and it stresses his just and merciful character (v. ).66 Isa :– and – thus depict a theophany, in the manner of Deut :; Judg : and Hab : etc:67 It is moreover feasible, given the similarity of Isa :– and – to these passages, that God is envisioned as returning to his home in Zion from his abode in the south (and not from Babylon).68 The concept of God’s return to Jerusalem after its destruction is not limited to Isa – but attested also in Zech :–, a passage that is clearly modelled after Isa :–69 and in Ezek :– (cf. :–; :–). Ehring, building upon Stummer’s insights,70 has recently suggested that the imagery in Isa :– and – is influenced by the Mesopotamian idea of a deity’s return to his/her chosen patron city, together with his/her statue, after a time of exile. Ehring traces the literary motifs in Isa :– and –, as well as in :–, back to the epic text of the return of the Marduk statue from Elam and his procession into Babylon under shouts of exclamation, as well as to other younger Mesopotamian texts:71
66 Ehring, Rückkehr JHWHs, pp. , –, contra T.N.D. Mettinger, “In Search of the Hidden Structure: YHWH as King in Isaiah –”, SEÅ / (/), pp. – , who argues that Isa : focuses on God’s acts, i.e. his victory over chaos and his triumphant return to Zion. 67 Koole, Isaiah, III/, p. , and J.L. Koole, “Zu Jesaja :”, Von Kanaan bis Kerala. FS J.P.M. van der Ploeg, O.P. (eds W.C. Delsman, J.T. Nelis, J.R.T.M. Peters, E.H.Ph. Romer and A.S. van der Woude, AOAT , Neukirchen-Vluyn, Neukirchener, ), pp. – . Cf. Mettinger, “In Search of the Hidden Structure”, pp. –, especially p. , who argues that the picture of God’s return as a warrior in Isa :– and :– is part of the wider motif of God as the conqueror of the watery forces of chaos. See also Vincent, Heimat, pp. –, who argues for a mythological-cultic reading of :–. According to him, these verses have nothing to do with a new Exodus. Instead they refer to God’s return to Jerusalem, and they portray the enactment of this event through a cultic procession in post-exilic Judah. More recently, Berges, Das Buch Jesaja, pp. – , stresses that it is God who returns in Isa :– and :–. 68 Goulder, Isaiah as Liturgy, p. . 69 D.L. Petersen, Haggai and Zechariah –: A Commentary (OTL, Philadelphia, Westminster, ), pp. –. 70 Stummer, “Parallelen zu Jes. –”, pp. –. 71 The other relevant texts are: () Nabunidus’ Babylonian Steele that refers to the return of the gods to Harran after Nabunidus’ rebuilding of the Sin-temple Ehulhul, () the Adad-Guppi Steele fictively written by Nabunidus’ mother about the same event and the accompanied return of Marduk and his statue, () the inscriptions of Esarhaddon about the rebuilding of Babylon following the destruction by Sennacherib, () the Poem of Erra speaking about the same event and () the texts from the reign of Nebuchadnezzar I speaking of the destruction of the city of Babylon by the hands of the Elamites and of the capture of the Marduk statue, and of how Nebuchadnezzar I fought victoriously against the Elamites and brought the statue back to Babylon (Ehring, Rückkehr JHWHs, pp. –, with accompanying bibliography of the Mesopotamian texts).
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. The deity leaves his/her patron city in anger, but after a certain time, the span of which having been determined beforehand, the deity returns in triumph (Isa :–). . As the deity returns, his royalty and mercy are emphasized (Isa :–). . His return is visible (Isa :—the flattening of the landscape). . The past catastrophe is mentioned in hindsight (Isa :). . The future period of well-being is stressed (Isa :–).72 There are two key differences between Isa :– and – and the corresponding Mesopotamian texts, however. First, Isa – does not mention any rebuilding of the temple. In response, Ehring postulates that as the theology of the core text of Isa – is influenced by the preexilic Zion theology, its author was able to imagine a return without a temple. According to this type of Zion theology, God is not limited to the temple building but present in the whole city.73 Secondly, Isa :– does not specify from where God returns. Ehring responds by suggesting that God’s residence when absent from Jerusalem is left unspecified in the Isaianic text because, in contrast to the Mesopotamian deities, God does not dwell in a statue.74 Ehring’s proposed interpretation has much to commend it in that it remains close to the text of Isa :– and –. Moreover, the close parallels between the biblical motif of YHWH leaving Jerusalem for a period during which the people of Judah were punished for their sins (cf. Ezekiel, Zech –) and the cited ancient Near Eastern texts render it likely that they all belong in the same tradition. We may therefore conclude that Isa :– and – can successfully be understood in the light of the Mesopotamian idea of a triumphant return of a deity after a time of absence. Ehring goes one step further and argues that these literary parallels suggest that the author of what she considers to be the core text of Isa – —of which Isa :–, – form a part—was an educated man from among the exiles in Babylon.75 This, however, is neither a necessary nor appropriate conclusion. First, as already argued in chapter , it is likely that the people living in Judah under the Neo-Babylonian rule would 72 73 74 75
Ehring, Rückkehr JHWHs, pp. , –. Ehring, Rückkehr JHWHs, p. . Ehring, Rückkehr JHWHs, pp. , . Ehring, Rückkehr JHWHs, pp. –, .
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have been familiar with Mesopotamian religious concepts. In fact, Judah, as well as Israel, had lived in the shadow of Mesopotamia throughout the seventh century bc. It would, in fact, be surprising if the people of Judah had been unaware of the main religious ideas of the superpowers of the ancient world.76 Secondly, there is no need to assume that the Mesopotamian concept of a deity’s return to his/her patron city entered the consciousness of the Judahites only in the sixth century. Although this idea is indeed attested in Neo-Babylonian texts from the reign of Nabunidus, i.e. from the time of the Babylonian exile, it is, as Ehring is aware of herself, significantly older than that. To conclude, Isa :– and – contain no Exodus imagery. Furthermore, nothing in the existing imagery of the return of YHWH to his city in triumph demands a Babylonian setting. On the contrary, Jerusalem is the focal point of these verses. .. Isaiah :– The transformation of nature, described in Isa :–, has commonly been understood as the means to facilitate the return of the exiles from Babylon to Judah. Anderson, for example, argues that this passage, as well as Isa :– and : (below), alludes to the Israelites’ wanderings in the wilderness and to God’s provisions of food for his people at the time of the first Exodus.77 Along similar lines, Patrick argues that Isa :– envisions miraculous events in the desert that will aid the exiles and reveal the presence of God.78 Likewise, Propp argues for a literal reading where the aim of God’s transformation of nature is to provide water for those walking through the wilderness.79 Isa :–. 17The poor and the needy seek water and there is none, their tongue is parched with thirst. I, YHWH, will answer them, I, the God of Israel, will not forsake them. 18I will open rivers on the bare heights (íééôù) and springs in the midst of the plains (úåò÷á êåúá). I will transform (íéùà) the wilderness into a pool of water and the dry land into sources of water. 19I will put (ïúà) in the wilderness cedars (æøà), acacia (äèù), and myrtle (ñãä) and wild olive (ïîù õò). I will set (íéùà) in the desert plain juniper 76 See, e.g., M. Cogan, Imperialism and Religion: Assyria, Judah and Israel in the Eighth and Seventh Centuries B.C.E. (SBLMS , Missoula, MT., Scholars Press, ), pp. – , who speaks of voluntary adoption by Judah’s ruling classes of the prevailing AssyrioAramaean culture. 77 Anderson, “Exodus Typology”, p. . 78 Patrick, “Epiphanic Imagery”, p. . 79 Propp, Water in the Wilderness, pp. –.
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(ùåøá), maple (øäãú) and cypress (øåùàú) together. 20So that they may see and know and give heed and understand together, that the hand of YHWH has done this and the Holy One of Israel has created it.
Isa :– refers nowhere to a return of exiles to Judah, and nothing in this passage suggests that the depicted transformation of nature takes place in order to facilitate such a return.80 In fact, this passage contains no Exodus imagery at all.81 Although Isa :– may allude to the traditions surrounding Israel’s wandering in the wilderness following the Exodus, the imagery in the present context serves to emphasize YHWH’s extraordinary power. He will turn the world upside down in order to care for the weak and needy and to show his power to them. Independent of the issue of whether or not Isa :– contains Exodusrelated material, the content of the passage hints at its geographical origin. The land to be transformed is described as a habitually dry place, as evidenced by the references to newly created springs and pools of water (v. ). The same impression is gained from the reference to the wilderness (v. —øáãî) and to the desert plain (v. —äáøò). These descriptions would fit both Judah and the desert between Judah and Babylon. In contrast, the scenario of planting seven species of large trees (v. ) suits Judah better than the desert, as there is little warrant for seeing these trees as lining a road through the wilderness from Babylon to Judah. Rather, following Blenkinsopp and Berges, verse probably envisions the reforestation of Judah after the inevitable devastation of native flora and fauna by an occupying army.82 We can therefore conclude that Isa :– portrays the ecological transformation of Judah. The land will be rendered fertile again with trees that provide shade and with water that quenches thirst. This combination of the transformation of nature and the caring for the poor (v. ) is characteristic of Isaiah as a whole.83 From an economic perspective, it can also be argued that the reforestation of the land could be an image of riches. As wood was
80 Noted by, e.g., Brassey, Metaphor, p. , Blenkinsopp, Isaiah –, p. , Berges, Jesaja –, p. . 81 B.J. Spencer, “The ‘New Deal’ for Post-Exilic Judah in Isaiah ,–”, ZAW (), pp. –. 82 Blenkinsopp, Isaiah –, p. , Berges, Jesaja –, pp. –. 83 Berges, Jesaja –, p. . See, e.g., Isa :; :; :–; :–; :, ; :–; :; :–; :–; :–, –; :–; :, ; :–; :; :; :–, ; :.
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a costly building material and needed for the rebuilding of the temple, a land flourishing with trees would be an invaluable economic asset.84 The flora mentioned in Isa :– also suggests a Judahite scenario. Although the identification of the listed trees is uncertain, especially regarding the latter three species, we are likely dealing with trees indigenous to Judah and not to Babylon.85 Maynard has already commented on the lack of mention of the palm-tree, “the tree par excellence of Lower Euphrates”.86 In conclusion, Isa :– envisions the transformation of Judah. This, however, is not in itself an argument for a Judahite setting of the author and his/her audience as it is possible for an author anywhere to imagine how his/her homeland is being rendered fertile. At the same time, it is feasible to argue that the choice of words and images fits best a person who is used to the nature in the Levant. Notably, the prime concern of verses – is lack of water, a more acute concern for people living in the Levant than those living in the well-irrigated Babylon. There were enough marshes in Babylon and an increase would not have been a blessing.87 Furthermore, the description of Judah’s future transformation in Isa :– shows that the author’s prime concern was the situation in Judah and not that in the exilic community in Babylon. .. Isaiah :– The call to praise in Isa :–, the descriptions of God as a warrior and as a birth-giving woman in :– and the transformation of nature in :–,88 have often been understood as alluding back to the Exodus and, by extension, envisioning a Second Exodus of the exiles 84
Berges, Jesaja –, pp. –. This was noted already by Maynard, “Home of Deutero-Isaiah”, p. . Among more contemporary scholars, see further Goulder, Isaiah as Liturgy, p. , Blenkinsopp, Isaiah –, p. , and Goldingay and Payne, Isaiah, , pp. –. The latter provide a thorough discussion of the identification of the trees. 86 Maynard, “Home of Deutero-Isaiah”, p. . 87 Maynard, “Home of Deutero-Isaiah”, pp. –. See also Koole, Isaiah, III/, p. . 88 Blenkinsopp, Isaiah –, pp. –, treats :– () as a literary creation in two parts (vv. –, –). Other scholars such as Berges, Jesaja –, p. , divide sharply between v. and v. and see vv. – as part of the following text. Yet others, such as Koole, Isaiah, III/, pp. –, see :– as a literary unit. Following Løland, Silent or Salient Gender, pp. –, I see no reason for a break between verses and . The two metaphors of God as a warrior and as a woman in labour together contribute to the picture of God as both destructive and creative. See also S.J. Dille, Mixing Metaphors: 85
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out of Babylon.89 Anderson, for example, maintains that verses – echo Miriam’s song (Exod :–), and that verse alludes to God leading his people through the wilderness towards their destination.90 Likewise, Koole places verses – in the context of the expected return of the exiles,91 and North sees the reference in verse to God leading the blind as a figurative, yet also literal, description of God leading the Babylonian exiles homewards to Judah.92 More recently, Kim maintains that the imagery of God as a warrior in verse is connected with God’s redemption of the exilic people from bondage,93 and Claassens argues that verses – describe how God is bringing the exiles home.94 Isa :– 10Sing (m.pl.) to YHWH a new song, his praise from the ends of the earth, those going down the sea (íéä éãøåé) and that which fills it, the islands and their inhabitants (íäéáùéå íééà). 11Let the wilderness and its cities (åéøòå øáãá) lift up [their voices], the villages [where] Kedar lives (øã÷ áùú íéøöç), let the inhabitants of Sela (òìñ éáùé) give up a ringing cry, let them shout from the mountaintops. 12Let they give (åîéùé) glory to YHWH, and declare his praise in the islands. 13YHWH will go forth like a warrior, like a man of war he will stir up anger. He will shout, indeed roar, he will display his might (øáâúé) against his enemies. 14I have been silent for a long time (íìåòî), I have been quite and restrained myself. [Now], like a women giving birth I will groan, I will pant and I will gasp all at once (ãçé). 15I
will make dry (áéøçà) mountains and hills, and all the herbage I will cause to dry up (ùéáåà), and I will turn (éúîùå) rivers into islands, and I will cause pools to dry up (ùéáåà). 16And I will bring blind ones on a road that they do not know, on paths that that they do not know I will lead them. I will turn (íéùà) dark places before them into light, and twisted ones into a plain. These are the words. I will have kept them (íúéùò) and I will not have abandoned them (íéúáæò àìå).
God as Mother and Father in Deutero-Isaiah (JSOTS / GCT , Sheffield, Continuum, ), pp. –, and K. Pfisterer Darr, “Like Warrior, Like Woman: Destruction and Deliverance in Isaiah :–”, CBQ (), pp. –. 89 See the extended discussion in Lund, Way, pp. –, together with the listed bibliography. 90 Anderson, “Exodus Typology”, p. . 91 Koole, Isaiah, III/, p. . 92 North, Second Isaiah, pp. –. 93 H.C. Paul Kim, Ambiguity, Tension, and Multiplicity in Deutero-Isaiah (StBL , New York, Peter Lang, ), p. . 94 L.J.M. Claassens, “Interrupting God-Language: Rethinking the Image of God as Liberator in Isaiah ”, Exile and Suffering: A Selection of Papers Read at the th Anniversary Meeting of the Old Testament Society of South Africa OTWSA / OTSSA, Pretoria August (OTS , Leiden, Brill, ), p. .
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A close reading of Isa :– reveals no explicit Exodus related imagery and no grounds for understanding this passage as referring to a Second Exodus of the exiles.95 First, the perspective of verses – fits a Judahite rather than a Babylonian location and thus suggests an author and a target audience based in Judah. Assuming the perspectives of the compass, Judah fits right in the centre, with the oceans, coastlands and islands to the west (v. ) and the territory of the Kedarite Arabs across the Jordan to the east (v. ).96 Secondly, the geographical references in verses – to the coastlands etc., as well as to Kedar and Sela, are incompatible with a journey from Babylon to Judah, even if we assume that the exiles would take the torturous route through the Arabian Desert (cf. above).97 Thirdly, although verse portrays God as a warrior who fights on behalf of his people, this imagery is by no means limited to the context of the Exodus. Instead, as with Isa : (above), verse borrows imagery from passages that portray God as a warrior going forth from Seir-Edom (Deut :; Judg :) or from Sinai (Deut :; Ps :, ), and those which depict his appearance as surrounded by cosmic upheavals (Exod :, ; Judg :–; Pss :–; :–).98 This imagery further explains the choice of the Edomite places Kedar and Sela in verse . The inhabitants of these cities would see God return from his abode in the south. Fourthly, the imagery of verse depicts God as removing water from the earth. If anything, this would be a highly unsuitable divine action if the imagery wished to depict God as leading the exiles homewards safely through the wilderness. Fifthly, the road imagery in verse is unlikely to refer to a literal route from one geographical place to another. Rather, together with verse , the text more likely speaks metaphorically about God’s ability to transform reality and to ease the path (in life) for his people. The key metaphors are “life is a landscape” and “life is a journey”.99 To cite Lund, “darkness, blindness, that which is crooked, and the fact that they do not know the
95 Vincent, Heimat, pp. –. Vincent’s own claim that the motifs have their origin in the Jerusalem-based enthronement festival celebrating God’s enthronement in Jerusalem is, however, unsubstantiated and cannot therefore be maintained. 96 Blenkinsopp, Isaiah –, p. . See also Berges, Jesaja –, pp. –, who acknowledges a Judahite-Jerusalemite perspective of vv. –. 97 Cf. Cobb, “Where was Isaiah – Written”, p. . 98 Blenkinsopp, Isaiah –, pp. –. 99 See the extended discussion in Lund, Way, pp. –, together with the listed bibliography.
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way, function both as a description of the people’s actual situation and also as a description of the state of sin that led to the judgment upon the people.”100 In conclusion, although it is possible that Isa :– contains implicit Exodus imagery, the main thrust of the imagery has little to do with the Exodus but denotes God’s strength in general. There is also no support at all for interpreting any or all of verses – as referring to a physical journey of exiles from Babylon to Judah. Instead, the passage probably denotes God’s ability to lead his people, regardless of their geographical whereabouts, safely through periods and situations of hardship. .. Isaiah : The water imagery of Isa : continues in Isa :. Isa :, part of the longer oracle in Isa :–, is often cited as containing Exodus imagery, and it has been argued that the metaphorical descriptions to “pass through water” and to “walk through rivers and fire” refer to a Second Exodus out of Babylon.101 I have already discussed this passage in chapter where I demonstrated that the scope of the envisioned return in verses – is worldwide and presupposes a Judahite perspective, and I shall return to it in chapter in the context of determining the identity of Jacob-Israel, the addressee of this oracle. Isa : When you pass through water, I am with you, and through rivers, they will not overflow you. When you walk through fire you will not be burned, and the flame will not consume you.
It is possible that the water imagery in verse recalls the Exodus, and this impression is further supported by the reference to Egypt in verse .102 At the same time, it is doubtful that there is any hint of a Second Exodus here. Notably, even Blenkinsopp, Goldingay and Payne, who are open to seeing the imagery as applying to the perils of the journey home from Babylon, concede that it is not specifically oriented in that direction.103 100
Lund, Way, p. . E.g. Whybray, Isaiah –, p. . 102 See Paul, Isaiah –, p. , Koole, Isaiah, III/, p. , who both maintain that the imagery of Isa : alludes to the Exodus. Even so, as Koole emphasizes, owing to the imperfect verb forms, what we have here is not a straight-forward reference to the Exodus but images that portray the present time while bringing God’s past acts of salvation to mind. 103 Goldingay and Payne, Isaiah, I, pp. –, Goldingay, Message of Isaiah –, pp. –, and Blenkinsopp, Isaiah –, p. . 101
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It has, in fact, been long noted that the imagery of verse is better understood as a metaphor of the journey of life rather than depicting any specific itinerary of a Second Exodus from Babylon to Judah.104 More recently, Lund argues that the imagery in verse denotes God’s presence in the people’s actual difficult situation rather than any Second Exodus.105 A metaphorical interpretation is further supported by the occurrence of similar imagery in a Neo-Assyrian prophetic text that speaks about the prophet having roamed the steppe, continually crossing all rivers.106 As argued by Weippert, both Isa : and the Neo-Assyrian material speak metaphorically of great effort rather than of any physical rivers.107 To conclude, although Isa : may contain Exodus imagery, it is not employed to denote a Second Exodus out of Babylon. .. Isaiah :– Isa :– is one of the few places in Isa –, alongside Isa :– and : (below), that clearly alludes to the Exodus out of Egypt. In particular, verse speaks of a path through the sea and verse speaks of a road through the wilderness, with God providing water for his journeying people. The road imagery is further combined with the imagery related to God’s victory over the Egyptian forces at the Red Sea (vv. –). Moreover, the reference to something “new” in verse clearly implies that something of the same sort, yet superseding the Exodus of the past, will happen shortly. :– 16Thus says YHWH, the one who provides (ïúåðä) a road through the sea and a path through mighty water, 17the one who brings out chariot and horse (ñåñå áëø), army and power (æåæòå ìéç) together. They laid down, never to rise (åîå÷é ìá åáëùé), extinguished (åëòã), quenched like a wick (åáë äúùôë). 18“Do not remember the former things and do not ponder the past things. 19Behold I am making something new (äùãç), now it will spring up (çîöú). Will you not know it? I will even set (íéùà óà) a road in the wilderness, rivers in the waste land. 20The animal of the fields will honour me, jackals (íéðú) and ostriches (äðòé úåðáå), because I have provided (éúúð) water in the wilderness, rivers in the waste land to water my chosen people. 21This people [that] I have formed for myself [so that] they will tell of (åøôñé) my praise”.
104 105 106 107
Cobb, “Where was Isaiah – Written”, p. . See also North, Second Isaiah, p. . Lund, Way, pp. –, together with the listed bibliography. SAA :, lines –. Weippert, “Ich bin Jahwe”, p. .
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The question, as always, is to what extent the text speaks about a Second Exodus and, by extension, what the imagery in the passage can tell us about the whereabouts of the authors and their audiences. For those scholars who assume that the central message of the text is for the benefit of the exilic community in Babylon, it is natural to see these verses as alluding to a Second Exodus out of Babylon.108 There are, however, several aspects that render this interpretation unlikely. First, nothing in this passage actually speaks about exiles. Verses – primarily emphasize the destruction of the Egyptian army rather than Israel’s salvation. As such, the allusions to the Exodus focus on God’s victory over the watery forces of chaos.109 God’s people are mentioned only in verses – and nothing compels us to limit them to the returning exiles. Instead, as Barstad suggests, the Exodus motif in Isa :–, as well as in Isa :– (below), serves as a word of doom for Babylon. As God destroyed Egypt in the past, so he will now destroy Babylon. The motif is used for rhetoric emphasis, indeed as a rhetorical proof, in seeking to convince the audience that God will act anew on behalf of his chosen people.110 Secondly, the emphasis in verses – is on the transformation of the wilderness into fertile land through the creation of plentiful water resources, something which, in turn, will satisfy God’s people’s need of water. This begs the question as to the function of the “road in the wilderness”. Is it for walking upon by humans or does it serve another purpose? Lund, in seeking to answer this question, stresses that the building of a road and the supplying of water are of equal importance in these verses. He also points out that the lack of roads in the wilderness contributes to its image as a dangerous and uninhabitable land (cf. Job :). The building of roads thus serves not only to cultivate the wilderness but also to render it less hostile. Furthermore, Lund highlights that the image of water and the image of a road elsewhere function as a joint symbol of salvation and leadership (Ps :–, –, referring to the Exodus out of Egypt, cf. Ps ). Lund concludes that a metaphorical understanding of Isa :– fits its content best. As such, the passage portrays God as establishing both a road and water in Israel’s metaphorical desert. At the same time, Lund is open to the possibility that this metaphorical road 108 E.g. Patrick, “Epiphanic Imagery”, p. , Fishbane, “Exodus Motif ”, pp. –, Koole, Isaiah, III/, p. . 109 Cf. Simian-Yofre, “Teodicea”, p. , Zenger, “God of Exodus”, pp. –. 110 Barstad, Way, pp. , .
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could be used by the people of Israel to escape from whatever situation they are experiencing, “be it a situation in Babylon or in Jerusalem”.111 In view of this, the motif of God providing water and building roads in dry land can, although it does not need to, be equated with a Second Exodus (see chapter ). In this respect, Isa : is comparable with Isa :– (cf. chapter ) that speaks about God’s general provision.112 Thirdly, the references in verse to animals of the field, jackals and ostriches do not fit with the notion of a Second Exodus. It is therefore unlikely that the imagery in verses – is restricted to the provision of the people with a passable way through the wilderness.113 Rather, these animals strengthen the impression that the wilderness is a dangerous and unclean place of punishment (cf. Job :). In the present context, the changed behaviour of these animals marks the transformation of the wilderness into a place of blessing.114 To sum up, the textual evidence of Isa :– supports a metaphorical interpretation. Read metaphorically, Isa :– denotes the miserable situation, both mentally and physically, of the people of Israel after the fall of Jerusalem in bc (i.e. the former things), regardless of whether they are in Babylon or in Judah. Isa :– promises, using the typology of Exodus, that God’s power will break forth into this metaphorical waste land, and turn the people’s desert situation into blessings (i.e. the new things).115 As to the geographical setting of Isa :–, these verses do not provide any hints. At the same time, our views concerning the geographical location of the author and his/her audience have repercussions for our interpretation of Isa :–. If this passage was written in Babylon, then both a literal and metaphorical interpretation would fit. However, if it was written in Judah, the Exodus imagery would not inevitably include a notion of a Second Exodus. .. Isaiah :– In the same manner as the preceding Isa :–, the imagery in Isa :– is unmistakably related to the Exodus. Isa :– is also one of the very few texts in all of Isa – that alludes to the people in 111
Lund, Way, p. . See, e.g., North, Isaiah, p. . 113 Kiesow, Exodustexte, p. . 114 Lund, Way, pp. –, with the cited bibliography. 115 See further Lund, Way, pp. –, including his discussion of various scholarly views supporting a metaphorical reading of the text. 112
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exile in Babylon. It is therefore of primary importance for the present study to determine whether or not this verse implies a Babylonian setting. I discussed Isa :– in detail in chapter , where I looked at the perspective inherent to this passage and determined that, although the rhetoric of verse aa encourages the exiles to leave Babylon, the exiles themselves are not the recipient of the oracle. Rather, the recipient is Jacob-Israel, who is given the task to cry out to the exiles (v. ab-bb). The present discussion focuses only on the use of Exodus imagery of these two verses. Isa :– 20Get out of Babylon (ìááî åàö)! Flee from the Chaldeans (íéãùëî åçøá)! Declare with a ringing cry, make this heard! Make it go forth until the end of the earth! Say “YHWH has redeemed his servant Jacob”! 21And they did not thirst, he led them among the ruins / in the wasteland (úåáøçá), he caused water flow from the rock (for him), and he split the rock and water flew forth.
The plea to leave Babylon in verse echoes the command in Exod : and Deut : to eat in haste,116 an impression which is emphasized by the use of the two verbs àöé and çøá (cf. Exod :; :; :). There is moreover a clear allusion to the wandering through the wilderness in the reference to the water flowing out of the rock in verse . As such, there is little doubt that Isa :– makes use of Exodus imagery. It is more difficult to decide whether these two verses contain a notion of a Second Exodus. In order to determine this issue, we need to look carefully at the transition between verses and . In the latter verse, the address changes from the second person to the third person, and from the imperative to the perfect and imperfect with waw consecutive (åàîö, íëéìåä, ìéæä, ò÷áéå, åáæéå). It is possible to understand the perfect forms in verse as prophetic perfects, a reading that is supported by the LXX, which uses the future tense.117 The use of the perfect thus serves to present the redemption as an already accomplished fact. Lund finds support for this interpretation in the preceding reference to God as ìàâ in verse . Together, verses and highlight the importance of God’s redemption and that the people’s flight is a direct result of this redemption. For Lund, this, in turn, suggests that verse is best 116
E.g. Blenkinsopp, Isaiah –, p. . Cf. Goldingay and Payne, Isaiah, II, p. , who translate the verbs as indicating future. LXX: κα "2ν διψ#σωσιν δ( "ρ#μου 1ξει ατο7ς 8δωρ "κ π τρας "ξξει ατος σχισ #σεται π τρα κα 9υ#σεται 8δωρ κα π εται λας μου (“And if they shall thirst, he shall lead them through the desert. He shall bring forth water to them out of the rock. The rock shall be split, and the water shall flow forth, and my people shall drink”). 117
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understood metaphorically as portraying past struggles (such as leaving Babylon) with imagery related to the Exodus.118 In my view, however, the transition from verse to verse , both in terms of address and in terms of verbal forms, is too abrupt to enable the people in verse , who are encouraged to get out of Babylon, to be identified with those whom God leads through the wilderness in verse . Also, verse primarily contains an actual retelling of the wandering through the wilderness following the Exodus than it does imagery related to the Exodus. Taken together, these two factors suggest that verse is a backward glance to the Exodus. In other words, “they” are the Israelites who fled out of Egypt and the events mentioned are not future events but a reference back to the traditions found in Exod :– and Numb :–.119 Therefore, I prefer to see verse as a command to Jacob-Israel to encourage the exiles to get out of Babylon, employing the Exodus imagery in order to emphasize the command. Verse is more of an afterthought that, caused by the Exodus imagery in the preceding verse, brings to mind the Exodus. It follows that Isa :– contains no notion of a Second Exodus. .. Isaiah :, – Isa :–, consisting of a prose preamble (v. ) and a divine oracle (vv. –),120 has often been understood as referring to a Second Exodus. Goldingay and Payne, for example, maintain that the word “get out” (v. aa) suggests a departure from exile, and they argue that the imagery in verses b–a is reminiscent of Joshua’s allocation of the land of Canaan (Josh –). Verses b–, by alluding to Josh –, thus imply that God will now act in the same way as he did after the Exodus and reallocate the land to those people who are prisoners and in darkness.121 From a different angle, Blenkinsopp maintains that these verses describe the Servant’s task in a manner reminiscent of Cyrus’ original mission to let the exiles return home from all points of the compass.122
118
Lund, Way, pp. –. Cf. Anderson, “Exodus Typology”, p. , Berges, Jesaja –, p. . 120 In the final form of Isaiah –, Isa :– follows the second Servant Song in Isa :–. As such, Isa :– can be read as God’s response to the Servant. See further the discussion in Blenkinsopp, Isaiah –, p. . 121 Goldingay and Payne, Isaiah, II, p. . 122 Blenkinsopp, Isaiah –, p. . 119
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Isa : Thus says YHWH, the redeemer of Israel, his holy one, to one despised (ùôð äæáì),123 to one abhorred by nation(s) (éåâ áòúîì),124 to a servant of rulers. Kings will see and stand up, and princes will bow down,125 for the same of YHWH who is faithful, the holy one of Israel, who has chosen you (êøçáéå). Isa :– 8Thus speaks YHWH: “In an acceptable time (ïåöø úòá) I will126 answer you (êéúéðò), and on the day of salvation (äòåùé íåéá) I will help you; and I will keep you and I will give you for a covenant of the people (êðúàå íò úéøáì), to establish (the) land (õøà íé÷äì), to apportion the desolate inheritances (úåîîù úåìçð ìéçðäì), 9to say to the prisoners (íéøåñà) ‘get out’ (åàö), to those who are in darkness (êùçá øùàì) ‘show yourselves’ (åìâä). They will pasture along roads (åòøé íéëøã ìò), and their pasture will be in all the bare hills (íúéòøî íééôù ìëáå). 10They will not be hungry and they will not be thirsty, and heat and sun shall not smite them, for he who has compassion on them (íîçøî) will guide them, and he will lead them to (ìò) springs of water. 11And I will render (éúîùå) all my mountains into a road, and my highways will be made high (ïåîøé). 12 Behold, these will come from afar (÷åçøî), and behold, these from the north and the west, and these from the land of Sinim (íéðéñ)”.
Again, however, a closer look at Isa :– reveals no unequivocal reference to the Exodus, and the notion of a Second Exodus is largely unsubstantiated. Beyond the use of the common verb àöé (v. ), and the general references to springs of water (v. ), there is little in terms of Exodus imagery. At the same time, verse in all likelihood contains the notion of a return from exile but, as noted by Blenkinsopp, this return is not restricted to those exiles in Babylon but includes also the wider Diaspora. 123 Preposition -ì + infinitive construct “to despise”. However, a passive reading is preferable, in line with QIsaa which reads a Paal inner passive éåæáì. A passive reading is also attested by Aquila, Symmachus, and Theodotian ("ξου ενημ νω) and by the Peshitta (àéìúñîãì). The TJ paraphrases with a passive plural éðéá ïéìèìèîãì àéîîò éðéá ïéøéñáãì àúååëìî = “who are despised among the nations and exiled among the kingdoms”. Cf. Rashi, Rabbinic Bible, Isa :, who paraphrases “íééåæá íäù ìàøùéì äéåæá ùôðì :ùôð äæáì”. It is possible to read the infinitive in the MT as “with regard to a self ’s despising” (Goldingay and Payne, Isaiah, II, pp. –). In any case, the sense, if not the exact syntax, of v. a is relatively clear. 124 The MT has a Piel “to regard as an abomination” which gives the translation “to one that a nation regards as an abomination”. In contrast, the LXX has a passive sense τν βδελυσσμενον %π τ&ν " ν&ν (“him that is abhorred by the nations”). The Hebrew consonantal text also supports a passive sense as it can be revocalized as a Pual participle. 125 This translation follows the Masoretic accents. It is, however, syntactically preferable to translate the clause as “kings will look, and princes will rise and bow down”. 126 Despite the perfect forms in v. a, the sense that these verbs denote future actions is so strong that I have chosen to translate them as such.
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Verse refers to the audience as someone who is despised and regarded as an abomination, and who is “the servant of rulers”. This latter expression would fit a person from both the golah community and templeless Judah, as both communities were, in different ways, subjugated to foreign rule.127 The same is true for verse , which outlines the Servant’s ministry to establish the land and to apportion the places left desolate. This task would have been applicable to both the people in exile and in Judah as both would have had a stake in inheriting the land of Judah (cf. Ezek :; :–). The imagery in verses – becomes more complex. In general terms, verse a is an exhortation to the suffering people that the time has come to leave their suffering behind, and verses b– outline God’s renewed attentiveness. The latter section is metaphorical in character, referring to God’s care for and guidance of his people: the reference to “sheep” and “grazing” (v. b) is by necessity metaphorical, and the imagery in verse is likely to continue the representation of a shepherd leading his flock to water and shade. God provides nourishment for his people as a shepherd provides nourishment for his sheep and as a shepherd he guides them to places of shelter and springs of water. Turning to the former section (v. a), the question arises whether the motifs of “prisoners” and “those who are in darkness” are also metaphorical pictures of the people’s difficult situation or whether they refer to actual prisons and dark places. In my view, a metaphorical understanding of verse a is more plausible. First, it is in line with the rest of verses b–. Secondly, it is supported by the occurrence of the related picture of the Servant as a light (to the nations) in Isa :. Thirdly, verse a may allude to the reference to prisoners in Lam : (õøà éøéñà) and, in this manner, emphasize the terrible situation in the land. Fourthly, a metaphorical understanding of verse a is in line with the material in verse that describes the Servant, the representative of same people, as despised and held to be abhorrent. As to the geographical setting of Isa :–, the text contains virtually no information. To begin with verse a, either of the two aforementioned interpretations would fit the people in Judah and those in exile alike. In the case of a metaphorical understanding, both communities had their share of hardship and both could have expressed this hardship in terms of being prisoners and living in darkness (v. a). At the same time, the
127
Blenkinsopp, Isaiah –, p. .
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motifs of “prisoners” and “darkness” never elsewhere denote the exilic or the Judahite experience. In the case of a more literal reading, there is no explicit evidence of prisons in either Judah or Babylon. Although Kgs : refers to the imprisonment (àìë úéá) of Jehoiachin, the former king of Judah, nothing suggests that the average exile in Babylon was held in prison.128 In the same manner, verses b– provide no information concerning the whereabouts of the sheep. Even though it is possible to interpret the sheep as symbolizing the returning of the Diaspora, given the verb “to set out” (åàö) in verse a and in view of the content of the later verse , we should remember that the Diaspora motif is not yet present in verses b–. Verse then turns to God’s transformation of nature. God will make all the mountains into a road and his highways will be elevated. The road imagery echoes that of verse . In verse , as part of the sheepshepherd metaphor, “ways” are probably an integrated part of the image of the flock in the sense that the sheep are moving and being led. In addition, these “ways” may be part of the motif that God will lead his people home (from exile, cf. above).129 In this way, the roads and the highways in verse probably have both a figurative and a physical sense. They denote the roads upon which the exiles (v. ) will travel (cf. Isa :), as well as the metaphorical ways in which the people will leave their current hardship behind. The highway motif also has wider connotations in that a highway serves to facilitate communication and trade between nations (e.g. Isa :), and, in this manner, creates freedom in the region.130 Finally, verse , turning again to the audience with the word “behold” (äðä), states that “they”, presumably the downtrodden but revived people of verses –, will come from afar, from the three of the four corners of the map. In this manner, the text differentiates between the target audience, (possibly) the Servant (Isa :–) and the returning exiles. To conclude, there is little in terms of specific Exodus-related material in Isa :–. At the same time, the passage refers clearly to a return of the exiles from the whole Diaspora, but this is not described in terms of a Second Exodus. Taken together, these two aspects illustrate effectively
128 See further M.A. Dandamaev, Slavery in Babylonia: From Nabopolassar to Alexander the Great (– bc) (transl. V.A. Powell, DeKalb, Illinois, Northern Illinois University Press, ), pp. –. 129 Lund, Way, pp. –. 130 Lund, Way, p. .
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that the notion of a Second Exodus that portrays the return of the exiles in the typology of the Exodus is a marginal phenomenon in Isa – . The text further distinguishes between the target audience, i.e. the Servant, and the returning exiles who are coming to him. The former is thus likely to be present already at the final destination of the exiles, namely Jerusalem.131 .. Isaiah :– A few scholars also place Isa :– in the context of a Second Exodus out of Babylon. Anderson, for example, argues that the description of God’s overcoming of Israel’s enemies as described in Isa :– and :– are influenced by the Exodus account.132 Isa :– 24Can booty be taken from the mighty one (øåáâî), or can a captive (éáù) be delivered [from] an awe-inspiring one (èìîé ÷éãö)?133 25For thus says YHWH: “Even the captive of a mighty one will be taken, and booty of the awe-inspiring one (õéøò) will be delivered, for I will contend with your (f.sg.) opponent (áéøà éëðà êáéøé úàå), and I will save your sons. 26And I will feed your oppressors their [own] flesh, and I will make them drunk [with] their [own] blood like sweet wine, and all flesh will know that I am YHWH your saviour and your redeemer, the Strong One of Jacob (á÷òé øéáà)”.
A closer look at Isa :– reveals no influence from the Exodus account. This passage presents God as a warrior who fights on behalf of Jerusalem. It does not contain any specific Exodus imagery and it does not speak about the exiles leaving Babylon (cf. chapter ). For a more detailed discussion of the theology of this section, see chapter .
131
Lund, Way, p. . Anderson, “Exodus Typology”, p. . 133 The Niphal of èìîé can have both an active and a passive sense. Here, assuming that v. b is parallel to v. a, I have chosen the passive sense. A passive sense is also assumed by the LXX (σω #σεται = “be rescued”), although the whole of v. b in the LXX (“and if one should take [a man] captive unjustly, shall he be delivered?”) seems to paraphrase the MT. A passive reading is adopted by, among others, Childs, Isaiah, p. , and Blenkinsopp, Isaiah –, pp. –, including note a. As to the word ÷éãö, much favours adopting the reading of QIsaa (õéøò). In particular, both the V (a robusto) and the Peshitta (àðéùò) seem to support the Hebrew consonantal text õéøò (“awe-inspiring”). In addition, v. parallels the two concepts of øåáâ and õéøò. 132
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.. Isaiah :– Many scholars detect Exodus imagery in Isa :–.134 North, for example, understands the water imagery in verse as a reference to both the deep water of creation (Gen :—íåäú) and the passing of the Red Sea (Exod :; :). He further suggests that the sand storms mentioned in verse not only refer back to the plague of darkness in the Exodus narrative (Exod :–) but also reflect those sandstorms that the exiles in Babylon must have seen.135 Isa :– 2I came, why was nobody there? I called, and nobody was answering. Is my hand too short (äøö÷ øåö÷ä) to ransom (úåãôî), and do I lack (éá ïéà íàå) strength to save? Behold, by my rebuke I dry up the sea, I render (íéùà) the streams [into] wilderness. Their fish stink due to lack of water and they die of thirst. 3I clothe heaven [with] darkness, and I place (íéùà) sack-cloth [as] its covering.
An open-minded reading of Isa :– reveals no Exodus imagery at all.136 Although the language relating to God’s hand in verse ab might possibly allude to the Exodus, the imagery in verses b– develops away from any specific link to the Exodus and refers more generally to God’s power over the forces of chaos.137 At the same time, the text lacks any of the more explicit references to the cosmogonic conflict myth that characterizes many of texts containing Exodus imagery (e.g. Isa :– ; :–).138 Instead, verses – emphasize God’s destructive abilities and his power to save without external help. These verses also do not contain a notion of a Second Exodus. On the contrary, comparable to the situation described in Isa :, God’s act of turning streams into wasteland would surely not be in the interest of any returning exiles! Finally, even though verse mentions the exiles, referred to as Zion’s children (see chapter ), verses – focus on their guilt and not on their future return.
134 135 136 137 138
E.g. Fishbane, “Exodus Motif ”, pp. –. North, Second Isaiah, p. . Abma, Bonds of Love, p. , note . Goldingay and Payne, Isaiah, II, p. . Blenkinsopp, Isaiah –, p. .
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Isa :– forms the first part of the material comprising :–, a section that is loosely attached to the following material in Isa :– :.139 Isa :– contains both Exodus imagery and the motif of a Second Exodus. God is described as fighting on behalf of his people and saving them with “his arm”. He will make a way through the water where the redeemed ones can pass through. In view of these descriptions, many scholars understand Isa :– as speaking of the anticipated return of the Babylonian exiles to Judah.140 Isa :– 9Awake, awake, dress yourself in might, oh arm of YHWH. Awake as in the days of old, generations of ancient times. Are you not the one that was cutting Rahab (áäø úáöçîä), that was piercing Tannin (ïéðú úììåçî)? 10Are you not the one that was drying up the sea, the great chaos water (äáø íåäú éî), that made the depth of the sea a road for the redeemed ones to pass through (íéìåàâ øáòì êøã)? 11And the ransomed ones (§ä ééåãô) of YHWH will turn back, and they will come [to] Zion with acclamation and eternal joy upon their heads, and they shall attain joy (ïåâéùé äçîùå) [while] grief and groaning will flee (ïåâé åñð äçðàå). :– 12I, I am he who is comforting you (íëîçðî). Who are you (úà éî), that you fear (éàøéúå) from humanity that is mortal and from a human who will be made [as] grass, 13that you forget (çëùúå) YHWH your maker, who stretch out (the) heaven and establish (the) earth, that you dread (ãçôúå) always, all the day, because of the fury of the oppressor as he prepares to destroy (úéçùäì ïðåë øùàë). For where is the fury of the oppressor? 14He who is stooping will quickly be set free (çúôäì äòö øäî), and he will not die in the pit (úçùì úåîé àìå) and he will not lack his sustenance (åçîì øñçé àìå). 15For I am YHWH your God (^éäìà) who disturbs (òâø) the sea so that its waves roar (åéìâ åîäéå). YHWH of Hosts is his name. 16And I have placed my words in your mouth (^éôá), and I have covered you (^éúéñë) in the shadow of my hand [that I may] plant [the] heaven and establish [the] earth, and say to Zion ‘you are my people’ (äúà éîò).
139 See Melugin, Formation of Isaiah, pp. –, who shows that Isa :–, –, –; :–, [–,] –, – are smaller units which can be isolated by form. These forms are then arranged in their present order and together form the longer speech of Isa :–:. 140 See, e.g., Fishbane, “Exodus Motif ”, pp. –, F. Matheus, Singt dem Herrn ein Neues Lied: Die Hymnen Deuterojesajas (SB , Stuttgart, Katholisches Bibelwerk, ), p. .
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Verses – constitute an address (in the f.sg.) to God’s arm, while verses – form God’s response.141 In this response, God addresses an entity with the f.sg., m.sg. and m.pl. Verse a uses the m.pl. (íëîçðî—LXX [παρακαλ&ν—present active particle] has m.sg.), while verse b employs the f.sg. (éàøéúå úà éî—“who are you, that you fear”). Verse uses the m.sg. (çëùúå), while verse speaks about someone in the m.sg. Finally, verse a addresses someone in the m.sg., while verse b addresses Zion in the m.sg. (äúà éîò ïåéöì øîàìå) (cf. chapter ). Although Isa :– provides few hints regarding its target audience(s), the surrounding material is more informative. Isa :– is located between verse , which speaks of the return of the exiles to Zion, and a direct address to Jerusalem in verses –. It is therefore probable that Zion constitutes the focus of and also the target audience of verses –. This interpretation is supported by the otherwise unexplainable f.sg. address in verse b, by the explicit mention of Zion in verse b and by the focus on Zion in verse . A reference to Zion thus ends both the first section (v. ) and the second section (v. ). I further suggest reading Isa :– as a dialogue between the first person prophetic voice / daughter Zion / the community in Jerusalem (vv. –) and God (vv. –).142 The other m.sg and pl. addresses probably conflate Zion with her population, while the m.sg. address in verse must for now, given the scope of the present work, remain a mystery. It is commonly argued that verses –, owing to the references to Rahab and Tannin, refer to God’s power as creator where God, as Marduk in the Enûma Elîˇs, conquered the primeval watery forces of chaos (cf. Ps :–).143 However, as Watson has recently demonstrated, Isa :– does not make any allusion to creation. Indeed, the reference in verse to “drying up” more aptly describes the crossing of the Red Sea than it does his defeat of the chaos monsters. The nearest references to the 141
See further Koole, Isaiah, III/, pp. –, Blenkinsopp, Isaiah –, pp. – , Goldingay and Payne, Isaiah, II, pp. –. 142 Cf. Goldingay and Payne, Isaiah, II, p. . 143 See, e.g., Zenger, “God of Exodus”, p. , Matheus, Singt dem Herrn, p. , Blenkinsopp, Isaiah –, p. . As Zenger suggests, the Exodus is referred to here as God’s triumph in combating primal forces of chaos, and it anticipates the return of the exiles as a “replay of the original struggle between the gods”. For Zenger, the Israel of the exile calls for a Second Exodus as a revelation of YHWH after the pattern of the battle in which YHWH annihilated the primal enemies of creation (Rahab and Tannin) and the prime enemy of Israel, Pharaoh.
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theme of creation are in verses and but, as Watson maintains, these verses are more naturally understood as conveying reassurance in God’s redemptive power to save his people from their oppressors than as references back to verse .144 From a more general perspective, Tsumura argues convincingly for the need to distinguish between any allusion to a Chaoskampf (such as in the Ugaritic Baal cycle) and creation. Out of all the ancient Near Eastern literature discovered so far, these two themes are combined only in Enûma Elîˇs.145 As to Isa :–, Tsumura agrees with Watson about the lack of creation motif.146 In contrast, Isa :– can be readily understood in relation to the Exodus. The overall imagery of verses – alludes back to the miraculous crossing of the Red Sea (Exod :). This impression is supported by the mention of “God’s arm” in verse (e.g. Deut :),147 and by the references to Rahab and Tannin in verse , which are best understood as oblique references to Egypt (cf. Ps :; Isa :; Ezek :; :).148 Verse contains an unequivocal reference to the returning exiles. As the result of God’s executive power (§ä òåøæ—v. ), this verse, sharing language with Isa :,149 describes how “those ransomed by YHWH” (§ä ééåãô), i.e. the returning exiles, will enter Zion-Jerusalem. In this 144
R.S. Watson, Chaos Uncreated: A Reassessment of the Theme of “Chaos” in the Hebrew Bible (BZAW , Berlin, de Gruyter, ), pp. –. See also H. Bosman, “Myth, Metaphor or Memory? The allusions to Creation and Exodus in Isaiah :– as a Theological Response to Suffering During the Exile”, Exile and Suffering: A Selection of Papers Read at the th Anniversary Meeting of the Old Testament Society of South Africa OTWSA / OTSSA, Pretoria August (OTS , Leiden, Brill, ), pp. –. In addition, Koole, Isaiah, III/, p. , points out that the mythology of the ancient Near East never refers to a “drying up” of chaos monsters. 145 D.T. Tsumura, Creation and Destruction: A Reappraisal of the Chaoskampf Theory in the Old Testament (Winona Lake, IN., Eisenbrauns, ), pp. –. 146 Tsumura, Creation and Destruction, pp. –. 147 See further discussion in Blenkinsopp, Isaiah –, pp. –, Simian-Yofre, “Exodo en Deuteroisaías”, pp. –. It should be noted that a reference to “God’s arm” on its own, as in Isa : (above), is insufficient evidence for assuming that a text contains Exodus imagery. 148 Williamson, Book Called Isaiah, pp. –, followed by Watson, Chaos Uncreated, pp. –. 149 See Steck, Bereitete Heimkehr, pp. –, who, regarding Isa as one of the latest parts of Isaiah, sees Isa :– as the original text. Blenkinsopp, Isaiah –, p. , also argues in favour of viewing Isa : as integral to :– as it advances the motif of the highway of the previous verse. In contrast, Torrey, Second Isaiah, pp. , , , assumes first that Isa – is an integral part of Isa –, and secondly that Isa : belonged originally in Isa . See also M.H. Pope, “Isaiah in Relation to , –”, JBL (), pp. –.
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context, the returning (exiles) and Zion are depicted as two distinct entities that should not be fused. Notably, in contrast to Zion in verse , the returnees are never referred to as “God’s people”. This distinction between Zion-Jerusalem and the returnees is found also in Isa :–, a passage that differentiates between Zion-Jerusalem and her children, i.e. the returnees, who are returning to her (cf. chapter ). In this manner, the focus of Isa : remains firmly with Zion-Jerusalem. Isa :– is almost unique in Isa – in that it contains a notion of a Second Exodus (see also Isa :–, below). The conjunction of verses – with verse creates an unmistakable link between the Exodus and God’s future act of bringing the exiles back to Zion. Yet the idea of a return is not limited to the exiles’ physical return to Zion but also comprises Zion-Jerusalem’s, i.e. the target audience’s, own return to restored fellowship with God.150 Through all this, Isa :– conveys the same assurance as Isa :– (above) that God will be able to act in the midst of the people’s difficult situation.151 The notion of a Second Exodus in Isa :– does not, however, imply a Babylonian setting of the text. First of all, Isa : speaks of a universal, not a local, return.152 Secondly, the wider context of :– and :– places Zion firmly in focus whereas the returning exiles are never addressed directly. They are (merely) an important part of the scenario of God’s redemptive actions on behalf of Zion. I therefore suggest that Isa :– aims to convince the Judahite target audience, identified with Zion-Jerusalem, of the benefits of the return of the worldwide Diaspora. .. Isaiah :– Isa :, part of the longer section of Isa :– and more loosely attached to the preceding material in verses – (see chapter for more details), probably refers to the tradition of Israel’s slavery in Egypt, yet it contains little in terms of imagery related to the Exodus. Isa :– 4Because thus says the Lord YHWH: “In the past (äðùàøá) my people went down [to] Egypt to stay there (íù), and Assyria oppressed (them) without cause (å÷ùò ñôàá øåùàå)”. 5“And now, what is here (äô) for me?”, says YHWH. “For my people was taken for nought (éîò ç÷ì éë
150 151 152
Koole, Isaiah, III/, pp. –. Lund, Way, p. . Cobb, “Where was Isaiah – Written”, p. .
chapter five íðç).153
Those who rule over it ([åéìùî] åìùî)154 will howl”, says YHWH. “And always, the whole day, my name is blasphemed. 6Therefore my people will know my name. Therefore, on that day, that I am the One who says ‘behold, I am here’ ”.
The meaning of Isa :– is opaque. Verse a probably refers to the tradition of Israel’s slavery in Egypt, while verse b appears to speak of Israel’s subsequent oppression by the Assyrians. Verse addresses the current situation “here” (äô). Following Blenkinsopp, it is likely that verses – divide the history of God’s people into three epochs: under Egyptian control, under Assyrian control and (“and now”, v. ) under Babylonian control. Isa :– thus compares the present subjection to Babylonian rule as akin to Israel’s slavery in Egypt.155 Isa :– does not identify “God’s people” in any detail, yet the passage is surrounded by material addressed to (Isa :–, ) or speaking about (Isa :–) Zion-Jerusalem (cf. chapter ). We can infer from the direct speech to Zion-Jerusalem in verses – that Zion-Jerusalem is the recipient also of the m.pl. speech in verse .156 This, in turn, renders it likely that “God’s people” in verses – consists of the city of Jerusalem (and its population). An identification of “God’s people” in verses – with Zion-Jerusalem is further strengthened by the shared imagery of verses and . Verse refers to the audience (Zion-Jerusalem) as having been sold for nothing (íðç), while verse speaks of “my people” as having been taken for nought (íðç). Nothing in Isa :– points to a Second Exodus motif. The verb ç÷ì in verse has sometimes been translated as “taken away” and understood accordingly as a reference to the exiles, which, in turn, has led to the equation of “my people” with the exiles.157 This, however, goes beyond what is suggested by the phrase itself. Rather, as mentioned above, it makes sense to identify “God’s people” in verse with Zion-Jerusalem in verse because of the shared word íðç. The meaning of verse seems to be that God’s people were “taken”, i.e. acquired by their enemies without 153
I understand ç÷ì as a m.sg. inner passive perfect of Paal. This translation follows the plural reading of the qere. 155 Blenkinsopp, Isaiah –, p. . Egypt ruled Jerusalem in the second millennium while the Neo-Assyrians ruled it in the eighth and the seventh century bc. Now, Jerusalem is again ruled over by the Neo-Babylonians. See also Goldingay and Payne, Isaiah, II, pp. –. 156 Contra Goldingay and Payne, Isaiah, II, p. , who differentiate between Zion in vv. – and the exiles in v. . 157 E.g. Koole, Isaiah, III/, p. . 154
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God charging the enemies for his people or being paid by the enemies for them.158 In this way, “God’s people” in verse represents a city which is taken by her enemy and which is thus “in captivity” in the sense that she is no longer independent. A Jerusalem setting of the passage may further be suggested in verse by the lack of any explicit reference to Babylon and its current rulers. A similar situation is attested in Lam :, a verse which speaks about Egypt and Assyria but not about Babylon. A setting in Judah is also implied by the word “here” (äô) in verse a, in contrast to the word “there” (íù) in verse . “Here” is best understood as Jerusalem, in line with verses –, while “there” is Babylon.159 In conclusion, Isa :– contains no Exodus imagery and it does not refer to the return of the exiles. As to the geographical setting of Isa :– , the anonymous reference to the Babylonian overlords who oppress God’s people fits a Judahite and a Babylonian setting alike. Nevertheless, the identification of Zion-Jerusalem as “my people”, as well as the implied Judahite perspective of the section, evidenced by the reference to ZionJerusalem as “here” and Babylon as “there”, together support a Judahite setting of Isa :–. .. Isaiah :– As with Isa :–, Isa : and –160 contain Exodus imagery and part of it probably contains notions of a Second Exodus. Isa :– 10YHWH has made bare his holy arm before the eyes of all the nations. And all the ends of the earth will see the salvation of our God. 11Turn
away (m.pl.), turn way, set out from there (íùî), do not touch (anything) unclear. Set out from her midst, purify yourselves, oh carriers of the vessels of YHWH. 12For you will not set out in haste, and you will not walk in flight, because YHWH is walking before you and the God of Israel is gathering you (íëôñàîå).
To begin with verse , the image of God’s arm may stem from the Exodus but is not restricted to it (cf. Isa :–; :). The scope of this imagery 158 This translation is advocated by Koole, Isaiah, III/, pp. –, notwithstanding his identification of the addressees with the exiles (cf. above). 159 Contra Koole, Isaiah, III/, pp. –. 160 It is uncertain to what extent Isa :– is a redactional layer or an authorial unity. It appears that vv. – form one oracle while vv. – form another, possibly independent oracle. At the same time, the arrangement of the units in Isa :–: forms a coherent pattern. See further Melugin, Formation of Isaiah, p. .
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is global. God has revealed himself and made his acts public before the eyes of all the nations so that his salvation can be seen at the ends of the earth. Despite the extant Exodus imagery, it is doubtful that verse contains a notion of a Second Exodus. Instead, as implied by verses –, God’s mighty acts are described as consisting of his visible return to Zion (v. ) and his redemption of the city (v. ) (cf. chapter ).161 The following material in verses – is filled with Exodus imagery. Moreover, in contrast to the preceding verse, these two verses also contain the notion of a Second Exodus in that they present the exiles’ departure from the Diaspora in a manner reminiscent of the Exodus. Notably, the command to set out “from there” in haste, as well as the depiction of the returnees carrying the vessels of God and God going before them and of being their rear guard, is clearly modelled after Deut : and Exod :; :–; :–, though with a twist. While the first Exodus took place in haste, this new Exodus will proceed calmly.162 The presence of the motif of a Second Exodus does not automatically mean that the exiles are the target audience, however. As discussed at length in chapter , the phrase “from there” in Isa : clearly testifies to its Judahite setting. Such a setting is also implied by the focus on Jerusalem in verses –, as well as by the fact that this passage never mentions Babylon. We may therefore conclude that Isa :–, alongside Isa :– and :–, is a passage that seeks to convince its Judahite audience of the benefits of the return of the exiles. .. Isaiah :– Finally, it has often been claimed that Isa :–, part of the longer passage of Isa :–,163 contains Exodus imagery, in part owing to
161
The absence of any exiles in Isa :– is noted even by those scholars who accept the existence of the Second Exodus motif. See, e.g., J. Marböck, “Exodus zum Zion: Zum Glaubensweg der Gemeinde nach einigen Texten des Jesajabuches”, Die alttestamentliche Botschaft als Wegwesung. FS Heinz Reinelt (ed. J. Zmijewski, Stuttgart, Katholsches Bibelwerk, ), p. . 162 E.g. Fishbane, “Exodus Motif ”, p. . 163 See the discussion in Lund, Way, pp. –, –, with the cited bibliography. In particular, he points out that the main reason for dividing the text between verses and is the view that the latter speaks about a Second Exodus. See also M.C.A. Korpel, “Metaphors in Isaiah LV”, VT (), pp. –, who argues that a structural analysis of Isa confirms its compositional unity, and Goldingay and Payne, Isaiah, II, pp. – , .
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the appearance in verse of the verb àöé.164 Scholars have furthermore often associated this imagery with the (final) departure of the exiles out of Babylon and the ensuing wandering though the wilderness, at which point God will bring about the transformation of nature. In fact, the nature will join in the celebration of the return.165 Beuken, for example, reads all of Isa :– together, and argues that the passage addresses the Babylonian exiles’ hesitation to leave Babylon. The passage culminates in verse with the joyful departure from Babylon.166 It is also common among scholars to look at Isa :– and Isa :– together and to argue that the opening and the closing verses of Isa – highlight its main theme, i.e. the return of the exiles from Babylon.167 Isa :– 12For you (m.pl.) will go out in joy (äçîùá) and be led forth in peace and the mountains and the hills will break forth before you [into] a ringing cry, and all the trees of the field will clap hands. 13Instead of the thorn-bushes (õåöòðä) cypresses (ùåøá) will rise, and168 instead of the nettle (ãôøñä) myrtle (ñãä) will rise, and it will be a name for YHWH, an eternal sign that will not be cut down.
It is debatable, however, to what extent verse really alludes to the Exodus. The term àöé, although clearly reminiscent of the Exodus tradition, is not restricted to such a context. As Lund points out, the verb àöé serves as an image of the end of oppression in Ps :, , as well as in passages dealing with celebration (Ps :, ).169 Along similar lines, Barstad points out that the verb àöé is a technical term for going to war in the Hebrew Bible (cf. Deut :; Amos :; Prov :),170 and he notes that the idea of rejoicing, expressed by the root çîù, is connected to military victory (e.g. Isa :; Sam :; Sam :; Amos :).171 It is therefore unwarranted to assume that a text attests to Exodus imagery merely because it contains the root àöé. 164
See, e.g., W. Bruggemann, Isaiah – (WeBC, Louisville, Kent., WJK, ), p. . 165 E.g. W. Zimmerli, “Jahwes Wort bei Deuterojesaja”, VT (), p. , North, Second Isaiah, pp. –, Koole, Isaiah, III/, p. , Blenkinsopp, Isaiah –, p. , Goldingay and Payne, Isaiah, II, p. , and P.T. Tull, “Persistent Vegetative States: People as Plants and Plants as People in Isaiah”, The Desert Will Bloom: Poetic Visions in Isaiah (eds A.J. Everson and H.C.P. Kim, Ancient Israel and Its Literature , Atlanta, GA., SBL, ), pp. , . 166 W.A.M. Beuken, Jesaja, IIb (PouT, Nijkerk, Callenbach, ), pp. , –. 167 E.g. Blenkinsopp, Isaiah –, p. . 168 The ketib is úçúå while the qere is pointed as úçú. 169 Lund, Way, pp. –. 170 Barstad, Way, pp. –. 171 Barstad, Way, pp. –.
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By extension, it can also be disputed that Isa : refers to a Second Exodus. First, as concluded above, the corresponding Isa :– does not refer to the return of the exiles. Secondly, as noted by Cobbs, the statement “to go out with joy and to be led fourth with peace” in Isa : is far from equivalent from emigrating from Babylon.172 Lund, taking a similar position, has trouble reconciling the content of verses – with the notion of a Second Exodus in verse . Rather then interpreting the road imagery in verse on its own, he interprets them in the light of the similar imagery in verses –. In view of this literary context, Lund concludes that the notions of “going out” and “being led” in verse are conventional metaphors for God’s transformative power.173 Lund further places all of Isa :– within its larger context of Isa – and argues that, in the same way as Isa :–; :–; : ff.; :– and : speak about a “way” in conjunction with God’s transformation of a desert landscape into fertile land, so too does Isa :– envision God’s transformation of nature.174 At the same time, although verses – do not primarily depict a literal journey between Babylon and Jerusalem, Lund is open to the possibility that such a journey would be one result of the total transformation of nature that Isa :– describes.175 Thirdly, it is open to discussion whether or not the reluctance of the Babylonian exiles to leave Babylon is really a problem in Isa – (cf. above), let alone the main problem. As shown by Lund, a close reading of Isa :– reveals nothing that would indicate that this passage is meant to convert people who hesitate leaving Babylon. Instead, the material emphasizes problems connected with the people’s lack of relationship with God and their burden of sin in general (vv. –). In fact, nothing in all of chapters – implies that any issues connected with a possible departure from Babylon are central. Rather, their main concern appears to be the restoration of Jerusalem. Lund demonstrates further that a metaphorical reading of Isa :– is in line with the focus on Jerusalem in the preceding chapters and is, in fact, their climax. As Isa 172 Cobb, “Where was Isaiah – Written”, p. . See also Vincent, Heimat, pp. – , who acknowledges a link to the original Exodus but argues that rather than leading to Sinai, it has been redirected to lead to Zion. Thus primary to Isa :– is the joyful procession to Zion, although it is also possible that a return of the exiles to Judah exists as a secondary motif. Cf. Barstad, Way, pp. –, who points out that it is impossible to establish a departure from Babylon on the basis of Isa :. 173 Lund, Way, pp. –, including note . 174 Lund, Way, p. . 175 Lund, Way, pp. , .
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: describes how “those liberated” come to Zion, and as Isa :– centres on the restoration and the purification of Zion, Isa :– depicts how Jerusalem is comforted and reconstituted, the covenant re-established, the city purified and re-populated and God returned to residence in his city.176 Finally, it is finally that the m.pl. audience in Isa :– should be identified with the population of Jerusalem. The previous section in Isa :– may conclude with direct speech to Jerusalem, depending on our understanding of the word _T#à ô,177 which can be read either as a pausal, m.sg. form178 or a f.sg. form (cf. Isa :).179 Although the former reading is probably preferable (see chapter ), the inherent ambiguity of the phonetic form may imply that Jerusalem and her population remain the addressee in verses –, despite the change of address. To turn to verse , several scholars see the transformation of the various desert plants as referring to the return of the exiles, even though most of these scholars also detect eschatological overtones in this passage and are accordingly open to more general interpretations.180 Much of the evidence favours reading verse metaphorically, along the same lines as verse . In contrast, nothing supports interpreting it in the context of a Second Exodus from Babylon to Judah. The transformation of nature and the ensuing worship of YHWH appear elsewhere in Isa :; :; :, and none of these passages ascribe the reason for the celebration to the return from Babylon. Rather, they all maintain that God’s comfort and mercy release the joy.181 As to the specific plants mentioned in verse , thorn-bushes and nettles are typical desert plants (cf. Judg :, ) and they are common biblical symbols for evil (e.g. Prov :; Jer :; :; Ezek :). These plants are often associated with the devastation that follows the fall of a city or with an area of land that has been laid waste (e.g. Isa :–). They are seen as visible signs of God’s punishment and his 176
Lund, Way, pp. –. See further L.-S. Tiemeyer, “Isaiah –: A Drama of Judahite Voices”, Daughter Zion: Her Portrait, Her Response (eds M.J. Boda, C.J. Dempsey and L. Snow Flesher, SBL, forthcoming). 178 See Joüon-Muraoka, § i and GKC § g. 179 S. Paganini, “Who Speaks in Isaiah .? Notes on the Communicative Structure in Isaiah ”, JSOT (), pp. –. 180 Cf. Koole, Isaiah, III/, p. . 181 Lund, Way, pp. –. 177
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removal of blessing (e.g. Isa :; :). In contrast, cypress and myrtle (cf. Isa :) symbolize goodness. The symbolic value of these plants elsewhere in the Hebrew Bible suggests that Isa : should be read metaphorically. God will remove the signs of his displeasure and bring back his blessings.182 The people, regardless of where they are located geographically, will be delivered out of their desert situation.183 Finally, the descriptions of flora and fauna in Isa :– and its wider context of chapter imply an author with Judah as his/her chief point of reference. In particular, verse describes water as an expensive commodity, and verse depicts a situation of abundant rains and melted snow.184 While these descriptions are likely to be metaphors for fertility and abundance, it can tentatively be argued that the author lived in a climate where rainfall, rather than the annual rising of the Euphrates, was the key source of fertilization. To sum up, Isa :– contains no clear Exodus imagery. Furthermore, nothing in the passage refers to a Second Exodus. Instead the extant imagery supports reading the verses metaphorically as describing God’s transformation of the people’s situation. As to the geographical setting, the passage yields little information. What little there is tentatively indicates a Judahite setting.
. Conclusion To sum up, Isa – contains Exodus imagery but it is not as prevalent as is often assumed. It occurs primarily in Isa :–; :–; :– ; :– and possibly in Isa :. A metaphorical interpretation makes the most sense in the cases of Isa : and –, and they are unlikely to refer to a Second Exodus. In contrast, Isa :– and :– contain both Exodus imagery and allusions to a Second Exodus out of the wider Diaspora. Isa :– also speaks about the return of the exiles (v. ) and it mentions the Exodus (v. ), yet the two ideas are not fused into a notion of a Second Exodus. The fact that these three passages
182 Korpel, “Metaphors”, pp. –, Lund, Way, pp. –. See also Goldingay and Payne, Isaiah, II, p. , who see the reversal of nature as a sign that the punishment is being lifted. 183 Lund, Way, p. . 184 Maynard, “Home of Deutero-Isaiah”, pp. –.
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encourage the exiles to return to Judah does not, however, constitute an argument for their Babylonian origin. Instead, I suggest that these passages sought to convince the people of Judah that a return of the exiles from all corners of the world would be advantageous to Judahites since the returning exiles would help restore Jerusalem to her former splendour and rejuvenate her population.
chapter six ISAIAH 40–55 AS A JUDAHITE READING DRAMA: PRELIMINARY ISSUES
Introduction In this and the following three chapters, I shall build upon the insight that the final form of Isa – can be understood as a reading drama. It is well-known that Isa – is filled with multiple characters—Jacob, Israel, Jerusalem, (Daughter) Zion, the islands, Cyrus, the Servant etc.— that speak, that are being spoken to and that are being spoken of, and its perspective constantly shifts between these different characters. One oracle may address “Jacob-Israel”, only for the immediately following one to address “Cyrus” or “Jerusalem”. In the present context, our focus is limited to the four main non-divine characters: Jacob-Israel, Zion-Jerusalem (chapters –), the first person prophetic speaker, and the Servant (chapter ). The ensuing discussion will not explore the literary roles of these figures within the drama of Isa – as this is not immediately relevant to our present enquiry about the geographical provenance of Isa –. Instead, based on the assumption that the text of Isa – sought to communicate a certain message to a certain audience, defined both in time and place, I shall investigate the possibility that these characters within the drama also represent groups of people outside the text. More precisely, I shall maintain that, to a certain extent, these dramatic personae within the text function as symbols and/or as metonyms for the historical audiences toward which the oracles in Isa – were aimed. In addition, I shall explore whether or not the literary presentations of these dramatic personae can shed light upon the geographical whereabouts of the groups of people that they represent. Finally, I shall explore the divine voice in order to determine what it can tell us about the geographical setting of Isa – (chapter ).
chapter six . Personification and Historical Reality
In the following discussion, we shall constantly move between two layers of interpretation. On the one hand, all that we have are the literary descriptions of the dramatic personae in the text. On the other hand, we need to reach beyond these descriptions in order to obtain information about the authors’ target audiences outside the text. To illustrate this issue and the problems involved in this approach, let us look at the persona of Zion-Jerusalem. In many instances in Isa –, the persona of Zion-Jerusalem is personified as a female entity. As such, she is often described in metaphoric language that is associated with the traditional realm of women. It is widely recognized today that in most cases it is impossible to replace metaphors with literal speech without losing some of the impact and meaning of the metaphor.1 In its present context in Isa –, the female personification of Zion-Jerusalem is therefore an important exegetical aspect of the text. In view of this, much of recent research on Zion-Jerusalem has explored the particular choice of metaphors (mother, daughter, bride, widow etc.) that are used in Isa – to denote Zion-Jerusalem. It has highlighted the way in which these metaphors influence our understanding of the persona of ZionJerusalem and, by extension, our understanding of Isa – as a whole.2 In the present context, however, my concerns are more historical than literary. My interest in the persona of Zion-Jerusalem is focused less on her personification and on the metaphors that denote her within the text than on the identification of the people that she represents outside of the text. I assume, as discussed in chapter , that the texts in Isa – are polemical to a high degree, i.e. that they addressed the prophets’ contemporaries with the explicit aim of convincing them of certain ideas (and 1 For a recent discussion of metaphors and their roles in Isa –, see Lund, Way, pp. –. 2 E.g., Pfisterer Darr, Isaiah’s Vision, pp. –, Abma, Bonds of Love, pp. –, K.M. Heim, “The Personification of Jerusalem and the Drama of Her Bereavement in Lamentations”, Zion: City of Our God (eds R.S. Hess, G.J. Wenham, Grand Rapids, Mich., Eerdmans, ), pp. –, K.M. O’Connor, “Speak Tenderly to Jerusalem: Second Isaiah’s Reception and Use of Daughter Zion”, PSB (), pp. –, G. Baumann, Love and Violence: Marriage as Metaphor for the Relationship between YHWH and Israel in the Prophetic Books (transl L. Maloney, Collegeville, MV., Liturgical Press, ), pp. – , Dille, Mixing Metaphors, pp. –, –, C. Mandolfo, Daughter Zion Talks Back to the Prophets: A Dialogic Theology of the Book of Lamentations (SBLSS , Leiden, Brill, ), pp. –, Moughtin-Mumby, Sexual and Marital Metaphors, pp. –, Maier, Daughter Zion, pp. –.
isaiah – as a judahite reading drama
dissuading them of others). As phrased by van der Woude, one important aspect of all of Isa – was to persuade the target audience to overcome its scepticism, to prepare them to listen to God and to believe that he would indeed return to them.3 A symbol only has power if it alludes to and reflects sentiments with which the target audience can identify and relate (although, at the same time, they also help shape and strengthen ideas). Therefore, I think it likely that the dramatic personae within Isa –, at least to a certain extent, function as symbols or as metonyms for something in the authors’ own surroundings. For example, it is plausible that the characters of Zion-Jerusalem and Jacob-Israel represent groups of people outside of the text that are intimately associated with them. In this, I follow especially Maier who argues that Zion, Israel and the anonymous Servant are not identical but represent different groups within Israel and relate different views on Israel as a chosen people.4 Against this background, I set out to identify the dramatic personae within Isa –, with focus on the two main figures of Jacob-Israel and Zion-Jerusalem, with existing communities outside the text during the time (or period of time) of its composition. It is well-known that Jacob-Israel appears primarily in Isa – while the character of ZionJerusalem comes into view first in Isa –.5 This phenomenon can be interpreted in different ways. It is possible that it is the result of a temporal development: Jacob-Israel serves as the code name for the Diaspora community in Babylon that is encouraged to return to Judah (Isa –), while Zion-Jerusalem represents the same community that has returned and settled in Jerusalem (Isa –). Alternatively, these two symbols may represent two communities in two distinct geographical locations, with Jacob-Israel representing the Diaspora Jews while ZionJerusalem stands for the inhabitants of templeless Judah. Yet again, these two appellations may denote two different parties within one and the same community, either in the Diaspora or in Judah. Finally, JacobIsrael may be the people as a whole, in Judah and in the Diaspora, while Jerusalem-Zion may refer to the physical city of Jerusalem. As 3 Van der Woude, “Can Zion Do Without the Servant”, pp. –. See also Moughtin-Mumby, Sexual and Marital Metaphors, p. , who expresses the same idea, although she focuses on the characters within Isa –. She points out that the use of marital and sexual language for portraying the relationship between Zion and YHWH in Isa – seeks to reorient Zion’s perspective and to reverse radically her self-perception. 4 Maier, Daughter Zion, p. . 5 For a survey of the occurrences of the two titles, see P. Wilcox and D. Paton Williams, “The Servant-Songs in Deutero-Isaiah”, JSOT (), pp. –.
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will become evident in the following two chapters, these two distinct and in many ways contrasting symbols are best seen as representing and reflecting different aspects of one historical community, namely that in templeless Judah.
. Metaphors and Geographic Setting When looking at a text that uses geographical entities as symbols, it is important that we distinguish between the location spoken to, the location spoken about and the location spoken from, as these do not necessarily coincide.6 In other words, a prophet may speak about Judah while living in Babylon and vice versa. It is furthermore imperative to distinguish between the target audience whom a certain message concerns and that of the addressee within the text. Using the terminology mentioned in the introduction, the audience of the text may not coincide with the audience within the text. Notably, an oracle may address, in direct speech, a geographical entity other than its intended target audience. For instance, the oracle in Isa that addresses “Virgin Babylon” in direct speech is unlikely to entail a Babylonian audience and there is no justification for the view that Isa demands a Babylonian setting. On the contrary, the primary goal of this “oracle against the nations” is to inform the people of Israel, despite their location, about YHWH’s might and his (punitive) actions on their behalf against their national enemy, namely Babylon. Likewise, although Isa : addresses the islands, nobody contemplates seriously the possibility that this oracle was written on these islands or that it addressed the people living there. Finally, the oracles to Cyrus were clearly not meant for the ears of the Persian monarch. Rather they aimed to convince the people of Israel of YHWH’s executive power. He is able to establish Jerusalem (e.g. Isa :) and to bring the exiles home (e.g. Isa :). It is all for the sake of the people of Israel (Isa :). At the same time, it is possible to take this reasoning too far. We must differentiate between, on the one hand, oracles addressing foreign nations or rulers, and, on the other hand, oracles speaking to the people of Israel, as the latter are the recipients of and the custodians of the Hebrew Bible. YHWH is their God and thus the oracles of YHWH are aimed 6 R. Abma, “Travelling from Babylon to Zion: Location and Its Function in Isaiah – ”, JSOT (), p. . In her view, from the perspective of content, the location that is spoken about is the most significant.
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at them. Therefore, an oracle addressed to Israel strongly indicates that Israel, in some form, constitutes the intended audience. Along the same lines, it is reasonable to assume that an oracle that addresses Jerusalem directly in the second person intends to address the inhabitants of the actual city. Indeed, I would go so far as to maintain that this is the natural interpretation and any interpretation to the contrary needs to prove its case. In this respect, there is an important difference between the terms “Jerusalem” and “Israel” in texts dated after bc, i.e. after the fall of the northern kingdom of Israel. In contrast to the name “Israel” that has ceased to denote a geographical entity and instead now stands only for a community of people, the name “Jerusalem” designates an extant geographical entity. It is furthermore important to note that the identification of the symbols of Jacob-Israel and Zion-Jerusalem with specific groups of people is context-related. A symbol may, depending on the context, signify different things or people and it may have different frames of reference. For example, Daughter Zion appears weak and vulnerable in Lamentations and Isa – while she represents security, reliability, resistance and invulnerability in much of Isa –. In addition, a symbol may refer to different groups in the society depending on the text in which it is situated.7 Merely because Jerusalem stands for one group of people in one text does not necessarily mean that she stands for the same group in another text. At the same time, particularly in cases where one text depends upon and clearly alludes to an earlier text, as in the case of Isa – and its dependency upon Lamentations, there are compelling reasons to assume that the metaphors in the dependent text (Isa –) are inspired by the metaphors in the text to which it alludes (Lamentations) and, as such, may have adopted some of their meanings. Therefore, if we identify the community behind Daughter Zion in Lamentations with the people of Jerusalem, it is reasonable to retain this identification also in Isa – (see further chapter ). Some scholars have looked at the issue of the target audience of Isa – from a reader-oriented perspective. Goldingay, for example, states that the audience is both the Jerusalem community and the exilic community in Babylon. He further admits that even if Isa – was directed originally at undermining the claim of the Judahite community to the land, we 7 A. Labahn, “Metaphor and Intertextuality: ‘Daughter of Zion’ as a Test Case”, SJOT (), pp. –.
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would now be free to read the text from a Judahite perspective. Goldingay thus differentiates between the original audience and the overt audience of the text. In other words, even though the original audience of Isa – was restricted to only one of the two communities, both communities are later free to approach and appropriate the text.8 I definitely agree that a text has many life forms and can be appropriated by different communities at different times in ways that the original authors may not have anticipated and/or with which they would not agree. At present, however, as I am interested in the geographical whereabouts of the actual authors and their intended physical target audiences, I cannot be decidedly undecided about this issue. An author cannot be in more than one place at one given time, and it is unlikely that the authors of Isa – intended their message to be understood differently by the various communities of their time. We shall therefore continue our search for the original context(s) of the different authors without paying undue attention in the present context to the afterlife of the diverse oracles in Isa – in later interpretations of Isaiah.
. Geography and Theology Finally, I shall suggest that the theology of Isa –, expressed by the different characters / voices, can inform us about its geographical origin. It may be possible to define the theology (or theologies) that is typical of templeless Judah and that which is typical of the Diaspora community in Babylon.9 I shall investigate the respective theologies that the various voices in Isa – advocate and explore how they compare with the theologies of the voices of especially Lamentations and Ezekiel, the former representing typical Judahite speech and the latter representing typical golah speech. In this matter, I depend in part upon the methodology developed by Middlemas in her research on Lamentations, a book that presents the 8 See especially J. Goldingay, “Isaiah – in the s: Among Other Things, Deconstructing, Mystifying, Intertexual, Socio-Critical, and Hearer-Involving”, BibInt (), pp. –. 9 I presented an earlier and more extended discussion of this matter at the Hebrew Poetry Section at the Annual Meeting of the SBL in Boston, . This paper will be published as “Isaiah –: A Drama of Judahite Voices”, Daughter Zion: Her Portrait, Her Response (eds M.J. Boda, C.J. Dempsey and L. Snow Flesher, SBL, forthcoming). I wish to thank C. Mandolfo who gave constructive feedback on my paper.
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perspectives and the voice of Daughter Zion, herself being a representative of the Judahite community in templeless Judah.10 As the result of a detailed analysis of select parts of Lamentations, Middlemas outlines five distinct features pertinent to texts originating in the Judahite community during the templeless period: an emphasis on human suffering, the lack of statements of confidence in future hope, a de-emphasis on the instrumentality of sin, the need to verbalize the raw emotions of grief and the formulation of painful protest.11 In other words, Middlemas defines the theology of texts stemming from templeless Judah. I suggest using the same five criteria as a possible way of identifying Judahite texts outside of Lamentations. I shall thus look at the theology of the various voices within Isa –, that of Jacob-Israel (chapter ), that of ZionJerusalem (chapter ) and those of God and the Servant (chapter ), in order to determine their theology regarding the destruction of Jerusalem, to sin, to the future, etc. I shall then compare this theology with that of Lamentations. If the theology expressed by, for example, Daughter Zion in Lamentations and the theology expressed by Daughter Zion in Isa – turn out to be compatible, I shall take this as supporting evidence of the shared geographical origin of both texts. It is unlikely that the criteria of theology alone can prove the geographical origin of a text. However, in conjunction with other evidence, it can serve as corroborating evidence. Two key differences between Isa – and Lamentations make a straight comparison difficult. First, unlike Lamentations, in which the speech is directed to God, Isa – contains mostly divine oracles. Secondly, whereas the dominant theology of Lamentations is expressed by human voices, the dominant theology of Isa – is derived from God’s speech. Therefore, I shall discuss the theology of the human characters and that of the divine character separately. In the first case, using Lamentations as the prototype for the comparisons, I shall maintain that the voices of Zion-Jerusalem, Jacob-Israel, the first person speaker, and the Servant, as found in Isa –, provide clues to the whereabouts of the target audience. As these literary personae within Isa – are likely to represent groups of people in the authors’ target audience outside the text, so I shall argue that the sentiments expressed by these personae mirror those of the audience which the authors of Isa – sought to confront. Furthermore, I shall maintain that the identification of the kind 10 11
Middlemas, Templeless Judah, pp. –. Middlemas, Templeless Judah, esp. pp. –.
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of theology expressed by these personae can shed light upon the whereabouts of the target audience and thus, by extension, upon the geographical provenance of Isa –. In the second case, as there is nothing in Lamentations akin to the divine oracles in Isa –, we need to find a different prototype, i.e. a biblical text with plenty of divine oracles, dating from roughly the same time period as Isa – and with a generally agreed upon geographical origin. The natural choice is Ezekiel, the bulk of which firmly reflects a golah perspective (see chapter ). Thus, I shall compare the theology regarding human suffering, future hope and sin as found in the oracles of Isa – with that presented in the oracles in Ezekiel. Again, as in the case of Lamentations, I shall explore to what extent the theologies of the two textual corpora are compatible. As we shall discover, the theology in the divine oracles in Isa – are distinct not only from that of the human voices in Lamentations but also that of the divine oracles in Ezekiel. At the same time, a certain affinity with the former suggests that the type of theology of the oracles in Isa – is also representative of the attitudes of at least some people in Judah, although to a lesser extent than the theology attested throughout most of Lamentations. The fact that Isa – contains two brands of theology is not in itself problematic. A reading drama is by its very nature polyphonic. Although the theology conveyed by the divine oracles is dominant, the other voices are given the chance to express their differing opinions. In this manner, I suggest that each voice serves as a representative of the particular viewpoint of a certain group within the larger target audience. Lamentations provides an analogous situation, in that it contains many competing voices or themes. For example, the destruction of Jerusalem is described as the just punishment for sins (e.g. Lam :–) but this viewpoint is questioned and subverted by the portrayal of Jerusalem as a victim of assault in the same passage.12 In view of this, Boase suggests that Lamentations can be read as reflective of its rhetorical environment, in which various and competing viewpoints were being voiced.13 Likewise, Heim argues convincingly that Lamentations is a literary composition that mirrors the real-life drama of the people of Jerusalem after its destruction. The various and conflicting opinions in this community are 12 E. Boase, The Fulfilment of Doom? The Dialogic Interaction between the Book of Lamentations and the Pre-Exilic / Early Exilic Prophetic Literature (LHBOTS , London, T&T Clark, ), pp. –, – (example taken from p. ). 13 Boase, Fulfilment of Doom, p. .
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thus reflected in the viewpoints of the different voices in the literary creation. As such, Lamentations is consciously an “open text” that gives multiple answers to the complex questions related to the destruction of Jerusalem.14 In the same manner, I suggest that Isa – is also an open text in that it allows for contrasting, and at times contradictory, opinions. In contrast to Lamentations, however, Isa – is also a polemical text in that it has one dominant theology, expressed by the divine voice. In other words, although Isa – allows for multiple viewpoints to be voiced, it labours to redirect the thoughts of its target audience towards the particular viewpoint expressed by God.
. Outline of Chapters – In the following three chapters, I shall seek to determine the community (or communities) behind the different literary personae in Isa –. In each case, I shall first seek to determine what human and/or geographical entity or entities the original authors of Isa –, in their specific historical circumstances, had in mind when they employed these terms, and whose opinions were reflected when the material was placed in the mouth of these personae. Secondly, I shall investigate the extent to which the audience(s) within the text coincides with the audience(s) of the text. For example, when the various speakers within the text address Jacob-Israel or the Servant in second person speech, at what historical community or communities did the authors of the text aim? Likewise, I shall look for clues as to whom the author(s) actually wanted to address in the passages that, for example, speak to Jerusalem. Thirdly, I shall discuss the function of the literary personae within Isa –. Do they denote ideological concepts, eschatological and thus not yet existing entities, physical constructions or communities of existing humans? And do they stand for only the people of Judah, only the exiles or both? Finally, I shall examine the theology (or theologies) of the particular voices of JacobIsrael, Daughter Zion, the Servant, the prophet and God in order to see what they can tell us about the whereabouts of the people responsible for Isa – and their target audience(s).
14
Heim, “Personification of Jerusalem”, p. .
chapter seven JACOB-ISRAEL IN ISAIAH 40–55
Introduction The two main non-divine dramatic personae in Isa – are JacobIsrael and Zion-Jerusalem. They appear mostly as the recipients or as the subjects of the divine oracles. There is a distinction between Isa –, which addresses mainly Jacob-Israel, and Isa –, in which Zion-Jerusalem plays the key role. Although thematic overlaps do occur between the two sections,1 this distinction has raised questions. Do these two name-couplets denote different groups? If so, are these groups located in different places? Alternatively, if they signify the same group of people, why is this group addressed in two different ways? Has this group changed in some way or has it moved from one place to another? In this chapter, I shall look carefully at all the passages in which Jacob and/or Israel appear. My exegesis will focus on the presentation of the literary persona of Jacob-Israel within the text. What are his characteristics, what is his theology and what does he do? In the relevant cases, I shall also compare the descriptions of Jacob-Israel with those of ZionJerusalem and discuss the exegetical significance of their similarities and differences. Building upon the results of my exegesis, I shall then determine the most likely identity of the people behind the persona of JacobIsrael, focusing primarily on their geographical setting. In other words, which community—that in Judah or that in exile—best corresponds with Jacob-Israel’s characteristics, his theology and his actions? I shall also, although to a lesser extent, look for pieces of evidence in the following analysis of the geographical setting of Jacob-Israel. As the clearest cases have already been dealt with in chapter , most of this evidence will be tentative at best. In contrast, I shall refrain from discussing the 1 This has been noted by many scholars. See, e.g., North, Second Isaiah, pp. – , H. Ringgren, “Zur Komposition von Jesaja –”, Beiträge zur Alttestamentlichen Theologie. FS Walther Zimmerli (ed. R. Smend, Göttingen, Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht, ), p. , Berges, Das Buch Jesaja, pp. –.
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interpretation of the relevant passages against a certain geographical background. Doing so would, in fact, be circular. Since the geographical setting of Jacob-Israel is the topic of the current investigation, we cannot appeal to a certain geographical background in our exegesis. In the majority of cases where the names Jacob and Israel appear, they occur in parallel lines (Isa :; :–; :–; :–; :–, –; :; :–, ; :) and thus seem to denote the same group of people. This group is either referred to in third person or addressed in the second person as the audience of a divine oracle. Among these passages, Isa : stands out since it gives Jacob-Israel a voice. In this single instance, Jacob-Israel is critical of God. In all the other passages, Jacob-Israel is the addressee, spoken to either by God or the prophet. The bulk of these passages convey God’s repeated promise to support and strengthen him (Isa :–; :; :–), but a few express a more critical disposition towards Jacob-Israel (Isa :–). The name Israel also appears alone throughout Isa –. In the majority of these cases, the name Israel defines YHWH, i.e. he is the God of Israel (Isa :; :; :; :; :; :). In some of the other cases, Israel either denotes the audience of the oracle (Isa :) or appears as a third person reference (Isa :). Likewise, the term Jacob appears alone in a few places (Isa :; :; :). In one of these cases (Isa :) the term Jacob defines YHWH, expressed by the epithet “the Strong One of Jacob”. For the sake of simplicity, I shall discuss all of the abovementioned passages in the order in which they appear in the Bible. However, those passages in which the terms Israel and Jacob define YHWH will be treated together in the final part of this chapter.
. Isaiah : Isa : is part of the longer disputation speech (Disputationsrede) in Isa :–.2 This section addresses Jacob-Israel anonymously at first with the m.pl. “you” in verses , , – and then by name in verse . The focus of the speech is God, referred to in the third person, specifically his qualities: his immeasurability (vv. –), incomparability (vv. –, ), longevity, and his creative, maintaining and executive power that sets 2 For the detailed discussion of the structure of the passage, see, e.g., Berges, Jesaja –, pp. –.
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him apart from mortals (vv. –, ). Following these exhortations, Jacob-Israel speaks. His speech is couched in language typical of the lament genre. It contains the notion of God hiding his face (e.g. Pss :; :; :) and it accuses God of disregarding the one who expresses lament (e.g. Pss :; :–; :; :).3 Its closest parallel is, in fact, Job :.4 Isa : Why do you say, O Jacob, and [why] you speak, O Israel: “My way is hidden from YHWH (§äî éëøã äøúñð) and my case is ignored by my God (øåáòé éèôùî éäìàîå).”
The rest of the section continues very much in the same vein as before Jacob-Israel’s speech. It addresses the audience with the m.pl. “you” (v. ) while referring to God in the third person. It describes God as eternal, as the creator of the earth and as one who supports the weary. The aim of the disputation as a whole is clearly to persuade the audience, identified as Jacob-Israel, that, contrary to what it believes, its God has both the power and the will to transform its situation. The audience should therefore put aside its doubts and grasp the true identity of God, defined primarily in terms of what he is capable of doing, not only in the grand arena of creation and politics (vv. –, –) but also for the weak and the weary (vv. –).5 In the present context of Isa :–, Jacob-Israel’s utterance is a rhetorical device, used to phrase a question the very point of which is to be refuted. As such, it is not necessarily something that a historical person / community would have said verbatim.6 Yet a rhetorical question only has force insofar as it reflects a sentiment held by the intended audience. It can therefore be assumed that in a disputation speech such as this, Jacob-Israel’s statement mirrors a commonly held opinion among the intended audience, an opinion which the Isaianic author seeks to refute.7 In this manner, the author addresses the disillusionment and feeling of divine rejection experienced by his/her audience by letting the literary figure of Jacob-Israel utter a complaint against God.
3
Blenkinsopp, Isaiah –, p. . As pointed out by Berges, Jesaja –, p. . 5 E.g. Blenkinsopp, Isaiah –, p. . 6 See, e.g., Berges, Jesaja –, p. , who calls it a “fingiertes Zitat”, and Lund, Way, p. , who calls it a “pseudo-quotation”. 7 See further Lund, Way, p. , Graffy, Prophet Confronts his People, pp. –. See also Begrich, Studien zu Deuterojesaja, pp. –, who maintains that the disputation speeches in Isa – are literary imitations of controversies that the prophet had 4
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Given this refutation of Jacob-Israel’s viewpoint, many scholars assume a conflict between the author and Jacob-Israel. For Watts, the saying in Isa : is not an example of a situation where Isa – allows the voice of Jacob-Israel to be heard. Rather, she sees it as a citation that criticizes Jacob-Israel for his spiritual obtuseness. It is Jacob-Israel, not YHWH, who has been unfaithful.8 Likewise, Miller, interpreting Isa :; :; : ff.; :, together, states that the conflict stems from the audience’s complete failure “to grasp the meaning of that exalted mission that God would lay upon them”, and that “they refuse to accept the prophetic interpretation of history”, namely that their current exile is the result of their sin against God.9 In my view, little in the text warrants these kinds of interpretations. A close reading of the material in Isa :– reveals less evidence of divine wrath than it does divine cajoling. The so-called idol fabrication section (vv. –) hints at God’s anger but does not attack the audience directly. Rather, it speaks in general about the folly of idol making. Instead, as already noted, the section emphasizes God’s power and tender care (esp. vv. –) to the reluctant audience, and depicts God as wooing his people to return to him. Jacob-Israel likely remains the target audience in verses – , although he is now called dispirited and weary, and referred to in the third person. It is unwarranted to differentiate between the target audience on the one hand and the weary and dispirited whom God will comfort on the other. On the contrary, forming the pinnacle of the text, verses – gently tell Jacob-Israel that God will strengthen him. As to the geographical connotations of the community behind JacobIsrael, scholars commonly assume that Jacob-Israel denotes the exilic community in Babylon.10 Berges, for example, claims that the pessimistic viewpoint expressed in this speech reflects the feelings of disappointment in the Babylonian community after bc, when their high hopes tied experienced. Likewise, Hermisson, “Diskussionsworte bei Deuterojesaja”, pp. – (esp. pp. –), argues that the prophet aimed to confront the scepticism of the audience and to convince them of the message of salvation. 8 Watts, “Consolation or Confrontation”, pp. , , . 9 J.W. Miller, “Prophetic Conflict in Second Isaiah”, Wort-Bebet-Glaube. FS W.E. Eichrodt (ed. H.J. Stoebe, Zürich, Zwingli, ), pp. –, H.G.M. Williamson, “The Concept of Israel in Transition”, The World of Ancient Israel: Sociological, Anthropological, and Political Perspectives: Essays by Members of the Society for Old Testament Study (ed. R.E. Clements, Cambridge, Cambridge University Press, ), p. . Williamson states that the exiles are described as Jacob-Israel in Isa :; :; :, . As we shall discover shortly, however, this view is not supported by the textual evidence. 10 E.g. Koole, Isaiah, III/, p. , Goldingay and Payne, Isaiah, I, p. .
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to Cyrus did not materialize.11 Nothing, however, in Isa : warrants the assumption of a Diaspora setting, and nothing leads the reader to suppose that the audience would be restricted to or even include the Jews in Babylon.12 As discussed in chapter , the polemic against idols in Isa :– does not constitute an argument for a Babylonian (or a Judahite) setting. Likewise, the rhetorical questions posed in :– are far too general to suggest any specific polemic against Babylonian deities, let alone a Babylonian domicile of the author and his/her target audience.13 On the contrary, the only foreign place mentioned in the section—that is not in a political context—is Lebanon (v. ). Instead, the quality of Jacob-Israel’s speech in Isa : hints at a Judahite audience. According to Middlemas’ criteria for identifying Judahite speech (chapter ), Jacob-Israel’s outspoken complaint against God and his behaviour towards Jacob-Israel is characteristic of a Judahite voice.14 Jacob-Israel’s outburst in Isa : is furthermore similar, both in tone and point of view, to Zion-Jerusalem’s speech in Isa :. As we shall see in chapter , much of the evidence favours treating ZionJerusalem as the representative of the Judahite community. This similarity with regard to their speech suggests that the personae of Jacob-Israel and Zion-Jerusalem represent the same group of people, or at least two groups that share a common outlook, and, in turn, that the people whom they represent are Judahites.
. Isaiah :– The oracle in Isa :– addresses Jacob-Israel directly with the m.sg. As in Isa :– (above), although in less poetic language, this oracle expresses God’s promises to strengthen, help and support Jacob-Israel. Jacob-Israel is called God’s servant, the seed of Abraham and his chosen one, and God declares that he has not cast him away. Therefore JacobIsrael does not need to fear, as God is with him and strengthens him. This general similarity between Isa :– and Isa :– in terms of the message to Jacob-Israel invites the reader to conclude that Jacob-Israel represents the same community in both cases. 11 12 13 14
Berges, Jesaja –, pp. –. E.g. Blenkinsopp, Isaiah –, p. . Contra Berges, Jesaja –, pp. –. Se further Tiemeyer, “Drama of Judahite Voices”.
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Nonetheless, we need to investigate to what extent these verses themselves hint at the community which Jacob-Israel represents. I concluded in chapter that Jacob-Israel in the subsection of Isa :– does not represent the Diaspora community. On the contrary, given the implied Judahite perspective evident in the phrases “ends of the earth” and “its far corners” (v. ), as well as the reference to Abraham, a person of special importance to the people of Judah,15 Jacob-Israel is likely to refer to the community living in Judah. Verses – promise a reversal of Jacob-Israel’s defeat and humiliation. The people who turned their anger at him will now be ashamed and humiliated, and the people who fought, and still fight, with him will now perish and become nothing, because God will help Jacob-Israel. As this situation would be applicable to the communities in the Diaspora as well as to the people in Judah, these verses do not contribute to our investigation. Likewise, verses – contain no unequivocal information that sheds light upon the geographical background of the oracle. Goulder, however, has argued that the reference to mountains and hills in verse 16 fits a Judahite setting better than a Mesopotamian one.17 Nevertheless, the failure of his argument to take the metaphorical quality of the passage into account undermines its usefulness. To sum up, the oracle to Jacob-Israel in Isa :– contains virtually no information about the identity of Jacob-Israel outside the text. What little information there is suggests identifying Jacob-Israel as a symbol for the community in Judah.
. Isaiah :– Isa :, part of the longer passage of Isa :–, mentions JacobIsrael in the third person, identified as the victim of the despoiler and the plunderers. Again, Jacob-Israel is commonly identified as a representative of the exilic community. Williamson, for example, states that the description of Jacob-Israel in this passage “can leave little doubt
15
See further Tiemeyer, “Abraham”, pp. –. Isa : “Behold, I will make you into a sharp new threshing-sledge equipped with spikes (úåôéô ìòá). You shall thresh mountains and you shall crush, and you will make the hills like chaff.” 17 Cf. Goulder, Isaiah as Liturgy, p. . 16
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that the dejected exiles are being addressed”.18 As we shall discover, this claim does not bear closer scrutiny. Isa :– 18Hear! oh deaf ones, and look! oh blind ones! so that you may see (úåàøì). 19Who is blind but my servant,19 or deaf as my messenger (éëàìîë) [that] I will send (çìùà)? Who is blind as the wholehearted one/those in covenant (íìùîë)20 and blind as the servant of YHWH? 20You have seen (ketib: úéàø)/Seeing (qere: úåàø inf. abs.) many things, but not taken heed (øîùú àìå), opening (çå÷ô) the ears but he does not hear (àìå òîùé).21 Isa :– 21YHWH was pleased for the sake of his righteousness, he will magnify Torah and he will make [it] great. 22But this is a people robbed and plundered (éåñùå æåæá íò), trapped in holes all of them (íéøåçá çôä íìë) and hidden away in prisons (åàáçä íéàìë éúáá). They became a spoil (æáì åéä), and there was no deliverer, booty (äñùî) and there was none saying: “restore” (áùä). 23Who among you will listen to this? [Who] will pay attention (áù÷é) and listen to what is to come? (øåçàì òîùéå) 24Who gave Jacob for a spoil ([äñùîì] äñåùîì ïúð) and Israel to robbers (íéææáì)?22 Was it not YHWH (ethnachta), whom we have sinned against (åðàèç åæ åì)?23 For they were not willing to walk in his ways (êåìä åéëøãá åáà àìå), and they did not hear his Torah (åúøåúá åòîù àìå). 25So he poured out upon him his burning anger (åôà äîç) and violence of war (äîçìî æåæòå) and it set him on fire around about (áéáñî åäèäìúå), but he did not know, and it consumed him, but he will not pay attention (áì ìò íéùé àìå).
Isa :– is most confusing with regard to the identity of the speakers and the relationship between them, the target audience and the people being referred to within the passage. God is most likely the speaker in verses –, but this cannot be the case in verses –, in which God is referred to in the third person. Instead, the first person plural in verse a 18
Williamson, “Israel in Transition”, p. . See also Childs, Isaiah, p. , who assumes that Jacob was deported, i.e. that he is a representative of the exilic community. 19 While the MT has éãáò (my servant) in singular, the LXX attests to the plural form (ο παδ ς μου). 20 The word íìùî has the form of a Pual m.sg. participle. Its meaning is much disputed. The root íìù has two basic meanings: “to be whole” and “to be in covenant with”. For a full discussion, see, e.g., Baltzer, Deutero-Isaiah, p. . 21 The reading of v. is highly disputed. The LXX addresses the servant in the m.pl. throughout the verse (ε:δετε πλεονκις κα οκ "φυλξασ ε ;νοιγμ να τ2 <τα κα οκ ;κο7σατε). As to the qere and ketib in v. aa, both readings have merit. Baltzer, Deutero-Isaiah, p. , advocates the m.sg. ketib as the most suitable in the wider context of vv. –, while Watts, Isaiah –, p. , note .a., maintains that the inf.abs. qere best fits into v. as it is parallel with the inf. abs. çå÷ô. 22 Understanding íéææáì, in accordance with BDB, p. b, as a Paal m.pl. participle. 23 There are no good reasons to abandon the MT and follow the third person reading of the LXX μρτοσαν ατ& (“whom they had sinned against”).
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indicates a prophetic speaker or another representative of the audience. As to the target audience, verse addresses an audience in the m.pl., denoting them as blind and deaf. Verses – then describe the Servant in the third person24 as blind and deaf, thus suggesting that the audience should be identified with the servant. Yet again, verses – appear to identify the Servant with “a people plundered and despoiled”, and in verse , the audience is criticized for not paying attention to this. Finally, verses – declare that it was God who delivered Jacob-Israel to this despoiler and to these plunderers. The pl. statement in verse ba (åæ åì åðàèç) also emphasizes that the speaker counts himself / herself to be among the target audience. Goldingay and Payne helpfully compare this section with that of a preacher moving between speaking of “the Jewish people”, “you Jewish people” and “we Jewish people”. Each form of speech causes a different rhetorical effect: distance encourages open thinking, confrontation encourages self-examination and identification encourages openness. For example, the second person expressions invite the audience to see themselves as guilty and obtuse rather than as needy and let down, while the first person verb takes the edge off these claims in that the prophet identifies himself / herself with the audience. The use of the singular underlines the people’s corporate responsibility, while the use of the plural urges them to take individual responsibility. Goldingay and Payne conclude that it is neither plausible nor necessary to see the “westatements” as denoting another group than the “they-statements”.25 In practical terms, this suggests that, as in Isa :– (below), there is no clear distinction between the different categories. Instead, they flow into each other. Jacob-Israel is not only the chief subject of the oracles but also its target audience. The servant and Jacob-Israel are fused in verses , , , and the servant and the audience are fused in verses – . As to the message, verses – speak about the destruction of JacobIsrael. Verse a describes a situation of distress, where Jacob-Israel is robbed and plundered, hiding away both voluntarily (in holes) and involuntarily (in prison). Its historical setting is disputed. On the one hand, it has been argued that the reference to “prison” alludes to the
24 With the exception of the ketib of v. aa that addresses him in the m.sg. See translation. 25 Goldingay and Payne, Isaiah, I, pp. –.
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situation of Jehoiachin and his fellow exiles in Babylon.26 However, as discussed in chapter , neither Ezekiel nor the archaeological findings support such an interpretation of life in the exilic community in Babylon. Furthermore, nothing in the immediate context of Isa :– supports this interpretation.27 On the other hand, it has been argued that this verse refers to the post-exilic situation in Judah, where people have been enslaved owing to their debts (Neh :–).28 Yet again, as there is little support for a dating of Isa : to the fifth century bc (see below), this interpretation is not convincing. Instead of treating the description in verse a as a literal description of a specific situation, it is better to understand it as speaking metaphorically about the people’s wretched state in general. Verse b further laments the absence of a deliverer (ìéöî ïéà) and that nobody says “áùä” about Jacob-Israel. The Hiphil imperative áùä can be translated either as “return” or “restore”. The latter meaning forms a closer parallel to “deliver”, the other verb in verse b, and is therefore to be preferred. Both verbs are part of the metaphorical language of the verse, together conveying the meaning that that which was taken as spoil or prey in the past has not yet been returned. Notably, Watts translates áùä as “give [it] back”, referring to the previously mentioned spoil.29 As these images in all likelihood describe the fall of Jerusalem in bc and, as such, would be applicable to both a Diaspora and a Judahite setting, the text has not yet provided any clue as to the whereabouts of the target audience. Verses – lament Jacob-Israel’s past and present failure to listen to God. Verses – assign responsibility for Jacob-Israel’s current situation to both Jacob-Israel and God. The former refused to follow God’s commands (v. ab-bb) and, as a result, the latter brought havoc upon Jacob-Israel (vv. ba, a), presumably in the events leading up to the fall of Jerusalem in bc. Jacob-Israel failed to grasp what was going on and accordingly failed to see it as a warning (v. b). In this section, 26
See, e.g., Y. Kaufmann, The Babylonian Captivity and Deutero-Isaiah (History of the Religion of Israel, vol. chapters , , New York, Union of American Hebrew Congregations, ), p. , and Paul, Isaiah –, p. . More generally, the majority of scholars assume that this verse speaks about the exilic situation. See, e.g., Whybray, Isaiah, p. , Watts, Isaiah –, p. . 27 Payne and Goldingay, Isaiah, I, p. . 28 K. Baltzer, “Liberation from Debt Slavery After the Exile in Second Isaiah and Nehemiah”, Ancient Israelite Religion. FS F.M. Cross (eds P.D. Miller, Jr., P.D. Hanson, and S. Dean McBride, Philadelphia, Fortress Press, ), pp. – (esp. ). 29 Watts, Isaiah –, p. .
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Jacob-Israel appears to symbolize not only pre-exilic Judah on the verge of destruction, but also the author’s contemporary audience, whose location is unspecified. Verses and contain the double image of Jacob-Israel being robbed and Jacob-Israel being treated as spoil. The first notion of JacobIsrael as being robbed would seemingly suggest a Judahite identity, while the second notion of Jacob-Israel being the concrete spoil would seemingly assume a Babylonian identity. It is, however, doubtful that such a distinction can be upheld in the present context. In verse a, the people are being “spoiled” and “plundered”, using passive participles. In contrast, verse b denotes the people as the actual spoil and booty. Likewise, verse a describes Jacob as the spoil, and the next line refers to Israel as being given over to robbers. This constant change of perspective implies that the different terms are used for stylistic purposes. This alternation between past and present in Isa :– is a characteristic of the larger structure of :–:. In this structure, Isa :–: functions as a parallel to Isa :–:.30 Throughout this longer passage, Jacob-Israel moves between denoting pre-exilic Judah and the current target audience. In this way, the author / editor responsible for putting together the longer section effectively emphasized the continuity between the two communities. The prophet’s audience is composed of the heirs of preexilic Judah. As to the dating of the passage, its thoughts belong in the sphere of Deuteronomistic theology and the reference to God’s Torah is reminiscent of the later theology of, for example, Ps . At the same time, the exact phrase “to listen to [God’s] Torah” (v. bb), although it echoes the Deuteronomic phrase “to listen to YHWH’s voice”, is unattested elsewhere.31 As it is likely that many of the ideas that are found in the book Deuteronomy and in the Deuteronomistic history, although probably not in their present form, were known in the end of the sixth century bc, it is unnecessary to regard Isa :b– as a later addition.32 To sum up, the geographical location of the community behind the persona of Jacob-Israel in Isa :– is left unspecified. There is nothing to suggest a Diaspora setting. There is no need to interpret the language of “restoring” in verse as an allusion to the exile. Rather, it is used 30
Goldingay and Payne, Isaiah, I, pp. –. See further Goldingay and Payne, Isaiah, I, p. . 32 Contra A. Labahn, Wort Gottes und Schuld Israels (BWANT , Stuttgart, Kohlhammer, ), pp. –. 31
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as part of the wider metaphor of Jacob-Israel being turned into spoil in the hands of the Neo-Babylonian armies in bc. Likewise, the notion of Jacob-Israel being robbed refers back to the destruction of Jerusalem. As a result, it is unwarranted to claim, as Williamson does, that JacobIsrael must refer to the Babylonian exiles. The focus is on the continuity between pre-exilic Judah and the contemporary Jacob-Israel, who has not yet learned the lessons of the past.
. Isaiah :– I have already discussed Isa :– at length in chapters and where I concluded that nothing in these verses warrants a Diaspora perspective. Instead, the Judahite perspective, present in verses –, permeates the oracle as a whole. Although the return of the exiles is anticipated, the exiles are not the target audience of the oracle. In the present context, I shall focus only on the portrayal of JacobIsrael. In the final form of Isa –, the oracle of comfort to JacobIsrael in Isa :– constitutes the response to the immediately preceding material in Isa :–. Throughout verses –a (cf. Isa :– above), Jacob-Israel is identified as created by YHWH and as belonging to him. YHWH has redeemed him and called him by name, with the consequence that Jacob-Israel need not be afraid. Thus, as in Isa :– and :–, the speech to Jacob-Israel ensures him of God’s care and protection. Verses b– introduce the theme of exiles returning from the four corners of the world. These returnees are first identified as Jacob-Israel’s offspring (êòøæ [“your seed”]—v. ba) and then as Jacob-Israel himself (êöá÷à [“I will gather you”]—v. bb). In verse , the returnees are called God’s sons and daughters, referred to in the third person and their relationship with Jacob-Israel is left unspecified. Verse then states that every one of these returnees, again referred to in the third person, is called by God’s name. The distinction in verse a-ba between Jacob-Israel and the returning exiles effectively means that Jacob-Israel cannot be identified with a community in the Diaspora, or at least not exclusively so. Rather, he symbolizes the (Judahite) community that awaits the return of its children. He is addressed directly as the recipient of his returning sons and daughters, the latter referred to in the third person. In this manner, as in Isa :, Jacob-Israel is reminiscent of Zion-Jerusalem (cf. Isa :– , see chapter ). At the same time, taken as a whole, verse fuses the
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Diaspora community and the one at home in Judah by identifying JacobIsrael with the returnees in verse bb. This blurred distinction urges the audience to refrain from making too strict a distinction between themselves and the returnees. The latter are their children and part of their own community. Summing up, alongside Isa : and :–, Isa :– portrays Jacob-Israel as the recipient of God’s love and protection. Nothing in this description hints at the identity of Jacob-Israel outside of the text. In addition, Isa :– describes Jacob-Israel as distinct from the returning exiles yet also as part of the same wider community. This suggests that Jacob-Israel here represents the entire people of Israel, regardless of their geographical whereabouts.
. Isaiah :– The oracle in Isa :– addresses Jacob-Israel (vv. , ) and, as above, scholars tend to identify him with the exiles.33 The oracle falls into three subsections: verses –, verses – and verses –. Isa :– 22But upon me you have not called, O Jacob, as (éë) you have grown weary of me, O Israel. 23You (m.sg.) have not brought me sheep for your burnt offerings (êéúìò), and you have not honoured me with your sacrifices (êéçáæ). I have not burdened you (êéúãáòä àì) with an offering (äçðîá) and I have not wearied you (êéúòâåä àìå) with frankincense (äðåáìá). 24You have not bought me reed / sweet cane with money, and you have not sated me with the fat of your offerings (êéçáæ áìç). Instead (êà) you have burdened me (éðúãáòä) with your sins (êéúåàèçá) and you have wearied me (éðúòâåä) with your sins (êéúðåòá).
The first of these subsections, (vv. –, in many ways constituting a parallel to Isa :–),34 is critical of Jacob-Israel. God accuses JacobIsrael for not invoking him and not bringing him burnt offerings. This critical disposition towards Jacob-Israel poses the question of whether or not Jacob-Israel here represents the same group of people as those receiving the words of comfort in Isa :; :–; :–, or a different group. As I determined in chapter , Isa :– more likely targets the author’s contemporary audience than it does the pre-exilic community in 33
E.g. Williamson, “Israel in Transition”, p. . See further Baltzer, Deutero-Isaiah, p. , who sees Isa :– as the beginning of the present court scene in Isa :–. 34
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Judah. Thus, although they are critical towards Jacob-Israel, Jacob-Israel here, as well as in Isa :– (above), denotes the same community as in Isa :; :–; :–. As to its geographical setting, Isa :– says very little about the geographical whereabouts of the target audience. Again, as discussed in chapter , nothing in this passage suggests a Diaspora setting. On the contrary, if anything, the reference to sacrifices might be suggestive of a Judahite perspective. Verses – continue to address Jacob-Israel in direct speech: Isa :– 25I, even I am He who wipes out (äçî) your transgressions (êéòùô) for my own sake, and I will not remember your sins (êéúàèç). 26Remind me (éðøéëæä)! Let us decide together (ãçé äèôùð). You recount (äúà øôñ),35 so that you will be proven righteous (÷ãöú).36
The train of thought of this subsection is somewhat difficult to follow. The leading metaphor is that of a law-court and the text appears to describe some form of legal proceeding between God and Jacob-Israel concerning the latter’s sin. In verse , God promises that he will blot out JacobIsrael’s transgressions and remember his sins no more. Verse appears to envision a kind of give-and-take situation. Jacob-Israel will “remind God”, probably a technical term from the law court,37 and then JacobIsrael and God will decide together (presumably about Jacob-Israel’s fate). Jacob-Israel is furthermore encouraged to recount the case (his part of the story?), which, in turn, will render him righteous. A faintly ironic tone can be detected throughout this passage. If Jacob-Israel really wishes to dispute what has been said in verses –, he is cordially invited to bring the matter to court.38 The end result is complex. On the one hand, the faintly mocking timbre of verse hints at God’s confidence in winning the case.39 As Jacob-Israel had most certainly sinned (cf. v. ), God was perfectly within his rights to punish him. On the other hand, Jacob-Israel will be proven righteous and thus receive a freeing verdict. Verse a provides the clue to this seemingly contrasting picture. God will tamper with the evidence in that he will wipe out all visible proof of Jacob-Israel’s sins. This idea of a court case, the end result of which 35 The verb is vocalized as a Piel m.sg. imperative. The second person is further emphasized by the independent pronoun “you”. 36 Paal, imperfect m.sg. 37 Whybray, Isaiah, p. . 38 See further Goldingay and Payne, Isaiah, I, p. . 39 Cf. Berges, Jesaja –, p. .
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is the righteousness of God’s human partner, is reminiscent of Isa : (cf. chapter ), where God is depicted as bringing the audience and its mother to court because of their sins. Given the parallel imagery between Jacob-Israel and Zion-Jerusalem, it is reasonable, as in Isa : and Isa :–, to view both figures as representatives of the same community. As we shall see in chapter , this suggests identifying Jacob-Israel as a representative of the Judahite community. The following material in verses – describes how Jacob-Israel’s ancestors sinned against God. As a result of this behaviour, Jacob-Israel and his leaders were defiled and reviled. Isa :– 27Your first father sinned and your mediators (êéöéìîå) transgressed (åòùô) against me. 28So I profaned (ììçàå) the princes of the sanctuary / sacred leaders (ùã÷ éøù), and I devoted Jacob to the ban (íøçì) and Israel to reviling (íéôåãâì).
As I concluded in chapter , verse probably refers back to the destruction of Jerusalem. The reference in verse to the sins of the audience’s ancestral father signals a change of focus from the present to the past. At the same time, the ban and the reviling are continuous, with the destruction of Jerusalem in bc only marking its beginning. Verses – therefore do not challenge the claim made above that verses – refer to the sins of the author’s contemporary community. Jacob-Israel still suffers today for the past sins of their fathers in multiple ways. As their heir he is still sinning, and as their heir, he continues to reap the consequences of their combined sin. To conclude, Jacob-Israel in Isa :– is likely to represent a group of people contemporary with the author of this passage. Moreover, this text contains no hint that Jacob-Israel represents the Babylonian exilic community. On the contrary, the few hints that can be found in Isa :– point in the direction of the people in Judah.
. Isaiah :– As Isa :– is parallel in many ways to Isa :–, so Isa :– is parallel to Isa :–. Both are oracles of comfort and both, at least with regard to the final form of the text, provide a soothing response to the preceding oracle of judgement. The preceding material in Isa : spoke about God’s past punitive destruction of Jacob-Israel. In contrast,
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Isa :, by employing the word äúòå, shifts the focus to the present.40 In Isa :–, as in Isa :– and :–, God declares to Jacob-Israel in direct speech that he has chosen him and that Jacob-Israel has no need to fear. Furthermore, as in Isa :–, Jacob-Israel is called God’s servant. Isa :– 1And now (äúòå), hear, O Jacob, my servant, and Israel [whom] I have chosen. 2Thus says YHWH, your maker and your former from the womb, who will help you: “Fear not, my servant Jacob, and Jeshurun [whom] I have chosen. 3For I will pour water upon thirsty [land] (àîö) and streams upon dry land (äùáé). I will pour my spirit upon your seed (êòøæ) and my blessing upon your descendents (êéàöàö). 4And they will sprout between grass (øéöç), as poplars / willows (íéáøò) by streams of water (éìáé íéî). 5This one will say: ‘I belong to YHWH’, and this one will call out in the name of Jacob, and this one will write [with] his hand to YHWH and he will give himself (äðëé) the name of Israel”.
It is difficult to determine what, if anything, these verses can tell us about the geographical location of Jacob-Israel. First, in addition to the wordpair Jacob-Israel, Isa :– contains the word-pair Jacob-Jeshurun. This latter word-pair is attested elsewhere in Deut : and :, but neither passage contains any geographical information about the name Jeshurun. The appearance of Jeshurun here in Isa : therefore does not tell us anything about the geographical location of Jacob-Israel. What it does tell us, given the positive etymology of the name Jeshurun (derived from the root øùé = “to be upright”), is that the preceding negative evaluation of Jacob-Israel (Isa :–) is now overturned.41 Secondly, the few geographical hints that are present in verses – seemingly point in two opposing directions. On the one hand, the imagery of water as God’s blessing in verse is suggestive of a situation of drought. In this respect, Judah, with its agriculture depending on the seasonal rainfalls,42 is the more likely setting. However, it is questionable as to what extent references to water and a thirsty land are really geographical reflections. As verse b implies, the reference to water serves as a metaphor that refers to God’s blessings in the form of his spirit.43 Yet again, one can argue that the very choice of a water metaphor implies an author familiar with seasonal droughts, i.e. a person living in the Levant rather than in Mesopotamia. On the other hand, the reference to poplars 40
Cf. Koole, Isaiah, III/, p. . Baltzer, Deutero-Isaiah, pp. –. 42 See further J.M. Miller and J.H. Hayes, A History of Ancient Israel and Judah (nd edition, London, SCM, ), pp. –. 43 Berges, Jesaja –, p. . 41
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and the imagery of streams of water in verse suggest a setting along a river, i.e. a Babylonian or an Egyptian setting. Notably, Ps , a psalm reflecting on the situation of the Babylonian exiles, speaks of ìáá úåøäð, i.e. “rivers of Babylon” (v. ) and íéáøò, i.e. “poplars” (v. ). Furthermore, the expression íéî éìáé may refer to the Mesopotamian canals.44 Yet the situation is less straightforward than it appears at the first glance. The word äáøò or a derivative thereof appears not only in Isa : and Ps :, but also in Isa : as the name of a Wadi in Moab, Lev : (áøò ìçð), where it denotes the type of tree used for building a succah during Succoth, and Job : (ìçð éáøò) in the context of the Leviathan, where it refers to trees along the Jordan. As to its botanical identification, äáøò is probably the Hebrew name of the Populus Euphratica, a tree that was common along the Jordan, as well as all the streams and wadies of the land of Israel. For this very reason, Pope argues for a Levantine rather than an Egyptian locale of Job :.45 As to the expression éìáé íéî, it is attested elsewhere only in Isa : in a context where it refers to mountain streams and where it is part of the (eschatological) promise to “the people in Zion who dwells in Jerusalem” (v. ) on that future day when God will heal his people. Isa : is commonly regarded as a post-exilic addition.46 However, as Sweeney argues, it is more likely to be pre-exilic, stemming from a Josianic redaction of Isa –*.47 Building upon this latter supposition, I suggest that the author of Isa : drew on the imagery of the earlier Isaianic tradition of Isa :– about God’s healing of Jerusalem in his/her depiction of God’s pending salvation of Jacob-Israel. In total, verses – provide no unequivocal information as to their geographical setting. Verse contains the voices of three individuals, one cited verbatim and the other two referred to indirectly. In the latter two instances, the names Jacob and Israel are again used in an almost parallel fashion. The second voice will call out in the name of Jacob (á÷òé íùá àø÷é äæå), while the third person will give himself the name of Israel (äðëé ìàøùé íùáå). It is unlikely that these two names have different connotations. Rather, Jacob and Israel, as elsewhere in Isa –, constitute one literary persona. Moreover, the content of the first and the third person’s declaration is 44
E.g. Koole, Isaiah, III/, pp. –, Berges, Jesaja –, p. . M.H. Pope, Job (AB , New York, Doubleday, ), p. . See also BDB, p. . 46 See further the discussion in Williamson, Book Called Isaiah, p. , with cited bibliography. 47 M.A. Sweeney, King Josiah of Judah: The Lost Messiah of Israel (Oxford, Oxford University Press, ), p. . 45
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similar in that both dedicate themselves to YHWH, the first orally and the third in writing. The key issue is thus that of identity. All three voices are part of one people and belong to YHWH. This insurance of belonging is, in my view, part of the divine comfort. The prophet ensures his/her audience that contrary to what other people might say (cf. Jer :–; Ezek :; :–), Jacob-Israel belongs to YHWH’s people. In conclusion, we cannot say anything for certain about the geographical setting of Isa :–. Nothing in these verses necessitates a Babylonian setting. Neither the term íéáøò nor the expression íéî éìáé points unequivocally towards an Egyptian or a Babylonian setting, as both are used elsewhere in the Hebrew Bible to describe the landscape of Judah. Likewise, nothing in this passage necessitates a Judahite setting, even though the reference to the blessing of water, together with the imagery of the streams of the wadi, might reflect a Judahite author more than a Babylonian one. Finally, the Zion context of Isa :–, probably a source of influence for the author of Isa :, tentatively suggests a similar (Jerusalem) context of Isa :.
. Isaiah :– The short divine oracle in Isa :– addresses Jacob-Israel directly, while the authorial statement in verse refers to him in third person. Isa :– 21Remember these [matters], O Jacob, and Israel for you are my servant (äúà éãáò). I have formed you, you are my servant (éì ãáò äúà), O Israel you will not be forgotten by me (éðùðú).48 22I have wiped out (éúéçî) like a thick cloud (áòë) your transgressions (êéòùô) and like a cloud (ïðòë) your sins (êéúåàèç). Return to me for I have redeemed you (êéúìàâ). 23Cry out, O heaven, for YHWH has acted (äùò), raise a shout, O lower parts of the earth (úåéúçú), break forth [with] a cry, O mountains, O forest and every tree in it, for YHWH has redeemed (ìàâ) Jacob, and he glorifies himself (øàôúé) in Israel.
48 The verb éðùðú is vocalized as a Niphal imperfect of the root äùð (“to forget”) with, for a Niphal, a highly unusual sg. object suffix. Most modern translations, e.g., NIV and JPS, change the vocalization to an active Paal “you shall not forget me”, while maintaining the consonantal text. An active verb is also attested in the LXX (μ= "πιλαν νου μου) “you shall not forget me” (imperative present middle sg.), and by the Vulgate (non oblivisceris mei) “forget me not”.
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These three verses repeat the sentiments of the preceding material in Isa –. Verse has much in common with Isa : in that both verses speak of God wiping out Jacob-Israel’s sins and transgressions. Likewise, God’s redemption of Jacob-Israel in verse echoes Isa :, while the idea in verse of Jacob-Israel as God’s servant, created by God to serve him, is reminiscent of Isa :– and :–. Together, these echoes suggest strongly that Jacob-Israel in Isa :– represents the same group of people as he does in these other passages. Nothing in these three verses hints explicitly at their geographical locale. It can tentatively be argued that the references to mountains and forests in verse , part of the threefold division of the cosmos (the heaven, the netherworld and the earth), better fit a locale in the Levant than in Mesopotamia. According to Miller and Hayes, forests covered much of Judah during biblical times,49 and mountains are certainly to be found in the Judaean hill country. In contrast, there is little in terms of mountains and forests in the vicinity of Nippur,50 on the alluvial plain between the Euphrates and the Tigris along the Shatt-en-Nil canal, the place where most of the Babylonian exiles lived. The same would be true for an Egyptian setting. It is possible that the references to trees and forests should be taken less literally. As Berges suggests, they may be connected with the idol fabrication passages in Isa –. Wood, as part of YHWH’s creation, should serve him rather than other gods.51 Likewise, the references to heaven and the lower parts of the earth is clearly a merism that indicates everything in between these two outer limits, in this case mountains and forests. Yet these aspects in themselves do not rule out the reference of trees and mountains as geographical indicators. It might be assumed that a native Babylonian author would have chosen different correlates from his/her surroundings, such as “fields” and “lakes” etc. In conclusion, nothing in Isa : points to a geographical setting along one of the big rivers in either Egypt or Mesopotamia. On the contrary, the attested imagery of mountains and forests suggests a setting in the Levant.
49
Miller and Hayes, History of Ancient Israel and Judah, p. . Probably to be identified with modern day Nuffar in Afak Al Qadisyah Governorate in Iraq. 51 Berges, Jesaja –, p. . 50
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. Isaiah : Isa : is part of the immediate context of Isa :–, and part of the longer set of oracles relating to Cyrus (Isa :–:; :–; and probably also :–).52 The central message of the small section of Isa :– is God’s calling of Cyrus and equipping him for battle and conquest, all for the sake of Jacob-Israel (v. ). Isa : For the sake of my servant, Jacob, and Israel, my chosen one, I have called (àø÷àå) you by your name, I will given you a title (êðëà), though you have not known me (éðúòãé àìå).
As in the preceding passages, Isa : depicts Jacob-Israel as God’s servant and as God’s chosen one. In contrast to the aforementioned passages, however, Jacob-Israel is referred to here in third person while Cyrus is the addressee of the oracle (v. ) and the one who is called by name by God. Isa :– contains no clear geographical allusions. As already discussed in the chapter , a reference to Cyrus does not provide evidence for a Babylonian setting of the text in which it occurs. After his decisive victory over Croesus, king of Lydia, in bc, Cyrus would have been well-known in the Near East, understood by most people to be the coming ruler of the world.53 Likewise, in the same chapter, I determined that the reference to bronze doors in verse is unlikely to refer to any specific Babylonian bronze door. Rather, they serve as a symbol of strength, showing God’s might on behalf of Cyrus. The closest we get to anything akin to a geographical allusion is in the immediately preceding material in Isa :, , two verses which connect Cyrus’ mission with the rebuilding and repopulation of Jerusalem (see chapter ). Likewise, the following section, Isa :–, assigns to Cyrus (although anonymously) the double role of releasing the exiles and of rebuilding Jerusalem (v. ). Isa : I have roused him in righteousness, and I will make all his ways smooth. He will build my city and he will let my exiles (éúåìâ) go, not for a price and not for a bribe, says YHWH of Hosts.
Neither Cyrus’ task of rebuilding Jerusalem nor his task to release the exiles rightly constitutes an argument for a certain geographical 52 While most scholars, e.g., Blenkinsopp, Isaiah –, p. , agree that Isa :– : is a textual (although not necessarily an authorial) unit, other scholars, e.g., Goldingay and Payne, Isaiah, II, p. , Berges, Jesaja –, p. , extend it to include all of Isa :–:. 53 Cf. Berges, Jesaja –, p. .
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provenance of the text, and it tells us virtually nothing about the identity behind Jacob-Israel in Isa :. Nothing compels us to identify the exiles in : with Jacob-Israel in :. Isa : simply mirrors what is considered to be the two important tasks in Isa –, namely the return of the Diaspora to Judah and the rebuilding of Jerusalem.
. Isaiah :– Isa :, part of the longer section of Isa :–, –, refers to Israel in the third person (vv. , ) and mentions Jacob’s descendents (v. , cf. below). Although the two names are not in parallel lines, the occurrence of both in the same section justifies treating him as Jacob-Israel, i.e. one literary persona. Isa :– 14Thus says YHWH: “The toil of Egypt and the gain of Ethiopia / Kush and the Sabeans, the tall people, will come to you (êéìò åøáòé) and they will be yours (åéäé êìå) and they will walk behind you, in chains they will come. And to you they will bow down, to you they will pray ‘surely God (ìà) is in you and there is none else [but] God (íéäìà)’. 15Indeed, you are a God (ìà) who hides himself, the God of Israel, [the] saviour (òéùåî ìàøùé éäìà). 16All of them were ashamed and also humiliated, together the idol makers went in ignominy. 17Israel was saved by YHWH [with] everlasting salvation. You (m.pl.) will be neither ashamed (åùáú àì) nor humiliated (åîìëú àìå), never ever (ãò éîìåò ãò). 18For thus says YHWH, the creator of the heaven. He is God (íéäìàä), the fashioner of the earth and its maker. He has established it, he did not create it in confusion (äàøá åäú àì), [but] he created it to be inhabited. “I am YHWH and there is none else. 19I have not spoken in secrecy (øúñá), somewhere in a land of darkness (êùç õøà íå÷îá), I have not said to the seed of Jacob ‘seek me in confusion’ (éðåù÷á åäú). I am YHWH who speaks righteousness, who utters uprightness”.
This passage contains multiple speakers and multiple addressees. The opening, verse , contains divine speech, and Zion-Jerusalem is probably its addressee, as implied by the f.sg. vocalization of the second person possessive pronouns and by its similarity in terms of imagery with Isa :– and :–.54 As the word “chains” implies, the foreigners mentioned in verse are being brought to Jerusalem by force, where they will confess, more or less voluntarily, that YHWH is God and no one else. The predicted speech of these foreigners is cited directly. In this 54
See, e.g., Blenkinsopp, Isaiah –, pp. –.
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verse, given that nothing suggests a Diaspora setting, we may assume that Jerusalem represents the physical city in Judah with its inhabitants (cf. chapter ). Although the speech of verse bb belongs to the foreigners, it is unlikely that they remain the speakers in verse . Instead, that utterance most likely belongs to the prophet55 or possibly to Zion-Jerusalem, expressing that YHWH is a God who hides himself.56 This idea of the hiddenness of God is not a concept foreign to ancient Israelite thought, although some scholars connect it especially with Mesopotamian practices.57 Other scholars argue that this statement implies not only that God hides himself but that he also, unlike the gods of the nations, is not to be seen in cult images.58 This latter interpretation receives support from the references to idols in verse . Even so, I remain unconvinced that the expression øúúñî ìà in Isa :a refers to the lack of visible images of YHWH. If this were the case, I would have expected a verb that indicates visibility, or lack thereof, such as a verb derived from the root äàø, rather than a reflexive verb from the root øúñ (“to hide”). Moreover, while it is indeed likely that the concept of a hidden god has counterparts in the neighbouring cultures, I hesitate to see the content of verse as the result of foreign influence. Instead, the idea of God hiding himself, and in particular hiding his face, is integral to much biblical thought.59 Notably, God confesses that he hid his face from Zion-Jerusalem in Isa : (cf. Isa :) and in the Judahite lament in Isa :.60 It is also possible that the notion of God as a deity who hides himself in Isa : alludes to the
55 See, e.g., Blenkinsopp, Isaiah –, pp. –, and Berges, Jesaja –, p. . For a different opinion, see Koole, Isaiah, III/, p. , and Goldingay and Payne, Isaiah, II, p. , who all assume that the foreigners are still speaking, although now addressing God. For yet another view, see Watts, Isaiah –, p. , who assigns the speech in all of vv. – to Cyrus. 56 The reading of the LXX (σ, γ2ρ ε ες κα οκ .>δειμεν ες το Ισραηλ σωτ#ρ) is probably a conscious change of the MT in order to place the responsibility of God’s hiddenness upon the people. See further Blenkinsopp, Isaiah –, p. . 57 See, e.g., J.-G. Heintz, “De l’absence de la statue divine au ‘Dieu qui se cache’ ”, RHPR (), pp. –. 58 Koole, Isaiah, III/, pp. –, Berges, Jesaja –, pp. –. 59 See especially the discussion of Isa : in S.E. Balentine, The Hidden God: The Hiding of the Face of God in the Old Testament (OTM, Oxford, Oxford University Press, ), pp. –. 60 For the Judahite origin of Isa :–:, see my discussion in “Two Prophets, Two Laments, and Two Ways of Dealing with Earlier Texts”, Die Textualisierung der Religion (ed. J. Schaper, FAT , Tübingen, Mohr Siebeck, ), pp. –.
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inner-Isaianic idea that the God of Israel intervenes into the lives of his people (cf. Isa :).61 Finally, it receives support from the imagery in : (see below). As to the geographical aspects of this verse, it is possible, following Middlemas’ criteria for identifying Judahite speech, that the voice of doubt in verse a is a sign of the Judahite origin of the text (cf. Isa :, above). As the rest of the passage does not share this sentiment, however, it can only very cautiously be argued that the content of verse fits a Judahite origin.62 The prophet is likely to remain the speaker in verses –, and JacobIsrael, spoken to directly in the m.pl., is the addressee (v. b). This change from addressing Jerusalem in verse to addressing Jacob-Israel in verses – suggests that these two personae are parallel and, to a certain extent, interchangeable (cf. Isa :; :–). Verses – create a dichotomy between the idol makers and Jacob-Israel. While the former are ashamed and humiliated, the latter have been saved by YHWH and (therefore) will never again be ashamed and humiliated. It is unclear whether the idol makers and Israel constitute the same groups of people, the difference being past versus present-future, or whether they are two distinct but contemporary groups of people. While many scholars distinguish between two contemporary groups of people,63 such a distinction is, in my view, foreign to Isa –. Notably, Isa :, another place where we hear the prophetic voice, assumes that it was Jacob-Israel who sinned (cf. above). I therefore suggest a chronological distinction. Jacob-Israel includes the idol makers who until now have been ashamed and humiliated. Now, however, as the result of God’s salvation, their situation has changed and so will their feelings. This interpretation is further supported by the response in the oracle in verses –, where God declares that he never asked Jacob to seek “confusion” (åäú). As idol worship is termed confusion in Isa : and :, this provides a link to the idol worshippers (in the past) and God’s promise for the future. The divine response in verses – picks up on both the issue of idols (åäú) and that of God’s hiddenness. Verse ab states that God has neither spoken in secret (øúñá) nor “somewhere in a land of darkness” (íå÷îá êùç õøà). It is unwarranted to see this latter reference as a reference to
61 62 63
Blenkinsopp, Isaiah –, pp. –. I expand on this issue further in my forthcoming article “Drama of Judahite Voices”. Blenkinsopp, Isaiah –, p. .
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Babylon.64 Rather, given the parallelism with verse aa, this statement has the connotation of God speaking in a lucid and straight-forward manner.65 In conclusion, the change of addressee within Isa :– from ZionJerusalem (v. ) to Jacob-Israel (v. b) suggests that Zion-Jerusalem and Jacob-Israel are interchangeable characters with many shared characteristics. This fusion further points to a Judahite identity of JacobIsrael. This impression is strengthened by the doubting tone of voice in the speech in verse a, a characteristic of Judahite theology. Apart from that, Isa :– contains no explicit information as to its geographical setting.
. Isaiah : A new scene begins in Isa :. Isa : Gather together and come, draw together, you fugitives of the nations (íéåâä éèéìô). Those who carry the wood of their idol (õò úà íéàùðä íìñô) lack knowledge (åòãé àì), and they are praying to a god (ìà) who will not save. Isa : In YHWH all the seed of Israel (ìàøùé òøæ ìë) will be righteous and will glorify themselves.
Verse addresses the íéåâä éèéìô. This term is ambiguous in that it can mean either persons from among the nations that have escaped, or persons that have escaped from the nations. The latter would suggest Jewish exiles while the former would indicate Gentiles. In light of verse , which addresses “the ends of the earth”, the former option is preferable. Likewise, the reference to every knee and every tongue in verse points in the direction of a Gentile audience, as does the reference to “all those incensed against him” in verse .
64 E.g. Whybray, Isaiah, p. , who maintains that the phrase about a “land of darkness” is an allusion to “the mysterious and ambiguous divinatory and oracular practices of the ancient world, and of the Babylonians in particular”. 65 Koole, Isaiah, III/, p. , Payne and Goldingay, Isaiah, II, pp. –. The latter discuss the possibility that this “dark place” represents Babylon (p. ) but, in view of the parallelism of the passage, they finally opt for a less specific interpretation. Rather than speaking in secrecy, God is speaking openly, “in the light”. Alternatively, Paul, Isaiah – , pp. –, connects the idea of a “land of darkness” with the wilderness (cf. Jer :, ), i.e. far away from human dwelling places, and with Sheol (cf. Job :).
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This brings us to the expression “all the seed of Israel” (ìàøùé òøæ ìë) in verse . It probably alludes back to the similar expression “seed of Jacob” (á÷òé òøæ) in verse . Even so, it is unclear as to what extent these two expressions are parallel. As already noted above, the immediately preceding context of Isa :– is universal. In view of this, Beuken argues that the expression “all the seed of Israel” in verse includes more than the historical nation of Israel, i.e. also Gentiles, in contrast to the similar expression “seed of Jacob” in verse which is limited to the more specific descendents of the patriarch Jacob.66 I hesitate to draw such a conclusion. There is, in fact, a dichotomy in verses – between those who will be ashamed, i.e. the Gentiles (v. ), and “all the seed of Israel”, who will be vindicated (v. ). Therefore, I maintain that verse should be interpreted within the context of the hope for the return of the worldwide Diaspora, expressed throughout Isa –. Thus, the expression “all the seed of Israel” endeavours to define Israel in its entirety, both the people of Judah and those in exile, rather than only one of the specific communities.
. Isaiah Much can be said in favour of regarding all of Isa as a textual unity, a section that, together with the following Isa , denotes the downfall of Babylon. It opens with the fall of the Babylonian chief deities (:–) and ends with the fall of Babylonian science and religion (:–).67 In chapter , I concluded that the scene in Isa :– makes the most sense if it is understood as a depiction of the envisioned deportation of the Babylonian statues after the fall of Babylon. I also suggested that the general content of the oracle points to its non-Babylonian origin. Isa :– 12Listen to me, [you] stubborn of heart (áì éøéáà), [you] who are far away from righteousness: 13I have brought near my righteousness. It will not be far away, and my salvation will not tarry. And I will place (éúúðå) salvation in Zion (ïåéöá) for Israel (ìàøùéì) my glory.68 66
Beuken, Jesaja, IIa, p. . See further Goldingay and Payne, Isaiah, II, p. . 68 The word éúøàôú is best understood as an object, depending of the verb “I will place” (éúúðå). It is thus an attribute of God that he will place in Zion, not an attribute of Israel. See further Koole, Isaiah, III/, p. , Payne and Goldingay, Isaiah, II, pp. –, and Berges, Jesaja –, p. , note . For a contrary opinion, see, e.g., Blenkinsopp, Isaiah –, p. , note j, pp. –. 67
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Jacob-Israel is identified as the target audience in : and, given that no new information is provided, he presumably remains so until Isa :, where Daughter Babylon takes over as the new addressee. This assumption is supported by the inner consistency of Isa :–. Notably, there is continuity in the depiction of Jacob-Israel throughout the chapter. For example, the description of the target audience in verse as “obstinate” (áì éøéáà) and “far from righteousness” (ä÷ãöî íé÷åçøä) is in line with the description of the target audience in verse as “transgressors” (íéòùåô). We may therefore conclude that the audience in verses and remains the same. Taking yet another step, it is likely that this second person plural address is that of Jacob-Israel mentioned earlier in verse . The material in verse refers to Israel, as well as to Zion, in the third person as a way of closing the oracle. Throughout this oracle, God is thus telling Jacob-Israel that he cares for him (vv. –), that his plans have been known for a long time and that he is able to carry them out (v. ), that he has called someone from far away to carry out his plans (v. ) and that his salvation will come quickly to Zion for the benefit of Israel (v. ).69 Yet, the benefactor of God’s act and the recipient of his salvation, Jacob-Israel, is depicted as stubborn and as a sinner (vv. , ), in line with Isa :–; :–; :–. Even so, as in Isa :–, nothing in Isa :– compels us to see JacobIsrael as referring to pre-exilic Judah. On the contrary, sinful JacobIsrael is best understood as symbolizing a group among the author’s contemporaries. Furthermore, as in Isa :– (below), there is little warrant for distinguishing between the sinners and the recipient of God’s (coming) salvation, even though the address shifts from direct (v. ) to indirect (v. ) speech. It is difficult to justify differentiating between “Israel” in verse and “Israel” in verse . Rather, the most straightforward reading of Isa is to identify the stubborn audience of verses and with Israel in verse .70 In other words, the stubborn Jacob-Israel will, despite his stubbornness, be the recipient of God’s salvation. God will grant salvation for Jacob-Israel “in Zion” (äòåùú ïåéöá éúúð ìàøùéì). Here in Isa :, as well as in Isa :–, –; Isa :– , Zion is connected with Jacob-Israel. There is an implicit parallelism between the salvation and the glory, and between Israel and Zion. In 69 The prepositions in the expressions ïåéöá and ìàøùéì indicate Zion as the dwellingplace (of God) and Israel as the beneficiary of the salvation. See further Koole, Isaiah, III/, p. . 70 Scheuer, Return of YHWH, p. .
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fact, as Goldingay and Payne suggest, it is possible that the prepositions (ïåéöá, ìàøùéì) are varied more for rhetorical reasons than for those pertaining to meaning.71 This fusing of Israel and Zion suggests again that the characters of Jacob-Israel and Zion-Jerusalem are parallel personae that probably denote the same group of people. The reference to Zion as the place of God’s redemptive actions furthermore reveals a focus on Judah, something which is suggestive of a Judahite setting for the author and his/her target audience. In this context, it should be mentioned that a few scholars view verses – as a later explanatory comment and, as such, addressing a significantly later audience than the bulk of Isa –.72 This suggestion, should it be correct,73 does not influence my claim that the people of Judah are addressed. On the contrary, it emphasizes that several scholars have perceived that this text is best read as reflecting a situation in Judah. To sum up, Isa , especially verses –, connects the salvation of (Jacob)-Israel with God’s work of salvation in Zion. This demonstrates that the persona of Jacob-Israel is connected with Jerusalem and, by extension, probably represents the community there.
. Isaiah Isa :– opens the longer section of :–. Chapter has a three part structure: verses – contain accusations of Jacob-Israel combined with reflections related to God’s actions, verses – continue the call to Jacob-Israel but without the accusations and verses – bring up the accusations again and call Jacob-Israel out of Babylon. It is held together by its many shared themes. Although the subject / object varies, the text as a whole concerns a number of activities: God calling, people being called by him or calling themselves after something / someone (the root àø÷, vv. , , , , , ), God announcing matters (vv. , , , , ), God commanding his words / deeds to be declared (vv. , , ) and God sending (v. —éðçìù) or bringing someone (v. — åéúàéáä).
71
Goldingay and Payne, Isaiah, II, p. . See, e.g., Blenkinsopp, Isaiah –, p. . 73 There are good grounds for rejecting this suggestion. See further the discussion in Berges, Jesaja –, pp. –. 72
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Isa :– 1Listen to this, house of Jacob, [you] who are called (íéàø÷ðä) by the name Israel, and [who] came forth from the water / innermost parts74 of Judah (åàöé äãåäé éîîå), [you] who swear (íéòáùðä) by the name of YHWH and [who] call upon (åøéëæé) the God of Israel—but not in truth and not in righteousness. 2For after the holy city (ùã÷ä øéòî) they have named themselves (åàø÷ð)75 and they have relied (åëîñð) upon the God of Israel, YHWH of Host is his name.
Beginning with :–, verses – provide us with the key for identifying Israel and Jacob with one another, as well as with Jerusalem (øéò ùã÷ä) and the land / tribe of Judah. The house of Jacob has taken the name of Israel (íéàø÷ðä), they see Judah as their place of their origin (äãåäé éîîå åàöé) and they name themselves after the holy city (åàø÷ð). These verbs indicate strongly that the people addressed, i.e. Jacob-Israel, regard Judah as their place of origin. Furthermore, their identity is intimately connected with YHWH. They are presently swearing by the name of YHWH and remembering him. In fact, as the perfect verb forms indicate, they began to identify themselves with Jerusalem and to rely upon the God of Israel before the present time. Thus, Isa :– implies that Jacob-Israel’s identification with Judah in terms of origin and with Jerusalem in terms of identity is nothing new. Although this identification of Jacob-Israel with Jerusalem is explicit in the text, many scholars persist in seeing Jacob-Israel as representing the exilic community. Koole, for example, states that as the exiles see Babylon fall (Isa ), they gain a clearer vision of Zion.76 Other scholars offer interpretations that are closer to the text. Snaith, for example, noting the mention of Judah (v. ) and the audience’s claim to the holy city (v. ), acknowledges that the prophet here probably addresses the non-exiles, i.e. the people of Judah. The rest of his interpretation is unfortunately very convoluted. Snaith maintains that this Judahite identification of JacobIsrael is supported by the claim in verse bb that relates to the failure of 74 The imagery of water (Hebrew éîî) can be understood as a euphemism for sperm or a spring (cf. Deut :). For the history of interpretation, see Koole, Isaiah, III/, p. . Alternatively, some scholars suggest emending the Hebrew éîî to éòîî (“from the innermost parts of ”), as in Gen :; Sam :; :, all using the verb àöé. See, e.g., Blenkinsopp, Isaiah –, p. , note a, and Scheuer, Return of YHWH, p. , note . Maintaining the MT, we are possibly dealing with a maternal image here: the house of Jacob goes forth from the water (of the womb) of Judah. Cf. the expression éîà éòîî in Isa :. 75 The expression ïî àø÷ is not attested elsewhere in the Hebrew Bible. Elsewhere, the Niphal of àø÷ is passive “to be called” (cf. Isa :). See further BDB, p. a. 76 Koole, Isaiah, III/, p. .
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the audience to worship God in truth and righteousness, presupposing that the exiles in Babylon could not be prone to idolatry! Snaith further deems this Judahite claim to the identity of Jacob-Israel to be improper, as can be gathered from the descriptions of the people of Jerusalem in Ezek :; :– (“rebellious house”) and Jer :– (“bad figs”).77 Much of Snaith’s interpretation does not stand up to closer scrutiny. His assumption regarding the lack of sin in the exilic community cannot be defended (cf. Ezek :; :–, ), and his use of the polemical statements in Jer :–; Ezek :; :– in order to shed light upon the view of the people of Judah in Isa – is methodologically flawed (see chapter ). Nonetheless, the fact remains that Isa :– is best understood as addressing people in Judah. It should also be emphasized that it is God (as part of the divine speech) rather than the audience, who calls them “House of Jacob” (v. ). In view of this, Snaith’s claim that Isa :– denies that the people in Jerusalem are “to be reckoned among the People of God”78 is plainly incorrect. Rather, it is Jacob-Israel, living in Jerusalem, who is first declared sinful, given over to purification (vv. –) and then encouraged to draw near to YHWH (vv. –) in order to be redeemed (vv. –), although the accusations from the past remain (v. ). Simon offers yet another interpretation. Noting the change from the second to the third person within verses –, he argues that while verse refers to the people of Jerusalem (in the third person), verse addresses Jacob-Israel—who is to be identified with the exiles—directly in the second person. In order to arrive at this interpretation, he reads verse bb (ä÷ãöá àìå úîàá àì) together with verse aa as “It is neither true nor just that they call themselves after the holy city”. In other words, while JacobIsrael swears by the name of the Lord, the God of Israel, the people of Judah falsely name themselves after the holy city.79 This interpretation is, however, unacceptable. First, the reference to Judah in verse ab gives the clue to the Judahite setting of the audience. It is therefore impossible to argue that this verse refers to the exiles of Judahite origin in Babylon, while another group of people, anonymous apart from the fact that they name themselves after the holy city, refers to the community in Judah. Secondly, the two verses, despite the change of audience, have a shared
77 78 79
Snaith, “Isaiah –”, pp. –. Snaith, “Isaiah –”, p. . Simon, Theology of Salvation, p. .
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pattern that suggests that the group mentioned in verse is the same as the one referred to in verse . Both groups are referred to using the Niphal of àø÷ and both define themselves in relationship with God (v. “swear”, and v. “rely”). Thirdly, from a purely syntactical perspective, it is unusual for the particle éë to appear in the middle of a clause. Therefore, Simon’s suggested division of the text is not convincing. Several scholars also point out that the verb àöé (“set out”) in Isa : is a word play on Isa : (ìááî åàö = “set out of Babylon”), :– (åàö íùî = “set out of there”) and : (åàöàú äçîùá éë = “because they will set out with joy”).80 Berges, for example, notes that the people who “set out of the waters of Judah” have no business “sitting” along the rivers of Babylon (cf. Ps ).81 I agree with this interpretation to the extent that the shared use of the verb àöé connects the setting out of Jacob-Israel from the water of Judah and the setting out of the exiles from Babylon. However, as nothing else in Isa alludes to Ps , I find the connection between these two texts to be tenuous (see below). Other factors also support the identification of Jacob-Israel with Judah. Notably, the reference to Judah in Isa : brings to mind Isa : and the reference to Abraham, a verse where Jacob-Israel probably represents the people of Judah (cf. above). Likewise, the phrase “house of Jacob” (á÷òé úéá) in Isa : is reminiscent of Isa : (above), again a verse where Jacob-Israel is likely to symbolize the Judahites. These similarities suggest a similar identity of “the house of Jacob” in Isa :. Summing up, Isa :– identifies Jacob-Israel, the target audience of the oracle, with both Judah and Jerusalem. Based on this, it is reasonable to assume that the people behind the symbol of Jacob-Israel are a group of people presently in Judah. Verses – describe how, despite Jacob-Israel’s good intentions, God accuses him for not being exactly what God wants him to be. Although Jacob-Israel is doing all of the things mentioned in verses –, he is doing it the wrong way. Jacob-Israel is, in fact, obstinate and a worshipper of idols (vv. –, ). Even so, God has refrained from cutting him off, for the sake of God’s own praise (v. ). God has refined Jacob-Israel through suffering (v. ). Now, however, again for his own sake, God has decided to act (v. ). As in Isa :– (above), there is no compelling
80 81
E.g. Koole, Isaiah, III/, p. , Berges, Jesaja –, p. . Berges, Jesaja –, p. .
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reason for seeing this oracle as referring to pre-exilic Judah. Rather, the text implies continuity between pre-exilic Judah and the present target audience called Jacob-Israel, and its critique is aimed at both.82 Isa : opens the second part of the sequence of inter-connected oracles begun in Isa :–. Isa : Listen to me, O Jacob, and Israel my called one (éàø÷î).83 I am he, I am the first, I also am the last.
Isa : continues much in the same manner as Isa : (cf. Isa :; :), namely stating that Israel-Jacob is called by God. This verse provides no information about the identity of Jacob-Israel outside the text. Likewise, although the following verses allude to Cyrus and mention Babylon and the Chaldeans, nothing provides information on the geographical location of the target audience (cf. chapter ). The final part of the sequence of oracles in Isa , verses –, contains what is often regarded to be the biggest obstacle for a Judahite setting of Isa –, namely the command in verse to get out of Babylon. In this passage, Jacob is identified as God’s servant. Isa : Get out of Babylon! Flee from the Chaldeans! Declare with a ringing cry, make this heard! Make it go forth until the end of the earth! Say “YHWH has redeemed his servant Jacob”!
I have discussed the geographical implications of Isa : at length in chapters and . In summary, a close reading of this verse demonstrates that the audience, i.e. Jacob-Israel, is not the one who is encouraged to leave Babylon. Rather, this verse assigns the dual task to Jacob-Israel to first call out to (to the exiles) and tell them to leave Babylon, and then to declare to the people at the ends of the earth that God has redeemed his servant Jacob (i.e. himself). In other words, the exiles cannot constitute Jacob-Israel as the latter is responsible for telling them to get out. This, in turn, suggests that Jacob-Israel does not represent the exilic community in Babylon.
82
Scheuer, Return of YHWH, p. . Although the verb éàø÷î is vocalized as a Pual m.sg. participle, it is likely to be an example of the inner passive of Paal. 83
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. Isaiah :– The last reference to Jacob-Israel in Isa –—and the only one in Isa –—is found in Isa :– in what is traditionally called the second Servant Song (Isa :–). One of the cruxes when interpreting this section is Isa :, a verse that may, or may not, identify the Servant with Israel, depending on which textual tradition one adheres to. Isa :– 3And he said to me: “You are my servant, O Israel, in whom I will glorify myself (øàôúà)”. 4But I said “I have toiled for nothing, and I have spent my strength for confusion and emptiness. Yet my judgement (éèôùî) is with YHWH and my work (éúìòôå) is with my God”.
The word Israel is attested in the LXX and in the Vulgate but not in several MT manuscripts. It has been noted for a long time that the identification of the Servant with Israel is problematic in view of verse , where one of the Servant’s tasks is to bring back the tribes of Jacob and the survivors of Israel. At the same time, the idea of Jacob-Israel as God’s servant is attested throughout all of Isa – (:; :, ; :; :). One way to solve the issue it to treat Jacob as distinct from Israel, but this is suboptimal, given the prevalent use of Israel and Jacob as denoting one group of people elsewhere in Isa –. Alternatively, Williamson suggests reading “Israel” as a designation rather than as a vocative. He paraphrases “I now designate you ‘Israel’ ”. In other words, the person in question is designated as servant and as Israel, but he is to be distinguished from Jacob-Israel to whom he has a ministry of restoration.84 This is a possible interpretation and I tentatively agree with it. Verses – tell how the servant is called to restore Jacob-Israel. In this passage, Jacob-Israel is referred to indirectly in third person. Isa :– 5“And now, says YHWH who formed me from the womb (ïèáî) to be his servant, to bring back Jacob to him (åéìà á÷òé ááåùì), so that Israel (ìàøùéå) will be gathered to him.85 And I was glorified in the eyes of YHWH and my God was my strength”. 6And he said: “It is easy (ì÷ð), you being my servant (ãáò éì êúåéäî), to restore the tribes of Jacob
84 H.G.M. Williamson, Variations on a Theme: King, Messiah and Servant in the Book of Isaiah (Carlisle, Paternoster Press, ), p. . 85 Following the qere åì rather than the ketib àì. The qere is also attested by the LXX although the syntax of the LXX differs from that of the MT (το συναγαγεν τν Ιακωβ κα Ισραηλ πρς ατν = “to gather Jacob and Israel to him”).
chapter seven (á÷òé éèáù úà íé÷äì) and to bring back (áéùäì) the preserved ones of Israel ([éøåöð] éøéöð).86 And I will set you as light of the nations, to be (úåéäì)87 my salvation as far as the end of the earth”.
It is difficult to define Jacob-Israel in this passage. In many respects, he is portrayed differently in the present oracle than in the preceding material. First, as already noted, Isa :– depicts Jacob-Israel as distinct from God’s servant, in contrast to Isa :; :, ; : and Isa : where he is identified as God’s servant. Furthermore, Isa : speaks about “the tribes of Jacob” rather than of “Jacob”, and about “the preserved ones of Israel” rather than of “Israel”. These two definitions both widen yet also narrow down the scope for the identification of Jacob-Israel. On the one hand, the expression “the tribes of Jacob” is a broad term that appears to imply a lot of people. On the other hand, the phrase “the preserved ones of Israel” indicates a group of people that is now fewer than before. As to the location of the community symbolised by Jacob-Israel, it is important to note that the Servant’s mission is to both far away places and nations (vv. , ) and his own people (vv. –). As to Jacob-Israel, the Servant is supposed to “raise [him] up” (v. ) and to “bring [him] back” (vv. , ). At first sight, this latter notion seems to imply a Diaspora identity of Jacob-Israel. At a closer glance, however, it is evident that Jacob-Israel is to be brought back to God. In verse , the expression ááåùì åéìà á÷òé states that the Servant will bring Jacob-Israel back to God, with the result that Israel will gather to him. This concept of a return is thus more spiritual than geographical. Likewise, the phrases éèáù-úà íé÷äì á÷òé (“to raise up the tribes of Jacob”) and áéùäì ìàøùé éøéöðå (“and to bring back the branches / survivors88 of Israel”) in verse imply a larger, nationwide mission including all the people of Israel: those in Judah and 86
The ketib éøéöð is a m.pl. adjective in construct form while the qere éøåöð is a m.pl. Paal passive participle in construct form. 87 The syntax of the expression éúòåùé úåéäì in Isa :bb is difficult to understand. The LXX attests to the translation το ε να σε ε(ς σωτηρ αν (“that you should be for salvation”), and this is followed by, among other translations, the Authorized Version (“that thou mayest be my salvation”). Among critical scholars, this reading is followed by, among others, Goldingay and Payne, Isaiah, II, p. . In contrast, JPS detaches this expression from the preceding v. ba, and assumes that the word éúòåùé is the new subject: “that My salvation may be”. Among critical scholars, Blenkinsopp, Isaiah –, pp. , , advocates this reading. Yet again, the NIB renders v. b freely as “that you may bring my salvation”. 88 For the meaning of the Hebrew word éøéöð, see the discussion in Goldingay and Paine, Isaiah, II, pp. –. T (úåúì = “dispersion”) and LXX (διασπορ2ν το Ισραηλ = “the dispersion of Israel”) assume that it refers to the exiles. The root øöð normally
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possibly also those of the former northern kingdom, those at home and those in dispersion. There is thus no reason to suspect that Jacob-Israel here implies a smaller, exilic and/or faithful, section of the people.89 As the verb áéùäì appears without further specifications, it is unwarranted simply to assume that it refers to a physical return from Babylon. In fact, the emphasis on God’s salvation in the verse as a whole implies a more metaphorical meaning. The Servant’s task is to “bring back” the preserved ones of Israel to God (cf. v. ). Finally, looking to Middlemas’ criteria for recognizing Judahite speech (cf. chapter ), as in Isa :, the timbre of the statements in Isa :– points to a Judahite setting. The speaker in Isa :, b, traditionally identified with the Servant, wavers between despair and confidence. In verse a, this person is on the brink of despair, as can be seen by the Servant’s statement éúéìë éçë ìáäå åäúì éúòâé ÷éøì éúøîà éðàå (“But I said ‘I have toiled for nothing, and I have spent my strength in chaos and emptiness’ ”), a phrase that recalls the words of Isa :b–. In contrast, in verse b he speaks with a more confident note: éúìòôå §ä-úà éèôùî ïëà éäìà-úà (“but surely my cause is with the Lord and my reward is with God”), as he does in verse b: éæò äéä éäìàå §ä éðéòá ãáëàå (“and I was glorified in the eyes of YHWH and my God was my strength”). Is this a dialogue between what the Servant actually feels versus what he ought to feel? Alternatively, does it reflect what he used to feel but now, in light of God’s imminent intervention, his confidence is boosted? In both cases, Isa :– presents us with typical Judahite speech, though with a twist.90 Summing up, Isa :– contains few hints that shed light upon the identity of Jacob-Israel. Nothing suggests an exclusively exilic setting even though the scope of the Servant’s mission includes the wider Diaspora as well as the nations. Instead, given the global, as well as the spiritual, scope of the Servant’s tasks, it is likely that Jacob-Israel stands for the entire Jewish community, including both the Diaspora and the people in Judah.
means “to guard, watch, keep” (BDB, p. b). Alternatively, it can be linked with the noun øöð = “branch” (Isa :; :; :; Dan :). The translation “branch” fits the parallel word “tribe”. 89 See further the discussion in Goldingay and Paine, Isaiah, II, p. . 90 See further Tiemeyer, “Drama of Judahite Voices”.
chapter seven . YHWH, the God of Israel-Jacob (Isaiah :; :; :; :; :; :; :; :)
The following seven passages contain epithets for YHWH that all include the term “Israel”. In total, YHWH is referred to as Israel’s king, Israel’s redeemer, the God of Israel and the Holy one of Israel. Isa : Thus says YHWH, the king of Israel (ìàøùé êìî) and his redeemer (åìàâå), YHWH of Hosts: “I am the first and I am the last and besides me there is no God.” Isa : Indeed, you are a God (ìà) who hides himself, the God of Israel, [the] saviour (òéùåî ìàøùé éäìà). Isa : Our redeemer (åðìàâ), YHWH of Hosts is his name, the Holy One of Israel (ìàøùé ùåã÷). Isa : Thus says YHWH, your redeemer (êìàâ), the Holy One of Israel (ìàøùé ùåã÷): “I am YHWH your God who teaches you to benefit (ìéòåäì), who leads you on the way [in which] you should walk”. Isa :91 Thus says YHWH, the redeemer of Israel, his holy one, to one despised (ùôð äæáì), to one abhorred by nation(s) (éåâ áòúîì), to a servant of rulers. Kings will see and stand up, and princes will bow down, for the same of YHWH who is faithful, the holy one of Israel, who has chosen you (êøçáéå). Isa : 12For you will not set out in haste, and you will not walk in flight, because YHWH is walking before you and the God of Israel is gathering you (íëôñàîå). Isa : 5Behold, you will call a nation that you do not know, and a nation that does not know you will run to you. For the sake of YHWH, your God (êéäìà §ä) and the Holy One of Israel (ìàøùé ùåã÷ìå), because he has glorified you.
We cannot learn much about the persona of Jacob-Israel within Isa – from these seven passages, let alone anything about the geographical identity of the community behind the symbol. What we can learn, however, is that the authors of Isa – defined God in relationship to Israel. Along similar lines, Isa : refers to YHWH as “the Strong One of Jacob”.
91
For textual notes, see chapter .
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Isa : I will feed those who oppress you with their [own] flesh (íøùá), and they will get drunk [on] their [own] blood as [on] sweet wine, and all flesh (øùá ìë) will know that I am YHWH, your saviour and your redeemer, the Strong One of Jacob (á÷òé øéáà).
On its own, this verse does not contribute to the geographical setting of Jacob. In its wider context in an oracle to Zion-Jerusalem (Isa :– , see chapter ), it is interesting to note that God, here appearing as a warrior, is described in relationship to Jacob (“the Strong one of Jacob” [á÷òé øéáà]). This confirms the impression of the aforementioned texts addressing Jacob-Israel that there is no rigid distinction between the personae of Zion-Jerusalem and Jacob-Israel. This type of fluidity is attested also in the contemporary book of Lamentations where Lam : identifies Zion-Jerusalem with Jacob. From the point of view of Lamentations, Zion-Jerusalem and Jacob together represent the community in Jerusalem. Given the strong links between Lamentations and Isa – in general, where the latter text alludes to the former (see chapter ), it is likely that Isa : is influenced by, and possibly also alludes to, Lam : (cf. chapter ).92 If this is correct, this is yet another reason for interpreting Jacob-Israel and Zion-Jerusalem in Isa – as together representing the community in Jerusalem. To sum up this short section, YHWH is consistently described with the term Jacob-Israel throughout Isa –. In fact, there is no difference in this regard between Isa – and –. This implies that even when Zion-Jerusalem is addressed, as in the oracles of Isa :– and Isa :– (see chapter ), God is defined in terms of Jacob-Israel. This lack of distinction suggests that the two literary personae, Jacob-Israel and Zion-Jerusalem, function as symbols for the same community.
. Conclusion As we have seen, little favours identifying Jacob-Israel with the exilic community in Babylon. On the contrary, the extant evidence suggests that Jacob-Israel in many, if not all, of the places where he occurs, 92 Lam : “Zion spreads forth her hands. There is none to comfort her. YHWH has commanded concerning Jacob that his enemies should surround him (åéøö åéáéáñ). Jerusalem is like a menstruating woman (äãðì) among them”.
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symbolizes the community in Judah. This identification is manifest in more than one way. First, some passages identify Jacob-Israel clearly with Jerusalem and emphasize his Judahite origin (Isa :–, cf. :; :). Secondly, several of the verses that address Jacob-Israel contain an implied Judahite perspective (Isa :–; :–), thus rendering it likely that Jacob-Israel, as the target audience, is Judahite. Thirdly, in a few places (Isa :; :–), the persona of Jacob-Israel is identified with Judah and its population before bc, yet the same passages also emphasize continuity between this past community and the present one. Fourthly, some passages contain references to issues that might have been more relevant for people in Judah (sacrifices—Isa :; water, streams— :–; mountain and forests—:). Fifthly, the theology found in Jacob-Israel’s speech (Isa :; :; possibly also :–) fits that of the community of templeless Judah. Sixthly, some verses do not contribute anything substantial in terms of geographical allusions but their larger context is in line with a Judahite setting (Isa :, –; :–; :). Finally, Isa : indicates that there are good reasons to differentiate between Jacob-Israel and the exiles, as the former is responsible for commanding the latter to leave Babylon. The passages that refer to Israel or Jacob alone present a similar picture. Several passages also fuse the concepts of Zion-Jerusalem and JacobIsrael. The changing address in Isa :– between Zion-Jerusalem and Jacob-Israel implies that Zion-Jerusalem and Jacob-Israel are interchangeable characters. Likewise, the connection in Isa :– between the salvation of (Jacob)-Israel and God’s work of salvation in Zion suggests that Jacob-Israel and Zion-Jerusalem represents the same community. The same is true for Isa : where God is described in relationship to Jacob (“the Strong one of Jacob”) in an oracle addressed to Zion-Jerusalem. Taken together, the textual evidence of Isa – suggests that the character of Jacob-Israel within the text of Isa – functions as a representative of the Judahite community.
chapter eight ZION-JERUSALEM IN ISAIAH 40–55
Introduction In the previous chapter we saw that many factors suggest that the literary persona of Jacob-Israel functions as a representative of the community in Judah. In this chapter, we shall focus on Zion-Jerusalem, the second dominant character of Isa –. In particular, we shall ask whether she is presented as the representative of earthly Jerusalem or whether she serves as a more abstract symbol, such as the theological goal of God’s salvific actions or as the exiles’ spiritual destiny. The two names “Jerusalem” and “(Daughter) Zion” appear in several textual constellations. Most frequently, the names Zion / Daughter Zion and Jerusalem are attested in parallel lines and thus appear to be parallels (Isa :; :; :; :–, –). In addition, the term Zion appears alone (Isa :–; :, , ), as does the term Jerusalem (Isa :–; :). Finally, Jerusalem appears once together with a reference to the foundation of the temple (Isa :). As was the case of Jacob-Israel, the often parallel relationship between Jerusalem and Zion, together with the varied yet similar ways in which these two entities are depicted, suggests that the two terms are used roughly synonymously throughout Isa – . For the sake of simplicity, I shall therefore refer to either “ZionJerusalem” or “the city”,1 yet I shall remain open to the possibility that one term may denote distinct characteristics that are not shared by the other term. The present chapter falls into two parts. As the persona of ZionJerusalem / Daughter Zion and the terms used to describe her have been the focus on much recent and diverse research to a much higher degree 1 I do not regard synonymous parallelism as fully synonymous. Rather, each strophe may highlight a certain nuance not carried by the other. In the cases when Zion and Jerusalem appear in parallel lines, we shall therefore assume that they denote approximately the same entity, although possibly slightly modified, made more specific, more focused, more concrete or even more dramatic. See further R. Alter, The Art of Biblical Poetry (New York, Basic Books, ), pp. –.
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than Jacob-Israel, it is fitting to begin with a brief history of research. As in chapter , I shall then provide a verse by verse discussion of the relevant passages in Isa – that refer to Zion-Jerusalem, with the aim of discovering the identity of the community behind the symbol.
. History of Research Much has been written on the identity of Zion-Jerusalem in Isa – and it is therefore necessary to survey briefly past research before we look in more detail at the individual passages. I shall concentrate less on the research that relates to her role inside the text and more on the research that deals with the identity of the community which she represents outside the text. Throughout this survey, I shall focus on two interrelated issues: to what extent does Zion-Jerusalem function as a symbol for an earthly place and/or for a specific community contemporary with the authors of Isa –, and to what extent do the descriptions of ZionJerusalem help us to identify this place and/or community? .. Zion-Jerusalem in Isaiah –: Physical City or Symbol? Much of the scholarship on this topic has focused on the extent to which the persona of Zion-Jerusalem represents the earthly city of Jerusalem and the extent to which she symbolizes something deeper. Scholars in general maintain that the identification of Zion-Jerusalem with the physical city and its earthly population is too simplistic. Rather, they argue that the symbolic value of Zion-Jerusalem exceeds that of the physical city. This agreement is expressed in many ways. First, several scholars examine the persona of Zion-Jerusalem and her theological relationship to the people of Israel. Among these, Follis suggests that the persona Daughter Zion (ïåéö úá) represents the intimate, virtually inseparable relationship between place and people. Rather than symbolizing a collection of human beings somewhere in space, Daughter Zion denotes the place that these people can call “home”, i.e. a place from which they derive identity.2 Along similar lines, Frymer-Kensky argues that although the persona of Zion is very much the physical city of
2 E.R. Follis, “The Holy City as Daughter”, Directions in Biblical Hebrew Poetry (ed. E. Follis, JSOTS , Sheffield, Continuum, ), pp. –.
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houses and walls, she is also a person who dwells within this physical city. However, rather than simply symbolizing the inhabitants of the city, Zion embodies its essence, the immanent presence that lives within its walls.3 According to Frymer-Kensky, the persona of Zion is the representative of the people, part of the people and the focus of its hope.4 This combination of physical city, embodiment of its population and expression of its future hope captures well the sense of Zion-Jerusalem in Isa –. In addition, the same fusion of ideas is contained within the representation of Zion-Jerusalem in the subsequent material in Isa – .5 In this latter eschatological text, Jerusalem symbolizes both God’s presence (e.g. Isa :, –, ) and the centre of the universe (e.g. Isa :, ; :, ). At the same time she never looses her earthliness since the text speaks of her physical attributes, such as her gates and her walls (e.g. Isa :–; :; :). In view of this, the notion of Jerusalem as a symbol for God’s presence, as Israel’s hope and home and as the embodiment of the soul of Israel, does not mean that Jerusalem cannot be identified with the earthly city and her population. On the contrary, as I endeavour to show in this chapter, these future hopes of divine presence and political supremacy are intimately connected to the physical city of Jerusalem in Isa –. Other scholars distinguish more strictly between, on the one hand, the earthly city and its populations and, on the other, the theological concept of the city. Knight, for example, differentiates between Zion as constituting God’s people, currently “dwelling on the flat Mesopotamian plain”, and Jerusalem as constituting the physical city. He further maintains that whenever Jerusalem is addressed in plural the exiles are implied, while, whenever she is addressed in singular she refers to the city in exile.6 Unfortunately, Knight’s view appears to be somewhat muddled. First, his view of Jerusalem as a physical city cannot be reconciled with his view 3 T. Frymer-Kensky, In the Wake of the Goddesses: Women, Culture and the Biblical Transformation of Pagan Myth (New York, Free Press, ), p. . 4 Frymer-Kensky, Wake of the Goddesses, p. . 5 See, e.g. the recent discussion in R.D. Well, “ ‘They All Gather, They Come to You’: History, Utopia, and the Reading of Isaiah :– and :–”, The Desert Will Bloom: Poetic Visions in Isaiah (eds A.J. Everson and H.C.P. Kim, Ancient Israel and Its Literature , Atlanta, GA., SBL, ), pp. –. Well discusses the textual interrelationship between the address to the woman who is a personification of Zion in Isa and the city of Zion in Isa . 6 G.A.F. Knight, Isaiah –: Servant Theology (Grand Rapids, Mich., Eerdmans, ), p. .
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that it represents a city in exile. Secondly, while he obviously views the exiles as the prime target of the message of Isa –, it seems as if he regards the people of Judah as a kind of secondary target, yet he nowhere explores the practicalities that this view involves. Finally, as we shall see below, it is doubtful that the change in address from singular to plural has any exegetical value. Along similar lines, Steck argues that Zion-Jerusalem is a collective term that represents not only the population of the city but the (whole) people of Israel.7 At the same time, Steck differentiates between personified Zion and the actual physical inhabitants of Jerusalem on the basis of Isa :–, a passage that seemingly distinguishes between Zion and her sons and daughters, yet also describes Zion as childless. Steck concludes that Zion stands in relation with her inhabitants in a similar way to relation to God, identical to neither.8 Hermisson has challenged Steck’s interpretation of an empty city distinct from its inhabitants. Hermisson points out that the city that will become God’s spouse anew must be a populated city. Anything else would, in fact, be rather nightmarish.9 Hermisson also highlights that Isa – often depicts Jerusalem as a city with walls and people. As such, she functions as a symbol for the relationship between God and his people. In a sense, Zion represents Israel.10 Moving outside of Isa –, Hermisson argues that since neither Isa :– nor Lam distinguish between personified Zion and her earthly population there is little warrant for doing so in Isa –.11 I agree with Hermisson that Zion, the earthly city, represents Israel. However, we need to define the term “Israel” since it was not employed equally by the various Jewish communities in the time period following bc. The identity of Israel was contested and various groups used the term differently in accordance with their own convictions.12 In other words, the question, to which we shall return to below, is not whether or not Zion represented “Israel”; rather, the question is which “Israel” she represented, the returning exiles from Babylon, the people who lived in earthly Jerusalem or both?
7 8 9 10 11 12
Steck, Gottesknecht und Zion, p. . Steck, Gottesknecht und Zion, pp. –, . Hermisson, “Die Frau Zion”, p. . Hermisson, “Die Frau Zion”, pp. –. Hermisson, “Die Frau Zion”, pp. –. See the discussion in Williamson, “Israel in Transition”, pp. –.
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Some scholars have also explored the relation between Zion-Jerusalem and Jacob-Israel, the other chief character of Isa – (chapter ). Is Jacob-Israel Zion-Jerusalem’s alter ego or her opponent? Do they represent the same community or opposing ones? Hermisson distinguishes between the two personae on primarily geographical, but also chronological, grounds. He sees Jacob-Israel in Isa – as signifying Israel from the viewpoint of departure and journey, while Zion-Jerusalem, in that she represents the destination of the wandering people, represents all of Israel from the viewpoint of arrival.13 In the same vein, Bonnard argues that the change in address from Jacob-Israel in Isa – to Zion-Jerusalem in Isa – is a chronological matter, reflecting a change of audience. Isa – originated prior to Cyrus’ edict, while Isa – consists of later reflections, written at a time when a return to Jerusalem had became an actual possibility.14 From a different perspective, Maier detects shared imagery in the depictions of Zion-Jerusalem and Jacob-Israel. In the case of JacobIsrael and Zion-Jerusalem, Maier notes that what is demanded of ZionJerusalem in Isa :– is demanded of Jacob-Israel in other passages. For example, neither figure should fear (Isa :; cf. :; :, ; :) nor be ashamed or dismayed (Isa :; cf. :; :). Likewise, both characters are said to have offspring (Isa :; cf. :; :; :, ; :; :). Moreover, God will redeem Jacob-Israel (Isa :; :) and Zion-Jerusalem (Isa :; :, ) alike.15 As above, Hermisson’s view lacks any precision as to who is included in “the people of Israel”. I suspect that Hermisson, although he does not say so explicitly, equates Jacob-Israel with the “Israel” of the returning exiles, first those in Babylon and then those who had arrived in Judah. There is, in fact, a dominant tendency among many exegetes to associate “Israel” with the exiles.16 However, as we have already seen in the preceding chapter, this tendency lacks textual support. On the contrary, the sentiments expressed by and about Jacob-Israel do not fit the golah community. 13
Hermisson, “Einhet und Komplexität”, pp. –. P.-E. Bonnard, “Relire Esaïe –”, ETR (), pp. –. 15 Maier, Daughter Zion, pp. –. 16 See, e.g., J.F.A. Sawyer, “Daughter of Zion and Servant of the lord in Isaiah: A Comparison”, JSOT (), p. , who argues that Jacob-Israel and Zion-Jerusalem both address the people collectively. He equates “the people” with the exiles without supporting this identification. See also Stone, “Second Isaiah”, p. , who maintains that Jacob is the collective symbol for the men within the exilic community, and Israel is the corporate symbol of the nation now in exile. 14
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Likewise, as we shall discover below, there is no support for restricting the identification of Zion-Jerusalem to the returnees from Babylon. In contrast, Maier’s insight regarding Jacob-Israel and Zion-Jerusalem is supported by the changing address in Isa :– between Zion-Jerusalem and Jacob-Israel, and by the connection in Isa :– between the salvation of (Jacob)-Israel and God’s work of salvation in Zion (chapter ). Looking beyond Isa –, the personified Zion is attested primarily in Lamentations. She also appears, albeit more sparsely, throughout much of the prophetic corpus, and in particular in Ezek and . These two Ezekielian chapters shed little light on the specific use of Zion-Jerusalem in Isa – since their imagery denotes only the city and its inhabitants prior to the destruction in bc, yet they testify to a tradition of referring to a city when seeking to implicate its human population. Lamentations forms a better parallel to Isa – in that both textual corpora treat Jerusalem’s destruction and the ensuing dispersion of her population as already accomplished facts. The key issue here is to what extent the Zion-Jerusalem of Lamentations refers to the earthy city and her inhabitants, and whether or not the later Isa – reflects this use. Notably, the personification of Zion-Jerusalem in Lamentations differs from that in Isa – in its manner of address. While Jerusalem is addressed with the masculine plural throughout much of Lamentations, Isa – tends to address Jerusalem with the feminine singular. This disparity has sometimes been interpreted as a sign of two distinct identities for Jerusalem. Willey, for example, argues that the plural address in Lamentations emphasizes Jerusalem’s many individual inhabitants, while the singular collective address in Isa – denotes a more theoretical entity that is removed from the individuals’ suffering, and she interprets this latter use as a sign of reluctance to mention Jerusalem’s actual population.17 Willey is correct in her observation that Isa – addresses Jerusalem collectively for the most part, even though there are exceptions,18 yet this phenomenon need not stem from any reluctance to refer to the individual inhabitants of the city. It is rather more plausible that, in using
17
Willey, Remember the Former Things, pp. –. See especially Isa :–, which addresses the people of Jerusalem rather than the city herself since “your comforter” in : is m.pl. (íëîçðî). Furthermore, a single male person is addressed throughout vv. – (e.g. çëùúå, ãçôúå—v. ), and Zion is identified in m.sg. with God’s people (äúà éîò ïåéöì—v. ). 18
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the collective address, the authors of Isa – sought to portray the population of Jerusalem as a group of people with shared values.19 It should also be noted that no absolute distinction exists between the two books in this respect. As with Isa –, several sections in Lamentations refer to Jerusalem collectively. Lam :–, for example, treats Jerusalem as a feminine singular entity, followed in verses – by a lament in the sg. that represents her whole population (v. , äîò ìë). Similarly, Lam :– speaks of Judah and Israel as collective entities, while the subsequent verses alternate between a sg. speaker who discusses the situation of the people in Jerusalem (vv. –) and a longer section in which Jerusalem is addressed with the f.sg. (vv. –). Finally, Lam , although it emphasizes the fates of individual persons, also stresses the unity of Jerusalem and its people. Given the collective treatment of Jerusalem and its inhabitants throughout much of Lamentations, we should not be surprised that Isa –, a text that in many respects responds to Lamentations (cf. chapter ), adopts this habit. It is in fact plausible, although not inevitable, that Isa – employs the shared imagery of personified Jerusalem in a manner similar to that of Lamentations. This, in turn, means that there is no need to interpret the collective references to Jerusalem in Isa – as anything but references to the physical city and its actual inhabitants. Along the same lines, since Isa – has so clearly reused much of the imagery of Lamentations, it is probable that it has retained the dominant sphere of reference of Zion-Jerusalem, one of its chief symbols. Heim has also looked at the personified feminine city in Lam . In contrast to Willey, Heim argues that Zion symbolizes both the physical appearance of the city and her inhabitants. He detects various levels of abstraction. The people of Jerusalem are first translated into an abstract idea (ideation) and then into a geographical location (topification). This inanimate form, i.e. Jerusalem, is finally transformed into a human being (personification). In this manner, a group of people are translated into one person who speaks for them (impersonation). Heim thus points out that the personified Daughter Zion has become the representative of every single member in the Jerusalem community. She impersonates each individual survivor in Jerusalem, from infants to old men and woman, and, as she represents both the individual members of the 19 For a more detailed discussion, see further L.-S. Tiemeyer, “Geography and Textual Allusions: Interpreting Isaiah – and Lamentations as Judahite Texts”, VT (), pp. –.
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community and the community as a whole, she feels, thinks, responds and speaks for them.20 Heim’s views regarding the function of personified Zion-Jerusalem are convincing and I shall therefore draw on them in the ensuing discussion. Finally, it has also proven fruitful to investigate the personification of Zion in the larger Isaianic tradition in which Isa – belongs.21 Boase, in particular, has drawn attention to the lack of extensive personification of Jerusalem in Isa –. The phrase “Daughter Zion” (ïåéö úá), for example, is only attested in Isa :–; :; :; :. In these passages, the personification is minimal and the phrase “Daughter Zion” is closer to a geographical designation of the city. Only Isa : attributes speech to her. Isa :–; :–:; :– attest to a more developed personification. These passages ascribe speech, action and attributes to the city, and there is fluidity between references to the singular city and to the community.22 According to Boase, this fluidity between the personified figure of the city and the community which inhabits the city, attested in both Lamentations and the prophetic literature, is an important feature of the personification. The overlap between the city and the community allows for the pain and suffering to be expressed. The city is a woman with regard to her attributes and behaviours, yet she is also a city in that she symbolizes the sum of the inhabitants within her walls.23 To conclude, Isa – stands in the wider prophetic tradition of the personification of cities. This tradition does not distinguish sharply between the personified figure of the city and its inhabitants. Isa – further belongs to the tradition of personified Zion-Jerusalem as attested in 20 Heim, “Personification of Jerusalem”, pp. –, . In contrast, in Lam this corporate identity of daughter Zion begins to break up into representative members of the community (e.g. rulers, priests, elders, maidens etc. [p. ]). See also the recent monograph by Boase, Fulfilment of Doom, pp. –. Boase concludes that the personification of Jerusalem in Lamentations conforms to the personification in previous prophetic literature (Isa –; Jeremiah, Zephaniah, Micah) while also representing a further innovation. The personification allows the city to be portrayed in a detailed and complex way, powerfully expressing sorrow, pain and suffering, and it enables the audience to be drawn into her plight and to feel with the city. In this way, Lamentations differs from that of preceding prophetic literature. Rather than using personified Jerusalem as a literary device to emphasize the judgement of Jerusalem, it is now used to evoke the audience’s sympathy. 21 There is little doubt that Isa – is connected to and builds upon the content of Isa –*, although the exact relationship cannot be established beyond doubt. 22 Boase, Fulfilment of Doom, p. . 23 Boase, Fulfilment of Doom, pp. –.
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Lamentations where, again, no sharp distinction can be drawn between the personified city and its inhabitants. Taken together, the evidence suggests that the persona of Zion-Jerusalem serves as a symbol for the earthly city and its inhabitants. .. Zion, a Symbol of the Exilic Community? Many scholars maintain that Zion is a symbol for the exilic community. This view is particularly prevalent among, although not limited to, those scholars who detect a Babylonian perspective of all of Isa – and who regard Isa – as the product of one distinct prophetic figure living in Babylon.24 Rignell is a typical representative of this view. Although he notes that the prophet responsible for Isa – addresses Zion, he never contemplates the possibility that the prophet’s audience might actually have been the people of Jerusalem. Instead he argues that although it may seem strange and complicated to a modern mind, the prophet used the term “Israel” as a spiritual concept to represent the exiles whose true home was in the Promised Land even at a time when they were in captivity in Babylon. Furthermore, although Rignell appears to include, at least in some capacity, the people of Jerusalem within the text into this “Israel”, this inclusion does not extend to the physical population of Jerusalem outside the text: “It does not, of course, have to be explained literally as if the native population of the country greets its returning relatives, because Zion is at the same time to be found among the exiles.”25 More recently, the scholarly trend has been to interpret the shift of address from Jacob-Israel in Isa – to Zion-Jerusalem in Isa – as a shift from Babylon to Jerusalem, yet the latter is never understood as representing earthly Jerusalem because of the exegetes’ tacit assumption that the author of Isa – remained in Babylon. Rather, the shift reflects where the Babylonian exilic community ought to be, i.e. the conceptual destination of the Babylonian exiles.26 Newsom, for example, maintains that Isa – is “infused with the perspectives and intentions of the 24 E.g. L.J. Hoppe, The Holy City: Jerusalem in the Theology of the OT (Minnesota, Liturgical Press, ), pp. –. 25 Rignell, Study of Isaiah, pp. –. 26 E.g. T. Linafelt, Surviving Lamentations: Catastrophe, Lament, and Protest in the Afterlife of a Biblical Book (Chicago and London, The University of Chicago Press, ), pp. , –. See also his “Surviving Lamentations”, HBT (), pp. –. Repr. in A Feminist Companion to Reading the Bible: Approaches, Methods and Strategies (eds A. Brenner and C. Fontaine, Sheffield, Sheffield Academic Press, ), pp. –.
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exilic community”, and that, by locating itself within the speech of the Judahite community, the exilic community is provided with a symbolic narrative within which they can imagine themselves being welcomed home.27 Likewise, O’Connor argues that Daughter Zion functions as a symbol: “Second Isaiah now needs her story to get the people out of exile”. Zion does not so much represent the exiled people; rather, “Zion embodies Second Isaiah’s summons to his exilic audience in that her comfort is also their comfort”. According to O’Connor, Zion, as a symbol, is needed to ensure the exiles that their comforting mother is joyously awaiting their return, and that the city in the far-off land is readying her home for the returnees.28 These two studies stress the importance of treating the concept of space in Isa – as a social construct, defined less by territory and more by people and their practices, and the question as to what extent Zion-Jerusalem has ceased to be the physical city and instead become the imagined space of the exilic community is central. For example, the notion of Eretz Israel became dislocated from the geographical entity in later Jewish tradition. At the time when the Jewish community in Babylon had come to perform the same functions as the Jewish community in Eretz Israel, the Babylon of the Jewish community gradually came to be regarded as the equivalent of the territorial Eretz Israel, a precise copy that preserved its very essence.29 Likewise, Mediaeval Judaism came to describe the Diaspora communities as Jerusalem and/or as Eretz Israel as a means of legitimizing them, even though the Jerusalem “of dust and stone” kept its special role.30 Nonetheless, I hesitate to regard the notion of Zion-Jerusalem in Isa – as an early example of this way of thinking. Although the city has been destroyed, Isa – betrays confidence in the exiles’ imminent return. This hope has a different quality than that expressed by Diaspora Jews in their Passover utterance “next year in Jerusalem”. It is 27 C. Newsom, “Response to Norman K. Gottwald, ‘Social Class and Ideology in Isaiah –’ ”, Semeia (), pp. –. 28 O’Connor, “Speak Tenderly to Jerusalem”, p. . 29 I. Gafni, Land, Center and Diaspora: Jewish Constructs in Late Antiquity (JSPS , Sheffield, Sheffield Academic Press, ), pp. –. See also the discussion in L.I. Lied, The Other Lands of Israel: Imaginations of the Land in Baruch (JSJS , Leiden, Brill, ), pp. –. 30 S. Rosenberg, “The Link to the Land in Jewish Though: A Clash of Perspectives”, The Land of Israel: Jewish Perspectives (ed. L.A. Hoffman, University of Notre Dame Center for the Study of Judaism and Christianity in Antiquity , Notre Dame, IN., University of Notre Dame Press, ), pp. –.
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also imperative to remember that Rabbinical Judaism never replaced the physical city of Jerusalem with the Diaspora community. The Diaspora community always remained a copy of the real thing. In view of this, I find Newsom’s and O’Connor’s interpretation to be overly complicated, particularly given the lack of prior compelling evidence for a Babylonian setting of all of Isa –.31 I also find O’Connor’s interpretation ultimately unconvincing in that Zion is not portrayed within Isa – as being very enthusiastic about the return of the exiles. Zion’s only words (Isa :) betray doubt, and her children are envisioned as complaining about lack of space (Isa :) (cf. below). Other scholars resist seeing Zion-Jerusalem as a symbol of one specific group of people. In particular, Beuken argues that Zion represents both groups of Israel’s population: the miserable city and the oppressed exiles who long to return.32 Unfortunately, Beuken does not develop his idea further. Finally, a few scholars maintain that the geographic perspective within the text does not necessarily reflect the actual setting of the text. Baltzer, for example, differentiates between the place of performance and the place of composition of Isa –. He argues that Isa – was probably composed in Judah, given both the prominence of the theme of the rebuilding of Jerusalem and the author’s apparent familiarity with Jerusalem’s geographical position, yet he supposes that Babylon is the place of its performance. Isa – was meant to provide publicity for Jerusalem, i.e. to encourage the golah community in Babylon to regard Jerusalem as a place of pilgrimage.33 Abma also sees Isa – as a drama, performed before an audience, with various stage actors, and in which the perspective moves back and forth between Babylon and Judah like “a spotlight constantly switching from one to the other”.34 A play can change between several locations and address different communities within one performance. In contrast, its physical audience remains in one place, i.e. as spectators looking at the stage. For example, Abma maintains that, within the play, Isa 31 See further my discussion in Tiemeyer, “Geography and Textual Allusions”, pp. – . For a similar view, see Seitz, Word Without End, pp. –. This book was unfortunately unknown to me at the time of writing my article. 32 W.A.M. Beuken, “Isaiah : The Multiple Identity of the Person addressed”, Language and Meaning: Studies in Hebrew Language and Biblical Exegesis (ed. J. Barr, OTS , Leiden, Brill, ), pp. , , , –. 33 Baltzer, Deutero-Isaiah, p. . 34 Abma, “Travelling from Babylon to Zion”, pp. , –.
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:– speaks to the exiles in Babylon, reluctant to return and therefore in need of motivation. Isa :– is thus a call that serves to encourage the Babylonian exiles to embark with God on the journey from Babylon to Zion.35 In contrast, Isa :– addresses Zion, who here symbolizes the people who are already in Judah and who are dedicated to the restoration of Zion.36 Yet again, the plural group of people spoken to in Isa :– are those still in Babylon who are reluctant to travel to Zion.37 Abma further detects fluidity in the concepts of Zion and Israel. For example, the distinction between Israel and Zion as a city momentarily disappears in Isa :–. In this merging of Israel and Zion the drama conveys to the audience that Israel should be on its way towards Zion, for only there will God realize the gathering and the revival of Israel as a people.38 Finally, Abma maintains that the literary corpus of Isa – has its origin in the land of Israel, yet she also claims that its main audience is the people still in exile. It thus appears as if Abma envisions the actual audience of the performed Isa – to be in Babylon.39 I agree with Abma regarding the changing focus of the text of Isa – and the fluidity between the concepts of Jacob-Israel and Zion-Jerusalem within the text (see preceding chapter ). At the same time, Abma’s claim that the text, when referring to Zion-Jerusalem, sometimes intends to address the community in Judah and sometimes that in Babylon, is largely unsupported by the text. Her idea that the people who are already in Jerusalem are addressed directly within the drama, while the physical audience continues to be the exiles in Babylon also appears quite convoluted. Further, I remain hesitant regarding the extent to which Isa – was composed with the aim of being performed (see chapter ). Finally, I do not fully understand the sheer practicalities involved in Abma’s scenario. For instance, how is it possible to view Isa – as being composed / reaching its final form in Judah, and at the same time maintain that the intended audience of the play (presumably in its final form) is that of the exilic community in Babylon? In conclusion, there is little warrant for accepting the interpretation that Zion-Jerusalem in Isa – serves as a symbol for the community in
35 36 37 38 39
Abma, Bonds of Love, pp. , –. Abma, Bonds of Love, p. . Abma, Bonds of Love, pp. –. Abma, Bonds of Love, pp. , . Abma, Bonds of Love, pp. , –.
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Babylon and/or their earthly / spiritual destination. Likewise, there are no compelling reasons for distinguishing between the audience within the text and the audience outside the text in the case of Zion-Jerusalem. On the contrary, if the text addresses Zion-Jerusalem, there are good grounds for assuming, at least initially, that the same text is meant to address the earthly city bearing the name of Zion-Jerusalem. .. Zion-Jerusalem, a Symbol of the Post-Exilic Judahite Community of Returned Exiles? As I concluded above, the general idea that the Zion-Jerusalem persona represents the Babylonian exilic community fails to prove convincing. It is, however, possible that Zion-Jerusalem in some parts of Isa – represents the exiles (while in other parts she does not). In many ways, those scholars who regard the final form of Isa – as the combined efforts of multiple generations to keep the message of the core text relevant for subsequent generations (Fortschreibung) have dealt with this issue. According to them, the shifting audience, from Jacob-Israel to Zion, reflects an authorial shift “from Babylon to Zion”. As discussed in chapter , texts within Isa – that are deemed to mirror a Babylonian setting are singled out to form a Babylonian core text (often limited to material in Isa –), while the remaining texts, including most of Isa –, but also units within Isa –, that appear to betray a Judahite setting are assigned to subsequent textual recensions / redactions composed in Judah. Along these lines, the term Zion, used primarily in Isa –, is understood as representing the restoration of post-exilic Jerusalem, seen from the perspective of the Babylonian returnees.40 Merendino’s theory concerning Isa :– is a good example of this type of exegesis. First, Merendino argues that the very use of the term Zion-Jerusalem to denote God’s people in Isa :– testifies to its late date. According to him, Deutero-Isaiah, the author of the earliest material in Isa –, denoted the people of Israel as “Jacob-Israel”. Secondly, Merendino maintains that the various ways in which Isa :– refers to Zion provide clues to the dating of the different textual layers. For him, the earliest text (Isa :–, b, –) ensures that Jerusalem is still God’s chosen city and that he is standing by her. The material added next (Isa :aa, a, ) describes what Jerusalem has been through during
40
E.g. Baltzer, Ezechiel und Deuterojesaja, p. , Berges, “Personification”, p. .
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the years of foreign oppression. The even later layer (Isa :ba, –) speaks of Zion as a fertile mother, while the final layer (Isa :a, bb, –) describes Jerusalem as the centre of salvation for all people.41 Hermisson’s interpretation also fits into this category. As discussed in chapter , Hermisson locates the core of Isa – throughout both Isa – and –, and situates the author of this material in Babylon. At the same time, Hermisson acknowledges that this exilic core contains a Jerusalem perspective (e.g. Isa :–). For Hermisson this suggests that the (exilic) author of the core text, although still based in Babylon, was able to write from a Jerusalem perspective because he felt immensely connected with the “mother-city” (Mutterstadt Jerusalem). This means that in the core-text of Isa –, Zion-Jerusalem is not yet a symbol of the earthly city of Jerusalem but represents the goal of the exiles (cf. Newsome and O’Connor above). In contrast, the need to differentiate between the city and its inhabitants disappears in the later layers of Isa –, as they were composed by the returned exiles after their arrival in Jerusalem. The concepts of the (newly repatriated) city and its (recently arrived) inhabitants would therefore have coincided.42 Merendino’s interpretation of Isa :– is unconvincing. As I shall discuss below, no convincing reasons compel us to divide Isa :– into redactional layers. The depiction of Jerusalem’s past affliction, the vision that she will become a fertile mother anew and the hope that she will become the centre of salvation for all people, are fully compatible with one another. Yes, they respond to different questions, but one community can voice more than one concern at any given time. Furthermore, it is eminently possible that one group of authors can use two terms— Jacob-Israel and Zion-Jerusalem—to address different aspects or parts of the same community at the same time. Hermisson’s interpretation is also not convincing. The same critique can be voiced against it as against that of Newsom and O’Connor (see above). There is no textual reason why the few references to Zion-Jerusalem in Isa – could not denote the earthly city of Jerusalem. At the same time, Hermisson’s insight regarding the lack of necessity to differentiate between the city and the population in Isa – is important and I shall depend on it in the rest of this chapter.
41 R.P. Merendino, “Jes :–: Jahwes bekenntinis zu Sion und die neue Heilszeit”, RB (), pp. –. 42 Hermisson, “Einhet und Komplexität”, pp. –, and “Die Frau Zion”, pp. –.
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.. Conclusion To sum up, the view that Zion-Jerusalem in Isa – is an abstract idea that denotes the returning exiles’ spiritual goal and/or their hoped-for physical destination is incompatible with the textual evidence. Instead, it is likely that Zion-Jerusalem refers to the earthly city of Jerusalem and its population, and that the texts that speak to her address current issues among the population of Jerusalem. This Jerusalemite audience probably consisted primarily of the inhabitants of templeless Judah in the time period leading up to bc but may also have included some of the earliest returning exiles. As we shall discover in the next section, the textual evidence of the individual passages that address Zion-Jerusalem bears out these conclusions.
. Exegetical Overview The focus on Zion-Jerusalem throughout much of Isa – is suggestive of a Judahite setting of the text; yet scholars have suggested this only sporadically and not in great detail.43 In the present context, I shall examine the texts that speak of or that speak to Zion-Jerusalem in Isa – and explore the associations that these verses raise. The key texts are Isa :–, –; :; :, ; :; :–; :–; :–, , –, –; :–; :–, . I have opted to discuss these texts thematically rather than in the order of their appearance in the text. It is my hope that this arrangement will both facilitate and deepen our understanding of the passages in question. This section falls into four main parts: . We shall first look at those passages that present Zion-Jerusalem as a symbol for God’s people (Isa :–; :, ; :) and discuss how they fit together with the other passages in Isa – that speak about God’s people (Isa :; :; :; :–). . We shall explore the notion that Zion-Jerusalem currently lacks but shortly will be given comfort (Isa :; : and :–, cf. :–; :).
43
See especially Seitz, Zion’s Final Destiny, pp. –.
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. We shall investigate Zion-Jerusalem’s role as the recipient of good news (Isa :; :; :, ; :–). . We shall examine the passages which address Zion-Jerusalem as a personified woman (Isa :–; :; :–:; :–). In addition, throughout this investigation, we shall look at the theology expressed by the voice of Zion-Jerusalem and discuss to what extent this particular type of theology provides a clue to the geographical whereabouts of the people whom she symbolizes. .. Zion-Jerusalem as God’s People—Isaiah :–; :, ; : The opening words in Isa :–—that set the tone for the entirety of Isa –—identify Jerusalem with “God’s people”, as do the corresponding words in Isa : (see chapter ). Likewise, Isa : records how God calls Zion “his people” and : treats the f.sg. addressee, identified as Jerusalem in verse , as a parallel to “his people”. In this manner, Isa – states unequivocally that Jerusalem, in some capacity, is equal to or consists of God’s people. In addition, the wider context of the other references to “God’s people” in Isa – (Isa :; :–) invites the reader to identify “God’s people” with the people of Jerusalem. In the divine oracle in Isa :–, Jerusalem and “my people” appear in parallel lines. The most straightforward way to read these two verses is to assume that the two terms, Jerusalem and “my people”, convey roughly the same information, although different aspects thereof. This means that “Jerusalem” in some sense constitutes “[God’s] people”.44 :–. 1“Comfort, comfort my people” says your God. 2“Encourage45 Jerusalem, and proclaim to her that her time of service is completed, that her debt has been paid,46 that she has received double from the hand of YHWH for all her sins”.
44 Cf. Steck, Gottesknecht und Zion, p. (“dass Zion und Volk in dieser Sicht zusammengehören, is wegen des Parallelismus in , wie in , f. offenkundig”). 45 Literally “speak to the heart of ”. For the translation, see Elliger, Verhältnis, p. . See also G. Fischer, “Die Redewendung áì-ìò øáã im AT—Ein Beitrag zum Verständnis von Jes ,”, Biblica (), pp. –, who translates the idiom áì-ìò øáã as “aufmuntern, ermutigen” (p. ). 46 Literally “her punishment is accepted”. For this translation, see Blenkinsopp, Isaiah –, p. .
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Nonetheless, few scholars accept such an uncomplicated identification of the two terms. A select set of examples is sufficient to demonstrate the point. To begin with those scholars who view most of Isa – as composed by one person living prior to bc, Elliger claims that “Jerusalem” here is not simply the city. Rather, he understands the term as referring to all those living in Jerusalem in bc, both those who were deported and those who were not, with a primary focus on the former.47 Koole accepts that the city of Jerusalem represents its population, yet he also maintains that its sphere of reference is tied neither to the concrete geographical location of the city nor to its physical population.48 Likewise, Payne and Goldingay note initially that the parallel relationship between Jerusalem and “my people” suggests the identification of the two, with a focus on the city.49 Nevertheless, as their commentary progresses, they differentiate between them and claim that Isa :– serves to comfort the people of God as a whole, with a focus on the exilic community. Goldingay and Payne maintain that, although it is possible that the people of Jerusalem constituted the original audience of Isa :–, in its present context this section speaks of God’s purpose for the original return of the exiles. They thus refrain from interpreting Isa :– as a reference to a literal mission to Jerusalem.50 In response, while I do not wish to deny the importance of Jerusalem for the people of the exile, Goldingay and Payne’s line of argument is convoluted. Even when looking at Isa :– in its present context as the prologue of Isa – (see further chapter ), it remains indisputable that “my people” equals Jerusalem and that her population is the clear goal of the mission of comfort. Those scholars who adopt a redaction-critical perspective tend to reach more nuanced interpretations. Lorentz, for example, concludes that Isa :– refers to the communities in both Jerusalem and the Diaspora, with a focus on the inhabitants of the actually city.51 Other scholars betray unease with the plain meaning of the text. Kratz, for example, argues that since Isa : and use the term íò to indicate Jacob-Israel, i.e. the 47
K. Elliger, Deuterojesaja, Jesaja ,–, (BKAT XI/, Neukirchen-Vluyn, Neukirchener, ), pp. –. 48 E.g. Koole, Isaiah, III/, pp. –. 49 Payne and Goldingay, Isaiah, , p. . See also Goldingay, “Isaiah – in the s”, pp. –, where he rejects the idea that Isa :– refers to the exiles, as Jerusalem elsewhere refers to the actual population of the city. Kratz, “Der Anfang des Zweiten Jesaja”, pp. –. 50 Payne and Goldingay, Isaiah, , pp. –. 51 Loretz, “Mesopotamische und ugaritisch-kanaanäische Elemente”, p. . See also Kiesow, Exodustexte, pp. –, and Vincent, Heimat, pp. –.
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people who are returning home from Babylon, we should expect the same meaning in Isa :–. At the same time, given that the term íò is parallel with Jerusalem in verse , Kratz concludes that the core (Grundschrift) of Isa – was written down in Jerusalem after bc.52 Kratz’s position is untenable on many levels. First, it is based on a series of assumptions. As Isa :– identifies “God’s people” with Jerusalem, Kratz dates this passage after bc, presumably in order to avoid having to identify “God’s people” with those who remained in templeless Judah. Secondly, Kratz’s reading of Isa : and lacks textual support. Most significantly, the word íò is attested in neither verse. Furthermore, there is no textual support in Isa : for identifying Jacob-Israel with the exilic community (see chapters , , ). Thirdly, Isa : focuses on the downfall of Babylon by the “Holy One of Israel” (see chapter ) and refers nowhere to either exiles or Jacob-Israel. Finally, those scholars who focus on the role of Zion-Jerusalem within Isa – hesitate when it comes to identifying Jerusalem with God’s people in Isa :–. Seitz, for example, treats Jerusalem more as a theological concept than as a historical reality: Jerusalem has become the wilderness that God is about to redeem, a heap of ruin. Seitz therefore sees the equation between Zion and the people in Isa :– only in the context of the charge to comfort Jerusalem. Elsewhere, the focus is on Zion’s warfare, its pardoned iniquity and its full recompense.53 To sum up, from what we have seen in the aforementioned interpretations, the scholarly hesitation to identify Jerusalem with “God’s people” appears to be less of an exegetical position and more of an ideological one. In view of this, I maintain that an unbiased reading of the text of Isa :– strongly suggests equating God’s people with the city and the population of Jerusalem, and that the command in these verses to comfort her implies a physical mission to her inhabitants. The same impression is given in Isa :, which is in many ways a parallel passage. : Burst forth, shout for joy together, O ruins of Jerusalem (úåáøç íìùåøé), because YHWH has comforted his people (åîò §ä íçð éë), and he has saved Jerusalem (íìùåøé ìàâ).
52
Kratz, “Der Anfang des Zweiten Jesaja”, pp. –. Seitz, Zion’s Final Destiny, p. . For a related view, see O’Connor, “Speak tenderly to Jerusalem”, p. . 53
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As Isa :–, Isa : equates Jerusalem with God’s people. In addition, the specific mention of ruins in verse a makes it reasonably obvious that the city envisioned is not an ideological entity; rather, it represents the physical city of Jerusalem. I therefore suggest that God’s people in Isa : refers to the human population living in the midst of the ruins of Jerusalem. Isa :, a verse that concludes the dialogue between God and Zion in Isa :– (see chapter ), further supports the idea that God’s people consist of and are to be equated with the physical population of Jerusalem. : And I will place my words in your mouth (^éôá), and I will cover you (^éúéñë) in the shadow of my hand. Planting the heaven and establishing the earth, and saying to Zion “you are my people” (äúà éîò).
Isa : implies a complete identification between God’s people and Zion-Jerusalem. On the one hand, the gender and number throughout the verse is m.sg. (^éôá, ^éúéñë), something which indicates that “my people” is the main addressee. On the other hand, the final statement in verse bb is explicitly directed to Zion. Taken together, these two factors indicate that no strong distinction should be made between “my people” and “Zion”. On the contrary, Zion (f) and God’s people (m) are fused. Turning to the geographical whereabouts of these people, they must be distinct from those ransomed ones who will return in verse since the latter will “enter Zion”. This distinction further suggests that the m.sg. addressee “my people”/“Zion” is the intended audience of the oracle, whereas those entering Zion, referred to with the m.pl. in verse , are coming from elsewhere. That is, this group is probably, though not necessarily, limited to those returning to Judah from the Diaspora. These returnees are called §ä ééåãô, i.e. “the ransomed ones of YHWH”, an expression which is parallel to the use of the term íéìåàâ in verse . It can, in fact, be argued that the term éåãô is used precisely in order not to bring to mind the exiles, although this is an argument from silence. It should also be mentioned that although verse emphasizes the importance of the repopulation of Jerusalem, verses and together stress that Zion, identified as God’s people, is the focal point of the oracle. She is the one anticipating the return of her lost brothers and sisters. Jerusalem is also equated with God’s people in Isa :. This verse is part of the longer section of Isa :– which is addressed directly to
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Zion-Jerusalem, with the exception of verse which speaks of her in the third person. Jerusalem-Zion is also the focal point throughout the whole oracle (cf. below). Notably, the opening phrase in verse : “Rouse, rouse yourself, arise, O Jerusalem”, puts the emphasis squarely on Jerusalem. : Thus says your Lord YHWH and your God (_éäìàå §ä _éðãà), the one who takes the part of his people (åîò áéøé): Behold I have taken from your hand the cup of reeling, the goblet of my wrath. You will drink it no more (ãåò äúåúùì éôéñåú àì).
Verse introduces the concept of “God’s people”. Again, the most straightforward interpretation of this verse is to identify “God’s people” with Zion-Jerusalem by understanding the phrase “your God” (§ä _éðãà _éäìàå, f.sg. suffix) as the counterpart of the phrase “his people” (åîò). Isa – contains four other references to “God’s people” (Isa :; :; :; :–). In Isa : and :– “God’s people” form the direct addressees of the divine oracle, while Isa : and : refer to “God’s people” indirectly. To begin with the passages containing direct address, God demands the attention of “my people” // “my nation” in Isa :. Neither this verse nor the following ones provide any indication regarding the identity of God’s people. In contrast, verse states that “God will comfort Zion” (cf. below). Since it is doubtful that verses and belong to the same oracle, however, an explicit connection between “my people” and Zion exists only in the final form of the text. Isa :– is similar to Isa : in that the connection between ZionJerusalem and “my people” may only exist in the final form of the text. Isa :– does not contain any clear information as to the identity of its audience, yet it is surrounded by material that addresses Zion-Jerusalem (Isa :–; :–). As I have already discussed in chapter , the explicit address to Zion in verses –, together with the similarity in imagery between verse and verse , renders it likely that, in the present form of the text, the expression “my people” in verses – refers to Zion or more exactly, given the m.pl. address in these verses, to her population (see below). Turning to the two passages that refer to “God’s people” indirectly, Isa :, part of the oracle to Daughter Babylon in Isa ,54 contains a 54
Several scholars regard Isa : as secondary. For example, Torrey, Second Isaiah,
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reference to “my people” that parallels “my inheritance”. It is possible that “my people” here simply refers to the pre-exilic state of Judah. Yet, since Daughter Babylon is described throughout Isa as Daughter Zion’s mirror image (see chapter ), a connection between the two is created. In view of this connection, I tentatively suggest that “my people” in Isa : is a veiled reference to Zion, the Judahite counterpart of Daughter Babylon. Finally, Isa :, sandwiched between the oracle in Isa :– about the transformation of nature (chapter ) and the dialogue between Zion and God in Isa :– (see below), commands heaven and earth to rejoice because God has comforted “his people” and because he will have mercy upon his afflicted ones (íçøé åéðòå åîò §ä íçð éë, cf. Isa :). Again, nothing in the verse alludes to a certain identity of “my people”, yet the proximity to Daughter Zion’s statement in the following verse, as well as the implied Judahite perspective of the preceding verse (cf. chapter ), invites the reader to identify “my people” with Jerusalem. To conclude, Isa – consistently identifies God’s people with the city of Jerusalem and her population. Isa :–; :, ; : all explicitly equate God’s people with the city of Jerusalem. The same identification is implied, although more indirectly, in Isa :; :; : and :–. At the same time, the data within Isa – does not justify identifying God’s people exclusively with the exiles in Babylon. .. Zion-Jerusalem as the Recipient of Comfort—Isaiah :; :; :– Isa – frequently portrays Jerusalem as the recipient of God’s comfort. I have already mentioned the oracles in Isa :– and : where God explicitly states that Jerusalem either has been or will be comforted, and I have also touched upon Isa :. I shall here look closely at Isa :, a verse which shares the notion of comfort with Isa :– and :–, and, like Isa :–, contains the notion of ruin. I shall also discuss Isa : and : in which God deplores Jerusalem’s lack of comfort. In these
p. , maintains that this verse betrays irregularities in its meter. He also regards the idea that God’s anger against Babylon stems from its treatment of Israel as “utterly out of place”, and he considers the reference to “the aged” to be “sentimental”. See further the discussion in Blenkinsopp, Isaiah –, p. .
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discussions, I shall focus on the question of whether or not the verb “to comfort” implies that the recipients of this comfort are the inhabitants of Jerusalem. Isa : presents Zion as a city, as implied by the use of the term ruins. God declares that he has comforted Zion and all her ruins. At the same time, she is also presented as someone who can be comforted. : Because YHWH has comforted Zion (ïåéö §ä íçðéë), he has comforted all her ruins (äéúáøäìë íçð), and he has made (íùéå) her wilderness like Eden and her desert-plain like a garden of YHWH. Exultation and joy will be found in her (äá àöîé), thanksgiving and the sound of song.
To what extent does the notion of God comforting Zion suggest that Zion is a symbol for her population? It is possible to speak metaphorically of a city being comforted, yet it is natural to infer from such a statement that behind the symbol of the city stands its human population. Thus, the notion that God has comforted Zion is likely to mean that he has comforted those who live there.55 Likewise, the statement that God has comforted Zion’s ruins (cf. Isa :) probably means that God has comforted those persons who live among the ruins of Jerusalem. It is possible to speak metaphorically about bringing comfort to ruins in the sense of rebuilding them, yet we would still ultimately be dealing with humans since they would use the rebuilt buildings. The idea of comforting a city cannot therefore only be an abstraction. Rather, in order for the metaphor to have any real meaning it must also carry a tangible sense that involves the human population of the city in question. The impression of human presence in Isa : is further emphasized by the references to joy, exultation, thanksgiving and song. It is the people in Zion who are going to feel these positive sentiments and utter these joyful sounds (cf. Isa :). As to the references to the “wilderness” and the “desert-plain”, they are probably best understood as a doubleentendre, referring both metaphorically to the people’s situation after the destruction of Jerusalem56 and literally to the actual, physical situation of the city.
55
Cf. Tiemeyer, “Abraham”, pp. –. See especially Lund, Way, pp. , –, . Cf. Haag, “Weg zum Baum des Lebens”, pp. –. See also Zenger, “God of Exodus”, p. , who argues that the desert motif in Isa – signifies the place where God’s “lifegiving nearness will show itself in a special way”. 56
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To sum up, in Isa : Zion-Jerusalem serves as a symbol for the earthly city of Jerusalem and its earthly population. It describes how God’s comfort transforms the city into an Eden-like divine garden, and how it causes the people within her to break out in exultation and joy, thanksgiving and song. In contrast, the subsequent material in Isa : and Isa :a bemoans the absence of a comforter in Zion-Jerusalem. The lament in Isa : (see discussion below) comes after a statement that outlines God’s destructive actions against the city. None of her children are able (or willing), as they have fainted and are lying at the corners of all the streets. In the end, God will take the cup of wrath out of her hand, promising that she shall no more have to drink from it. Instead it shall be given to those that afflicted her (:–). Likewise, Isa :a, part of the longer section of Isa :– (see below) bewails Zion-Jerusalem’s lack of comfort. Nothing, in a sense, has changed from Isa :.57 As in Isa :, God is the speaker, and, as in Isa :–, God subsequently declares that he will stand by the city. He will adorn her (vv. b–) and bring well-being to her children (v. ). The city will no longer need to fear because no terror will come near her (v. ), and because God will not harm her (v. ). In fact, God has specially designed weapons to fight those attacking her (vv. – ). :– 11Distressed one, storm-wrecked one, not comforted one (àì äîçð),58 behold I am laying your stones with antimony59 (õéáøî éëðà äðä êéðáà êåôá) and you (êéúãñéå) with sapphires. 12And I will make (éúîùå) your pinnacles (êéúùîù)60 [of] chalcedony, and your gates [of] sparkling stones, and all your borders [of] precious stones. 13And all your sons are YHWH’s disciples and great is the wellbeing of your sons. 14In righteousness you will be established (éððåëú).61 Be far! from oppression
57
Goldingay and Payne, Isaiah, , p. . Pual participle. The Pual is elsewhere only attested in Isa :. 59 See BDB, p. b. For the translation of the minerals and the precious stones in Isa :– see the discussion in Goldingay and Payne, Isaiah, , pp. –. 60 This verb is attested only here and in Ps :. It comes from the root ùîù with the derived meaning “to be shiny”. See BDB, p. b. Alternatively, it is possible that the text should be emended to êéúåãåñéå “and your foundation walls” in accordance with the LXX ( εμ λι σου) and QIsaa êéúåãñéå. See further Baltzer, Deutero-Isaiah, p. . 61 BDB, p. , reads the verb as a Hithpolel, understanding it as a passive form. In contrast, Goldingay and Payne, Isaiah, , pp. –, read the form as reflexive, i.e. “to establish herself ”. 58
chapter eight (÷ùòî é÷çø)—because you will not fear—and from terror, because it will not come near to you. 15Behold, if indeed someone attacks (øåâé øåâ ïä), nothing is from me (éúåàî ñôà). Whoever attacks you (êúà øâ éî) shall surrender to you (ìåôé êéìò).62 16Behold, I have created a smith who fans the charcoal fire, and who produces a tool for his work. And I have created the destroyer to cause destruction (ìáçì úéçùî). 17No weapon forged against you will succeed, and every tongue that shall arise against you in judgment you will condemn as guilty (éòéùøú). This is the inheritance of the servants of YHWH (§ä éãáò úìçð) and their righteousness (íú÷ãöå) [stems] from me. Oracle of YHWH.
As in Isa :, the ruling imagery of Isa :– is that of a physical city. Verses – depict her as being built of precious stones and furnished with pinnacles, gates and borders, verse speaks of her foundation and verse probably outlines a military attack on the physical city. It is furthermore possible that depiction in verses – of Zion-Jerusalem’s ornaments is influenced by Neo-Assyrian iconography. God is fashioning a mural crown for her, the emblem of a city goddess. Isa : would thus have adopted this imagery as a way of describing Zion-Jerusalem as a queen, i.e. as a ruling capital.63 Several scholars reject any earthly connotation with regard to this description of Zion-Jerusalem in Isa :–. Hessler, for example, argues that these verses describe the spiritual Jerusalem (Himmel auf Erden), built by God, with the help of human beings inspired by him, to be his own dwelling place. Its building stones are reminiscent of those of the priestly breast plate (Exod :), and the description of the city stands in sharp contrast to the description of the temple in Ezek –, with its focus on physical dimensions and sacrificial cult.64 From a different perspective, Beuken highlights the use of creation language in Isa
62 There are multiple ways of understanding this difficult and ambiguous verse. For a more detailed discussion, see Goldingay and Payne, Isaiah, , pp. –. In short, I translate the word ïä as “if ”, I derive the verbs øåâé øåâ from the Paal øåâ = “to fear” with the derived meaning “to attack” and, following Goldingay and Payne, I understand the phrase ìò ìôð to have the specific meaning “to surrender to”. 63 See further Baltzer, Deutero-Isaiah, p. , Maier, Daughter Zion, pp. –, , and C.M. Maier, “Daughter Zion as Queen and the Iconography of the Female City”, Images and Prophecy in the Ancient Eastern Mediterranean (eds M. Nissinen and C.E. Carter, FRLANT , Göttingen, Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht, ), pp. –. See also the earlier article by S.M. Paul, “Jerusalem—A City of God”, IEJ (), pp. –, where Paul highlights that a crown, worn either by a queen or a goddess, resembled the towers protecting a city. 64 Hessler, Heilsdrama, pp. –.
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:– : the use of the Paal of the root ãñé denotes God’s founding of Zion-Jerusalem (v. ) and the use of the Hithpolel of the root ïåë denotes his establishing of her (v. a).65 There is truth in both Hessler’s and Beuken’s views. It is, for example, possible that the depiction of Jerusalem’s building stones alludes to Exod :. Likewise, it is possible that Isa :– uses creation-related language, although there are several other alternative interpretations of the use of the root ïåë.66 Yet neither view challenges the interpretation that Isa :– envisions the future splendour of the physical city of Jerusalem. Instead, God will create her anew, with all her physical attributes, as a queen on earth. Likewise, the fact that Jerusalem is described in less concrete terms than in Ezek – does not hinder the notion that Isa :– depicts a physical entity. Isa :– also contains references to the human population of Zion-Jerusalem. Verse speaks about Zion’s sons who will be taught by God and whose well-being will be great. The context invites the reader to understand these children as indigenous to Jerusalem (in contrast to Isa :–, cf. below). Later, verse b will introduce “the servants of the Lord”, the first and only time in Isa – where the plural designation is used,67 and it describes Jerusalem as their “inheritance” (éãáò úìçð §ä). The most straight-forward interpretation of Isa :– as a whole is to identify the sons of verse with these servants in verse and further on with the population of Jerusalem. In other words, Jerusalem is the inheritance of her population, the piece of land which they as God’s people were given to possess. In conclusion, Isa : describes a physical city with a human population that God has comforted while Isa : and : describe the same city and the same human population still in need of comfort. Soon, however, God will act and turn Jerusalem into a queen among cities, and her (current) population will rejoice in her and receive her as their inheritance.
65
Beuken, “Isaiah ”, pp. –. See, e.g., Baltzer, Deutero-Isaiah, p. , who discusses the possibility that the use of the root ïåë in the later Isa : (cf. Isa :) could contribute to the understanding of its use in Isa :, namely to show that the new foundation comes into being through the righteousness conferred by God. 67 It is widely used in Isa – (:; :; :, , , ; :). 66
chapter eight .. Zion-Jerusalem and the Herald— Isaiah :; :; :–; :,
In Isa :; : and :–, Zion-Jerusalem appears in conjunction with a herald. As the syntax of Isa : with respect to the relationship between the herald and Jerusalem is ambiguous, I have chosen to begin my discussion with the more transparent material in Isa : and :– . In this manner, the interpretation of Isa : and :– can shed light upon the syntactically more opaque Isa :. As we shall discover, Jerusalem is presented as the recipient of the herald’s good news in all three cases. In these three passages, Zion-Jerusalem is depicted as a physical city with physical attributes such as walls and ruins. On another level, she is personified in that she can receive communication. As in the preceding section, I shall explore to what extent the imagery in these verses provides information about the identity of the community which Zion-Jerusalem symbolizes. I shall suggest that the choice of the image of a herald who brings tidings to Zion-Jerusalem helps create the impression that ZionJerusalem represents not only a construction of brick and mortar but also the human population of the city. I shall also argue that Isa : and , although differing in several important respects from the other three passages, are part of the same trend. ... Isaiah : Isa :b (ïúà øùáî íìùåøéìå = “and I will give a messenger to Zion”) states unequivocally that God will assign the task of giving the good news to Zion to an individual male herald. Given the preposition “to” (-ì), there is no doubt that Jerusalem is the recipient rather than the purveyor of the good news. The imagery, in turn, creates a picture of the city that encompasses more than its walls and its symbolic statue. It cannot be detached from the human community that dwells within her walls and who are to hear a divine message. In contrast, verse a is difficult to understand, partly because it lacks a verb (íðä äðä ïåéöì ïåùàø), and partly because of the unclear meaning of the H.L. expression ïåéöì ïåùàø. This lack of clarity has caused a plethora of translations.68 To begin with the issue of the non-existing verb in 68
See, e.g., Goldingay and Payne, Isaiah, , p. , who translate “the first was
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verse a, the evidence from Qumran and the Ancient Version does not provide a unanimous picture. QIsaa attests to the reading äîåðä äðä, which Guillaume derived from potential root íåð, equivalent of the Arabic nam¯a (“to bring tidings”).69 Berges develops this line of interpretation further and compares this root with íåð I in Rabbinic Hebrew, which means “to speak”.70 According to this derivation, verse b reads “the first to Zion, behold they say”. This interpretation provides a counterpoint to the øùáî in the second line, yet the phrase “behold they say” makes little sense in the present context, given that verse b contains divine rather than human speech. The Vulgate reads primus ad Sion dicet ecce adsunt et Hierusalem evangelistam dabo (“The first shall say to Zion: Behold they are here, and to Jerusalem I shall give an evangelist”, cf. KJV and NIV in part). However, this reading is probably more of an attempt to come to terms with the MT than evidence of a different Hebrew Vorlage and it therefore sheds little light upon the understanding of the Hebrew text. The LXX and the TJ provide more guidance as to how to read verse a. Both versions contain the notion of “comfort”. The LXX reads 'ρχ=ν Σιων δAσω κα Ιερουσαλημ παρακαλ σω ε(ς δν (“I will give first course / authority to Zion, and I will comfort Jerusalem at/upon the road / way / journey”). According to this reading, verse a contains a verb, δAσω // ïúà (“I will give”), in contrast to the MT where it appears in verse b.71 Along similar lines, although being much more of a paraphrase, Targum Jonathan reads “the words of comfort that the prophets prophesied beforehand concerning Zion, there they have come about, and I will give to Jerusalem a herald” (ïéîã÷ìî àééáð åéáðúàã àúîçð éîâúô ïúà øñáî íìùåøéìå åúà àä ïåéö ìò). In my view, the readings of the LXX and the TJ provide a clue to the original Hebrew text in that they both contain a form of the root íçð (“to
appointed for Zion, and for Jerusalem I am giving a herald”. Blenkinsopp, Isaiah –, p. , translates “I, the first, declared it to Zion, giving to Jerusalem a herald of good news”, and Berges, Jesaja –, p. , renders the verse as “Der Erste zu Zion: Siehe, da sind sie! Und Jerusalem gebe ich einen Freudenboten”, arguing that the phrase “here they are” is the speech of the messenger to Zion whom God is providing. 69 A. Guillaume, “Some Readings in the Dead Sea Scroll of Isaiah”, JBL (), pp. –. 70 Berges, Jesaja –, pp. , . 71 The JPS translation picks up on this notion by letting the verb ïúà serve in both v. a and v. b: “A harbinger unto Zion will I give: ‘Behold, behold them’, and to Jerusalem a messenger of good tidings”.
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comfort”).72 Isa :b bemoans the lack of someone speaking (ïéà óà íëéøîà òîù ïéà óà òéîùî—using participles), and of things being declared from the beginning (ùàøî). Likewise, verse b responds by proclaiming that God provides a messenger (participle øùáî). This use of participles in the surrounding verses (b and b) renders it likely that verse a also contains a participle. I therefore propose, along the lines of Isa :– , ; :, that íðä äðä is a textual error for the orthographically similar íçðî äðä (“behold, a comforter”). This creates the following translation: :. First, behold a comforter to Zion, and I will give a herald to Jerusalem
According to this translation, the words ïåéöì and íìùåøéì are parallels, as are the participles íçðî and øùáî, whereas the finite verb ïúà parallels the exclamation äðä. The word ïåùàø is then left to imply time, parallel to the expression ùàøî in verse . As we shall see further below, this translation also provides a parallel with Isa :–, which opens with the commissioning of several people to comfort Jerusalem (v. ) and then commands a woman to be messenger to Zion-Jerusalem (v. ).73 In conclusion, Isa : refers unequivocally to a situation where Zion-Jerusalem is the recipient of the herald’s message rather than the messenger herself. Moreover, Zion-Jerusalem is here presented not only as a city of stone and mortar but also as a person with whom one can communicate. Taken together, it is likely that she symbolizes the city of Jerusalem and its human population. ... Isaiah :– As with Isa :, Isa : mentions an individual male herald who is being sent to Zion (ïåéöì øîà äòåùé òéîùî áåè øùáî íåìù òéîùî øùáî éìâø êéäìà êìî). This herald speaks directly to Zion in verse bb, telling her that her “God reigns”/“is made king”/“has become king” (êéäìà êìî). The perspective changes between verse and verse , in that “your God” becomes “our God”. The extent of the herald’s speech therefore is unclear, since it may or may not include either verse or verse . Likewise, it is unclear whether or not Zion herself is among the speakers in verse .74 72 Following Blenkinsopp, Isaiah –, pp. –, contra Payne and Goldingay, Isaiah, , p. , and Berges, Jesaja –, p. , who see the reading of the LXX and the TJ as a long paraphrase of the first word. 73 Cf. Koole, Isaiah, III/, p. , who identifies the messenger with a prophet. 74 See the discussion in Ehring, Rückkehr JHWHs, pp. –.
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:– 7How lovely on the mountains are the feet of the herald (øùáî) announcing peace, the pleasant messenger (øùáî) announcing salvation, who says to Zion “your God reigns”. 8Your watchmen have raised their voice (åàùð êéôö ìå÷), together they will shout for joy (åððøé åãçé ìå÷), for every eye (ïéòá ïéò) shall see when God returns to Zion. 9Burst forth, shout for joy together, O ruins of Jerusalem (íìùåøé úåáøç), for YHWH has comforted his people (åîò §ä íçð éë), he has saved Jerusalem (íìùåøé ìàâ). 10YHWH has stripped bare his holy arm before the eyes of all the nations, and all the ends of the earth will see the salvation of our God.
Isa :– corresponds in large part to Isa :– (below). Zion-Jerusalem is depicted as a community of people: Zion-Jerusalem is spoken to and God returns to her. At the same time, along the lines of Isa : (below), she is also associated with the physical structures of the city. In fact, these two aspects are fused. As in Isa :, verse highlights the physical structure of Zion-Jerusalem by referring to its ruins, yet it also personifies the city by describing her as an entity that can shout for joy. This human aspect of Zion-Jerusalem is further emphasized in verse b (cf. above) where Jerusalem parallels “his people”, a people that here, as in Isa :–, is in need of comfort. Likewise, the preceding material in Isa :– describes Zion-Jerusalem in both human and physical terms. On the one hand, verse assigns physical characteristics to Zion-Jerusalem by referring to “mountains”, probably the mountains surrounding Jerusalem, and verse speaks of “your watchmen”, again implying an actual city that needs to be guarded. On the other hand, Zion-Jerusalem is presented as the recipient of the herald’s message (v. ) and the reference to the watchmen involves the human population of the city (v. ). Taken together, the material in Isa :– depicts a ruined yet populated city that is encouraged to show its joy when God returns to her in order to bring her comfort. ... Isaiah : Turning finally to Isa :, two exegetical issues have direct relevance for our investigation. The main issue is the syntactically ambiguous expression ïåéö úøùáî in verse that can be understood as either two words in apposition (“herald Zion”) or a genitive construction (“herald of/to Zion”). In short, is personified Zion commanded to be a herald to the cities of Judah or is a female person commanded to be a herald to Zion and the cities of Judah? The exegetical relation between Jerusalem // “my people” in Isa :– (above) and Zion-Jerusalem in : is also
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uncertain. I shall discuss the former issue at length here while deferring the latter to chapter . For the time being, it is sufficient to state that I regard Isa :– as an authorial unity and, consequently, verses – can provide information for the interpretation of verse . : Climb up upon a high mountain, O herald of Zion (ïåéö úøùáî); raise your voice with power, O herald of Jerusalem! Lift [it] up without fear; say to the cities of Judah: “Here is your God”!
.... Apposition: Zion, the Messenger of the Good News The expression ïåéö úøùáî is commonly translated as “Zion, the herald” with the word úøùáî standing in apposition to Zion.75 The f.sg. form of the word úøùáî is easily explained as referring to Zion, following the Semitic custom of treating cities as feminine entities. The syntactical structure of the expression ïåéö úøùáî can further be compared with the expression ïåéö úá (“Daughter Zion”)76 in Isa : (cf. Isa :; :) and with the related expression ìááúá úìåúá (“virgin daughter Babylon”) in :.77 The expressions á÷òé úòìåú “you worm Jacob” in Isa : and ìàøùé úìåúá in Amos : are additional syntactical parallels.78 According to this interpretation, Zion herself is the (female) messenger. This translation becomes problematic when we place Isa : in its context in Isa :–. In particular, how does “Zion, the herald” fit with 75
E.g. Oswalt, Isaiah, p. , N. Porteous, “Jerusalem-Zion. The Growth of a Symbol”, Verbannung und Heimkehr: Beiträge zur Geschichte und Theologie Israels im . und . Jahrhundert v. Chr. FS Wilhelm Rudolph (ed. A. Kuschke, Tübingen, J.C.B. Mohr, ), p. , L.E. Wilshire, “The Servant-City: A New Interpretation of the ‘Servant of the Lord’ in the Servant Songs of Deutero-Isaiah”, JBL (), p. , H.J. Stoebe, “Überlegungen zu Jesaja , –: Zugleich der Versuch eines Beitrages zur Gottesknechtfrage”, TZ (), p. , Anderson, “Exodus and Covenant”, p. , Freedman, “Structure of Isaiah :–”, p. , Laato, “Composition of Isaiah –”, pp. , , Kratz, “Anfang des Zweiten Jesaja”, p. , Carr, “Isaiah :–”, p. , Clements, “Zion as Symbol”, p. , Williamson, Variations on a Theme, p. , note , O’Connor, “Speak Tenderly to Jerusalem”, p. , Frymer-Kensky, Wake of the Goddesses, p. , Koole, Isaiah, III/, pp. –, Korpel, “Female Servant”, p. , Zapff, Jesaja –, p. , Ehring, Rückkehr JHWHs, pp. , –, Berger, Jesaja –, pp. , , Maier, Daughter Zion, p. , W.A.M. Beuken, “Yhwh’s Sovereign Rule and His Adoration on Mount Zion: A Comparison of Poetic Visions in Isaiah –, , and ”, The Desert Will Bloom: Poetic Visions in Isaiah (eds A.J. Everson and H.C.P. Kim, Ancient Israel and Its Literature , Atlanta, GA., SBL, ), pp. –. 76 See W.F. Stinespring, “No Daughter of Zion”, Encounter (), pp. –, for the understanding of the phrase “Daughter Zion” as an appositional genitive. 77 Berges, “Personification”, p. . See also Adams, Performative Nature, pp. –, note . 78 Blenkinsopp, Isaiah –, p. , note a.
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the description of Jerusalem as the recipient of the good news in Isa :– ? To explain this discrepancy, many scholars envision a transformation of Jerusalem throughout the course of Isa :–. Berges, for example, depicts a scenario in which God first sends a messenger to her (vv. – ). After taking God’s consolation to heart, she, in turn, becomes a herald to the cities of Judah.79 Along similar lines, Hermisson postulates a difference in time, caused by the exile, between Isa :– and the rest of Isa :–, but no contradiction. He argues that Zion first learns about the return of God and her children and then, as a messenger, spreads the good news before it has happened.80 Such a transformation of Zion-Jerusalem is unconvincing for several reasons. First, it is difficult to accept this supposed sudden change in Zion-Jerusalem from bereaved to herald within Isa :– in view of the later material in Isa – that consistently portrays Zion-Jerusalem as being in need of consolation (e.g. Isa :; :). In particular, her exclamation that God has abandoned her (Isa :) does not suit a herald of good news. Berges is aware of this difficulty and suggests that Zion slowly and tentatively opens up to the possibility of a brighter future, thus gradually accepting her role as herald. She is confused in Isa :, and not yet convinced in Isa :. Her children are equally reluctant. Dare they hope that God, who sold both them and their mother into slavery, is willing to take them back? Do they even want to come back? Other passages, betraying the sentiments of what Berges sees as the growing Servant community, continue to urge Jerusalem to stand up and to believe that her time of distress has come to an end (:–; :–).81 Berges’ interpretation of Zion-Jerusalem’s role in Isa – is attractive. Clearly, the various speakers in Isa –, as well as those in –, speak again and again of God’s renewed promises towards her and seek to convince her of their validity. Yet, a close reading of Isa – reveals that Zion never truly responds to these promises,82 and this makes it difficult to envision her transformation from being an object of comfort to becoming a bringer of good news. At most, the reader may hope, alongside the prophetic authors, that Zion will eventually return to God and take up her role as a “light to the nations” (Isa :).
79 Berges, “Personification”, p. . See also Stone, “Second Isaiah”, pp. –, Adams, Performative Nature, pp. –, Koole, Isaiah –, p. . 80 Hermisson, “Die Frau Zion”, pp. –. 81 Berges, “Personification”, pp. –. 82 Mandolfo, Daughter Zion, pp. –, .
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I also hesitate to equate the expression ïåéö úøùáî with the three expressions ïåéö úá, ìááúá úìåúá, and á÷òé úòìåú as such an equation fails to take into account the syntactical differences between the proper nouns “daughter”, “virgin” and “worm” and the active participle úøùáî. Although both are noun forms, they are not fully comparable. While the participial form can be used verbally, e.g. “the one bringing news [to]”, this cannot be done with a proper noun. .... Genitive Construction: Zion as the Recipient of the Good News The alternative possibility is to translate the expression ïåéö úøùáî as a genitive construction. Only a minority of scholars advocates this translation,83 chiefly because of the feminine participle, which suggests the possibility that the herald is a woman.84 A female herald is not a problem, however, as female heralds appear elsewhere in the Hebrew Bible in Ps : (áø àáö úåøùáîä øîà ïúé éðãà).85 All the Ancient Versions appear to understand the expression úøùáî ïåéö as a genitive construction in that they all render Zion as the recipient of the good news rather than as the messenger. The LXX ( εαγγελιζμενος Σιων = “who brings glad tidings to Zion”, the word Zion is in the accusative case and cannot therefore be identified with the subject), Targum Jonathan (ïåéöì ïéøãáîã àééáð = “you prophets who bring good news to Zion”, the word “Zion” is prefixed by the preposition “to”) and the Vulgate (tu quae evangelizas Sion = “you who bring good tidings to Zion”) all read “herald to Zion”. At the same time, the Versions also obfuscate the herald’s female gender. The LXX and the Targum change the gender: the LXX turns the f.sg. participle úøùáî into the m.sg. participle 83
E.g. K. Marti, Das Buch Jesaja (KHAT, Tübingen, J.C.B. Mohr, ), p. , G. Fohrer, Das Buch Jesaja, (ZB, Zürich, Zwingli, ), pp. –, Zenger, “God of Exodus”, p. , Seitz, Zion’s Final Destiny, pp. –, Sawyer, “Daughter of Zion”, p. , esp. note , Barstad, Way, p. , K. Jeppesen, “Mother Zion, Father Servant”, Of Prophets’ Visions and the Wisdom of Sages. FS R.N. Whybray (eds D.J.A. Clines and H. McKay, JSOTS , Sheffield, JSOT Press, ), pp. –, note , Lund, Way, p. , Paul, Isaiah –, p. . From a slightly different perspective, see also F. Landy, “Spectrality in the Prologue to Deutero-Isaiah”, The Desert Will Bloom: Poetic Visions in Isaiah (eds A.J. Everson and H.C.P. Kim, Ancient Israel and Its Literature , Atlanta, GA., SBL, ), pp. –. 84 It is possible to read the participle úøùáî as a grammatically feminine form referring to a male character in line with úìä÷ in Ecc :, a verse that obviously refers to a male person. See Seitz, “Divine Council”, pp. –, note . See also R.W. Fischer, “The Herald of Good News in Second Isaiah”, Rhetorical Criticism. FS J. Muilenburg (eds. J.J. Jackson and M. Kessler, Pittsburgh, Penn., Pickwick, ), pp. –. 85 Note, however, that the LXX of Ps : has the m.pl. form εαγγελιζομ νοις.
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εαγγελιζμενος, while the Targum turns it into the m.pl. participle ïéøãáî and adds the m.pl. subject “prophets”. The Vulgate transforms the
f.sg. participle into the second (gender-neutral) person evangelizas. The Versions thus understood the expression ïåéö úøùáî as a genitive construct, yet, probably because they were uncomfortable with the exegetical consequences of such a reading, they modified the gender and/or the number of the participle. The genitive construction “herald to Zion” can also be seen as exegetically superior, both in verse and in the wider context of Isa :–. First, a feminine identity of the herald fits well with the concentrated use of feminine forms in verse : five feminine verbs and two feminine suffixes.86 Secondly, reading ïåéö úøùáî as a genitive construction frees the exegete from having to distinguish between Zion-Jerusalem and the cities of Judah in verse , as the former is clearly a part of the latter,87 as can be seen by the parallel occurrence of Jerusalem and the towns of Judah in Isa :; : ().88 Thirdly, it also circumvents having to envision collective Jerusalem going mountain climbing (êìéìò äáâ øä ìò).89 Fourthly, a herald to Jerusalem in Isa : forms a better parallel to Isa :–, two verses that that clearly distinguish between the heralds and the city of Jerusalem. Finally, it removes the need to explain how Jerusalem, the one previously so burdened with sin and in need of comfort (vv. –), has been transformed to such a degree that she is now fit to declare the good news to the cities of Judah (v. ).90 The translation “herald to Zion” fits better also in the wider context of Isa –. First, since Isa : and : (above) both speak of heralds, although male ones, to Zion, it is reasonable to read Isa : in a similar manner.91 Secondly, since the male messengers in : and : are depicted as individuals rather than as collective heralds (cf. Deut :), it is also preferable to understand the herald in Isa : as an individual. In fact, although Isa – often refers to the inhabitants of Jerusalem collectively as “Daughter Zion”, it nowhere speaks of them as “Messenger Zion”. In fact, whenever personified Jerusalem appears in Isa –, she is the recipient of the news (e.g. Isa :; :, , ), not its
86 87 88 89 90 91
McEvenue, “Second Isaiah”, pp. –. McEvenue, “Second Isaiah”, pp. –. Goldingay and Payne, Isaiah, I, p. . Goldingay and Payne, Isaiah, I, p. , McEvenue, “Second Isaiah”, pp. –. McEvenue, “Second Isaiah”, pp. –. Goldingay and Payne, Isaiah, I, p. , Seitz, “Divine Council”, pp. –, note .
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purveyor.92 Thirdly, Isa : contains yet another example where Zion is the recipient of God’s words and distinguished from the herald. Although the syntax of the verse as a whole is unclear, God claims that he has put his words in a male person’s mouth (êéôá éøáã íéùàå), so that the messenger can tell Zion directly that (s)he is his people (äúà éîò ïåéöì øîàìå).93 Darr, looking at the issue from a pan-Isaianic and reader-oriented perspective, objects to comparing the herald in Isa : with those in Isa : and :. She argues that the reader of Isaiah approaches Isa : from Isa , not backwards from the other occurrences of the herald in Isa –. Therefore, the image that influences the reader’s understanding of Isa : is that of a strong, personified Daughter Zion, last seen in Isa :. Darr accordingly reads “O Zion, herald of good tidings”.94 This is an attractive reading given that there is continuity between Isa and Isa – and given that the two texts share themes and perspectives.95 From a historical-critical perspective, however, the link backwards to Daughter Zion in Isa is less convincing than the link forward to the other heralds to Zion in Isa : and :. We do not know to what extent and in what form Isa – existed at the time of the composition of Isa :–, and therefore cannot determine what a reader of Isa –* would have read immediately prior to Isa :–. Conversely, as it is likely that Isa :– was composed to introduce the content of Isa :–: (see chapter ), Isa : and : can illuminate the meaning of Isa :. Finally, the later material in Isa :; :–; : alludes to Isa : and interprets ïåéö úøùáî as a genitive construction. The mocking depiction in Isa : of a woman climbing a àùðå äáâ-øä, probably the Temple Mount, reveals that the latter Isaianic author understood the expression ïåéö úøùáî in Isa : as a female messenger.96 Likewise, the
92
McEvenue, “Second Isaiah”, pp. –. See, e.g., Bonnard, Isaïe, p. , O’Connor, “Speak Tenderly to Jerusalem”, p. . See also her interpretation of Isa : (p. ) where Zion is the recipient of the herald. Earlier in the same article (p. ), O’Connor argues that Zion is the messenger in Isa : (“she is herself the herald and then receives the herald of good news”). 94 Pfisterer Darr, Isaiah’s Vision, pp. –. 95 See, for example, Clements, “Zion as Symbol”, pp. –, and his discussion of Isa :– and the centrality of Judah and Jerusalem in both Isa and –. 96 W.A.M. Beuken, “Isa. :–:—An Example of the Isaianic Legacy of TritoIsaiah”, Tradition and Re-Interpretation in Jewish and Early Christian Literature. FS Jürgen C.H. Lebram (eds J.W. van Henten, H.J. de Jonge, P.T. van Roden and J.W. 93
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anonymous speaker in Isa :– depicts himself as a messenger to Zion when he refers to his God-given task of bringing good news to the meek (íéåðò øùáì—v. ) and of giving joy to the mourners of Zion (v. ). Thirdly, Isa :, a verse that undoubtedly alludes to Isa :– (:b // :b—åéðôì åúìòôå åúà åøëù äðä), describes a command to someone to inform Daughter Zion that “your salvation comes”. To conclude, a close reading of Isa : within its wider contexts of Isa :– and Isa – suggests that the expression ïåéö úøùáî was meant to be read as a genitive construct. The later authors of Isa – further confirm this interpretation, as do all the Ancient Versions. .... Zion, the Messenger and the Recipient For the sake of completion, it should also be noted that a few scholars interpret Jerusalem as both the recipient and the messenger simultaneously.97 Often these scholars look at the text from a literary rather than a historical perspective. Landy, for example, reads the text as “herald of Jerusalem” and argues that she cannot be identified “in any simple sense” with Zion / Jerusalem. Instead, she “may then be an aspect of Zion that is returning to itself [ . . . ]. But the voice of the prophet is also summoning, or claiming, a female counterpart to itself ”. The herald is human, as well as feminine. She will become the inhabitant of Zion, and she anticipates its repopulation, “as one who awaits her divine lover”.98 As with Darr’s reading above, I hesitate to interact with this reading. Its starting point differs so drastically from mine, and it does not illuminate what the author of Isa : intended us to understand. .... Conclusion To sum up, the expression ïåéö úøùáî in Isa : is best understood as a genitive construct, something which forces us to seriously contemplate the possibility of a female messenger figure. Furthermore, ZionJerusalem remains throughout Isa :–, indeed throughout all of Isa –, a community that is in need of comfort.
Wesselius, Leiden, Brill, ), pp. –. See also L.-S. Tiemeyer, Priestly Rites and Prophetic Rage: Post-Exilic Prophetic Critique of the Priesthood (FAT II/, Tübingen, Mohr Siebeck, ), pp. –. 97 E.g. O’Connor, “Speak Tenderly to Jerusalem”, p. . 98 Landy, “Ghostly Prelude”, pp. –.
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... Isaiah :, Finally, Isa : and , part of a longer section that deals with Cyrus (Isa :–:), also speak of messengers, although using the different term êàìî. In the first subsection (vv. –), God (referred to in m.sg.) communicates with many different entities: someone addressed with the m.sg. (v. ), his servant (v. a), Jerusalem and the cities of Judah (vv. b, b), the Deep (v. ) and Cyrus (v. b). Because Isa :b repeats much of verse b, some scholars conclude that it was added later in order to include a prediction of the rebuilding of the temple.99 Others, however, argue that it is integral to the passage and that the occurrence of the verb “to say” in verse a and verse b forms an inclusio around the larger passage.100 :– 26Who confirms the word of his servant, and who completes the counsel of his messengers (åéëàìî), who says to Jerusalem “she will be inhabited”, and to the cities of Judah “they will be rebuilt” (äðéðáú), and I will restore (íîå÷à) their ruins. 27Who says to the Deep “be dry and I will dry up your rivers”. 28Who says to Cyrus: “He is my shepherd, and he will perform all my desires”, saying to Jerusalem “she will be rebuilt (äðáú)” and [to] the temple: “it will be established (ãñåú)”.101
Isa : and differ from Isa :; :; :– by assigning the role of messenger to Jerusalem to God. At the same time, like Isa :; :; :–, they depict Zion-Jerusalem both as a community of people who receive God’s words and as a physical structure that God will build up. God promises Zion-Jerusalem that she will be resettled and the cities of Judah that they will be rebuilt and their ruins restored (v. ), and he assures Zion-Jerusalem that she will be rebuilt and that the temple will be re-established (v. ). Taken together, the prime concern in these two verses is manifestly the rebuilding of Jerusalem. In contrast to the aforementioned passages, Isa : seemingly portrays “Jerusalem” and “the cities of Judah” (but not Zion) as two paral-
99 E.g. Blenkinsopp, Isaiah –, pp. –, note h, and p. , who compares Isa :b with Isa : and :. As these two passages are likely to be of exilic origin, however, Blenkinsopp’s arguments for a later dating are unconvincing. For my dating of Isa :–:, see Tiemeyer, “Abraham”, pp. –. 100 E.g. Payne and Goldingay, Isaiah, II, pp. –. 101 The verb attached to ìëéä is ãñåú. For an alternative translation see BDB which understands the verbs ãñåú and äðáú as two Niphal f.sg. jussives: “may Jerusalem be rebuilt and may the temple be established”.
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lel yet distinct entities. A closer study suggests, however, that these two appellations denote the same thing. This interpretation is supported by the similarity of Isa : to the phrase íìùåøé úåöçáå äãåäé éøòá (Jer :; :; :; :, , ), which is probably a hendiadys.102 It also gains support from Ps :– which depicts a comparable situation: Ps : (Eng. ) For God will save Zion and he will build the cities of Judah, and they will live there and they will possess her (äåùøéå íù åáùéå).
In Ps :, “Zion” and “the cities of Judah” appear as two separate yet parallel expressions which denote two sides of the same coin, i.e. the rebuilding of Judah. God will save and rebuild Jerusalem and her surrounding cities, in which “they”, presumably the inhabitants of the cities, will then live as the rightful owners. Jerusalem, as the most important city, symbolizes the focal-point of the restoration, while the expression “the cities of Judah” emphasizes its broader scope. In this sense, Zion and “the cities of Judah” in Ps : are symbols for the same concept. In view of this, we can conclude that the similar expressions in Isa : likewise denote the same thing. ... Conclusion To sum up, all of the material in Isa :; :; Isa :, ; :– attests to the idea that Zion-Jerusalem is a physical entity that also consists of a human population that is the recipient of God’s words. Isa :, : and :– depict how a herald, either male or female, brings the divine message to Zion-Jerusalem. In contrast, Isa : and describe how God himself is her messenger. Furthermore, the focal point of all the passages is Zion-Jerusalem and her pending restoration. In contrast, none of them refers to the exilic community or shows any concern with the return of the exile. Taken together, the persona of ZionJerusalem very likely represents the physical city of Jerusalem and its population.
102 Cf. J.R. Lundbom, Jeremiah – (AB A, New York, Doubleday, ), p. , who refers to it as a “stock phrase”.
chapter eight .. Personified Zion-Jerusalem— Isaiah :–; :; :–:; :–
Zion-Jerusalem is personified throughout Isa –. It can, in fact, be argued that all passages in Isa – that refer to Zion personify her.103 Yet the tendency to refer to Zion-Jerusalem in terms of a woman is more prominent in some passages than in others. In particular, Isa :– ; :; :–:; :– denote Zion-Jerusalem as a woman and liken her with the various stages of life that traditionally are associated with women (e.g. bride, wife, mother, widow and divorcee). In many of these passages, she is portrayed as having a biological or marital relationship with God (e.g. as daughter or as a wife), and many passages attribute speech, thought and action to her. Much has been written on the personification of Zion-Jerusalem from a literary and/or feminist perspective. I shall draw from the insights of many of these studies in the following discussions; yet, as in the rest of this chapter, I am limiting the present discussion to the exploration of the hints that these passages convey regarding the identity of the community behind the symbol of Zion-Jerusalem. ... Isaiah :– We meet personified Zion-Jerusalem properly for the first time in the longer passage of Isa :–.104 In this passage, Zion-Jerusalem laments (vv. –a, —see also further below), thinks (v. ), looks around (v. ) and has children (vv. –). At the same time, she is depicted as a physical city: her walls are forever before God (v. ), she will be rebuilt (v. ) and she is currently in ruins (v. ). In fact, the imagery 103
Maier, Daughter Zion, p. . Isa :– forms a textual unit, owing in part to the continuous theme of children / sons throughout much of vv. – (vv. , , , , , ). See especially Melugin, Formation, pp. –, who shows that the poem consists of three parts (vv. –, –, and –) that together form one speech of salvation, compatible with authorial unity. Likewise, Kratz, Kyros, p. , regards Isa :– as a textual unit. In contrast, other scholars divide the text into smaller parts. Van Oorschot, Von Babel zum Zion, pp. –, –, sees Isa :– as part of the first Jerusalem redaction while he assigns vv. – to his proposed second redaction. Likewise, Albertz, Israel in Exile, p. , regards Isa :– as having been added in what he calls the first Jerusalem redaction. See also Merendino, “Jes ”, pp. –, who argues that all of Isa :–, consisting of one core text and three subsequent layers of additions, is a later addition to the writings of the prophet Deutero-Isaiah. 104
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overlaps in verses – as (human) palms are paralleled with (building) walls, creating a joined picture of Zion as both city and woman.105 In the same way as the passages already discussed in this chapter, Isa :– depicts the city as both a physical construction and a conglomeration of humans, and it envisions the rebuilding of the physical city as going hand-in-hand with the increase of its human population. I shall examine this depiction of Jerusalem as a living woman and as a physical city in order to determine the identity of the community outside of the text that Zion-Jerusalem represents. More specifically, I shall seek to identify the geographical whereabouts of the community that constitutes the intended target audience of the divine oracle in verses b–. :– 14But Zion said: “YHWH has abandoned me, and the Lord has forgotten me. 15Can a woman forget her newborn (äìåò äùà çëùúä), (that she does not) show compassion for the son of her womb (ïá íçøî äðèá)?” “Though she may forget these, yet I will not forget you. 16See, upon the palms I have engraved you, your walls are always before me. 17Your sons / builders will hasten, those destroying you and those that lay you waste (êéáøçî) shall go forth from you. 18Lift up your eyes and look around, all of them have gathered and have come to you. As surely as I live”—declares YHWH—“for you will wear all of them like ornaments, and you will bind them on like a bride. 19Because of your ruins and your waste places and your destroyed land (êéúñøä õøàå), because now you will be too cramped for dwelling (áùåéî éøöú), and those who swallowed you up will be far away (êéòìáî å÷çøå). 20Yet the sons of your bereavement (êéìëù éðá) will say in your ears ‘the place is too narrow (íå÷îä éìøö). Make room for me (éìäùâ)106 so that I may dwell’ ”. 21“And you will say in your heart: ‘Who has borne me these? I was bereaved
and barren, exiled (äìâ) and passing away, and these, who raised [them]? Behold, I was left alone. These, of what kind are they (íä äôéà)?’ ” 22Thus says the Lord YHWH: “Behold, I will lift up my hand before nations, and before peoples I will raise up my sign, and they will bring your sons in [their] bosom, and your daughters will be carried upon [their] shoulder. 23And kings will be your caregivers, and their royal ladies your wet-nurses. They will bow before you, their faces [to the] ground, and they will lick the dust of your feet. And you will know that I am YHWH. Those who wait for me will not be disappointed (éå÷ åùáé àì øùà)”. 24“Can booty be taken from the mighty one (øåáâî), or can a captive (éáù) be delivered [from] an awe-inspiring one (èìîé ÷éãö)?” 25For thus says
105
See also Merendino, “Jes ”, p. . The Hebrew expression éìäùâ means literary “draw near to me”. The LXX renders this expression as πο ησν μοι τπον (“provide space for me”). This translation is followed by most modern translators (cf. NIV, JPS, KJV etc.) and is adopted here. 106
chapter eight YHWH: “Even the captive of a mighty one will be taken, and booty of the awe-inspiring one (õéøò) will be delivered, for I will contend with your (f.sg.) opponent (áéøà éëðà êáéøé úàå), and I will save your sons. 26And I will feed your oppressors their [own] flesh, and I will make them drunk [with] their [own] blood like sweet wine, and all flesh will know that I am YHWH your saviour and your redeemer, the Strong One of Jacob (øéáà á÷òé)”.107
To begin with, the absence of concrete descriptions of the exiles in Isa :– suggests a Judahite perspective and, as such, that ZionJerusalem, the addressee within the text, represents the people of Judah.108 First, although verses – speak of the return of the Diaspora, there are no explicit references to the exile itself and there is no mention of the place of origin of the returnees. In fact, throughout all of Isa – Babylon is never mentioned overtly in any context that deals with the repopulation of Zion (cf. Isa :–). Likewise, the returnees are never referred to by the term “exiles”. Instead, verse speaks of the general assembly of people to Jerusalem, where the term íìë appears to have the general sense of “everyone”, possibly referring back to “your sons / builders” in verse . Likewise, verse speaks of the “sons of bereavement” rather than using a more explicit term for the exiles. Verse appears to be uninterested in the geographical origin of these arriving sons. Zion asks who begot them, who brought them up and either where they are or of what kind they are, but, significantly, she does not ask from where they come (contra NIV), although it is possible to understand íä äôéà, along with the JPS translation, as “where were they”. Likewise, verse mentions a return of Zion’s sons and daughters but their port of departure is unspecified. Secondly, the focus on Jerusalem is almost blatant in this passage. Verse focuses exclusively on Zion-Jerusalem in its use of metaphors that hark back to that of the mother carrying her child at her bosom in verse . The caregivers and the wet nurses belong to her (rather than to her children who are not mentioned), and the kings and the royal ladies will bow before her and lick her feet. Verse sums up well the passage as a whole: the receiving mother Zion stands in focus while her returning children are significantly less important.
107
See chapter for a more detailed discussion of the translation of vv. –. Cf. Watts, Isaiah –, pp. –, who argues that all of Isa :–: addresses the people of Judah. 108
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This lack of any explicit reference to the exile, together with the strong focus on Jerusalem, continues in verses –. The tone and content change from speaking about the imminent blessings of Zion to outlining God’s revenge on her oppressors. Yet these two concepts represent two sides of the same coin. God carries out his acts of vengeance against Zion’s enemies for her benefit. They will result in the saving of Zion’s sons (v. b) and cause everyone to realize that YHWH is her redeemer (v. b). As in verses –, verse is careful not to specify the identity of the sons and nothing implies that they are exiles who have returned. Instead, they are described as “saved”. Likewise, the reference to the “captive” in the same verse is not expounded upon. Instead the focus of the passage rests on the portrayal of God as a warrior who fights on behalf of his city (cf. chapter ). In addition, the scenario depicted in :– lacks any explicit reference to a particular historical situation. As already noted, verses – never mention any specific place of origin for the people returning, and there is little in terms of correspondence between this view of the return from exile and that outlined in Ezra and Nehemiah. Instead, in view of the similarities between Isa :– and Isa :, it is likely that the former verses portray a future scene. As such, it is reasonable to assume that Isa :– was composed either before bc when a return had not yet taken place and thus was a still unknown commodity, or that it addresses a distant and probably eschatological future. Of the two, the former scenario receives support from the references to ruins in verse , as this is best explained as referring to the destruction of Jerusalem in bc. Likewise, the thematic and textual similarity between Isa :– and Lamentations suggests proximity in terms of dating.109 The expression äøåñå äìâ (v. ) appears at first to contradict a Judahite perspective but the actual situation is more ambiguous. First, the LXX lacks a corresponding expression for äøåñå äìâ.110 Secondly, it is unwarranted to assume an abrupt change from metaphoric language (v. a— motherhood) to literal language (v. baa) and back to metaphoric
109 See Tiemeyer, “Geography and Textual Allusions”, pp. –, with cited bibliography. 110 Highlighted by Goldingay and Payne, Isaiah, II, p. . Duhm, Jesaia, pp. –, regards it as a gloss, as does Blenkinsopp, Isaiah –, p. . See also Jeppesen, “Mother Zion, Father Servant”, pp. –, who argues that the LXX preserves the more coherent reading.
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language again (vv. bab–bb—motherhood). Instead it is preferable to assume that the metaphor of motherhood persists throughout the whole verse. Thirdly, a literal reading of the text creates a contradiction: Zion is described as both exiled and left behind (éãáì éúøàùð). I therefore suggest that a metaphorical reading of verse is superior, where the expression äøåñå äìâ describes the mother Zion as “exiled” in the sense that she is far away from many of her children. This interpretation is further supported by the similar imagery of exiled Jerusalem in Lam : and :, the perspective of which is clearly Judahite. The notion of Zion being “exiled” in Isa : is thus a recapitulation of the language of Lamentations. In conclusion, Isa :–, a text that in all likelihood was composed before bc, reflects a Judahite perspective. Furthermore, the community behind the symbol of Zion-Jerusalem is probably the people living in Judah, in contrast to her “children” who, in the present context, are likely to represent the people returning from the Diaspora. ... Isaiah : Isa :, part of the longer section of :– (see also chapter ), does not name Zion-Jerusalem explicitly. Even so, there is little doubt that she is the mother figure in the text. :– 1Thus says the Lord: “Where is your (m.p.) mother’s certificate of divorce (íëîà úåúéøë øôñ) by which I sent her away? Or to whom among my creditors did I sell you? Look (ïä), you were sold because of your sins, and I sent your mother away because of your transgressions. 2I came, why was nobody there? I called, and nobody was answering. Is my hand too short (äøö÷ øåö÷ä) to ransom (úåãôî), and do I lack (éá ïéà íàå) strength to save? Behold, by my rebuke I dry up the sea, I render (íéùà) the streams [into] wilderness. Their fish stink due to lack of water and they die of thirst. 3I clothe heaven [with] darkness, and I place (íéùà) sack-cloth [as] its covering”.
Much of the scholarly attention has focused on the meaning of the “writ of divorce” and on the question of whether or not God has divorced ZionJerusalem.111 Most recent scholars understand the questions in verse a as rhetorical: the mother was not sent away112 since she was not guilty. 111 For an up-to-date discussion of the passage and its interpretation, see MoughtinMumby, Sexual and Marital Metaphors, pp. –. 112 E.g. Moughtin-Mumby, Sexual and Marital Metaphors, pp. –, with cited bibliography. For a different view, see, e.g., Steck, Gottesknecht und Zion, p. .
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Instead, verse b places the blame squarely upon the audience, identified in relation to their mother Zion-Jerusalem as her children,113 although the actual term “children” is not attested. As always, I shall focus on identifying the communities behind the mother and her children, and I shall also seek to clarify their relationship with one another. As noted above, Zion in Isa :– denotes the community in Jerusalem while her “sons” symbolize the returning exiles. A similar division between the returning exiles and Zion is found also in Isa :, although the term “sons” is not used there (see chapter ). It is therefore distinctly possible that the same kind of division is also upheld here in Isa :– between the children and the city. This would mean that Isa :– addresses the “sons”, i.e. the returnees, and blames them for their exile, while it exonerates Zion-Jerusalem, personifying the Jerusalem community. This interpretation is furthermore supported by the term “sold” (v. ) which would then refer to the exiles,114 although a wider meaning in terms of being handed over to the enemy is also possible. Does this, then, make the exiles the intended audience? Abma clearly favours this interpretation. She claims that the redemption that Isa :– has in mind is the exiles’ bondage in Babylon. God arrives (v. ) in Babylon to motivate the exiles to “depart from there”, but they are reluctant to do so. Abma lists three arguments in support of an exilic setting. First, the terms “to redeem” and “to rescue” are better suited for an audience of exiles in Babylon than one in Judah. Secondly, noting the switch from Isa :–, which addresses Lady Zion, to Isa :– , which addresses the sons, Abma maintains that as the former deals with issues in Judah, so the latter “applies to the situation in Babylon and addresses an audience located in Babylon”. Thirdly, as the Exodus from Babylon to Zion must start in Babylon, it is likely that God would come “to there” (v. aa). In fact, Abma sees all of Isa – as centred around the theme of the Exodus from Babylon and the subsequent return to Zion, headed by the call to “set out” in Isa :–. For example, Abma regards the Servant as the exemplary pioneer who sets out to Judah, whereas the other exiles are reluctant and accordingly must be persuaded to do so.115
113 114 115
Abma, Bonds of Love, p. . See, e.g., Beuken, Jesaja, pp. –, followed by Abma, Bonds of Love, pp. –. Abma, Bonds of Love, pp. –.
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In response, God is indeed described as “having come” to the audience in Isa :, but Abma’s suggestion that he is coming to Babylon in order to fetch the exiles cannot be substantiated. On the contrary, elsewhere in Isa – (Isa :– [chapter ] and :– [chapter ]), God is coming to Jerusalem (cf. also Zech :–). Abma’s argument that the words “redeem” and “rescue” are more appropriate in relation to an audience in Babylon also fails to convince, as there is no reason to take these two verbs as referring to any physical situation. Likewise, Abma’s suggestion that the switch of addressees brings about a switch in location must remain a conjecture as there is nothing beyond the notion of “sons” that suggests the exiles. Finally, Abma’s claim that Isa – is centred on the Exodus of the exiles out of Babylon is incorrect. As we have seen in chapter , the existing Exodus imagery is limited to a few places in Isa – where it expounds more upon God’s triumph over the chaos forces than upon the delivery of the people out of Egypt. The exile itself is furthermore mentioned relatively infrequently and outside of Isa : Babylon is never referred to as the place from which the exiles are to return. Where does this leave us then in terms of the audience of the oracle? As noted, very little supports a Babylonian setting apart from the fact that the audience is referred to in relation with, yet also distinct from, their mother, Zion, and the identification of Zion’s sons with the returning exiles in the preceding oracle in Isa :–. There is no neat solution to this difficulty. Even so, I tentatively suggest that a solution may lie in distinguishing the sons in Isa :– from the people whose mother is Zion in :. As already mentioned, the return of the sons in :– still lies in the future from the perspective of the speaker and his/her audience. In contrast, the audience in : are the prophet’s contemporaries. In view of this, I propose identifying the audience of :– with the people of Jerusalem, past and present, to whom God came (v. , cf. Isa :, below). The people of pre-exilic Jerusalem sinned and, as a result of this sin, the city was “put away”, i.e. destroyed and its population were “sold”, i.e. given over into the hands of the Neo-Babylonian armies to be killed, exiled or left behind in the destroyed city. According to this interpretation, the present inhabitants of Jerusalem who are the descendents of its pre-exilic population are not free from responsibility for the fall of Jerusalem. This interpretation is furthermore in line with the passages addressing Jacob-Israel (e.g. Isa :–; :– and :–, see chapter ) that accuse the authors’ contemporaries of wrong-doing.
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.... Excursion: Zion’s Children The abovementioned interpretation highlights the tension between, on the one hand, a Zion-Jerusalem who is free from guilt, and, on the other hand, her “children” who are responsible for the fall of Jerusalem. In order to solve this tension, I suggest that “children / sons” is a fluid term that encompasses the entire people of Judah, both in time and in place. As such, a strict distinction at all times between mother Zion and her children is not desirable as they may sometimes overlap, forming a corporate personality.116 In Isa : the sons constitute primarily the people of pre-exilic Judah whose sins caused the fall of Jerusalem in bc, but they are also, by continuity, the population of Jerusalem in the templeless period. In Isa :–, the sons and the daughters (v. ) whose return to Jerusalem is anticipated are likewise the descendents of the people of pre-exilic Judah. Finally, in Isa :– (see below), the sons are the present population in Jerusalem who are unable to lead the city (v. ), yet also the slain sons whose corpses were lying around in Jerusalem immediately after the Babylonian onslaught in bc (v. ).117 These “sons”, all of them together, were responsible for Jerusalem’s destruction, are still sinning and will return in the future. The notion of Jacob-Israel is in many respects similar to that of the “sons”. As noted in chapter , Jacob-Israel symbolizes the inhabitants of Jerusalem who are contemporary with the authors of Isa –, and their sins are both of the past and the present. Isa – acknowledges their guilt, yet also promises them unadulterated redemption. These three characters, i.e. the “sons”, Jacob-Israel and Zion-Jerusalem, create a complicated grid of guilt and exoneration. On a literary level, the three personae are kept apart. Whereas the first two male symbols personify those responsible for the destruction of Jerusalem, the female symbol of Zion-Jerusalem personifies the innocent victims of violence. On a historical level, however, the “sons” symbolize the wider community of descendents of pre-exilic Judah, including both those who died in 116
Cf. North, Second Isaiah, p. . Cf. Steck, Gottesknecht und Zion, p. . Steck claims that although the sons in Isa : represent the actual population of Jerusalem, they do not constitute das Heilsvolk. I agree with Steck that the sons in Isa : are definitely the population of Jerusalem and that the city is the physical city. However, I do not see the necessity of distinguishing between Jerusalem and her population on the one hand and what Steck calls das Heilsvolk, i.e. God’s people, on the other hand. On the contrary, this verse, in its larger context, demonstrates that from the point of view of the authors / final redactors of Isa –, the earthly population of Jerusalem equals God’s people. 117
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bc and the descendents of those who survived, as well as both the people in the Diaspora and those in Judah, while Jacob-Israel and ZionJerusalem together represent the community in templeless Judah. On this latter level, Isa : serves the dual purpose of explaining to the earthly population of Jerusalem that they were punished as a result of their own sins, but that they were not put away by God for good. ... Isaiah :–: Zion-Jerusalem is personified as primarily a mother in Isa :– (– ),118 and the descriptions in this section refer back to the events at the time of and also following the fall of Jerusalem in bc. :– 17Awake, awake, get up, O Jerusalem, you who have drunk from the hand of YHWH the cup of his wrath, the goblet of reeling (ñåë úòá÷ äìòøúä, cf. v. ) you who have drunk, [indeed] drained. 18She has no leader (äì ìäðî ïéà) from among all the sons [that] she has carried (äãìé), and there is none to hold her hand from among all the sons [that] she has raised. 19Two (things), these have happened to you119 (êéúàø÷ äðä íéúù). Who will lament for you (êì ãåðé éî)? The devastation and the destruction and the famine and the sword: who was I to comfort you (êîçðà éî)?120 20Your sons have fainted, they have lain at the top of all the streets like an antelope in a snare (øîëî àåúë), full of YHWH’s anger, your God’s rebuke.121 21Therefore, listen now (àð éòîù), you afflicted one (äéðò úàæ), drunk but not from wine. 22Thus
says your Lord YHWH and your God who takes the part of his people (åîò áéøé): “Behold I have taken from your hand the cup of reeling (äìòøúä ñåë), the goblet of my wrath (éúîç ñåë úòá÷). You will drink it no more (ãåò äúåúùì éôéñåú àì). 23And I will place it (the cup) in the hand of 118 Melugin, Formation of Isaiah, pp. –, –, argues convincingly in favour of the textual unity of Isa :–, and he shows that Isa :– continues the style of :–. Whether or not these were two originally separate units that were skilfully woven together, or whether they originally belonged together cannot be determined with certainty. Likewise, but from a text-historical angle, Hermisson, “Einhet und Komplexität”, p. , assigns both Isa :–* and :– to his Grundbestand, i.e. what he deems to be the oldest textual layer in Isa –. 119 According to BDB, pp. b–a, the root àø÷ here is an unusual form of the root äø÷ (“to encounter, befall”). 120 QIsaa reads m.sg. êîçðé, a reading followed by several scholars, among them Blenkinsopp, Isaiah –, p. . In contrast, Goldingay and Payne, Isaiah, II, pp. – , read “Who was I to comfort you?”, maintaining the consonants of the MT. A first prophetic voice can be maintained without difficulty since vv. – are not spoken by God (see further chapter ). 121 BDB, p. a.
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your tormentors who said to you ‘bow down so we can pass over you’, and you made your back like the ground and like the street for those passing over.”
All of Isa :– concerns Zion-Jerusalem. The first part in verses – refers to God in the third person and therefore likely represents prophetic speech (cf. chapter ). In direct address, the prophet identifies Zion-Jerusalem as the object of God’s past anger and, without mentioning Jerusalem’s own culpability, encourages the city to raise herself up (v. ). The same speaker then changes to indirect speech and laments Jerusalem’s current destitution and her lack of indigenous leadership (v. ). The remainder of the text returns to direct speech. The speaker enumerates the awful things that have happened to Zion-Jerusalem in the past (vv. –), and, in view of this past history, encourages ZionJerusalem now to pay close attention to God’s words (v. ). God’s answer appears in verses –. As in the preceding lament, the divine answer focuses solely on Zion-Jerusalem. God promises that her current suffering will cease and that he will bring retribution upon her past tormentors. Moreover, as in verse , as well as in Isa : (above), no guilt is laid upon Zion-Jerusalem. Despite this lack of blame, Isa :– does not portray Zion-Jerusalem in wholly positive terms. The section has the sound of a reprimand or at least a wake-up call. Despite the promises given to Jerusalem in the preceding material, the prophetic voice calls the inhabitants of Jerusalem to “awake, awake, get up” (v. a). True, they have suffered a lot in the past from God’s hand (v. b) but this is no excuse for their present behaviour. At the moment, none among them is able to lead the city (v. ) because they all lie helplessly in the streets (v. ). Soon, however, God promises to change all this. He will take the cup of wrath from Jerusalem’s hand (v. ) and instead give it to her oppressors. As already noted above, the speech to Zion-Jerusalem in Isa :– refers to her sons, described as her past (v. ) and present (v. ) inhabitants. As neither the Jerusalemite nor the exilic community has a monopoly on the suffering in the years following the Neo-Babylonian destruction of Jerusalem in bc, these sons could theoretically represent either the exilic or the Judahite community. The same is true for the imagery relating to Zion-Jerusalem. At the same time, this very lack of geographical information renders it most likely that Zion-Jerusalem represents the existing city and its population. The bemoaned lack of current leadership (v. ) is accordingly best understood in line with the rest of
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Isa –. Since none among Jerusalem’s present sons is able to lead the people, the audience are encouraged to look forward to the return of the children from the Diaspora. :– 1Awake, awake, put on your strength, O Zion, wear your beautiful clothes, O Jerusalem, the holy city, because [the] uncircumcised and [the] unclean will no more come into you (ãåò êá àáé óéñåé àì). 2Shake yourself from [the] dust (øôòî éøòðúä), rise up, sit, O Jerusalem. Free yourself ([éçúôúä] åçúôúä)122 [from] the bonds of your neck (êøàåö éøñåî), O captive Daughter Zion (ïåéö úá äéáù).
Jerusalem’s wake-up call continues in the following oracle in Isa :–. As Isa :, Isa :– forms a direct command to personified ZionJerusalem. In this passage, the city is called “holy city” (ùã÷ä øéò—v. ) and “captive” (äéáù—v. ), and she is told to wake up (v. ), to put on her strength, to shake the dust from herself, to get up and to loosen the fetters around her neck (v. ). In other words, she should rouse herself and free herself from her mourning because God is soon going to act on her behalf. The imagery in this passage is varied and the terminology is largely metaphoric. In verse , Zion is personified in a way that makes the reader aware of the physical city and its human population. The reference to rape in verse (continuing the imagery of the preceding :, cf. Lam :) invites the audience to associate the city with a raped woman, the victim of the violence of the conquering Neo-Babylonian forces in bc.123 Now, however, this woman, as a representative of Jerusalem’s battered population, is to put her nightmares behind her and instead dress up, gather her strength and prepare for the joy to come. The imagery in verse a is more difficult to interpret. The command to “shake herself from the dust”, mostly translated as “shake off the dust” (following LXX "κτ ναξαι τν χο ν = “shake off the dust”) is probably a double image of letting go of mourning and of freshening up. After having sat grieving in dust and sack clothes, Zion-Jerusalem is encouraged to look elegant again. Jerusalem is then commanded to rise and sit / dwell, i.e. to behave normally again rather than lying humiliated in the dust. As “sitting” is a normal idiom for cities and their inhabitants in Hebrew, there is no reason to assume nuances of “sitting enthroned”, 122
My translation follows the f.sg. imperative attested by the qere. Isa :, :b are most likely references to rape, a common phenomenon following the fall of a besieged city. Thus God promises Zion-Jerusalem, personified as a woman, that she will no longer bear the humiliating and shameful military assault by oncoming armies. See further Stone, “Second Isaiah”, pp. – (chapter ). 123
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as suggested by NIV, NAB. Zion-Jerusalem is simply given the right to exist anew as a city. Again, we see that verse a combines the imagery of a woman with expressions that are normally associated with cities. By mixing the two spheres of reference, the verse conveys the message that the physical city and its human population are two sides of the same coin. The following material in Isa :b conjures up images of dungeons and captivity, and refers to the city as a äéáù (“captive”). Do these descriptions reflect Israel’s exilic experience or do they describe the physical city? I see no need to interpret either description as a reference to a Babylonian exilic experience. Although Kgs :– depicts king Jehoiachin as having spent a long time in prison, Jehoiachin’s experiences are unlikely to be representative of those of the exiles in general. In fact, based on what we know from the Murashu documents, the majority of the exiles did not spend their time in dungeons (cf. chapter ). There is also no evidence that suggests that the people who remained in Judah were captives in any physical sense. It is therefore preferable to understand the language of all of verse as metaphoric. Such a reading is further supported by the similar description of Jerusalem as “sitting alone” (øéòä ããá äáùé) and as forced into servitude (ñîì äúéä) in Lam :. Similarities between Isa : and other descriptions in Lamentations point in the same direction. Lam :, for example, describes the suffering geber as one who is “walled in” (éãòá øãâ) and “weighed down with chains” (éúùçð ãéáëä). There are clear similarities between the geber and the Servant in Isa :–:.124 Lam : speaks further about prisoners being crushed underfoot (úçú àëãì õøà éøéñà ìë åéìâø). Although there is no verbal agreement between Lam : and Isa :, the former verse shows that the notion of captivity is not necessarily a reference to exile even though it can, of course, be that (cf. Lam :—éáùá åëìä éøåçáå éúìåúá). From yet another perspective, the image of Jerusalem, her body lying on the ground, leads to thoughts of the scenes following the capture of a city and conjures up the notion of total submission, both politically and humanly speaking. The city is captive in the sense that its population is diminished and currently suffering under foreign rule.125
124 See further Willey, Remember the Former Things, pp. –. For a different perspective, see also J. Middlemas, “Did Second Isaiah Write Lamentations III?”, VT (), pp. –. 125 Cf. Maier, Daughter of Zion, pp. –, who understands the imagery of captivity as symbolizing the experience of the city of Jerusalem as the city is ruled by foreigners during the Babylonian exile.
chapter eight : Thus says YHWH: “You were sold for nought (íúøëîð íðç), and you will be redeemed without money.”
Isa :, continuing much in the same vein as the preceding verses, concerns the value of the exchange of the target audience. They were sold, i.e. given over to their enemies, yet God received nothing in return. Now, because of the lack of exchange, God is free to redeem them without monetary penalty. Verse changes the address from the f.sg. to the m.pl. Despite this new masculine plural address, however, Zion-Jerusalem probably remains the addressee. In fact, as noted earlier in this chapter, this kind of change of address testifies to the fluid distinction between personified Zion-Jerusalem, viewed as a single feminine entity, and her population, treated as a masculine plural entity. It is furthermore likely that the focus on Zion-Jerusalem continues in verses – (see chapter ). Verse speaks about the past mistreatment of “God’s people” and verses – refer to the current suffering of “God’s people”. In this manner, Isa :– as a whole126 connects Zion-Jerusalem (vv. –) not only with its current population (vv. , –, cf. the shared use of the term íðç in vv. , ) but also with pre-exilic Judah (v. ), and it labels them all as “God’s people”. Verse does not contain any explicit information that enables us to determine the geographical whereabouts of its audience. Both the people in Judah and the exiles in Babylon can be aptly described as “sold for nought” (v. ) or “taken for nought” (v. ). Likewise, both groups of people were oppressed (v. ) by their (Neo-Babylonian) overlords (v. ). In conclusion, Isa :–:– (–) addresses Zion-Jerusalem. It speaks about her past suffering and promises vindication and redress. Zion-Jerusalem is personified as a woman and many of the employed metaphors relate to areas that are traditionally associated with women. At the same time, other descriptions fit better as description of a physical city. In this manner, the overall imagery of these verses implies that Zion-Jerusalem represents both the earthy city and its human population. The transition from a f.sg. address to a m.pl. address in :, conveys the same impression of fluidity between the notions of the city and its inhabitants. Taken together, this suggests that Zion-Jerusalem in Isa :–: (–) symbolizes the Judahite city of Jerusalem. 126 For a discussion of the structure of Isa :–, see Goldingay and Payne, Isaiah, II, pp. –.
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... Isaiah :– We meet Zion-Jerusalem personified as a woman again in Isa :–. Although she is never mentioned by name, it is likely that she is the addressee, given the f.sg. address (with the exception of :ab that uses m.pl).127 :– 1“Shout (éðø), O barren one, [you who] did not bear [a child]! Break forth (éçöô) [into] singing (äðø) and cry out aloud (éìäö), [you who] did not labour [in childbirth]! Because more numerous are the sons of the deserted one (äîîåù éðá) than the sons of the married one (äìåòá éðáî)”, says YHWH. 2“Make spacious (éáéçøä) the site of your tent, and let them stretch (åèé) the tent curtains of your dwelling-places, do not hold back (éëùçú ìà)! Lengthen (éëéøàä) your cords and strengthen (é÷æç) your tentpegs! 3Because you will spread out (éöøôú) [to] the right and [to] the left, and your offspring (êòøæå) will dispossess nations, and they will populate (åáéùåé) deserted cities (úåîùð íéøò). 4Do not be afraid (éàøéú ìà) for you will not be ashamed (éùåáú àì éë), and do not feel humiliated (éîìëú ìàå) for you will not cause disgrace (éøéôçú àì éë). For you will forget the shame of your youth (êéîåìò úùá), and the disgrace of your widowhood (úôøç êéúåðîìà) you will no longer remember. 5For the one marrying you (êéìòá) is your maker, YHWH of Host is his name, and your redeemer is the Holy One of Israel, the God of the whole earth is he called. 6For YHWH has called you as a forsaken woman, grieved in spirit. For can you reject the wife of youth (ñàîú éë íéøåòð úùàå)?” says YHWH. 7“For a brief moment I abandoned you (êéúáæò), but with great compassion I will gather you together (êöá÷à). 8In a flood of wrath I hid my face for a moment from you, but in eternal goodness I had compassion on you, says your redeemer, YHWH. 9For this is [like] the water of Noah to me: as I swore that the water of Noah should never again pass over the earth, so I have sworn never to be angry with you or to rebuke you. 10For the mountains may depart and the hills may shake, but my goodness will not depart from you and my covenant of peace will not shake”, says YHWH, the one who has compassion on you.
The oracle in Isa :– uses a wide variety of metaphors to describe personified Zion-Jerusalem. Some of them are seemingly incompatible with one another; the city is called, all at the same time, barren and childless, deserted, forsaken and widowed. Several scholars have attempted to solve these apparent inconsistencies. Beuken, for example, argues that Zion here is a corporate personality, representing the people in three successive states of its history: as ancestress, as wife and as city in ruins. The last metaphor—the ruined city—is the most actual representation of the 127
Abma, Bonds of Love, p. .
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people, both for the inhabitants of the land as well as for the group in exile longing for its restoration.128 I agree with much of Beuken’s interpretation, yet I suggest that rather than describing Daughter Zion’s life as a chronologically consecutive story, these metaphors highlight distinct aspects of her current situation. They all imply loneliness in one form or another, and together they create a powerful image of the utter bereavement and forsakenness of the city. In this sense, the oracle in Isa :– acknowledges Zion’s own self-understanding and, at the same time, aims to transform it.129 As Sawyer points out, the imagery in Isa :– is primarily that of reconciliation. God promises never again to lose his temper, and never again to walk out on his wife, leaving her childless and humiliated. As she is physically weaker than he is and socially dependent on him, God has to convince her that he really loves her and that she can trust him.130 Alongside these descriptions of Zion-Jerusalem as a woman, Isa :– also uses images that fit a physical city and its population. First, the imagery reflects a real city to be populated. The word “deserted” (root íîù) appears in both verse , where it describes Zion-Jerusalem personified as a woman, and in verse , where it denotes the physical cities to be inhabited. Verse furthermore postulates that Jerusalem’s offspring (òøæ—their geographical place of origin left unspecified) will populate these cities. Together, verses – thus depict Jerusalem as a city that is currently empty but which should soon be filled anew with her own children (instead of foreign children). Secondly, the description of personified Jerusalem in verses – uses many of the same motifs that the following verses (–) employ in order to describe the storm-tossed and razed physical city.131 In this manner, the imagery emphasizes that the personified woman and the physical city are two facets of the same entity. Some scholars detect the returning exiles in this passage, particularly in light of the phrase êöá÷à (“I will gather you”—f.sg.) in verse , and argue that Zion-Jerusalem is a symbol for the exilic community. Sawyer, for example, argues that the imagery in Isa : is not so much about a city but about the returning exiles: “I will bring you home again”.132
128 129 130 131 132
Beuken, “Isaiah ”, pp. –. Moughtin-Mumby, Sexual and Marital Metaphors, pp. , –. Sawyer, “Daughter of Zion”, pp. –. Pointed out by Maier, Daughter Zion, p. . Sawyer, “Daughter of Zion”, JSOT (), p. .
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In support of his interpretation, Sawyer maintains that the singular address to female singular Jerusalem does not fit with the verb õá÷ and disturbs the consistency of the description of personified ZionJerusalem. Therefore, verse , through its use of this verb, provides a glimpse of the reality behind the metaphor.133 Sawyer finds additional support for his interpretation in the collective depiction of Zion as God’s people in Isa : (see above).134 Likewise, North assumes a momentary shift of attention from Zion to the exiles in verse and argues that this verse speaks of the children of Israel who will be gathered in Zion, rather than Zion herself.135 These interpretations are unconvincing in more than one respect. First, a close reading of verse shows that it is Zion, rather than her offspring, who is being “gathered”. Secondly, the verb õá÷ (“to gather, collect”) is contrasted with the verb áæò (“to abandon”). The leading imagery is therefore one where God, acting as a mother bird, gathers her chicks under her wing for protection. In other words, although the verb õá÷ certainly can have the meaning “to bring back” (e.g. Isa :; :; :; Jer :; Ezek :; :), its connotation in the present context is more likely to be “to gather together” (cf. Isa :). This reading gains support from the associated adverbial phrase “with great compassion” (íéìãâ íéîçøáå) which reinforces the mother-imagery of God. Likewise, a comparison with the thematically similar Isa : suggests a metaphoric understanding of the verb õá÷ in Isa :. Although the two verses do not share vocabulary, they both depict God as a parent protecting his children (:—êéúéñë éãé ìöáå, :—êöá÷à íéìãâ íéîçøáå). Turning to the question of the target audience of Isa :–, much favours interpreting Zion-Jerusalem as a symbol for the earthly city of Jerusalem. Abma, for example, argues that Zion-Jerusalem is the primary audience both within the poem and outside it. One recognizes in the literary figure of Zion-Jerusalem the historical community in Jerusalem who is still suffering from destruction and depopulation but who needs to hear the message of repopulation and God’s renewed presence. Yet Abma also assumes that Zion-Jerusalem, as “a figure on stage”, as the implied audience, can be identified with the exiles in Babylon who are hesitant to immigrate to Zion.136 133 134 135 136
Sawyer, “Daughter of Zion”, JSOT (), p. . Sawyer, “Daughter of Zion”, JSOT (), p. . North, Second Isaiah, p. . Abma, Bonds of Love, pp. –.
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As already mentioned above, Abma’s sophisticated interpretation does not fit with the present inquiry which primarily seeks to identify the originally intended target audience of the various passages in Isa –. As a prophet / group of prophets cannot be in two distinct geographical settings at the same time, we need to determine whether these people delivered their message in either Judah or Babylon. It is, of course, possible that, at a later time, the written compositions of these prophets were brought to the other community where they filled a new and originally unintended function. For example, if Isa – were a Judahite composition, it could have been proclaimed also in the exilic community in Babylon in order to encourage the exiles to return home to Zion. To sum up, Isa :– fuses images that describe Zion-Jerusalem as a woman with images that describe her as the physical Judahite city. This fusion of images, in turn, suggests that Zion-Jerusalem symbolizes both the earthy city and its human population. ... Conclusion To conclude this section, a close reading of those passages that personify Zion-Jerusalem as a woman (Isa :–; :; :–:; :–) suggests that they originally addressed the people of Judah. In particular, the presentation of personified Zion-Jerusalem in terms that denote her both as a physical city and as a woman renders it likely that she functions as the symbol for the city of Jerusalem and its population. In contrast, her children are less easily identified. In Isa :– they denote the returning exiles, while in Isa : they are more likely to stand for the people in Jerusalem. Yet again, Zion’s children in Isa : denote the current people of Jerusalem while the reference in verse appears to speak of those people who died in bc. Finally, the offspring in Isa : who will populate the deserted cities of Judah cannot be closely identified. It may be that they denote both the indigenous Judahites and the returning exiles.
. The Judahite Timbre of Zion’s Voice In the preceding chapter, we looked at the possibility of determining Jacob-Israel’s whereabouts by looking at the theology that his speech in Isa :, and possibly in :–, expressed. We concluded that, according to Middlemas’ criteria (chapter ), Jacob-Israel’s expressed
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theology agrees with the dominant theology of Lamentations and is thus typical of templeless Judah. In a similar manner, we shall here investigate Zion-Jerusalem’s speech in order to define her theology and, by extension, her geographical setting. We hear her voice in Isa : and possibly also in Isa : and :–a, and we partake of her thoughts in :.137 Zion-Jerusalem’s speech in Isa : expresses the kind of theology that is typical of the people of templeless Judah. Zion, echoing Jacob-Israel’s despondent speech in Isa :, is cited as saying: éðçëù éðãàå §ä éðáæò (“YHWH has abandoned me, and the lord has forgotten me”). Her speech probably continues into verse a with the equally despondent words that further highlight her past sorrows: “Can a woman forget her newborn (that she does not) show compassion for the son of her womb?”138 ZionJerusalem in Isa : thus speaks unadulterated Judahite speech, and, as such, it is likely that she is the spokesperson for the people in Judah. Isa : And you will say in your heart: “Who has borne me these (éî äìà úà éì ãìé)? I was bereaved and barren (äãåîìâå äìåëù éðàå), exiled and passing away (äøåñå äìâ),139 and these, who raised [them] (ìãâ éî äìàå)? Behold, I was left behind alone (éãáì éúøàùð éðà ïä). These, of what kind are they? (íä äôéà äìà)?”
Isa :, part of the divine speech of :b–, then predicts ZionJerusalem’s thoughts at the future time when her children arrive. Is Zion happy that she has surviving children or does her speech reveal her own sense of betrayal? In my view, the latter reading is more in line with the text. Zion-Jerusalem’s thoughts respond to her children’s fairly brusque140 request for (dwelling) space (v. ). This request could merely be a forceful expression that conveys the sheer magnitude of Jerusalem’s envisioned resettlement—her inhabitants will be so plentiful that there will not be enough space for everyone—and no discord is intended.141 More likely, however, the returnees’ request to make room mirrors the 137 A different version of this discussion is currently being published in my article “Drama of Judahite Voices”. 138 See further Merendino, “Jes :–”, pp. –. 139 For the translation of äøåñå, see the discussion by Goldingay and Payne, Isaiah, II, p. . 140 Several scholars have noted the lack of politeness in the children’s statement, e.g., Baltzer, Deutero-Isaiah, p. , who states that the request “rings in Zion’s ears”. Baltzer nevertheless believes that it has friendly intentions. 141 Cf. Blenkinsopp, Isaiah, p. .
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fear of a potential conflict over the land where the exiles would return and demand space at the expense of those already living there. First, variants of the expression äáùàå éì äùâ elsewhere form harsh commands to stay away (e.g. Gen :—äàìä ùâ; Isa :—êéìà áø÷). Secondly, we can infer from Jerusalem’s subsequent questions regarding the children’s identity (v. ) that she did not happily accommodate their request.142 Given this curt command in verse , Zion-Jerusalem’s thoughts in verse appear to voice a hesitant and fearful question. The use of the expression åáìá øîà further strengthens this impression. As noted by Carasik, in most cases this expression denotes thoughts or intentions that directly challenge God (e.g. Gen :; Gen :; Kgs :–).143 Verse thus anticipates the objection of Daughter Zion to God’s acts of salvation. This attitude towards God, together with the displayed lack of future hope, again brings to mind the theology of Lamentations. The literary presentation of Zion’s opinion in verse differs from that in verse . While verse forms a direct quotation of Daughter Zion’s speech, verse presents her with thoughts that are projected upon her by God. However, when we move from inside the text to outside the text, this difference plays no role. Both Daughter Zion’s speech and her thoughts are rhetorical tools that are used to voice the opinions of the target audience. The biggest obstacle for seeing Isa : as representing Judahite speech is the verb äìâ = “exiled”, often seen as implying a Babylonian identity of Zion.144 However, as noted earlier in this chapter, it is possible to view the expression äøåñå äìâ as a metaphoric description of ZionJerusalem personified as a mother. She is “exiled” in the sense that she is far away from many of her children. To sum up, Zion-Jerusalem’s thoughts in Isa : express sentiments that are in line with what can be expected from templeless Judah. This, in turn, suggests that the target audience is Judahite. Isa : “Can booty be taken from the mighty one (çå÷ìî øåáâî ç÷éä), or can a captive be delivered [from] an awe-inspiring one (÷éãö éáù íàå èìîé)”?145 142
See further Tiemeyer, “Geography and Textual Allusions”, pp. –. M. Carasik, Theologies of the Mind in Biblical Israel (StBL , New York, Peter Lang, ), pp. –. It should be noted that Carasik himself excludes Isa :, together with Zech :, and argues that åáìá øîà appears to be used positively in texts referring to the eschatological future (note ). 144 E.g. Goldingay and Payne, Isaiah, II, p. . 145 For the translation, see chapter . 143
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Merendino, followed by Berges, has demonstrated that Zion speaks again in :.146 Isa :– thus contains three subsections (vv. – , –, and –), each opening with a question or an objection voiced by Daughter Zion (vv. , , ), and each ending with the divine answer (vv. –, –, –). This structure invites the following interpretation of Isa :–: Daughter Zion expresses doubt that [God] would manage to rescue [Zion-Jerusalem] from the strong and mighty [Babylonians]. In response, God hastens to ensure her that he can indeed rescue her from her oppressors (v. ) and even destroy them (v. ). In this passage, Zion-Jerusalem’s speech expresses as lack of confidence in future hope, and, as such, it fits the theology expressed by the greater part of Lamentations. This, in turn, makes it likely that Zion-Jerusalem represents the people of Judah. Finally, it has also been suggested that Zion-Jerusalem speaks in Isa :– a, part of the longer section of Isa :–. According to this reading, Zion’s mistrust is gone and she speaks with confidence and joy. She is planning a banquet in Jerusalem to which she is inviting even those without money.147 This reading would, in turn, mean that the persona of Zion-Jerusalem has abandoned the kind of theology that is associated with most of Lamentations. Isa :– 1Ho, all who are thirsty, go (åëì) for water, and [those] who have no money (óñë åì ïéà øùàå), go, buy and eat; go, buy, without money and without price, wine and milk. 2Why do you pay money (óñë åì÷ùú) for [what is] not bread, and your labour for [that which does] not satisfy? Listen, listen to me, and eat [what is] good and your soul will delight in rich food (fatness). 3Incline your ear (íëðæà åèä) and come to me. Listen and your soul will live. (ethnachta) And I will cut with you (íëì) an eternal covenant, the steadfast loving kindness of David (íéðîàðä ãåã éãñç). 4Behold, I have made him (åéúúð) a witness for the peoples, a prince and a commander for the peoples. 5Behold, a nation that you do not know (àì òãú) you will call (àø÷ú), and a nation that does not know you (êåòãé àì) will run to you. For the sake of YHWH, your God and the Holy One of Israel, because he has glorified you (_T#à ô). 146
Merendino, “Jes :–”, –, Berges, “Personification”, p. . Berges, “Personification”, p. . See also Paganini, Weg zur Frau Zion, pp. –, –, Paganini, “Who Speaks in Isaiah .”, pp. –. Alternatively, H.C. Spykerboer, “Isaiah :–: The Climax of Deutero-Isaiah. An Invitation to Come to the New Jerusalem”, The Book of Isaiah (ed. J. Vermeylen; BETL , Leuven, Leuven University Press, ), pp. –, sees the prophet as the speaker who invites the needy to come to the New Jerusalem. However, most commentators identify the speaker with God. See, e.g., Goldingay and Payne, Isaiah, II, pp. –. 147
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The interpretation of Isa :– depends to a large degree on the way in which we understand its structure. On the one hand, if we see all of verses – as spoken by the same person, then, as indicated by verse b, this person must be God. On the other hand, if we regard verse b as introducing a new speaker (God), then verses –a are spoken by an anonymous person who can subsequently be identified as ZionJerusalem. This latter reading is based on two considerations. First, it reads verses –a as Zion-Jerusalem’s response to the divine speech addressed to her in the immediately preceding Isa :–. Secondly, it depends on the feminine vocalization of the second person possessive suffix of the last word _T#à ô in the MT of verse . The Masoretes vocalized the possessive suffixes of the other words in verse with the m.sg., thus indicating that they understood the audience to be male. The suffix on the word _T#à ô, however, can be understood as either a pausal m.sg. form148 or, more naturally, as a f.sg. form (cf. Isa :).149 Those scholars who see verses –a as spoken by Zion-Jerusalem read this last suffix in verse as a feminine form that refers back to her. In order to determine the best reading of verses –a we need to examine its wider context in Isa :–. A closer look at the speakers in verses b– reveals a complicated pattern. The first person singular speaker in verse b is surely God, who states that he will make a covenant with the audience (addressed with the m.pl.). God continues to speak in verse where he mentions a singular masculine person, possibly the Servant,150 or, more likely, a Davidic figure, as David is the last person mentioned in the preceding verse.151 In verse a, God is presumably still the speaker, now addressing a male person with the m.sg. (òãú àì éåâ ïä êéìà êåòãé àì éåâå àø÷ú) to whom nations that do not know him will run. The best, although not ideal, identification of this male person is as a collective persona that represents the same target audience as the one addressed in verses –.152 In contrast, God is unlikely to be the speaker in verse b as he is referred to in the third person (êéäìà §ä ïòîì êøàô éë ìàøùé ùåã÷ìå), while the target audience is addressed in the sg., either m. or f. (see above). Isa :– continues with a similar pattern of alternating speakers. In verses –, someone other than God speaks 148
See Joüon-Muraoka, § i and GKC § g. Paganini, “Who Speaks in Isaiah .”, pp. –. 150 Berges, “Personification”, p. . He suggests that the servant and Daughter Zion have finally merged. Cf. Isa :. 151 Goldingay and Payne, Isaiah, II, p. . 152 Goldingay and Payne, Isaiah, II, p. . 149
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to a plural audience, while God addresses a plural audience in verses – a. Finally, an anonymous person other than God speaks in verse b.153 In view of this pattern, Isa is likely to reflect multiple speakers. Even so, I hesitate to assign verses –a to more than one speaker. Since there is no clear indication that Zion-Jerusalem speaks in verse and since the transition from verse a to verse b is smooth, I prefer to read all of verses –a as spoken by God. This, in turn, means that Zion never speaks after Isa and that the theology expressed by her remains close to the theology characteristic of most of Lamentations. To conclude, the theology expressed by the persona of Zion-Jerusalem Isa :, and : is in line with that of the bulk of Lamentations. This renders it likely that Zion-Jerusalem in these passages represents the community in Judah.
. Conclusion In this chapter, we have seen that Zion-Jerusalem is described throughout Isa – as a physical city. She is either the current ruined city in need of refurbishment or she is the future city restored to and even surpassing her former glory. These descriptions of the physical city are often combined with elements denoting her human population. She is often personified as a woman and described with attributes that are traditionally associated with women, and/or she is assigned human abilities such as hearing, seeing and acting. Taken together, these two modes of description suggest that the literary persona of Zion-Jerusalem symbolizes the actual entity of the physical city and its Judahite inhabitants. Moreover, many of the metaphors and attributes that describe Zion-Jerusalem in Isa – are also attested in the book of Lamentations. This suggests that, as in Lamentations, Zion-Jerusalem in Isa – represents the people in Judah. From the opposite angle, the passages that address Zion-Jerusalem do not betray a golah-oriented perspective and they do not reflect the concerns of the golah community. Zion-Jerusalem remains the focal point at all times. In the few places in which the exiles are mentioned, they are described in their relation to the city. We learn nothing about their point of departure and their return is always envisioned as taking place 153
p. .
Cf. Paganini, “Who Speaks in Isaiah .”, p. , and Paganini, Weg zur Frau Zion,
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in the future. Finally, the persona of Zion-Jerusalem voices a theology that is reminiscent of that expressed by a large part of Lamentations. These factors together suggest that Zion-Jerusalem represents the people of Judah. They are the target audience of the oracles addressed to the city, and their ideas are reflected in Zion-Jerusalem’s speech.
chapter nine GOD, THE PROPHET AND THE SERVANT— COMPETING JUDAHITE PERSPECTIVES
Introduction In the preceding two chapters we established that the two main nondivine literary characters in Isa –, Zion-Jerusalem and Jacob-Israel, both represent the community in templeless Judah. In this chapter, we shall look at the three remaining literary personae: the Servant, the authorial voice, and God. We shall begin with the Servant, seeking to determine whether or not this figure represents a Judahite or an exilic person / community outside of the text of Isa –.1 We shall then explore the first person sayings in Isa – that probably reflect the opinions of the prophetic authors of Isa – in order to investigate what these sayings tell about their location. Finally, we shall look at God in his position as the chief dramatic persona in Isa – in order to determine the geographical flavour of the theology found in the divine speeches. More exactly, do the oracles in Isa – show affinity with the theology of the various speakers in Lamentations or with the theology of the divine oracles in Ezekiel?2
. The Servant Bernard Duhm was the first historical-critical scholar to single out the four so-called Servant Songs (Isa :–; :–; :–(); :– :) from their immediate context in Isa –.3 This view, although dominant for nearly a century, has now mostly been abandoned. In contemporary historical-critical scholarship, those scholars who maintain 1 The age-old question concerning the identity of the Servant lies beyond the boundaries of this study and will therefore not be addressed. 2 An earlier form of this discussion appears in Tiemeyer, “Drama of Judahite Voices”. 3 Duhm, Jesaia, pp. xvii–xviii.
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that the current literary corpus in Isa – constitutes the end result of a longer period of growth tend to argue that the Servant Songs were added gradually and alongside other material. In contrast, those historicalcritical scholars who regard Isa – as the work of one author, together with many of those scholars who focus on the final form of the text, stress the interchanging fates of the Servant and Daughter Zion. They see the Servant Songs as integral to Isa – and argue that they are best understood as integral to the surrounding material. As in the previous chapters, my own approach falls somewhere in between these two ways of thinking about the Servant material. I shall look at the presentations of the Servant within the various texts of Isa – in order to determine the location of the person / community (or persons / communities) outside the text that this literary persona represents. First, I shall discuss the literary relationship between the Servant Songs and the material which relates to Zion-Jerusalem to determine whether or not this literary relationship can tell us anything about the geographical origin of the material. Secondly, I shall explore whether or not the Servant Songs in themselves contain any hints to their geographical setting. Thirdly, I shall examine the theology expressed by the Servant in Isa – to explore to what extent it agrees with that of the Zion-Jerusalem and Jacob-Israel personae. In all three cases, I am interested in the author’s intent: who were the target audiences of the authors of Isa – and where were they? .. The Servant and Zion-Jerusalem The final form of Isa – attests to an interchanging pattern between the oracles to Zion-Jerusalem and the oracles to the Servant, and there is a certain amount of agreement between the fates of these two literary figures. This raises questions concerning the relationship between the Servant and Zion-Jerusalem outside of the text of Isa –. Do they represent the same or distinct communities? I determined in the preceding chapter that Zion-Jerusalem serves as the representative of the Judahite community. Is this true also for the Servant or does he symbolize a different community? In order to determine this, we need to examine the agreement between the Servant and Zion-Jerusalem on a literary level. Scholars have understood this literary agreement differently. To begin, a number of exegetes argue, to a certain extent, that the literary figures of the Servant and Zion-Jerusalem either merge or were the same (literary) figure all along.
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Wilshire, for example, argues that instead of seeking to identify the Servant with someone outside of he text, we should look to the text itself. He suggests that the Servant of God in Isa – is to be identified with the cultic centre of Zion-Jerusalem. This conquered and humiliating city is now being restored to life again and is presented as God’s Servant.4 This identification is supported by Lamentations, which contains an alternating pattern between the female figure of Jerusalem (Lam –) and her male counterpart, the geber (øáâä, Lam ). Thus, as Lamentations has Zion and the geber, so Isa – has Zion and the Servant.5 Wilshire further regards the Servant as the (male) personification of Zion. His interpretation is supported by close parallels in terms of imagery between the Servant Songs and the passages relating to Zion. Notably, both sets of texts contain womb imagery (: // :–) and both depict how God’s people will be gathered together (: // :). In addition, the two personae are described in similar ways: both characters suffer banishment and desolation (: // :), both are revived by God’s power (: // :) and both shall experience prosperity (: // :).6 Furthermore, much of the imagery of the suffering Servant in Isa – is elsewhere applied to Jerusalem. In particular, the notion that the Servant will be made into a horrible figure (Isa :; :) is applied to Jerusalem in Jer :, while the idea that the Servant will be defiled and carry other people’s sins (Isa :–, ) is related to Jerusalem, as a cultic centre, in Lev :; :; Num :, .7 Brenner, Korpel and Bauman, in their studies of individual passages in Isa –, make similar observations. Brenner argues that Isa invites the reader to identify the Servant with female Jerusalem / Israel.8 Likewise, Korpel suggests that the personae of Lady Zion and the Servant of God are interchangeable in Isa –. She notes, for example, that Isa , a passage that addresses Zion-Jerusalem, ends with the declaration “this is the heritage of the servants of YHWH” (v. ). In this manner, Jerusalem and her children are recognized as the true servants of the Lord.9 As with Wilshire, Korpel also emphasizes the similarities in the portrayals of Lady Zion and God’s Servant—their shared negative past, their shared positive future—and suggests that the Servant can be 4 5 6 7 8 9
Wilshire, “The Servant-City”, p. . Wilshire, “The Servant-City”, p. . See also Seitz, Word Without End, pp. –. Wilshire, “The Servant-City”, pp. –. Wilshire, “The Servant-City”, pp. –. Brenner, “Isaiah ”, pp. –. Korpel, “Female Servant”, pp. –. See also Koole, Isaiah, III / , p. .
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understood as the positive answer to Lady Zion’s lament.10 At the same time, despite this affinity between the Servant and Lady Zion, the authors of Isa – did not have an exact correlation in mind. Rather, on a literary level, as Zion is distinct from her children, so the Servant is distinct from his sinful compatriots. For example, even though the Servant is called “Israel” (Isa :), he is not identical with the Israel that he is called to bring back (Isa :–, cf. chapter ).11 Along the same lines, Baumann stresses the similarity between Zion and the suffering Servant with regard to their suffering. Zion suffers innocently for the sake of her children (Isa :) and the suffering Servant bears the guilt of the Israelites (Isa :–). In this manner, Isa – portrays a situation where the role of suffering for the sins of the people is shared between a male and a female figure.12 Berges takes a different approach and argues that both figures change throughout Isa – and Isa –. The two characters are each other’s opposites. For example, while the voice of Zion displays her reluctance (Isa :), the voice of the Servant expresses his willingness (Isa :–). Yet, they also gradually become each other’s counterpart. In particular, while the Servant becomes more silent (Isa :), Zion grows in confidence until she, as a prophetess, speaks out on behalf of the oppressed (Isa ).13 Berges further maintains that, on another level, the two characters merge at the end. Throughout Isa –, Zion grows, albeit gradually and reluctantly, into her role as a female servant. She has to be convinced by God and others to accept her prophetic commission and to act according to that task.14 Towards the end (chs –), the Servant and Zion disappear from sight as they become one (Isa :). In this context, it should be noted that Berges reads Isa :– as Zion’s speech, mirroring her new-found confidence (cf. chapter ).15 Berges makes the additional move from text to reality and suggests that the Servant is a corporate personality that represents part of the Diaspora community in Babylon, i.e. those people who are willing to 10
Korpel, “The Female Servant”, pp. –. Korpel, “The Female Servant”, p. . 12 G. Baumann, “Prophetic Objections to YHWH as the Violent Husband of Israel: Reinterpretations of the Prophetic Marriage Metaphor in Second Isaiah (Isaiah –)”, Prophets and Daniel: A Feminist Companion to the Bible. Second Series (ed. A. Brenner, Sheffield, Continuum, ), pp. –. 13 Berges, “Personification”, p. . 14 Berges, “Personification”, p. . 15 Berges, “Personification”, p. . 11
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return to Zion in order to strive for its restoration, while Zion represents the people in Jerusalem.16 In this way, the merging of the figures of Zion and the Servant on a literary level represents the hope for a reunification between the returned exiles and the people of templeless Judah. Once more in Zion, the returnees, symbolized by the willing Servant, will aim to convince Zion, symbolizing the people in Jerusalem, to trust in God as her creator and liberator. Together they will become the true children of Zion.17 Other scholars see the Servant and Daughter Zion as complementary and/or overlapping figures.18 Along the same lines as the aforementioned scholars, Sawyer detects overlapping imagery between the Servant and Zion-Jerusalem in Isa :– // :– and in Isa :–: // :–. Both Zion-Jerusalem (Isa :) and the Servant (Isa :) are described as suffering from loneliness and failure. Likewise, both ZionJerusalem (Isa :–) and the Servant (Isa :–:) are depicted as humiliated and afflicted, yet also vindicated in the end. Both will see their offspring grow up. Also, both texts describe how the nations will observe what happens (Isa :; :), and they both use the word íåìù (Isa :; :). In addition, just as the Servant is called to raise up the tribes of Jacob and bring back the survivors of Israel (e.g. Isa :), so Daughter Zion is sent as a herald of good tidings to Jerusalem and the cities of Judah (Isa :). Yet, Sawyer maintains that the two personae remain parallel yet distinct throughout the text of Isa – .19 Likewise, Jeppesen notes the similarities in imagery and the shared terminology in the portrayals of Daughter Zion and the Servant, yet also highlights their separate identities. First, both figures will see “offspring” (òøæ—Isa : [Servant]; : [Daughter Zion]).20 Secondly, both figures are associated with “many” (íéáø—Isa :– [the Servant will do his saving acts on behalf of “the many”]; Isa : [a group of people, identified as Zion’s children, who will become the future inhabitants of
16
Berges, Das Buch Jesaja, p. . Berges, “Personification”, p. . 18 E.g. T.N.D. Mettinger, A Farewell to the Servant Songs: A Critical Examination of an Exegetical Axiom (Scripta Minora, Lund, CWK Gleerup, ), p. , and Seitz, Word Without End, pp. –. 19 Sawyer, “Daughter of Zion”, pp. –. See also Middlemas, “Second Isaiah”, p. . 20 Jeppesen, “Mother Zion”, pp. –. 17
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Jerusalem]).21 Jeppesen also stresses the overlap in imagery between the people, Daughter Zion and the Servant. For example, he interprets the changes in address throughout Isa :– (see chapter ) as, on the one hand, an oscillation between the people and a female figure (probably Zion) and, on the other hand, an oscillation between the people and a male figure (probably the Servant, owing to the similarity of the language in Isa :a and :).22 Likewise, Jeppesen argues that the imagery of Daughter Zion and that of the people overlaps in that Daughter Zion is depicted both as a mother whose children have been taken away and as a person who is with her children in the golah (Isa :).23 Jeppesen concludes that the imagery of the Servant and Daughter Zion is woven together, yet not identical.24 As Berges, Jeppesen also takes the additional step from text to reality. In contrast to Berges, however, Jeppesen maintains that both Daughter Zion and the Servant, together with their children, symbolize the exilic community.25 Maier detects shared imagery in the depictions not only of ZionJerusalem and the Servant but also of Jacob-Israel (cf. chapter ). In the case of the Servant and Zion-Jerusalem, Maier points out that God will vindicate both the anonymous Servant (Isa :; :; :–) and Zion-Jerusalem (Isa :). She concludes that with regard to divine deliverance, the figure of Zion-Jerusalem “adopts the same position as the servant Israel and the anonymous servant of YHWH”. Maier also moves from text to reality, but she is more vague in her identifications than Berges and Jeppesen. She maintains that as the Servant and ZionJerusalem are similar yet not identical within the text of Isa –, so outside the text they represent different groups within Israel and, as a result, different views on Israel as a chosen people.26 In view of these scholarly theories, there are evidently many striking similarities in the portrayals of Zion-Jerusalem and the Servant. As a result, a solid case can be made for seeing the Servant Songs as an integral part of Isa – rather than, as Duhm suggested, additions to the rest of the text. Whether the present overlapping pattern between the Servant
21 22 23 24 25 26
Jeppesen, “Mother Zion”, pp. –. Jeppesen, “Mother Zion”, pp. –. Jeppesen, “Mother Zion”, pp. –. Jeppesen, “Mother Zion”, pp. , . Jeppesen, “Mother Zion”, p. . Maier, Daughter Zion, pp. –.
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Songs and the oracles to Zion-Jerusalem belongs to the earliest layers of Isa – or whether it is the creation of subsequent editions of Isa – cannot be settled in the present context. As to the roles of Zion-Jerusalem and the Servant within the text, I see little textual evidence for them actually merging. As already discussed in chapter , I disagree with Berges that Zion-Jerusalem is the speaker in Isa :–. Rather, Zion-Jerusalem remains, to the very end, unconvinced by God’s promises, in contrast to the Servant who accepts his own suffering as God’s will. Thus, although the imagery related to these two figures overlap and although they share many attributes, the Servant and ZionJerusalem remain distinct. Within the text, they function as two symbols, one male and one female, who represent two divergent ways of relating to the destruction of Jerusalem. In doing so, they together constitute two different models of response to the past catastrophe. Furthermore, I follow Maier’s conclusion that the Servant and Zion-Jerusalem, as well as Jacob-Israel, represent existing viewpoints expressed within the society around the prophet. In view of my conclusions in chapters and , I suggest that while Jacob-Israel and Zion-Jerusalem represent groups of people with fairly similar viewpoints, the Servant symbolizes an alternative perspective. .. Geographical Information in the Servant Songs As noted above, Jeppeson and Berges claim that the Servant represents the exilic community. Other scholars have voiced the same sentiment.27 To what extent can such a claim be substantiated? So far, we have detected no information that can shed light upon the geographical location of the group of people which the Servant symbolizes. None of the four Servant Songs provides the Servant with any geographical background and his tasks appear to be independent of his location. The first two Servant
27
See, e.g., Snaith, “Isaiah –”, p. , who suggests that the Servant in Isa – , – represents the first batch of exiles that went into captivity with Jehoiachin in bc, but that he also came to include those exiles that went to Babylon in bc. Likewise, R.N. Whybray, Thanksgiving for a Liberated Prophet: An Interpretation of Isaiah Chapter (JSOTS , Sheffield, JSOT Press, ), pp. –, speaking only about Isa :–:, argues that the suffering of the Servant represents the suffering of the author of Isa – in a Babylonian prison where he had been imprisoned as punishment for his anti-Babylonian prophecies. More recently, A. Tharekadavil, Servant of Yahweh in Second Isaiah (European University Studies, Series , Bd. , Frankfurt a.M., Peter Lang, ), p. , simply equates the Servant with the exiles without further clarification.
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Songs describe the Servant as God’s agent of justice, called to announce salvation and to lead both Israel and the nations, while the latter two Songs depict him in darker tones as beaten and abused. First, the notion of the Servant’s suffering is not a geographical indicator. Based on the scant information that we have (cf. chapter ), mental and physical suffering is as likely to have taken place in the exilic community in Babylon and elsewhere in the Diaspora as it would have been in templeless Judah. Secondly, the notion that the Servant is called to announce salvation and to lead Israel sheds no light upon his geographical whereabouts as this task would fit either a person in Judah or in the Diaspora. Thirdly, in the special case of the fourth Servant Song (Isa :–:), the text contains no information that enables us to place the other three literary personae (“I”, “we” and “they”) in any certain geographical context. They are only described in relation to the Servant.28 Some earlier scholars regarded the flogging and beard-pulling mentioned in Isa : as a reference to the ritual humiliation of the king during the Babylonian New Year festival. Such an interpretation is, however, unwarranted, as Isa : is better read as an example of symbolical shaming (e.g. Neh :).29 Nonetheless, Goldingay and Payne argue that this type of formal punishment is more likely to have been meted out by Babylonians than by someone in Judah, as no one in Judah would have been in such a position of authority.30 In my view, agreeing tentatively about the formal aspects of flogging and beard-pulling, I see no reason for discarding the possibility that a Neo-Babylonian official in Judah carried out the punishment. .. The Theology Expressed by the Servant Within Isaiah – Given that the descriptions of the Servant do not contain any information about his whereabouts, we need to find alternative ways for determining the geographical location of the community that he represents. In the cases of Jacob-Israel and Zion-Jerusalem, I noted in chapters – that their respective speech displays a type of theology that is reminiscent of Lamentations (especially Lam –; –, see below). I further argued
28 See further D.J.A. Clines, I, He, We, and They: A Literary Approach to Isaiah (JSOTS , Sheffield, Dept. of Biblical Studies, ), pp. –. 29 See the discussion in Goldingay and Payne, Isaiah, II, p. , citing ANET, p. , as an example of this Babylonian interpretation. 30 Goldingay and Payne, Isaiah, II, p. .
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that this affinity constitutes one argument (among many) for seeing the personae of Jacob-Israel and Zion-Jerusalem as representing the community in Judah. In the present context, I shall look at the theology presented in the speech of the Servant and discuss what it can tell us about the geographical location of the people that he represents. Isa – contains two types of first person speech. First, the Servant speaks in first person in two of the Servant Songs (Isa :, b; :– ). In contrast, in the other two other Servant Songs (Isa :–; :– :), God speaks about the Servant, sometimes in the third person (Isa :–; :–:) and sometimes addressing him directly (Isa :– ). Secondly, an anonymous person, often associated with the prophetic author, speaks in the first person in Isa :ab–; :b; :b and possibly also in :– and :. This voice is not associated with the Servant in the immediate context. This overlap between the first person prophetic voice and the first person voice of the Servant has led to the widespread view that the Servant is to be identified with the author of Isa – (cf. the discussion in chapter ). Such claims confuse two separate categories. We must differentiate between the characters within Isa – (the Servant, a potential prophetic voice) and the author(s) of the text. Although there is often overlap between, for example, the prophetic persona in the text and the prophetic author of the text, this type of overlap cannot be assumed. In the present context, it is indeed plausible that the first person voice within Isa – represents the voice of the prophetic authors of Isa – . It is also possible that the authors of Isa – assigned speech to the Servant that represents their own ideas. They may have also modelled the Servant to reflect their own prophetic office.31 Yet, given that Isa – is a polyvalent text that allows more than one opinion to be heard (JacobIsrael, Zion-Jerusalem), I hesitate to regard the Servant’s claims as more representative of the opinions of the authors than, say, those of ZionJerusalem. On the one hand, the Servant’s view can be supported since it is good and acceptable, according to the authors of Isa –. As phrased by van der Woude, the Servant becomes God’s role model, showing the confidence that the target audience lacks. It is also a successful model in that, at the end of Isa –, the target audience is convinced to call upon God (Isa :–). On the other hand, Zion-Jerusalem is 31 See especially H.-J. Hermisson, “The Fourth Servant Song in the Context of Second Isaiah”, The Suffering Servant: Isaiah in Jewish and Christian Sources (eds B. Janowski and P. Stuhlmacher, transl. D.P. Bailey, Grand Rapids, Mich., Eerdmans, ), p. .
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an equally important role model for the target audience in that she verbalizes and confronts God with her disbelief, despair and doubts.32 With this distinction in mind, we shall begin by looking at the theology expressed by the Servant (Isa :, b; :–/). In this regard, I shall distinguish between what the Servant says about himself (representing the view of the literary persona within the text) and what the oracle as a whole says about him (representing the view of the authors of the text). My focus here is on the self-understanding of the literary figure. What theology does this voice express and does it coordinate with the theology of Lamentations that Middlemas associates with templeless Judah? Isa :– 4 And I said “I have toiled for nothing, and I have spent my strength in confusion and emptiness (ethnachta). Yet my judgement is with YHWH and my work is with my God.5 5And now, says YHWH who formed me from the womb to be his Servant, to bring back Jacob to him, so that Israel will be gathered to him. (ethnachta) And I was glorified in the eyes of YHWH and my God was my strength”.33
The speaker in Isa :, b wavers between despair and confidence. In verse a, we meet a person on the brink of despair—÷éøì éúøîà éðàå éúéìë éçë ìáäå åäúì éúòâé—recalling the words of Isa :b–. In contrast, verse b contains a more confident note—-úà éúìòôå §ä-úà éèôùî ïëà éäìà—as does verse b: éæò äéä éäìàå §ä éðéòá ãáëàå. Is this a dialogue between what the Servant actually feels versus what he ought to feel? Alternatively, does it reflect the divide between what he used to feel and the confidence he now feels in God’s imminent intervention? In both cases, Isa :, present us with a type of attitude towards God and suffering akin to that of Lam –; –. Although at times, the Isaianic material does sound a more self-assured note. In contrast, the speaker in Isa :– displays the same confidence seen in Isa :b, b and, accordingly, does not conform to Middlemas’s criteria for Judahite speech. In conclusion, the theology of suffering expressed by the Servant is not typical of Lam –; –, yet in some places it comes close (e.g. Isa :a). This means that the Servant, as a literary persona, does not fall into any distinctive theological category. Instead, he is a figure whose thoughts on suffering develop throughout Isa –. He begins with thoughts akin to those expressed in Lam –; – (Isa :a) and ends with a new way of thinking about suffering (:b, b; :–). 32 33
Van der Woude, “Can Zion Do Without the Servant?”, pp. –. For textual notes, see the discussion of this passage in chapter .
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.. The Portrayal of the Servant and the øáâ of Lamentations This new and alternative way of thinking about suffering, present in Isa :b, b; :–, brings us to what is said about the Servant in the two remaining Servant Songs, as well as to the theology of the øáâ in Lam . The sentiments voiced in Isa :– and :–: about the Servant differ sharply from the theology of Lam –; –. The Servant is meek and compliant, he suffers willingly and he defers to God. In a sense, he is portrayed as the very opposite of Daughter Zion, who accuses God and complains about her suffering. In the present context, we shall limit the discussion to issues pertaining to our continuous quest to determine the geographical location of the person / group of people that the Servant represents. As already noted in chapter (cf. chapter ), there are strong similarities between the Zion-Jerusalem presented in Lamentations and the Zion-Jerusalem presented in Isa –. Likewise, there is clear affinity between the descriptions of the Servant in Isa – and that of the singular, male øáâ in Lam . The direction of influence in the latter case is, however, less clear. The dominant view, represented by Willey, is that the øáâ was the precursor of and the model for the suffering Servant in Isa :–:.34 In contrast, Middlemas argues for the opposite relationship: the suffering Servant (of the exile) influenced the portrayal of the øáâ in Lam . Middlemas highlights what she perceives to be the awkward fit of the øáâ within the message of Lamentations as a whole. Among other things, Lam expresses the suffering of the community in less urgent tones than the rest of Lamentations, and it reasserts God’s positive characteristics with particular reference to divine salvation and vision. As such, the øáâ formulates an alternative response to the catastrophe that is less angry, less accusing and less heartfelt than the rest of Lamentations. The presentation is more in line with what Middlemas calls “a sanctioned way to respond faithfully to disaster”. In Lam , the øáâ waits silently, patiently and expectantly for the divine restoration which will be accomplished by a sovereign and all-seeing God. Since the theology of Lam does not conform to the characteristics of Judahite speech, Middlemas concludes that it stems from a different hand than the rest of Lamentations. She thereby challenges the commonly assumed Judahite setting of Lam and instead advocates Babylonian authorship. Moving 34 Willey, Remember the Former Things, pp. –. See also Seitz, Words Without End, pp. –.
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from the literary persona within Isa – to the community outside the text which he represents, Middlemas maintains that just as the suffering Servant in Isa :–: serves as the personification of exiled Israel, so too does the øáâ of Lam .35 For Middlemas, the øáâ “is a mask for the Golah interpreters who struggled to explain the downfall of Jerusalem”, whose task was to encourage ongoing belief in God.36 When taking this step from text to reality, Clines’s interpretation of Isa :–: is helpful. As mentioned earlier, the Servant is first and foremost a literary persona with a certain function in a certain text. At the same time, in order to be relevant, the Servant’s representation of the audience must connect with it in some way. Clines points out that the passage in Isa :–: contains three human dramatic personae and that the audience / reader can identify with any one of them. The audience can identify with the “they” in that they are aware of the Servant and ponder his fate. They can also identify with the “we” if they accept that the suffering of the innocent is on their behalf. Finally, they can identify with the Servant, a person who is a complete victim in that he does and says nothing but lets everything happen to him.37 In this way, the Servant Songs provide a model for the target audience. They show a possible way of responding to the calamities of bc and the subsequent suffering of the people, either in Babylon or in Judah. This way differs from those presented by the literary personae of Jacob-Israel and Zion-Jerusalem, who do not accept their suffering outright (cf. Isa :; :). In this manner, the polyvalent text of Isa – connects to the various sentiments present among the target audience and offers them a range of possible responses to their past and present suffering. With this in mind, I agree with Middlemas that the theology of Lam differs from that of the rest of Lamentations. It is also correct to say that the theology of the Servant, especially as expressed in Isa :–: but also in Isa :–, differs from that of the other dramatic personae in Isa –. At the same time, there is no warrant for seeing the Servant in Isa – as representing the golah community. It is a possibility but not a foregone conclusion. In fact, as we shall see below, the type of theology advocated by the Servant in Isa :–: has no equivalence in Ezekiel, a book which probably was composed primarily in Babylon at roughly the same time as Isa – (cf. chapter ). Thus, nothing 35 36 37
Middlemas, “Second Isaiah”, pp. –. Middlemas, “Second Isaiah”, p. . Clines, I, He, We, and They, pp. –.
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precludes us from arguing that the Servant in Isa – represents a type of theology that is distinct from that found in Lam –; – and in the speech of Jacob-Israel and Zion-Jerusalem in Isa –, yet, at the same time, also Judahite. This view is supported by the parallel material in Lamentations. I think it unlikely that Lam , despite displaying a different theology than that of the surrounding material in Lam –; –, is a later addition to the book, composed by the returning exiles from Babylon. Rather, I agree with Heim and Boase that Lamentations, like Isa –, is a consciously polyvalent text (see chapter ).38 In fact, looking at the text from this perspective reveals that the parallels between Lamentations and Isa – are twofold: Zion-Jerusalem appears in both texts and in both texts she expresses the same type of theology. Likewise, the Servant and the øáâ are parallel and there is affinity between their respective theologies. However, both are distinct from that of Zion-Jerusalem. In this sense, both Lamentations and Isa – each contain two different ways of dealing with the suffering that arose in the aftermath of bc. I maintain that the way advocated by Zion-Jerusalem—in both texts—is closest to the opinion of their target audience and may well be the prevalent Judahite theology of the time. In contrast, the Servant Songs in Isa :– and :–:, as well as the øáâ in Lam , advocate an alternative way that is presented, at least in Isa –, as the ideal. This alternative and ideal way, however, cannot be automatically equated with Babylon.
. The Prophetic Persona In addition to the first person speeches made by the Servant, Isa – contains other statements in first person. These statements may, due to a lack of any other information, be assigned to a prophetic persona who, in turn, may serve as the representative of the authors of Isa –. This person, of unknown gender, speaks in Isa :ab–; :b; :; :b and possibly in Isa :– and :. The voice in Isa :ab–39 is characterized by a lack of confidence in a future hope, one of the criteria for the type of Judahite speech found
38 39
Heim, “Personification”, p. , Boase, Fulfilment of Doom, p. . For text critical issues, see chapter .
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Lam –; – (“All humanity is grass, and all its loving kindness is like the flower of the field. Grass withers, blossoming fades, when God’s breathe blows upon it. Indeed, the people are grass!”). Isa :b attests to a first plural voice (åì åðàèç åæ).40 This verse appears in the longer context of Isa :–, a section that constantly shifts voices and addressees for rhetorical effect (see chapter ). This first person speech claims that God is responsible for Jacob-Israel’s suffering yet it also accepts the speakers’ own responsibility for their suffering. God allowed Jacob-Israel to be plundered (v. a) because Jacob-Israel, including the speaker, had sinned against him (v. ba). The rest of the verse refers to Jacob-Israel in the third person and accuses him of failing to walk in God’s ways and for refusing to hear God’s instruction (v. bb). As a whole, this verse is a formulation of a painful protest against God’s role in the speakers’ punishment, which is in line with the theology of Lam –; –. Although the speakers acknowledge the guilt of the community, this does not speak against identifying their speech with the tradition present in Lam –; –. Notably, the voice of ZionJerusalem in Lamentations acknowledges her own sins, yet also blames God for her punishment (e.g. Lam :, , ). Middlemas’ criterion for Judahite theology is not the absence of acknowledgement of sin but the de-emphasis on the instrumentality of sin. Isa :– may also contain either the voice of the prophet or that of Zion-Jerusalem (cf. chapter ). Zion-Jerusalem is the recipient of the speech in verse , as implied by the f.sg. possessive pronouns. The African merchants will exclaim to [Zion-Jerusalem] that God is with her. In verse a, the tone changes and we hear what is likely to be the prophetic voice exclaiming that God is a god who hides himself. This view of God agrees with the view expressed in Isa :ab– and it further conforms to that found in Lam –; –, as well as in Isa :, part of the Judahite lament in Isa :–:.41 The seemingly contradictory claim in verse b—that God is God of Israel, the saviour—indicates that the speakers waver between despair and hope (cf. Isa :, b, above). Verses – then continue on the same positive note of verse b, declaring that although the idol-makers were ashamed and humiliated, Israel was saved by YHWH. Turning directly to the audience, presumably 40 There is no reason to abandon the MT and follow the third person reading of the LXX μρτοσαν ατ& (“whom they had sinned against”). 41 For the Judahite origin of Isa :–:, see my discussion in “Two Prophets, Two Laments”, pp. –.
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still Zion-Jerusalem but now addressed in the m.pl., the prophetic voice declares that she/they will never be ashamed or humiliated again. As a whole, the section conforms to the theology of Lam –; – in that it allows the questioning of God and in that it de-emphasizes the people’s sin. Although sin is mentioned (v. ), it is quickly exchanged for redemption (v. ). The focus on redemption is apparent also in Isa :, a verse where the first person plural speakers refer to YHWH as “our redeemer” (§ä åðìàâ ìàøùé ùåã÷ åîù úåàáö). Yet this verse does not display any characteristics that can establish its geographical setting. Its theology does not conform to Lam –; –, but it cannot be labelled “exilic” owing to its very general message. Isa :b contains the statement åçåøå éðçìù §ä éðãà äúòå (“and now the lord YHWH has sent me, and his spirit”). The last phrase, “and his spirit”, is probably an additional subject alongside YHWH, as it is not preceded by the direct object marker úà.42 This half verse confirms that the first person speaker is indeed sent by God, thereby implying that the speaker is God’s messenger and, as such, conveys God’s words. Nothing in this half verse provides information about its geographical setting. An anonymous first person voice in Isa : laments for Jerusalem. This person looks for someone who can console the city (êì ãåðé éî) and expresses doubts as to his/her own ability to comfort her (êîçðà éî), even though this was his/her appointed task (cf. Isa :– and ab–).43 The speaker further assigns the responsibility of Jerusalem’s hardship to God (v. ). In fact, the sense of despondency, expressed explicitly in verse , is characteristic of the longer section comprised by verses –. In this manner, the theology expressed in Isa : conforms to the theology of Lam –; – and can thus be deemed as characteristic of Judah. Finally, Isa :–: contains a first person plural voice. This voice acknowledges that they did not care for the Servant at first (vv. –, b), but that they gradually realized that he suffered instead of them (vv. a, ) because of their sins (v. ). At the same time, the narrators of this passage hold God as ultimately responsible for the Servant’s suffering (v. ). In this manner, the narrators agree with the sentiments uttered in Isa :b. They acknowledge their own sins yet hold God responsible for executing the punishment. 42 This reading is further supported by the versions. LXX has κα τ πνε μα ατο — “and his spirit” (nominative). Likewise, the Vulgate has et spiritus eius (nominative). 43 For text-critical issues related to Isa :– and ab–, see chapter .
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In addition, Isa – contains several long sections that refer to God in the third person and, as such, may be assigned to the prophetic persona. For example, most of Isa :– and much of Isa :– (excluding v. ) are not presented as divine oracles and might therefore reflect the prophet’s point of view. Nonetheless, I wish to distinguish between, on the one hand, these longer sections and the divine oracles, and, on the other hand, the previously discussed short statements uttered in the first person. Although the divine oracles and the longer sections in which God is referred to in the third person are presented as two distinct literary forms, they both convey the same thing, namely God’s perspective on the matter at hand. In contrast, the latter short phrases appear in situations where the prophetic figure disassociates him/herself from God and instead represents his/her own perspective. Summing up this section, the first person speakers, here assumed to embody the prophetic persona within Isa –, display a mixture of insecurity and security regarding future hope and God’s salvation. They also exhibit a mixture of assigning the responsibility for the current difficult situation to God and, briefly, acknowledging their past sins and consequent culpability. This expressed theology is in line with that of Lam –; – and, as such, supports a Judahite identification of the prophetic persona. It should, however, be noted that in some instances this persona also displays a viewpoint that is more confident in God’s salvation. It is probably fair to say that it wavers between the perspective of Lam –; – and the divine perspective. This impression is further strengthened by the first person plural statements in which the prophets emphasize that they represent the audience. In this manner, the prophetic voice mirrors the action of a prophet in that it alternates between representing the people to God and representing God to the people. Moving from the prophetic persona within Isa – to questions of the authorship and redaction of the same text, it is likely that the first person persona in Isa – reflects, at least to a certain extent, the attitude of the authors of Isa –. They are at times uncertain about God’s message of hope (Isa :ab–; :a; :) but they gradually allow themselves to trust in God anew. In addition, they see their prophetic task as being to comfort the people of Judah and to convince them that God deserves to be viewed in a better light than the way in which the Judahites currently view him. At the same time, these authors depict themselves as part of the community in which they live by
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acknowledging that they also sinned (Isa :b; :–:). In doing so, they are actively trying to convince their target audience that their shared past behaviour contributed to God’s acts against them.
. The Theology of God’s Voice in Isaiah – and Ezekiel God is the dominant speaker in Isa –. In this case, we can no longer use Middlemas’ criteria for identifying Judahite speech, as there is no comparison between laments and divine oracles in terms of the theology that they express. God would never acknowledge that his punishment of Israel was out of proportion with its sins.44 We must therefore look for another way of determining the geographical aspects of the theology presented by the divine speeches in Isa –. As already suggested in chapter , Ezekiel can serve as a model for exilic theology. The book reflects a golah perspective, and it consists to a large extent of divine speech. I shall therefore compare the theology towards sin and punishment in the oracles in Isa – with that in the oracles of Ezekiel in order to discuss what we can learn from this comparison that pertains to the geographical setting of Isa –. When evaluating the attitudes in Isa – to sin, punishment and restoration, the marginality in God’s speech concerning sin and punishment, as well as the weak correlation between the two, becomes immediately noticeable. Here, as in other prophetic texts, the exile is viewed as God’s punishment for the sins of Judah. Even so, neither the people’s guilt nor Zion-Jerusalem’s punishment is described in any greater detail.45 In fact, some passages do away with the guilt altogether. Notably, the “writ of divorce” in Isa : is rhetorical: the mother was not sent away as she was not guilty (see chapter ). Instead, God’s voice focuses on wooing his people back to him. God never accuses Zion-Jerusalem of sin. In the case of Jacob-Israel, although he (Isa :; :–; :– ; :–), together with the unidentified audience in Isa :–, is accused of sin, such accusations are rare and not particularly harsh. The material in Isa :, for example, places blame on Jacob-Israel, yet it also acknowledges God’s own responsibility in the matter. Other passages state that God has removed Jacob-Israel’s transgression (Isa :–) or 44 45
Mandolfo, Daughter Zion, p. . Baumann, Love and Violence, p. .
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that he pardons him abundantly (Isa :–). As shown by Scheuer, Isa – portrays God as offering his salvation freely, with no preconditions attached to it. A case in point is Isa :: “Return to me because I have redeemed you” (êéúìàâ éë éìà äáåù). In other words, the return of the people is the result hoped for with respect to God’s salvation. Thus, Isa – envisions a sequence of sin-punishment-deliverancerepentance.46 God also renders himself as vulnerable and open to blame, for which the theodic perspective of the Hebrew Bible allows. In Isa :– (cf. chapter ), for example, God invites Jacob-Israel to present his case. In doing so, God lays himself bare by declaring his own willingness to submit the matter to a formal judicial procedure, thereby giving JacobIsrael the opportunity to justify himself.47 In the end, Jacob-Israel will be proven righteous (v. —÷ãöú ïòîì). At the same time, there is an ironic tone to this offer, hinting at God’s surety of his side of the case and, in a sense, demonstrating his self-justification.48 As already suggested in chapter , verse provides the clue to this seemingly contradictory picture as it depicts how God will remove all evidence of Jacob-Israel’s sins. God alone is responsible for Jacob-Israel’s salvation. This illustrates well the ambiguous portrayal of God in Isa –. Although he is willing to listen to his human counterpart, he remains certain of his own righteousness. He openly acknowledges his responsibility in the destruction, and he offers renewed love, but he never apologizes for his past punitive actions. This theological perspective is markedly different from that of exilic Ezekiel. There is material pertaining to restoration but anything akin to hope is hard to find. There is too much suffering in Ezekiel for a voice of hope to penetrate,49 and there is very little in terms of consolation, salvation or grace for Israel.50 In particular, there is no restoration at
46
Scheuer, Return of YHWH, esp. pp. –. Koole, Isaiah, III/, p. . 48 See further Goldingay and Payne, Isaiah, I, p. , Koole, Isaiah, III/, p. , Berges, Jesaja, p. . 49 E.g. Smith-Christopher, Theology of Exile, pp. –. 50 E.g. B.J. Schwartz, “Repentance and Determinism in Ezekiel”, Proceedings of the Eleventh World Congress of Jewish Studies: Division A (Jerusalem, World Union of Jewish Studies, ), pp. –, B.J. Schwartz, “Ezekiel’s Dim View of Israel’s Restoration”, The Book of Ezekiel: Theological and Anthropological Perspectives (eds Margaret S. Odell and J.T. Strong, Atlanta, GA., SBL, ), pp. –. 47
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all for Zion-Jerusalem, as she is not resurrected in Ezek –.51 The complaining Zion-Jerusalem and the comforting God, both present in Isa –, are also utterly alien to Ezekiel. Along the same lines, the book of Ezekiel wallows in guilt and places the blame for the destruction of Jerusalem squarely upon Jerusalem herself (e.g. Ezek ; ). Moreover, in contrast to Isa –, where the people’s repentance follows God’s offer of salvation, repentance in Ezekiel is presented as the precondition of salvation (e.g. Ezek :; :, ; :–). For Ezekiel, repentance is the evidence that shows that the people of Israel accept their own responsibility for the destruction of Jerusalem and the ensuing exile. Conversely, the idea of a new heart, present in Ezekiel (Ezek :–; :–, cf. Jer :), is unattested in Isa –.52 In sum, the divine oracles in Isa –, although they refer to the sin and shame of Jacob-Israel and Zion-Jerusalem, focus more on grace for Zion-Jerusalem and her compatriots than on their culpability. Further, within this material God’s prime endeavour is to comfort Zion-Jerusalem and her compatriots. In contrast, the divine speeches in Ezekiel stress the people’s culpability and Zion-Jerusalem’s own responsibility for her punishment. This major difference in attitude towards sin and punishment suggests that the two sets of texts reflect two distinct situations.
. Conclusion The three dramatic personae of God, the Servant and the prophet in Isa – shed some light upon the geographical provenance of Isa – . It is possible to argue that the theology expressed by these three personae contains more affinity with the theology of a known Judahite contemporary source (Lamentations) than with that of a known exilic contemporary source (Ezekiel). This correlation in itself does not form an exclusive argument for a Judahite setting of Isa –, but in conjunction with the other arguments put forward in this book, it strengthens the overall case that Isa – belongs within the traditions of Judah.
51 J. Galambuch, Jerusalem in the Book of Ezekiel: The City as Yahweh’s Wife (SBLDS , Atlanta, GA., Scholars Press, ), pp. –, Baumann, Love and Violence, p. . 52 Scheuer, Return of YHWH, p. .
chapter nine . Excursus: Did Ezekiel and Isaiah – Influence Each Other?
It is an open question as to what extent Ezekiel and Isa – influence one another. Some scholars, for example Maynard and Herrmann, argue that there is no awareness in Isa – of Ezekiel’s teaching.53 Other scholars, such as Zimmerli and Baltzer, maintain the opposite. Alternatively, Schmitt argues that the points of contact between Ezekiel and Isa – lie in the parts of Ezekiel that he considers to have been written by a later Deuteronomistic redactor.54 Schmitt maintains, following Herrmann,55 that there is no influence between the core of Isa – and the core of Ezekiel. Rather, following Baltzer,56 the shared features stem from the Deuteronomistic redactors, based in Jerusalem, who are responsible for the later textual layers in both books. Looking more closely at especially Zimmerli and Baltzer’s arguments, we discover little support for the notion of direct influence between Isa – and Ezekiel. Instead, the differences between the two texts are more significant than their similarities. To begin with Zimmerli, he detects several shared theological motifs in Ezekiel and Isa –. In particular, Zimmerli argues that () both texts share the idea of a return of the exiles to Judah accompanied by God’s own return and that () both texts contain the notion that God’s return to Judah is independent of Israel’s repentance (Ezek ; Isa :–).57 Zimmerli’s first point is definitely correct but it is also rather general. As to Zimmerli’s second point, we have already noted that the notion of repentance differs significantly in the two textual corpora. 53
Maynard, “Home of Deutero-Isaiah”, p. , Herrmann, Prophetische Heilserwartungen, p. . Herrmann assumes that both Jeremiah and Ezekiel were redacted in Judah. He argues further that as the expectations of salvation in Jeremiah and Ezekiel are sharply contrasted with that in Isa –, a text that is not influenced by either a Deuteronomistic or a priestly viewpoint, it follows that Isa – must have been composed in the Babylonian exile. 54 H.-C. Schmitt, “Prophetie und Schultheologie im Deuterojesajabuch. Beobachtungen zur Redaktionsgeschichte von Jes –”, ZAW (), pp. –. He differentiates between a prophetic core text (Grundschicht) and a later, Deuteronomistic reworking of the text (schultheologische Bearbeitung). 55 S. Herrmann, Die prophetischen Heilserwartungen im Alten Testament: Ursprung und Gestaltwandel (BWANT , Stuttgart, Kohlhammer, ), pp. –. Herrmann argues that Isa – is not the result of a Deuteronomistic redaction, in contrast to Jeremiah and Ezekiel. 56 Baltzer, Ezechiel und Deuterojesaja, p. (pp. –). 57 Zimmerli, “Jahwes Wort”, p. .
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Baltzer argues at great length that Ezekiel and Isa – share seven key concepts. He explains these similarities by their shared origin in the time of the exile (gemeinsamen Verkündigungssituation der Exilszeit).58 As we shall see, however, none of Baltzer’s points stand up to closer scrutiny. First, Baltzer argues that the hope of the end of exile is centred on the Second Exodus motif (Ezek :– / e.g. Isa :, –).59 However, as discussed in chapter , most of the passages in Isa – that Baltzer cites as containing the motif of a Second Exodus can be better explained in other ways. Secondly, Baltzer maintains that Zion-Jerusalem and the temple stand in the foreground in both texts (Ezek :; :– / e.g. Isa :–; –).60 While this is true, the two texts differ significantly in their respective treatment of the two concepts. On the one hand, while the temple is of primary importance in Ezek –, Zion is not mentioned. On the other hand, Isa – places personified Zion in the foreground, yet fails to mention the temple. Thirdly, Baltzer points out that God’s return to Jerusalem is an important notion in both Ezekiel and Isa – (Ezek :–; : / e.g. Isa :–, –; :–).61 Again, however, although God is depicted as returning in both Ezek ; and in Isa ; , there are few similarities in the ways in which these two sets of texts envision the return. It is, in fact, preferable to emphasize the differences between them. There is virtually no shared imagery between, for example, the depiction of the return of God’s glory to the temple “like the voice of much water” (v. ) in Ezek :– and the arrival of the divine warrior in Jerusalem in Isa :–, –. Fourthly, Baltzer detects affinity between Ezekiel and Isa – in their depictions of the relationship between God’s return and the people’s repentance and forgiveness (Ezek :; : / e.g. Isa :, ).62 However, as discussed above, these similarities between the expectations of salvation and the function of God’s word though the prophets are no more than superficial. Instead, the careful reader will note the difference in both tone and emphasis.
58 59 60 61 62
Baltzer, Ezechiel, p. (summary). Baltzer, Ezechiel, pp. –. Baltzer, Ezechiel, pp. –. Baltzer, Ezechiel, pp. –. Baltzer, Ezechiel, pp. –.
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Fifthly, Baltzer stresses that the notion of the creative power of God’s word, as uttered through the prophet, is attested in both textual corpora (Ezek :– / Isa :–).63 Again, however, although there are certainly similarities between the programme of restoration in Ezek –; – and that in Isa ,64 these similarities do not suggest a direct connection between the two sets of texts. It is more likely that thoughts of restoration and the eschatological future were shared by several groups of people in the exilic and post-exilic periods. Finally, Baltzer argues that both Ezekiel and Isa – contain Davidic-messianic expectations (Ezek :–; :–; :–; the motif of the àéùð in Ezek – / Isa :–; :–).65 Likewise, he detects in both texts the expectation of a future reign of peace, depicted against the catastrophe of the exile (Ezek ; ; / Isa :–).66 Again, these listed passages are not comparable and the differences between them are more obvious than the similarities. Although there may be certain similarities between Ezekiel and Isa – in terms of messianic expectations and an eschatological hope for peace, it is the differences that the reader notes first. For example, the future expectation of Isa :– has nothing in common with Ezek :–; :–; :– beyond the general idea of the people of Israel living in their own land. To conclude, this brief overview shows that it is unwarranted to speak of any closer thematic similarity between Isa – and Ezekiel.
63
Baltzer, Ezechiel, pp. –. See, e.g., J.D. Levenson, Theology of the Programme of Ezekiel – (HSM , Missoula, Mont., Scholars Press, ), pp. –. 65 Baltzer, Ezechiel, pp. –. 66 Baltzer, Ezechiel, pp. –. 64
chapter ten ISAIAH 40:1–11—THE PROLOGUE OF ISAIAH 40–55
Introduction The present chapter1 looks at Isa :–, commonly called the prologue, the prelude or even the overture of Isa –.2 I shall first look at the idea of a prelude in order to explore how fitting a description this is for Isa :–. The majority of the chapter then investigates the ways in which Isa :–, as a prologue, guides readers towards a certain understanding of the subsequent material. In the present context, my focus is limited to the geographical aspects of Isa –. In particular, I shall examine how Isa :– invites the audience / reader to identify the literary personae present in the subsequent material in Isa – with particular groups of people outside the text.
. Isaiah :–—A Prologue In literature and drama, a prologue sets the tone for a text and alerts the readers to its key ideas by introducing a sample of the major themes, ideas and imagery that are to be expanded upon throughout the rest of the text. The ancient Greek prologos, for example, served as an explanatory first act. A character, often a deity, appeared on the empty stage to explain events prior to the action of the drama.3 1 Part of this chapter was presented as a paper at the Summer Meeting of SOTS in Oxford, July . I am indebted to Prof. H.G.M. Williamson who read through a draft of this paper and provided useful feedback, as well as to those scholars who offered helpful suggestions after the delivery of the paper. 2 See, e.g., the very name of the monograph by P.D. Akpunonu, The Overture of the Book of Consolations: Isaiah :– (New York, Peter Lang, ). A few scholars prefer seeing all of Isa as the prologue, e.g., Oswalt, Isaiah, p. , de Moor, “Integrity of Isaiah ”, pp. –. 3 Encyclopaedia Britannica (online). Likewise, in musical terminology, a prelude is a short piece of music which serves as an introduction to succeeding movements of a work that are usually longer and more complex.
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A prologue furthermore has an agenda that it wishes to impose upon the reader. By highlighting certain aspects of the text (and not others), it directs the reader to see the following text, in its entirety, through a specific lens.4 A prologue is commonly written by the author of the subsequent work, composed at the end of the writing process when all of the other pieces of the work have been completed. When this is the case, we can assume that the selection of topics highlighted in the prologue reflects the interests of this person and points us to the way in which s/he would want us to understand the entire text. In the specific case of Isa –, the prologue in Isa :– would thus highlight what the authors / final redactor considered to be of primary importance in the subsequent material. The situation in Isa :– may, however, be more complicated. First, all of Isa :– might not introduce the whole of Isa –. Those scholars who regard Isa – as the result of gradual growth tend to assume that Isa :– reflects this growth and is therefore a text that is composite in origin. In short, a new prologue and epilogue would have been added for every new edition of Isa –*.5 Kiesow, for example, differentiates between a core section, comprised of verses ab-ba, a subsequent layer, consisting of verses –, bb, an even later layer consisting of verses – and the final layer consisting of verses aa and –. He argues that each of these smaller parts introduce distinct, chronologically successive, editions of Isa –. Moreover, as discussed at length in chapter , these scholars postulate different geographical settings and audiences for each specific edition. It is commonly held that the earliest material in Isa :–, which introduces the core collection of Isa –*, was composed in Babylon, while the later material in Isa :–, written to fit the subsequent revisions of Isa –, was composed in Judah by exiles returned from Babylon.6 Other scholars do not recognise a Babylonian 4 Stoebe, “Überlegungen zu Jesaja ,–”, p. , Barstad, “Isa :–”, p. , Lund, Way, p. . See also Blenkinsopp, Isaiah –, p. , who regards Isa :– as an apologia for the message that is to follow in Isa –, and van der Woude, “Can Zion Do Without the Servant”, pp. –, who states that Isa :– functions as the key to Isa –, preparing us for what lies ahead and making us curious and eager to read it. 5 This trend was already in place in the first half of the twentieth century. See, for example, Elliger, Verhältnis, pp. , , who argues that Isa :– is an editorial unit, where :– forms a framework with :–, while Isa :– forms an outer framework with Isa :–:. 6 Kiesow, Exodustexte, pp. –. See also Schmitt, “Prophetie und Schultheologie”,
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core at all. Van Oorschot, for example, assigns every text that betrays a Jerusalem perspective to a later redactional layer. As he detects such a perspective in all of Isa :–, he concludes that none of it stems from the Babylonian core. Instead, verses –* (excluding aa) and – open the “first Jerusalem redaction” of the core collection of Isa :–:, while verses aa and –* introduce “the secondary Zion layer”.7 According to this line of thinking, the opening words in Isa :–, deemed by most of the aforementioned scholars to represent the introduction to a Jerusalem-based edition of Isa –*, would commence only this specific edition of Isa –. Furthermore, the selection of themes in these two verses would serve only as the lens through which an editor wanted that specific edition of Isa – to be read. As such, it may impose a perspective upon the earlier material in the core collection that is alien to what its original author(s) intended. For example, the centrality of Jerusalem, expressed in Isa :–, would mirror the concerns of the later textual layers in Isa –* that were composed in Judah, but it would not fit the message of the earlier portions of Isa –* presumed to have been written for a Babylonian audience. We might, in fact, do these earlier texts in Isa :–: an injustice, with regard to their author’s intent and their original audience, if we read them through the lens of the later material in Isa :–. In accordance with such a view, Isa :– would then not provide us with a key to the original setting and audience of the individual oracles in Isa –; rather, it would tell us about the importance of Jerusalem for the returned exiles. Secondly, even if we assume the authorial unity of Isa :–, it is, given its function as a prologue, possibly among the latest texts of Isa – to have been composed. Isa :– might therefore address a different audience, both in time and place, from that of the various individual oracles within Isa –. As such, Isa :– may again only pp. –, who suggests a comparable textual development. He argues that the prologue (Isa :–) and the epilogue (Isa :–), owing to their shared focus on “God’s word”, were both composed by a redactor standing in the Deuteronomistic tradition. Other scholars, e.g. Steck, Gottesknecht und Zion, pp. –, Kratz, Kyros, pp. –, , , and Kratz, “Anfang des Zweiten Jesaja”, pp. –, include Isa :– (Steck)/ Isa :– (Kratz) and :– in the Babylonian core. See also Labahn, Wort Gottes, pp. – , who argues that Isa :–, –a, a, a, belong to the original prologue of the first collection of prophetic words. Later on, vv. b, b– were added, as well as vv. b and , but not necessarily by the same hand. Although there are thoughts reminiscent of Dtr theology in these later verses, they do not form part of a consistent Dtr redaction. Isa :b– and Isa :– thus form a later added framework around Isa –. 7 Van Oorschot, Von Babel zum Zion, pp. –, –.
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be the lens through which a later redactor, distinct from the original author(s), wished his/her contemporaries to read Isa –. Caspari, for example, argues that since Isa :– focuses on Jerusalem it betrays a Judahite origin. It must accordingly be distinguished from the rest of the text composed by the Babylonian Deutero-Isaiah. For Caspari, it follows that Isa :– needs to be regarded as among the most recent portions of Isa –, stemming from the time of Nehemiah.8 In contrast to the aforementioned scholars, other exegetes defend the unity of Isa :– while they regard verses – as a separate oracle.9 This division of the text is often influenced by the view that Isa :– is the call narrative of Deutero-Isaiah.10 Melugin, for example, argues that Isa :– is based on the imagery of the call of Isaiah in Isa , where the prophet is transported in a vision to receive a glimpse of the heavenly council (see below). The “I” of verse is the response to the calling. We should therefore not separate the calling in verses – from the response in verses –.11 At the same time, form-critical factors, in particular the change of address from the m.pl. to the f.sg. and the change in imagery from the motif of a highway in the desert to the motif of God’s rule in Zion as a shepherd-like king, suggest that verses – were originally distinct from verses –.12 In the ensuing discussion, we shall evaluate the abovementioned views with focus on three interrelated issues. First, is Isa :– an editorial patchwork or an authorial unity? Secondly, given the authorial unity of Isa :–, do these verses faithfully represent the key themes of the whole of Isa – or only a smaller edition thereof? Thirdly, if it functions as the prologue for all of Isa –, is it possible to claim that Isa :– also faithfully reflects the intent of the material in the wider text? On the basis of this investigation, we shall then explore the consequences that such an understanding of Isa :– has for our view concerning the geographical provenance of Isa –.
8 W. Caspari, Lieder und Gottessprüche der Rückwanderer (BZAW , Giessen, A. Töpelmann, ), pp. –. 9 E.g. Begrich, Deuterojesaja, pp. , –, , L. Krinetzki, “Zur Stilistik von Jesaja :–”, BZ (), pp. –. 10 Elliger, Jesaja ,–,, pp. –. 11 E.g. Melugin, Formation of Isaiah, pp. –, followed by several scholars, such as Blenkinsopp, Isaiah –, pp. –. 12 Melugin, Formation of Isaiah, pp. –. For a related view, see Carr, “Isaiah :– ”, pp. –.
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. Isaiah :–—A Literary Unit Isa :– can be divided into four subsections: verses –, –, – and –. Although many scholars prefer seeing these eleven verses as a redactional unity, we shall see that the present from of Isa :– is fully compatible with authorial unity.13 First, the subsections are linked semantically with each other. Notably, all four contain verbs of “calling” (the verb øîà, øáã and àø÷—v. , àø÷— v. ; øîà, àø÷—v. , øîà, ìå÷ íéøä—v. ).14 Furthermore, Isa :– and – are linked by the keyword ìå÷ (vv. , )15 and by the key expression øùá(ä) ìë (vv. , ). Secondly, the subsections, when read together, form a coherent whole, structured as an introduction that is followed by three related scenes. As shown by Freedman, Isa :– has a concentric formation, with verse as its focal point. It also has a ring structure, with verses – and – exhibiting a number of connections.16 First, the words “Your God” and “YHWH” appear in both subsections. Secondly, the terms “my people”, “Jerusalem” and “to her” in verses – form a chiastic pattern with the corresponding terms “Zion”, “Jerusalem” and “the cities of Judah” in verse . Thirdly, the two occurrences of the imperative “comfort” in verse correspond to the imperatives “rise”, “raise your voice” and “say” in verse . Fourthly, the two uses of the particle éë in verse are balanced by the three äðä clusters in verses –.17
13
E.g. Westermann, Jesaja, pp. –, K.K. Sacon, “Isaiah :–—A RhetoricalCritical Study”, Rhetorical Criticism. FS J. Muilenburg (eds J.J. Jackson and M. Kessler, Pittsburgh, Penn., Pickwick, ), pp. –, Koole, Isaiah, III/, pp. –, Lund, Way, pp. –, Payne and Goldingay, Isaiah, , pp. –. De Moor, “Integrity of Isaiah ”, pp. –, goes one step further, arguing for the unity of all of Isa . 14 Barstad, “Isa :–”, p. . 15 Laato, “Composition of Isaiah –”, p. . 16 Freedman, “Structure of Isaiah :–”, pp. , , –. See also van Oorschot, Von Babel zum Zion, p. , note . 17 Freedman, “Structure of Isaiah :–”, pp. –. The same phenomenon has also been noted by other scholars. Loretz, “Mesopotamische und ugaritisch-kanaanäische Elemente”, pp. –, for example, detects an agreement between Isa :– and –. He argues that the core text of Isa :– can be found in vv. –*, and that there is general agreement between vv. b and –. See also Stoebe, “Überlegungen zu Jesaja , –”, p. , who argues that Isa : and – () form a frame for the call of prophet. To a large extent, this ring structure corresponds further to Kiesow’s first subsequent expansion (:–, bb and –; :–:*) (above), and Sacon, “Isaiah :–”, pp. –.
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This claim of authorial unity for Isa :– is not uncontested. Kratz, for example, maintains that although :–, –, – and – all speak roughly about the change from judgement to salvation, they betray diverse perspectives. He further maintains that this lack of a shared perspective is a valid reason for dividing the text. In Kratz’s view, verses – cannot be the continuation of verses – for three reasons: () the people from verse do not reappear, () it is unlikely that the people in verse can be identified with the cities of Judah in verse or with the returning people in verses – and () the road that is for God alone in verses – is transformed into the road for God and the returning exiles in verses –.18 Kratz’s dilemma with regard to the assumed discrepancy between actions and persons can be resolved by a close reading of verses –. First, as discussed in chapter , the expression ïåéö úøùáî in verse is best translated as a genitive construction “herald to Zion”. This means that verse corresponds both in subject and in layout with verse , in which the plural recipients of the divine command are encouraged to “speak tenderly to Jerusalem”.19 In this manner, contrary to Kratz’s claim, verses – and refer to the same group, namely the people of Jerusalem. Secondly, Kratz’s claim that verses – speak about the returning exiles lacks textual support. Rather, alongside many other scholars, Kratz reads the returning exiles into the text. More specifically, he understands the sheep that accompany God (v. ) to represent the exilic community.20 Thirdly, Kratz’s objection that the road for God (vv. –) turns into a road for the exiles (vv. –) is unsubstantiated. As already discussed in chapter , both verses – and verses – place God alone on the centre stage and both portray a theophany that emphasizes God’s mighty return to Zion, visible to all humanity. Likewise, neither set of verses contains any explicit reference to Babylon or the returning exiles. It is therefore not problematic to read Isa :– and – together. In view of this, it is more likely that the various
18
Kratz, “Anfang des Zweiten Jesaja”, pp. –. Note, however, that Freedman, “Structure of Isaiah :–”, pp. –, does not look at this possibility but argues instead that the message is conveyed through a two-step process: it is first given to Jerusalem (vv. –), who is then responsible for relaying it to the cities of Judah (v. ). 20 See, e.g. Anderson, “Exodus Typology”, pp. –, who detects the theme of the Exodus in, among other places, Isa :–, , Anderson, “Exodus and Covenant”, pp. –, de Moor, “Integrity of Isaiah ”, p. , Childs, Isaiah, p. . 19
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subsections of Isa :– form part of a single composition as opposed to being separate creations that can be read together successfully.21 To sum up, both semantic and structural arguments suggest that Isa :–, in its current form, is a carefully crafted text, composed at one point to serve as the general introduction to Isa –. It follows that Isa :– is among the most recent material in Isa –.
. Allusions in Isaiah :– to the Rest of Isaiah – I suggested above that Isa :– is an authorial unity that was composed as a general introduction to Isa –. In the present section, I shall provide additional support for this proposition by showing that Isa :– faithfully reflects the key themes of the following material in Isa –. In addition, I shall examine the claim that the introduction in Isa :– corresponds to an epilogue in Isa . .. Isaiah :–—A Conglomeration of Themes from Isaiah – A quick glance at Isa :– shows that it highlights two key issues: comfort / good news to Jerusalem (vv. –, ) and God’s majestic and visible arrival (vv. –, –). Doubt in God and subsequent reassurance of the durability of God’s word (vv. –) are minor themes. Both Berges and Barstad argue persuasively that the prologue in Isa :– looks towards the following chapters in Isa –.22 Building upon especially Barstad’s research, the following points of connection stand out: . Verses –: The combination of the notions of “comfort” (root íçð), “wilderness” (øáãî) and “Jerusalem / Zion” recurs in : and :– .23 . Verse : The idea of the punishment and subsequent pardon of Jerusalem reappears in :–, which speaks of God’s brief period of anger and subsequent acts of compassion and loving-kindness.
21
Payne and Goldingay, Isaiah, , p. . Berges, Das Buch Jesaja, p. . See also Melugin, Formation of Isaiah, pp. –, who argues that Isa :– is a microcosm of Isa –, while Isa :– corresponds to Isa : ff. 23 Barstad, “Isa :–”, pp. –. 22
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. Verses –: The road imagery echoes : and :.24 . Verse : The idea of levelling or making straight recurs in : (éðà [øùåà] øùéà íéøåãäå êìà êéðôì), in : (åéëøãìëå ÷ãöá åäúøéòä éëðà øùéà) in which God will prepare his way, and in : in which Cyrus will prosper on his way.25 The imagery of valleys and mountains further foreshadows :. . Verses –: The dialogue between two anonymous persons echoes :–, in which God addresses an anonymous person. The use of the term øéöç to denote human frailty (v. ) is also attested in :, and the idea of God’s word (v. ) that will endure forever brings to mind the imagery in :. . Verse : The notion of a messenger to Zion recurs in :; :; :; :–. . Verse : The motif of God as a warrior echoes especially :– but also :– and :. . Verse : The motif of God as a shepherd reappears in : and :. . More generally, many of the grammatical constructions of Isa :– are reminiscent of other parts of Isa –. In particular, the use of imperatives in :– foreshadows that in :– and :–.26 The material in Isa :– thus brings attention to many of the key themes of Isa –. As such, it is fitting to label it as a “prologue”. At the same time, there is no evidence to suggest that Isa :– imposes a foreign perspective upon the rest of Isa –. On the contrary, although it highlights certain themes, Isa :– and the main textual corpus share the same, broad perspective. As to the chronological relationship between Isa :– and the rest of chapters –, I regard (contrary to Berges and Barstad) Isa :– as among the latest texts in the development of Isa –. I suggest that it was composed in order to prefigure, and thus to emphasize, the central themes of the already existing material in Isa –. In this manner, it guides the reader towards a specific understanding of Isa –. In this context, it should be noted that Zapff argues that Isa :– is the original prologue of what he deems to be the Deutero-Isaianic corpus (restricted to Isa –*). To support his claim, he uses the same methodology as Barstad in that he argues that Isa :– echoes the 24 25 26
Barstad, “Isa :–”, pp. –. Barstad, “Isa :–”, pp. –. Cross, “Council of Yahweh”, pp. – (p. ).
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themes of the subsequent text.27 Zapff ’s suggestion can be commended in that it highlights that many of the themes of Isa :– recur later in Isa –, for example God’s creativity, his incomparability and executive power, as well as Jacob’s doubt and God’s subsequent reassurance. However, as discussed in chapter , I am unconvinced by the more general claim that parts of Isa – existed as an independent textual corpus and, as such, needed an introduction. Instead, I maintain that Isa :– fits well in its current place in the final form of Isa –, namely as the opening chapter immediately following the prologue. .. A Corresponding Epilogue to Isaiah : It has often been argued that Isa :–, in addition to picking up the themes of Isa –, corresponds to a particular epilogue. There are three main suggestions regarding this epilogue. It is comprised of Isa :–, Isa :– or a combination of the two passages. Most commonly, scholars view Isa :– and :– as together forming a framework around what is assumed to be the core text or an early edition of Isa –.28 This view is based on the fact that the two texts share several key motifs. Ehring, for example, detects the following six shared motifs: . . . . . .
God returns as king to Zion (:; :) Emphasis on the visibility of God’s return (:; :) The appearance of a messenger (:; :) Focus on Zion, although the scope is world-wide (:, ; :) Mention of the preceding catastrophe (: [guilt]; : [ruins]) God’s arm (:; :).
Ehring argues that these shared motifs reflect the attempt to provide a prologue and an epilogue around an edition of Isa –*. At the same time, since she is aware of the differences between the two texts, Ehring argues that while Isa :–, – focuses on the way to Jerusalem, :– concentrates on the arrival in Jerusalem. Along similar lines, Ehring maintains that while Isa :– is the introduction to what follows, Isa :– has a conclusive character, an aspect that is emphasized by 27
Zapff, “Jes ”, pp. –. E.g. Kratz, “Anfang des Zweiten Jesaja”, pp. –, Berges, Das Buch Jesaja, pp. –. 28
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the move from íëéäìà in : to åðéäìà in :.29 In view of Ehring’s research, it is reasonable to assume that one of these two texts has been composed with the other text in mind. Other scholars detect a framework in Isa :– and Isa :–. Melugin, for example, argues that Isa :– corresponds to Isa :–, that Isa :– relates to :– and that Isa :– relates to :–.30 Finally, many of those scholars who detect textual layers in Isa :– combine the insights of the aforementioned scholars, maintaining that each of the postulated layers in the prologue corresponds to a distinct epilogue. Berges, for example, argues that Isa :– and – belong to the first redaction that took place in Jerusalem after bc. At this point in the growth of the text of Isa –, an editor added chapters – * to the already existing material in –*, composing a framework for this collection comprised of :–*, – and :–.31 At an even later stage, Isa :aa, – and :– were added to serve as a final framework around all of Isa –.32 Other ideas also abound, although none of them has won a large following.33 To evaluate these different suppositions, there is little doubt that a certain correspondence exists between Isa :– and both Isa :– 29 Ehring, Rückkehr JHWHs, pp. –. As can be seen, Ehring disregards Isa :– with respect to this scheme, regarding it as part of a later layer. 30 Melugin, Formation of Isaiah, pp. –. 31 Berges, Das Buch Jesaja, pp. , –, (summary). 32 Berges, Das Buch Jesaja, pp. –, (summary). For a similar view, see Albertz, Israel in Exile, pp. –, who regards Isa :–, ab– and –, together with Isa :–, as forming a redactional framework around the two collections found in Isa – and –. In contrast, Isa :aa, –, together with :, –, form a later redactional framework around all of Isa –. For a critique of this position, see especially A. Rofé, “How is the Word Fulfilled? Isaiah :– within the Theological Debate of Its Time”, Canon Theology and Old Testament. FS B.S. Childs (eds G.M. Tucker et al, Philadelphia, Fortress, ), pp. , –. Rofé argues that Isa : disagrees with : and is therefore unlikely to have been written by the same hand. On the contrary, the conception of God’s word in this passage is diametrically opposed to that of Deutero-Isaiah. It takes up the Dtr inspired language of Isa : and :– (and :) that speaks about the infallibility of God’s words, but gives them new meaning by adding the possibility of repentance, thereby positing a change in God’s word (cf. the book of Jonah). 33 See, e.g., Laato, “Composition of Isaiah –”, pp. –, , who suggests that Isa :– alludes to the fourth Servant Song in Isa :–: and, as such, forms a framework around five large complexes in Isa :–:. Laato further argues that the Servant Songs, the hymns and the idol passages are integral to these five complexes and thus to Isa – as a whole. See also Merendino, Der Erste und der Letzte, pp. – , who maintains that Isa :–, –, – were among the latest texts to be added to the whole book of Isaiah. First, one person wrote vv. – to fit with the message of
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and :–. Nonetheless, I hesitate to see these correspondences as evidence for frameworks around actual editions of the text of Isa –. Rather, along with Barstad, I suggest that Isa :– is more accurately understood as an overture that foreshadows the major themes and motifs of the subsequent material. The manifest allusions in Isa :– to Isa :– and :– may indicate that the author of Isa :– considered these two texts to be of particular importance. .. Conclusion To conclude, the prologue in Isa :– foreshadows many of the themes in Isa –. In this manner, even though the prologue certainly guides the reader towards a particular reading of Isa –, this reading is, in itself, not foreign to the overall message of Isa –. Isa :– further echoes many different parts of Isa –, yet it singles out Isa :– and :–. In my view, this focus on Isa :– and :– does not mean that these two passages formed epilogues to distinct editions of Isa – at given points in time, even though it is possible that Isa :– serves as the finale to Isa – to some extent. Rather, I suggest that the close correspondence between especially Isa :– and Isa :– is one way in which the author of Isa :– stressed what s/he considered to be the key message of Isa –, namely that God is returning in glory to Jerusalem in order to comfort his people there.
. Exegetical Consequences What are the exegetical consequences of reading Isa – through the lens of Isa :–? What is immediately noticeable is the focus on the identity of Jerusalem. Isa – opens with the divine command to “comfort my people” (:) and to “encourage Jerusalem” (:). The same parallel relation is found in Isa :, a verse that encourages the people of Jerusalem to break forth into singing because God has comforted “his people” and redeemed “Jerusalem”. As we have seen already in chapter , a sensitive and unbiased reading of Isa :–, as Isa –. Subsequently, the person responsible for connecting Isa – with – composed :–, – to fit with the specific ideas in Isa –. Isa :–, for example, was composed in view of Isa :–:, while Isa :– alludes to the watchmen in Isa :.
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well as of the corresponding material in Isa :, strongly suggests that God’s people is comprised of the city of Jerusalem and its population in some sense. The material in Isa :– further suggests that, from the point of view of the author of Isa :–, Jerusalem—the city and its inhabitants—is the key player in the subsequent text of Isa – and that the text present before the reader should be read through this particular lens. Such a reading is not alien to the body of Isa –. Instead, as also shown in chapter , it fits well with the rest of Isa –. The perspective of most of Isa – is, in fact, Zion-centred, in both geographical and theological terms, even though the material does show great concern for the fate of the dispersed exiles and for their return to Zion from the four corners of the earth.34 As poignantly stated by Berges, Isa : does not begin with “Tröstet, tröstet, mein Volk [ . . . ] Redet der Gola zu Herzen”.35 In view of this, we can safely conclude that the author of Isa :– understood Jerusalem to be the focal point of Isa –. Accordingly, the prologue invites the readers of Isa – to see the focus on the city of Jerusalem. Further, it prompts them to identify the inhabitants of Jerusalem with the key recipients of the subsequent oracles of comfort. Can we go further than that, beyond a redaction-critical viewpoint, and say anything about the original view of Jerusalem in the individual oracles in Isa –? In order to do that, we have to first establish the authority of the author responsible for Isa :–. This brings us back to the question of authorship. If we are dealing with a single author responsible for all of Isa –, then we can definitely answer in the affirmative. If, however, we are dealing with a text that has been developed over decades, if not centuries, we are on more uncertain grounds. Nonetheless, I would venture a tentative yes. The notion of Fortschreibung presupposes a prophetic school or at least a continuous textual tradition. Given the focus on Jerusalem in Isa –, together with its continued importance in Isa –, the city of Jerusalem was clearly a defining issue of the prophetic and/or scribal circles associated with Isaiah. It is thus possible that all the people belonging to this group, regardless of the exact date and circumstances of their activity, shared one distinct outlook pertaining to the city of Jerusalem, an outlook that is reflected both in the oracles within Isa – and the prologue in Isa :–.
34 35
Seitz, Zion’s Final Destiny, p. . Berges, “Zweiter Exodus”, p. .
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. Conclusion To conclude, the material in Isa :– serves as the prologue to Isa –. As such, it conveys to the readers a certain understanding of the subsequent text and invites them to analyze it in a certain way. According to this prologue, Isa – has the following key themes. First and foremost is the need to bring comfort to Jerusalem (vv. –). A close second is God’s return to Jerusalem, as a conquering warrior in power and glory, visible before all the nations, but also with gentleness and compassion (vv. –, –). In addition, the prologue alerts us to the existence of doubt and human frailty, but also to belief in the eternal quality of God’s word (vv. –). At the same time, Isa :– does not mention Babylon, the return of exiles or the Servant, themes that have preoccupied most exegetes of Isa –. While these themes definitely exist, the author of Isa :– clearly considered them to be secondary.
chapter eleven ISAIAH 40–55 AND LAMENTATIONS
Introduction Indirect support for a Judahite setting of Isa – can also be found in the use of allusion in Isa – to Lamentations.1 In this final chapter, I shall show that the allusions to Lamentations in Isa – emphasize the Judahite perspective of the latter text. I shall first discuss some general aspects relating to the matter of inner-biblical textual allusions and then look at the specific notion of the allusions to Lamentations in Isa –. I shall focus in particular on the allusions in Isa :; :–; :; :–, –; :, . A number of scholars have looked at this issue before. However, since they all presuppose that Isa – is exilic in origin, while Lamentations is Judahite, they have all interpreted it as an example of cross-communal inter-textuality, i.e. where one community alludes to the texts of another community. The resulting exegesis has accordingly been one of replacement. Through the allusions, the exilic community adopts the Judahite language of Lamentations in order to replace that community. The present chapter proposes a different scenario. Instead of one community replacing the other, I suggest that the allusions to Lamentations in Isa – served the Judahite community as a means of strength and support. In contrast to the preceding material, this chapter does not argue for a Judahite setting of Isa –. Rather, it assumes it in order to demonstrate some of the exegetical consequences that stem from a Judahite setting of Isa –. At the same time, if it turns out that this assumption
1 Much of the material of this chapter has already been published. See Tiemeyer, “Geography and Textual Allusions”, pp. –, “Two Prophets, Two Laments”, pp. – , and “Lamentations in Isaiah –”, Great is Thy Faithfulness? Toward Reading Lamentations as Christian Scripture (eds R. Parry and H. Thomas, London, Paternoster Press, forthcoming), pp. –.
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enables us to understand the allusions to Lamentations in Isa – in a more straightforward and coherent manner, this would, in itself, be a confirmation of the Judahite provenance of Isa –.
. Inner-Biblical Textual Allusions Before looking at inner-biblical textual allusions, three key factors must be established. First, we need to decide the direction of the allusions: which is the source text and which is the alluding text? Secondly, we need to ascertain that we are dealing with actual dependency rather than merely shared outlook and vocabulary. Thirdly, we need to determine that the alluding text had access to the source text. In the case of Lamentations and Isa –, both texts can be dated to roughly the same time period (ca. – bc). There is, however, little doubt that Isa – is the later composition. It is likely that many, if not all, of the laments in Lamentations were composed before bc (cf. chapter ). In contrast, it is doubtful that any text in Isa – was written long before the same date (cf. chapter ). In addition, as I have already touched upon in chapter and shall demonstrate further below, Isa – actively interacts with and sometimes also reverses statements in Lamentations. This phenomenon points not only to the direction of the allusions but also suggests the actual dependency of Isa – on Lamentations. In fact, although running the risk of circularity, more than one scholar uses the allusions to Lamentations in Isa – as a tool for determining the terminus ad quem of Lamentations.2 Finally, given the likely liturgical use of Lamentations (cf. Zech :, ), it is reasonable to assume that the authors of Isa – had access to Lamentations, although not necessarily to its final form. Further, we need to determine the types of and the reasons for the use of Lamentations by the authors of Isa –. There are several ways in which one text can consciously refer to another text (allusion, influence, echo and exegesis).3 In the case of the textual interaction between Isa – (the alluding text) and Lamentations (the source text), the term “allusion” is the most fitting. From an external perspective, the reader of Isa – recognizes a “marker”, i.e. an identifiable element or pattern from 2
See Berlin, Lamentations, p. , Westermann, Klagelieder, pp. –. See discussion in B.D. Sommer, A Prophet Reads Scripture: Allusion in Isaiah – (Contraversions, Stanford, California, Stanford University Press, ), pp. –. 3
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the source text, in this case Lamentations. The same reader then brings certain elements of Lamentations to bear on his/her understanding of Isa –. From an internal perspective, the authors of Isa – reuse vocabulary and themes from Lamentations in order to establish a link to the source text. A textual allusion may serve the purpose of establishing the authority of the alluding author or bolster the authority of the existing tradition of the source text. Alternatively, a later text can use textual allusions polemically in an attempt to replace the source text.4 In the case of Lamentations and Isa –, the nature of the allusions can be termed polemical insofar as the latter text seeks to respond to the laments in the former. At the same time, the allusions to Lamentations enhance the message of Isa – in that they affirm the place of Isa – within the same textual tradition.
. Allusions in Isaiah – to Lamentations: History of Research Scholars, going all the way back to the Jewish midrash (Lam. R. .), have recognized the textual link between Lamentations and Isa –. Among early critical scholars, Löhr noted the shared vocabulary5 and Gottwald developed his insights further.6 More recently, Sommer has argued for the dependency of Isa :– upon Lam :–.7 In a more extensive investigation, Willey maintains that there are allusions throughout all of Isa :–: to numerous verses in all of the five chapters of Lamentations. She further stresses that these allusions in Isa – to the laments in Lamentations serve “to answer them, to dispute, reverse and reinvent them”.8 4
See discussion in Sommer, Prophet, pp. –. M. Löhr, “Der Sprachgebrauch des Buches der Klagelieder”, ZAW (), pp. – , , , and . 6 N.K. Gottwald, Studies in the Book of Lamentations (SBT , London, SCM, ), pp. –. 7 Sommer, Prophet, pp. –. He notes that there are no allusions to Lam which to him suggests that Deutero-Isaiah (defined by Sommer as the author of Isa –) did not know that chapter. This can be taken to mean that either the chapters of Lamentations were circulated individually, or that Lam – formed a single scroll to which Lam was added later. 8 Willey, Remember the Former Things, esp. p. . See also O’Connor, “Speak Tenderly to Jerusalem”, pp. – (esp. –). 5
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Other scholars explore how the allusions to Lamentations can contribute to an overall interpretation of Isa –. They all presuppose that Isa – is a Babylonian text and thus represents the interests of the Babylonian community. Accordingly, their interpretations of the allusions in Isa – to the Judahite Lamentations are coloured by the perceived exilic background of the former.9 They argue that the exilic author of Isa – adopts and reverses the language of the Judahite Lamentations. In particular, Isa – turns the persona of Zion-Jerusalem into a symbol of hope for the exilic community. Gottwald, for example, argues that, in contrast to Lamentations, which speaks on behalf of the Judahite community, Isa – preserves only the voice of the former Judahite ruling elite in Babylon. As such, the text of Isa – serves as a weapon in the exiles’ struggle to preserve their socio-cultural identity.10 Newsom modifies Gottwald’s statement by claiming that Judahite speech is present in Isa – through the allusions to Lamentations, yet re-accented, “infused with the perspectives and intentions of the exilic community” and betraying the exiles’ interests. Newsom maintains that the exiles in Isa – represent themselves in terms drawn from Judahite speech. The exiles would have been aware of the difficulties that were likely to await them upon their return to Judah. Therefore, by reusing the speech of Lamentations, Isa – provides the exilic community with a symbolic narrative within which they can imagine themselves being welcomed home. Newsom is open to the possibility that this might also betray a need for a common language and that it may serve as an appeal to the people of Judah to embrace the exiles’ homecoming. According to Newsom, this rearranging of the speech of Lamentations is done through a strategic selection and recasting of images and expressions. In particular, Isa – simplifies the portrayal of Zion-Jerusalem. She ceases to be a multifarious entity of living people and physical structures (Lamentations) and becomes the personified destination of the returning exiles (Isa –).11
9 Linafelt, Surviving Lamentations, pp. –, Newsom, “Response to Norman K. Gottwald”, pp. –, Sommer, Prophet, and Willey, Remember the Former Things. Among historical-critical scholars, similar sentiments are expressed by Hermisson, “Einhet und Komplexität”, p. . 10 N.K. Gottwald, “Social Class and Ideology in Isaiah –: An Eagletonian Reading”, Semeia (), pp. –. 11 Newsom, “Response to Norman K. Gottwald”, pp. –. See also O’Connor, “Speak Tenderly to Jerusalem”, p. .
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Along similar lines, Linafelt maintains that Isa – is primarily concerned with the exiles’ return to Judah (after leaving Babylon in Isa :). In alluding to Lamentations, Isa – subsumes the original Judahite speech of the former under the figure of personified Zion, used in Isa – as the symbol for the exiles’ final destination. The answer in Isa –, promising the restoration of Zion’s exiled children, therefore does not really respond to Judah’s lament in Lamentations. In Linafelt’s words, “The figure of Zion has been co-opted to serve a role in the ideology of [Isa –]”.12 In view of my investigation in chapter , Newsom oversimplifies the portrayal of Zion-Jerusalem in Isa –. As we have noted, Jerusalem is referred to throughout Isa – as having physical attributes, such as ruins (Isa :; :; :; :) and walls (:). Isa :–, for example, speaks of its stones, its foundations, its shields, its gates and its walls, while Isa : and : address the need for the city to be rebuilt. Its human population is furthermore referred to explicitly in Isa : and probably also in Isa :. As to Linafelt’s interpretation, ZionJerusalem is often addressed concerning matters that do not concern the return of the exiles (e.g. Isa :–, :; :; :). There is thus little justification for the claim that Zion-Jerusalem in Isa – is reduced to the destination of the exiles. Rather, the city in Isa –, as in Lamentations, is a city of flesh, blood and mortar. I prefer to follow Seitz, who accepts the possibility of a Judahite setting of Isa –, and argues that the affinity between Isa – and Lamentations is best explained as the result of shared religious circumstances, date and historical setting, i.e. life in Jerusalem following the destruction of Jerusalem.13
. Reading the Allusions to Lamentations through Judahite Eyes To illustrate the point that the allusions in Isa – form a Judahite response to Lamentations, I shall look at four representative cases, all of which have been discussed in the previous chapters: the comfort of Jerusalem and/or his people (Isa :; :; :), the wifehood and motherhood of Jerusalem (Isa :–), the children of Jerusalem (:–; :–) and the return of the exiles to Jerusalem (:–; 12 13
Linafelt, Surviving Lamentations, pp. –. Seitz, Words Without End, pp. –.
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:–). In these four cases, Isa – alludes to and transforms motifs that are attested in Lamentations. I shall focus my investigation on the ways in which the authors of Isa – reused the earlier material of Lamentations. In addition, I shall argue that the exegetical results are superior when a shared Judahite provenance of both Lamentations and the selected Isaianic passages is assumed. .. Comfort My People—Isaiah :; : and : The promise of a coming comforter reverberates throughout Isa –. There is little doubt that this promise harks back to the many places in Lamentations that lament the absence of a comforter (íçðî) (e.g. Lam :, , , [íçðî ïéà], ; : [êîçðî]).14 I shall limit my present discussion to Isa :; :; :. In Isa :, a group of people is commanded to “comfort, comfort [God’s] people” (éîò åîçð åîçð), i.e. Jerusalem, to give her new hope and to tell her that the time of suffering is over.15 By using the root íçð, the author alludes to the multiple passages in Lamentations in which Zion laments the absence of a comforter (Lam :, etc.) but also reverses the imagery. While in the past Zion had no comforter, she will have one now. This allusion makes the most sense if we read Isa : as a Judahite text and interpret Jerusalem as a symbol for its physical inhabitants. The Jerusalemites lamented the lack of a comforter throughout Lamentations and they are now promised a comforter in Isa :. Isa :a (íçøé åéðòå åîò §ä íçð éë) continues the same theme. It identifies “God’s people” (åîò) with “[God’s] afflicted ones” (åéðò) and, through the Jerusalem perspective of verse and Zion’s speech in verse , also with the people of Jerusalem. By using the root íçð in conjunction with the idea of “afflicted ones”, Isa :a alludes especially to Lam : (ééðò úà §ä äàø äì íçðî ïéà), in which the Jerusalemite speaker laments the absence of a comforter and refers to his/her affliction. This allusion to Lam : in Isa :a has two functions. First, it identifies the suffering people of God, now to be comforted, with the afflicted Jerusalemite speaker in Lam :. Secondly, it equates God’s suffering 14 See, e.g., Westermann, Jesaja, p. , who postulates that Isa : is a response to the cry “there is no helper” in Lam :, and Barstad, “Lebte Deuterojesaja in Judäa”, p. , who argues that Isa : is a response to Lam : and that it supports the claim of a Judahite setting of Isa –. See also Sommer, Prophet, pp. –. 15 Cf. R.J. Coggins, “Do We Still Need Deuter-Isaiah?”, JSOT (), p. , and Goulder, “Deutero-Isaiah of Jerusalem”, p. .
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people with the suffering of Jerusalem. In this way, the allusion creates a tri-partite identification: the suffering people of God in Isa : equals both the people of Jerusalem and the Judahite speaker within the book of Lamentations. Thus, by way of textual allusions, the Isaianic author underlines that, from his/her perspective, God’s people is comprised of Jerusalem and her inhabitants. Lastly, Isa : contains the most forceful expression of comfort: “I, I am he who comforts you” (íëîçðî àåä éëðà éëðà).16 Zion-Jerusalem and God’s people constitute the audience of this passage (v. , see chapter ). As in Isa :, the allusions to Lamentations emphasize the contrast between the past situation for Jerusalem and her inhabitants and the new situation that will soon befall them. Summing up, the material in Isa :; :; : responds positively to the texts in Lamentations that bewail the absence of a comforter. In this manner, the later Isaianic authors underlined the change for Jerusalem and her population. God would soon break into their situation and provide the comfort that they lacked for so long. .. Forsaken and Childless to Remembered and Mother—Isaiah :– The image of personified Zion-Jerusalem as a wife and mother in Isa :– reuses the imagery in Lamentations. I shall concentrate my present discussion on two, interconnected image couplets: abandonment versus restoration (Isa :; Lam :, –) and childlessness versus motherhood (Isa :–; Lam :–; :–). ... Zion’s Abandonment and Restoration—Isaiah : Personified Zion laments in Isa :–a17 that God has “abandoned” and “forgotten” her (éðçëù éðãàå §ä éðáæò), while the oracle in verses b– responds with the divine assurance of the opposite. The use of the two verbs “forsaken” (áæò) and “forgotten” (çëù) in Zion’s lament and in the subsequent divine answer is reminiscent of Lam :.18
16 Cf. A. Mintz, Hurban: Responses to Catastrophe in Hebrew Literature (New York, Columbia University Press, ), pp. –, and Willey, Remember the Former Things, pp. –, . 17 For the status of v. a as part of Zion’s speech, see chapter . 18 The similarities between Lam : and Isa : have been noted by, e.g., Baltzer,
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Isa : rephrases and re-contextualizes the older text of Lam :. While the speech in Lam : is part of an extended communal lament,19 the speech in Isa : is placed in the mouth of collective Jerusalem in a context in which it functions as the brief prelude for the divine promises of consolation. Several scholars maintain that this change is prompted by the need to adapt the Judahite speech in Lamentations to fit the assumed exilic target audience of Isa –.20 If, however, we presuppose a Judahite perspective of Isa :–, there is a more convincing way of interpreting the import of the new setting. Rather than being caused by the change of community, the new setting is the result of a transformed understanding of God’s relationship with his people. This interpretation receives support from the larger context of the two passages. The lament in Lam : appears to be justified since it comes after the vivid descriptions of Jerusalem’s suffering and desolation in the preceding four laments, and since it is followed by divine silence. In contrast, the response in Isa comes after eight chapters of divine assurance of hope and comfort, with the result of a shift in emphasis away from the people’s concern and towards divine action.21 ... Zion’s Motherhood and her Children’s Return—Isaiah :– Another image couplet that conjures up Lamentations is that of Jerusalem’s motherhood and the return of “her children”. To begin with the Isaianic material, Isa :– envisions a future where people will stream towards Jerusalem. These new arrivals will hurry towards her (v. ). She will wear them as ornaments (v. ) and she will have more than enough inhabitants (v. ). As a result of Jerusalem’s overpopulation, “the children of her bereavement” (êéìëù éðá) will be heard stating that the place is too narrow for them and that they need to be given room to dwell (äáùàå éì äùâ) (v. ). Jerusalem then asks who bore these children to her (äìà úà éì ãìé éî) while she was bereaved and barren, exiled and passing away (äøåñå äìâ äãåîìâå äìåëù), and who raised them (éî äìàå Deutero-Isaiah, p. , Linafelt, Surviving Lamentations, pp. –, Willey, Remember the Former Things, p. , including note . 19 See further Willey, Remember the Former Things, p. . 20 E.g. Linafelt, Surviving Lamentations, pp. –. 21 Willey, Remember the Former Things, pp. –. Interestingly, Willey refrains from discussing how this recasting of the message of Lamentations relates to the assumed (by her) exilic perspective of Isa –. In fact, her exegesis can be adopted without modification when assuming a Judahite audience.
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ìãâ). Moreover, she wants to know where they were when she was left alone (íä äôéà äìà éãáì éúøàùð éðà ïä) (v. ). In response, the oracle promises that the nations will arrive with her sons and daughters (v. ), cared for by kings and queens (v. ). There is little doubt that the motif of Jerusalem’s children in Isa harks back to the description of Jerusalem’s children, especially that in Lam :– and :–.22 Even though there are few exact verbal links between these passages, a reader familiar with the texts is struck by the contrasting parallels. While Lamentations portrays Jerusalem’s children as dead, left as orphans or led away into captivity by their enemies, Isa :– envisions living children being led back to Jerusalem by the same enemies. Jerusalem herself, according to Isa :–, has until now been unaware of the existence of these returning children as they were born to her abroad during her time of bereavement and raised by others. Therefore, as she has understood herself to be barren and bereaved, she is astonished when she hears about these children. Scholars tend to regard Isa :– as yet another example in which the authors of Isa – have adopted the phraseology of Lamentations in order to situate the exilic community within its Judahite speech.23 By treating Isa – as a Judahite text, however, a different interpretation emerges. Looking first at Lamentations, a close reading shows that it does not distinguish clearly between the children that are present in Jerusalem (Lam :) and those that are taken into exile (Lam :, cf. :), or between those who are dead (Lam :) and those who are alive (Lam :, ). They are all regarded as Jerusalem’s children. This, in turn, means that a statement such as Isa :, in which Zion exclaims that she “was left alone” (seemingly implying that the city of Jerusalem is empty and thus not fitting with a Judahite setting), is actually fully in line with Lamentations itself. In other words, the idea of Jerusalem’s children living in exile is a concept already attested in the Judahite composition
22 Lam :– (÷ðåé ,ììåò), (ììåò) and : (÷ðåé) speak of children starving to death in the streets, and Lam : (ììåò) and : (ãìé) tell of mothers eating their children. In parallel, Lam : (ììåò) states that Jerusalem’s children are led away into captivity, Lam : mentions the sons that lie fallen (ïá) and Lam : speaks about the (present) suffering of the daughters (úá). Lam : refers to those that Jerusalem “bore and reared” (éúéáøå éúçôè), and lastly, Lam : declares that the people of Jerusalem have become orphans (íéîåúé). 23 Newsom, “Response to Norman K. Gottwald”, pp. –. Cf. Linafelt, Surviving Lamentations, pp. –.
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of Lamentations and thus familiar to the people of Judah. This further means that there is no need to interpret the statements in Isa :– that envision the return of Jerusalem’s sons and daughters from afar as necessarily polemical. If we regard both texts as Judahite compositions, the allusions to Lamentations in Isa :– link the promises to Zion in the latter with her earthly Judahite population. In this manner, Isa :– conveys the hope that the exiles will return, but it also betrays an awareness of the problems that such a return is likely to entail. Thus, the message of Isa :–, enhanced by the allusions to Lamentations, seeks to convince Jerusalem and her population of the benefits that the returning exiles would bring, while Jerusalem’s statements of disbelief and hesitation mirror the opinions of the people in Jerusalem who probably both feared and anticipated the return of their former compatriots. ... Conclusion To sum up, the reading of Lamentations and Isa – as Judahite texts results in a coherent and plausible interpretation of the ways in which Isa – used and transformed the imagery in Lamentations relating to Zion’s abandonment and imminent restoration, as well as to Zion’s motherhood and the return of her children. According to this reading, Isa – speaks directly to the heart of Jerusalem in order to convince her of her new, changed circumstances. .. Jerusalem’s Starving and Dying Children—Isaiah :– The theme of children continues in Isa :–. As noted by many previous scholars, two sets of images connect Isa :– with Lam ; .24 The first shared set of images is the drinking of a cup, where the cup functions as a symbol for God’s wrath against Jerusalem and of her share of afflictions (Isa : [åúîç ñåë, äìòøúä ñåë]; Isa : [äìòøúä ñåë, éúîç ñåë]; Lam : [ñåë]). In Lam :, Jerusalem informs Edom that the cup shall soon be given to her. Jerusalem has already drunk from it and Edom will soon share her fate. Isa :, – picks up this image 24 E.g. Newsom, “Response to Norman K. Gottwald”, p. , Linafelt, “Surviving Lamentations”, pp. –, and Surviving Lamentations, pp. –, Willey, Remember the Former Things, pp. –. Some of these allusions have been noted earlier Sommer, Prophet, pp. –.
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and uses it to describe how Jerusalem has drunk, indeed drained, the cup of God’s wrath, but also how God now has removed that cup from her so that it may be given to her tormentors instead. The second shared set of images is that of suffering children on the streets (Isa :a [úåöåç ìë ùàøá åáëù åôìò êéðá]; Lam :; Lam :, – ). The link is made explicit through the shared expression úåöåç ìë ùàø (“the head of every street”). Lam : states that “your children faint from hunger at the head of every street” (úåöåç ìë ùàøá áòøá íéôåèòä êéììåò) and Lam : exclaims that “young and old lie on the ground in the streets” (ï÷æå øòð úåöåç õøàì åáëù). Likewise, Lam : laments that “the holy stones25 are poured out at the head of every street” (éðáà äðëôúùú úåöåç ìë ùàøá ùã÷). The same theme continues, although without the key word úåöåç, in Lam :–, in which the violent imagery expresses the starvation of the people of Jerusalem. It refers especially to the starvation of Jerusalem’s mothers who, out of desperation, boil their own children for food. Isa :a picks up the image of the sons of Jerusalem lying faint from hunger at the head of every street (úåöåç ìë ùàøá åáëù åôìò êéðá).26 Despite the shared imagery, there are significant differences between the imagery in Lamentations and that in Isa . First of all, the focal point has moved from the suffering of the children to the suffering of the mother. Secondly, the brutal language of the violent suffering of Jerusalem’s children in Lamentations is toned down in Isa , and the theme of God’s wrath being carried to its completion in Lamentations is looked at retrospectively in Isaiah.27 What exegetical role do these allusions play? Looking at the mother figure of Zion-Jerusalem, as depicted in Isa :–, she appears to be somewhat helpless, lacking a leader. The parent-child role is reversed and the speaker complains that Jerusalem has none to guide her (ìäðî ïéà äì) or to hold her hand from among all the children to whom she gave birth and nurtured (Isa :).28 For Newsom, Linafelt and Willey, this relatively negative portrayal of Jerusalem betrays a Babylonian perspective for two reasons. First, since Jerusalem’s own sons, identified with the 25 The holy stones are identified in v. with the “precious sons of Zion” (íéø÷éä ïåéö éðá), reckoned as refined gold. 26 Duhm, Jesaia, p. , and Marti, Jesaja, p. , have argued that vv. – are later additions as they do not fit well into the present context in Isaiah. However, more recent scholars, e.g., Blenkinsopp, Isaiah –, pp. –, suggest instead that only the reference to “antelopes” in v. b is secondary. 27 Willey, Remember the Former Things, pp. –. 28 Willey, Remember the Former Things, p. .
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Jerusalemites, are unable to help her, the return of her other children, i.e. those born to her in exile, as mentioned previously in Isa :–, is required.29 Secondly, the suffering of her flesh-and-blood population, vividly depicted in Lam ; , is reduced in Isa to the suffering of their “mother”, the representative figure of Zion.30 The only place for the envisioned restoration of the Judahites is therefore through the identification with the figure of Zion, whose primary role as a mother is to welcome her returning children, i.e. the exilic community.31 Reading Isa :– as a Judahite text renders this type of exegesis unnecessary. Instead, the allusions to Lamentations emphasize God’s changed behaviour towards the people of Jerusalem. He will now fight on their behalf. He will remove from them the cup of wrath. The allusions further acknowledge the pain of the people of Jerusalem. They have indeed suffered God’s wrath (v. ) and they have seen their children lying at the corner of every street (v. a). Although it is true that, in comparison with Lamentations, the depiction of their suffering in Isa – is less vivid, this can be explained as the result of Isa being the later text. In other words, it is further removed chronologically from the acute distress of Jerusalem’s destruction. To sum up, the allusions to Lamentations deepen the sense of Jerusalem’s past sufferings. As such, they explain her inhabitants’ present lethargy and why God, despite their current failings, has decided to act on their behalf. Their suffering has been plentiful and it will now come to an end. .. The Return of the Exiles The last example is the allusions to Lam :– and :– in Isa :– and :, . Both Isaianic passages contain Exodus imagery in their description of the anticipated return of the Diaspora (cf. chapters ). Again, the allusions to Lamentations have been noted by several previous studies, and again, they have been interpreted as serving the exilic community.
29 Newsom, “Response to Norman K. Gottwald”, p. . Many of these sentiments are also voiced by Linafelt, “Surviving Lamentations”, pp. –, and Surviving Lamentations, pp. –. 30 Willey, Remember the Former Things, p. . 31 Newsom, “Response to Norman K. Gottwald”, p. . Cf. Willey, Remember the Former Things, p. .
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... Isaiah :– and Lamentations :– Isa :– alludes to Lam :– by reusing some of its key vocabulary: the participle íçðî (“comforter”; Isa :; Lam :), the Hiphil verbal form of âùð (“to overtake / to obtain”; Isa :; Lam :), the root äâé (“to suffer / suffering”; Isa :; Lam :) and the root çðà (“to groan / groaning”; Isa :; Lam :). The relationship between the original message of Lamentations and that of Isa :– is one of contrast. First, Lam :– grieves that there is none to comfort Jerusalem. Judah has gone into exile, her pursuers have overtaken her, her priests groan and her virgins suffer. In contrast, Isa exclaims that God will comfort Jerusalem (v. ), joy and gladness will overtake the ransomed ones of God when they return and all groaning and suffering shall flee (v. ). Secondly, Lam : exclaims that the roads to Zion mourn. In contrast, Isa : states that the return to her shall now be filled with singing.32 As noted earlier in chapter , the reference to the returning Diaspora in Isa :– focuses on the joy that accompanies their arrival. The exiles will return in joy and, as a result of their return, groaning and suffering will disappear. Thus, the text as a whole (cf. Isa :b–) is an oracle of comfort to the people of Jerusalem (íëîçðî, v. ), ensuring them that God will now act on their behalf. The ones that God has ransomed will return to Jerusalem and their arrival will bring joy. The allusions to Lamentations deepen this focus on the people of Jerusalem. In setting up Isa :– as a contrast to the Jerusalem-centred Lam :–, the later Isaianic author draws the readers’ attention to Jerusalem and emphasizes the aspects of reversal with regard to her fate. Jerusalem is the one who lacked a comforter and she is the one who will now be comforted. The exiles will return in order to make Jerusalem glad. The roads leading to her used to mourn (Lam :) but now they will be filled with singing (Isa :). ... Isaiah :, and Lamentations :– As with Isa : and Lam :–, the relationship between Isa :, and Lam :– is one of contrast (cf. chapters and ). By reusing the vocabulary (“unclean”, “no longer”, “depart”, “do not touch”) and syntax
32
Highlighted by Willey, Remember the Former Things, pp. –.
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(twice repeated imperative “depart”, “awake”, “depart”, cf. Isa :) of Lam :,33 the material in Isa :, creates a contrasting picture between the past (Lamentations) and present (Isaiah). First, the leadership of Jerusalem is changed. Isa : transforms the leaders from carriers of blame to carriers of holy vessels. In Lam , the leaders are held responsible for the fall of Jerusalem and consequently also for her present affliction (vv. –). In contrast, the leaders depicted in Isa : carry the temple vessels out of exile and back to Judah.34 In addition, Isa :, reverses the leaders’ uncleanness. The leaders were unclean when they left for exile in Lam :. Now, when they return in Isa :, , they leave all uncleanness behind in the form of the foreign land of their exilic sojourn. Secondly, Jerusalem herself is changed. Isa : assures her that the time of her sorrow is over. She is no longer to mourn, as she did in Lamentations, but to put on her strength and her beautiful clothes. Before, her unclean leadership departed, now, no unclean person shall have entry. In fact, even the returning leaders will be cleansed. The now exiled Judahite leadership benefits from the allusions to Lamentations in Isa :, , even though they are not the target audience of the oracle. In view of this, I suggest that the author of :– sought to convince his/her Judahite audience to abandon their negative estimation of their leaders, as expressed in Lam :–, and to re-evaluate them in a more positive light.35 Accordingly, as in Isa :– above, the material in Isa :, admonishes the people of Judah to accept the new and cleansed status of the returning exiles.
. Conclusion In this chapter, I have demonstrated that by assuming that Isa – is a Judahite text, we can understand the function of the allusions to Lamentations imbedded in the text in a better way. The aforementioned examples demonstrate that the allusions to Lamentations in Isa – accentuate God’s transformed behaviour towards Jerusalem. They stress that his past anger against her has now been replaced by compassion. They also 33
See further Willey, Remember the Former Things, pp. –. Cf. Willey, Remember the Former Things, pp. –. 35 Cf. Newsom, “Response to Norman K. Gottwald”, pp. –, and Linafelt, Surviving Lamentations, pp. –. 34
isaiah – and lamentations
emphasize the continuity between the suffering city who mourns her lack of comfort and the soon-to-be-transformed community in Isa –. As Lamentations speaks from the heart of the people of Jerusalem, so God’s response in Isa – speaks to their heart in order to comfort them.
CONCLUDING REMARKS
In this monograph, I have endeavoured to show that the Babylonian provenance of Isa –, with regard either to its entirety or to specific parts, is a house built on sand without a firm textual foundation. Although Isa – anticipates and indeed looks forward to the return of the exiles from the Diaspora, mentions Babylon and betrays superficial knowledge of Babylonian customs, none of these factors constitute an argument for an origin of Isa – in the Jewish exilic community in Babylon. Instead, a Judahite provenance of Isa – is in line with its implied geographical perspective, its language, its focus on Jerusalem and its various theologies. Turning to the larger picture, a Judahite origin of Isa – is in line with Isaiah as a whole. There are no reasons to suspect anything but a Judahite setting of either the preceding material in Isa – or the following material in Isa –. These texts were composed in Judah over a long period of time. The majority of Isa –* was in all likelihood written and redacted in pre-exilic Judah. Likewise, there is little doubt that the various textual strands in Isa – stem from post-exilic Judah. It was also in Judah that the book of Isaiah reached its final form. A Judahite origin of Isa – should therefore not astonish us. On the contrary, it places Isa – in its rightful place as part of a continuous Judahite Isaianic prophetic tradition. A Judahite provenance of Isa – has repercussions in several areas of Isaiah scholarship. First, it challenges the prevalent view among European biblical scholars that Isa – grew gradually from a small coretext that originated in Babylon into a larger body of material composed and edited in Judah by the returnees. The assumed change of the authors’ location from Babylon to Judah has until now constituted a strong incentive for dividing a given text in Isa – into more than one textual layer. The recognition that Isa – as a whole betrays a Judahite outlook removes the need for postulating multiple authorship in many of those cases. It is my hope that the outcome of my investigation will inspire scholars to find new approaches that can shed light upon the historical development of Isa –. Secondly, a Judahite origin of Isa – reopens the question of the relationship between Isa – and Isa –. For example, what are its
concluding remarks
consequences for our understanding of the chronological and thematic relationship between Isa – and Isa –? Thirdly, the understanding of Isa – as a continuous Judahite prophetic tradition poses the question as to what extent Isa – reflects the motives and concerns of the golah community. For example, this question has direct implications for the way in which we understand the conflict in Isa :–: and :–: between the prophets, their followers and their opponents. In particular, if it becomes clear that the prophets responsible for Isa – belonged to a Judahite tradition, then their opponents can hardly be identified with the people who had remained in templeless Judah. Fourthly, a Judahite origin of Isa – sheds light upon the inclusion of a Judahite lament in Isa :–:. The tone of this lament, as well as the sentiments expressed especially in :–, is strongly reminiscent of the statements of Zion-Jerusalem in Isa :–. A Judahite provenance of Isa – invites the exegete to interpret the lament in Isa :– : within the longer Isaianic Judahite tradition of giving a voice to theological standpoints at variance with each other. Finally, the notion of an extended Judahite tradition responsible for all of Isa – explains well the marked difference in outlook with regard to foreigners between Isa :–; :– and Ezra-Nehemiah. The authors behind Ezra-Nehemiah are clearly representatives of a golah perspective. In contrast, Isa :–; :–, probably composed during roughly the same time period, preserves a very different tradition. I contend that this disparity reflects the different geographical origins of the two traditions. The Isaiah tradition is rooted in Judah, while the Ezra-Nehemiah tradition represents the concerns of the golah community. This brings us back to the identity of the authors / prophets behind Isa –. This monograph has shown that they should not be identified with members of the golah group, whether in Babylon or in Judah. Rather, these people are closer in terms of both language and theology to the people responsible for Lamentations. At the same time, it must be remembered that the authors of Isa – anticipated the return of their brothers and sisters from the Diaspora. Ezra : informs us of the existence of people living in Judah who, at the arrival of Zerubbabel and Joshua, sought to participate in the building of the temple. Their reason for wishing to participate was their claim that they all worship the same deity, to whom they sacrificed since they arrived at the time of Esarhaddon. Their plea, however, was rejected. While it is impossible
concluding remarks
to make any claims regarding a possible relationship between this group and the descendents of the authors of Isa –, it nonetheless shows that Judahite interests can easily be combined with a positive view of the return of the exiles and a willingness to work together with the returnees.
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SOURCE INDEX Footnotes are not included. Key discussions of passages are listed in bold Genesis : : : : : : : : : : : : : : : : : : : : :
Exodus – : : : :– : : : :– : :– : : : :
, ,
:– : :– : : : :
–
Leviticus : : :
Numbers : : :–
Deuteronomy the book : : : : : : : : : : : : :
, , , , , , ,
Joshua : –
source index
Judges :– : : : :
,
Samuel :
Samuel : : :
Kings : :– : :– : :–
Kings the book : : :– :– : :– :– : : :– :
, , – – , ,
Isaiah the book :–: – :–
, , , , , ,
:– :– :–: :– : : :– : : :– : :– :– :– : : : : :– :– : :– : :– :– : : :– : : :– : – : :– :– : : : – :–:
, , , – , , , , , –, ,
source index :–: – –
– :–
:– :– :– :– :–
: : :–
:– : : : :– :– : : :–:
, –, –, – , , , , , , , , –, , , – , , –, , , , , , , , , –, – , , – , , , , –, , – – –, , , , , , , – , , –, , , –, –, –, , , , , – , –, , – , , , – , , , –, – , –, – , , , – , –, , , , , , , –, , , , , , , –, –, , –, , –, –, , , , , , – –, , , , ,
:–
:– :
:– : : :–: :–: :– :– :– : :–: :– : :– : :– : : :– : :– :– : : : :– : :– :–
, , , , –, , , , , , – , –, , , –, , , , , , , , , –, –, , – , – , , , , , – , , –, , , , , –, , , – , , –, –, , , , – , , , – , , , –, , , , –, – , –, , , –, , , , , –
source index
Isaiah (continued) – , :– : :– : : :– , , :– , , , – :– , , –, , , , – , , , : , , , – : , –, : , , , :– : , : , , :– : , , :– , , , – , –, – , : :– , : , : , : : : , , , –, –, , , : : , –, – , –, – , : :– , – :– :– , , , : :– : , , : : ,
:– :– :– :– :– : : :– :– : :–: :– :– : :– : : :–: :–: :– :– :– : :– : :– :– : :– : :– : :– :
: :–
, – , , , , – – , – , , –, , , , –, , , , – , –, , , , , , , , –, , – – , , , , , , –, , , , –, , –, – , , , , –, , , –, –,
source index :– :– :– : : :– : : :– :– : : : : :–: :– :– :
: :– :– : : :– :– : :– : : :–: :– :– : :–
– – , , , , , , , , – , , –, , –, , , , –, , –, , , , , –, , , , –, –, , , , , , , , –, –, , , , – , , , –, , –, , , –, , , , , , , , , , , , , , – , , , , , , –, , , , , – , ,
: :– : : :– : : :– :– : : :– : : : :– : :– : :– : : :– :– : : : :–: :–: :– :– : :– : :– :
:
, , –, , , , , , , , , , , , , –, –, , , , , , , , , , –, , – , – , , – , , , , , , – , –, , – , , , – , , , , , , – , , , – , –, , , , , , –, , , , –, , –, , , ,
source index
Isaiah (continued) :–: , , , – : , , , –, , , , , , –, , –, :– :– , :– :– :– , : , –, –, , : , , , , : , –, : , , –, , : , : , :– : :– , : : : : :– : , , –, –, , , , , :– :– –, , :– , : , –, , :– , –, , , , – : , –, , , , :– , : , : , , –, , :– , , : , : , , –,
:– : :– : : :– : : :– :– :– :– : : :– :– : :– : :– :– : : : : :– : : – :–
:– :– : :– : : :
, , , , – –, – , , , , – , , , , , , , , – , –, , , , , , , , , , , –, , , , , , , , , , , – , , , , , , , , –, –, , , , , – , –, , , – , –, , , , , ,
source index : : : :– : : :– :– : : – :– :– :– : : :– : :– : : : :– : : : :– :– :– : :– : :– :– : : : :– :– :–
, , , – , –, , , , , , , – , –, , , , , –, , – –, , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , –, , , , , , , , ,
: : : :– :–
:
:– : : – :–: – :–: :– :– :– : : : :– : :– : : :– :– : :–
, , , , , – , , , – , , –, –, , , , , , , , , , –, –, –, , –, , , , –, , , –, , , –, , , , , , , , , – , , , –, – , , , –, , , , –, , , , , , , , –, , , , , – , –, , –, , , , –, , , –, , , – –, – , , , , –, , – , ,
source index
Isaiah (continued) :– , : , :– , :– , – : , , –, : , , – : , , : , , , –, , –, , , , , , : , , , – , , – :– , –, , , –, –, , –, – , , , , , , –, :– :– , :– , :– :– , , : , , , , , , –, , –, , – :– :– :– , : , , , :– : , :– , – :– : , , –, – , , , , , , , :– , , :– : , , , , , : , , , , , , ,
:– :– : :– : :– : : :– :– : :– : : :– :– :– : :– : : :– :– : : : : :– : : :– :– :– :
, , , , –, , , –, –, , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , –, , , , , –, , , , –, , , , , , , – , , , , , , –, , , , , , , , , – –, , , , , –, , , , – – – , , , ,
:– :
: :–: :– :– :– : : :– : :– :– :– : : : :
:–: :–: :–: :– :– :– :– : :–
source index
:
, , , , , , –, , , , , , , , , – , –, , , , – , , , , –, , , –, –, , , –, , , , , , – , , , , , –, , , , , , , , – , , , – , , , , , –, – , –, , –, –, , , , , , , , –, , , –, – , , , , , –, – ,
, , –, , , , , –, , , –, – –, , , –, , , –, , , , , , – , , –, , , , , , , , , , , , – , , –, , , , , , , , , , , , –, , , –, , –, , , –, , , , , , , – , , , , , , , , , – , , –, , , – , , , , , –, ,
:– :– : : : :– : :–: : :– :– :– :– :– :– : : : :– :– : :– : :– :–
:– :–
source index
Isaiah (continued) : , , –, , :– : , , :– : , , , , , –, – , , , , , , :– , , , – , : , –, , – :– , , , , ––, – , , , : , , –, – , , , , – : , , :–: – :–: , , , , , , , –, , : : : :– , , : :– : :– , :– : , : : : : :– : , , :– – –, , :– , :– , , , , –, :– , ,
:– :– : :– : : :– : : : :– :– : : : : :– :– : : : : : :– : : :– :– :– :– : :– : : : :– :– :– :– :–
, , , , , , , , , , , – , , , , , , –, , –, , , , , , , , – – , –, , , , , –, , –, , , , – , , –, , , , , , – , ,
source index :– :– :– :– : :– : : – :– :–: : : : : – :– : : :– : : :– :– : : :– :– : : : : : : : : – :–: :– : : :
, , , , –, , –, – , –, , , –, –, , , , – , , , , , , – , – , – , , ,
:–: : : : :– Jeremiah the book – : :– : : : : :– : : : : :– : :– :– : :– : : : : : : : : : – :–: : : :– : :–
, , , , –, –, , , , , , , , , , , – –, , , , ,
source index
Jeremiah (continued) : : :– : : – : :– – Ezekiel the book
: : :– :– : : :– :– :– :– : : :– : : : :– :– : :– :– : : : :– : :
, , , , , – , –, – , , , , , , , , , , – , , , , , , , , , ,
: : : :– : :–
:– :– : :
, , , , , , , , –, , –
Hosea the book :– :
Amos the book : :– : : : :
– ,
– :– : :– :– :– :– : : :– : : : :– –
source index Obadia the book
Jonah :
Micah :– : : : :
Nahum :
Habakkuk the book – : : :– : :
– –
Haggai the book :–
, –
Zechariah the book – :– :– : : : : :
– ,
Psalms the book : :– :
:– :– : : : : : :– : : :– : – :– – :– : : : :– : : – :– :– : : : :– : : : : : : : :
, , ,
source index
Psalms (continued) : : : Proverbs : : :
Job : : : : : :
Lamentations the book
– :– : :– : : : : :– : : : :– : : : : :
, –, –, – , , –, , –, –, , –, – , , –, –, , , –, , – , , –, – , , – , , , , , , , , , ,
: :– : : :– :– :– : : : : : – :– : :– :– :– :– : : : : : : : : : :
, , , , , – , , –, – , , , – –
Esther the book
Daniel the book
Ezra the book : : :– :
, , –,
source index Nehemiah the book : :– :– :
, , ,
Chronicles the book : :
Chronicles the book : : :–
, –
AUTHOR INDEX n. , , n. , n. , n. , n. and , n. – and , , –, , , , n. , n. , , n. and , n. , n. , n. , n. , n. and , –, n. , n. , n. , , n. –, n. and , n. , n. , , n. , , n. , n. , , , n. , –, n. , –, Berlin, A., n. Berquist, J.L., Beuken, W.A.M., –, , , , –, n. , Balentine, S.E., n. n. , n. , – Baltzer, D., n. , n. , – Biddle, M.E., n. Baltzer, K., n. , n. , Blenkinsopp, J., n. , n. , n. , n. –, n. , n. , , n. , n. and n. , n. , , n. , , n. , n. , n. , – n. , n. , n. , , , , n. , n. , – n. , n. , n. , Barkay, G., –, n. , , n. , n. , Barr, J., –, n. , , n. , n. , Barstad, H.M., n. , , , n. , n. , n. , n. , , n. , , n. , , –, n. , n. and , n. , , n. , , , n. and , , n. , n. , n. , –, n. –, , , n. and n. , , , n. , , n. and , , n. , n. , n. , – n. , –, n. , , , n. n. , n. and , Bass, D. Moody, n. and , , n. Baumann, G., n. , , and , n. and , n. , n. , n. n. , n. , n. –, Becker, J., n. n. and , n. , Begrich, J. , –, n. , n. , n. , n. , n. , n. n. , n. , n. , Behr, J.W., –, –, n. , n. , n. , n. , n. , , n. n. , n. , n. , Berges, U., n. , –, , n. , n. , n. , –, n. , n. , Abma, R., n. –, n. , n. , n. , –, – , n. , – Ackerman, S., Ackroyd, P.R., n. , n. Adams, J., n. , n. , , n. , n. Akpunonu, P.D., n. Albertz, R., , n. , –, n. , n. , n. , n. , n. Alter, R., n. Anderson, B., –, n. , , , n. , , n. , n.
author index
Block, D.I., n. Boase, E., , , Bonnard, P.-E., n. , , n. Bosman, H., n. Bowen, N.R., n. Brassey, P.D., n. , n. Brenner, A., –, n. , n. , Brettler, M.Z. , n. Browne, L.E., n. Bruggemann, W., n. Buttenwieser, M., , n. , n. , n. , n. Camp, C. , Carasik, M. , Carr, D. McLain , n. , n. , n. Carroll, R. , n. , n. , n. and , n. Carter, C.E. , –, Caspari, W. , Childs, B., n. , n. , n. , n. , n. , n. Claassens, L.J.M. , Clements, R.E. , n. , n. , n. Clifford, R.J. , –, , Clines, D.J.A. , n. , Cobb, W.H., , n. , n. , n. , n. , n. , , n. , n. , n. , n. , n. , Cogan, M. , , n. , n. Coggins, R.J. , n. Cohen, H.R. , n. Conrad, E.W. , Conroy, C. , n. Cross, F.M. , n. , n. Dahood, M. , Dalley, S. , n. , n. Dandamaev, M.A. , n. Darr, K. Pfisterer , n. , n. , n. , n.
Dick, M.B. , n. , , , Diesel, A.A. , – Dijk-Hemmes, F. , n. Dille, S.J. , n. , n. Dillmann, A. , , Dion, H.-M. , Dobbs-Allsopp, F.W. n. , n. and , n. – Driver, G.R. , Duhm, B. , , n. –, , n. , n. , n. , , , n. Durham, J.I. , n. Eaton, J.H. , n. , n. , n. Ehrensvärd, M., Ehring, C. , n. , n. , n. , –, n. , n. , – Elliger, K. , n. , n. , n. , , n. , n. Eph"al, I. , Eskenazi, T. Cohn , n. Fales, F.M. , n. Feist, U. , n. Finkelstein, I. , n. Fischer, G. , n. Fischer, I. , n. Fischer, R.W. , n. Fishbane, M. , n. , n. , n. , n. , n. , n. , n. Fitzgerald, A. , n. Fohrer, G., , n. Fokkelman, J.P. , n. Follis, E.R. , Franke, C.A. , n. and , n. , n. , n. – Frankel, R. , Freedman, D.N. , , n. , n. , n. , n. , , n. Frymer-Kensky, T. , –, n.
author index Gafney, W.C. , n. Gafni, I. , n. Galambuch, J. , n. Garscha, J. , George, A. , n. Gerhards, M. , n. Gershevitch, I. , Gitay, Y. , –, Gitin, S. , n. , n. Goldingay, J., n. , n. , , n. , n , –, n. , , n. , n. , n. , n. –, , n. , n. , , n. , n. , n. , n. , n. and , n. , , n. , , n. , n. , n. – , n. –, n. , n. , n. , –, n. , , n. , n. –, n. , n. , n. , n. , n. –, , n. , , n. and and , n. , n. , n. , n. – and , n. , n. , n. , n. , n. , n. , n. , n. –, , n. , n. , n. Gophna, R., n. Gordon, P. , n. Gosse, B. , n. Gottwald, N.K. , n. , –, n. , n. , n. and , n. Goulder, M., n. , , n. , n. , n. , , n. Grabbe, L.L., n. Graffy, A., n. , n. Gressmann, H., Gruber, M.I., n. , – Guillaume, A., Haag, E., –, n. Hackett, J.A., Hägglund, F., n. ,
Halpern, B., – Haran, M., Hayes, J.H. , n. , Heim, K.M., n. , –, – , Heintz, J.-G., n. Hermisson, H.-J. , n. , , , n. , n. , n. , –, , , n. , n. , n. Herrmann, S., Hess, R.S., n. Hessler, E., n. , – Holloway, S.W. , Holter, K., n. , n. , n. , n. , n. Hoppe, L.J., n. Horowitz, W., , n. – Huehnergard, J. , n. Hulster, I. de, n. Hutter, M., – Janssen, E., – Japhet, S., n. , n. Jeppesen, K., n. , n. , – Jeremias, J., n. Jong, M.J. de , n. , Jost, E., n. Joyce, P.M., n. Kaiser, B.B., Kapelrud, A.S., n. , n. , , , n. Kaufmann, Y., n. Keel, O., , n. Kiesow, K., n. –, –, n. , n. , –, n. , n. , , n. , n. , , n. Kilian, R., n. Kim, H.C.P., Kittel, R., –, n. and , n. , n. Kleinig, J.W., n. , Knauf, E.A., n. , n. Knight, G.A.F. ,
author index
Knoppers, G.N. , n. Kogut, S., n. Koole, J.L., n. –, n. and and , n. , n. , n. , , n. and , n. , n. , –, n. , n. , n. , n. , n. –, , n. , n. , n. , n. , n. , n. , n. –, n. , n. , n. , n. , n. , n. and , n. , n. , n. , , n. , , n. , n. , n. , n. , n. –, n. , Korpel, M.C.A. , n. , n. , n. , n. , n. , –, Kramer, S.N., n. Kratz, R.G., n. , n. , –, , , –, n. , n. , n. , , n. Krinetzki, L., Kuhrt, A., – Laato, A., n. , n. , n. , n. , n. Labahn, A., n. , n. , n. Landsberger, B. , n. Landy, F., n. , n. , n. , n. , Langdon, S., n. Leclerc, T.L., n. Leene, H., n. , Leichty, E., Leuchter, M., n. , n. Levenson, J.D., n. Lev-Yadum, S., n. Lied, L.I., n. Linafelt, T., n. , n. , , n. and , n. , n. , , n. , n. Liphschitz, N. , n. Lipschits, O., n. , –
Löhr, M., Løland, H., n. , n. Loretz, O., n. , , n. , n. Lund, Ø., n. and , n. , n. , –, , , n. , , n. , –, – n. –, n. , –, n. , n. and , n. , n. , n. , n. Lundbom, J.R., n. Lust, J., n. McDaniel, T.F., n. MacDonald, N. , n. McEvenue, S., n. , n. , n. , , n. – and – , n. Machinist, P., n. , , –, McKenzie, J.L., n. Maier, C.M., n. , n. , , –, n. , n. , n. , n. , n. , – Mandolfo, C., n. , n. , n. , n. Mankowski, P.V. , , –, n. Marböck, J., n. Marti, K., n. , n. Martin-Achard, R. , – Matheus, F., n. , n. Maynard, J.A., n. and , , n. , n. , , n. , , , n. , Mein, A., n. , n. , n. and Melugin, R.F., , n. , n. – , –, – n. , n. , n. , n. , n. , n. , , n. , Merendino, R.P., –, n. , n. , –, n. ,
author index n. , n. , , n. Mettinger, T.N.D., n. –, n. Meyers, C.L., n. , Meyers, E.M. , n. Michel, D., n. Middlemas, J., n. , n. , n. , n. , n. , n. , –, , , , n. , , n. , –, , Mieroop, M. van de, n. Millard, A., n. Millard, A.R., Miller, J.M., n. , Miller, J.W., Mintz, A., n. Miscall, P.D., n. , n. Moor, J.C.D. de , n. , n. Moughtin-Mumby, S., n. , n. , n. –, n. Muilenburg, J., –, n. , n. , , n. , n. Naidoff, B.D., Newsom, C., –, , – , n. , n. , , n. and , n. Nicholson, E.W., n. , n. Nissinen, M., n. , – North, C.R. , n. , n. , n. , n. , n. , n. , n. , n. , n. , , n. , n. , n. , , Noth, M., –, n. Nurmela, R., n. , n. and O’Connor, K.M., n. , – , , n. , n. , n. , n. , n. , n. Oded, B., , n. , n. , n. ,
Oorschot, J. van, n. , –, , , n. , n. , , n. Oosting, R., n. Oppenheim, A.L. , – Oshima, T. , , n. – Oswalt, J.N., , n. and , n. , n. Paganini, S., n. , n. , n. , n. , n. , n. Parpola, S., Patrick, D.A., , , , n. Paul, S.M., n. , n. , , – , , n. , n. , n. , n. and , n. and , n. , n. , n. , n. , n. Payne, D. , n. , n. , , n. , –, n. –, n. , n. , n. , n. , , n. , n. , , n. , n. , n. , n. , n. , n. , n. , , n. , , n. , n. , n. –, n. –, n. , n. , n. , n. , , n. , n. – , n. , n. , n. , n. , n. –, , n. , , n. and and , n. , n. , n. , n. – and , n. , n. , n. , n. , n. , n. , n. , n. –, , n. , n. , n. Pearce, L.E., – Petersen, D.L., , n. Pohlmann, K.-F., Pope, M.H., n. , Porteous, N., n. Propp, W.H., ,
author index
Rendtorff, R., n. Renz, T., n. Rezetko, R., Rignell, L.G., n. , Ringgren, H., n. Rofé, A., n. Rosenberg, S., n. Sacon, K.K., n. , n. Sawyer, J.F.A., n. , n. , –, Schaudig, H., n. , n. and –, –, n. Scheuer, B., n. , –, n. , n. , n. , , n. Schmitt, H.-C., , , n. Schoors, A., n. Schwartz, B.J., n. Seitz, C.R., , n. , , n. , , n. , –, n. , n. , n. , , , n. , n. , , n. – , n. , n. , n. , n. , n. , Sherwin, S.J., n. , , – Silberman, N.A., n. Simian-Yofre, H., n. , , , n. , n. Simon, U.E., , – Smart, D., n. , n. , n. , n. , n. and , n. Smith, M., Smith, M.S., n. Smith-Christopher, D.L., –, n. , n. Snaith, N.H., , –, n. Snook, I.R., Soden, W. von, n. , – Soldt, W. van, n. Sommer, B.D., n. , –, n. , n. Spek, R.J. van der, n. Spencer, B.J., n. Spykerboer, H.C., , , , , – , , n. , n.
Stead, M.R., n. Steck, O.H., n. , –, , n. , n. , n. , , n. , n. , n. , n. Stern, E., – Stinespring, W.F., n. Stoebe, H.J., n. , n. , n. Stolper, M.W., n. Stone, B. Wheeler, –, n. , n. , n. Stuhlmueller, C., n. Stummer, F., –, n. , Sweeney, M.A., –, n. , n. , Tadmor, H., n. Talmon, S., , , , , Talshir, D., – Tharekadavil, A., n. Tollington, J.E., n. Toorn, K. van der, , Torrey, C.C., –, n. , n. , n. , n. , n. , n. Tsumura, D.T., , Tull, P.T., n. Uehlinger, C., n. Vanderhooft, D.S., , n. , – , , n. , , Vincent, J.M., , n. , – , , n. , n. , n. , n. , n. Vriezen, K.J.H. , n. Wade, G.W., Waldman, N.M., Walker, C.B.F., Washinton, H.C., n. Watson, R.S., – Watts, J.D.W., n. , n. , n. , , n. , n. Watts, R.E., n. , ,
author index Weber, B., Well, R.D., n. Weippert, M., –, Werlitz, J., n. , Westermann, C., n. , –, , n. , n. , n. , n. , n. Whybray, R.N., , n. –, n. , n. , n. , n. , n. Wilcox, P., n. Willey, P. Tull, n. , n. and , –, n. , , , n. , n. , n. – and , n. , , n. –, n. , n. – Williams, D. Paton, n. Williamson, H.G.M., n. , n. , n. , n. , n. , –, n. , n. ,
n. , –, , n. , n. , , n. , n. Wilshire, L.E., n. , Wischnowsky, M., n. Woude, A. van der, n. , n. , –, n. , , –, n. Young, I., Zadok, R., – Zapff, B.M., n. , n. , n. , – Zehnder, M.P., n. Zenger, E., , n. , n. , n. , n. Zimmer, H., – Zimmerli, W., n. , n. , , n. , n. , n. , n. , Zorn, J.R.,
SUBJECT INDEX Abram/ Abraham, –, , –, Akkadian, , , , –, – , , , Ak¯ıtu festival, –, , Aramaic, , –, –, , Assurbanipal, , , Baal Cycle, Benjamin, area of, –, – Bethel, , , – Casiphia, –, Cyrus, , , –, , , , – , , –, , , , –, –, , , –, , –, –, , , – , , , , , , , , , , Cyrus Cylinder, , , –, Damascus, Darius I, , –, Deuteronomistic History (DtrH) –, Deuteronomistic Redactor, Deuteronomistic Theology, Edom, , , , Egypt, , , , , , , , , –, , , –, –, , –, –, , Elephantine, , , Enûma Elîˇs, , – Esarhaddon, , , , Ethiopia/ Kush, , , Euphrates, , , , , Fauna, , , , Flora, , , , –,
Form criticism, , , –, , Gilgamesh, Epic of, Hebrew, – Idols, idolatry, , , , –, – , –, , , –, , –, –, , Isaiah ben Amos, , , Jehoiachin, , , , Jordan, , , Joshua, , Joshua (high priest), Josiah, Kedar, Kedarite, – Ketef Hinnom, – Lebanon, , , Levant, , , , –, , , , –, Leviathan, Loanwords, , , –, –, , , Marduk/Bel, –, , , –, , , , –, –, , , , Mesopotamia/n, , , , –, –, –, , –, –, –, , –, , –, , , Metaphor/ic, , , , –, – , –, , –, , , –, , –, –, , –, , –, – , , , , , , , , –, –, , , Metonym, ,
subject index
M¯ıs pî ritual, , Mizpah, , , – Murashu archive, –, Nabu/ Nebo, , –, – Nabunidus, –, , , , , Nebuchadnezzar, , , , –, , Neo-Assyrian cult/ Empire/ influence/ period etc. , , , , , , –, –, , , , , , , Neo-Assyrian prophecy, –, Neo-Babylonian cult/ Empire/ influence/ period etc. , , , , , –, , , , , – , –, , , , , – , , , –, , , –, , Nippur, , Persian Empire/ influence/ period/ language etc. , , –, , , , , , , Personification, , , –, , , ,
Rahab, , – Reading drama, , , – – Redaction history (Isa –), –, , – Samaria, , , Sarah/ Sarai, , Sargon II, – Second Temple, , , , Seir, Sela, – Self-predication formula, , – Self-presentation formula, – Sennacherib, , , Servant Songs, –, –, , , –, –, – Shalmanezer V, Sin (moon-god), –, Sinai, , Sinim, , Sumerian, – Syria/n, , , , Tannin, – Tigris, Torah, , Zerubbabel,
