The Oracle of Tyre: The Septuagint of Isaiah Xxiii As Version and Vision (Supplements to Vetus Testamentum)

After a period of 70 years Tyre shall do her best to try to dra attention of the nations again, as in the past. In vs 16 she is com with a harlot who, after a period of having been forgotten around playing music (on the cithara) and singing songs, so th may be remembered. According to vs 17, God himself will tak tice of Tyre, and she will be restored to her ancient, glorious po in being again a port of merchandise for all the kingdoms o inhabited world. However, as is clearly implied in vs 18, this new situation wi be to the benefit of Tyre herself, but actually to the benefit o temple of the Lord and to the people who live on the temple m of Jerusalem (presumably priests and Lévites, cf. MT). The gain profit will be "a sacred gift" (oyiov) to be put in the treasuries o temple of God, because it is regarded to be "a tax (and as su memorial before the Lord" (eiç ouußoXfiv |j.vimó
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C Concluding remarks

From our discussion of LXX Isa. 23 the important conclusion can be drawn that, on the one hand, the Greek text differs markedly from MT, particularly in verses 1-14, but that, on the other hand, the Greek text in its own right turns out to be a coherent text to a large extent, syntactically, stylistically and semantically. Significant renderings and passages appear to be related to each other. It points to a translator who aimed at producing a meaningful text. The main difference between MT and LXX, on the level of contents, has to do with the presence and contextual function of "Carthage" in the Greek text. In contrast to MT which is about a destruction of Tyre, LXX refers to a destruction of Carthage with its serious consequences for Tyre. Instead of being powerful by sea thanks to the merchants of Carthage, the only thing left for Tyre is to till her land for the time being.

CHAPTER FOUR THE SEPTUAGINT OF ISAIAH 23 AS A VISION

The central issue of this chapter is the question of why the Old G version of Isa. 23, considering its own form and contents, has produced. This question concerns basically the genre of the tex the way in which the genre of our text (oracle/vision) was under at the time LXX Isaiah was written. It will be argued that "the v of Tyre", just as with other prophetic passages in LXX Isaiah, re the interest of the time, namely, the interest in prophecies as p tions. Before dealing with LXX Isa. 23 from this point of view will first give some examples of the great interest in propheci learned circles of the Jewish people in the Hellenistic period, bo Palestine and in Egypt. A Prophecy as prediction

In particular since the second century B.C., presumably becau the threat of their own national and religious identity in the firs of that century, a growing interest in both the Law and the Pro is apparent among Jewish priests and scribes of the time. In one or another the ancient prophecies were considered to be a sour hope, which was based on a reading and interpretation of prophecies as referring to events of the age in which the rea interpreters were living.' One of the earliest passages that reflects this attitude and inter Ben Sira 36:13-20. This text reads as follows in translation: Gather all the tribes of Jacob, that they may inherit the land as in days of old. Show mercy to the people called by your name: Israel, whom you named your firstborn. Take pity on your holy city, Jerusalem, the foundation for your throne. Fill Zion with your majesty, your temple with your glory. Give evidence of your deeds of old; fulfil the prophecies spoken in your name, See e.g. J. Barton, Oracles of Gad (London, 1986), pp. 179-213.

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reward those who have hoped in you, and let your prophets be proved true.2

This part of the prayer (36:1-22) contains motifs well known from the prophetical literature: the return of the tribes of Jacob to the promised land, and the restoration of Jerusalem and its temple.3 The author urgently pleads with God to rescue his people by fulfilling (Hebrew opn) the prophecies, or visions (the Hebrew text reads ]1TTI). It is clear from the passage cited that the ancient prophecies in question are seen as predictions which have not yet been fulfilled, although the hope is given expression that the time of dieir fulfilment may be close at hand. All this implies that the prophecies are envisaged as being still to be trusted as predictive revelations, though one gets the impression that this belief was disputed at that time. This may explain the phrase of vs 20b: "and let your prophets be proved true"

(in»' lirai).4

Anodier passage that offers a clear illustration of the interest in the oracles of salvation of the prophets is Tobit 14:3-5 (according to the longer version as attested by manuscript S5). The text reads in translation as follows:

(3) When he [Tobit] was dying, he sent for his son Tobias and gave him these instructions: "My son, you must take your children (4) and be off to Media with all haste, for I believe God's word spoken against Nineveh by Nahum. It will all come true; everything will happen to Asshur and Nineveh that was spoken by the prophets of Israel who were sent by God. Not a word of it will fall short; all will take place in due time. It will be safer in Media than in Assyria and Babylon. I know, I am convinced, that all God's words will be fulfilled. It will be so; not one of them will fail. Our countrymen who live in Israel will all be scattered and carried off into captivity out of that good land. The whole of Israel's territory with Samaria and Jerusalem will lie waste; and for a time the house of God will be in mourning, burnt to the ground. (5) But God will have mercy on them again and will bring them back to

2 For this translation see P.W.Skehan and A.A. di Leila, Tht Wixbm of Ben Sm (New York, 1987), pp. 413f. 3 The question as to whether Sir. 36 is an addition or not can be left out of consideration here. See M Gilbert, "Siracide" in DBS Xu/71 (Paris, 1996), col. 1404. * For the view that die book of Qphelet attests a critical position in this regard sec D. Michel, Qohtlet (Darmstadt, 1988), pp. 73f. 5 The fragments (in Aramaic, and Hebrew) of Tobit found at Qumran agree widl the longer version. See M.O. Wise, "A note on 4Q196 (papTob ar-a) and Tobit i 22", PT43 (1993), pp. 566-570. For the remains of Tob 14:2-6 in 4QTob ar see now DJD XIX, pp. 57-59.

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the land of Israel. They will rebuild the house of God, yet not as it first, not until the time of fulfilment comes. Then they will all return from their captivity and rebuild Jerusa splendour; then indeed God's house will be built in her as the prop trad foretold."6

It strikes one how much the reliability of the words of the proph emphasized here by Tobit in his last words: all words of the pro will be fulfilled, not only the words of doom (vs 4 [ending]), bu the words of salvation and restoration (vs 5b), albeit after a long It is further interesting to see that the rebuilding of the temple Zerubbabel and Joshua (vs 5a) is not regarded as the fulfilme prophecies: the temple was rebuilt at that time, but not as it w first (ox>x tic TÖV 7tp(OTOv)(cf. Esra 3:12). Instead, "at a later date" TOUTO) the city of Jerusalem and its temple will be rebuilt glori "as the prophets of Israel foretold" (tcaSàç eXaXricrav nept aÙ reportai TOÛ loparjX).7 So the criterion for the fulfilment seems that the "eschatological" temple should be as impressive as befor as beautiful as the temple of Solomon. In addition it is to be that the fulfilment of the words of the prophets is not limited t temple (vs 5a deals only with the rebuilding of the temple); rath concerns the city of Jerusalem and the temple within her.8 Another aspect which deserves attention here is that an "act ing" reading of ancient prophecies, in the sense of a fulfilmentpretation, was regarded to be not only a matter of particular in and wisdom, but also of a competence restricted to persons o highest scholarly level of the time. As has been pointed out b Fishbane, the reinterpretation of ancient prophecies was a mat scholarly study.9 Of a specific nature are cases, so he rightly obse "where the gap between promise and fulfilment widened" (p. 48 time. In these cases "the paradox of God's historical concern increasingly resolved on a more mysterious plane" (ibid.): interp tion became a matter of inspiration and revelation. This is for e ple clearly the case with the figure of Daniel in the book of D (and, by implication, with the authors of the book of Daniel as w In Dan. 9:2 we read that, in the first year of Darius, D "searched" (TT3) "in the books the number of years which, acco to the word of the Lord to Jeremiah the prophet, must pass befor 6

Translation according to The Revised English Bible. See also M. Rabcnau, Studien ftan Buch Tobft (Berlin, 1994), p. 169. For a slightly different view on the time of Zerubbabel and Joshua see Be 49:1 If. 9 M. Fishbane, Bibkad Inlapretatum in Anmnt Israel (Oxford, 1985), pp. 474f 7

8

THE SEPTUAGINT OF ISAIAH 23 AS A VISION

9

end of the desolation of Jerusalem, namely seventy years". The wis Daniel is inquiring into "the books" (D'"12D3)'° "in the hope of dis cerning the correct application of Jeremiah's seventy-year oracl concerning the period of Jerusalem's desolation" (p. 482). From th answer given by the angelus intafrres (vs 24-27} it is evident that th underlying concern is the question how to apply the seventy yea oracle of Jeremiah to particular events in the second century B.C Without going into the details of Dan. 9 it can be said that the specific understanding of the oracle of Jeremiah is seen as divine knowledge given to Daniel, the sage." This is in line with Dan. 2:21 God "gives wisdom to the wise and knowledge to diose who have understanding". Dan. 1:17 also is of much interest, because Daniel i introduced here as someone who has "understanding in all vision and dreams" (nicbm Jim ^DD pn 'TK'm). The same verb (J'3 Hifil + prep. 3) is used here as in 9:2.12 Daniel and his friends are all described as learned persons (God gave them "knowledge and proficiency in all literature and wisdom" [1:17aJ), but the (higher) wisdom of "insight into visions and dreams" is said to be the competence of Daniel. That the figure of Daniel is held to belong to the highest scholarly level is further evident from Dan. 5:1 If. In this passage the queen says to king Belshazzar:

There is a man in your kingdom in whom there is "a holy divine spirit" Q'iznp ]'rt7& m~l). King Nebuchadnezzar, your father, appointed him chief of dream interpreters, exorcists, Chaldeans, and diviners, because an extraordinary spirit and knowledge and understanding, ability to interpret dreams and explain riddles and resolve problems, were found in this Daniel.13

Another text which is, of course, of great significance in this connection is IQpHab. As is well known, "the reinterpretation of prophecy is a major exegetical feature of the Qumran scrolls"14, and IQpHab is one of the most important examples as far as the /wAer-literature is concerned. It is made explicit in this scroll, firsdy, that the prophecy of Habakkuk was looked upon as not yet fulfilled, because its author,

10 For the question which books might be meant here, see J J. Collins, Danitl, p. 348 ("presumably [...] the books of the Prophets"}. 11 Cf. Hengel, Judentum und Hellenismus, pp. 369-381. 12 See also 4QMMT C, 10 (DJD X, p. 59: "the expression -3 pn denotes here careful study of a written text"). 13 Translation according to Collins, Darnel 14 M. Fishbane, "Use, Authority and Interpretation of Mikra at Qumran", in MJ. Mulder (ed.), Mikra (Assen/Maastricht/Philadelphia, 1988), p. 373. See further e.g. D. Dimant, "Qumran Sectarian Literature", in M. Stone (ed.), Jewish Writings of thf Second Temple Perwd (Assen/Philadelphia, 1984), pp. 505ST.

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the prophet Habakkuk himself, did not know when the end of t would be, in which the predicted events are supposed to happ

And God told Habakkuk to write what was going to happen to generation, but he did not let him know the end of the age (col. vi

So the prophecy will be fulfilled in a time much later than seem suggested by the prophets themselves: "the final age will be ex and go beyond all that the prophets say, because the mysteries o are wonderful" (col. vii:7-8). Secondly, the Teacher of Righteousness is the one who kno inspiration, what the "mysteries", the hidden meanings, of a te that of Habakkuk are, as the comment at Hab. 2:2 indicates:

Its interpretation concerns the Teacher of Righteousness, to who has disclosed all the mysteries of the words of his servants, the p (col. vii:4-5).

See also col. ii:6-10 where it is said in a passage about the "last

They shall be violators of [the coven] ant who will not believe whe hear all that is going [to happen to] the final generation, from the of the Priest whom God has placed wifthin the Community,] to the fulfilment of all the words of his servants, the prophets, (by] m whom God has declared all that is going to happen to his people [

The Teacher was a priest to whom God has given the knowle the fulfilment-interpretation of the words of the prophets. That view which is dearly expressed in these passages. As leader community he is obviously to be seen as a leading priest. Wheth Priest of the last days (col. ii:9-10) is to be distinguished fro Teacher of the historical past in IQpHab as is argued byJ.J. C or not, is difficult to say, but both figures have the same sp characteristics in that they are seen endowed with divine w which enables them to interpret the prophecies of the past." since there are good reasons for identifying the eschatol Teacher and priest with the messiah of Aaron, that is to say, to r him as a high priest,17 diis again points to the fact that just as case of Daniel the ability to interpret ancient prophecies and vis related to a high position in society. In this respect die book of D and the texts of Qumran reflect a reality which is also very known from ancient Mesopotamia (see further below, section C

15 Translation according to F. Garcia Martinez, The Dead Sea Scrolls Tr (Leiden, 1994). 16 JJ. Collins, The Scepter and the Slar (New York, 1995}, p. 112. The que however whether the phrase, "whom God has placed [...]", is in favour of thi 17 See Collins, Scepter, pp. 114f.

THE SEPTÜAGINT OF ISAIAH 23 AS A VISION

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The interest in prophecies as predictions is, however, not restricted to the matter of "interpretation" (in the sense of pes/ier) of the pro phetic texts which were considered part of the "literary heritage" o the Jewish nation.18 This interest is also clear from the fact tha prophecies were created and composed at that time, both in Judaea and in Egypt. The most well known examples are Dan. 11-12, 1 Henoch 83-90, and Sib. Or. III. Also among the Dead Sea Scroll there are texts, unfortunately preserved in a fragmentary state, which belong to the genre of "eschatological" prophecy. The fact that these texts were ascribed to authorities ("wise men") of the distant past is quite understandable for two reasons: the prophecies in question were given authority, and they could be presented (published) as predic tions. The concern of these texts is with the fate of the Jewish people o a special group of that people, in (political) history. Basically, all these texts are about a period of (political) troubles to come, which will be followed by a new and bright future. Eschatological oracles were apparendy meant to overcome periods of national crisis, a phenomenon which is also well attested outside Judaism of the time, because similar texts are known from Ancient Egypt, Mesopotamia, and Iran.19 As has been pointed out by S.K. Eddy many of these texts do reflect elements of religious resistance to Hellenism.20 In short, in the Hellenistic period the mode of reading prophecies as predictions about the recent past, the present and the near future of the reader/interpreter was the prevailing one. The corresponding interpretation of the prophecies was a matter of wisdom and scholarship of a specific nature, an ability which was thought to be the privilege of wise men of the highest level within the society of the time (see further below, section C). An additional aspect of the fulfilment-interpretation should be mentioned. This is the belief that when part of the prophecies was seen as being fulfilled, the other part of it will also come true.21 This is the underlying idea of Dan. 11-12, and of other texts which are of the type of the so-called vatiania ex ftienta. As far as the interpretation

18 Gf. the expression "ancestral books" (icOTpia ßij&ia) in the Prologue to the Wisdom of Ben Sira (1. 10). 19 See the contributions byj. Gwyn Griffiths, H. Ringgren and A. Hultgard in D. Hellholm (ed.), Apocabptinsm m Üu Mediterranean World and iht Near East (Tubingen, 1983). 20 S.K. Eddy, 77« Kag u Dead (Lincoln, 1961). 21 There is of course also the problem of "delay" of fulfilment. In a text like IQpHab this problem is dearly a matter of concern (see col. vii:9-14).

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of ancient texts is concerned this belief is probably given express 4QMMT:

And we know that some of the blessings and the curses have been f as it is written in the bo[ok of Mo]ses. And this is at the end of day they (blessings and curses) will return to IsrafelJ [forever ...] and cancelled (C, 20-22; according to DJD X, p. 61).ffi

This passage is about the final fulfilment of the blessings and cur they are written in "the book of Moses". The eschatological int tation seems to be based on Deut. 31:29 (where also the expre "the end of days" is found; see also Deut. 4:30). The idea seems that at the end of days, the period in which the authors of 4QM believed themselves to live, the blessings and curses, some of w have come true already, will be fulfilled completely in the nea ture.23 The use of the verb "return", in the passage quoted, in the of "being fulfilled" is also known from texts in the Targumim. of these texts is Targ Jonathan Isa. 8:2, which also represent other example of the belief that when part of a set of predictions come true, the remaining part will also do so. This text rea translation:

And I will get reliable witnesses before me, the curses which I s bring in the prophecy of Uriah the priest, behold, they have come; so all the consolations which I said to bring in the prophecy of Zech the son of Jeberekiah I am about to let (them) return (i.e. to fulfil).

According to tradition it was this interpretation of Isa. 8:2 that, his colleagues were weeping because of the destruction of city temple, was a source of cheerfulness to R. Aqiba. "I rejoiced", said, "because the words of Uriah have been fulfilled and in future the words of Zechariah will be fulfilled" (Lam. Rabbah V

22 For a discussion of this translation see F. Garcia Martinez, "4QMMT Qumran Context", in J. Kampen and MJ. Bernstein (eds.), Reading 4QMMT Perspective! m Qymran Law and Hislmy (Atlanta, 1996), pp. 18-23. 23 For a similar view see Josephus, Antiquities iv, 125, where the following stat on the prophecies of Balaam is made: "And from all these prophecies havin ceived the fulfilment which he predicted one may infer what the future also store". 24 See also BTMaUot 24b; Sifrt ad Deut. § 43.

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B LXXhmah 23 as updated prophay

There are several indications that the book of Isaiah too was read an understood as containing predictive oracles which could be applied t events and persons of the time (the Hellenistic period). The passage o Ben Sira 48:24-25 about the prophet Isaiah and his words is of inter est here: By his dauntless spirit he looked into the future and consoled the mourners of Zion; he foretold what should be till the end of time, hidden things that were yet to be fulfilled.

This characterization of the prophecies of Isaiah by a learned scribe like Ben Sira makes clear that they were regarded as containing "things to come" (rrrra/râ èoóneva), "hidden things that were yet to be fulfilled" (lit. "hidden things before they come true": ]KQ '3D1? rmnOVicai TO dmOKpxxtxi jtpiv f\ rtapcryevEoflai aura).

The terminology used in this passage is typical of passages abou visions and oracles: For TÓèaóueva see also LXX Dan. 2:45, and Sib Or. Ill: 164, 299, 822; for rrnncû comp. Dan. 2:22 (RmnoD), and for its equivalent in Greek (TU dnoicpiMpci) see Th Dan. 2:22. As has been observed by scholars, Jesus ben Sira does not give any example of fulfilment-interpretation by applying a passage from Isaiah to persons or events of his time,25 but we do have evidence of this type of interpretation in the several pesharim on passages of Isaiah discovered at Qumran. As has been argued by Seeligmann, H.L Ginsberg and Fishbane, indications of a reapplication of texts of Isaiah are further to be found in Dan. 9:26-27 and Dan. 11, where citations, associations and lexical links occur that have been derived from the book of Isaiah.25 For instance, in Dan. 1 1 Isaianic language about Ashur is used which implies that passages such as Isa. 10:5ff. were interpreted as referring to Seleucid kings. Apparently, the name of Ashur was taken as a cipher, as a veiled allusion to the Seleucid power, a well known technique of this type of interpretation of oracles, and that of dreams as well.

25 Sec e.g. DJ. Harrington, "The Wisdom of the Scribe according to Ben Sira", in JJ. Collins and G.W.E. Nickelsburg (eds.), Ideal Figures in Ancient Judaism (Chico, 1980), p. 185. There is reason to believe that teamed scribes like Jesus ben Sira were not supposed to have the authority and ability of doing so. See also chapter V.A. 26 Seeligmann, Srptuagint Version, p. 82; I.L. Seeligmann, "Voraussetzungen der Midraschexegese", in Congress Valiant Copenhagen 19S3 (Leiden, 1953), p. 171; H.L. Ginsberg, "The Oldest Interpretation of the Suffering Servant", VT 3 (1953), pp. 400f; Fishbane, Biblical Interpretotum, pp. 489-491.

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It is against the background of this type of interpretation of o in the Hellenistic period that the prophecy of LXX Isa. 23 w dealt with. With other words, we will try to read and understa text of LXX Isa. 23 in being a "vision" from the hermeneutica of view of the time of its author. Our discussion of LXX Isa. 2 concentrate on specific themes or motifs as they have come chapter III.B. Where appropriate, attention will be given broader context of LXX Isaiah as a whole. The specific items

(a) Tyre and Carthage; (b)the land of the Chaldeans left without Assyrians {vs 13); (c) the injustice done to Sion (vs 12); (d)the future relationship between Tyre and the temple of Jeru (vs 18). (a) Tyre and Carthage

As we have argued in the previous chapter, the main theme text is the destruction of the city of Carthage and the disastrous thereof on the economics of Tyre, its mother-city. Instead of powerful by sea due to the merchants of Carthage, the only thi Tyre left is to till her land. From the point of view of fulf interpretation the question arises as to which event LXX Isa. 2 refer. J. Fischer has suggested that the verses about "the sh Carthage" (vss 1, 14) and about Carthage as city (vss 6, 10) in that the translator "die Zerstörung Karthagos 146 v.Chr. noch erlebt hatte".27 Seeligmann has put forward a different opinio cause in his view the chapter as a whole "purports to be one di ful lamentation for the destruction of the nXoia KapxnSovoç".28 vs 10 ("Till your land, for indeed ships no longer come Carthage") he states that this verse "may well be an echo from time when Carthage, after the destruction of its shipping and made an attempt to become an agrarian state instead of a com cial one".29 The difficulty with the views of both scholars is tha are not based upon a close reading of the Greek text as a whole use of the expression "ships of Carthage" as such is too small a for making a suggestion as Fischer does, and contextually spe "your land" of vs 10 is not referring to Carthage, but to Tyre. I view the chapter as a whole is not a lamentation about the de 27 28 29

Fischer, In welcher Schnft lag Jas Buch Isaas dm LXX vor?, p. 6. Seeligmann, Septitagmi Version, p. 90. Sceligmann, Septuagutl Version, p. 91.

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tion of the ships of Carthage, but of "the fortress" of the ships (vs 14) namely Carthage itself. The destruction of the island-city of Carthage in the Hellenistic period occurred in the year 146 B.C. It was carried out by the Romans, marking the dramatic ending of the Third Punic War.30 This event made a deep impression on people in antiquity. The fall of Carthage was seen as crucial at that time by the historian Polybius; it made clear to him that the Romans eventually had gained the power of the world. His description of the fall of Carthage ends significandy with a passage in which it is described as an event of major moment:

Scipio, when he looked upon the city as it was utterly perishing and in the last throes of its complete destruction, is said to have shed tears and wept openly for his enemies. After being wrapped in thought for long, and realizing that all cities, nations, and authorities must, like men, meet their doom; that this happened to Ilium, once a prosperous city, to the empires of Assyria, Media, and Persia, the greatest of their time, and to Macedonia itself, the brilliance of which was so recent, either deliberately or the verses escaping him, he said: A day will come when sacred Troy shall perish, And Priam and his people shall be slain (Iliad vi, 448f.).31

One senses a notion of apocalypticism here, because the destruction of Carthage is put within the long history of rise and fall of empires, that is to say, a point of view that reminds one of the book of Daniel. This feeling about the fate of Carthage as marking a crucial event is also basic to LXX Isa. 23. As we have argued above (chapter III.B) the fall of Carthage is related, in the perspective of this text, to the position of Tyre. In vs 4 and vs 1 la this position is expressed as "the power of the sea", and as having had "power by sea" respectively. Although actually Carthage had the command of the Mediterranean sea, especially in the third century B.C.,32 the city of Tyre could be seen as owing this great power to its role as mother-city of Carthage. The important thing is that, as has been pointed out in the previous chapter, LXX Isa. 23 reflects an awareness that actually Carthage was the mercantile power which dominated the sea. First of all, there is the differentiation between uetaßoXoc and ëuitopoç which presupposes that Tyre {and Phoenicia) was dependent on Carthage. Secondly, there is die interesting question of vs 8 ("Is she inferior, or has she no strength?") as to whether Tyre can be regarded as having w

See e.g. Polybius, Histories xxxviii 7f. 19-22. Histories xxxviii 22,1-2 (in the translation of W.R. Paton [LGL, 161, p. 439]). See e.g. Polybius, Histories i 16,7 (eain-noicpatÉia); 39,10. For economic links between Carthage and Tyre in the eariy second century B.C. sec J.D. Grainger, HcOaastic Phoenicia (Oxford, 1991), p. 203. 31

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the great power of Carthage. The answer is that Tyre is not in to Carthage because the merchants of Carthage are to be seen merchants of Tyre (vs 8b). Thus, whereas Polybius looks at the fall of Carthage from perspective of how the new power of Rome came to the for vision of LXX Isa. 23 can be taken as an interpretation of tha mentous event in 146 B.C. in the light of an ancient oracle of about Tyre. Seen from the perspective of this part of the Is tradition the new power of the world is not Rome, but as will be from vs 18 the city and the temple of Jerusalem are seen a central place of the world (see below). (b) The land of the Chaldeans

According to vs 13 "the land of Chaldeans" is desolate, "left wi the Assyrians because its wall is fallen". As has been discussed i previous chapter this passage implies, first of all, that Assyrians supposed to live "in the land of Chaldeans", i.e. Babylonia (fo relationship between Chaldeans and Babylon, see 13:9 and The view that Babylonia was part of Assyria is well known i Hellenistic period. Its origin may go back to the decision taken b Persian rulers to incorporate Babylonia into the satrapy of As ("Athoura").33 So it was possible, since then, to consider the c Babylon as the political center of Assyria (cf. e.g. Herodotus, His III, 92). The last part of vs 13 ("because its wall is fallen") implies Babylonia was invaded by an enemy. The wall of this text is prob to be taken as referring to the Median wall at the northern frond the region (see chapter III.A). From the "oracular" point of view the question arises as to event in the Hellenistic period to which vs 13 might allude. question is justified because, if the main topic of our chapter m perfect sense if understood as referring to an important event o time (see above, sub [a]), the same may apply to vs 13, the mo since this verse does not constitute an isolated passage, but is cl related to the fate of Tyre given the syntactical unity of vs 12LXX.

" See A.T. Olmstead, History of the Persum Empire (Chicago & London, 196 237; E. Stem, "The Persian empire and the political and social history of Pales the Persian period", in The Cambridge History of Judaism, Vol. I: Introduction; the P Pmod. Ed. by W.D. Davies, L. Finkelstein (Cambridge, 1984), pp. 70-87, esp.

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There are good reasons to assume that as part of the re-interpretations of ancient oracles the "Assyrians" were taken as a cipher for the Seleucid rulers. We did already mention the use of Isaianic traditions in Dan. 11 which presuppose this type of exegesis as far as Ashur/ Assyrians is/are concerned. A clear example of the name of "Assyrians" as a veiled allusion to Seleucid rulers is to be found in the Third Book of the Sibylline Oracles, which, for the most part, dates to about the same period as LXX Isaiah (mid-second century B.C.). The passage of lines 303-313 is an oracle of doom for "Babylon" and "the race of Assyrian men". Its first line reads: aiaî act BaßuXuv ffê ' Aocrupuov févoç avSpiâv. (Woe to you, Babylon, and race of Assyrian men)

The oracles of Sib. Or. Ill are referring to nations, cities, and political events of the time (third-second century B.C.).34 The passage following the one about Babylon, 11. 314-318, is about Ptolemaic Egypt and its "seventh king" (1. 318), presumably king Ptolemy VI Philometor.3 It means that the oracle about "Babylon" and "the race of Assyrian men" in fact refers to the center and the rulers of the Seleucid empire. Finally, also LXX Isaiah itself contains indications, in ch. 10 and ch. 14, that the "Assyrians" and "the king of Babylon" were taken as Seleucid rulers.36 Understood this way, vs 13 of LXX Isa. 23 seems to allude to a disaster that befell Seleucid Babylonia resulting from an invasion by some enemy. The fall of the city of Babylon is a well known motif in the Book of Isaiah (see ch. 13 and ch. 47). Interestingly, LXX Isa. 14:22ff. contains a passage about the downfall of "Babylonia", the country of Babylon. The first half of vs 23 reads as follows: LXX

Km 9f| THV BaßvXtoviav éprmov ÛXJTC KCrroiiceîv éxtvouç, KOU ëorai elç oùSév (MT ISp ÖTC1? nTDOl)

Vs 23 marks the ending of the long oracle about "the king of Babylon" and his sons in LXX Isa. 14:l-2337. It is not possible to go into all the details of this chapter (in comparison with MT). On the basis of the verses 19-20 in particular, it is probable that the Old Greek version of the oracle refers to the death of the Seleucid king 14 See jj. Collins, "The Sibylline Oracles, Book 3", inJ.H. Charlesworth (ed.), The Old Testament PsaJt/ngrap/ia, Vol. 1 (New York, 1983), pp. 354fT 15 SeeJJ. Collins, The &bylluie Chocks of Egyptian Judaism (Missoula, 1974), p. 44. 36 See Secligmann, Septuagml Version, pp. 84f., and Van der Kooij, Die altm Tcitefugen, pp. 35-43. 37 It may well be that the following verses, 24-27, of LXX Isa. 14 are to be taken, in contrast to MT, as belonging to the oracle of vs 1-23.

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Antiochus IV Epiphanes.38 The verses 21-22 are about the so this king, presumably his successors: they will be slain by the Lo the sins of their father, "so that they will not arise and inher earth and fill the earth with wars" (LXX vs 21b: 'iva ^T| dvanrrâ TT)v YOv KXripovonTJooxn Kai è(i7tXT|aoxn rf|v YHV noXé^tuv; cf. MT, e for the last word: LXX "wars", MT "cities" [D'~UJ]). The oracle up then with vs 23 where the fall of "Babylonia" is announce MT the textual situation is different: here "Babel" is mentioned 22b). So the destruction of the region of Babylonia is related t plan of God to make an end to die power of the Seleucid ruler It is to be noted that LXX Isa. 23:13 and the text just menti 14:23, display a specific relationship: both are dealing with "the of Chaldeans" // "Babylonia" (and not only with the ci Babylon), which is said to become a deserted area (cf. the u èpTinóco and of epnuov ti&imi respectively). Furthermore, as we have noticed in the preceding chapter, chapters show also a clear relationship between 23:1 la and I4 (which is not the case in MT): 23:1 la: r| 6e yf\.pCTOUOÙICÉTC ioxtei KOTO öcüinooov, 1 4: 1 6b: ofaoç à âvOpoMtoç 6 itapoÇwœv tf|v fff/, oetcov

In both cases the issue is that of great power, the difference being Tyre is said to be (no longer) powerful by sea, whereas "the man" the king of Babylon, is said to have been powerful by land (the e As to the question to which political event the text of LXX 23:13, together with 14:23, might refer, the text of Sib. Or. Ill, should be mentioned again, because this text has much in com with the passages of LXX Isaiah mentioned above; all are referri some disaster for Babylon/Babylonia and the "Assyrians", that say, the Seleucid rulers. As has been rightly observed by Debevoise the passage of Sib. Or. Ill is best understood as "pre ing" the Parthian invasion in Babylonia in the years 141-140 B Given the agreements between this passage and the texts of Isaiah just mentioned, it may be assumed that these texts are m to refer to the same event. It was in the years 141-140 B.C., that the Parthian king M ridates I invaded Babylonia and occupied it (including the mos

" Cf. Seeligmann, Septitagmt Vtrsim, p. 84; Van der Kooij, Du alten Tactzaig 39-41. 39 N.C. Debevoise, A Poüud Hulop ofPtathm (Chicago and London, 1938), (note).

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portant cities, Babylon and Seleucia on the Tigris); the Seleucid arm was defeated.40 Seen from the point of view of Jewish/Isaianic tradi tion the fall of Babylon/Babylonia marked a crucial event, indicatin the imminent end of the Seleucid empire. (c) The injustice done to Sim

The LXX version of vs 12a has it that people will say to Canaan Tyre (see vs 11): "No longer shall you any more insult and injure the daughter of Sion". This text suggests that Canaan/Tyre, at the time when it was in a powerful position, did cause trouble to Sion Seeligmann is of the opinion that "the translator actually did have in mind [...] the injustice suffered by the daughter of Zion, the Jewish people, at the hands of Canaan—which in this connexion, as in othe places in the Jewish-Hellenistic literature, must sureley [sic] mean the Phoenician towns".*1 He thinks of "the anti-Jewish movement in the Phoenician cities during the time of the Maccabean wars" (p. 89) such as is hinted at in I Mace. 5:15. As to the use of the verb dSiKEto in our text Seeligmann argues elsewhere (pp. 111 f.) that this term in LXX Isaiah carries the notion of hostility and oppression by enemies of the Jewish people. The text of I Mace. 5:15 is an interesting one indeed. It tells about a particular event at the time of Judas (Maccabee): messengers from Galilee announce to him and his brothers that

men from the cities of Ptolemais, Tyre and Sidon, and from all Galilee of the foreigners (xooov raXtXatav cAJko^iJXcov) have mustered their forces to make an end of us (i.e. the Jews in Galilee).

Though it might be that our text, LXX Isa. 23:12, refers to circumstances such as described in I Mace. 5:15, the difficulty with the suggestion of Seeligmann is that it is based on the equation of "the daughter of Sion" with "the Jewish people". In LXX Isaiah (and elsewhere), however, the expression "the daughter of Sion" refers to the city of Jerusalem (see LXX Isa. 1:8; 52:2), or, more specifically, to the temple mount (see 10:32). The text of vs 12 thus expresses the view that Canaan/Tyre treated Sion/Jerusalem despitefully. So the question arises to which events this part of the vision of LXX Isa. 23 might allude if we take the meaning of "the daughter of Sion" more strictly than Seeligmann does.

40 See e.g. K. Schippmann, QnmdzMgf da Partinsdun Gesdathte (Darmstadt, 1980), pp. 24-26 (and literature cited). " Seeligmann, Stptxagmt Vanm, pp. 88f.

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As far as the second century B.C. is concerned, the idea of inju being done to Sion/Jerusalem brings to mind in particular die cr events in the seventies and the sixties of that century when th tempt was made to hellenize the city of Jerusalem. It is therefore asked which factors or events might have given rise to the vie enmity of Canaan/Tyre towards Sion/Jerusalem at that time. A few passages from II Mace. 4 suggest that there were sp links between the Hellenizing party ofjerusalem and the city of T The passages in question are the following ones: - II Mace. 4:18-19:

When the quinquennial games were being celebrated at Tyre in presence of the king, the abominable Jason sent a delegation represe the Antiochenes from Jerusalem bearing three hundred drachmas to for the sacrifice to Herakles. The bearers themselves, however, dec not to use the money for a sacrifice, since that was not proper, b donate it to be spent for another purpose.

- II Mace. 4:32:

Menelaus believed that here was a favorable opportunity. He purlo some of the gold vessels of the temple and made a present of them Andronikos. In fact, he had sold other vessels to buyers at Tyre and neighboring cities.42

So the high priests, Jason and Menelaos, who were strongly in fa of the introduction of a Greek way of government different from traditional one, seem to have had a special interest in Tyre. It is further to be noted that the cult of Ba'al Shamem which introduced into the temple ofjerusalem as part of the Helleniza of the city was very much at home in Tyre. This element might h been due to links between the Hellenizing party ofjerusalem ( Antiochenes") and Hellenized cities such as Tyre.43 It has been gested that "Tyre's commercial success and prosperity would h made their gorj extremely popular with the Jewish hellenistic p and its aims, and some of the residents of Antioch in Jerusalem m have been from the Phoenician coast towns just as we Phoenicians at Marisa and Shechem".44

42

Translation, in both cases, according toJ.A. Goldstein, II Maccabees. Sec Hengel, Judentum und Hellaàsmus, pp. 543f, and S. Freyne, Gakltefiam ander the Great to Hadnm 323 B.C.E, la 135 C.E. (Wilmington and Notre Dame, 1 pp. 264C. « Freyne, Gaklte, p. 265. 43

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It is conceivable that these factors led to the view in Jewish leading circles which were strongly opposed to the politics of making Jerusalem into a Greek polis, that Phoenician cities like Tyre were to blame to some extent for "injustice" done to Jerusalem and its temple related to the Hellenization of city and temple. As I have argued elsewhere, LXX Isaiah probably has been produced by the circle of Onias IV,45 member of the high-priesdy family of the Oniads, who fled to Egypt at the time of the crisis. If so then LXX Isa. 23:12 reflects a negative view on Canaan/Tyre of this Oniad party. The involvement of Tyre and Phoenicia in one way or another in the Hellenization of city and temple may also have been the background of a similar anti-Phoenician view in circles that supported Judah Maccabee. In his work Concerning the Kings in Judaea the Jewish priest and historian Eupolemus from Jerusalem (mid-second century B.C.; supporter of Judah Maccabee) in describing the achievements of David deals also with the relationship between David and Hiram, king of Tyre. Different from the ancient traditions in the Books of Kings and Chronicles Eupolemus' account displays an antiPhoenician bias, because in his version David campaigned against "Souron, king of Tyre and Phoenicia, whom he also forced to pay tribute to the Jews".*6 Scholars have argued that the account of Eupolemus reflects the contemporary political scene, which strongly suggests that this change of tradition was done for polemical reasons (as is usually the case with the genre of "creative history").47 In contrast to the view of Tyrian historians of the time like Menander and Dius, who, as has been pointed out by Mendels,48 were emphasizing the superiority of Tyre over the Jews, Eupolemus expresses the view that the culture of the Jews is more respectable than, and superior to, that of the Phoenicians since Moses was the first wise man; he gave the alphabet to the Jews first, and then the Phoenicians received it from the Jews (Fragment I). (d) Tkejuturc relationship between Tyre and Jerusalem

Our last item concerns vs 18 of LXX Isa. 23, the verse which is part of the "real" prophecy of the chapter as a whole (verses 15-18). This verse therefore can not be read as reflecting a fulfdment-interpreta45

Van der Kooij, Du ahm Tacl&ugm, pp. 50-55. « See Holladay, Fragments Vol. I, p. 117. " See Wacholder, Eupobmus, pp. 134f., and D. Mendels, The Land of Israel as a Political Concept tn Hasmonean Literatare (Tübingen, 1987), pp. 140f. « Mendels, Land of Israel, pp. 135-138.

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tion; it rather expresses expectations for the future. Yet it mig worthwhile to try to understand vs 18 against the background o time of the translator. It reads in translation:

The merchandise of Tyre and her gain shall be a holy gift to the Lo shall not be gathered for them, but for those who dwell before the (shall be gathered) all her merchandise, to eat and to drink and filled, for a contribution, a memorial before the Lord.

The underlying idea of this verse is that the profit of all tradin Tyre will be a holy gift and a regular tribute (o-unßoXi\) to the Lo shall be to the benefit of the temple in Jerusalem and its pers One is reminded here of other texts in LXX Isaiah about the s did future of Jerusalem such as LXX Isa. 60:5-7:

Then shall you see and fear and be amazed in your heart, for the w (nXoûtoç) of the sea shall come round to you, and of nations and peo and herds of camels shall come to you, and the camels of Madiam Gaphar shall cover you. All from Saba shall come bearing gold, and bring frankincense, and they shall proclaim the salvation of the Lo

The honouring of Jerusalem and its temple by the nations with s did gifts is not only part of an expected new future, but was accor to II Mace. 3:2 reality at the time of the pious high priest O (Onias III):

The kings ofthat time did honour the place [Jerusalem] and magnifie temple with their best gifts (cniooroXaîç raîç icpatio-taiç).

It is, however, to be observed that LXX Isa. 23:18 is not a occasional gifts or presents. As we have argued in chapter III point of this text is that Tyre will be obliged to collect her profit her world-wide trading on sea as a regular contribution or («roußoXri) to the temple authorities of Jerusalem. The idea that T will be obliged to pay tribute to Jerusalem only makes sense if T and Phoenicia as well, is thought of as becoming politically dep ent on Jerusalem. Within the whole of LXX Isaiah this idea is understood in connexion with expectations about a central positio Jerusalem in a world-wide kingdom. Texts like LXX Isa. 9:7 11:10 are of particular interest here.

" Compare also LXX Isa. 61:6: "But you shall be called priests of the Lord ministers of God; you shall cat the material possessions of nations (io%w è , and shall be admired because of their wealth".

THE SEPTÜAGINT OF ISAIAH 23 AS A VISION

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- LXX Isa. 9:7: MeyóXri f] opxn aùroû, Kai Tf\c, eipiîvnç aùtoi OÙK ëonv öpiov éiciTOVepóvov AawS Kai ù|v pamXeiav ainoû KUTopOûaai avrnv Kai ävnXoßeaöai avtfi; èv BiKOicxriivTi Kai èv Kpifum ana too vOv Kai eiçTOVairâva jcpovov {Great is his rule, and of his peace there is no border to the throne of David, and his kingdom, to establish it, and to support it with judgment and with righteousness, from now and for ever)

(MT [vs 6] fp p« Dt n ~m KCO *? np-iu3i DBDQD rroio^ nrw 071» im nriüo) "Great" shall be the rule of the new leader, and his peace shall have no öpiov, "border". According to MT peace will have no end in time (fp), but the choice of öpiov in LXX suggests another meaning: the peace will have no "border", geographically speaking, to the throne of David and his kingdom. LXX expresses here the idea of a peace which goes beyond the borders of the kingdom of David; it is a peace all over the world which will be realized by God (and not by the kingly figure) according to vs 6 (ending): éycl) yàp âÇeo eipiivnv èniTOÙÇapxovroç (MT [vs 5] Ql^ti IB ID "3»)

"I", i.e. God, shall bring peace to the rulers. Presumably, the rulers of the eardi are meant here, because the peace will be world wide.50 The beginning of vs 7, "great is his rule", is likely to have the same meaning, a rule all over the world. - LXX Isa. 11:10: Kai Ëatai èv tfj T(iépq ÈKeivr| r| piÇa TOÛ leooai KOti 6 àvujTOjffivoç ofyfiv èOvôv, en' aurai ëOvri ÈJjnoûai Kai ëcrrai f\ àvanavroiç avroû Tt(iT) (And that day there shall be the root of Jesse, also the one who will arise to rule (the) nations; in him the nations shall hope, and his rest shall be honour) 50 Cf. Seeligmann, Stptoagml Version, p. 119, and R. Hanhart, "Die Septuaginta als Interpretation und Aktualisierung. Jesaja 9:l(8:23)-7(6)", in A. Roß and Y. Zakovitch (eds.), hoc ie> SaUgmam Votant. Vol. DJ: J/m-Hetnui Section Jerusalem, 1983), p. 345.

(MT mai) oft -tau TCK TB' anio Kinn DI-D rrm TDD irraa nnvn HOTT D*U r1»)

The main differences between MT and LXX concern the p "also the one who will arise to rule nations"51 (MT: "[the ro Jesse] who will stand as a sign of nations"), and the verb "to hop MT "inquire" (E~n).

Both passages reflect the hope of a world-wide kingdom with Je lem as center. The rule of the new leader, a kingly figure, w great; he will reign over the nations. Seen from the perspecti LXX Isa. 23:18 Phoenicia, with Tyre, will be one of these nati

Quite interestingly, as in the case of the previous section (c), th aspects mentioned, the tax to be paid by Tyre to Jerusalem Phoenicia/Tyre being submitted to the authorities in Jerusalem, a clear parallel in the writings of Eupolemus. As to the first ele Eupolemus retells the story of David as one who forced Tyre Phoenicia to pay tribute (i|>opODç ùitoieXeiv) to the Jews. And as aspect of Tyre being submitted to Jerusalem, it is most reveali see how, according to Eupolemus, king Solomon is addressed i ters by the king of Tyre and by the king of Egypt as well. Both Souron of Tyre, and Vaphres of Egypt, address Solomon as " king" (paoiXel neydXip). The heading of their letters thus clearly gests a position of Phoenicia and Egypt as client kingdoms, be the use of the title "great king" places Solomon in the class of of the world, as this tide was used from Assyrian times onwards Eupolemus' own time to denote a world emperor.52 C Concluding remarks

The above may have shown that LXX Isa. 23 makes good se read in line with the hermeneutics of the time, that is to say, if un stood as a predictive text which may refer to specific political e at the time of its author. Since this text is a translation it means an older oracle about Tyre, referring to events in earlier times rendered to the effect that a new oracle about Tyre was prod which could be read as a prediction of events in the second cen B.C. So, as to genre and function, LXX Isa. 23 corresponds to

51 See also LXX Num. 24:7 (èÇeteùcE-rai àvOpoHHx; ÊKTOÛoicépuatoç aùro KupieOaei éOvûv itoAAüv). H Cf. Wacholder, Eupolama, p. 159.

temporaneous texts like Dan. 11 and Sib. Or. Ill, prophecies which, though being presented as oracles and visions, contain in fact for the most part vaticinia ex eveniu. The only difference is that LXX Isa. 23 also represents a translation of an ancient prophecy in Hebrew. Thus, the Old Greek version of Isa. 23 can be characterized as a translation which was made on the basis of a fulfilment-interpretation of the underlying prophetic text in Hebrew, the result being a reapplication of an ancient prophecy. All this is in line with the rendering of the heading of LXX Isa. 23 as TO opcena Tvipou As we have noted above (chapter III) the lexical choice of optima (or opaaiç) for Hebrew KÓD is typical of LXX Isaiah. So our text, and other oracles in the book of Isaiah as well, present themselves as a "vision". The choice of this term reflects an interest in prophecy as "vision". This corresponds not only with Isa. 1:1, but also with the usage of its Hebrew equivalent (]im) in texts like Dan. 1:17; Ben Sira 36:15, and 11QIV col. 22:13. In the first part of this chapter it has been pointed out that the actualizing reinterpretation of ancient prophecies was the competence of scholars of the highest level of the time, sages like Daniel and the Teacher of Righteousness. As far as temple circles are concerned, leading priests, and of course especially the high priest himself, seem to have had the authority and competence of this type of interpretation. The Teacher of Righteousness clearly belongs to this category. Also Josephus, priest and historian, claims to be "an interpreter of dreams and skilled in divining the meaning of ambiguous utterances of the Deity"; "a priest himself', so he continues, "and of priestly descent, he was not ignorant of the prophecies in the sacred books" ( War 3,352).53 As is clear from this place, and from others as well (see e.g. Dan. 1:17), the actualizing interpretation of visions appears to be similar to the interpretation of dreams, a phenomenon which also applies to the /«sAw-technique.54 LXX Isa. 23, then, if seen as a reapplication of an ancient prophecy, has been produced under the authority of a sage like Daniel or the Teacher of Righteousness. As I have argued elsewhere the scholar or sage who was responsible for LXX Isaiah was a member of the high-priestly family of the Oniads, namely Onias IV.55 The interpretation of ancient oracles as being the competence of the most important scholars of the time has its analogies in other " See e.g. S. Mason, flown Josephus an Ihi Pharisees (Leiden, 1991), pp. 267-272. 54 Gf. Dimant, "Qumran Sectarian Literature", in M. Stone (ed.), Jewish Wnüngs of the Second Temple Pemd, pp. 505f. (and the literature cited). 55 Van der Kooij, Du alten Textteugen, pp. 60-65.

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countries and cultures of the time. In Egypt the iepOYpamiaiei scribe of the House of Life, a leading priest, is the one who h authority and ability to interpret dreams and to predict the futu the basis of ancient writings.56 As far as Babylonia is concerne interesting fact is that the book of Daniel clearly points to the cu setting of that country; Daniel, the sage, is presented here o highest scholarly level, namely that of the court of the king. know from Mesopotamian sources, the scholars at the court king were the most important scholars of the Assyrian or Baby empire. Central to their activity is the idea of the protection king. They did so "by watching for and interpreting the signs th gods sent and advising the king how these signs should be re to".57 It has further been observed that these scholars were versed in the Scriptures". "Everything in their correspondence it patently clear that their learning, way of thinking and profes competence were based on and moulded by an intensive study "Scriptures", the professional lore accumulated by earlier gener of scholars".58 The image of Daniel in Dan. 1 -6 fits in very well with this of the scholars of ancient Assyria and Babylonia; in these chapt is concerned with the fate of the Babylonian king and his empi the following chapters (7-12), however, the situation is differen they are concerned with the survival of the Jewish people with setting of world history.59 As to the production of our text, LXX Isa. 23, we can dr parallel now with the activities of the court scholars just mention has been stated above dial the Old Greek version of Isa. 23 result of a reapplication of an ancient oracle of Tyre to the effec it could function as a recognizable prediction of events at the ti its author-translator. However, in the light of the data from Me tamia (and see also the book of Daniel) it might be better to de the process from another angle, by starting with the time of the preter which was also a time of great difficulties for the Jewish pe just like his colleagues in Mesopotamia a Jewish scholar interp

56 See K.Th. Zauzich, "Hierogrammat", Lcnhm da Apptologie, Bd. II, cols. 1201. " S. Parpola, Letters from Assyrian and Bafyloraan Schalars (Helsinki, 1993), p. 58 Parpola, Letters, p. xxvii. 59 See JJ. Collins, "The Sage in the Apocalyptic and Pseudepigraphic Liter in J.G. Gamtnie and L.G. Perdue (eds.), Tht Sagt m Israel aid the Ancient He (Winona Lake, 1990), p. 349. On the connection between the wisdom of Dani Mesopotamia see alsoJ.N. Lawson, ""The God Who Reveals Secrets": The potamian Background to Daniel 2.47", JSOT 74 (1997), pp. 61-76.

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the "signs" of his rime on the basis of ancestral, prophetical books, in our case the book of Isaiah, in order to help his people survive in hard rimes and to give them, at least the pious ones, hope for the future. This type of "visionary" interpretation seems to lie at the basis ofLXXIsa. 23. In sum, as far as the aspect of fulfilment-interpretation is concerned, the vision of Tyre in LXX Isa. 23 can very well be understood as witnessing to the interpretation of following political events as signs of the time in the light of the ancient oracle of Isa. 23 in Hebrew: - the complete destruction of Carthage by the Romans in the year 146 B.C., seen as having serious consequences for the position of Tyre, the mother-city of Carthage; — the Parthian invasion in Babylonia, presumably understood as a sign of the nearby breakdown of the Seleucid empire; — the involvement of Tyre, in some way or another, in the Hellenization of the city and temple of Jerusalem. As to this last item, it is interesting to see that the anti-Phoenician bias of LXX Isa. 23 is shared by a contemporaneous Jewish author (Eupolemus). The first and second item suggest a positive view on the Romans in the west and the Parthians in the east; one gets the impression that they were considered to be agents in the eschatological drama who were going to destroy the world powers of the time, Tyre, the power by sea, and Babylon, the power by land.

I CHAPTER FIVE

THE SEPTUAGINT OF ISAIAH 23 AND ITS HEBREW VORLAGE

Having dealt with the questions of "what" (chapter III) and (chapter IV), in this chapter we will discuss the question of "how translator did his work. Basically this concerns the question o the translator read and interpreted his parent text, syntactical semantically, and which devices he may have used to realize ticular rendering of the underlying Hebrew text. It will be clear, however, that a discussion of how the Greek Isa. 23 was produced presupposes an idea of the Hebrew Vorlag by the translator. For this reason the following treatment of verse of ch. 23, which aims to reconstruct the process from th brew parent text to its Greek version, will start with the quest the underlying Hebrew text of that verse (Section B). The preceding chapters (III and IV) may have left the reade the impression that it was taken for granted that the Vortage of Isa. 23 was very close to MT. As has been argued in chap however, it is the aim of our investigation to discuss the Greek t Isa. 23 in two respects, namely as text (including the aspects of c ence and contents)(chapter III) and as prophecy ("vision")(c IV), before the question of the underlying Hebrew text is dealt wi far, the MT was only used for the sake of comparison with the text. The advantage of this procedure is that a Greek version lik of LXX Isa. 23 can be taken seriously in its own right. The disa tage is that the question of the Vorlage is postponed to some exten effect being that an analysis as presented in chapters III and carried out as if the parent text were very close to MT. It is time to check this as far as LXX Isa. 23 is concerned. This procedure implies that the observations made and idea veloped in chapters III and IV will be taken into consideration fo question of the Hebrew Vorlage. Of particular importance is th herence in LXX Isa. 23 which, as we have seen, can be observ several respects; it may concern the level of syntax (see e.g. the of vs 2-3 and of vs 12b-l 3), the level of style (the preference of sp terms) and the internal relationship between verses (e.g. vs 1 a 10; vs 2-3 and vs lOa). These traits, and others as well, are to be into account in reconstructing the parent text. It means at least t

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III

would be unwise to reconstruct the underlying Hebrew ad hoc, that is to say, on the word level only, without due attention to the context in Greek. Another issue to be taken seriously in reconstructing the parent text is the point that the Hebrew of the Vortag must be correct, or at least plausible, grammatically and idiomatically, in terms of biblical and late-biblical Hebrew. Further, a variant reading must make good sense in its supposed (Hebrew) context.' Most important are, of course, the ancient witnesses in Hebrew available besides the MT itself: the MSS of Qumran, lQIsaa (IQa), lQIsab (IQb), 4QIsa« (4Qa) and 4QIsac (4Qc).2 As we will see, these primary witnesses, dating to the period from the second century B.C. up to the first century A.D., testify to a Hebrew text of Isa. 23 which was, at that period at least, close to MT (ketit). This does not mean that the parent text of LXX Isa. 23 is to be equated automatically with the available evidence, but it is certainly a weighty factor to be taken into consideration togedier with the other aspects just mentioned. Among the Qumran witnesses of the book of Isaiah the text of IQa has its own place.3 The passage of Isa. 23 in IQa, therefore, will be treated separately in order to deal with this passage in lQ_a not only in relationship with LXX Isa. 23, but also in its own right (section C). The odier ancient witnesses to the Hebrew text of Isa. 23, above all the Targum, Peshitta and Vulgate, will be left out of consideration, not only because this would require a study of these translations in their own right, but also since they date to a period of the history of the Hebrew text of Isaiah in which the proto-MT was dominating the scene. The only other ancient witness that will be used (as far as available) in some cases is the version of Theodotion (i.e. the kaigerecension of Isaiah; see also chapter VI.A). All the aspects mentioned so far will play an important role in our attempt to reconstruct the Vorlage of LXX Isa. 23. Though it has been stated above that the question of haw the translator created his Greek version presupposes the reconstruction of the Vorlage, it is also true that this question of "how" can help us in finding an answer to remarkable dinerences between LXX and the supposed Hebrew text. As we have indicated already in chapter III.A, and as we will discuss 1 On these and other aspects of the rétroversion see particularly Tov, Tht TextCnttcol Use of the Septuogoit, pp. 57ff. 2 As for the 4QIsaiah materials see now DJD XV (Oxford, 1997). 3 On this issue, see section G below.

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in more detail in section B of this chapter, the question of specific differences between the Greek and the supposed H were realized need not be a matter of a different Vorlage, but ca well be explained as being the result of a particular way of re and interpreting the underlying Hebrew text, both syntacticall semantically. Here we touch upon the question of how one thin translator did his work. The following section (A) is meant to clear which image of the translator of the Book of Isaiah into is presupposed in our discussion in section B. A The translator as scribe

In my study, Die alten Textzeugcn des Jesajabuches, I argued th author of LXX Isaiah is to be seen as a learned scribe.4 Gen speaking, however, the translators of the Old Greek version Hebrew Bible are considered to have been very much like a "d man", that is to say, someone who is trained in giving an ad ho literal translation, either in the setting of an oral communicati in a situation where a translation of a written document is requ Although it is not to be denied diat translators of the books o LXX can be compared with professional dragomans (e.g. drago at the court), as will be argued below, the evidence available in points to the milieu where the "biblical" books were read and stu that is the milieu of scribes? In order to be able to produce a Greek translation of an an literary text in Hebrew, like that of the book of Isaiah, it may re ably be assumed that the translator was someone who was train the "reading (aloud)" (»npn/órvóyvoxnc; see below) of such a This is likely not only in the light of the available data (see below

* Van der Kooij, Die alien TaOvugen, pp. 62ff. 5 See in particular C. Rabin, "The Translation Process and the Character Septuagint", Texlas 6 (1968), pp. 21ff.; E. Bickerman, Studies I, pp. 177(T; S.P. "The Phenomenon of the Septuagint" in The Witness of Tradition (Leiden, 197 19f; S.P. Brock, "Aspects of Translation Technique in Antiquity", GRBSW pp. 69-87; S.P. Brock, "Translating the Old Testament", in D.A. Carso H.G.M. Williamson (eds.), It is Written Scripture Citing Scnflme. Essays in Ho Barnabas Lindars (Cambridge, 1988), pp. 87-98; J. Barr, ""Guessing" i Septuagint", in Sunken cur Sepcuaginta—Robert Han/tart zu Ehren. Hrsg. von D. Fra U. Quast und J.W. Wevers {Göttingen, 1990), pp. 19-34. 6 For what follows in dûs section (A), and also for a presentation of the vi scholars mentioned in the previous note, see A. van der Kooij, "Zur Frag Exegese im LXX-Psalter. Ein Beitrag zur Verhältnisbestimmung zwischen O und Übersetzung" (forthcoming), and idem, "Perspectives on die Study Septuagint: Who are the Translators?" (forthcoming).

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is also understandable for the following reasons: the Hebrew text of the books concerned was unvocalized, and these books, which made up the literary heritage of the Jewish nation, were written in a language ("biblical Hebrew") that was more a part of the tradition than of everyday life in the second century B.C. As will be obvious, diis implied some interpretation, on a basic level at least, of a Hebrew text like that of the book of Isaiah. Since literary texts such as the book of Isaiah were regarded as belonging to the collection of the so-called "ancestral writings" (cf. Prol Één Sira 10: jraipia ßißXia),7 scrolls which primarily were at home in die sacred domain of the temple of Jerusalem at that time (second century B.C.), one may assume that the knowledge and the expertise of the "reading" of these texts is to be looked for, first of all, in the milieu of the temple (priests, and Levites/"scribes of the temple"8). A clear indication for diis can be found in Neh. 8:8 where it is said of the Lévites: "They read from the book, from the Law of God" (trrfJH n~nrO loon lR~lp1|'l). This passage is about the "reading aloud" in public from the Law by Lévites. The fact that these Lévites apparently were able to do so means that they had got enough practice in "reading" the Hebrew text of the Law. Another text which clearly indicates that the skill of "reading aloud" the ancient "ancestral" books was basic to the (Jewish) scribe of the time is to be found in the Prologue to the Wisdom of Ben Sira. In 1. 7-11 the grandson praises his grandfadier as a scholar who éiti jiteîov èavuov Soùç etc œ tiiv TOÛ vónou KOI tav npo$i\tâv icai HÖV äXXtov Jtatpicov ßißXicov ctvorfvawiv ical évTOVTOIÇiicavf|v ëÇw ïtepinoinaOHEvoç (who had devoted himself for a long time to the "reading" of the Law, the Prophets, and the other books of our ancestors, and developed a thorough familiarity with them).9 Here the "reading" of the "ancestral books" carries the connotation of the "study" of diese books.10 Although it is a matter of dispute whether Jesus ben Sira was a priest," it is evident that he can be seen as a "scribe", in particular on the basis of the passage on the wisdom of the scribe in 38:24-39:11 (cf. TBTO/ypamiaTEUc in 38:24). As this 7 On this terminology see A. van der Kooij, "Canonization of Hebrew Books Kept in the Temple of Jerusalem" (forthcoming). 8 For this expression see the Jetter of Antiochus III as transmitted by Josephus (Antiquities xii, 142: oi ypowicneli; toO iepou [listed after "the priests" and before "the temple-singers", i.e. at the place of the Lévites]). 9 According to the translation (except for "reading" instead of "study") by P.W. Skchan in Skchan and Di Leila, The Wisdom o/Bm Sira. 10 Cf. H. Stadelmann, Ben Sira als Sclin/igelt/irtiT (Tübingen, 1980), p. 257. 11 See Gilbert, "Siracide", in DBS XU/71, col. 1405.

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passage makes clear, a scribe was a literate person (literatus) who a social point of view, belonged to the leading circles of societ This is in line with the picture given in another document time, the so-called Letter ofAristeas. Here the translators of the L presented as learned persons of noble parentage, who were se by the High Priest (§ 121). It is said of them that they were fa with the Law (§ 32), that they had a great knowledge of and i into its meaning (§ 1 22), and that they had studied the Judaea guage and the Greek language as well (§ 1 2 1 : oïtiveç où nóvov lo'uSaiicâiv Ypaujiótrov ëÇw nEpienoinoav aùtotç, àXià rai tf EXXî|vitco>v e$povTiaav où rcapépTioç icaTCKncewjç}. The use of ypà in this passage means that both languages in their written for envisaged. The présentation of the translators of the Law in the Le certainly an ideal one (the translators as the best philosophers there is reason to believe that basically it reflects (social) reality. the culture of the time that tranlations of "ancestral books" produced by respected persons, both in the sense of being of birth and of being learned, who were asked by leading auth (such as the High Priest) to do so. The important thing is that o this way could a translation (into Greek) of writings belonging literary heritage of a nation be accepted officially. An interestin allel is known from the Persian period. On the orders of the P king Darius I a company of Egyptian scholars ("the wise [...] a the military, priesthood and scribes of Egypt") produced an Eg law-code and its Aramaic translation.12 As to the work of the translators itself (the translation of the into Greek), the Letter of Aristeas is unfortunately very brief, bu 305b the following interesting statement is found:

éTpéîiovTO npôç THV övÓYvucnv icon. TTIV ÉKâffrov (they turned to the "reading aloud" and the interpretation of ever sage).

The work of translating the Hebrew text turns out, according t passage to be based, first of all, on the avoyvcuo-ic, the "re (aloud)", of the text. This supports the idea of the translator as s since, as we have seen, the ability to "read aloud" ancient He texts is basic to the Jewish scribe. The second term used in the L SiaCTOitnioiç, denotes the aspect of interpretation (on this, see fu below). So the passage just quoted suggests that the translation

12 See E.G. Kraeling, The Brookfyx Museum Aramaic Pa/yn (New Haven, 19 30, and P. Briant, Histoire de l'empire perse lie Cyrus à Alexandre (Paris, 1996), p. owe the latter reference to professor André Lemaire.

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cess includes the aspects of the "reading (aloud)" and of the "interpretation" of the (Hebrew) text, before the actual translation was written down.13 Thus, it is likely that anyone who was accepted as a translator of the ancient Hebrew (or Aramaic) texts belonging to the literary heritage of the Jewish nation, actually was a scribe, that is to say, someone who was able, just as a scholar like Jesus ben Sira, to "read" the text of the ancient books and to give an interpretation of it. One may further assume that a scribe-translator was already familiar with the book to be translated. This is at least clearly implied in the picture of the translators as given in the Letter ofAristeas, and it is, for example, quite probable indeed that the grandson of Jesus ben Sira was acquainted with the work of his grandfadier before he translated it into Greek. For a proper evaluation of the idea of the translator as scribe it is now to be asked what, first of all, the aspect of the "reading (aloud)" may imply for the way a translation was produced. There are a few texts which provide, albeit roughly, an important picture. The Hebrew HDD for "scribe" is usually translated in LXX as ypajiuateiic (e.g. Ben Sira 38:24). Interestingly, LXX Isaiah attests a slightly different rendering of this Hebrew word understood in the sense of "scribe": ypantiaiiKOç {Isa. 33:18)14, a term which is also found in LXX Dan. 1:4 (for Hebrew run MTT). This word is well-known from Ptolemaic Alexandria, denoting a scholar who is able to "read" and "interpret" ancient texts {like the works of Homer). This ability is described with the technical expression YpaMHcmicfi téyyr] which, incidentally, is also found in LXX Dan. 1:17. The first and basic aspect of this skill is the dvoyvoxjic, the "reading aloud", which is described by Dionysius Thrax, pupil of the famous grammarian Aristarchus (second century B.C.), as follows: the àvffyvctxji; is the reading "with correct dramatic expression" (icaB' wiÓKpimv), rendering "correctly the musical side of the words employed" (KOTO itpooo)8iav}, marking "correctly the intervals" (icata8ia<noA.T)v).'5

13 The phrase iàv éKàtnov 5iac is also found in LXX Isaiah, but only in the sense of "secretary (of the army)". See LXX Isa. 36:22. 15 See W.G. Rutherford, A Chapter m the History of Annotation, tang Scholia Aristophmica,Vo\. HI (London, 1905), pp. 97f.

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Here also the text of Neh. 8:8 concerning the Lévites deserve mentioned again, because it seems to contain a similar idea re the "reading aloud", in this instance of a passage from the L

They read from the book, from the Law of God, clearly (ETISO) giving die sense (^30 DTO1), and they gave understanding in the 13'D'I).

The term "clearly"16 is best understood as referring to the as the clear pronunciation of each word, whereas the expression the sense" seems to refer to the intonation and the marking clauses and sentences. In doing so the Lévites gave understan the people in the reading aloud of the text. M. Fishbane com on Neh. 8:8 in a similar vein:

Such a lection undoubtedly involved care for exact pronunciation nation, and phrasing, so as to make die units of the piece and i tional sense readily comprehensible."

The interpretation of Neh. 8:8 as given in rabbinic sources is the same lines (except for KTIEB which is understood in the s "targum"). For instance, BT Meg. 3a has it that "PDÔ DTCT1 refers division of sentences, and that R~pQ3 TT:n refers to the divi words into clauses in accordance with the sense.18 Thus, the texts just mentioned, from Alexandria up Babylonian Talmud, point to a practice of "reading aloud" whi the following aspects: a clear pronunciation of each word, and intonation related to a division of words into clauses and senten the case of Hebrew texts which were unpointed and unaccented a reading implies an interpretation of the text, not only of words, but also on the level of clauses and sentences (cf. "ve FJements of syntax and semantics are clearly involved. One minded here of commentaries on biblical texts, like the pesha Qumran, which probably reflect the way texts were studied setting of a "school": the text to be commented on is cited in th of syntactical entities {clauses, and/or sentences). It would be in ing to analyze the quotations of a biblical text, such as in the of Habakkuk, in order to see, first, in which clauses and/or sen

16 The Hebrew CTISD does not refer to "targum" as is the case in the later r interpretation of the text. See A. van der Kooij, "Nehemiah 8:8 and die Que die "Targum"-Tradition", in GJ. Norton and S. Pisano (eds.), Tradition of (Freiburg/Gotongen, 1991), pp. 79-90. 17 Fishbane, AWtcoi Intaprctatom, p. 109. 18 See also, with some variety of interpretation, BT Hid. 37b; FT Meg. 4 GmR. 36,8.

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a given text was divided in comparison to MT,19 and, secondly, how these clauses and sentences were "read". As to this latter aspect it may well be that the accompanying comments provide clues for the reconstruction of the "reading" {vocalization, syntax) of the quoted text. In discussing § 305 of the Letter ofArisleas above it became clear that the "reading aloud" is only the first step of the translation process. The second step, i.e., the step between the "reading" and the translation, concerns the level of "interpretation" (5iaadi)ni
It is with the help of the model of the scribe-translator that we will try to analyze the relationship between LXX and the underlying Hebrew text of Isa. 23. An example from the book of Numbers may serve as 19

For this aspect sec also our discussion of early patristic commentaries in chapter

VI.

20

See Rutherford, Annotation, p. 188. 21 For this aspect in LXX see the important contribution of D. Weissert, "Alexandrinian Analogical YVordanatysis and Septuagint Translation Techniques", Talus 8 (1972), pp. 31-44.

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I ig

(c) The actual rendering into Greek. In the light of this the following explanation for our text, LXX Num. 24:7a, may be given: (l)The "reading" of the parent text on which the version is based, may be reconstructed as follows: "Water shall flow from his buckets, and his arm shall be in many waters". (2) The interpretation implied may be reconstructed as follows: - "water", that is: "seed" understood as of "man" (cf. the singular verbal form); - "buckets", that is: buckets containing the "water", i.e. "seed", here taken as referring to the people of Israel (cf. vs 5);23 - "his arm", that is: his might; - "many waters", that is: "many nations" (cp. Isa. 17:12; see also targumic literature). (3) The rendering into Greek, based on the "reading" and the specific "interpretation". The choice of the two verbal forms, éÇeXeûœTai and KupieuoEi, can very well be seen as free renderings to suit the interpretation of the metaphorical language.24 As may be clear from this example the use of the model of the .seriestranslator in order to try to explain the relationship between LXX and the underlying Hebrew text of Isa. 23 means that emphasis will be put more on the level of clauses and sentences than on that of single words. The attempt will be made to reconstruct the "reading" (dvoyvoxjic) of the Hebrew on which the translation is based, as well as the "interpretation" which may account for striking differences between the parent text and the Old Greek version, such as in Num. 24:7a. So our model of analysis will be that of "reading" + "interpretation" > translation.25

In applying this model we will try to reconstruct the process from the underlying and supposed Hebrew text (which has, of course, to be established first) to the actual Greek version of Isa. 23. Just as in the 2S For a parallel case of "water" taken as metaphor for "seed" sec Isa. 48:1 where the phrase "from the water of Judah" is to be taken, at least according to the Targum ("from the families of Judah"), as the "seed" of Judah. 24 For a comparable explanation of the differences between MT and LXX Num. 24:7a see G. Vermes, Scnpten <md TraMon mjueasm (Sec. revised ed., Leiden, 1973), pp. 159-160. More can, of course, be said about the LXX Num. 24:7a. An important contextual element is the fact that die rendering av6p
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case of Num. 24:7a the element of some specific "interpretat the Hebrew, particularly on content level, may turn out to much help in looking for an explanation of remarkable diff between the Hebrew and the Greek. As was stated above, it is not to be denied mat the transl the LXX can be compared with professional dragomans of th Both, the scribe-translator and the dragoman (e.g. at a cou learned persons who master two (or more) languages, thus bei to produce a translation, either orally, or in writing.

Daniel 1 offers a nice example of learned, bilingual Jews, i.e. Dan his friends, at the court of Babylon. It was part of their three-year tion to study the Chaldean language, both in its spoken and writte (cf. vss4, 17).

There is, however, an important difference to be noted betw scribe-translator and a (professional) dragoman. It is typica dragoman to produce not only an ad hoc translation (as is assumed), but also a translation of a text which is new to him. case of a scribe-translator the procedure is different, beca knows already the Hebrew text of a biblical book to be transla a scribe he is familiar with matters of content and of interpre This means, among other things, that a phenomenon such as h nization is to be expected. A few other aspects related to the model of the scribe-tra which deserve to be mentioned, are the following ones.

(a) First, the aspect to be emphasized is that the model of the translator does not say anything, in principle, about the style of lation ("literal", "free", or something in between). In the light great variety of styles of translation within the Greek bible this is in favour of our model, because that of the dragoman-tran does not leave room, strictly speaking, for different styles, unle postulates that every translation is to be regarded as a literal on seems to me, however, that the matter of style is due to the v and attitude towards the Hebrew text, both quantitatively and

26 Brock tends towards that view as far as the LXX books subsequent t Pentateuch are concerned: "Subsequent translators, while often drawing Greek Pentateuch for their choice of vocabulary, usually aim at (and achieve) even rendering—and a more literal one, for by now the biblical translat sciously sees himself in the role of mttrprrs {i.e. dragoman, vdK), rather than expositor?' ("To Revise or Not to Revise: Attitudes to Jewish Biblical Translat G.J. Brooke and B. Lindars (eds.), Septuagmt, Scrolls and Cognait Writings [ 1992], p. 325).

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I2I

tatively, adopted by the scribal milieu to which the translator belonged (compare for instance the different types of translations, such as that of Aquila on the one hand, and of Symmachus on the other).27 Of course, another factor might have been the degree of knowledge of Koine-Greek. {b)A second aspect to be considered is that of exegetical "devices" used by scribes as a means of realizing some interprétation of the text to be translated. Whereas the model of dragoman-translator seems to imply the idea that differences between translation and Vorlage may be due to "misreadings" and "errors", it may be argued that the Jewish scribe of the time had recourse to a set of devices by which he was able to interpret words and phrases in a way which, in some respects, is incompatible with a modern philological approach.28 (c) A third aspect which is of interest, is the question of the "readingtradition". Tov and Barr are of the opinion that a translator could be acquainted with the "vocalization" of the biblical text, because, as they assume, this text was read in public.29 Apart from the fact that we know so litde about the reading in public of biblical texts in the Hellenistic period, it may be clear that the picture of the scribetranslator leads to another idea, namely that the translator in being one of the scribes himself was trained in the reading of biblical texts, and as a result ofthat was familiar with a reading tradition. One may assume, that in scribal circles where the Hebrew text of the ancestral books was studied, a "reading" of these texts was practiced which was part of the tradition adhered to in a particular scribal milieu. The teaching of the "reading" of these literary texts, in the setting of a "school", implies that a "reading" was transmitted by teachers.30 This is not to say, however, that there existed a standardized reading in the Hellenistic-Roman period.31 This is not only out of question in view of the different "readings" attested by the ancient witnesses in par27 For ancient Jewish traditions which place Aquila in a scribal milieu see S. Lieberman, Greek m Jewish Palestau, pp. 17-19. 28 See Prijs, Jüdische Tradition m da Seftuaginta; Tov, TuA-Cntical Ust, pp. 162-180; Van der Kooij, Dit allai Tcxtzmgm, pp. 66-69. Concerning the interpretation of dreams and prophecies see also S. Licberman, Hellenism tn Jewish Palestine, pp. 70-82. See further the article by Weissert (n, 21), and the aspects of interpretative skill of the Alexandrinian grammarian, mentioned above. 29 Tov, Text-Critical Use, p. 105; Barr, "Guessing", p. 26. 30 Presumably, these teachers were members of the priestly class, as in Egypt of the time. See H. Maehler, "Die griechische Schule im ptolemäischen Ägypten", in E. van 't Dack, P. van Dessel and W. van Gucht (eds.), Egypt and the Hellenistic World (Leuven, 1983), p. 193. 31 For this matter see also EJ. Reveil, "LXX and MT: Aspects of Relationship", in A. Pietersma and C. Cox (eds.), De Septuagàita (Misrissauga, 1984), pp. 44-51.

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ticular cases, it is also very unlikely because of the pluriformity ancient Judaism. It may well be that in cases where the same H text was shared specific "readings" varied in different circles lieus within Judaism because of a different interpretation. It that a "reading" different from that of MT (i.e. the Hebre vocalized and accentuated) should not be judged, too easily, light of the MT, and/or in the light of our modern, philologica about the grammar and meaning of a given Hebrew text, as b misunderstanding. Seen from the perspective of the model scribe-translator it is more plausible to regard such a case as the "reading" of the text that was current in his milieu.

As to the last aspect (the reading-tradition) it is to be noted, ho that it has its limitations, in principle at least, as far as the actu interpretation of prophecies is concerned (see chapter IV). It ceivable that for the sake of an actualizing interpretation a "re plus "interpretation" of a Hebrew text was preferred which d from an older, "traditional" one. The question of the actualizing interpretation of prophecies us to the last issue to be mentioned in this section: the relatio between the scribe(-translator) and scholars, "wise men" like D and the Teacher of Righteousness, who had the authority of ap a prophecy to events of their own time (see chapter IV.A). It divert us too much from our main task to deal here with this qu in detail. The relationship between the two types of scholars fact to do with a difference of position in the hierarchy of scho the time. One of the texts which is illustrative in this respect i 1:17. It may suffice to quote this passage, and to make a few rem Dan. 1:17 reads (in translation):

God gave these youths (i.e. Daniel and his friends, vdK) knowled proficiency in all literature and wisdom, and/but Daniel had insig all visions and dreams.

Daniel and his friends represent die level of "scribes" (cf. ypauji in LXX Dan. 1:4), but Daniel himself has an additional gift: endowed with higher wisdom ("insight in visions and dreams also chapter FV.A), which makes him a scholar of a higher po than his friends. This may be compared with the difference in tion of the High Priest on the one hand, and that of the (s translators on the odier, in the Letter qfAristeas.32

32 For other data and observations in this respect, see Van der Kooij, D Texl^eugm, pp. 197-200.

L

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these places. It is further to be noted that the reading of MT 2 also attested by 4Qa.

MTTOO- LXX - : The fact that the reading of MT is support 1 Q.a> 1 Qp and 4Qa strongly suggests that the Vorlage of LXX tained this reading too. According to Ottley, "the Hebrew word have been overlooked before K13D" (Vol. II, p. 215). The HUB ed of the book of Isaiah considers the Greek KOI oiJKéti ëpxovtat the rendering of R13O PP3Q; its note says, "hardly om IT3D". The seems to be that the (free) rendering in Greek not only presupp in one way or another, Hebrew R1DQ, but also rP3Q. There is, ever, no indication for this. The Greek reflects a specific synta interpretation of the Hebrew text by taking the words DTO flRD as belonging together (for the collocation ]Q KO, "to come from" Deut. 33:2). An interpretation of the verb R13 together with TO w imply the meaning of "to enter" for Hebrew RTJ, as is the ca LXX Isa. 24:10 (oiiciav TOO (if| eiaeXoeîv), but this does not fit in the notion of "to come from" the land of Kittim. Thus the question remains why the Hebrew !T3D has been untranslated. From our discussion in chapter IH.A the followin planation could be given. The Hebrew text may have been un stood as "it is destroyed from being a house" (in Greek presum [...] onto OÏKOU; cf. LXX Isa. 7:8: eicXcixirEi... ànô XaoO). In view o commercial practice of his time the translator might have interpr "house" as a "house" for ships with their merchants designating organization of a state-recognized group in a foreign port, that say, somewhere outside the home harbour.33 Since, as we hav gued, it is the city of Carthage that is referred to in LXX Isa. 23 would not make sense to render the Hebrew TO, because Cartha the home port of the ships, and can not be called a "house" foreign port. However, it is also possible to explain the non-rendering of T this way: The translator may have taken the verbal form R13 related to TTD, because usually an infinitive + JD is dependent preceding verbal form. Consequently, TOD was passed over.34 A eral rendering would then have been: (it is destroyed) tot> nf| epxE onto [...]. Actually, this part of the verse has been rendered more f by creating an independent clause, KOI OÙKÉTI èpxovtai èic [...],

33

As to this meaning of Greek OÏKOÇ see Fraser, Plotanau Altamdna. Vol. I

185f. 34

As to our text see also Soisalon-Soininen, Infmicx, p. 104.

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The assumption of an underlying Hebrew text with the re 'D1? seems to be improbable. First, the evidence from Qumran favour of MT35, and secondly, the reading 'D1? introduces an rogative sentence, which syntactically does not fit very well th brew text of Isa. 23:1-3 (as far as attested by MT/Qumran). A been observed by Ziegler our text (vs 2-3) is one of die ins where LXX Isaiah has a comparison which is not found in MT the case under discussion the Greek tivi öuoioi Yeyóvaovv is c related to the answer given in vs 3 (tbcàinyroûeia<|iepou£voi> [...]) answer, too, does not constitute a literal rendering of the Hebrew as attested by MT/Qumran (see further below). So the Gree seems to be part of a free rendering of vs 2-3 as a whole. LXX r a syntactical interpretation according to which TCh is taken tog with the following verbal form (TD1) and not with the preceding v form (n^E), as is the case in MT. On nbï as considered a v clause on its own see above.

"The retailers of Phoenicia, passing over the sea": This part of seems to presuppose a Hebrew text as attested by MT. Both for the singular ("TID and ~O2) have been interpreted in the coll sense by taking this part of the text as an apposition to "the in ants of the isle". The reading of TITO is also attested by IQa presumably by 4Qa. It is therefore not necessary to suppose tha LXX reflects a Vorlage with the plural 'TIO.37 Note also the sin forms (THÖ and TID) and their plural rendering in vs 3. As t reading ~OS the situation is different: whereas LXX seems to su MT (including the interpretation of the form as participle) Qumran evidence offers a variant reading here: TOD (so 1 Qa, 4

MT '['»'PO - LXX—: Since MT is supported, albeit with vari by the Qumran witnesses, it is not likely that the Vorlage of LXX not contain a word like "JIK'TQ, but precisely because of some var in readings it is not easy to know which reading might have been of the Vorlage of LXX. In particular, 1 Qa is important here, be it offers a real and interesting variant reading, "J'DK'TD, which in together with D' VI3D, makes up the following clause, "your me gers have passed the sea". This variant reading has aroused m

35 The reading of 4Qa (IQTQ1?}, though attesting also the wow of TO1?, is diffi understand. What could be meant by the word D~ITO? 36 Ziegler, Uhtersudaagm, pp. 100-103. 37 For this suggestion see BHS, Kaber, and Wildberger. M On IQp see above.

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127

attention, because it partially affirms a well-known conjecture, to wit, the reading VDS'TD (with suffix masc. as referring to "the isle") or iTDR^D (with suffix fem. as referring to Sidon).39 These emendations are in fact based on the text of Ps. 107:23: D'31 D'DD rOttTO 'US rTOG DTI 'TV. The assumption is made that the "messengers" of our text are to be understood in the light of this verse, i.e. not as messengers in the sense of envoys, but in that of "Geschäftsleute" (Wildberger). Since this idea has a bearing on the question of the Vorlage of LXX we will deal with this text critical issue. The attested readings of vs 2b are the following: MT LXX

IQa IQb 4Qa

-prf» D* "UU ôiajteprâvTEç rf|v 60X0000 v

-j'aVjD er TOB -\vbc o' l -\vt?a D' ras

In CTATÏ it is argued that the text of IQa should be considered as the most ancient one because of die agreement between this text and the text of Ps. 107:23 (see above). It is further stated that this ancient text reading is supported by 4Qa, albeit partially (D' TOD), because the reading "JR'TQ of this MS is probably due to haplography of the kapk (I'SK^D > IR^D). In line with these arguments Barthélémy has also dealt with this question in CTAT3 (p. cviii) where the following picture is offered:

1 . 1 Qa attests "l'état primitif du texte"; 2. The second stage is to be found in 4Qa (the new reading ["[K^D] being due to haplography); 3. 1 Qb represents a third stage (the new reading TIR'TO resulting from a plene writing of ~]KI7Q); 4. MT as the final stage (for -\vtxi see IQb; the form ~as (in IQb '~as or TOS) is due to harmonization with the context [TIO]).

This is a very interesting picture, but it also raises some questions. Generally speaking, in view of the character of 1 Qa on the one hand, and of IQb (considered to be an archaic text tradition) on the other, it does not seem plausible to regard the reading "|1R17D of IQb as secondary to the reading of IQa. Further, the idea that the reading of 4Qa ("IK^D) is the result of a haplograpy of the kaph is not convincing either. Most important, it seems to me, is the question whether the 1

See e.g. Wadberger, p. 856, and CTAT2, p. 162. See also the Appendix.

CHAPTER FIVE

Hebrew word "JR'TD ("messenger") should be taken here in the of "Geschäftsleute" (so Wildberger, Barthélémy, and others i light of Ps. 107:23; see also HAUT, s.v. -JK^D: "? Händler", as c tation for our [reconstructed] text only). Although etymolog speaking the word "JR^D may be related toTOR^D,the difficulty i Hebrew •JR'PO never conveys the notion of "Händler" at any pla the Hebrew Bible; on the contrary, it is always used in the sen "messenger", "envoy". This means that the text of Ps. 107:23 is much help for Isa. 23:2. What does this mean for the question of the Vorlage of the LX well as for the question of which "reading (aloud)" of the Vorl implied in the Greek version of vs 2? For the latter question in ticular it is important to see how the various readings of this clau in with the verse as a whole: - IQa reads (in translation): "your messengers have crossed the "Your messengers" is the subject of TDB. The words D' TOB not taken here as apposition to "the merchants of Sidon" (as case in MT). For this text, see further below, section C. — IQb is more difficult to evaluate because the verse has been served only fragmentary. The preserved part reads: "... the diey filled you". "They" probably refers to "the merchan Sidon". - 4Qa seems to be similar to IQb: "they crossed the sea; they you". In the light of IQb and MT the form "JK'PD is best un stood here as defective spelling of "flR'TQ, although it is also pos to take it as it stands, i.e. in the singular: "he filled you" (c sing. "TO). In both cases "the merchant(s) of Sidon" is (are ferred to. The word "]Ki7D in the meaning of "messenger" doe make sense here. Thus, in contrast to 1 Qa, 1 Qb and 4Qa seem to point to the ing "to fill" for the last word of the verse, which is also the mea of MT. It is often stated that this meaning does not make sense a it therefore should be corrected on the basis of Ps. 107:23 to VDK'T iTDR'TD (see above). It is far from clear, however, why MT ("they you") should be judged that way. As we have seen, the text o 107:23 is not of much help. Furdier, die tradition of "to fill" is only supported by 1 Qb and, probably, 4Qa, but is also found in witnesses, Targum Jonathan to Isaiah, Peshitta and Vulgate. And but not least, the use of K"7Q in the sense of "filling" a city (Tyre) merchandise has a nice parallel in Ezek. 27:25b; Tyre "was fi ('«"Tom) with merchandise by many merchants (cf. the context of 25). Let us return to LXX. It is likely that the Greek text (Sunrepo

THE SEPTUAGINT OF ISAIAH 23 AND ITS HEBREW VORLAGE

I2Q

-rrçv eóXcKKiav) is based on a text like MT (b' ~QP). As to the syntax of the verse, it is clear that the translator regarded these words as apposition to "the merchants of Sidon", in line with IQb and 4Qa. But what about MT -JittTQ - LXX—? The fact that LXX does not reflect the variant clause of 1 Qa ("]'DR17D IT TDJ)), indicates that the Vorlage o LXX did not contain the reading TDKbn, as this reading is part of that clause (on the text of 1 Qa see further section C). Thus, it may be assumed that the reading "[TH^D, or "[H'TO, was found in the Vorlage of LXX, the more so since it is unlikely in the light of the available evidence that the parent text did not contain a word like this. The question then is why this reading was left untranslated. According to Ottley the LXX has "omitted it" (Vol. II, p. 216), but he does not discuss the question why. Ziegler states, "LXX hat diesen Vers ganz frei wiedergegeben und kam mit 'D nicht zurecht" (p. 52). If the reading of the Vorlage was understood as "they filled you (Tyre)" then it is not difficult to guess, in the light of the contents of LXX vs 2-3, why this reading was left untranslated. The Greek text reflects the interpretation that "the inhabitants of the isle" are the retailers of Phoenicia, passing over the sea. A rendering of ~|'W'7Q/~]R'7Q in the sense of "they filled you" would mean that the retailers of Phoenicia are the ones who filled Tyre with merchandise. This, however, does not fit the picture evoked by LXX Isa. 23; as we have seen, the retailers of Tyre are to be distinguished from the merchants of Carthage, and it are the merchants who were to "fill" a harbor city like Tyre, not the retailers. That is why the Hebrew "[1K17D/"[1*17D could not be used in the interpretative rendering of vs 2-3. Verse 3 MT D'OSI - LXX <no rendering of waw>: The reading of MT = IQa, IQb, 4Qa; the non-rendering of the wow in LXX is due to the free rendering of vs 2-3 as a whole: after having left untranslated •JTK'TD/'fU'TD the expression "on many waters" is taken with "passing over the sea".

MT "TIB - LXX uetaßoXiov: It could be that the Vorlage of LXX was spelled with samekh ("TO), but since MT = 1 Qa, 4Qa, it is more likely to assume that the reading TUB was read as "TIED = "ITID.40 LXX œç auntou: the plus of càç is part of the construction of LXX vs 2-3 as a whole. For the question, "to which have they become like", For this phenomenon in 1 Qa, see Kutscher, Isaiah Scroll, p. 185.

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one expects an answer beginning with "as" (tix;). The Vorlage of is probably the same as MT = 1 Qa, 4Qa. For the underlying ing" of the Hebrew text, see below.

MT "TW — LXX—: The minus in LXX may also be due to th rendering of vs 2-3. MT = IQa, 4-Qa (1RV). It therefore is diffic use LXX as an argument for a Hebrew text without "IIR1, as Pro does.41 See further below. As to Tim, see also below.

MT iTTIKIDn - LXX eicr^ponévou: The Hebrew substantive (M 1 Qa, 4Qa) is rendered here with a verbal form. See also below

MT ~ino - LXX nETopoXoi: The Greek rendering presupposes h reading (vocalisation) as in vs 2, ~inb, different from MT qere ( plus a collective interpretation of the singular form.

Having discussed which Hebrew text may have been used by translator it is now to be asked in which way he may have "r (including vocalization and syntax) his text of vs 2-3 as a whole His "reading" underlying the Greek rendering may be reconstru as follows: To which have become like the inhabitants of the isle, the retailers of Sidon, passing over the sea, they filled you, that is, on great waters, the seed of retailers? (As) a harvest at (of) the river its revenue: it (= its revenue) shall be the retailers of the nations

(OT l£? as TOT "tf?) (Sidon as Phoenicia), (waai explicative) ("TO! = "IRQ as part, act.)

(Tim in the future sense) (T10 as part, act.)

Apart from cases of spelling or vocalization different from th MT, the main difference concerns the syntactical interpretation 2-3 as a whole: an interrogative sentence, followed by an answ the form of a comparison. The text of the answer, "(As) a harve the river its revenue: it shall be the retailers of the nations" ( referring to "Sidon"), has been rephrased in order to produ smooth text in Greek in which the implicit meaning as understood the translator, has been made explicit. On the level of "interp tion" the elements of "Sidon" as "Phoenicia", and, most importa 41

See also Wildbcrger.

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CHATTER FIVE

MT pTIB noSDVl — LXX eic m>n(5oWvv [ivrinocruvov ëvavn xupio discussion in chapter III.A has led to the conclusion that this r ing in Greek is based on an interpretation of the text in the Num. 31:25ff. OTußoXfj reflects Hebrew HDDC (MT = IQa, 4 the sense of nO?Q, "portion, contribution" (cf. ODD in Num. 3 the expression nvrpOCTuvov ËVOVTI icupuyu see Num. 31:54 (miT p-DI). The remaining question, however, is how Hebrew pTlu ( 1 Qa; 4Qc: pni!) was understood. A suggestion made by A. S very helpful here; the Hebrew P'PB, "old", was taken in the s "the Old of Days", i.e. God, of Dan. 7:9 QW pTO).55 Thus, the underlying "reading" can be reconstructed as f "and for a tribute of (for) the Ancient (of Days)". C Isaiah 23 according to IQIstf

The complete Isaiah scroll found in the first cave at Qumra unique manuscript, not only because it is the only complete script among the biblical texts from Qumran, but also becaus character. Unlike 1 Qb and the Isaiah fragments of 4Q, the 1 Q_a offers many interesting variant readings both of a linguis of an interpretative nature.56 In contrast to the state of affairs r ing the books of Samuel and Jeremiah, a notable agreement be IQa and LXX Isaiah on the textual level over against MT do emerge from a comparison between them. Yet 1 Qa and LXX do have something in common, since it generally is agreed tha texts reflect a free approach towards their parent text. In light overall characteristic one is more inclined to ascribe agreeme word-level (which are few in number, comparatively speaking common practice of both authors than to their underlying H texts.57 In this section we will discuss the passage of Isa. 23 (col. XV 27) by way of a contextual analysis of its variants. The main poin try to find out how the variant readings of 1 Qa function withi 55

Scholz, Du alexaruhvttscfu Uebersetcung, p. 13. See e.g. Kutscher, Ifaiah Scroll (with much emphasis on the linguistic na the variants); Van der Kooij, Die alten Text&ugm, pp. 81-98 (examples of int tive variants); Koenig, L'herméneutique analogique, pp. 20Iff. s7 For these and other comments see A. van der Kooij, "The Old Greek o in Relation to the Qumran Texts of Isaiah: Some General Comments", Brooke and B. Undars (eds.), Septuagmt, Scrolls and Cognate Writings (Atlanta, 19 195-213. 56

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own (IQa) context, syntactically and semantically. This approach should precede, in my view, the text-critical and text-historical analysis which represents a more atomistic treatment of the text of IQa.58 The discussion of Isa. 23 according to IQa in its own right, therefore, is also meant to show that this witness should be used with much caution in the study of the Vorlage of LXX Isaiah. The analysis consists of a close reading of the text of IQa by studying its significant readings from a contextual point of view. An important aspect that has to be taken into account is the paragraphing, and subparagraphing system of IQa.59 Just as with the Vorlage of LXX Isaiah, we will make an attempt to reconstruct the "reading (aloud)" (avoyvomc) of certain passages of Isa. 23 in the wording of IQa. This is based on the assumption that IQa is not just a copy, but an "edition" of the book of Isaiah in its own right.60 Aspects of IQa, such as the modernization of its language, and traces of an actualizing interpretation of the Isaianic prophecies, seem to be in favour of this qualification.61 Col. XVIII, 5f./Verse 1:

:rwQ »ran ir-an TTHD '3 izrsnn rm» i^'r« -a KTO TO1? rf?%

DTD

Apart from the orthographical variants 1 Qa agrees here with MT. It therefore may well be that the text of IQa was understood ("read") as inMT: Oracle of Tyre. Wail ye ships of Tarshish, for it is destroyed so that there is no house to enter anymore; from the land of Kittim it is revealed to them.62

Hebrew K13D is taken here as in MT (inf. with preposition), but it can also be interpreted as a noun with the meaning "entrance", at this place more specifically in the sense of "entrance of the sea", i.e. "harbour" (cf. Ezek. 27:3). This would result into the following trans58 On this issue see A. van der Kooij, "IQIsa' Col. Vin, 4-11 (Isa 8,11-18): A Contextual Approach of its Variants", in F. Garcia Martinez ct E. Puech (eds.), Memorial Jem Carmgnac, RdQ.13 (1988), pp. 569-581. 59 On this subject see Oesch, Petacha md Setuma. 60 Cf. Van der Kooij, Du allen Textyugcn, p. 108. 61 For die matter of actualizing interpretation see Van der Kooij, Du alun Textçeugen, p. 8 Iff-, and Koenig, L'herméneutique analogique, pp. 201ff. See also W.Th. van Peursen, "Guarded, Besieged or Devastated? Some remarks on Isaiah 1:7-8, with special reference to IQIsa-a", DS-XELL 2 (1996), pp. 101-110. 62 For Hebrew Vb in writings of Qumran see e.g. 1QH 4:7f.26; 1QM 12:3; 1QS 4:14.

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lation (taking RISQ TO as an expression63): "for it is destroyed it is no "house of the entrance" (i.e. harbour place) anymore" Col. XVIII, 6/Verse 2: 1 I'DK'Ta D" ras JITS ino "N -nzr im

The last part of this text contains two variant readings (TI3 I'DR'TO) which are clearly related to each other. In transla reads: your messengers have crossed the sea.

IQa does not offer the reading D' "OP as an apposition to JITS in MT (and cf. LXX). Instead, the last part of the verse repres clause on its own. The first part may be translated as follows: "Be silent, inha of the isle, merchants of Sidon". On word level the text of IQa with MT, but because of the variants in the last part it differs MT syntactically: "merchants of Sidon" is best understood in 1 an apposition to "inhabitants of the isle". In the clause "Your messengers have crossed the sea" the p "your messengers" seems best understood as messengers of th that is to say, messengers sent out by the inhabitants of the isle. have argued in section B, these "messengers" is not to be tak "merchants". So our clause does not refer to commerce, but it evokes the picture of persons who bring tidings. In view of the ning of the verse ("Be silent") bad tidings are likely to be impl Col. XVIII, 7f./Verse 3: mca ~no 'nm nrwon TW Tsp TIB art CTTI irnai 1 Qa offers no significant variants in comparison with MT. Col. XVIII, 8f./Verse 4: •non1? DTI nso D' man -o ]TS 'D'à

rrbva Tmn orra Ttnj «Vn 'rrïr ttfn T/n «V?

A small space in 1 Qa just before TZTO indicates that this word beginning of a new sentence.64 The text of IQa offers one re 65

One may compare collocations (with fl'3) like PIM n'X See also Oesch, Pelucha and Setama, p. T12+ (the note "ski" is mistakenly sub IQb instead of sub IQa). 64

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151

which calls for some comment: the feminine form moR (MT: masc.). Kutscher may be right in suggesting that the scribe made this change on account of the verbs used in the direct speech, since they are "appropriate only in the mouth of a fern, speaker" (Isaiah Scroll, p. 393). In view of the Hebrew D' (or DTI RUD), which is masculine, one would expect the form HQR. The variant is not of a purely linguistic nature. It may well be that due to the contents of the direct speech as Kutscher proposed, an (original) masculine form was changed. Interestingly, a similar case is to be found in the text of vs 14 (see below). Col. XVIII, 10/Verse 5: •j -K BOZO VTTT oraa aas -ma

1 Qa offers no significant variants in comparison with MT. Col. XVIII, 10-12/Verses 6-7:

nmcnp mp tro nrfrai res'? rwirn '» ' ~nt? prno rrtTi r The first word ('"OW) differs from MT 0~Otf), and the question is how to interpret this variant reading. Kutscher thinks of an Aramaic imperative feminine, but admits that this is uncertain (Isaiah ScroU, pp. 194, 478). In that case one would expect the plene spelling 'TUB.65 The form as it stands in IQa is more easily understood as participle (cf. Wildberger, p. 856): "they who pass over to Tarshish". This reading of 1 Qa raises the question which clause or sentence it may be part of, because syntactically speaking the words "they who pass over to Tarshish" do not make sense as a clause on their own. (It will be clear that the text of MT, "pass over to Tarshish", does not pose such a problem.) Since the preceding words of line 10 belong to the sentence of vs 5, it seems reasonable to consider the phrase ntO'em nai», together with the verbal form that follow (iV^Tl), as a syntactical unit. In translation then IQa reads thus: You who pass over to Tarshish, wail!

65 E. Qjmron, in his TV Htbrae of the Dead Sta Scrolls (Atlanta, 1986), p. 54, regards the form *~mi! as a phonological variant of the VTlOp type, being pronounced 'oban. If so, one would expect the spelling TDB

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This reading fits the context of the oracle of Tyre well because 1 the ships of Tarshish are the ones who are called to wail (for see below). As a consequence of this understanding of the beginning o the question arises as to how the words that follow next (T* '3BT to be interpreted syntactically. A small spacing between HDID nrtPün leaves one with the words nDD1? nKlTH 'K '32)1* as form syntactical unit which may be translated this way: you inhabitants of the isle, is this one yours/does this one belong to you?.

"This" (nsil), then, is explained by the rest of vs 7 (from ntl^OT and including TU1?), which can be seen as a long apposition or clause on its own. The form nrftu (MT: nr^i!) is regarde Kutscher as an Aramaic element in the dialect of the scribe, noun of the qatol-type (a nomen agenäs, such as FTO in Dan. 3:4) ( Scroll, p. 205). This makes good sense, though it is to be noted this spelling is not the regular one for this word in IQa (at places vnûiyod, as in MT).66 Its meaning is, "exultant" (cf. MT). the plus of the article, see Kutscher, Isaiah Scroll, pp. 411 f. The variant reading nnimp can be seen, with Kutscher ( Scroll, p. 383), as a form with an ending -ill (indicating an abs noun), but it is also possible, in the light of Ezek. 36:11, to take form as the plural of noip (cf. Wildberger, p. 856). The last part of vs 7 offers two variants, the most significa which is rr^ai (MT rrta'). Kutscher suggests that the scribe brought the reading irta1" into agreement with the next word, iT but, he then remarks, "what does it mean?" (Isaiah Scroll, p. 22 seems clear that the form as attested by 1 Qa is not related to the *73' (so MT). Although the form of 1 Qa remains difficult to ex the word as it stands can be understood as related to the root !"ta be worn out, grown old" (for the adjective rf73, see e.g. Josh. 9:4 So the passage in IQa (from ntl^OT up to the end of the verse) s to convey the following meaning: the exultant one is a city w origins are from time immemorial, but her feet have become weak to sojourn as a foreigner far away. The passage of IQa pres itself as a taunting remark to the inhabitants of the isle (that i Tyre). The intriguing question, however, is to which city this rem may allude (see further below).

66 Kutscher states that forms of the root r^JI spelled with wau> are also fou IQa at 13:3 and 32:13 (Ismah Scroll, p. 205). It seems to me, however, that in places the readings of IQa are spelled withjwrf (as in MT); see also 22:3 and 67 For this root see TkWATl, cols. 650-653 (Gamberoni).

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Col. XVIII, 12f./Verse 8: moron -a •» ruit 2ar T> ntei "-aD: men CTTE TBR

lQ_a corresponds closely to MT, the only difference being the word moJOT (MT rrTBSOn). Instead of participle Hifil as in MT the text o IQa may be considered participle Puai (cf. Kutscher, Isaiah Scroll, p 363), "the crowned (city)". Col. XVIII, 13f./Verse9: mur rraox mrr x~» nasi 'TO tyrt? 'as ]uo ^o Trr?

Part of the second line has a word order that differs from MT: '3S fit« "TO (MT 'as ta ]HO). For the correspondence in this instance between IQa and LXX, see Section B. Col. XVIII, 14f./Verse 10: TIRO fDK 'TOB

Tis nro ]'« OTDTH ra

This verse contains the well-known variant reading '"131) (MT '"13J)). It is the only significant reading in the text of Isa. 23 according to IQa which corresponds with LXX. For a discussion of the text-critical value of this reading see above, section B. (As this reading turned out to be secondary to the reading of MT, it may have been introduced in order to elucidate the meaning of the more poetic expression -»t'D p« nar.) The text of 1 Qa as it stands can be interpreted as follows: Till your land like the river, daughter Tarshish; there is no girdle anymore.

Read this way, "daughter Tarshish", is considered a vocative. It is, however, also possible to translate the text thus: Till your land like the river; the daughter Tarshish is no longer a girdle.

Here "the daughter Tarshish" is taken as subject of the second clause: Tarshish is no longer a girdle, i.e. a place of strength. (For this option as lying behind the LXX, see section B.) These two possibilities do effect, of course, the interpretation of the suffix "your" of "your land". If "the daughter Tarshish" is considered a vocative, "your" refers to Tarshish, but it refers to the land of

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another city, if "the daughter Tarshish" is taken as subject. We return to this question below. Col. XVIII, ISf./Verse 11:

ITD'TQD rnn on *7S rim IT rrriBD TDDTI^ ro "» mx mrr

1 Qa contains no significant variant readings in comparison with As to the variant rrruro, "her fortresses", see Dan. 11:19, 38f only places in the Hebrew Bible where the plural of HUD occurs) Col. XVni, 16-18/Verse 12:

Trom Kb -ORV1 ~ai? 'Dip o'TD TITS ra rfara npocn rfjs1? TU? •p mr ni1? an ca

IQa offers the variant npODD for MT npOilDH. The form of IQa be regarded, with Kutscher (Isaiah Scroll, p. 1 39), as participle Pua MT), spelled defectively as in MT. The only difference then is article which is not found in IQa (for the vocative without the art see e.g. Isa. 1:2; 23:16 [below]; 49:13).M It is, however, also pos to read the form nplZOT as a participle Piel, in line with the ac interpretation as reflected in LXX, Targum, and Vulgate: "you are/were oppressing" (see above, section B). The words, "vir daughter Sidon", then, may have been taken as object (as in Targum, see section B), but one can also consider this phrase to vocative: 'You who were oppressing, (you) virgin, daughter Sid leaving open the question who were the victims. Col. XVni, 19f./Verse 13:

]~^7 mo' TEW rrn vf? ncn nt a™Tto sn« nn s im» rrrrn

It is interesting to see that this verse, being one of the most diff passages in Isa. 23, is attested by IQa in a wording remarkably s lar to MT. There are only some minor variants to be noted: nn ( ]n); T'^7 (MT D"S"7; in Isa. 13:21 and 34:14 IQa has the same sp ing as MT [D"^]), and rrrra mD'pn (MT vrrn lirpn). The read

68 On the interchange of the article between IQa and MT, see Kutscher, I Scroll, pp. 411f.

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155

TOTO (with feminine suffix) constitutes a harmonization with rTTPBTH, but the reading mo'pn is difficult to explain (scribal error, anticipating the suffix of the next word?69 But see vs 7 for a similar

case [rr'm rrtoi]}.

Yet it is to be noticed that there is also a remarkable difference between 1 Qa and MT. In contrast with the latter, 1 Qa presents vs 13 as the beginning of a new pericope, by leaving blank the second half of the preceding line. This difference on the level of text division becomes even more interesting in comparison with LXX where, as we have seen, vs 13 is treated syntactically as the continuation of vs 12b! It is not quite clear why the text of IQa displays this division between vs 12 and vs 13, a type of marking off which is similar to the pelucha of the Masoretic tradition. It might be that it has to do, in this instance, with the Hebrew POP!, taken here as introducing a new subject ("the land of the Chaldeans"). For a similar case see col. XI, 25 (Isa. 13:17). Though the text of 1 Qa shows only minor variants in comparison with MT, this does not necessarily mean that the text of IQa was read, linguistically speaking, in the same way as MT. However, because of the fact that IQa vs 13 contains no significant variant(s) which might give a clue for the way it was understood syntactically, it is difficult to say how this verse was "read". There is nevertheless some reason to believe that the following interpretation is implied: See the land of Chaldeans. This is the people that is not (there anymore), the Assyrians. He (i.e. God) has destined it to dry places. They (i.e. the Assyrians) set up her watch-towers, they erected her fortresses, (but) he (i.e. God) put it to ruins.

The main point is the question concerning the syntactical position of "Ashur": is it to be taken as subject of the verb IT!D' (so MT), or is it to be regarded as an explicative apposition of the preceding clause? The reason why one may opt for the second view lies with the variant 1«X in IQa (MT IT'S). The reading of MT denotes the beasts of the desert (see also Isa. 13:21 and 34:14), but IQa seems to point to a different meaning here. Whereas in Isa. 13:21 and 34:14 IQa offers the same reading as in MT, this is not the case in our text. The variant of our text might be considered an orthographical variant, but 69 Kutscher points to the same suffix in mO' and in HDO within the same verse (Isaiah Scroll, p. 558).

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in the light of its occurrence in IQa col. XXVI,10(Isa. 32:2) pa D'D [MT JVC D'D ^3]) it is also possible to take the var a plural of ITS, and thus to translate it as "dry places".70 This pretation favours the idea that God is the implied subject of th mo1 (for a similar case, compare Isa. 14:23), and not the Assy Col. XVm, 20f./ Verse 14: TTE '3 crenn nv*

1 Qa has two striking variants ("Vm and "jriBD) here. Both are singular, whereas the addressee is in the plural {"ships"). One expect the plural form of the imperative (iVm) and of the (pnj)D) as is the case in MT. This is the more remarkable since parallel verse (vs 1) IQa reads, ETOTTl [TP3K 'fr'Til, as in MT. Ku states that the singular suffix is one of the inexplicable instan changes in number in IQa (Isaiah Scroll, p. 398). According Martin the singular suffix is due to "the proximity of the si noun, Tarshish".71 This indeed may be the case, for the altern to regard the suffix as a scribal error, is less probable in view second striking form in the same verse f'TT'n). The only no which both readings seem to refer in the verse, is "Tarshish". In of the unusual situation both readings are not of a purely ling nature. Maybe they are meant to draw the attention of the rea Tarshish itself, and not so much to the ships of Tarshish. The interesting thing is that vs 14 is not the only instan striking singular feminine variants within the whole of the ora Tyre (Isa. 23). As we have seen, also IQa vs 4 offers such a re (moR, perfect feminine related to a subject masculine, D'il FI.UD) wonders whether these striking readings of both verses are rela each other. We will return to this question below. Col. XVIII, 21f./Verse 15: -rub «in DTD rrm

njifn ITTBD

The fact that vs 15 is the beginning of a new passage withi oracle of Tyre is marked in 1 Qa by a blank space between th word of vs 14 and the first one of vs 15 (cf. setuma in the codices andC). 70

See also Kutscher, Isaiah Scroll, p. 278. " M. Martin, The Smbal CkaraOa afthe Dead Sea Scrolh. Vol. II (Louvain, 1 602.

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157

The remarkable thing about IQa vs 15 is the fact that it is very short. MT (cf. LXX, 4Qc) has a long plus between Hin (MT Kim) and -££"?, namely:

mrr ran D'jno fpn TITO ifo 'no n» D'JQB is rroön It has been suggested that this long minus in IQa is due to homoioteleuton (so Kutscher, Isaiah Scroll, p, 549) or to aberratie oculi in view of the two occurrences of the word "IS (Wildberger, p. 859). A mechanical error because of this textual datum is not convincing; in that case one would expect also the word m3DH in 1 Qa. If the long minus was caused by a mechanical error, it seems more likely that this was due to the similarity between Kin and iTiT (last word of the missing text). It is, however, also possible diat the short text of 1 Qa goes back to its Vorlage, or that the text was shortened by the scribe of 1 Qa. Be that as it may, it is important to note that the text of IQa as it stands makes sense: "On that (one would expect here Kim [with article]) day it shall be to Tyre as (in) the song of the harlot".72 Col. XVni, 22f./Verse 16: •TDTI nnso: rait TB -no -no 'np '•om IMS'? TB 'Din p

IQa = MT. Col. XVIII, 23-25X Verse 17:

ran ]'joo spa rrm r» nran ran*1? raim is rx mrr ntrmn 'AI ^a Two minor variants are attested here: j'IOB (MT O'iOtD), and the minus of "?3 before rvo'TQQ. Col. XVm, 25-27/Verse 18: ump nantti nino rrm *D prr «•fri T«' •7 'TDK'? mno mrr 72 Intcrcsdngly, Wildbergcr is of the opinion that from a literary critical point of view the minus involved should be considered a later addition. MT is to be seen as "unmöglich": "An einem Tag kann, auch wenn man "Tag" sehr grosszugig interpretiert, sich nicht wohl ereignen, was einen Zeitraum von 70 Jahren in Anspruch nimmt" (p. 880).

No particular variants to be noted.

Having discussed the text of Isa. 23 according to IQa verse by the question now to be asked is whether readings and passag IQa, particularly the significant ones, may be related to each within the oracle as a whole. Or to put it another way: Do the sp readings in the text of IQa make sense as parts of a particular u standing of the oracle as a whole? Since the number of specific ings is small, the attempt to read them this way can only be tenta The first passage that calls for attention is vs 2: Be silent you inhabitants of the isie, merchants of Sidon: your messengers have crossed the sea.

As we have argued, the second part of vs 2 is not about merch but about messengers, that is, persons who are expected to tidings. In view of the beginning of the verse, "Be silent you inh ants of the isle ...", the messengers of the isle, i.e. Tyre, have cro the sea, and the inhabitants of Tyre, "the merchants of Sidon" anxious to hear what tidings they will bring. Apparently, the text stands implies tidings about something outside Tyre. The next passage of interest is that of vs 6-7: You who pass over to Tarshish, wail! You inhabitants of the isle, Does this belong to you— the exultant one, whose origins are from time immemorial? Her feet are too weak to sojourn as a foreigner far away.

Read in conjunction with vs 2 the following interpretation seem suit the textual data very well; they who are going to pass to Tars are called to wail because Tarshish has been destroyed. This may be the contents of the tidings brought by the messengers of vs 2. text of vs 7 fits in with this idea as it is said to the inhabitants o isle fTyre), "Does this belong to you?" This remark, then, refe Tarshish as a city belonging to Tyre. This city is called "the exu one, whose origins are from time immemorial", the meaning of w is very clear to the reader of antiquity; a famous and old city like would it ever be destroyed? However, the inconceivable did hap for her feet have become too weak to sojourn as a foreigner far a Different from MT, where it is said, "her feet (i.e. of Tyre) carried to settle far away", the text of IQa does not convey the idea of g to some other place; rather, it carries the meaning that the city

THE SEPTUAGINT OF ISAIAH 23 AND ITS HEBREW VORLAGE

159

volved will not be able to dwell any longer as a foreigner somewhere far away. This element refers to a situation of a city, the inhabitants of which were foreigners, that is to say, to a city as a colony. Contextually speaking, this too points to Tarshish, and not to Tyre. As a result of what did happen to Tarshish, Tyre will no longer be "the crowned (city)" (vs 8).

Another verse that calls for some attention is vs 10. As has been stated above, this verse can be translated in two ways: Till your land like the river, daughter Tarshish; there is no girdle anymore, or: Till your land like the river; the daughter Tarshish is no longer a girdle.

According to the first rendering, it is Tarshish that is called to till her land, because she has no strength anymore to do her former (trading) activities. In the second rendering, on the other hand, the clause, "Till your land like the river", is best understood as directed to Tyre. This isle, the inhabitants of which are "the merchants of Sidon" (vs 2), is called here to change to agriculture because Tarshish is no longer a place of strength. Contextually speaking, both interpretations make sense, but the second seems to be preferable because in it the fact that Tarshish is destroyed is made more explicit.

As we have seen, two verses in the text of Isa. 23 according to 1 Qa, vs 4 and vs 14, display feminine singular readings which from a linguistic point of view are strange. Vs 14 has the two (related) feminine forms in the singular, the second of which is found in the clause, "for your fortress is destroyed". "Your" (feminine singular) refers here to "Tarshish", the implication being, so it seems, that Tarshish as "fortress" (ruin) has been destroyed. The interesting thing is that the other verse, vs 4, not only shares with vs 14 the phenomenon of an unusual form (feminine verbal form with masculine noun as subject), but also the word "fortress" (ni>Q). Vs 4b reads, for the sea,1 the fortress of the sea, says [...] (DTI rwo a moR o). The combination of both elements in this verse (the feminine form and the word "fortress"), which also occur in vs 14, might be an indication that "the fortress of the sea" in vs 4 was understood as referring to Tarshish (as in vs 14). Also the rest of the verse would fit that idea; having been destroyed, Tarshish is as someone who did not bear and raise children.

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CHAPTER FIVE

Thus a close reading with due attention paid to the aspect text's coherence seems to indicate that the oracle of Tyre wa and understood in Qumran circles as follows: Tyre will no lon able to keep up her impressive position as a trading center beca the destruction of Tarshish. It has to change to agriculture period of time; see vs 15-18). Although the textual data of some significance are limi number, it is at least interesting to see that they can be rea understood as reflecting a particular interpretation of our chap Since, in my view, 1 Qa shows traces of an actualizing inte tion of prophecies, it may be that the oracle of Tyre according t was also understood from that perspective. If so, then "Tar could have been taken as a cipher for Carthage, as indeed w case in the contemporary interpretation of LXX Isa. 23, whic took the further step of substituting the name Carthage for Ta in its translation. D Concluding remarks

Our discussion about the Vorlage of LXX Isa. 23 has led to the fold conclusion that (a) the parent text, the Hebrew text unde LXX Isa. 23, is very close to MT as far as the written text (k concerned, but that (b), on the level of syntax and semantic Vorlage was "read" and interpreted very differently from MT. factors are of principal importance here: (!) MT(-irfii) of Isa. supported, to a large extent, by the texts of Isaiah found at Qu (2) LXX Isa. 23 as a translation is best understood as the resul free and creative approach to its parent text. This is not to be denied that uncertainties concerning the und ing Hebrew text of LXX Isa. 23 remain, the more so since w dealing with a free translation. However, in applying the mod Arti«-translator by analyzing the relationship between LXX an Hebrew text on clause- and sentence-level, the differences bet both can be accounted for in a reasonable way. Particularly in p where LXX Isa. 23 offers a free, paraphrastic rendering, it turn to be useful to try to reconstruct the way the Hebrew text was "r This study of chapter 23 confirms the idea, well known previous studies on LXX Isaiah, that LXX Isaiah, at least for ch 23, is characterized by free and at times paraphrastic renderings. free approach is not only aimed at producing good Koine usage more particularly at creating a new and coherent version of the cle of Tyre, serving in this way a specific, actualizing interpreta All this points to a translator who can be described as a le

THE SEFTUAGINT OF ISAIAH 23 AND ITS HEBREW VORLAGE

l6l

scribe, very much comparable to the learned translator of the Targum to Isaiah, or to Jerome, the scholar responsible for the Vulgate of Isaiah. Or to put it in line with our discussion in chapter rV.C, like his colleagues in ancient Mesopotamia, our translator, a Jewish scholar, tried to interpret certain events ("signs") of his time by reading and interpreting, creatively in a way, an ancient oracle. Further, because of its interesting variant readings, special attention was given to the passage of Isa. 23 in IQa (col. XVIII, 5-27). A contextual reading of its variants, both on the clause-level and on the level of the passage as a whole, turned out to make sense. There is some reason to believe that this text, although presenting readings different from LXX, reflects an interpretation which basically is the same as the overall exegesis in LXX Isa. 23. It means that as to the reconstruction of the Hebrew text underlying LXX Isaiah IQa should be used with much caution.

CHAPTER SOC

THE SEPTUAGINT OF ISAIAH 23: REVISION AND RECEPTION

In this chapter we no longer concentrate on the Old Greek of 23 as text (chapter III), as prophecy (chapter IV), or as trans (chapter V), but we now widen the horizon by opening up a hist perspective in terms of the revision and the reception of LXX Is The most important revisions, or recensions, of LXX Isaiah are the so-called Aaige-recension, to be equated, in the case of Isaiah, with the readings of Theodorion (Th); next the Hexa text (Hex); and thirdly, the Antiochene (or Lucianic) version ( The variant readings, in particular the significant ones, of these sions will be listed and discussed where appropriate. As for the reception of our text, we will limit ourselves t commentaries on LXX Isa. 23 which have been written, ro speaking, in the period of the revisions.2 They are: the commen by Eusebius of Caesarea, Jerome, Theodoret of Cyrrhus, and Cy Alexandria.3 A point of interest is the question whether there is relationship between revision and reception: do significant readin a revision have a bearing on the exegesis of the text? Since the mentaries involved are related to a particular textform of LXX I (Eusebius and Jerome are commenting on the Hexaplaric Theodoret on the Antiochene text, whereas Cyril's comment based on the Alexandrinian text of LXX Isaiah), this question w dealt with by comparing the textual data with the interpretatio the various textforms of LXX Isa. 23. The history of exegesis of our text is, of course, interesting fo question of how LXX Isa. 23 has been read and interpreted by C tian scholars of the Early Church. The main purpose of this ch is to show how LXX Isa. 23 was interpreted by these scholars a

1 Not included are the the versions of Aquila and Symmachus (often also t as "revisions"), because they do not belong to the textual history of the Septu 2 Quotations of single verses in patristic writings (in Greek or in Latin) are le of consideration because of their fragmentary nature. 1 Because the commentary on Isaiah by Procopius of Gaza does not offe thing new (it is repeating mainly the comments given by Cyril), it does not play in this chapter.

THE SEPTUAGINT OF ISAIAH 23: REVISION AND RECEPTION

centuries see from read and with that

16

after the translation was made, and more in particular to which hermeneutical perspective the oracle of Isa. 23 wa understood in order to compare this hermeneutical stance which arose from our analysis of LXX Isa. 23 (chapter IV) A

Theodotjan

The readings ascribed to Theodotion of Isaiah (Th) do actually wit ness, albeit in a very fragmentary way, the kaige-recension of the Old Greek of Isaiah. This recension or revision of LXX Isaiah was carried out in scribal circles in Palestine around the turn of the Christian era in order to establish a Greek version of Isaiah which should be in agreement, as far as possible, with the Hebrew text of the time (protoMT, i.e. almost identical with MT) and milieu involved.4 The readings of this revision, as far as they have been transmitted to us, are the following. Verse 1

LXX TO opoH TO Wiuua Q.(o€f) 88 (8f); MT RBQ.

This rendering is also found in Th Isa. 15:1; 17:1; 19:1; 21:13; 22:1; 30:6. It is not characteristic of Th, because this equivalent is also attested in LXX Jeremiah and LXX Twelve-Prophets.

LXX KopCTSovoc 1 Sopoetc Q. (01 y') Hi. ("omnes"); MT ZTSnn See also vss 6 and 14. LXX ÈK ffK KiTiéov ] ÈK ynç Xemeiu Eus. (01X') Tht. (eßp icm 01X' XETUM) MT DTD PRO.

The spelling yemeiu reflects Hebrew O'TD; cf. 1 Qa. This spelling in Hebrew is also found in vs 12, both MT (ketib] and IQa; see further MTJer. 2:10, and documents of Qurnran (esp. 1QM).5 For the Greek form see also LXX Ezek. 27:6 (xeTnei(i, so the majority of MSS; ed. Ziegler = Rahlfs: xettuv), and I Mace. 1:1 (EK yiîç XETTIIJI). Th Dan. 11:30 reads Kitioi.

For Theodotion/Au^gfrreccnsion of Isaiah, see Van der Kooij, Du ahm Texti, pp. 125-156. For the idea of the iag«-recension (the 4a^*-group) in general, see basically D. Barthélémy, Les devanciers d'Aqwla (Leiden, 1963). For a more recent discussion of issues concerning the faH£#-recension see PJ. Gentry, The Asterisked Materials in the Greek Job (Atlanta, 1995), pp. 389ff. 5 For IQa see Kutscher, Ismah Scroll, p. 512. The spelling used in IQpHab is

mmsiT.

Verse 2 LXX rivi önoioi YEyovaow ] Th = LXX?

According to Eusebius Aquila reads auainiaaTE, and Symma myriaaTE. Both translations attest the interpretation of Hebrew 1D derived from the root QD~I, "to be silent". Since Eusebius does mention the reading of TheodorJon it might be that Th did not re LXX here. Verse 3 LXX iiETaßoXcov ] negotiatorum Hi. (LXX et 6f); MT Tltf (inr).

Th has retained here the reading of LXX. In his commentary Jer states: "Pro Nilo, quod apud Hebraeos legimus Sior, LXX Theodotio negotiatores interpretati sunt". Verse 6 LXX Kopxiioova 1 eapoeic Q_ (01 i); MT tTBTin. Sec vs 1. Verse? LXX fin.l + cntoCo'vxn.v aunjv oi noSeç avriiç itoppo>6ev eiç napoiKiav Q.Syh (anon.); MT ITr? pHTO rrt>n m'TD'.

The Greek dotoyto as equivalent for the Hifi] of the verb "7D11 is found in LXX Ps. 59 (60}:11, and 107 (108): 11. For nctpoiicia rendering forms of the rootnu see also LXX Ps. 33 (34):5; 54 (55 118 (119):54, and 119 (120):5. Its meaning is "sojourning/stay foreign country". The Hebrew construction of a preposition with infinitive has been rendered by a preposition with a substantive. Verse 3 LXX opxovtecl + xovoav Q.Syh (uterque anon.) Hi.; MT mUD.

As to this verse Jerome remarks: "Verbum Chanaan de Theodon'o editione additum est, pro quo Aquila negotiatores transtulit". Latin rendering of LXX vs 8b as given by Jerome reads: negotiatores eius principes Chanaan, incluti terrae. It reflects the following text in Greek: oi éjiJtopoi avtfjç apxovœç xovorav, ëvSo^oi tiiç YUÇ.

which is attested by a subgroup of the Hexaplaric tradition (o//X the Hexaplaric readings, see below). It may be that this version o 8b goes back to Th, because die word xavaav added after opxoviE

THE SEPTUAGINT OF ISAIAH 23: REVISION AND RECEPTION

16

the Old Greek (oi ëjutopoi aùrfjç ëvSoÇoi, apxovœç Tfjç ynç) would no make sense. The fact that the word order of the Hexaplaric tex agrees with that of MT favours also the idea that this text can b ascribed to Th. It is to be noticed, however, that the rendering Xavaav does not correspond precisely with the reading ITIMD of MT Verse 12 LXX euyatepa 1 pr. itap9evov Q.Syh (a'o'tf); MT FD rfTTD. LXX luov 1 moiûvoç. Q. (oi y ); MT ]TTS. Verse 13 LXX Aatf|v eiç criein ëoTtioav èîiàX^eiç avtoO èÇineipav ßapeic avrcfjç, Q (anon.) Hi.lat (as for Syh, see ed. Zieglcr); MT Q'Trt mo*

Tana urprt rrrraoiK rmc

In his commentary Jerome tells us the following: "Quodque sequitur de Theodotione edidone sub asteriscis additum est: Fundavit earn Sum, statuerunt propugnacula eius; suscitaverunt turrem cius".

The difference between this Latin text and the text quoted above concerns the first part; Jerome has "sum", but our text quoted reads etc o-n,ein.6 This reading corresponds with MT, particularly as far as the preposition is concerned (D"Sb). Like Jerome, the Hexaplaric and Antiochene MSS read oiein (without eiç). Jerome remarks that Hebrew "sum" is to be taken in the sense of "bad demons". The word occurs at two other places in the book of Isaiah (13:21, and 34:14) where it has been rendered by Jerome as "bestiae", and as "daemonia" respectively, fully in une with LXX at both places. In his comments on Isa. 13:21 he states: "sum, quod soli LXX bestias transtulerunt. Alii ipso nomine quod apud Hebraeos scriptum est, volentes genera daemonum intellegi vel phantasmata". This seems to be based on the commentary on Isaiah by Eusebius where (on Isa. 13:21) the same view is found.

6 Another difference concerns the singular "turrem" for the plural ßapeic in Greek.

.

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CHAPTER SIX

However, the reading of Th is not aieui, but eiçCTpeiji.The ing O-TIEIH is interesting, because it differs from the transcription or mm commonly found for Hebrew D^u. At the other plac Isaiah the reading
that is to say, to armies from elsewhere (like in Dan. 11:30). It m well be that the plural involved was regarded as the subject of verbal forms of the two following clauses (Ecrrncjav and e^fEipa Verse 14

LXX KapxnSovoç]9apovç Hi. (oiX [com. ad Ez. 27:12]}; MT BTÖT Seevs 1. Verse 15 LXX ßamAeioc 1 + evoc Q(oir); MT in*. Verse 17 LXX toftc pamXeieac ] + em Tiporowov tnc TO QÇ*) Syh (6f); MT nOTRl '33 'IS.

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167

Verse 18 LXX

MT

etc en>(ifioXf|v HVTUMXJUVOV ËVOVTI icupiou } KCtl irepißaXeoOat eiç naXaicixnv Pr. (&), tic TO JtepißaXeoOai Tht. (a 0);

'nu naxhn.

In this case the question arises as to which reading can be ascribed to Th. A comparison with the reading of Symmachus may help us further: KOI JtepißaXeoOm eiç TO rcaXaiöxrai (Eus.). This text is very similar to the reading given by Procopius for Th ("and" + inf. + prep.). Both versions have in common here a rather free rendering of MT, and since this is typical of Symmachus, but not of Th, it stands to reason to regard the text attested by Theodoret {eiçTOjtepißaXeoOai) as the one of Th, and not also of Sym. The object of this verb probably then is: jtaXauaoiv (without eiç, cf. MT). Thus, Th may be reconstructed as follows: KOI eiç TO nepißaXeoOai jiaXaiaxnv, meaning "and for being clothed in old age".

The small bits of evidence for Th make it impossible to describe the agreements and differences between LXX and Th Isa. 23 in full, but the words, phrases and clauses that have been transmitted fit in with the idea of a revision: in a few specific cases LXX has been retained (vs 2 [beginning]?, vs 3 [TTE]), in other cases LXX has been substituted (vss 1, 6, 12, 14, 18), whereas in still other cases words, and clauses which have no equivalent in LXX have been added (see esp. vs 7, and vs 13, but see also vss 8, 12, 15, 17). In all cases Th is in agreement with MT, except one: the reading jfotvaav does not correspond precisely widi MT ( B The Hexaplaric text and its interpretation by Eusebius of Caesarea, and by Jerome Text

The Hexaplaric readings of LXX Isa. 23 which will be listed here, are the ones attested by the MSS of the main group, or part of it, of the Hexaplaric recension; for the details see Ziegler, Isaias. Furthermore, we limit ourselves to readings of a textual, and not of a purely grammatical nature (for an example of the latter category, see e.g. die reading oXoAuCa-ce for oXoXuCeie in vss 1,6,14).

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CHAPTER SIX

Vs 1: öpoualpr|ia Vs 7: fin.) + œtaÇownv annr\v 01 itoSeç aucnç noppcoBev etc jtapoiKiav Vs 8: êvSoÇot, âpxovœç ] apxovœç xavaav evooCoi Vs 1 1 : T| 8è xetp i ouôe n xeip avrTJç Ttrv iox«v ] tnv loxw crurnc, Vs 12: OuYdtepa] pr. itapoevov luov | IiSwvoc ooi àvàjiawnç ëcrcai ] avaitcnxnç écran ooi Vs 1 3: àitôTCÖVAoaupiojv ] into Aamipuov on] > eteneXuixjev axmiv ainn eornoav enaX^f is avrou Vs 15: êït) eß8oMT|Kovra ] eßSoniKovra Etti ßaoxXeeac l + evoç óvöptóiioD ] + evoç (leiâ ] + Ta Vs 1 7: Jtàomç TOÎÇ pamXeiaiç ] iraoaiç paoïXet fin.] + EJCI npocKanov Tnç ynç Vs 18: orim)ç TI ènnopia ] r\ £\ua>pia ayiov ] cryioç owoxônoETai ] + ouSe eoiateOnoETai eiç evftiiicnv eiç cmjißoXfiv ] KOI

The most significant readings, the plusses of vss 7, 8, 12, 13, 15 after ßaaiXecoc) and 17, are clearly based on the version of Th same applies to the variant reading "Sidon" instead of "Sion" 12. The reading "Carthage", on the other hand, has been retain may well be that the cases of a different word order (see vss 8, 1 15, 18) are also due to the influence of Th (as for vs 8 se discussion above [section A]). Interpretation by Eusebius of Caesarca

The commentary on the book of Isaiah by Eusebius of Caes dating to some time after 325, is the most ancient complete com tary on this biblical book that has been preserved. The comme

1 Edition: J. Ziegier (ed.), Eusdmu Werkt, Bd. K: Da Jagaharmailar (Berlin pp. 149-153. On Eusebius as interpreter of the Bible, see MJ. Hollerich, "Eu as a Polemical Interpreter of Scripture", in H.W. Attridge and G. Hâta Easebva, Ckrutiamiy, md Judaism (Leiden, 1992), pp. 585-615.

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on Isaiah written by Origen, which has been used by Eusebius to a large extent though, did not survive. The main points of the exegesis of Isa. 23 as presented by Eusebius may be summarized as follows: On vs 1 : the oracle ("word", pflna) about Tyre announces the destruction of the city by the king of the Babylonians at the time when Jerusalem and other cities of Syria-Palestine were captured and destroyed. Tyre will be laid waste for 70 years, the same number of years the destruction of Jerusalem will last. It will be a period without sea trade and commercial activities. Hence the call for complaints. - "they no longer come": i.e. those who brought merchandise from Tyre to Carthage and those who were accustomed to sail from Carthage to Tyre. - "from the land of Kittim": this refers to Cyprus (cf. the city of Kition), which was the place along which the seafaring merchants from Tyre used to sail. All this will no longer happen, since "it has been led captive", i.e. Tyre. On vs 2-3: Instead of the reading of LXX (tivi öjioioi teyóvaaiv) the translation of Aquila (<juami<jaTe), or that of Symmachus (oiyricraTe) is to be preferred, because after a time of much boasting and grandiloquence the people of Tyre, having been humiliated, are now said to be silent. In the past "the merchants of Phoenicia" were heaping up much wealth; the vast quantity of goods they were gathering is compared with "a harvest". On vs 4: But now, having been killed and deprived of their goods, "shame" will be brought not only on them, but also on the inhabitants of the neighbouring city of Sidon. Also "the sea and the strength" (T| BcAaaoa Kai r\ ioxüc) will mourn for them as someone who lost her children. On vs 5: Egypt too will be in distress, worrying about the idea that a similar fate might meet her. On vs 6-7: Those of Tyre who are still alive are called on to pass over and to take refuge in Carthage, the city where the colonists (from Tyre) live. While staying there (cf. vs 6b) they are said to bewail their own country, blaming not those on whom they relied, but blaming themselves for their arrogance and "pride" (üßpic), by which they tried to bring all peoples into their power.

On vs 8-9: The Tynans should not ascribe the things that ha to them to the necessity of fate, but they should look for an an the question, "who decided these things". The answer they w is that the disaster which befell them is the result of a just d taken by God. The decision taken by God was not only d against the pride of the Tynans, but also concerned other nations {i.e. Babylon, Moab, Damascus, and the other ones previous chapters in the book of Isaiah).

On vs 10-12a: There will be no longer any profit "from the s vs lOb), but, having been humiliated, Tyre is said to occupy with her own land by tilling the ground in order to be nouris the fruits of the land. In the glorious past she was committing v against neighbouring kings, but now she is not able to do longer, whether against others, or against Sidon (cf. 12a).

On vs 12b-13: And even when Tyre would like to go to Kition cméXOotç eiç Kitiov), the city of the Cypriotes, there will be n because one will persecute her and shut her up. But also the l Chaldeans is not a place to go for rest; its royal city, Babylon, laid waste (êptmoç Êcrrai) because of the wicked and arrogant that live in her. As to "its wall (is fallen)", this refers to the power (f| Sijvajuc r\ ßaaiXixri) of the land (and thus the passage is Babylon).

On vs 14-15a: Since there is no place for Tyre to go for refug colonists, the Carthaginians, have good reason to lament abou The things that were predicted about Tyre will be fulfilled duri period in which also the city of Jerusalem will be a ruin. Fo decided to make the period of destruction of Tyre as long lifetime of one human being (avopwnou évoç), i.e. 70 years, or a of the reign of a long-living king (ßacuXecoc évôç itoX-uetovx; àpxi

On vs 15b-16: - (vs 15b:) During that period of 70 years all people that knew so well before will sing a song ((p8r\v Kal çtaua) about her desol — (vs 16a:) Tyre itself is called on to spend the time by going a as a harlot (peußonevri), as someone "forgotten" (émXeXT|<jué God. — (vs 16b-17:) It would be better, however, if Tyre could use it cithara not as a harlot (jcopvucujc), but skilfully (èirurrnnoviKé "playing much and singing much" through votive offerings and plications to God. Then Tyre will be remembered by God. I

way God will restore her to her ancient state so that she will be a port of merchandise again.

On vs 18: The Greek text, KOI ËCTTOI f| è(uiopia aürrjc Kal ó (itaOcx; cryioc TCO KMpiqi, does not constitute an accurate rendering of the Hebrew text, because Aquila reads thus: KOI ËCTTOI è(utopiov CTÙTÎÎÇ KOI (uo6ta(ia Tiyiaojiévov va trupiox So both words, è(«tópiov and (1106(0(10, are without article in the Hebrew; LXX (T| è(uiopict icai ó (iioflóc) therefore is not correct. The text of LXX would mean that all her merchandise and all her gain will be dedicated to the Lord, whereas in line with Aquila only a part ((lépoç ti) of all this will be given to the Lord. This has been fulfilled in our days; as is the case with other peoples much of the gain of business is given to the church of God that has been established in the city of Tyre. It is given in piety, because it is not for themselves, nor to use themselves the gifts of God, but it is given to them "who dwell before the Lord", i.e. those who serve at the altar (toîç jtapéSpoiçTOÛoucnoCTrnpiou). It would be strange if this prophecy would mean that the Tyrians, once idol-worshippers and also enemies of Israel, were destined to give gifts and portions (firstoflerings) of their merchandise to the God of Israel. It therefore is better to regard this prophecy as being fulfilled in our days. The text continues as follows: itâaa r\ É(utopia aùrfjç 0<*ÏEW icai itieîv ical E(iitXT|aOrjvai eic jtXtionovfiv HVTKIÓOT>VT)V ëvavn. icupiou. However, Symmachus offers a better translation of this passage: TOÎÇ yap KatoiKoOoiv evanciov Kupiou earm r) è(Uiopia cnJTfjc <|)ayeîv eiç JiXTio(iovfiv Kai icepißaXeaOat eiç TO naXaiuXjai. The Hebrew, nor the other translators, support the idea of all her merchandise; that is to say, only a part (népoç) will be dedicated to the Lord by the faithful people of Tyre.

Some comments and observations on the exegesis of Eusebius are in order here. His interpretation of Isa. 23 is of a historical nature: the word of doom (verses 1-15) has been read as a prediction of the destruction of Tyre by the Babylonians (compare Ezek. 26, and see alsojosephus, Antiquities X, 228; Against Apian I, 156), and the word of restoration (vs 17f.) is considered to be fulfilled in the days of Eusebius himself, that is to say, since the time Tyre (and other nations as well) converted to Christianity. The same pattern of interpretation—the prophecy of doom as fulfilled in the distant past, and the perspective of salvation as come out in the days of Christianity—is found in

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Eusebius's exegesis of the oracles about Egypt, Moab, and Dam (Isa. 19; I5f; 17). As is usually the case in the early commentaries (and quite o modern ones as well), the interpretation of Isa. 23 is not detaile global and selective; not every passage is commented upon regards also the readings which are specific to the Hexaplaric would be interesting to know in which way Eusebius explain long pluses of vs 7 (ending) and of vs 13, but there is no comm be found on these passages. On the other hand, a Hexaplaric r which has a bearing on Eusebius's interpretation is the r "Sidon" in vs 12 (instead of "Sion" in the Old Greek), but for th Hexaplaric readings, which in most cases are of minor impo do not play any significant role in his interpretation. In some cases Eusebius provides an explanation which de some attention: (a) Apart from their beginning (see also below), verses 2-3 are u stood as referring to the glorious past of Tyre, whereas v taken as referring to the situation of the city when destroy vOv Se in the commentary). (b)The passage in which the merchants are compared with " vest" (vs 3 [ending]) is explained by Eusebius in a positive w is understood as denoting the great number of goods the chants were heaping up. It may well be that this exegesis is on a different syntactical reading of the text, by taking the w cntepfia (letctßoXaiv
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is called on to spend the time by going around as a harlot (peußonevn), as someone "forgotten" (aitXEX.T|a|ievn) by God. All this is to be taken ironically, because the passage that follows (vs 16b-17) is understood to say that it would be better if Tyre could use its own cithara not as a harlot (jtopvucoic), but skilfully (éiruTTT|noviKu>ç), by "playing much and singing much" through votive offerings and supplications to God. Only then Tyre will be remembered by God, and in this way God will restore her to her ancient state so that she will be again a port of merchandise. In other words, the expression of vs 16a (Xdße KiOdpav, pEjißeixrov) and that of vs 16b (icaXâi; Ki8opioov; KoXmc, cf. èjutorrinoviicûx;!) have been taken in a contrastive sense. Finally, it is to be noted that in a few cases Eusebius deals with the text of the LXX in a critical way. In his exegesis ofvs 2 (the beginning) and of vs 18 the reading of LXX is replaced and criticized respectivily in the light of the translations of Aquila and/or Symmachus which are considered to provide a faithful rendering of the Hebrew text.8 Interpretation by Jerome

The commentary on the book of Isaiah which was composed by Jerome at the beginning of the fifth century,9 has two sections on Isa. 23, one in Book V which was produced by him some ten years earlier (397), and one in Book VII. Since the latter offers an exegesis of the Greek text of this chapter10 (and of those of Isa. 13-22 as well), we will present here the main points of his interpretation of Isa. 23 as found in Book VII, limiting ourselves for the purpose of comparison to aspects of syntactical understanding, and to remarks concerning the literal meaning of the text. On vs 1: The verse refers to the situation that all trade settlements will be destroyed; the colonies of the Tynans will be taken captive. {The Latin version ofjerome is remarkable for its plural verbal forms: "[...] quia perienmt et ultra non venient". Another point of interest is the fact that the following words are taken as one clause: "De terra Citiorum ducta captiva est".) " On this aspect sec Hollcrich, "Polemical Interpreter", p. 593. 9 See J.N.D. Kelly, Jerome. His Lift, Wntatfi, and Omtraxrnu (London, 1975), p. 299: between 408 and 410 {"the most voluminous of all his commentaries"). 10 Editions: 5. ffiemnjmu Presbyteri Opera. Pars 1,2: Commentanontm m Exilant, Libri IDC (Turnholti, 1963), pp. 307-315; Commentaires de Jérôme ntr le pro/mite Isme. Livres VVm: Texte établi par R. Gryson (Freiburg, 1994), pp. 854-S69.

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On vs 2: The phrase, "Oui similes facti sunt [...]", means that else is like the people that live in that isle (Tyre).

On vs 3: "quasi messium illatarum, negodatores gentium": Th chants of the nations are compared here with crops that w suddenly, or with harvests of the river (the Nile) that have from heaven, but (water) from the earth; therefore they will with the nations.

On vs 5: Even Egypt shall be terrified, because it understan what happened to Tyre, will also happen to her. On vs 6-7: The phrase, Itc Carthaginem, ululate qui habiiatis in insula hac,

is directed to the inhabitants of Tyre; they are called upon to Carthage.

On vs 10: With the words, "Operare terram tuam", Tyre is sai the ground. This text is different from vs 6, according to wh inhabitants of the city should go to Carthage.

On vs 1 la: Et manus tua nequaquam praevalet, quae in mari provocat reges

Tyre no longer has the power to provoke kings "on sea". (No "in mari" is part of the relative clause.)

On vs 12a: The expression, "et dicent", refers to people th speak to the inhabitants of Tyre.

On vs 13: Et si ad terram Chaldaeorum, et ipsa vastata est ab Assyriis:

Also the land of the Chaldeans will be made desolate by the As (cf. the Antiochene text, see below). Fundavit cam siim:

"Siim", i.e. bad demons, have laid the foundations of the Chal Statuerunt propugnacula eius, suscitaverunt turrem eius: This refers to the building of the Chaldean city (Babylon).

On vs 14: The ships of Carthage are summoned to cry aloud because "periit fortitudo earum", i.e. Tharsis. On vs 16: After 70 years of "solitudo" the song that was a song of the harlot may change "in laudes Dei", and when Tyre will play well and sing much, "fiat eius apud Deum memoria, quae propter fornicationem oblivioni tradita erat". Then Tyre will be restored to the former situation. (Cf. Eusebius, above.) C The Antiochene text and its interpretation by Theodoret of Cyrrhus Text The readings of the Antiochene text which will be noted here are those which are characteristic of this text; for the manuscript references see Ziegler, haias. Readings which are also found in the Hexaplaric tradition will not be listed. Vs 1 : cmmXEto ] ajtoiXovto TjKTCti ai Vs 2: EV Tfj vr|(HB ] + raimi; cf. vs 6. 8icmepei ) IOXIKJEI; cf. vs 8. Vs 1 3: ana (-HÔV Aocrupicov) ] wio («ov Aoovpuov) Aoo-upiiûv ] + ouSe EKEL avcmcnxJiç E
This plus is followed then by the long plus from Th, continued by the Old Greek clause (o TOÎXOÇ aùrfji; iréimoicev), as in the Hexaplaric tradition.

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Vs 15: Tiipoç 2nd ] Tupoi; cf. MT. Vs 17: fin.] + em itpoaconov ïtaoriç TTIÇ ynç (= Hexaplaric tradition except the plus of iraoiv;) Vs 18: oya

i ] + ov&e. aitorEftTOEtai etc partly = MT QOTT tm). evovn Kupioi) 1st] > ; + emai; cf. MT, a', a'. (etc OTj(i|}oXr|v) uvriuoawov ] (eic oiiußoXiTv) uvimomivoi)

Most of the Antiochene (Lucianic) readings are of a context ture: vs 1 (the plurals), vs 2, vs 13 {< vs 12), and vs 18 (ayia). seem to have been introduced for clarification's sake, such pluses of oi and <àç in vs 2, the reading of eutoiicia (inst itapoiKia) in vs 7, and the plus of jioonc in vs 17. A special case change from cmó into limo in vs 13, implying a shift of mean three cases Ant readings are in line with MT: vs 15 (Tiipco), (oùoè OjroteOriaerai), and vs 18 (+ eotcti).11 Interpretation by Theodoret

The commentary on Isaiah by Theodoret of Cyrrhus may be some time before 449.'2 The main points of his exegesis of Isa. the following:

On vs 1 : Some copies of the text read the singular form (cn instead of the plural (awaXovto = lemma). The singular make sense with Tyre as subject; Tyre has been destroyed "b Assyrians" (i.e. the Babylonians). Inhabitants of the isles (Kittim refers to the isle of Cypru inhabitants of coastal regions (cf. Carthage that refers to the reg Africa) are called upon to cry aloud because of the disaster th Tyre, for their commercial activities were dependent on her. "They were led captive" (tfoötioav aiyjuüjaioi), i.e., the inhab of Tyre.

11 For the question of Antiochene ("Lucianic") readings going with M Ziegler, Istnas, pp. 83f. In most cases these readings go back to Th, or Aq, o and this may apply also for the cases of vs 15 and vs 18. 12 Edition: Theodoret de Gyr, Commentaire suf Isau, Tome II. Texte critiq duction et notes, par J.N. Guinot (Paris, 1982), pp. 170-183. For the dating se Ashby, Theodora ofCfrrlms as ExegcU of At Old Testament (Grahamstown, 1972)

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On vs 2-3: — TÎVI onoioi yeyovaoiv... èv Tfj vrjatp w\rtr\: Because of its position the city of Tyre resembles an isle, but in fact it is not. (This interpretation implies that tivt has been taken as "to what", and not as "to whom" [cf. Guinot].) — lieTCtßoXoi <J>oiviioiç: The merchants are called this way because they bring goods and they take other goods in exchange for them. - "the seed of retailers": their forbears did the same job. — côç a(iT|TOU... eOvaJv: The ships of the merchants which put in at the ports resemble those who at the time of the harvest bring the sheaves of grain to the threshing floors.

On vs 4: - Aioxw&nte EiScov eutev f| edXaooa: Sidon that was already for a long time subjected to Tyre, is speaking here to Tyre ("the sea" — "Tyre" because of the multitude of its inhabitants), "Be ashamed, Sidon said, you the sea". "Be ashamed", that is to say, traueren TOÛ Spoaouç, yvœSi acruTiiv. - T| ioxùç Ttiç öaXóacrtic elnev ... : Here Tyre is speaking. It confesses that it did not raise the multitude (of its inhabitants), dial resemble the waves of the sea, by its own strength.

On vs 5: The Egyptians are worried about their own fate. On vs 6: — oXoXiJ^otie oi KcrtoiKoûvreç èv tfj vrjoco lonlrri: Also the inhabitants of Carthage are called on to cry aloud.

On vs 7: This text teaches that the punishment of Tyre was justified (because of her "pride" [vßpic]). - aróCo\xnv atnfjv o\ noSeç a-ùrrjç itoppajOev etc dreoiKiav: the expression "her feet" refers to her way of life. Because of her way of life she (Tyre) was taken captive (i.e., her way of life led her to a situation of becoming a "colony" [àreoiKÎa]). On vs 8: This verse raises the question, who has decided to bring this punishment to Tyre. - ur| iï
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On vs 9: It is the Lord who decided "to undo all the pride glorious ones". On vs 10-11 a: Tyre is called on to till the ground instead of on sea.

On vs 1 lb-12a: Although the two cities, Tyre and Sidon, bot places of wickedness, God here accuses the one (Tyre) and i cerned about the other (Sidon, having suffered injustice).

On vs 12b-13: During the siege of the city the question was where to go. To Cyprus? There will be no rest, because one take her captive. Or to Babylon? The wicked and violent beha of her inhabitants has led to her desolation; "she was laid wa the Assyrians". - e9E(ieXioxjEv autfiv aii(i: The word "sum" has been render èÇepxoiiévoTx; by Aquila, so from the outset the city was w that she would be taken captive some time. However, "the S has translated "sum" as "demons" (Scunovia).13 This in fact right interpretation, because this one is also found at another (LXX Isa. 34:14). It is clear that this rendering was not cho our text in order that one should not think that the city of Ba had been build by demons. But it is fully clear that the prop word ascribes the construction of the evil city to demons, w explains that this city was given to destruction.

On vs 15a: "70 years, as the time of one king, as the time of a Although Tyre has sinned during many generations, the city w punished, due to the goodness of God, for the period of reign o long-living king only, or that of the lifespan of one human bein

On vs 15b-16: This passage is meant ironically, in order to teac harmful nature of the style of life as was conducted by Tyre harlot.

On vs 17: This verse makes clear that God is not only God o Jews, but also of the nations.

11 This reading corresponds with that of the Peshitta. On the relationship be readings attributed to "the Syrian" and the Peshitta see now R.B. ter Haar Ro A Synm m Greek Dress (Leuven, 1997), pp. 71-82.

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On vs 1 8: As to the words, eiç nßoM|v {last part of the verse), Symmachus and Theodotion read eic TO reepißc&eoöm, and Aquila ec&nTa. It is clear that the passage as a whole is about the new future of Tyre. This will be better than in the past, because the profit of its commercial activities will be given to them who have dedicated their life to the service of God, so that they need not to be concerned about food and clothing. And what about the fulfilment of this prophecy? Some hold that this verse came true after the return from exile when the people of Tyre offered gifts to the priests of Jerusalem. Others have said that Gog and Magog will plunder Tyre before their assault on Jerusalem; there, however, they will be slain by God, and so the treasuries of Tyre will be dedicated to God. I myself (Theodoret), however, have a different opinion on the fulfilment of the prophecy, because our eyes are witnessing the truth. In Tyre the faithful priests have used the remnants of the ancient temples for the construction of holy places (churches) for God. And still today we are witnessing the fact that all over the world gifts are brought to God, be it by people who have dedicated their life to God, be it by people after their death. These gifts enable the priests of God to nourish themselves and to clothe themselves. D The Alexandrinian text and its interpretation by Cyril of Alexandria

Unlike the former versions, the Alexandrinian text of LXX Isaiah does not constitute a revision of the Old Greek for the simple reason that this text type is almost identical with the Old Greek of Isaiah. The variant readings in Isa. 23 are very few in number indeed. One could argue that this part of chapter VI should come before the paragraphs which are dealing with some revision or recension of the Old Greek. The reason of placing this part after these paragraphs lies in the date of the commentary of Cyril of Alexandria (beginning of the fifth century). Text The main witnesses of the Alexandrinian textform are: A-O_-26-86106-710, and also the commentary by Cyril; for the details see Ziegler, Isaias. Vs 1 : &pa\ia ] KiTiécov ) Kmaicav or KTTtiauov Vs 10: EpXETat I Epxovtat

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Vs 13: OHIO 1 wto (attested only by one MS) AomipUuv ] + ov&e eicei ooi ovcmoumc ecnai; cf. vs 12. Interpretation by Cyril

Cyril of Alexandria wrote an extensive commentary on th Isaiah, dating to about 4-20.'4 The main points of his e chapter 23 are the following ones:

On vs 1 : The oracle of Tyre is about the destruction of t Nebuchadnezzar, king of Babylon. Cf. Ezek. 24:18f, For the Tyre deserves punishment, see Joel 4:4. — "they will no longer come from the land of Kittirn": Som "Kittim" refers to the Greek isles; others are of the opini refers to Cyprus because of "Kition", the name of one of The merchants, or ships of Carthage, are called on to c because Tyre has been destroyed. The people of Carthage nists from Tyre; so Tyre is their mother-city of which they w proud because of her famous and powerful position among Also Tyre itself is called on to cry aloud, because the m and ships, no longer come from the land of the Kittim, due t that she (Tyre) has been led captive.

On vs 2-3: The first part of vs 2 (TÎVI apmoi yEyóvamv...) mea of the nations have suffered a disaster like that of Tyre? — "passing over the sea in great waters": Sea trade was the cial activity of Tyre; they crossed the sea, making haste b profit and income. - "a seed of retailers": Their forbears also were merchants, profit making. - (bç ànTvtoû... : Those who live that shameful life (of profit are innumerable; they are like the great number of sh grain that are gathered at the time of the harvest.

On vs 4: Sidon was the mother-city of Tyre, and she was pro daughter. However, Tyre has been led captive, and theref sea", i.e. all isles of the sea, is saying to Sidon, "Be ashamed most beautiful subject matter of your boasting has been lost - "the power of the sea": i.e. Tyre, T| Kcmoxoovxro tóiv vfiac

14 Edition: Mignc PG 70, cols. 519-534. For the dating see A. Kerrigan Alaamdrw. Interpréta af the Old Tournait (Roma, 1952), p. 13.

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- "I travailed not" etc.: This refers to the situation that Tyre is without inhabitants. On vs 5: The report about Tyre will cause distress to Egypt, because "the Assyrian", having conquered the city of Tyre, intended to march against the land of Egypt (cf. Ezek. 29:18f). On vs 6: This verse contains a call to the inhabitants of Tyre, to go to Carthage. The imperative, "cry aloud", is meant as a mocking and scoffing remark: the Tynans should complain about themselves because of their cowardice. Under the threat of war they were thinking of taking refuge elsewhere. This lack of courage made God smile. On vs 7-8a: This passage is an argument against the Tynans (and other neighboring peoples) who maintained that the city of Jerusalem was not destroyed because of her sins, but due to the power of her enemies, thus claiming that God was weaker than the conquerors of the city. The argument runs thus: Tyre has been delivered "before her", i.e. before the fall of Jerusalem; this was done because of her pride which she exposed against God. However, God is not weak, or without power (the phrase, "Is she inferior, or has she no strength?", is read by Cyril with "He" [God] as subject); He is the one who decided to bring the disaster on Tyre. On vs 8b-9: The Lord of hosts decided to undo the pride of the merchants of Tyre who considered themselves rulers of the earth. Who else can do so except the One who is the most powerful of all? On vs 10-11 a: Tyre has to turn to agriculture, because they who gathered the vast quantity of goods will no longer come to Tyre. She will no longer be powerful "by sea", i.e. acting with power against every isle and every city on the coast of the sea. On vs lib: The Lord of Hosts commanded concerning Canaan in order to destroy its strength. "Canaan" refers to peoples who are serving idols and who do not descend from the people of Israel. When not only Tyre, but also other peoples, Moabites and Edomites, were overtaken by disaster (due to the brutal actions of the Assyrian armies), some who had understanding of the causes of the calamities will say, "No longer shall you insult and injure the daughter of Sion". This refers to those who were mocking Judah and Jerusalem at the time of their being taken captive. They (Ammonites, Moabites, Edomites) deemed Jerusalem, or Sion, unhappy, considering her as

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someone who had to suffer because the God, whom she w according to the Law, was weak.

On vs 12b-13a: When the right hand of God is waging wa can escape the calamities. There is no place of rest to be fou with the Kittim, or in the land of the Chaldeans. As to the expression "to the Kittim", it is often said that o cities of Cyprus is meant, but the Kittim themselves are fully the city of Carthage is meant. As to the land of Chaldeans, there will be no rest when sians and the Assyrians ravage this land, i.e. at the time wh makes war upon that country. "Her wall is fallen": This wall of the land of the Chaldea taken either symbolically, as the one who rules her as a literally, as the thick wall of the city of Babylon (seejer. 51: 28:58]). On vs 14: The stronghold that is destroyed is Tyre.

On vs 15: Tyre will be left, desolated, for 70 years, during period in which Jerusalem will be destroyed. For the numb years as referring to a lifetime, see Ps. 90 (91): 10.

On vs 16: Tyre, having become old (cf. "after 70 years"), the cithara and play and sing as a city which has becom forgotten harlot. In this way she can think back to her glori

On vs 17-18: Like Jerusalem, after 70 years Tyre will no l exposed to the wrath of God. As before, she shall be a por chandise for all the kingdoms of the earth. There is only on ence between the past and the new future. Since Tyre, and peoples as well, have been called "to the grace through belie 5ia niarecûç jyapiv) the profit of sea trade will be no longer f selves (as in the past), but it will be a sacred gift to the Lord, t being that they will eat and drink as a memorial before t presenting to God thank-offerings for all the good He did to E Concluding remarks

Regarding the revisions of the Old Greek of Isa. 23, the mos tant one is attested by (the readings of) Th, which in its tur tutes the source of the most significant readings of the su

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recensions, Hex and Ant (see esp. vs 7 and vs 13). It may well be that these later recensions reflect also readings of Th which are not known otherwise (see e.g. cases of a different word order in Hex). As to the question whether there is some relationship between revision and reception (interpretation), the only thing that can be said is that, as far as the Greek texts and interpretations of Isa. 23 are concerned, no specific relationship has been found; diis is partly due to the fact that not every passage of Isa. 23 is commented upon in the (four) commentaries. So, for instance, the long pluses of vs 7 and vs 13 do not play any role in the exegesis of Eusebius. To some extent, however, a few readings might have had a bearing on the interpretation, such as the reading "Sidon" instead of "Sion" in vs 12 and the preposition into instead of OHIO in vs 13. It is further to be noted, that Eusebius, and also Theodoret, discarded the reading of LXX in a few cases in preference to readings of Aquila, Symmachus, or "the Syrian" (for the last one, see Theodoret, on vs 13). It has become clear that the interpretations given by Eusebius, Jerome, Theodoret and Cyril do vary quite a lot as far as certain passages are concerned. An interesting example concerns vs 2-3. For the beginning of vs 2 (rivi öuoioi Yeyovamv ...) the following explanations can be noted: — Eusebius: instead of the reading of LXX he prefers the exegesis of "to be silent" on the basis of Aquila and Symmachus; - Jerome: its meaning is that nobody else is like the people that live in Tyre; - Theodoret: by taking tivt not as "to whom" (as Jerome does; see also Cyril), but as "to what", he views the text as about whether the city of Tyre resembles an isle; — Cyril: his idea is dial the text asks who of the nations have suffered a disaster like Tyre. For vs 3 (tàç à(iT|ToO eiwteponevou...) the picture is as follows: - Eusebius: the image of the harvest denotes the great number of goods the merchants were heaping up (in the glorious past of Tyre); - Jerome: the merchants are being compared with crops that have withered suddenly, and this means that they will perish; - Theodoret: the ships of the merchants are compared here with those who at the time of the harvest bring the sheaves of grain to the threshing floor;

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- Cyril: the merchants (who are doing the shameful work making) are said to be innumerable, because they are with the great number of sheaves of grain gathered at th the harvest

So vs 2-3 have been interpreted in different ways. In the ca Eusebius (by implication, see above) did so on the basis of a cal reading, according to which the words oiœpiia ueTaßof taken with the passage of coç àunTOÛ EioifiEponévou .... None o commentators have read the whole passage of vs 2-3 as cons question (im öpunot yeYÓvacnv ...) followed by an answer (<

On the other hand, however, it is also clear that the interp of LXX Isa. 23 by the four scholars mentioned do agree in th aspects: the first part of the oracle of Tyre (vs 1-14) has been a prediction of the fall of the city to the Babylonians, fully in Ezek. 27, whereas the prophecy of salvation, in particular v profits of the sea trade will be a sacred gift to the Lord priests), is regarded as being fulfilled since Christianity spr the ancient world, the city of Tyre included. So, although from each odier in their exegesis on details of the text, hermeneutical point of view all our commentaries have a p concept in common. Comparing the interpretation given by the Christian scho the exegesis in LXX Isa. 23 as reconstructed in chapters III concerning the meaning of words, expressions and verses, t correspondences and différences.15 Most telling, however, is ference between both interpretations as far as the herme stance is concerned. As we have seen, the patristic exegesis o is characterized by a twofold perspective: it divides the oracle into two parts by applying the first one (verses 1-14) to the tim 6th century B.C. (cf. Ezek. 27), and the second one, partic 18, to a much later period, namely their own, Christian er Isa. 23 itself, however, represents another type of interp namely an application of the oracle as a whole to the time of lator. Both have basically the same type of interpretation in c

15 On the value of patristic commentaries for Septuagint lexicograph Muraoka, "On Septuagint Lexicography and Patristics", JTTiS 35 (1984) 448.

THE SEPTUAGINT OF ISAIAH 2y. REVISION AND RECEPTION

185

namely that of the fulfilment-interpretation, but the application of this principle is different.16 The idea of the Christian scholars to relate the passage of vs 1-14 to the siege of Tyre by the Babylonians, and their king Nebuchadnezzar, is explicitly based on the oracle of Tyre in Ezek. 27. As far as die exegesis in LXX Isa. 23 is concerned there are no specific interpretive links between this text and the prophecy in Ezek. 27.

16 Another difference to be noted is that in the patristic interprétation both parts of Isa. 23 are regarded as being fulfilled in the strict sense of the word, albeit in different periods of time; according to the exegesis as reflected in LXX Isa. 23, however, only the first part, vs 1-14, can be seen as fulfilled, whereas the verses 15-18 actually were taken as events that were expected to happen in the near future.

CHAPTER SEVEN CONCLUSIONS

On the basis of our analysis of the Masoretic text of Isa. 23 in II and of the Septuagint version of the Oracle of Tyre in chap V, carried out in line with the method as presented in chapt findings and conclusions may be summarized as follows:

(a) The Masoretic text of Isa. 23, though not easy to interpret places (esp. vs 13), displays a coherence of its own. Notable features are the many instances of repetition, and more spe the making explicit of information in the second instance. (Ch

(b)The Old Greek version of Isa. 23, though differing marke MT, particularly in verses 1-14, represents, if read in its own coherent text. On the basis of a contextual approach to this text i said that significant renderings and passages are related to eac Thus, the translator was someone who aimed at producing ingful text. The main difference between MT and LXX, on of content, has to do with the presence and contextual fun "Carthage" in the Greek text. In contrast to MT which is destruction of Tyre, LXX refers to a destruction of Carthage serious consequences for Tyre. Instead of being powerful thanks to the merchants of Carthage, the only thing left for T till her land for the time being. (Chapter III)

(c) LXX Isa. 23, if read in line with the hermeneutics of th makes good sense as a "vision". This text can be characteriz translation which was made on the basis of a fulfilment-interp of the underlying oracular text in Hebrew, the result being a cation of an ancient prophecy. This type of interpretation was time the competence of scholars, "sages" (like Daniel, a Teacher of Righteousness), both within Judaism and outside Mesopotamia). In the light of data from Mesopotamia, LXX can be seen as reflecting a type of interpretation according to "signs of die time" were interpreted on the basis of ancestr phetic texts, such as the oracle of Isa. 23 (in Hebrew). The events that have been interpreted as "signs of the time" on th of Isa. 23 are the following:

CONCLUSIONS

187

- the complete destruction of Carthage by the Romans in the year 146 B.C., seen as having serious consequences to the position of Tyre, the mother-city of Carthage; - the Parthian invasion in Babylonia, presumably understood as a sign of the imminent breakdown of the Seleucid Empire; — the involvement of Tyre, in some way or another, in the Hellenization of the city and temple of Jerusalem. (Chapter IV)

(d) The Hebrew text underlying LXX Isa. 23 is very close to MT as far as the written text (ketib) is concerned. However, on the syntactical and semantical level, the Hebrew original was interpreted, at many places, in a way different from MT. Two factors are of main importance here: (1) MT(fetib) of Isa. 23 is supported, to a large extent, by texts of Isaiah found at Qumran; (2) LXX Isa. 23 as a translation is the result of a free, creative approach to its Vorlage so that a coherent, new version of the oracle of Tyre was produced which served a specific actualizing interpretation. The idea of a jcrifo-translator proved to be useful for the analysis of the differences between LXX and MT/Qumran witnesses. As to the passage of Isa. 23 in IQIsa" there is some reason to believe that this text, containing some interesting variant readings, reflects an interpretation which is basically the same as that of LXX. It means that this Qumran witness is to be used in text-critical research with much caution. (Chapter V) Finally, in chapter VI the horizon is widened by paying attention to the history of revision and of reception of LXX Isa. 23. As to the revisions (Theodotion/fo^e-recension; Hexaplaric text, and Antiochene [or Lucianic] text), the variant readings, mainly the significant ones, were listed, and discussed where appropriate. As for the reception of LXX Isa. 23, the commentaries written by Eusebius of Caesarea, Jerome, Theodoret of Cyrrhus, and Cyril of Alexandria were examined. Although differing from each other in their exegesis on details of the text, from the hermeneutical point of view all these commentaries have a particular concept in common: the first part of the oracle of Tyre (verses 1-14) is taken as a prediction of the downfall of the city to the Babylonians (in line with Ezek. 27), whereas the prophecy of salvation (verses 15-18, particularly vs 18) is regarded as being fulfilled since Christianity spread over the ancient world, the city of Tyre included. Comparing the exegesis in LXX Isa. 23 on the one hand, and the interpretation given by the Christian scholars just mentioned on the other, it is clear that both are different, not only because the former one is Jewish, and the second one is Christian, but also because of a

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difference in hermeneutics. Whereas the patristic exegesis div oracle into two parts by applying the first one (verses 1-14) to of the 6th century B.C., and the second one to a much later LXX Isa. 23 represents another type of interpretation, nam (re)application of the oracle as a whole to the time of its trans both cases the hermeneutical stance is in line with the idea different settings and periods involved; the application of a p in its entirety to events of the time of its interpreter, or trans well attested in Jewish circles (e.g. Qumran) in the Hellenist In the "historical" explanation of the patristic commenta idea to relate the passage of verses 1-14 to the siege of Tyre Babylonians (Nebuchadnezzar) is explicitly based on Ezek. 27 ever, as far as the Old Greek of Isa. 23 is concerned there specific, interpretive links between this text and the prophecy in Ezek. 27.1

If one raises the question whether LXX Isa. 23 can be see "adequate", or a "faithfiil" translation, the answer must be negative if this translation is measured with the standards of philology. However, from the point of view of the translator milieu it may well be argued that LXX Isa. 23 represents equate" version just in being an updated prophecy, or a "f rendering in so far it expresses faithfully the meaning of the u ing Hebrew text as this text was understood and interpreted translator and his milieu. It may seem strange that a translator dealt freely with a p book (Isaiah) that was regarded as an authoritative, or "canoni the loose sense of the word) writing at that time. It is to be however, that canonicity does not necessarily mean a literal tion, or as far as the original Hebrew text is concerned, a sta ized text.2 LXX Isa. 23 provides an interesting example. The responsible for our translation, presumably that of the Oniad (Onias FV and his followers) in Egypt, preferred apparendy a way to go, namely diät of a free and actualizing rendering oracle of Tyre. This was not meant, of course, to diminish the of this text, but rather to enhance the authority of the ancient prophecy.

1 The situation is different for the Targum of Isa. 23. See Van der Kooi Remarks on the Analysis of the Interpretative Character of Targum Jonatha Prophets, with particular attention to Targum Isaiah XXHI", in Dulch Stu Targum, pp. 78-88. * See Van der Kooij, "The Canonization of Ancient Books Kept in the of Jerusalem" (forthcoming).

CONCLUSIONS

189

way, the author of LXX Isaiah, a scribe-translator who also had the competence of a "sage", created his own version and vision of ch. 23, realizing thus his contribution to the "pluriformity" of biblical texts in the Hellenistic era. The same may apply to the corresponding passage in IQIsa*. A few centuries later {in the second century C.E.) again another new version of the oracle of Tyre was produced, this time in Aramaic (Targum Isaiah). It would be interesting to compare this interpretative version with that of LXX Isa. 23, but this would require, of course, a detailed analysis of Targum Isa. 23, which is another story, albeit also an exciting one.

APPENDIX TEXT CRITICAL NOTES ON MT ISAIAH 23 ACCORDING TO THE PRINCIPLES OF THE BIBIM HEBRAICA QUINTA

This Appendix is meant to provide an example of the critical apparatus as this will be part of the new edition, Biblia Hebraica Quinta (BHQ] which is now in preparation and will be the successor to the present Biblia Hebraica Stuttgartensia (BHS). The work of this project is being done on the initiative of the United Bible Societies and is sponsored by one of its members, the German Bible Society. ' An editorial committee was formed in 1990.2 Since then rules were discussed and formulated for the work to be done, and editors were invited to join the project and to prepare individual books, together with the members of the Editorial Committee. In line with BHK3, BHS and also HUB, the new edition will not be a critical edition in the strict sense of the word (by offering a reconstruction of the original text), but it will be a diplomatic edition. One particular Tiberian MS, namely codex L, will be printed as a base text, including its Masora* together with a critical apparatus. It is to be noted that the new edition will contain a short introduction to each book, or group of books (e.g. Twelve Prophets) for the purpose of characterizing the various witnesses for that book. Further, the edition will be accompanied by a one-volume commentary; its purpose is, inter alia, to supply necessary information and arguments that cannot be clearly and compactly signaled in the apparatus; to give the arguments in cases where another reading is preferred; to report and engage other discussion of the case.4

1 For more information sec A. van der Kooij, "A United Bible Societies Policy For The New Edition of the Hebrew Bible", JNSL 19 (1993), pp. 1-11, and A. Schenker, "Ene Neuausgabe der Biblia Hebraica", £AH 9 (1996), pp. 58-61. See also G J. Norton, "Changing Paradigms in the Study of the History of the Biblical Text", Hmrnthaia 154 (1993), pp. 19-37. 2 The members of this committee are: Y. Goldman, A. van der Kooi], GJ. Norton, S. Pisano, A. Schenker, J. de Waard, R.D. Weis. 3 The Masora will be printed according to the MS, i.e. the Mm (Masora magna) at the top of the page, and the Mp (Masora parva) in the margin. A translation of the Mm will be given in the commentary section. 4 See Gtodttaus for Contributors. Version Effective August 14, 1994 (Distributed January, 1995). Formulated by R.D. Weis and GJ. Norton, O.P., on the basis of the decisions of the General Editorial Committee (Deutsche Bibelgesellschaft), pp. 5f.

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APPENDIX

Since the edition cannot present, in its printed version potential text critical cases, a selection has to be made by e editor.5 Cases for inclusion in the apparatus should be selecte list generated from three sources: (a) the collation widi L of the following sources: - three major Tiberian manuscripts in the case of the T two major Tiberian manuscripts in the case of the Prop Writings (among them codex A); - all available pre-Tiberian Hebrew textual witnesses; - all ancient versions that give evidence of independent knowledge of a Hebrew text. (b) the collation of major editions and translations of the Heb to identify cases given wide notice therein. (c) a review of the principal modern commentaries for a given identify textual cases given wide attention therein.6 In order to provide as much uniformity in the project as poss of inclusion (and exclusion) of cases have been established. T important ones are: - All cases stemming from consonantal variants in the witnesses, other than plene/defective, are to be includ — All cases stemming from corrections of obvious errors to be included; - All cases stemming from variants found in the witnes Qumran, Masada and Murabba'at, where the varian purely orthographic, are to be included; - All cases stemming from consonantal variants found in maritan Pentateuch, where the variant is not purely graphic, or linguistic in character, are to be included. The basic principles for inclusion are, first of all, that one variants of a case must be text-critically significant, that is, the arguably witnesses a Hebrew text that differs from the lemma ing the aspect of vocalization); secondly, a case must also b tially of significance for translation and/or interpretation, and even when these first two criteria do not indicate inclusion, to be included when it has received extensive discussion, e.g. mentaries.7

5

The edition is meant to be a aft» cntua minor. See Gtadtlaiaßr Gmtntutors, p. 17. ' See Gmdcboajar Cmtnbalars, pp. 17-20. 6

L

BIBLIOGRAPHY Aejmelaeus, A., Parataxis in the Septuagint. A Study of the Rendering of the Hebrew Coordinate Clauses in the Greek Pentateuch, AASF.DHL 31 (Helsinki, 1982) Ahlström, G.W., "The Nora Inscription and Tarshish", Maman 7 [1991), pp. 41-49 Alexander, P.S., "Notes on the 'Imago Mundi' of the Book of Jubilees", TJS 33 (1982), pp. 197-213 Aptowitzer, V., "Rabbinische Parallelen und Aufschlüsse zu LXX und Vg: I, Die Bücher Samuelis", ZAW& (1909), pp. 241-252 Ashby, G.W., Theodore! ofCyrrhus äs Exegeie of the Old Testament (Grahamstown, 1972) Barr,J., The Semantics of Biblical Language (Oxford, 1961) —, The Typology of Literalism in Ancient Biblical Translations, MSU 15 (Göttingen, 1979) —, ""Guessing" in the Septuagint", in D. Fraenkel, U. Quast und J.W. Wevers (Hrsg.), Studien für Septiiaginta—Robert Hanhart tu Ehren, MSU 20 (Gottingen, 1990), pp. 19-34 Barthélémy, D., Les devanciers d'Aquila, VT.S 10 (Leiden, 1963) Barthélémy, D., D.W. Gooding.J. Lust, E. Tov, The Story of David and Goliath. Textual and Literary Criticism, OBO 73 (Fribourg/Göttingen, 1986) Barthélémy, D., Critique textuelle de l'Ancien Testament. Tome 2. heut, Jèrémie, Lamentations, OBO 50/2 (Fribourg/Göttingen, 1986) —, Critique textuelle de l'Ancient Testament. Tome 3. Ézéchiel, Daniel et les 12 Prophètes, OBO 50/3 (Fribourg/Göttingen, 1992) Barton, J., Oracles of God (London, 1986) Berger, P.R., "Ellasar, Tarschisch und Jawan, Gn 14 und 10", WO 13 (1982), pp. 50-78 Bertram, G., "Praeparatio Evangelica in der Septuaginta", VT1 (1957), pp. 225-249 —, "Septuaginta-Frömmigkeit", KGG3, Bd. 5 (1961), col. 1707-I709 Bickermann, E., Studies in Jewish and Christian History. Vol. I, AGAJU 11,1 (Leiden, 1976) Bingen, J. (ed.), Papyrus Revenue Laws. Nouvelle édition du texte, SGUÄ Beiheft l (Göttingen, 1952) Blâzquez, J.M., Tartessosy lus origines de la colonisation fenicia en Occidente (Salamanca, 1975) Bordreuil, P., F. Israel, D. Pardee, "Deux ostraca paléo-hébreux de la collection Sh. Moussaïeff", Semitica 46 (1996), pp. 49-76 Borger, R., Die Inschriften Asarkaddons (Graz, 1956) Bousset, W., DK Religion des Judentums im Späthellenistuchen Zeitalter (Dritte, verbesserte Auflage, hrsg. von H. Gressmann, Tübingen, 1925) Briant, P., Histoire de l'empire perse de Cyrus à Alexandre (Paris, 1996) Brock, S.P., "The Phenomenon of the Septuagint", in Witness of Tradition, OTS 17 (Leiden, 1972), pp. 11-36 —, "Aspects of Translation Technique in Antiquity", GRBS2Q (1979), pp. 69-87

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—, "Translating the Old Testament", in D.A. Carson and Williamson (eds.), It is Written: Scripture Citing Scripture. Essays in Barnabas Lindars (Cambridge, 1988), pp. 87-98 —, "To Revise or Not to Revise: Attitudes to Jewish Biblical Tran in G J. Brooke and B. Lindars (eds.), Septuaguit, Scrolls and Cognat SCSt 33 (Atlanta, 1992), pp. 301-338 Brooke, GJ., "The Kittim in the Qumran Pesharim", in L. Alexan Images of Empire (Sheffield, 1991), pp. 135-159 Bunnens, G., L'expansion phénicienne m Méditerranée. Essai d'interprétation une analyse des traditions üitératres, Études de l'Institut historique Rome 17 (Bruxelles/Rome, 1979) Burrows, M. (éd.), Trie Dead Sea Scrolls of St. Mark's Monastery. Vol. I: Manuscript and the Habakkuk Commentary (New Haven, 1950) Burstein, S.M., The Bobyhmoca ofBcrossus , SANE 1/5 (Malibu, 197 Cassin, E.,J. Bottéro, J. Vercouter (eds.), Die Altorientalischen Reiche // furt am Main, 1967) Collins, JJ., Daniel, Hermeneia (Minneapolis, 1993) —, The Sibylline Oracles of Egyptian Judaism, SBL.DS 13 (Missoula, 19 —, "The Sibylline Oracles, Book 3", in J.H. Charlesworth (ed.), Testament Pseudepigrapha. Vol. I (New York, 1983) —, "The Sage in the Apocalyptic and Pseudepigraphic Literature" Gammie and L.G. Perdue (eds.), The Sage in Israel and the Ancient N (Winona Lake, 1990), pp. 343-354 —, The Scepter and the Star. The Messiahs of the Dead Sea Scrolls and Oth Literature (New York, 1995) Coste, J.M., "Le texte grec d'Isaïe xxv, 1-5", RB 64 (1954), pp. 36 Dandamaev, M.A., Political History of the Achaemenid Empire. Transla English by W.J. Vogelsang (Leiden, 1989) Déaut, R. le, "La Septante, un Targum?", in R. Kuntzmann et J. S (éds.), Etudes sur le Judaïsme hellénistique. Congrès de Strasbourg 1983 divina, 119 (Paris, 1984), pp. 147-195 Debevoise, N.C., A PoMcol History ofParthta (Chicago and London, Deissmann, A., Licht vom Osten (Vierte, völlig neubearb. Auflage, Tü 1923) Delitzsch, F., Die Lese- und Schreibfehler im Alten Testament (Berlin/ 1920) Dimant, D., "Qumran Sectarian Literature", in M. Stone (ed.), Jewi ings of the Second Temple Perwd, CRI n,2 (Assen/Philadelphia, 19 483-550 Dittenberger, W., Oruntis Graeci Inscriptiones Selectae, Vol. II (Leipzig, Dodd, C.H., The Bible and the Greeks (London, 1934) Donner, H.,—W. Röllig. Kanaandische und aramäische Inschriften, Bd. I durchgesehene und erweiterte Auflage, Wiesbaden, 1966) Eddy, S.K., The King is Dead. Studies in the Near Eastern Resistance to 334-31 B.C. (Lincoln, 1961) Ehrlich, A.B., Randglossen &n hebräischen Bibel. Bd. IV (Leipzig, 1912) Elat, M., 'Tarshish and the Problem of Phoenician Colonisation Western Mediterranean", OLaP 13 (1982), pp. 55-69 Euler, K.F., Die Verkündigung vom leidenden Gotteshiecht aus Jes. Im griechischen Bibel, BWANT IV,14 (Leipzig, 1934)

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(Eusebius:) Eitirbius Werke, Bd. DC: Der Jesajakommentar. Hrsg. von J. Ziegler (Berlin, 1975) Finkelstein, M.I., "Euiiopoc, NaùicXiipoç, and KoirnXoç. A Prolegomena to the Study of Athenian Trade", CP 30 (1935), pp. 320-336 Fischer, J., In welcher Schrift lag das Buch Isatas den LXX vor? Erne texthidscke Studie, BZAW 56 (Giessen, 1930) Fischer, T., und U. Rüterswörden, "Aufruf zur Volksklage in Kanaan (Jesaja 23)", WO 13 (1982), pp. 36-49 Fishbane, M., Biblical Interpretation in Ancient Israel (Oxford, 1985) —, "Use, Authority and Interpretation of Mikra at Qumran", in MJ. Mulder (ed.), Mikra. Text, Translation, Reading and Interpretation of the Hebrew Bible in Ancient Judaism and Early Chmtuanty, CRI u,] (Assen/Maastricht/ Philadelphia, 1988), pp. 339-377 Flashar, M., "Exegetische Studien zum Septuagintapsalter", <S4W32 (1912), pp. 81-116, 161-189, 241-268 Flint, P.W., "The Septuagint Version of Isaiah 23:1-14 and the Massoretic Text", BIOSCS 21 (1988), pp. 35-54 Folmer, M.L., The Aramaic Language in the Achaemenid Period, OLA 68 (Leiden, 1995) Frankel, Z., Historisch-kritische Studien ^u der Septuaginta, Bd. I, Erste Abteilung: Vorstudien f u der Septuaginta (Leipzig, 1841) —, Ueber den Einßuss der paJastinischen Exegese auf die alexandratische Hermeneutik (Leipzig, 1851) Fräser, P.M., Ptolemaic Alexandria. Vol. I: Text, Vol. H: Mtes (Oxford, 1972) Freyne, S., Galilee from Alexander the Great to Hadrian 323 B.C.E. to 135 C.E. (Wilmington and Notre Dame, 1980) Fürst, J., "Spuren der palastinisch-jüdischen Schriftdeutung und Sagen in der Übersetzung der LXX", in Semitic Studies m Memory of A. Kohat (Berlin, 1897), pp. 152-166 Galling, K., Studien zur Geschichte Israels an Persischen Zeitalter (Tübingen, 1964) —, "Tarsis", BRL2, pp. 332-333 Garbini, G., / Femci, storia e religione (Napoli, 1980) Garcia Martinez, F., The Dead Sea Scrolls Translated (Leiden, 1994) —, "4QMMT in a Qumran Context", in J. Kampen and MJ. Bernstein (eds.), Reading 4QMMT. New Perspectioes on Qymran Law and History, SBL.SS 2 (Atlanta, 1996), pp. 18-23 Gard, D.H., The Exegetical Method of the Greek Translator of the Book of Job, JBL.MS 8 (Philadelphia, 1952) Garstang, J., and O.R. Gurney, The Geography of the Hittite Empire (London, 1959) Gehman, H.S., "Biuncéitouai, ÈHVOTCEVIÇ, éjrUnconoç and èitinxoitri", VT 22 (1972), pp. 197-207 Gentry, P.J., The Asterisked Materials in the Greek Job, SCSt 38 (Adanta, 1995) Gerleman, G., Studies in the LXX. I: The Book of Job, LUÂ 43,2 (Lund, 1946) Gcscnuis' Hebrew Grammar as edited and enlarged by the late E. Kautzsch. Second English edition, revised in accordance with the twenty-eighth German edition (1909) by A.E. Cowley (Oxford, 1910) Gilbert, M., "Siracide", DAS Xu/71 (Paris, 1996), cols. 1389-1437 Ginsberg, H.L., "The Oldest Interpretation of the Suffering Servant", VT 3 (1953), pp. 400-404

2O2

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Mason, S., Flavius Josephus on the Pharisees. A Composition-Critical Study, StPB 39 {Leiden, 1991) Mayser, E., Grammatik der griechischen Papyri aus der Ptolemäerzeit. Bd. 11,3 (Berlin, 1926-1934) McCiystaU, A.PJ., Studies in the Old Greek Translation of Daniel (Unpubl. thesis, Oxford, 1980) Meadowcroft, T.J., Aramaic Daniel and Greek Darnel. A Literary Comparison, JSOT.S 198 (Sheffield, 1995) Meisner, N., "Aristeasbrief, JSHR^Ed. 11,1 (Gütersloh, 1973), pp. 35-87 Mendels, D., The Land of Israel as a Political Concept in Hasmonean Literature (Tübingen, 1987) Michel, D., Qohelet, EdF 258 (Darmstadt, 1988) Muraoka, T., "On Septuagint Lexicography and Patristics", JThS 35 (1984), pp. 441-448 — (ed.), Melbourne Symposium on Septuagint Lexicography, SCSt 28 (Adanta, 1990) Naveh.J., The Development of the Aramaic Script (Jerusalem, 1970) Neves, J.C.M. das, A Teologia da Traducao Grega dos Setenta ne Lioro de Isaias (Cap. 24 de Isaias) (Lisboa, 1973) Norton, GJ., "Changing Paradigms in die Study of the History of die Biblical Text", Hermathena 154 (1993), pp. 19-37 Oesch, J.M., Pelucha und Setuma. Untersuchungen zu einer überlieferten Gliederung im hebräischen Text des Alten Testaments, OBO 27 (Freiburg/Göttingen, 1979) Olmstead, A.T., History of the Persian Empire (Chicago and London, 1966) Olofsson, S., God is my Rock. A Study of Translation Technique and Theological Exegesis in the Septuagint, CB.OT 31 (Stockholm, 1990) Orlinsky, H.M., "Studies in the Septuagint of die Book of Job I", HUCA 28 (1957), pp. 53-74; "II", HUCA 29 (1958), pp. 229-271; "HI", HUCA 30 (1959), pp. 153-167; 32 (1961), pp. 239-268 Ottley, R.R., The Book of Isaiah according to the Septuagint (Codex Alexandrians). Vol. I: Introduction and Translation (Cambridge, 1904; 2nd edition, 1909); Vol. II: Tat and Notes (Cambridge, 1906) Parpola, S., Jfa>-Assjman Toponyms, AOAT 6 (Neukirchen-Vluyn, 1970) —, Letters fiom Assyrian and Babylonian Scholars, SAA 10 (Helsinki, 1993) Pelletier, A., Lettre d'Aristée à Phtiocraie, SC 89 (Paris, 1962) Perles, F., Anale/Oen fur Textkritik des Alten Testaments (Leipzig, 1922) Peursen, W.Th., "Guarded, Besieged or Devastated? Some remarks on Isaiah 1:7-8, with special reference to IQIsa-a", DS-NELL 2 (1996), pp. 101-110 Prijs, L., Jüdische Tradition in der Septuagmta (Leiden, 1948) Qimron, E., The Hebrew of the Dead Sea Scrolls, HSM 29 (Atlanta, 1986) Rabenau, M., Studien zum Buch Tobit, BZAW 220 (Berlin, 1994) Rabin, C., "The Translation Process and the Character of the Septuagint", r«ftu6(1968), pp. 1-26 Reveil, E.J., "LXX and MT: Aspects of Relationship", in A. Pietersma and C. Cox (eds.), De Septuaginta (Mississauga, 1984), pp. 44-51 Rósel, M., Übersetzung als Vollendung der Auslegung. Studien zur Genesis-Septuaginta, BZAW 221 (Berlin/New York, 1994) Rosenmüller, E.F.C., Scholia in Vetus Testamentum. Partis tertiae Jesajae Vaticmia complectenüs Volumen secundum (Leipzig, 1818)

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Rostovzeff, M., The Social and Economic History of the Hellenistic W (Oxford, 1941) Rudolph, W., "jesaja 23,1-14", in FS F. Baumgartel &an 70 (Erlangen, 1959), pp. 166-174 Rutherford, W.G., A Chapter in the History of Annotations, b Aristopkanica, Vol. in (London, 1905) Schaper, ].,.Esc/iatology in the Greek Psalter, WUNT 2. Reihe 76 1995) Schenker, A., "Eine Neuausgabe der Biblia Hebraica", £AH 9 58-61 Schippmann, K., Grundzuge der Parthischen Geschichte (Darmstadt, 1 Schleusner, J.F., Novus Thésaurus Ptalolagico-Cnticus, sise Lexikon m L umes (Londen, 1829) Schnabel, P., Berossos (Hildesheim, 1968 [= Leipzig/Berlin, 1923 Scholz, A., Die alexandrinische Uebersetfung des Buches Jesaias (Würzb Schreiner, J., "Hermeneutische Leitlinien in der Septuaginta", in und W. Strolz (Hrsg.), Die hermeneutische Frage in der Theologie, Sc Weltgespräch 3 (Freiburg, 1968), pp. 356-394 Schwarz, E., "Einiges über Assyrien, Syrien, Koilesyrien", Ph (1931), pp. 373-399 Seeligmann, I.L., "Problemen en perspectieven in het moderne Se onderzoek", JEOL 7 (1940), pp. 359-390e = "Problems and P in Modern Septuagint Research", Textus 15 (1990), pp. 169-2 —, The Septuagint Version of Isaiah. A Discussion of Its Problems, (Leiden, 1948) —, "Voraussetzungen der Midraschexegese", in Congress Volume 1953, VT.S l (Leiden, 1953), pp. 150-181 Simons, J., "The "Table of Nations" (Gen. X): Its general stru meaning", OTS 10 (1954), pp. 155-184 Skehan, P.W., and A.A. di Leila, The Wisdom of Ben Sira, The An (New York, 1987) Smolar, L., and M. Aberbach, Studies m Targum Jonathan to the Pro York and Baltimore, 1983) Soisalon-Soininen, I., Die Inßnitwe in der Septuaginta (Helsinki, 1965 —, "Gebrauch des genetivus absolute in der Septuaginta", in World Congress of Jewish Studies, Vol. IV (Jerusalem, 1973), pp. I. Soisalon-Soininen, Studien nur Septuaginta-Syntax. Zu se Geburtstag am 4. Juni 1987 herausgegeben vom A.Aejmelae SoUamo, AASF B 237 (Helsinki, 1987), pp. 175-180 —, "Zurück zur Hebraismenfrage", in D. Fraenkel, U. Quast, J.W (eds.), Studien zur Septuaginta—Robert Hanhart zu Ehren, MSU 20 ( 1990), pp. 35-51 Sollamo, R., Renderings of Hebrew Sermprepositions in the Septuagint, A 19 (Helsinki, 1979) Stadelmann, H., Ben Sira als Schnfeelchrter (Tübingen, 1980) Stern, E., "The Persian empire and the political and social history tine in the Persian period", in W.D. Davies and L. Finkelstein Cambridge History of Judaism. Vol. I: Introduction; the Persian Per bridge, 1984), pp. 70-87

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INDEXES I General Index actualization 10, 11, 17, 90, 149, 187 Africa 49, 50 Alexandrinian tcxc 162,179 Antiochene text 19, 162, 175 Babylon 62, 67, 82, 98-100, 109 Babylonia 67, 68, 85, 98-100 Bit lia Hcbnaca Quaita 19, 191 Carthage 49, 50, 57, 58, 76-87, 96-98, 187 coherence, aspect of 1, 11, 17, 75, 87, 110, 186 comparison, MT and LXX 15, 16, 48, 110 context-level 8, 111 contextual (approach) 15, 17, 76, 148, 186 dragoman, translator as 6, 8, 112, 120 exegesis in LXX, history research 2-7 types of 1, 2 fulfilment(-interpretation) 9, 10, 89, 90, 92-95, 103, 104, 109, 185, 186 genre, issue of 11, 17, 88, 106 "interpretation" 117-119 Hexaplaric text 19, 162, 167
Oniad party/Oniads 103, 107, 188 Parthians 100, 109, 187 Phoenicia 52, 53, 78, 79, 81 prediction, prophecy as 88-94, 106 "reading (aloud)" 19,112-119,123, 149 reception 19, 162 reapplication 107, 108, 186 reinterpretation 90, 91, 107 revision 19, 162 Romans, Rome 77, 97, 98, 109, 187 scholar/sage 91, 107, 108, 122, 186, 189 scribe, translator as 8, 19, 112-123, 160, 187, 189 Seleucid (rulers, etc) 99-101,187 Sion/Jerusalem 65, 85, 101-106, 187 Tarshish 20, 21, 40-47, 49, 50, 76, 158-160 Tarsus 40-47, 50 Tartessos 40-47 textual criticism 5, 6 Tyre passim Tyre and Carthage 81, 96-98, 187 Tyre and Jerusalem 102-106, 187 updated prophecy 95 vision (oracle) 1, 88, 91, 95, 96, 107, 186 Vorlagt, question of 12, 18, 19, 110, 111, 123(ff), 160, 187 word-level 8, 111

II Index of Biblical References Masoretic Text Genesis 10:2 10:2-4 Numbers 24:24 3I:25ff.

40 41

Deuteronomy 31:29 I Samuel 17

11 74,148

94

INDEXES

Isaiah 7:8 8:8 8:11-18 13:19 13:21 14:16 17:1 23: 1,2 etc.

21 26 14 26 29 27 21 20-39, 123-148, 193-

195 24:10 25:2 26:9 28:1 34:14 66:19

Jeremiah 5:15 Ezekiel 27:3

21 30 24 26 29 42 5 147

27:12 27:12-14 27:25

40 42 22, 128

Daniel 1:17 5:1 If. 7:9 9:2 11-12 11:30

91, 122 91 74 90, 91 93 77

Habakkuk 1:12

29, 30

Psalms 107:23

127, 128

Nehemiah 8:8

113, 116

149

Septuagint Numbers 24:7

118-120

Deuteronomy 3:9

52

I Samuel 17

5

Isaiah 1:7 1:22 2:16 5:13 7:8 8:8 8:11-18 8:18 9:6 9:7 10:24 11:10 13:19 14:14 14:16 14:21 14:23 15:1 16:14

67 52 49 50 124 59, 135 13 74 105 105 73 105, 106 61, 62, 82 51 64, 100 100 99, 100 68 86

23:1,2, etc. 23:2-3 23:4 23:8 23:10 23:11 23:12 23:13 23:18 24 24:10 25:1-2 25:1-5 25:12 33:18 60:5-7 60:9 66:19

48-87, 123 183, 184 97

97, 98 96 97

101, 103 98-100 104 10 49, 124 82 10, 11, 13 67, 68 115 104 49 42,49

Jeremiah 33:9 (26:9)

67

Ezeldel 16:55 27 27:12 27:25 38:13

72 184 49 49 49

Daniel 1:4 1:17 3:1 11:30

115 115 68 77

I Esdras 3:3 5:70

74 70

Qutnran IQIsa* 23: 1,2, etc.

111 123-147, 148-160

IQIsab 23:1 23:2-3 23:4

111 123 125, 127-129 131

4QIsa' 23:1 23:2-3 23:4 23:5 23:6 23:7 23:8 23:9

111 123 125, 127-129 131 131, 132 132 133 134 136

23:10 23:11 23:12

137 140, 141 142

4QIsac 23:8 23:9 23:10 23:11 23:12 23:13 23:14 23:15 23:16 23:17 23:18

111 134 136 137 140, 141 142 143 145 145 146 146 147

23:15 23:17 23:18

166 166 167

Jeremiah 5:15

147

Daniel 2:39

60

Isaiah 2:16 8:2

49 94

Theodotion Isaiah 23:1 23:2 23:3 23:6 23:7 23:8 23:12 23:13 23:14

163 164 164 164 57, 134, 164 164 165 67, 143, 165, 166 166

Targum (Onkelos) Numbers 24:24

77

Targum (Jonathan Prophets) I Kings 10:22 22:49

49 49

23:1

49

23:6

49 49 49 49 49

23:10 23:14 60:19 66:19

Jeremiah 10:9

Ezefcel 27:12 27:25 38:13

49 49 49

Jonah 1:3 4:2

49 49

49

III Other Sources Jewish sources Ben Sira Prologue 7-11 113 Prologue 10 113 36:13-20 88,89 113, 115 38:24 95 48:24-25 75 50:16 I Maccabees 1:1 5:15 6:1 8:5 15:3

77 101 62 77 72

II Maccabees 3:2 4:18-19 4:32

104 102 102

Tobit 14:3-5

89,90

Jubilees 9:3

67 n

Eupolemus

103, 106

Letter of Aristeas §32 § 121f. § 301 §305

IQpHab Col. 11:6-10 Col. VII: 1-2 Col. Vn:4-5 Col. W: 7-8

91, 92 92 92 92 92

4QJ96

89 n

4QMMT C, 20-22

94

Josephus, Antigmtus I, 122-147 46 n I, 128 77 I, 127 44 IV, 125 94 n DC, 208 44 X,228 171 Josephus, War 3, 352 4, 609-610

107 68

Josephus, Against Apwn I, 156 171 114 114 79 n 114,117

Pscudo-Eupolemus

.

Sibylline Oracles ffl, 303-313 99, 100 m, 314-318 99

84

Babylonian Talmud Meg. 3a 116 Lam. Rabbah V 18

94

213

Early Christian sources Cyril of Alexandria, Comm. Isaiah 162 On Isa. 23 180-182 Eusebius of Caesarea, Comm. Isaiah 162 On Isa. 23 168-173

Jerome, Comm. Isaiah

162 On Isa. 13:21 165 On Isa. 23 173-175 Theodoret of Cyrrhus, Canon. Isaiah 162 On Isa. 23 176-179

Other ancient authors and sources Apollonius Rhodius, Argonautica I, 1120 79 n Berossus, Babylomafa 45 Dionysius Thrax 115

Polybius, Histories I 16,7 97 n I 73,3-4 79 ID 24,1.4 46 ID 33,9f. 46 XXXVm 7f.l9-22 97 n

xxxvra 22,1-2

97 n

Herodotus, Mutants I, 163 40 I, 178 67 n H, 14 139 H, 44 25 HI, 92 67 n, 98

Strabo, Geography XVI 1,1 67 n XVI 2,19 68 Xenophon, Anabasis I 7,15 68 H 4,12 68

IV Hebrew Words •R

ran« «13(0)

I'm

p (Hifil)

n-3(D) rrta TU

T(X •Vrn mao nra

HD30 K1»

-[»"TQ (subst.) "JR^D (verb) TW^D ~l'2VÖO vnfiïc

22, 35, 132 33 21, 124, 149, 195 31 90,91 21, 124, 195 152 134 49, 50, 125 156 26 26, 27, 197 74 22, 128 128 127-129 21, 126-129, 195, 196 126, 127, 129, 150 127, 128

rroiVTa rrroo rfPBQ

EHBO K-po

Ma

m™ nnon] -BIO 135) (+ HOT«) T3U (+ p«) 131) T3J) T3D (+ pK) •131JJ TTTDIID

moi?o nrftc r1?» nprào

127, 128 27, 28 30 116 112 48, 107, 123 95 95 113, 115 138 138 62, 137, 138,153 21, 26, 35, 195 138, 197 151 25, 196 135, 153, 196 152 25 28, 154

214 pTUJ

prui rtmoip

34, 74, 148 148 152

Dip (Hifil) D"S p,

89 29, 165 154-156

V Greek Words ABucto

65, 101 50 aixiióXüKOC ÙKODOTOV YÎyvonai 56 56 ÓKOIXTIÓV 7KUÉÛ) ovoyvuxjic 112, 114, 115, 119, 149 avdnauoic 66,85 ÔTtOVÛ) 164 57, 66, 76, 79, 80 dxépxofun 67 ÓKÓ àicoicputa, TQ 95 àpxotîov, eiç/ÉAi rô 72 62 ànftû^B 82 fkraM 17, 113, 115 Ypau^a-œûç Ypawicmicf] texvii 115 YpatinaTiKOi; 17, 115, 117, 122 53,57 ÔiaiœpCKu 114, 117 5i o o<34rK**-ç 108 \£f) oYpŒUU QTE.ÙC éptopia 52, êjiïtopiov 72, 86 ëjiïtopoç 17, 52, 60, 76, 81, 97 60-62, 75, 76, 81, ëvôo^oç 82 51 ÉVOLKCCt) 117 èMyntnc 117 È%f\yTftTfc enioKorniv xotcca 72 95 éoó|ieva, TO TÏOOCOV 59, 60 55, 64, 65, 69, 75, ioïijç 76, 82-85 59, 61, 64, 65, 75, iax«.

76, 82-8 52 70, 86 tcaTaXeiicci) KOTOIKÉCO 52, 73, 7 Aa|ißovETCii ófiw T 56, 76 Xivifia 163 neTOßoilcx; 17, 52-5 76, 81, 9 liveia yvyvojiai 71 Uvruioffuvov 74,86 vfjooç 57, 76, 7 ollCOVflEVT) 72 OflOlOÇ EÎMt 51 opapa 48, 107 48, 107 opaati; OplOV 105 ôxûpûifia 55, 69, 7 naJ.avaxn; 167 nnputSuV'iiai 58 61 •qpcftte 164 itapoïKia Tiapo^ijvoj 63, 64 113 itärpia ßißXia 167 jcepißaXXojiai KEpißoXoc 68 71 pe^ßeixd KamnXoc

(n^ißoXfi

165, 166 165, 166 74, 86

TEÎXOÇ

67,68

TOIX
58, 61, 7

OT>-.m mElMlOU|l

«to

67, 68, 7 58, 66, 7

81 07

VI Akka dian Words ^aii. ûjï^ mahar NN <&re

34 n 34 68

Tarsisi Tarzu/Tarzi

40, 43, 4 40, 44, 4