Scripta Diversa (History Series)

Scripta Diversa

From a painting b y Sqn . Ldr . M.G.A . Sayles , B. Sc., R.A.F.

Scripta Diversa

G.O. Sayles

D.Litt, LL.D., F.B.A.

THE HAMBLEDON PRESS

Published b y The Hambledon Press 35 Gloucester Avenue , London NW 1 TAX 1982 ISBN 090762 8 12 5 History Series Volume 1 5

British Librar y Cataloguing i n Publication Dat a Sayles, George Osborne Scripta Diversa. - (Histor y series; 15) 1. Great Britain - Histor y I. Title 941 DA3 0

Printed and Bound in Great Britai n by Robert Hartnoll Ltd. , Bodmin, Cornwall

Conditions o f Sal e - Thi s boo k shal l not without the writte n consen t o f th e Publisher s first give n be lent, re-sold , hired ou t o r otherwise disposed of by way o f trad e i n any for m o f binding or cove r othe r than that in which it is published.

CONTENTS

Acknowledgements vi Foreword i 1 Clio' s Web 1 2 Th e Household o f Chancery 1 3 Th e Date of the Secon d Marriage of Rober t Bruce 2 4 Th e English Company o f 134 3 2 5A Dealer in Wardrobe Bills 5 6 Loca l Chanceries 6 7 Th e Dissolution o f a Gild at York in 130 6 6 8 Th e Formal Judgement o n the Traitors of 132 2 8 9 Th e Vindication o f the Earl of Kildare from Treason , 149 6 8 10 Ecclesiastica l Process and the Parsonage of Stabannon in 135 1 9 11 Medieva l Ulster 12 12 A Reputed Roya l Charter o f 121 8 12 13 Th e Changed Concept o f History: Stubb s and Rena n 13 14 Contemporar y Sketche s o f the Members of the Iris h Parliament i n 178 2 15 15 Th e Sieg e of Carrickfergus, 1315-16 21 16 Th e Court o f King's Bench in Law and History 21 17 Th e Rebellious Firs t Earl of Desmond 23 18 Th e Battle of Faughart 26 19 Kin g Richard II of England: A Fresh Loo k 27 20 Th e Royal Marriages Act/1428 28

i x 7 3 7 6 3 5 1 9 9 3 9 3 1 2 9 9 7 7 5

21 Richar d II in 138 1 and 139 9 29 22 A Fifteenth-Century La w Reading in English 30 23 Th e Deposition of Richard II : Thre e Lancastrian Narrative s 31 24 Modu s Tenendi Parliamentum: Irish or English? 33

1 1 3 1

Index 36

1

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Acknowledgements The article s collecte d her e firs t appeare d i n th e followin g places and ar e reprinted b y the kind permission o f the original publishers. 1 Thi s appears here for the firs t time . 2 Scottis h Historical Review, XXV (1928), 109-113 . 3 Scottis h Historica l Review , XXV (1928), 386-389 . 4 Speculum , VI (1931), 177-205 . 5 Economi c History Review , III (1931), 268-273 . 6 Bulleti n of the Institute o f Historical Research , XIV (1937), 69-70 . 7 Englis h Historical Review , LV (1940), 83-98 . 8 Speculum , XVI (1941), 57-63 . 9 Iris h Historical Studies , VIII (1950), 39-47 . 10 Proceeding s of the Roya l Irish Academy, 55 (1952), C., 1-23. 11 British Association Handbook (1952) , 98-103 . 12 Scottis h Historical Review, XXXI (1952), 137-139 . 13 Aberdee n University Review , XXXV (1954), 235-247 . 14 Proceeding s of the Roya l Irish Academy, 56 (1954), C., 227-286. 15 Iris h Historical Studies , X (1956), 94-100 . 16 Selde n Society Lectur e (1959), 3-21 . 17 Medieval Studies Presented to Aubrey Gwynn, ed . Martin, Morrall and Watt (Dublin, 1961) , 203-229 . 18 Th e Irish at War, ed. G.A.Hayes-McCoy (Mercier Press, Cork, 1964) , 23-34. 19 Proceeding s of the America n Philosophical Society , 11 5 (1971), 28-31, 20 La w Quarterly Review , 94 (1978), 188-192 . 21 Englis h Historical Review, XCIV (1979), 820-29. , 22 La w Quarterly Review , 96 (1980), 569-579 . 23 Bulleti n of the Institut e of Historical Research , LIV (1981), 256-267 . 24 Anglo-Irish Relations in the Later Middle Ages, ed. J.F.Lydo n (Irish Academic Press, Dublin, 1981) , 123-152 .

For Agnes , my wife .

FOREWORD

To rea d document s tha t hav e no t bee n read , much less studied, sinc e they wer e written si x hundred years or more ago has always had for me an irresistibl e fascination . I t wil l be observe d that mos t o f th e paper s here printe d ar e in th e natur e o f trouvaille, accidental discoverie s tha t illumine facet s o f th e histor y o f England , Scotland an d Irelan d fro m unexpected an d eve n unorthodo x view-points . There i s so much mor e that coul d b e tol d abou t th e problem s an d pleasure s o f peopl e lon g dead an d forgotten . W e recall th e desperat e entreat y o f th e mayo r of London t o th e keepe r o f the roll s earl y in Edward I's reign, asking him for a replacemen t o f letters patent an d clos e (a s listed) which a court messenger ha d lef t o n a couch in his house and which had bee n gobbled up b y a pet doe . O r th e lon g items in 128 1 o f purchases made in Paris on behal f o f Quee n Eleanor, comin g t o th e hug e total of £378. 3s. 6d. and includin g a copy o f th e romanc e o f Isembar t ( a chanson de geste, the tal e o f a Frenc h knigh t wh o fough t alongsid e a paga n kin g and , wounded t o th e death , wa s reconciled wit h Mother Church) costing 20 shillings a s well as a new cop y o f it , illuminate d an d bound , for which 37s. 5d . wa s required. O r the detaile d descriptio n o f th e roya l jewelry sent t o Flander s i n 1297 , presumably a s security agains t loans. O r th e long topographica l surve y i n 129 8 t o distinguis h th e territoria l jurisdictions of St. Augustine's Abbey and of the cit y of Canterbury. Or the minut e descriptio n o f th e cocke t sea l newl y fashione d fo r Hartlepool i n March 1305. W e may consider the implications arising ou t of th e thre e Lincolnshir e villein s wh o sough t i n 133 1 t o obtai n thei r freedom fro m thei r lor d an d maste r b y a process o f legal harassment: each sue d hi m i n cour t fo r nove l disseisin, mad e the usua l excuse fo r non-appearance o n th e firs t term-da y an d a t th e nex t withdre w fro m their action , but onl y to begin it all over again; of the long deliberation s by justices an d other s skille d i n th e la w as to whethe r bastardy should be determine d b y a bishop's certificate o r b y a jury, wit h in th e end a decision i n favou r of a jury; of th e abbo t o f Selby' s claim to a right of patronage wher e the argument s against him are set down seriatim in th e record an d eac h o f the m followe d by hi s counter-arguments . We recall IX

X

an indictmen t fo r murder , mad e befor e th e corone r o f Middlesex , which fo r specia l reasons was sent to th e king' s bench, where in 142 0 a jury foun d th e accuse d no t guilt y an d wer e the n aske d t o nam e th e guilty man , which the y did . Juries i n thei r searc h fo r an d examination of evidenc e were often censure d by th e cour t fo r breaking the rule s and might b e examine d individually , as in 1334 , a t th e ba r of the cour t fo r inconsistent statements , or to answe r exhaustive question s pu t t o the m by th e cour t i n 137 3 regarding an assault upon a keeper of the peac e in Lancashire. W e must sympathis e wit h the m i n 1390 : the y ha d lef t th e court t o conside r thei r verdic t bu t committe d a n offenc e b y admitting into thei r roo m a 'stranger ' calle d Stratton t o giv e the m informatio n and 'inasmuc h a s the y di d no t kno w ho w t o rea d o r understand th e deeds delivere d t o the m i n evidence , on e o f the m gav e th e strange r a deed t o read , an d h e rea d i t t o the m an d explaine d i t i n th e mother-tongue an d hande d i t back' . I t wa s safe r fo r the m t o see k direction fro m th e court , a s the juror s di d i n 135 5 when the bisho p of Hereford wa s charge d wit h illegall y excommunicatin g poachers : aske d if h e ha d ' fulminated' the sentence, the y sa y that the y d o no t kno w what "fulminated" means , but i f "fulmination" an d "denunciation" ar e one an d th e sam e thing, the n the y sa y he did "fulminate" th e sentenc e of excommunication' . Indeed , i n a case o f bastard y i n 138 0 th e jurors 'declared tha t th e matte r containe d i n thi s ple a i s s o obscure , complicated an d unknow n tha t the y fo r th e tim e being cannot ac t in accordance wit h thei r conscienc e an d discretion i n the actio n fo r which they hav e bee n swor n and charged , and the y ar e afrai d t o delive r any verdict wit h assuranc e unles s the y receiv e fulle r informatio n o n th e king's behal f an d tha t o f th e parties' . For , a s they wen t on, others wh o had bee n empanelle d with them and, not bein g selected, had gone away 'are mor e trustworthy , mor e capabl e an d wise r tha n the y an d hav e fuller an d better informatio n tha n the y themselve s have at present'. Th e king's attorney , th e king' s Serjeant s an d th e partie s agree d t o a n adjournment unti l th e nex t law-ter m an d to allo w the supplementatio n of jurors as requested . These ar e seemin g trifle s bu t i t i s in thei r ligh t tha t w e must vie w great events . A s St. Jerom e pu t it , ‘Non sunt contemnend a quasi parva sine quibu s magn a constare no n possunt' . Furthermore , the y mak e the past live and without them the story would be repellently dull. It shoul d b e added tha t th e Introductio n t o thi s volum e under the title 'Clio' s Web ' has not previousl y bee n printed an d that other papers of min e hav e recentl y bee n publishe d i n Richardso n an d Sayles , Th e English Parliament in the Middle Ages (1981) .

XI

It i s inevitable , i n readin g proofs an d makin g indexes, that Home r should sometime s nod , an d I a m most gratefu l t o my daughter, Hilary, at th e Kunsthistorisc h Instituu t i n Utrecht, for so expertly keeping that propensity firml y in check . I t i s entirely prope r t o en d b y sayin g that without th e zes t an d encouragemen t an d technica l knowledg e o f Mr. Martin Sheppar d o f th e Hambledo n Pres s thi s boo k woul d no t hav e appeared. Warren Hill, G.O.S Crowborough, Sussex.

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1 INTRODUCTION Clio's Web

We lear n histor y becaus e ma n i s insatiabl y curiou s abou t th e pas t o f mankind an d becaus e we have become awar e that a knowledge o f th e past enable s us t o understan d our ow n natur e and environment and, in some measure , t o predic t an d contro l th e future . There i s yet a third and imperiou s reaso n wh y w e shoul d bot h rea d an d writ e history . Nature abhor s a vacuu m and , i f me n hav e not acces s t o tru e history , inevitably the y wil l inven t fictitiou s history . Fictitiou s histor y i s commonly behin d th e assumption s an d argument s o f politica l an d religious propagandists , no t merel y deliberatel y an d becaus e thos e t o whom the y addres s themselves are ignorant an d will ask few questions, but becaus e the histor y o f s o many subjects remains unwritten. Social and mora l reformer s wh o rarel y realis e ho w th e futur e i s conditione d by th e pas t an d wh o ar e sur e o f th e trut h o f thei r messag e ar e little likely t o investigat e impartiall y th e trut h abou t th e object s o f thei r condemnation. Thes e ar e not, of course, the onl y types of false history. There i s th e patrioti c myt h lik e th e Napoleoni c legend , whic h bedevilled th e politic s o f Franc e i n th e nineteent h centur y t o sooth e the wounde d prid e o f a people . Ther e i s th e myt h o f medieva l Germany, calle d int o existenc e to justify th e ambition s of a n aspiring state, an d th e myt h o f moder n Germany whic h create d ma n i n th e shape o f a racially pure Nordic type. After th e wa r of 193 9 there was in Britain th e curiou s inversio n o f thi s for m o f fabrication : instead o f praising th e conduc t an d achievement s o f one' s ow n countrymen , we denigrated the m t o satisf y th e rancour s of a political party or a twisted idealism. I t need s no argumen t that fals e premise s are an insecure basis for action . Whateve r ma y b e th e authority , whateve r th e for m o f government, no rational policy is possible that does not tak e account of the fact s of the situation, an d these are inexorably linked with the past . However inconvenient the trut h ma y b e to advocate s and fanatics , the administrator ca n ignore th e trut h onl y at his peril. That is why it is by no mean s uncommon fo r politicians, onc e i n power, t o pursue policie s 1

2 INTRODUCTIO N they condemne d i n opposition . Enlightenmen t the n come s a little and embarrassingly late . O f course , i f w e ar e historians , w e shal l no t over-estimate th e influenc e o f knowledg e an d reaso n on human affairs . But eve n thoug h me n o f intelligenc e ma y b e powerles s t o deflec t th e present cours e o f event s agains t th e compellin g tide s o f interes t an d emotion, the y ma y yet hop e t o influenc e the futur e an d be too prou d to be themselves deceived . E pur si muovel Men hav e writte n history , just a s they hav e practise d th e sciences , for a grea t man y centuries , bu t scientifi c histor y ha s onl y becom e possible withi n a t mos t th e last three hundre d years. And no science, as we no w conceiv e scienc e t o be , i s muc h olde r tha n that , wit h th e solitary exception s o f mathematic s an d logic . Th e reaso n i s not fa r t o seek. Excep t wher e thinker s wer e concerne d solel y wit h th e propertie s of thei r ow n minds , wit h th e processes o f thought , an d coul d devis e their mathematica l an d logica l system s withou t movin g fro m thei r chairs, i t was impossible t o collect sufficient dat a o n which a large bod y of connecte d inference s coul d b e based , no r coul d idea s b e communicated cheaply , rapidl y o r precisely . Therefore , al l sciences , including history , tha t ar e dependen t o n th e accumulatio n o f dat a for. their stud y ha d t o remai n feebl e an d languid . Th e openin g u p o f communications an d mechanica l invention , i n especia l th e printin g press, revolutionise d th e possibilitie s o f scientific thought. Progres s was at firs t slow , an d rapi d acceleratio n i n al l th e science s tha t ar e concerned wit h th e processe s o f lif e ha d t o awai t tha t grea t liberatio n of th e min d whic h occurre d i n th e mid-nineteent h century . W e associate i t rathe r loosel y wit h th e nam e of Darwin, for men o f science who wer e hi s contemporarie s wer e prepare d fo r th e ne w conception , and th e evolutionar y hypothesis , righ t o r wrong , instead o f singl e acts of creatio n conditione d al l futur e scientifi c thought. It s acceptanc e lef t the wa y wide ope n fo r a return t o that freedom o f speculation tha t had been lost or grievously imperille d afte r the en d of the paga n world: me n were a t libert y t o follow th e argumen t t o th e end . No w this change in thought affecte d histor y i n it s method s quit e a s muc h a s i t affecte d science, an d th e ne w statu s o f histor y a s a n objectiv e scienc e wa s equally powerfu l i n producin g a ne w attitud e o f mind . Me n realise d that thei r notio n o f trut h change d and evolve d with th e centurie s an d that the y mus t see k t o kno w th e pas t i n it s own terms and not use the records o f th e pas t merel y t o illustrat e th e present . W e have merely t o recall th e influenc e tha t the scientific approac h t o historical document s has had upo n th e critica l appraisemen t o f th e Bibl e in the last hundre d years. The change d conceptio n o f histor y ca n b e exhibite d b y passin g

CLIO'S WE B 3 quickly unde r revie w th e pre-nineteent h centur y writer s o f history . Were ther e n o historian s befor e tha t time ? Suc h a statement ma y seem incomprehensible, eve n ludicrous, whe n w e thin k o f wha t ha s bee n s o often sai d o f Herodotu s an d Thucydides , o f Liv y an d Caesar , o f Einhard an d Petrarch . Le t u s confin e ou r observation s t o Englan d alone. Ther e hav e been writer s of histor y sinc e the eighth century , and even Bed e had hi s predecessors , bu t h e is the firs t Englishman of whom we ca n say , i n Mommsen' s words , 'H e call s himsel f a verax historicus and h e ha s a right t o d o so' . W e must no t appl y moder n standard s t o him bu t h e stand s compariso n wit h man y moderns . H e compose d hi s Ecclesiastical History, as he tells us, from ancient documents, from the tradition o f th e elders , and fro m hi s ow n knowledge. He sent to Rom e to searc h amon g th e archive s fo r letter s fro m Gregor y I an d othe r popes, an d h e dre w hi s inference s an d constructe d hi s histor y fro m authenticated evidence . But Bede stands upon a solitary peak, and afte r him ther e i s a grea t decline . From th e limitation s t o whic h the y wer e subject, i t wa s inevitable tha t historica l writer s throughou t th e Middle Ages shoul d writ e wel l an d full y onl y abou t th e me n an d matter s o f their ow n immediat e circl e an d tha t th e bes t writin g shoul d b e biographical. Whe n the y g o ou t o f thei r ow n tim e they flounde r an d can d o n o mor e tha n plagiaris e an d cop y wha t previou s writer s hav e said. Ther e i s little tha t ca n touch the storie s of Prior Roge r of Walden, of Willia m the Marshall , of the goo d Abbot Samso n of St. Edmund's or the ba d Abbo t Norrey s o f Evesham . But thes e ar e history onl y i n th e sense tha t w e ca n cal l Boswell's Life o f Samuel Johnson history , an d that i s not th e sens e in which we use the ter m today . When printin g wa s introduced , th e sixteent h centur y sa w th e publication o f chronicle s i n th e medieva l tradition lik e Edwar d Hall's, but toward s th e en d i t als o sa w th e beginnin g o f th e publicatio n o f documents, a process whic h continue d throughout the seventeent h and eighteenth centuries . Th e Antiquarie s wer e a produc t o f th e Renaissance, an d th e Reformatio n gav e the m thei r opportunity : suc h diverse me n a s Leland an d Bal e were instrumental i n saving much fro m the despoliatio n o f th e dissolve d monasteries . Me n of all stations i n lif e became collector s an d preserver s o f th e 'memor y o f mankind' , th e monuments o f antiquity , fro m Matthe w Parker , archbisho p o f Canterbury, t o Joh n Stow , th e penniles s Londo n tailor , wh o wa s as much impoverishe d b y hi s studie s as by a wif e wh o coul d neithe r ge t nor save . Thes e me n migh t b e omnivorous , collectin g anythin g an d everything, lik e th e Cottons , o r hav e som e local o r particula r interest , like Sto w wit h hi s prid e i n Londo n o r Dodswort h wit h hi s livel y interest i n monasteries . Th e pleasure s o f th e antiquar y nee d n o

4 INTRODUCTIO N justification: tim e ca n rarel y b e mor e harmlessl y spen t tha n i n thei r pursuit. I t heighten s ou r respec t for what the y did when w e realise tha t it wa s largel y throug h thei r labour s an d thei r legacie s tha t th e pas t became knowabl e a t al l i n thes e centuries . Nevertheless , such me n a s Lambarde, Dugdale , Prynn e an d Mado x ar e no t amon g th e grea t historians. The y foun d persona l profi t an d amusement in accumulating knowledge an d documents , a s a bo y find s amusemen t i n collectin g postage-stamps, bu t the y ha d a n imperfec t understandin g o f th e institutions the y studied . Thu s n o on e wil l comprehen d wha t th e exchequer i n the twelft h centur y really was and did by readin g Madox's History of the Exchequer: it is an ordered catalogue of fact of great value bu t i t i s not a synthesis. An d sometime s i t wa s a didactic motiv e that urge d the m on . Prynne , th e greates t collecto r o f the m al l and i n some way s th e acutes t intellect , wa s wrong-heade d t o th e poin t o f dementia i n al l tha t concerne d th e papacy , an d hi s writing s wer e invariably tendencious . Dugdale' s collection o f parliamentary writs was undertaken wit h a political purpose . Thei r contributio n wa s not i n the way the y handle d thei r document s bu t i n th e fac t tha t the y printe d them withou t manipulatio n an d falsification . Th e collectio n o f fact s is not a n en d i n itself , thoug h w e mus t begi n there . The y gav e u s th e materials o f ou r craf t an d ou r deb t t o the m i s very great , bu t thi s should no t blin d u s t o th e fac t tha t the y ha d onl y a vagu e comprehension o f th e scienc e o f constructin g histor y fro m document s and wer e no t historian s i n th e moder n sens e bu t rathe r th e hodmen of history. The tw o name s tha t stan d ou t i n th e seventeent h centur y ar e Clarendon an d Burnet , an d the y wo n endurin g fam e a s writer s o f contemporary history , one for hi s History o f th e Rebellion, the othe r for hi s History o f Ou r Own Times, event s that occurre d withi n memory and persona l experience . The y di d no t deliberatel y an d objectivel y construct th e histor y o f a remote perio d o r o f a remote centur y fro m documents. Whe n w e com e t o th e eighteent h centur y Gibbon , th e pre-eminent historian , turne d awa y fro m contemporar y histor y an d went pas t th e centurie s whic h coul d plac e document s i n hi s hands and relied primaril y upo n literar y sources . Th e Decline an d Fall o f th e Roman Empire ha d enormou s popularit y becaus e th e reading public of 1776 wa s select , aristocrati c an d urban e an d it s menta l furnitur e was largely Gree k an d Latin . Today , whe n th e classica l traditio n ha s drie d up, hi s boo k stand s on the shelve s of few except librarians and scholars . Nevertheless, th e lesso n that Gibbo n taugh t - as did Voltaire before him in Europ e - was that a writer mus t no t onl y mak e his meaning clear bu t also giv e pleasur e t o hi s reader , an d thi s ha s influence d all subsequen t

CLIO'S WE B 5 historical literatur e an d pu t ou t o f court th e dull pedestrianism o f such as Prynn e an d Madox . Bu t th e treatmen t o f ancien t history, a s of al l history, ha s undergon e a grea t change : ho w marke d th e differenc e i s can b e readil y teste d whe n w e examine th e footnote s o f an y moder n history o f Rom e fo r reference s t o Gibbo n a s a n authority . Wit h rare exceptions - lik e th e Benedictine s o f th e Congregatio n o f St . Maur s abroad, wh o devise d th e ordere d rule s fo r th e criticis m o f document s known a s th e scienc e o f diplomatic ; amon g the m wa s Jean Mabillon, whose grea t work , D e r e diplomatica, appeare d i n 168 1 - only i n th e nineteenth centur y an d th e latte r hal f o f tha t centur y d o we reach th e changed concept o f history a s a science. When w e us e th e wor d 'science ' w e must b e carefu l t o defin e ou r meaning. W e are no t thinkin g o f menta l sciences like mathematics - for example, Euclidea n geometr y - or logi c whic h hav e assumption s rather than dat a a s their foundation . Nor hav e w e in min d th e 'experimenta l sciences', lik e chemistry an d physics, whic h deal with events that can be constantly repeated , wit h processe s tha t recu r o r ca n b e artificiall y produced an d subsis t i n a n eterna l present . Ou r interes t i s wit h th e 'observational sciences ' o r th e 'descriptiv e sciences' , a s the y ar e sometimes called , lik e astronom y an d geology , palaeontolog y an d palaeobotany, meteorolog y an d biology , o r suc h hybrids as geography, which dea l with phenomen a tha t hav e occurred onc e an d fo r all in th e course o f natur e an d canno t b e repeate d an d ar e more or less trouble d with th e past . Th e astronome r mus t take the star s as he finds them and the geologis t th e earth; the palaeontologist and the palaeobotanist must accept th e fossil s of ancient faun a an d flora fo r what they are . They ca n conduct n o experiment s to brin g abou t lik e results . Now, the historia n is als o concerne d wit h uniqu e event s an d i t i s with th e observationa l sciences tha t histor y i s closel y associated . T o compar e histor y wit h science tout court an d withou t definitio n i s futile. Havin g said this, we must explai n wha t i s meant b y history. Th e word is obviously not used to indicat e wha t ha s happened i n th e pas t bu t t o indicate , a s we have said, th e scientifi c reconstruction o f that past a s it is revealed in written documents. Before th e scientist o r historian begin s his study, he must remember that h e ca n d o s o onl y i f h e make s certai n assumptions . Th e fundamental assumptio n i s that ther e is uniformity i n nature , tha t lik e causes have produced lik e effect s an d wil l do s o in the future . We must assume tha t phenomen a lik e gravitatio n hav e bee n i n operatio n sinc e the beginning of the physical universe and will continue t o the end, that matter i n a sta r million s o f year s ag o behaved just lik e matte r o n th e earth today . Th e 'convictio n o f orde r i n nature ' i s a pre-supposition ,

6 INTRODUCTIO N not a conclusion : i t canno t b e warrante d b y th e productio n o f evidence, w e must tak e it fo r granted. I n saecula saeculorum i s a maxim of mor e subject s tha n religion . Furthermore , th e scientis t an d th e historian assum e huma n fallibility . Th e source s o n whic h w e depen d and th e condition s i n whic h w e work cannot be fully trusted . Thu s ou r peculiar huma n habit s o f though t affec t ou r cosmologica l theorie s o f the univers e mor e tha n w e ar e read y t o admit . Thi s assumptio n o f fallibility ha s muc h practica l importance , fo r i t compel s scientis t an d historian alik e t o repea t an d repea t thei r processe s o f examination . A final assumptio n i s tha t ther e i s suc h a thin g a s objectiv e truth , fo r otherwise th e answer s must b e anyone' s gues s and on e guess is as good as another . O f course , w e ca n achiev e onl y partia l approximatio n t o that objectiv e truth . Th e nineteenth - centur y dogmatis m has vanished, certainty i s a priz e tha t non e ca n win , an d trut h remain s a ver y shadowy divinity . Now th e historia n i s not greatl y concerne d wit h th e assumptio n of uniformity i n nature , thoug h i t mus t ente r int o th e argumen t when he considers th e evidence , for example, upon miracles. He accepts without question, a s doe s everyon e else , tha t 'whil e th e eart h remaineth , seedtime and harvest an d cold and heat an d summer and winter and day and night shal l no t cease' , an d tha t thi s proces s wa s i n bein g a t th e beginning o f recorde d time . H e assume s furthermor e tha t withi n historical tim e ther e ha s bee n uniformit y i n man . He doe s no t doub t that i n remot e age s mankin d wa s differen t fro m th e me n aroun d hi m and tha t mankin d i n it s furthes t origin s wa s no t ye t man , bu t innumerable piece s o f evidenc e suffice t o sho w hi m tha t h e i s justified in assumin g that, durin g the period s h e studies , me n hav e no t changed in thei r fundamenta l capacities , tha t huma n characteristic s ar e transmitted i n the sam e way a s the characteristic s of animals and plants, and tha t th e modification s - which in the last analysis are the substance of histor y - aris e fro m th e respons e o f thes e huma n characteristic s t o inter-breeding, climate , diet , disease , clothing , housing , water-suppl y and s o forth . Ma n ma y chang e hi s ow n environment : he ma y acquir e new source s o f food , h e ma y stam p ou t diseas e like leprosy, smallpox, tuberculosis, an d contro l diabetes . Suc h thing s brin g a n immens e number o f othe r change s i n thei r trai n an d ar e inter-related . Nevertheless th e fundamenta l constant s hav e remaine d bu t the y hav e been masked . It i s impossibl e t o begi n wor k o n an y proble m wit h a completely vacant mind . W e mus t star t wit h som e workin g hypothesis , som e mental construct ; as soon a s we go to th e fact s we must approac h the m from on e directio n o r another . Nevertheles s th e foundatio n o f al l

CLIO'S WE B 7 science a s wel l a s o f histor y i s scepticism an d al l hypotheses mus t b e gently hel d an d b e abl e readil y t o b e discarded . To o often the battle is lost befor e i t begin s because schools o f scienc e an d school s o f histor y have implante d conception s s o firml y i n th e min d tha t i t is hard to get free fro m th e fetter s o f existin g pattern s o f ideas . I t i s difficul t t o se e that th e ne w facts do not squar e wit h th e hallowed concept s an d ther e is a n instinctiv e desir e t o accommodat e th e ne w fact s t o th e ol d pattern. Th e history o f science furnishes countles s illustrations, whether we thin k o f the acceptance o f the flat earth o r the mystical 'phlogiston ' theory i n th e eighteent h century . I n histor y w e hav e th e traditiona l concept o f th e medieva l parliamen t o f Englan d an d th e Whi g interpretation o f modern history, whic h have so long hidden the correc t development an d relationships. The observationa l scientis t an d th e historia n ar e each dealin g wit h concrete event s fixe d i n tim e an d space , and without th e accumulatio n and co-ordinatio n o f quantitativ e data there can be for them no science and n o history . Bu t w e must no t confus e 'fact ' wit h wha t th e human mind does to 'fact ' b y its interpretations, b y its technical imperfections , and eve n b y it s fabrications . Me n ar e alway s ready t o deceiv e an d b e deceived. Th e Ag e o f Enlightenment , th e eighteent h century , foun d men o f education an d taste ready to accept Chatterton's Rowley poems and Ireland' s Shakespearea n forgeries . Th e nineteent h centur y foun d men bas e enoug h t o inven t an d welcom e the Protocols of th e Elders of Zion. Th e twentiet h centur y ha s it s Piltdow n skul l an d th e literar y fakes o f TJ . Wise . Happil y the 'facts ' still remain firm fo r our scrutiny. The establishmen t an d testin g o f th e fact s in histor y belong s t o wha t the Frenc h cal l 'erudition' , and it require s tha t all statements fit int o that net-wor k o f coheren t an d consisten t historica l fact s whic h mus t always b e th e standar d o f evidence . Eve n th e mos t ingenuou s o f communications wil l b e foun d t o obe y certai n rules : the love-letters of our grandmother s ca n b e distinguishe d fro m th e love-letter s o f ou r granddaughters. A s soon a s we ask ourselves why we know this, w e take our firs t step s in th e stud y o f diplomatic . Th e essentia l trainin g o f th e medievalist is , a s we have indicated , tha t o f diplomatic, but diplomati c covers a grou p o f subordinat e disciplines , eac h a scienc e i n itself . Diplomatic mus t res t upon chronology , whic h serves equally well in th e examination o f literar y texts and the orderin g of historical material . We must kno w sigillograph y o r sphragistics , tha t i s the practice s tha t have governed th e us e o f seal s o f differen t types . Sinc e we have to recognis e the forms that language s took at different times , we must be acquainte d with philology . Abov e all, since diplomatic depends upon the readin g of original documents , the n palaeography , th e stud y o f handwriting ,

8 INTRODUCTIO N maybe i n Lati n o r Ol d Frenc h i n th e shorthan d symbol s the n used , a s well a s o f th e material s use d fo r writin g (fo r instance , paper-marks ) is essential. Al l th e auxiliar y science s o f histor y ar e ap t t o b e mutuall y dependent. An d th e medievalis t mus t b e familia r wit h th e literar y background o f hi s chose n period , th e grea t book s an d not a few of th e minor books . Literatur e an d histor y ar e inseparable companions . Th e historian ca n neve r hop e fo r intimat e knowledg e o f th e me n o f thos e ages fro m whic h littl e o r no literature ha s survived. Archaeology, which helps t o guid e th e historia n i n th e mut e an d ever-darkenin g past , ca n provide us with bu t guesse s at dead men's thoughts. Al l these discipline s have thei r analogie s in the work of scientists. Thes e labours - the editin g of texts , th e preparatio n o f calendars , th e compilatio n o f list s an d calendars - clearl y deman d learning , patience , precision , clarit y o f thought, an d th e gif t o f divinin g wha t wil l b e o f us e t o thos e wh o employ th e resultin g publicatio n lon g afte r i t ha s appeared . I f Cli o i s disdainful, sh e is an ungrateful minx. In Englan d th e materia l i s availabl e fo r th e histor y o f th e grea t majority o f matter s i n whic h mankin d take s a n interest , bu t onl y a fraction o f tha t materia l ha s bee n deliberatel y preserve d fo r tha t purpose. Som e o f it has been preserve d because it was practically usefu l or migh t conceivabl y hav e a practica l use , bu t ther e ar e vas t accumulations o f writte n an d printe d paper s an d othe r dat a o f histor y which surviv e becaus e i t ha s been nobody' s busines s t o destro y them : that thes e accumulation s shoul d b e care d fo r an d classifie d an d mad e easily availabl e is a very modern notion , an d until quit e recentl y a large part o f the really accessibl e historica l materia l had been accumulate d by antiquarians. On e sectio n o f th e Englis h public records was well-known and fairl y freel y consulte d fro m th e seventeent h centur y onwards , th e records i n th e Towe r o f London , whil e anothe r section , tha t i n th e Chapter Hous e a t Westminster , wa s littl e les s accessible , an d th e antiquarians, a s thei r collection s show , dre w heavil y upo n thes e repositories - i n mor e sense s tha n one , fo r they no t onl y obtaine d copies an d abstract s bu t sometime s origina l document s a s well . Th e keepers o f th e record s o r thei r deputies , wh o actuall y performe d th e duties, were , mor e ofte n tha n not , scholarl y an d well-qualifie d men . But the y laboure d unde r th e difficultie s presente d b y unsuitabl e buildings an d equipment, lac k o f heating an d lighting, lack of funds an d lack o f staff , an d th e record s i n thei r charg e were onl y a small fractio n of thos e i n existence , thoug h the y include d a substantia l par t o f th e more importan t medieva l series . Th e mor e moder n serie s wer e practically inaccessible : the y wer e th e departmenta l paper s o f th e council, th e secretarie s o f state, th e Treasury, the Admiralty, the Board

CLIO'S WE B 9 of Trad e an d som e minor offices , th e house s o f parliament , th e courts of equity , ecclesiastica l court s an d a hos t o f subordinate , mino r an d local authorities . With the exceptio n o f th e roll s o f court s o f common law, th e medieva l series o f enrolment s were either discontinue d in th e modern perio d o r had los t thei r importance. Th e records named are all official. No t onl y officia l documents , however, provide material for th e historian: th e lin e i s draw n wit h difficult y betwee n officia l an d unofficial, an d an y scra p o f writing , an y artefact , ma y serv e hi s purpose. Bu t i f officia l document s ar e rendered inaccessibl e b y officia l reticence, privat e document s ar e rendere d inaccessibl e b y proprietar y rights an d persona l dignity , an d al l three inhibitions wer e strong withi n living memory. For th e moder n perio d dependenc e upo n th e writte n documen t i s not, however , s o absolut e a s fo r th e medieva l period , fo r a s th e centuries wen t b y me n reveale d mor e an d mor e o f themselves in print. Books, pamphlets , newspapers , ephemerides o f al l kinds have, mainly since th e seventeent h century , provide d no t onl y contemporarie s bu t later historian s wit h information . I t i s possibl e t o writ e a reasonably well-informed histor y o f man y aspect s o f moder n lif e withou t lookin g at a singl e documen t tha t wa s unknown to th e contemporar y public, though fulle r informatio n an d greate r accurac y ma y deman d a n exploration no t onl y o f document s publishe d lon g afte r the y wer e written bu t o f document s tha t hav e never been printed. Thi s is because there ar e s o man y thing s tha t n o contemporar y eve r think s i t wort h while t o commi t t o prin t an d s o man y thing s tha t me n hav e goo d reason fo r concealing . The nineteenth century was the great period, no t only o f openin g th e archives , bu t o f printin g officia l document s of th e past and , fo r ver y differen t reasons , of recen t years . Blue books, whit e papers at home, official publication s o f every colour abroad , gave to th e public suc h document s a s government s though t woul d explai n thei r conduct an d justify thei r actions. Everyon e knows what an impetus the two las t grea t war s have given to publication s o f thi s kind . Bu t it wa s not unti l th e late r nineteent h centur y tha t i t becam e feasibl e fo r historical investigator s i n many fields to collect sufficien t dat a to ensur e that thei r conclusion s wer e adequatel y based , eve n fo r th e eigh t centuries o r s o fo r whic h fortunat e Englan d possesses an abundance of records, despit e accident s o f fir e an d damp , neglec t an d wanto n destruction. W e may tak e th e yea r 120 0 a s marking approximately th e dividing line between two periods: i n the firs t perio d writte n evidence is relatively scant y an d therefor e th e availabl e facts ar e relatively few ; in the secon d perio d writte n evidenc e i s plentiful an d th e availabl e facts are many. It i s when th e historia n look s int o th e pas t beyon d th e year

10 INTRODUCTIO N 1100 tha t th e Dar k Ages seem to begin , dark, that is, in S.R. Maitland' s words, becaus e the y ar e dar k t o us . The well-illuminate d patches , th e episodes an d subject s fo r whic h there is adequate evidenc e are few, and with eac h centur y th e historia n goe s backwar d into growing obscurity . Passing fro m th e problem s tha t aris e whe n fact s ar e fe w o r wher e there ar e large gap s in th e evidence , w e turn t o th e problems that aris e when th e ascertainabl e fact s ar e ver y numerou s or , i t ma y be , multitudinous. Th e historia n i s the n i n a positio n lik e tha t o f th e investigator i n th e natura l science s (a s they ar e called ) and particularl y in th e biologica l sciences . H e canno t surve y al l th e facts , sav e in th e most exceptiona l circumstances , a s whe n a fe w salien t particular s ar e specially ascertaine d concernin g ever y individua l i n a group . Th e decennial censuse s have made us familiar with this type o f enquiry. Th e object i s not t o serv e the purposes o f the historian an d indeed he makes use o f th e figure s onl y a s th e serie s lengthen s an d a s their increasin g remoteness render s the m les s usefu l fo r othe r scientifi c purposes . Rarely, however , d o th e fact s com e t o th e historia n s o conveniently arranged. Othe r statistica l materia l ma y nee d a goo d dea l o f interpretation and , i n an y case , statistica l figure s read y prepare d ar e a product o f th e modern state. Most of the fact s with which the historia n has t o dea l ar e presente d t o hi m withou t classificatio n and , i n grea t part, the y ar e not susceptibl e o f statistical treatmen t a t all. Of statistical methods w e nee d no t speak : ther e ar e man y textbook s an d th e principles ar e as applicable t o ancien t dat a a s to modern . T o assembl e all the availabl e facts ma y be well beyond th e bound s of possibility and , even i f i t wer e possibl e t o assembl e them , thei r ver y bul k woul d b e beyond huma n capacit y t o classif y an d analyse . Th e historia n i s no t singular i n bein g confronted with a problem o f thi s kind , and h e must do a s other scientifi c investigators do. He must take a sample, or several samples, an d h e mus t b e carefu l t o se e tha t hi s sample s ar e trul y representative, withou t bia s eithe r fro m th e natur e o f th e evidenc e or his own choice. Once th e dat a hav e bee n adequatel y collecte d an d competentl y analysed, w e ar e the n face d wit h the proces s of inference, that i s to say interpretation, i n whic h lie s the tru e conten t an d value of both science and history . Th e erudit e have made a framework o r structure by which others ca n provid e a synthesis . Words like 'framework ' and 'structure ' seem lik e th e descriptio n o f dea d thing s but, lik e skeletons , the y have meaning onl y i f w e understan d thei r livin g realit y an d mak e th e dr y bones live by explainin g how onc e the y wer e animated. Every charter, every writ , howeve r dul l i n appearance , was procured b y a living ma n for som e purpose of importance to him, and we must beware 'that fros t

CLIO'S WE B 1 1 of fac t b y whic h ou r wisdo m give s correctl y state d deat h t o al l tha t lives'. Thoug h Newto n onc e uttere d th e boast , 'Hypothese s no n fingo' , in orde r t o stres s th e essentia l nee d fo r observation an d experiment, he spoke, o f course, untruly, for his theory o f gravitation was an inference, a hypothesis , whic h woul d b e modifie d b y the hypothesis o f relativity . Usually th e proces s o f fact-findin g an d tha t o f inferenc e ar e bot h a t work a t th e sam e time. The idea that the fact s of science or the fact s of history ca n spea k fo r themselve s was always ludicrous. We must see no t only with th e eye but perceiv e with th e mind. For, thoug h th e facts will always giv e us a n answer, they wil l not giv e us the righ t answe r until we manage, sometime s b y shee r luck , usuall y b y year s o f preparin g th e mind, t o as k th e righ t question . An d i n al l science s concerne d wit h man, th e natur e o f th e observatio n an d inferenc e i s th e sam e whe n other form s of lif e ar e unde r examination , an d i t is equally precarious . Indeed, ther e i s no essentia l differenc e betwee n human physiology an d pathology an d anima l physiolog y an d patholog y excep t a t tw o points: man i s articulate an d ca n describ e hi s sensation s (eve n if inaccurately) , and painfu l an d harmfu l experiment s o n huma n beings , suc h a s th e deliberate inoculatio n o f rabies , ar e regarde d wit h disfavou r an d have rarely bee n performed . An d histor y ha s a n adde d difficult y i t share s with al l th e socia l sciences : ma n doe s no t easil y contemplat e hi s kin d without th e intrusio n o f a n emotio n whic h obscure s vision an d cloud s judgement. W e can hardl y kee p ourselve s - our education , socia l class , religion - ou t o f th e argument . Ye t th e finding s of th e historian , lik e those o f a doctor , wil l b e th e mor e certai n whe n observation s an d inferences ar e col d an d objective , and b y hi s detachmen t he will prove the scientific tempe r o f his mind. Some historian s see m t o believ e tha t imaginatio n play s a greate r part i n histor y tha n i n othe r field s o f knowledge. Yet imaginatio n i s a valuable attribut e a t ever y stage of scientific enquiry. Whether historian or scientist , w e ar e al l th e tim e dealin g wit h partia l evidenc e an d w e have t o reconstruct thing s tha t cannot b e observed in to to, like the cor e of th e earth , o r no t observe d a t all , like th e ultimat e particle s o f th e atom. Th e medieva l historian wil l never be abl e t o plac e himself at th e eye-level o f medieva l me n an d se e thing s exactl y a s they were . S o all investigators us e thei r imagination , al l gues s a t truth , al l choos e carefully betwee n alternativ e path s o f researc h b y mean s of tria l an d error an d between severa l hypothetical solution s o f a problem. I t is true that ther e hav e bee n exceptiona l investigator s wh o appea r t o hav e arrived a t correc t solution s t o problem s a s i t wer e pe r saltum, b y intellectual processe s the y wer e unabl e t o explain . Th e classica l example i s tha t o f Jame s Brindley , th e illiterat e engineer , who , whe n confronted b y som e exceptiona l difficulty , too k t o hi s be d an d

12 INTRODUCTIO N meditated unti l th e solutio n presente d itsel f t o his mind. But engineers of highe r ran k tha n Brindle y hav e bee n academicall y traine d an d have relied upo n mathematic s t o solv e thei r problems , an d Brindley' s solutions coul d hav e bee n reache d i n th e mor e norma l method . Similarly, grea t advance s are ofte n mad e whe n the enquire r is prepared to g o beyon d th e stric t limit s o f evidence . H e ma y hav e to den y th e evidence o f hi s sense s as Aristarchus di d in the thir d centur y B.C . when he imagine d th e eart h a s a spher e existin g i n spac e withou t visibl e support an d as Copernicus ha d to d o in the sixteenth century . Th e great leap across , th e inspire d guess . We recall Eddington's remar k that 'Lor d Rutherford i s usually credited wit h having discovered the nucleu s of th e atom. I thin k h e pu t i t there' . Likewise , becaus e his commerce is with men an d women , an d thei r motive s ar e no t greatly , i f a t all , differen t from wha t the y wer e man y centurie s ago , the historica l novelis t ma y well hi t upo n a plausibl e explanatio n o f th e conduc t o f lon g dea d historical characters. Anatole France's Les Dieux ont soif looks much deeper an d wit h greate r percipienc e int o th e spiritua l traged y o f th e French revolutionarie s tha n di d Thomas Carlyl e with al l his documents . But thoug h som e men , and particularly men of experience, guess better than others, yet Stevenson's Kidnapped and Catriona, Bernard Shaw's Caesar an d Cleopatra an d Th e Devil's Disciple, an d Rudyar d Kipling's forays int o th e pas t subsis t a s works o f ar t i n their ow n right and need no othe r justificatio n tha n th e measur e o f succes s the y achiev e i n stirring withi n u s the emotions the y wish to evoke. But we do not g o to Stevenson fo r th e trut h abou t th e Appi n murde r o r t o Sha w fo r instruction i n th e histor y o f th e Roma n Republi c o r th e America n Revolution o r t o Kiplin g for th e strategi c purpos e o f th e Roma n Wal l and th e tactic s o f th e Roma n army . The novelist's guesses are aesthetic and fallible : th e historia n mus t g o furthe r an d tackl e th e all-important task o f verification, and this is a scientific process. We tur n no w t o th e proces s pose d b y th e ar t o f communication . This has long been , an d stil l is , a controversia l issu e fo r bot h historia n and scientist . They ar e often charge d wit h writin g to please professiona l critics an d frightenin g awa y th e public . G.M . Trevelya n regarde d th e historian a s a ma n o f letter s wh o embroider s th e pas t wit h al l th e resources o f ar t t o mak e i t agreeabl e a s wel l a s instructiv e t o hi s contemporaries. A s he pu t it , 'perhap s th e highes t idea l o f histor y wil l always remain the volume that satisfie s both the learned and the general reader'. Thereb y h e i s hopelessly confusin g the issues . Learnin g i s no t necessarily unreadable , an d ther e ca n be no good historical^work that is not learned . Goo d writing , however , ma y neve r comman d wid e circulation. N o ma n ha s writte n mor e wisel y well than F.W . Maitland,

CLIO'S WE B 1 3 no write r ca n giv e greate r delight , bu t h e i s peculiarly the historian' s historian. Hi s major work s lie outside th e broad interests of the general reader an d fo r thei r understandin g the y deman d a backgroun d o f knowledge tha t fe w hav e th e inclinatio n t o acquire . Th e incomprehensible may remain incomprehensible through no faul t o f th e author's, for comprehension depend s less upon the magic of the writer' s art tha n upo n whethe r th e reade r himsel f bring s th e ke y o f understanding, whethe r i t b e to Planck' s quantu m theor y o r Einstein' s relativity o r th e subtletie s o f scholasti c philosoph y o r the intricacies of common law . Learning is for the learned and there is no easy path to it . Louis Halphen expresse d i t in two sentences: Th e talen t for expositio n is a gif t a s desirable in th e historia n a s in any other scholar....But since the essentia l objec t o f history i s the reconstructio n an d explanation of the past , th e proble m t o resolv e is on e o f method , no t o f literature ' (Introduction a I'histoire, pp . 37-38) . Thu s it i s perfectly permissible and ofte n preferable , to communicate with algebraic symbols, statistical tables an d othe r non-literar y forms . Of course, w e hold n o brie f a t al l for th e dulles t books o f all , those written straight from a card-index by those wh o place no value upon style. Should they be perhaps tone-deaf, they migh t b e helpe d b y readin g Gibbon, Macaula y an d Carlyl e and playing th e sedulou s ape . Th e difficultie s are see n i n al l th e science s that touc h th e dail y lif e o f everyone . I n thes e parlous days we think particularly o f economi c phenomena . Most politicians an d th e general run o f citizen s dra w bac k fro m dispassionat e technica l discussion s of such things . Doubtles s th e faul t lies , in part , wit h th e economis t wh o invents unnecessar y term s o r use s word s i n unusua l sense s an d wh o rarely cultivate s th e ar t o f exposition . Ye t th e cleares t o f explanations will no t overcom e repugnanc e t o intellectua l effort . Moreover , i f th e economist's conclusio n is distasteful, the most cogent reasoning will not commend it ; i f th e conclusio n b e welcome , why concer n onesel f wit h the argument ? If the n th e generalit y o f mankin d is unable or unwilling to understan d th e thing s tha t affec t the m dail y an d thei r materia l prosperity, wh y shoul d they b e willin g and abl e to understan d things far remot e an d difficul t o f approach , th e master y o f whic h ma y mak e men wise r bu t wil l no t satisf y thei r cupidity , flatte r thei r vanity , o r minister to their illusions? Still, having said this, w e have no doub t tha t ther e is an imperative need fo r communicatio n betwee n the experts an d the public. What that public need s an d wha t i t ha s a righ t t o b e give n ar e interi m report s incorporating conclusions , howeve r tentative , rathe r tha n proofs , th e trends o f though t tha t wil l ope n u p region s o f excite d interes t rathe r than th e technicalitie s whic h mus t pu t of f th e mos t intelligen t o f

14 INTRODUCTIO N general readers . No t al l scientists an d no t al l historians hav e either th e ability o r th e desir e t o b e populariser s o r educator s o f this kind, nor is there a bounden dut y upo n the m t o d o so. Newton may need a Voltaire to mak e hi m widel y known ; th e wor k o f Mende l ma y li e unread fo r forty year s befor e i t become s th e foundatio n o f modern genetics ; n o one woul d subtrac t Rutherfor d fro m hi s laboratory o r Fournie r fro m his manuscript s an d forc e the m int o th e popula r market . Th e 'vulgarisation o f history ' i s a kin d o f Baedeke r o f history , drawin g attention t o suc h outstanding features as may be readily intelligible and leaving out th e others . We remember, without endorsing, his description of Oxfor d an d Cambridge : 'both thes e place s are wort h a visit; if time presses, omi t Cambridge' . I n popula r expositio n th e historia n mus t please i n orde r t o b e read : h e wil l nee d th e novelist' s ar t an d th e novelist's industry , th e artist' s fastidiou s rejectio n o f slovenly , commonplace an d meretriciou s languag e an d tire d metaphors , an d hi s sense o f for m an d rhythm , an d th e historia n wil l especiall y remember that in all historical writin g clarity is the firs t requirement . However impartial the historian ma y strive to be, he must inevitably sit i n judgement . H e ha s eate n o f th e tre e o f knowledg e an d know s good an d evil . Therefore , thoug h h e ma y no t condem n or approv e in explicit terms , implicitl y h e expresses his preferences. And furthermore he know s tha t al l th e significan t word s h e mus t perforc e emplo y ar e charged wit h a n emotiona l content . H e canno t vie w wa r an d peace , famine an d pestilence , lus t an d crime , wit h indifference : lik e th e children a t a melodrama in the picture-house , h e is on the sid e of virtue and h e canno t sa y wit h Milton' s Satan , 'Evil , be tho u m y Good'. Yet even i n thi s contex t goo d an d evi l hav e not th e sam e meaning for al l historians, fo r ther e i s no universall y accepte d scal e o f values. Though historians ma y nowaday s be shake n i n th e belie f o f the inevitability of progress an d ma y no t agre e o n th e constituent s o f progress , yet a s civilised me n the y desir e civilisatio n an d deplor e it s destruction , an d they writ e histor y becaus e i t i s wort h thei r whil e t o trac e th e force s that hav e made for an d against civilisation. This is something more than watching a s i t wer e a n ant-hea p o r a beehive . W e are i n communio n with th e me n o f th e past a s in one great sodality. Th e peopling of thes e islands, th e impac t o f rac e upo n race , th e proble m o f survival s and o f the combinatio n o f strain s i n th e population , th e regressio n o f th e Church Universa l to a dwindling minority o f hostile sects : thes e ar e not far-off, indifferen t matter s bu t ou r intimat e concern . Le t u s giv e on e example fro m England . Th e evolutio n o f parliamen t an d democracy: how cam e we by institutions tha t ar e at once our pride and our despair, that see m t o promis e s o much and work so indifferently well ? The idea

CLIO'S WE B 1 5 that th e Englis h parliamen t wa s a deliberat e contrivanc e o f th e thirteenth centur y wil l not withstan d th e slightes t examinatio n o f th e evidence: i t wa s the creatio n o f centurie s o f experimentatio n an d even accident. Tha t i t worke d wel l o n th e whol e i n Englan d i n th e circumstances o f th e eighteent h an d nineteent h centurie s wa s considered t o b e a valid reason fo r transplanting it a s an institution int o very differen t environments , bu t i t ha d ther e n o root s an d n o integration wit h existin g an d traditiona l form s of administration , an d its adoptio n ha s hardly bee n a success. If the history of parliament ha d been studie d dispassionatel y an d withou t assumptio n unsupporte d b y evidence, i t i s unlikel y tha t ther e woul d hav e been th e sam e desire t o send abroa d s o utterl y alie n a n institution . An d no w i n th e twentiet h century th e characte r o f parliament has changed fro m wha t it onc e was. Two ne w factor s hav e com e int o play . First, th e extensio n o f th e franchise i n 1832 , 1867 , 1884 , 191 9 an d 193 0 and , secondl y th e extension o f th e function s performe d b y governmen t agencies . Th e result ha s been everywhere the weakening of parliament and the growt h of th e powe r o f th e executiv e or , i n othe r words , th e authoritaria n state. Th e lesso n o f recen t histor y i s rarely plai n bu t i n thi s cas e there would see m t o b e n o room fo r mistake. We have the choic e betwee n an arrest o r a n acceleratio n o f th e process , an d thi s choic e depend s upon the balanc e me n desir e betwee n alternatives : d o the y prefe r libert y o r obedience, persona l responsibilit y o r delegate d responsibility , equalit y or plenty ? Thes e issue s ar e heavily charge d wit h emotio n an d ar e no t likely t o b e decide d rationally , deliberatel y o r cooll y i n an y Europea n country. Al l that th e historian ca n do is to pose the issues as impartially as he ca n i n th e ligh t o f th e evidence . Ther e i s a choice betwee n values and th e historian a s historian ca n onl y say : i f you d o this or that, the n these ar e likel y t o b e th e consequence s - d o yo u wis h thos e consequences? Two thing s ar e essential t o civilise d man: the cultivatio n o f the art s and th e master y o f scientifi c method . W e ar e th e heir s o f Judaea , Greece an d Rome . Throug h the m th e barbaria n wa s tamed an d taugh t to liv e i n peace , t o thin k wit h clarit y an d t o cloth e hi s words and his works wit h beauty . Bu t le t u s remin d ourselve s tha t aroun d th e fift h century resurgen t barbaris m plunge d Europ e int o meannes s an d baseness, ignoranc e an d persecution , unti l hundred s o f year s later men recovered thei r gras p o f th e gif t o f th e ancien t world , th e inheritanc e they ha d cas t away . T o thi s inheritanc e moder n Europ e the n adde d science, th e master y o f method, but w e must not forge t tha t it s value is as a n addition , no t a s a substitute fo r the humanities . Science is not th e whole o f knowledg e an d ther e ar e vas t field s outsid e it s scop e i n

16 INTRODUCTIO N theology, art , musi c an d literature . An d w e woul d b e foolis h i f we did not recognise tha t master y o f method , technolog y i f yo u like , ma y by itself leav e ma n onc e again a destructive barbarian. On civilised men th e future o f mankin d depend s an d the y ar e neve r likely at any time to b e more tha n a smal l minorit y i n any community . If this be a hard saying, let u s tur n fro m th e histor y o f toda y an d conside r Periclean Athens or Augustan Rom e which we can judge without illusion . Benjamin Frankli n pu t thi s questio n t o al l who sough t entranc e t o his scientifi c society , th e Junt a o f Philadelphia : 'D o yo u lov e truth fo r truth's sak e an d wil l yo u tr y impartiall y t o fin d an d receiv e i t fo r yourself an d t o communicat e i t t o others? ' Mar k Bloch , th e grea t French historia n wh o wa s torture d an d sho t b y th e Gestap o i n 1944 , wrote i n hi s will : 'Followin g in thi s a fa r greater man tha n I could ever be, I woul d wish for no better epitaph tha n thes e simple words - Dilexit veritatem\ The y ar e th e word s writte n o n th e tom b o f the theologian , Ernest Renan.

2

T

The Household of the Chancery l

HE studen t o f medieva l administrativ e institution s ma y with goo d reaso n hop e t o understan d an d appreciat e th e part playe d b y those institution s i n th e governmenta l lif e o f th e time. But , howeve r muc h h e ma y b e endowe d wit h historica l imagination, h e can but rarely compe l the ' chilly records ' with which h e has t o dea l t o disclos e th e huma n elemen t whic h lie s at th e bac k o f them . Fo r example , on e ma y mak e a carefu l study of the score s o f plea roll s of the thirteent h centur y and yet not get on anything approaching intimate terms with the judge^, Serjeants an d clerk s o f the court s o r understan d ver y clearl y th e modus procedendi. S o it i s with th e medieva l chancery. Despit e the masse s of extant record material fo r which it was responsible, all w e know a t presen t o f it s domesti c econom y would scarcely occupy mor e tha n a dozen pages . Very recentl y Dr . Tou t ha s strive n t o solv e th e proble m of what exactl y wa s th e conten t o f th e expressio n hospicium cancellarie, th e Househol d o f th e Chancery. 2 I n hi s ow n words , ' the subjec t i s difficul t an d elusive , an d th e material s fo r it s study scrapp y an d incomplete.' 3 A t on e time , evidenc e was so completel y lackin g tha t h e tentatively pu t forwar d the theor y that th e clerk s o f th e chancer y lived , i n compan y wit h thei r chief, ' a self-containe d an d semi-independen t collegiat e lif e i n the househol d o f the chancer y ' ;4 t o thi s h e wa s still inclined to adher e i n subsequen t writings. 5 Bu t recen t investigation s 1 1 express my appreciation o f the kindly interest which Dr. Tout has found time , an th e stres s o f his own work, t o tak e in th e preparatio n o f thi s paper . T o Mr . D. L . Evan s of the Public Record Office, m y best thanks are due for willing help in collating my rough transcript of the lette r here printed with th e origina l at a time when it was impossible for me to do this personally . 2 ' The Househol d o f the Chancery and its Disintegration ' i n Essays i n History presented to R. L. Poole, pp. 46-85. 3 Ibid. p. 46. 4 The Place of Edward II. i n English History', pp . 59-60 . 5 The English Civil Service i n th e Fourteenth Century, p . 9 , reprinte d fro m the Bulletin of the John Rylands Library, April-June, 1916 ; Chapters in Mediaeval .Administrative History, ii. p. 218 .

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18

have convince d hi m tha t hi s hypothesi s i s untenable s o far a s i t suggests tha t th e hospicium cancellarie include d withi n itsel f th e inferior clerks . Bu t i t seeme d feasibl e t o maintai n tha t th e chancellor wh o ha d t o provid e th e twelv e ' clerks o f th e firs t form ' o r master s o f chancery , a s the y wer e late r called , wit h robes an d foo d migh t hav e provide d the m wit h lodgin g also . In thi s case , hospicium cancellarie woul d hav e the mor e restricte d meaning o f ' the househol d o f the first-grade clerks only ' who during th e fourteent h centur y ' still live d togethe r i n a sor t o f collegiate life.' 6 A s Dr . Tou t ha s bee n carefu l t o poin t out, 7 there i s n o definit e proo f o f thi s i n an y o f ou r authorities, 8 bu t on th e othe r han d s o far ther e ha s appeared i n prin t nothin g t o gainsay it . Si r Henr y Maxwell-Lyt e ha s refraine d fro m committing himsel f t o an y definit e statement, bein g conten t t o say tha t * it i s no t quit e certai n tha t h e (i.e. the chancellor ) wa s also bound to supply them with accommodation in his own house.' Indeed, th e record s h e cite s eve n t o indicat e tha t chancer y may be take n a s a term denotin g ' a group o f inns, o r houses , rathe r than a singl e building ' are of as late a dat e a s 1373-76. 9 Th e main historica l valu e o f th e subjoine d letter 10 i s tha t i t give s a final blow to th e doctrin e of a single hospicium. Domine mi . Quecumqu e vobis placen t michi placent, tamen de aliquibu s qu e pe r vo s ordinata sun t i n cancellari a sicut mich i datum est intelligi, unum michi displicet, et hoc est quod dominus N. d e Bassingborn e iam occupaui t sib i locu m meu m inte r alio s socios nostro s clerico s d e cursu . E t aduertati s s i place t quo d plus laborau i in ista cancellari a domini nostri Regis qui nun c est quam ips e fecit, et promitto vobis tenere tantu m locu m quantu m et ipse , lice t fueri t maiori s etatis , e t [eciam ] tot clamante s i n curia e t plures expediam quam ips e faciet, si iurasset. Ceterum , admiror quo d liberasti s e i clericu m meum , ips o cleric o e t m e inuitis, qu i quide m clericu s cu m tal i magistr o ampliu s star e non cura t ne e potest , e o quo d no n suffici t e i tali s magiste r se t pocius instructu s es t tali s magiste r a tal i dicipul o qua m tali s dicipulus a tal i magistro , quo d ess e videtu r inconuenien s e t [contra] cursum . E x qu o eni m deu s vocaui t vo s a d tantu m hums mund i honorem , aliquand o debereti s cogitar e d e vestri s 6

Essays i n History, p . 5 5. 7 Ibid. p. 54 . As, for example, Fleta. 9 Historical Notes on the Use o f the Great Seal, p. 9, an d not e 3. 10 Ancient Correspondence, xxviii. No. no . 8

The Househol d o f the Chancer y 1

9

sociis quas i coetanei s qu i vo s diligun t e t qu i i n prim e aduent u vestro a d curia m i n hospici o prim i magistr i vestr i fuerun t connutriti, e t tale s tenemin i promouer e s i vestra m innata m probitatem e t mansuetudinem a d memoriam e t ante cordi s vestr i oculos sepiu s reducatis . Mouean t aute m vo s ist a verb a qu e e x nimio dilectioni s feruor e vobi s scrib o a d loc i ampliacione m e t augmentacionem statu s mei . Ne e decet ne e oportet alio s socio s super ho c consulere , se t stati m dicati s verb o e t fiat , s i placet , de vestr e plenitudin e potestatis . lur o vobi s pe r tetragramato n dei quo d no n es t paupe r clericu s i n mund o qu i plu s diligi t corpus vestru m qua m eg o dilig o iuxt a vire s me e paruitati s [sicut credo ] e t ad hoc inuoco deu m testem . Valet e et crescer e vos deus facia t e t multiplice t semen vestrum . This letter has com e from tha t same class of documents in th e Public Record Office , know n as Ancient Correspondence , a s has recently provide d interestin g light o n th e earl y career o f Rober t Bruce.1 Fortunatel y it is not defaced or mutilated in any way, like so man y of it s companions, and th e writing , thoug h presentin g certain difficultie s i n th e matte r o f contractions , i s nea t an d legible. I t i s obviously addresse d t o th e chancello r an d t o one who ha s bee n promote d t o tha t offic e fro m withi n th e chancer y itself. Onl y tw o men answe r to this description , Joh n Langto n and Willia m Hamilton . Th e latte r wa s a cler k o f chancer y i n 1282 an d frequentl y too k charg e o f th e grea t sea l whe n th e chancellor was abroad, bu t h e did no t himself become chancellor until 130 5 an d hel d th e offic e fo r jus t a littl e mor e tha n tw o years.2 Th e lette r itsel f mor e tha n hint s tha t th e chancello r to who m i t refer s ha d ha d a meteoric ris e t o fame , whic h coul d hardly b e sai d o f thi s ' man o f moderat e abilities.' 3 Bu t i t applies quit e well to John Langto n who , thoug h h e was ' at the time a simpl e cler k o f chancery,' 4 wa s though t fit , a s man y a s forty-nine year s before hi s death, to b e the successo r of the great Robert Burnell . H e undertoo k th e dutie s o f chancellor on two different occasions , firs t fro m 129 2 t o 1302 , the n fro m abou t August 130 7 til l Ma y 1309 . W e canno t dogmatis e a s t o th e period o f his chancellorship during which this letter was written, but th e referenc e t o Nichola s d e Bassingburn e may sugges t th e 1

See Scottish Historical Review, xxiv. p. 245 . He die d o n 2oth April, 1307. 3 Diet, of Nat. Biog., art.' William d e Hamilton.' 4 ' Ad tune clericus simplex de predicta cancellaria, ' Annales Monastic!, iii . 373 . 2

20

former, fo r Nicholas , wh o appear s i n th e roll s of chancery of th e time o f Edwar d I . a s a taxor an d assesso r o f a thirtieth i n Cam bridgeshire i n I285, 5 a s th e parso n o f th e churc h o f Tidcomb e in Wiltshir e i n 1296, * an d a s th e receive r o f a protectio n i n 1297,' i s not to be found mentioned in the records of Edward II . So muc h fo r th e recipien t o f th e letter . Th e nameles s correspondent present s difficultie s o f hi s own . Hi s identit y we canno t know , bu t wha t o f th e offic e whic h h e hel d i n th e chancery ? A firs t readin g suggests tha t h e wa s simply a cursitor, whos e busines s i t was to write ou t the ' writs of course,' for he speak s o f meum locum inter alios socios nostros clericos d e cursu. Should thi s b e th e case , w e migh t b e tempte d t o regar d th e clerk t o who m h e wa s s o muc h attache d a s a rea l discipulus, a novice seekin g an d obtainin g instructio n tha t h e migh t qualif y himself fo r a simila r pos t i n chancer y a t som e futur e date. 8 Yet i t seem s impossibl e tha t th e write r coul d b e o f lesse r ran k than tha t o f a senior clerk. S o far a s our knowledg e goes, thes e clerks alone were allowed to hav e a subordinate clerk. Nichola s de Bassingburne , who ha d bee n an assesso r o f a subsidy in 128 5 was hardly likely, some ten or even more years later, to be a mere clerk o f course . Th e letter-writer' s plac e migh t b e amongs t (inter} th e cursitors without his being one of them, and they might be hi s colleague s (socios) withou t bein g hi s equals , just a s late r on i n th e lette r h e describe s himsel f a s th e colleagu e o f th e chancellor (d e vestris sociis). But n o perplexitie s concernin g write r an d recipien t ca n detract fro m th e value of the letter in giving us a glimpse into the private lif e o f a chancer y clerk . Th e write r implore s th e chancellor ' whom God has called to such grea t worldl y honour ' to regar d hi s reques t wit h favour , fo r ' sometimes yo u shoul d think o f your colleague s as men o f like age a s yourself who love you an d wh o live d togethe r wit h yo u i n th e househol d o f you r first master when you first came to court.' I t i s exactly the same state o f affair s a s existe d i n th e tim e o f Richar d II . an d a s i s revealed i n th e Ordinaciones Cancellarie o f c . I388. 9 Alread y 5

Cal. Close Rolls (1279-1288), pp. 337-8 . 6 Ibid. (1296-1302) , p. 91. Cal. Patent Rolls (1292-1301) , p . 263 . I n ibid. (1302-1307) , p . 384 , one Walter Swa n o f Bassingburn e i s pardone d th e deat h of Nichola s so n o f Nige l d e Bassingburne, o n th e groun d tha t h e kille d hi m i n self-defence . Whethe r thi s Nicholas be our Nicholas, it i s impossible to say. 8 For a discussion of this interesting point, see Dr. Tout's Essay, p. 75 et seq. 9 Printed G. W . Sanders, Orders of the High Court of Chancery. 7

The Househol d o f the Chancer y 2

1

before 129 2 a senio r cler k wa s no t livin g a communa l life wit h his colleague s bu t keepin g a hospicium no t onl y fo r himsel f bu t also fo r subordinate s ; eve n fo r the ' clerks o f the first form ' there was no single hospicium .10 The documen t ha s literar y valu e a s a rar e specime n o f a n unstudied privat e letter . Th e chancer y cler k ha s chose n t o write i n Latin , he ha s had a clear ide a o f what he wished t o say and h e ha s sai d i t well . Huma n natur e i s the on e unchangin g factor i n history, an d fe w letters o f this date and emanatin g fro m such a source allo w human trait s to peep out so unabashed. Th e clerk ha s a grievance ; anothe r ha s bee n preferre d befor e him, one who had, so he believed, not a s much ability as himself, and, worst blo w o f all , hi s cler k ha s bee n arbitraril y turned ove r t o his supplante r agains t th e wil l of himself an d eve n o f that exem plary clerk. Ye t the letter to the chancellor, who had once been no mor e tha n th e writer' s equal , i s writte n i n a friendl y ton e ; natural indignatio n ther e i s bu t no t a sig n eithe r o f whinin g or sneers. Suc h a man would have been worth knowing. 10 The accepte d theorie s o f th e natur e o f th e Aospicia o f medieva l Oxfor d (o r Halls, a s the y cam e ther e t o b e called ) ar e bein g completel y discountenance d by the discover y o f ne w evidence . Ther e to o th e hospicium seem s t o hav e bee n th e establishment o f a magister fo r th e convenienc e bot h o f himsel f and o f hi s pupils rather than the outcome of corporate spirit among young students who o f their own initiative decide d t o liv e togethe r (A . B . Emden , A n Oxford Hall i n Medieval Times).

EARLY CHANCERY PROCEEDINGS12.62. A.D 1436-14

3

THE DAT E O F TH E SECON D MARRIAG E O F ROBER T BRUCE THE CLAIMANT . Th e thirteenth-centur y ple a rolls of the Court o f King's Benc h i n Englan d hav e surrendere d almost ever y case of Scottish interes t the y contai n t o th e tireles s researche s o f Mr . Bain , wh o found a n invaluabl e and indispensabl e ai d i n wha t otherwis e migh t hav e proved a n impracticabl e task i n th e fac t tha t th e clerk s responsibl e fo r th e enrolments alway s placed i n th e margi n of each cas e th e country , county , or libert y wit h whic h i t wa s connected. On e ple a escape d hi s attentio n through no t havin g the usua l marginal entry o f Scoria^ sinc e th e land s in volved wer e all situated i n England . Th e partie s t o the suit belonged t o the famil y o f Bruce, and the detaile d information whic h emerges from th e

23

24 TH

E DATE OF THE SECOND MARRIAGE

pleadings throws an unusuall y clear ligh t upo n one or tw o hitherto obscure points. Robert Bruc e (1210-1295), who afte r th e deat h of the Mai d o f Norwa y sought the crow n o f Scotland a s claimant neares t i n degree, too k a s his first wife Isabel , daughter o f Gilbert de Clare, Earl of Gloucester and Hertford , in Ma y I240. 1 A s hi s second wife , h e marrie d Christian , daughte r and heiress o f Si r Willia m d'Ireby , wh o ha d bee n previousl y twice a widow . But o f the dat e of this second marriag e w e have so far been ignoran t excep t for th e fac t tha t i t too k plac e 'befor e 1 0 May , 1275. ' 2 Th e subjoine d document give s the exac t day , month , yea r and place . The reaso n fo r suc h precisio n lie s i n th e fac t tha t i n th e Michaelma s term of 1295 , Christian, onc e mor e a widow by the deat h of Robert Bruce on 3 1 March , I295, 3 brough t a n actio n i n th e Englis h court s agains t Robert Bruce , he r stepson, fo r the thir d part of th e manor s o f Tottenha m in Middlese x an d Writtl e an d Baddo w i n Essex , whic h sh e demande d as the dowe r whic h shoul d com e t o he r fro m he r lat e husband . Rober t countered he r clai m b y th e assertio n tha t sh e ha d neve r bee n hi s father's wife i n lawful wedlock . Christia n at onc e produced her proofs . A lette r of th e Bisho p o f Glasgo w testifie d tha t he r marriag e wit h Rober t Bruce , Lord of Annandale, took plac e a t Hodda m in his diocese on Ma y 3 , 1273 , according t o prope r legal form . Tha t the y were regarde d as husband and wife b y the strictl y technica l la w of the tim e wa s placed beyon d doubt b y a letter patent , date d Octobe r 2 , 1273 , appointin g attorneys t o ac t i n th e names of both of them i n all pleas 4 ; b y a will, authenticate d by the seal s of the Bishops of Glasgow and London and the official o f Durham, whereb y Robert lef t t o hi s wif e Christia n al l hi s vessels , silve r utensils, and golde n cup ; b y the evidence that the y had been impleaded together by the king in a plea of qu o waranto before the justices i n eyre in Cumberland wit h respec t to thei r land s i n Ireby , Glassanby , an d Gamblesby , ha d place d themselves on the country , and as a resul t ha d retaine d part o f their liberties. 5 The cas e was subjected to the usual adjournments unti l the Trinity ter m of 129 6 whe n i t vanishe d from th e ple a rolls , an d th e conclusio n is , as so often, found to be a compromise made out of court altogether: o n August 29, 1

The articl e on this Rober t Bruc e in the Diet. Nat. Biog., iii. n 5, is incorrect i n ascribing the marriage to 1244 ; se e Cal. Charter Rolls (1226-1257), p. 252 , where Isabel is said t o have receive d fro m her uncle , th e Earl of Pembroke, th e vill of Ripe in Susse x a s a marriag e portio n b y 20t h June , 1240 . Moreover , th e so n o f th e marriage, Rober t Bruce , late r Ear l o f Carric k an d fathe r o f th e futur e king , wa s born i n Jul y 124 3 (Ann. d e Theokesberia, p . 129) , no t i n 1253 , a s the nex t articl e in th e D.N.B., iii. p . 116 , states. 2 G. E . C[okayne's ] Complete Peerage, ed. Vicary Gibb , ii. 35 9 ; Douglas , Scots Peerage, ed. Paul, ii. 432, say s ' before Novembe r 1275. ' 3 Hemingburgh, Chronicon, ii. 69-70 ; Douglas , op. cit., ii . 431 , say s 'befor e 3 May 1294. ' 4 This ha s not bee n enrolle d o n th e paten t roll , thoug h othe r letter s o f attorne y (often appointin g the sam e Ada m de Crokedayk ) ar e enrolled, as, e.g., Cal. Patent Rolls (1272-81) , p. 362 . 5 Very probabl y i n 129 2 ; se e Public Recor d Office , Lists an d Indexes > iv. 132 .

OF ROBERT BRUCE THE CLAIMANT

25

1296, along with othe r lands, Christian got , o f the three manors involved , Baddow i n Essex, presumably surrendering Tottenham an d Writtle to he r stepson.1 Coram Reg e Roll , no. 146 , m. 24 . Adhuc d e Octabi s e t Quinden a sanct i Michaelis . Cora m Reg e etc . Christiana qu e fui t vxo r Robert i d e Bruy s senioris petit uersu s Robertum de Bruys filium eiusdem Roberti terciam partem manerii de Totenham cum pertinenciis i n Comitat u Midd ' E t tercia m parte m maneri i d e Wrytell ' cum pertinencii s i n Comitat u Essex ' E t tercia m parte m maneri i de Badue cum pertinencii s i n eode m Comitat u v t dote m sua m d e dotacione predicti Roberti d e Bruys senioris quondam viri sui etc . Et Robertu s Junio r veni t e t dici t quo d predict a Christian a ind e dote m habere non debe t qui a dicit quod predicta Christian a non fui t vxo r predicti Roberti patrissui legitimo matrimonio copulata, et hocparatu s est verificar e qualiter Curi a consideraueri t etc . E t predict a Christian a dici t quod ipsa fuit vxo r predict i Robert i legitim a e t legitim o matrimoni o copulat a e t desponsata i n Regn o Scoci e i n Episcopat u Glasguensi . E t pr o vxor e su a tota vit a ipsiu s Robert i tenebatu r i n Regn o ist o e t quo d ips a d e omnibus terris e t tenementi s qu e fuerun t ipsiu s Roberti tar n i n Episcopat u Dunel mensi quam alibi in regno dotata est [vt] vxo r ipsius Roberti preter de terris et tenementi s predictis . E t profer t quamda m litera m Robert i episcop i Glasguensis qu e testatur quo d predicta Christiana predicto domino Robert o de Brus' uallis Anand' domin o apu d Hodolm' in sua dioces i die inuencionis sancte cruci s anno gracie m.cc.lxxiij fui t legitim e in forma ecclesie copulata . Profert ecia m literam domin i regi s nun c patente m i n qu o continetu r quo d predictus Robertu s d e Brus ' e t Christian a vxo r eiu s attornauerunt cora m ipso domin o Reg e loc o su o magistrum Ada m d e Krokedayk' e t Johannem de Krokedayk ' su b alternacion e a d lucrandu m vel perdendu m in omnibu s placitis et quereli s metis ve l mouendi s pr o ipsi s Roberto e t Christian a ue l contra ipsos in quibuscumque Curiis infra Regnum Regis. Test e ipso Rege apud Sobber y secundo di e Octobri s ann o regn i su i primo . Profer t ecia m testimonium predict i Robert i vir i sui cora m Episcop o Glasguens i Episcop o Londoniensi e t official i Donelmens i probatu m e t sigilli s eoru m signatum , in quo continetur quod idem Robertu s legaui t predict e Christian e vxori sue omnia vasa sua et vtensilia argenti e t ciphum suum auri. Dici t eciam quod dominus Rex alias coram H . d e Cressingham e t sociis suis lusticiariis vltimo itenerantibus 2 in Comitatu Cumb ' inplacitaui t predictos Robertum de Brus' et Christiana m vxore m eius de placito quo waranto clamant haber e liberam Wareniam i n omnibus dominicis terris suis in Irby et Glassanby et mercatum et feria m i n Irb y e t emenda s assise ceruisie et fracti s furat ' 3 et infagenthe f in Gamelesby e t Glassanby e t esse quieti pro se et hominibus suis de Vallibus predictis d e omnibus finibus et amerciamenti s Comitatu s e t secti s Comita tuum et Warentth' 4 que ad coronam e t dignitatem domin i Regis pertinen t 1

Cal. Close Rolls (i288-96), pp. 513-14. 2 Sic. This is undoubtedly wha t th e cler k ha s written. Wha t h e probably intende d was' emendas assise ceruisie et panis fracte e t furatorum ' . 4 (?) Wapentak'. 3

26 TH

E DATE OF SECOND MARRIAGE OF ROBERT THE BRUCE

sine licenci a e t voluntat e ipsiu s domin i Regi s e t progenitoru m suoru m Anglic etc. A d quod placitum ips i coniunctim domino Reg i responderun t et i n lurata m patrie se inde posuerunt pe r quam partem predictorum libertatuum retinuerun t e t parte m earumde m amiserun t prou t pate t i n Recordo per predictos Justiciaries hie misso. E t peti t iudicium si dotem inde habere non debe t etc . E t supe r ho c datu s es t die s partibu s i n Octabi s sanct i Martini ubicumqu e etc. E t deind e datu s es t dies partibus in octabis sancti Hillarii vbicumqu e Et deind e datu s est dies partibus a die sancte Trinitati s in quindeci m dies eo quod iudicium non du m etc .

4

THE 'ENGLIS H COMPANY ' O F 134 3 AND A MERCHANT'S OAT H fTTOLE careful study of detail which is generally the mark of scholars J. whos e work deals with original material i s apt not to meet with unqualified approval . Ye t mediaeval economic history i n particula r can have no firm foundation in truth save by the labors of specialists who are not ashamed of the accusation that they seek to know more and more about less and less. Fo r th e source s of information, where such exist at all, teem with petty detail whic h yields its secrets only to microscopic research, and an easy credence has been too long given to generalization s whic h a consideration o f documentary evidenc e would easily have controverted.1 Th e commercial policy of Edward III call s loudly for precise examination . W e have been told b y Dr Cunningham that underneat h th e rapi d an d disconcerting fluctua tions o f royal policy we can discer n the workin g out o f an ordere d plan for developing the resource s and trad e o f England an d its de pendencies. Hi s later modifications of this view would seem not-to have deprive d Edwar d II I o f the titl e of 'Father of English Com merce.'2 I n oppositio n w e have th e sturd y judgemen t o f Stubbs , endorsed recently by the late Professor Unwin, 3 that Edward HI was simply an unscrupulou s opportunist, ready alway s to mortgage the 1 Thus, the researches of Professor Gras , se t ou t i n hi s valuable Early English Custom* System (Cambridge , 1918), have completely discredited th e conclusion s of previous writers. The view of Dr Cunningha m that credit playe d little or no par t i n busines s transaction s during the Middle Ages has also failed to survive recent criticism. 2 Growth of English Industry an d Commerce (2d. ed., Cambridge, 1890), i, 246, 276 ff. 1 In an illuminating essay on 'The Estate of Merchants, 1336-1365, ' contained in Finance and Trade under Edward III (Mancheste r University Press, 1918), ed. George Unwin.

27

28 Th

e 'English Company' o f 1343

future i n th e interest s o f presen t gain . Wit h suc h divergenc e of interpretation ther e is evidently ample scope for investigation o f the most profitable kind. Th e abundance of surviving material has been the mai n obstacle , bu t i t i s one that shoul d not be regarded a s insuperable. Fo r though Dr Tout was mainly interested i n the system of accountin g an d th e financia l relation s betwee n the variou s ad ministrative departments , ye t hi s work has set up invaluable land marks for those who venture into the domai n of exchequer records.1 Moreover, Edwar d Ill's commercial polic y i s well suite d t o treat ment by monographs, which can be given a logical beginning and end without demanding an exhaustive examination of the problems of the whole reign. The ai m of this paper is to describe the chequere d career of one of the earliest syndicates o f English merchants, th e 'English Company' founded i n 1343 . Whil e we can alway s confidently expect t o lear n much abou t wha t w e may cal l the exoteri c history of such associations — the clause s o f the contract s with th e kin g an d privat e in dividuals, the detail s of the accountin g with the excheque r auditors — we have so far been entirely in the dark about their inner domestic history. Fo r onc e the gloo m is dissipated b y th e evidenc e o f a remarkable document, recently found i n the Public Record Office. 2 I t vividly describe s th e bickering s o f merchants an d provide s u s with our earlies t know n text o f a merchant' s oath , take n b y n o les s a person tha n Willia m d e la Pole, the famou s Hul l financier , whos e connection wit h th e 'Englis h Company ' ha s bee n totall y unsus pected. During the thirteenth and early fourteenth centuries, the revenues of th e crow n tended t o alte r i n invers e proportio n t o th e need s of government: a s administratio n becam e more comple x and costl y and as prices gradually rose , the source s for financing such administration slowl y dwindled. Feuda l due s were falling into desuetude or becoming fixed in the amount they yielded; subsidies from the clergy and the laity failed to restore the balance and had themselves become 1 Chapters i n th e Administrative History o f England (Mancheste r Universit y Press , 1928 , 1930), m-v. 1 Exchequer Plea Roll, 28 Edw. Ill (E. 13/79), mm. 56-58.

The "English Company' o f 1343 2

9

stereotyped i n assessment by 1334.l A short war was always sufficient to precipitate financial anarchy; indeed, the protracted struggl e with France begu n i n 133 7 woul d hav e bee n impossibl e i f som e ver y profitable source of revenue had not been tapped. Thi s was found in a systemati c lev y o n trade, especiall y i n wool, easily th e mos t important articl e o f export . I t i s tru e tha t a n embryoni c custom s system can be faintly seen shortly after th e Norman Conquest,2 but conditions wer e unsuite d t o it s developmen t and i t ca n hardly b e regarded as the forbea r o f the well-know n levy on wool an d leathe r in 1275 with which the institutional histor y of the customs is usually taken t o begin. 3 Th e Carta Mercatoria o f 1303 gave protection an d privileges t o foreig n merchant s i n retur n fo r th e paymen t o f ye t higher rates.4 Bu t in times of desperate necessity, the wool trade was made not only to bear customs duties but als o to provide subsidies: as Englan d ha d almos t a monopol y of th e market s o f northwest Europe for her raw wool, there was no reason to fear that a decline in trade woul d inevitabl y result . Th e occasiona l subsidies levied b y Edward I and Edward II5 became permanent under Edward III who followed the usual procedure of continuing in times of peace taxation imposed fo r purpose s o f war. Parliamen t gav e a wis e sanction t o what it could not prevent, realizing that the income of the king must be augmente d t o mee t increase d costs. 6 Edwar d II I accordingl y farmed out the customs and subsidies to foreign or native merchant s in return for immediate grants of money. Th e history of the 'Englis h Company' is the history of an early, if not the earliest, attempt b y a group of English merchant s t o tak e ove r the collectio n of the taxa tion on wool and to manipulate the woo l trade to their ow n and th e King's advantage . 1 Cunningham, op. cit., i, 273 ff.: a fifteenth and a tenth henceforwar d implie d a grant of about £39,000 . 2 Gras, op. cit., pp. 27 ff. 3 Parliamentary Writs (Recor d Commission , 2 vols. i n 4 , London, 1827-34), i , i , 2 : al l merchants were to pay half a mark on each sack of wool and every 300 woolfells and one mark on each last of hides, exported from England, Ireland, and Wales. 4 Gras, op. cit., 259-264: foreig n merchant s were to pay a n additiona l 5 0 per cent o n th e above rates. 5 In 129 4 (Cal. Fine Rolls, 1272-1307 , p. 347) ; in 132 2 '(Cd. Patent Rolls, 1321-1324 , p . 282). Fo r detailed accounts of these subsidies, see Gras, op. cit., pp. 516-522. • Under Edward III th e rate was usually 40/-a sack .

30 Th

e 'English Company' o f 1343

Before discussing the activities of the 'English Company,' we must outline briefl y th e circumstance s whic h explai n how it cam e about that its intimate story wa s openly revealed in a court of law.1 On May 21 , 1346, an agreement was made by the Kin g with two prominent merchants , Walte r Chirito n an d Thoma s Swanland , whereby they were granted the farm of the customs and subsidies for two years from th e following Michaelmas i n return fo r a guarantee d sum o f £50,000 a year an d a n immediat e advance of £4,000.2 Th e arrangement prove d t o th e advantag e o f both parties . Th e Kin g was able to carry through the campaig n of Crecy and the lon g seige of Calais ; if we can believe the e x parte statement of the common s in the Len t parliamen t o f 1348, 3 th e subsid y o n wool s amounted t o £60,000 a year, so that the firm of Chiriton an d Swanland, which had the backing of other merchants, 4 had a considerable margin of profit. In consequence , o n May 2, 1348, th e King renewed the contract for a further period of three year s from th e ensuin g Michaelmas a t th e same annual fe e of £50,000, bu t no w associated Gilber t Wendling burgh as equal partner wit h the two merchants.6 Bu t a n unforesee n event cut shor t th e period o f prosperity: th e Blac k Deat h reache d English shore s i n August, 1348 , an d soo n brought al l business to a standstill.6 Chirito n an d Co . could not bide by their agreemen t and on March 15,1349, the King suspended the export of wool and seized the possessions of the thre e merchant s unti l the y mad e suitable ar 1 S. B. Terry, Th e Financing o f the Hundred Years' War, 1337-1360 (London : Constable , 1914) is the only work which purports to give a detailed survey of fiscal policy. It s general conclusions are not obvious and its value as a compendium of facts is destroyed by the inaccuracies to be found on almost every page. 1 Cat. Close Rolls (1346-1349), p. 72. The custom of wine and the ancient custom of \mark on each sack of wool were retained by th e Kin g to meet certain obligations already incurred. Other clauses were inserted to remove the danger s resulting from outbrea k of war, smuggling, fraudulent customs officers and overdrafts by the King. Th e contract was confirmed by letters patent of the sam e date, signifying that it was made in the King' s presence, wit h his knowledge and by his express command; Cal. Patent Rolls (1345-1348), p. 133 . 3 Rotuli Parliamentorum ([1765]; no pub., no date), n, 200b. 4 Cal. Close Rolls (1346-1349), p. 122; Cal Patent Rolls (1345-1348), pp. 130,133, 277, 453, 569. 6 Cal. Patent Rolls (1348-1350), pp. 99,145. • The court s cease d t o hea r plea s fro m Hilar y unti l Michaelma s 134 9 (Cal. Close Rolls, 1349-1354, pp . 1 , 28); parliamen t itself , summone d to mee t i n January 1349 , wa s firs t ad journed and then indefinitely suspended (Cal. Close Rolls, 1346-1349, p. 613; 1349-1354, p. 66).

The 'English Company' o f 1343 3

1

rangements for settling thei r debts. 1 Thi s the y manage d t o d o on April 21 at a meeting 'in th e ne w chamber, near the receip t o f the exchequer, ordained for the council*: a body of thirty-two merchants offered t o ac t a s guarantors o f Chiriton an d Co . on condition that four o f them coul d have joint contro l o f the cocke t seal s in al l th e ports o f Englan d an d o f th e issue s o f th e custom s an d subsidies . Thereupon, the farm wa s restored to the three merchants, who were to b e solel y held t o accoun t fo r debt s whic h had alread y bee n incurred sinc e Michaelmas , 1348 , thoug h thei r guarantor s assume d equal responsibilit y fo r th e paymen t o f th e £125,00 0 du e o n th e remaining two and a half years of the original contract.2 What exactly happened during the next twelve months is far fro m clear, thoug h th e ne w arrangement hel d goo d durin g tha t time. 3 But i t faile d i n its purpos e and seem s from th e star t t o hav e had little chance of success. 4 O n June 16 , 1350, th e land s of Chiriton, Swanland, an d Wendlingburg h wer e agai n i n th e King' s hand s for debts, 5 and four days later the supervision of all business relating to the custom s was entrusted t o two attorneys of the group of guarantors.6 The y acte d for what was left o f the thre e years' contract, 7 although responsibilit y stil l lay , o f course, wit h al l th e merchant s involved.8 A t Michaelmas, 1351 , the y wer e called to strict account. William Melchebourn , th e mos t influentia l of the guarantors , wa s arrested a t th e exchequer for debt s due to the King and released on mainprise on October 12 ;9 the following week Chiriton and Swanland 1

Cal. Close Rolls (1349-1354) , pp . 59, 61. Ibid., pp. 98,30,33; cf. Cal. Fine Rolls (1347-1356), p . 186. 8 Cal. Patent Rolls (1348-1350), p. 441; Cal. Close Rolls (1349-1354), p . 175. 4 The collector s of the custom s were wit h difficult y induce d t o giv e up th e cocke t seal s (Cal. Patent Rolls, 1348-1350, p. 323; Cal. Close Rolls, 1349-1354, p. 46) or to render their ac counts (Cal. Close Rolls, 1349-1354, p. 101 f.). • Cal. Patent Rolls (1348-1350), p. 548. 6 Cal. Close Rotts (1349-1354), p. 196. Cf . Cal. Patent Rolls (1348-1350), p. 557 for a somewhat different version of this arrangement. 7 Cal. Patent Rolls (1348-1350), p. 579, (1350-1354), p. 2: i t was by their sole assent tha t Richard Melchebourn was appointed to supervise the weighing of wool in the ports on the east coast. Cal. Close Rolls (1354-1360) , p. 465: th e account s of John Malewayn , one of the tw o attorneys, covered the period up to Michaelmas, 1351. 8 Cal. Close Rolls (1349-1354), pp. 287,296. 9 Cal. Patent Rolls (1350-1354), p. 148 . 1

32 Th

e 'English Company' o f 1343

obtained similar release on condition that they constantly held themselves in readiness t o appear a t th e exchequer to make a settlemen t with the King. 1 Bu t th e King was not easil y satisfied, an d the merchants wer e all b y thi s tim e bankrupt . N o othe r creditor s coul d press their claim s until the King had bee n fully paid. 2 Thi s prohibition o f private suits 3 caused an outcry i n the Januar y parliamen t of 1352 but little consolation wa s given: judgement s might be obtained against th e merchant s bu t the y wer e not t o b e executed until th e King's demands had been met.4 The proceedings dragged their weary length along for several years, Thos e who had lent their reputation s to Chiriton and Co. but possesse d nothing of the issues of the customs did not get their liberty til l February, 1356. 5 I n October, Joh n Bol e of Lincol n wa s so reduced that h e had no t th e wherewitha l to liv e and hi s chattels wer e restored t o him. 6 I n December , smal l yearly pittances wer e give n t o othe r guarantor s fo r th e maintenanc e of themselves, their wives , and thei r childre n so long as their propert y remained i n the King's custody.7 No t unti l October , 1358 , wer e the surviving eightee n guarantor s an d th e heir s o f those decease d discharged o f their responsibilit y for debt s du e t o th e Kin g an d thei r lands restored to them free of any further claims. 8 Wit h the collapse of Chirito n and Co. , involving in ruin countless lesser men, the da y of th e hig h financie r an d th e monopolis t wa s over fo r a time ; th e Ordinances of the Stapl e o f 1353 established home staples an d free dom o f trade whic h left n o openin g for thei r activities , i f there stil l existed any bold enough to tempt fortun e and the King. 1

Cal. Close Rolls (1349-1354), p . 394. Cf. Cal. Patent Rolls (1350-1354) , p. 265 : imprisonmen t o f John Piel for accepting par t payment o f hi s claim s prior t o th e settlemen t o f thos e o f th e King . Als o Cal. Close Rolls (1354-1360), p . 380 : on e Walter Payl e languished in the Flee t priso n for eight years fo r ac cepting similar payments. 3 Cal. Patent Rolls (1350-1354), pp . 303,350, 360, 361, 423, 496. 4 Rot. Parl., II, 242 (49). 5 Cal. Close Rolls (1354-1360), p . 301. 6 Ibid., p. 284 f. 7 Ibid., p. 291. Walte r Chiriton presented a petition in July, 1355, whic h exhibited the distress of himself an d hi s children (ibid., p. 140). 8 Ibid., p . 465 . Th e statemen t tha t i n 137 6 'on th e petitio n o f parliament, Edwar d II I cancelled hi s claim agains t d e Chiriton and hi s partners' (Terry , op . cit., p. 160 ) is based on Rot. Parl. ii, 365, which says not a word to that effect . 2

The 'English Company' o f 1343 3

3

It wa s in the course of proceedings in the exchequer that the story of the 'Englis h Company' was brought to light. Fo r Chiriton, Swanland, and Wendlingburgh had taken solemn oath befor e th e council that they would divulge the names of those who were in debt to them so that the Kin g migh t recove r thos e debt s i n part cancellation of what was owing to himself. O n November 26, 1353, the y appeare d before the barons of the excheque r and disclosed the inner history of the syndicate of 1343. It ha d com e into existenc e i n thi s way . Unti l th e en d of 1342 , Edward II I ha d relied in financial matters mainly upon the foreign merchants of such societies as the Bardi and the Perruzzi,1 the Astioli and the Albertini, and on the merchants of the Hanse. Complaint s had long been voiced in parliament agains t thei r hold upon English commerce, bu t nativ e merchant s ha d no t bee n stron g enoug h t o contest thei r supremac y an d t o tak e thei r place . Bu t th e year s taught them cooperation and organization and they joined issue with the foreigner s in 1343 . Durin g th e Easte r parliament, the y indig nantly protested that they 'were impoverished by the Companies of the Peruzzi and the Bardi and other Companies, who had the greater part of their goods in their custody,' 2 and arrangements wer e made that at last implied the partial ousting of the foreigner. O n June 22, the collectors of the customs at London, Southampton, Boston, and Kingston-upon-Hull wer e forbidden afte r Midsumme r Day t o pa y any part of the subsidy on wool and hides to the merchants of Lucca and Almain, to who m it ha d bee n previously granted. 3 O n July 8, 1343, a bargain wa s made between the Kin g an d a body of thirtythree merchants wh o formed th e 'Englis h Company' :4 i n return fo r a gran t o f the custom s and subsidie s from Midsumme r until three 1

It ha s been calculate d that these companies alon e advanced nearly £360,00 0 to Edwar d III befor e that King repudiated his debts to them; E. Russell, 'The Societies of the Bardi and the Peruzzi,' in Trade and Finance under Edicard III, p . 131 . 2 Rot. Parl. ii, 143a . 8 Cal. Close Rolls (1343-1346), p. 136 . 4 Ibid., p. 26 6 f. Th e Calendar , followe d b y Unwi n (op. cit., p. 215) , give s th e name s of thirty-four merchant s of the Company, bu t thi s is due to reading tw o members int o the 'William d e Roderham attorn e William d e Amyas' o f the original . Tha t William o f Rotherham was acting a s the attorne y of William Amya s is shown by the wri t printed in the Lords' Re ports (London , 1820-1829) , iv , 555 . Th e Compan y too k al l precaution s agains t roya l chi -

34 Th

e 'English Company' o f 1343

years after the following Michaelmas, they agreed to pay 1000 marks into the wardrob e every fou r week s and accoun t quarterl y fo r th e balance. Beside s thus paying over the whole of the customs and subsidies to the King, they wer e to provide him in addition with 10,000 marks each year. Th e question at once arises concerning the sources of profit which made this undertaking advantageou s t o the Company. In th e first place, i t i s certain tha t th e thirty-thre e merchant s enjoyed a monopoly of the expor t of wool and could therefore fix their own selling price at the staple at Bruges. I n the second place, the y stood to gain a good deal by arrangements recently made with regard to the Dordrecht claimants. In 1337 a syndicate of merchants, armed with th e roya l prerogativ e o f pre-emption, ha d undertake n t o pur chase 20,000 sacks of wool, sell them at a profit by using a monopoly, -^d therefro m to provid e the Kin g with £200,000 . Nearl y 15,00 0 sacks had bee n exporte d t o Dordrecht for sale when in May, 1338 , the Kin g seize d the woo l an d gav e i n return mer e paper acknowledgments of indebtedness which were not likely to be met directly or immediately. Edward' s action , precipitate d b y th e need s o f th e moment, hampered his movements in all his later years . H e had t o continue business relations with the wool-growers and traders whom he had cheated; their onl y hope of saving something from th e wreck was t o obtai n tota l o r partial exemptio n fro m custom s dues when they exporte d wool in future. 1 Suc h exemptions for the amoun t he owed Edward could hardly refus e to grant, but the y wer e not likely to be honored so long as the customs remained under the King's control. The y must therefore be placed in the hands of those who would have an interest i n giving practical effec t to the exemptions. Therei n lies on e importan t reaso n fo r th e formatio n o f the 'Englis h Com pany.' Bu t b y 1343 many merchants who had exporte d wool in 1337 canery: i t was to appoint the customs officers a t the ports, control the cocket seals, and have just allowances if anything occurred to obstruct the wool trade. Anothe r copy of the indenture is to be found o n Lord Treasurer's Remembrancer' s Memorand a Roll, 1 7 Edw. Ill (E. 159/ 120), Michaelmas Recorda. 1 Such a method of payment was frequently agreed upon and it partly explains the willingness of the merchants to grant the subsidy of 40/-. Bu t the repayment of what has been calculated a s £60,00 0 (Terry , op . cit., p. 21 ) was extremely slow an d th e Dordrech t problem never vanished until the end of the reign.

The 'English Company' o f 1343 3

5

had died or were no longer in a position to engage in trade. The Company was therefore authorized to buy u p and use the licence s of exemption. I t wa s in a position t o dictat e its ow n prices an d bitter complaints wer e later mad e o f ruinous discounts. 1 Sinc e o n Jul y 16, 1343,2 some 230 merchants o r their executor s ha d bee n grante d exemptions to the amount of nearly £50,000, 3 there was ample room for profitable bargaining on the part of the Company. On July 28, 1343, the official s o f the ports were ordered to delive r the customs and subsidies to the representatives of the merchants. 4 For a full year the Company went on its way undisturbed and flourished sufficiently t o be able to make additional loans to the King and to discharg e som e of his more pressing debts. 6 I n April , 1344 , th e King confirmed the agreement that the keeper of the wardrobe should accept monthl y payment s o f 100 0 marks unti l Michaelmas , 1346. 6 But to the country in general and to the merchant class as a whole it must have seemed as though the wool trade was designed merely for the benefit of a few men who, under existing arrangements , ha d excellent chance s of acquiring wealth. Th e Dordrecht claimant s ha d more definite reasons for indignation. Resentmen t expresse d itself in the Midsummer parliament o f 1344, when a demand was made that the monopol y of exporting woo l should be abolished an d that trad e and the seas should be free to all merchants.7 Th e King was moved to give his consent,8 perhaps b y the thought tha t thereby h e would more easily obtain a grant of tenths and fifteenths; 9 as the subsidy on wool had more than two years still to go, he need not scruple abou t deserting th e Compan y an d alienatin g som e of the mos t powerfu l English merchants. O n the other hand, he may well have considered 1

Rot. Parl. n, 169b, 170: only one to two shillings were obtained in the pound. Col. Close Rolls (1343-1346), p. 101: on May 26,1343, a general proclamation wa s made that all to who m the Kin g was indebted shoul d come before the counci l at Westminste r o n June 15. 8 Ibid., (1343-1346), pp. 138-151. 4 Cal. Close Rolls (1343-1346), p. 78. B Cal. Patent Rolls (1343-1345) , p. 11 5 f. (Augus t SO, 1343); p. 15 6 (January 20 , 1344) ; p. 206 (February, 15,1344) . « Cal. Fine Rolls (1337-1347), p. 365. 7 Rot. Parl. n, 150 (no. 5); p. 151 (no. 16). 8 76td.,p.l56(no.49). »Ibid., p. 148. Se e Unwin, op. cit., p. 215 f. 2

36 Th

e 'English Company' o f 1343

that th e Compan y had to o much the bes t o f the bargai n an d could afford t o forg o som e of its profits . A s soon a s fre e trad e took th e place of monopoly, the syndicat e showe d signs of disintegration. O n August 20, Reginald Condui t withdrew on the plea that other business considerations prevented hi s being able to devot e tim e t o th e Company's affairs ; i n less than a month twent y othe r member s retired on similar grounds.1 But the Company believed that it could yet face th e futur e boldly . I t ma y have had in its possession a stock of the Dordrecht licences of exemption from customs which would yield considerable profi t i f th e custom s stil l remaine d unde r it s control . Certainly, th e twelve merchants remainin g wer e willing to fulfi l th e original obligations , t o hand ove r a not inconsiderabl e sum to thei r former colleagues on their retiral, and to agree in March, 1345, to pay £50,000 a year to the King in lieu of the complicated system whereby they accounte d t o th e Kin g fo r sum s fo r whic h th e collector s ac counted t o them. 2 Th e resumption o f war, however, in the sprin g of 1345 and the consequent interference with the wool trade brought the activities o f the Compan y to a close. It s affair s wer e evidently th e subject o f seriou s discussio n i n July : th e twelv e merchant s wer e summoned t o Westminster o n July 9, along with the veterans Joh n Pulteny an d Willia m d e la Pole; 3 the nex t da y sa w the dispatc h of writs to nineteen of the twenty-one former members of the Company and twenty-thre e othe r merchants , orderin g the m t o assembl e a t Westminster o n July 13; 4 then once more the twelve merchants wit h Reginald Condui t were to be at Westminster o n July 18. 5 There is no clue t o th e exac t purpor t o f the deliberations ; w e only know that they di d not prevent the windin g up of the 'Englis h Company.' O n August 30,1345, the King allowed the contract to be broken as from the preceding Midsummer on payment o f 5000 marks, provided that the Company , whic h vaguel y attribute d it s fal l t o wa r 'an d othe r losses,' remaine d responsible for the ful l £100,00 0 du e t o th e Kin g 1

Cd. Patent Rolls (1343-134.'}). n. 340. Cd. Close Rolls (1343-1346) , p. 57 3 f. Th e '1 4 Edward III' of the Cdendar i s a slip for '19 Edward III,' as the original patent roll shows. 3 Cd. Close Rolls (1343-1346), p. 637 . 4 Ibid., p. 638; Lords' Reports, iv, 555. 5 Ut supra. 2

The 'English Company' o f 131>3 3

7

from th e operation s o f the las t tw o years. 1 Melchebour n was busy accounting wit h th e excheque r o n behal f o f th e Compan y i n th e early month s of 1346. 2 W e may perhap s infe r tha t satisfaction wa s made to th e Kin g fro m th e fac t tha t th e merchant s wh o had bee n foremost in the Company were soon equally as prominent in new contracts with the crown. If no other sources of information except chancery enrolments had been at our disposal, we should have remained in complete ignorance of th e importan t par t playe d b y Willia m Pol e i n th e Company' s affairs. Fo r al l they hav e to tell us is that in July, 1343 , som e of his Dordrecht claim s were sold to a member of the Company, 3 and that in June, 1345 , the Company was instructed t o pay him the arrears of an annual sum granted t o him in 1337 by the King from the customs at Kingston-upon-Hull. 4 I n 134 1 Pole had come under the displeas ure of the Kin g an d been committed t o prison for some time,5 and i t has been somewhat naturally assumed that he then forsook th e world of speculation 6 which had brought him wealth enoug h to b e the firs t business man to found a noble house.7 Bu t we are now provided with the assuranc e o f credible witnesses in what mus t hav e bee n a cause cSlebre of the tim e that Pole was the founde r an d principa l directo r of the 'Englis h Company.' The pleadings in the excheque r are given with an unusua l wealth 1 Cal. Close Rolls (1343-1346), p. 648 f. and cf. also p. 601. Thi s agreement was confirmed by a n order of December 4 , 1345, t o th e treasure r an d baron s (ibid., p . 630) . Th e entr y i s misread by Terry (op. cit., p. 122 ) to mea n an acquittance o f the whol e £100,000. Th e far m of the customs was in the hands of John Wesenham, Simon his brother, and Richard de Salteby from Midsummer, 1345, until Michaelmas, 1346 (Chancery Miscellanea, 87/6/96). The n came the agreement with Chiriton and Swanland; see above, p. 180. 2 Cal. Close Rolls (1346-1349) , p . 4 ; Cal. Patent Rolls (1345-1348) , p . 55 . 8 Cal. Close Rolls (1343-1346), p. 156 . 4 Ibid., p. 616. B Murimuth, Continuatio Chronicarum (Roll s Series , London , 1889) , p . 117 ; Cal. Patent Rolls (1340-1343) , p . 11 0 f. H e wa s imprisoned i n th e castl e a t Devizes ; Aungier , French Chronicle of London (London: Camde n Society, 1844) , p. 85. 8 Diet. Nat. Biog., XLVI, 48-50; Terry, op. cit., p. 101 : 'D e la Pole seems to have formall y retired fro m active life with his acquittance.' 7 The financia l transaction s o f Pole wit h Edwar d II I fro m 132 7 ar e tabulate d i n H . A . Napier, Historical Notices o f th e Parishes o f Swyncombe an d Ewelme i n th e County o f Oxford (Oxford, 1858) , pp. 271 ff. There is a popular and laudatory life of Pole in H. R. Fox Bourne, English Merchants (3d . ed., London, 1898), i, 33 ff.

38 Th

e 'English Company' o f 1343

of detail , but , lik e mos t o f th e importan t law-suit s i n th e Middl e Ages, the case does not reac h a final judgement. W e purpose, there fore, t o state the evidence and the procedure withou t comment and afterwards proceed to our own judicial summing up. On November 26 , 1353, Chiriton , Swanland, and Wendlingburg h came before the baron s o f the excheque r an d depose d tha t thirty three merchants , includin g themselves 1 whose names they carefull y recount, ha d forme d a compan y a t th e suggestio n o f William Pole, and ha d bee n thereafte r rule d b y hi s advice . I n th e cours e o f it s operations, thi s 'English Company' had incurred debts to some forty persons amounting t o £7340/11/4. Thoug h al l solvent member s of the Compan y wer e equall y responsibl e fo r th e paymen t o f thes e sums, yet Chirito n an d his two colleagues alone had discharge d th e debts ou t o f th e proceed s o f th e custom s whe n the y wer e unde r their control. The y ha d thu s exonerated Pol e fro m hi s obligation , though h e had bee n well able t o pa y hi s share a t th e time . The y now asked tha t Pole shoul d no w be made t o shoulde r thes e debts , for h e was still solvent, whil e they ha d no t realize d that the y coul d not square their accounts with the King and were virtually bankrupt s when they had made payment. Th e su m could then be deducted fro m the amoun t the y owe d the King as a result of the contract o f 1348. An orde r wa s issued fo r th e appearanc e o f Willia m Pole o n th e morrow. H e then came in person before the council in the exchequer and too k a solem n oat h tha t h e ha d neve r bee n a membe r o f th e Company an d had never as such had anythin g t o do with its affair s or directed its concerns. Th e way was now open for the examination of evidence. The plaintiff s pu t forwar d in proof o f their statement s a notaria l instrument, date d Jul y 10 , 1344,2 alleged to contain th e term s o f an oath, se t ou t i n French, b y whic h Pole had swor n allegiance to th e 'English Company. ' Thi s oath , it wa s said, was taken i n Chiriton' s 1

But in actual fac t excludin g Gilbert Wendlingburgh who, though a party t o the action , was never a member of the Company . Pol e eventually put forwar d thi s objection and Wendlingburgh was accordingly non-suited; see below, p. 42 . 2 The oath seem s to have been taken at thi s particular time as a result of re-arrangements in the Company' s affairs, fo r the woo l monopol y had jus t bee n abolished at parliament' s re quest; see p. 3 2 above.

The "English Company' o f 1343 3

9

house in London in the presence of Chiriton himself and of two other members of the Company , Walter Pres t and Henry Tideswell , spe cially summone d as witnesses . Th e instrumen t containin g i t wa s specially draw n u p b y Thoma s Hammon d o f Ashwell , cler k an d apostolic notary i n the diocese of Lincoln. Thi s oath is of unique interest for, so far a s we know, nothing simila r t o i t ha s yet com e to light. It s twelv e clauses are admirably brief : (a) Th e ordinance s o f the Compan y shal l b e kept strictl y secre t and revealed t o no one save by its consent and to its advantage . (b) Pol e shall give the utmost of advice to the Company, concealing nothing that might promote its interests . (c) H e shall urge no course of procedure which he knows will lead to his own personal profit but prove detrimental t o the Company. (d) H e shall be loyal to whatever is done by the Company and not seek to make a personal profit out of such transactions. (e) I f h e act s a s th e Company' s agen t i n financia l matters , h e shall render true account of every penny and hide nothing. (f) I f th e Compan y incurs losses, he shall contribute hi s share in any expenses necessary to maintain the Company , and this withou t demur. (g) H e shall not oppose any ordinance profitable to the Company which relates to their contract and is made during the term of their agreement, nor shall he quash any such ordinance without the Company's assent. (h) H e shal l b e obedient t o al l present an d futur e ordinance s of the Company . (i) H e shal l b e humble and reasonable both i n wor d an d dee d in his relations wit h present an d future members of the Company . (j) Shoul d a quarrel arise between him and another member of the Company, h e shall not procee d against hi m nor reveal aught o f the quarrel sav e onl y to th e Company . Shoul d there be an altercatio n amongst the other partners, h e shall do his best to provide a reasonable remedy in accordanc e wit h the advic e of the res t o f the Com pany. (k) H e shall, to the best of his ability, se e that debts due from th e

40 Th

e 'English Company' o f 1343

King t o other s o f th e Compan y ge t a s favorabl e consideration a s such debts to himself. (1) H e shall always give his advice to the Compan y in private and never openl y interfer e in its ordinance s and account s unles s at th e Company's express request. In additio n t o thi s document, th e plaintiff s produce d for the in spection o f th e cour t th e transcrip t o f a chancer y wri t o f dedimus potestatem dated August 28,1344, and addressed to William Pole and Roger d e Wollesthorpe, anothe r membe r of the Company . I t gav e them authorit y t o examin e twelve members of the Compan y who pleaded tha t othe r busines s consideration s demande d thei r with drawal from activ e partnership. O n the strengt h o f this writ, it was asserted, Pole as a member of the Company had removed twenty-one of the partners and paid them nearly £2000 from th e proceeds of the customs an d subsidies , presumably a s representin g th e amoun t of their financial interest. Thereafte r Pol e proceeded to a furthe r re construction of the Company . Si x of the remainin g twelve members1 took join t oat h wit h Pole that the y woul d ac t i n matters affectin g the Compan y in accordance with his instructions, an d fou r o f them2 were appointed t o ac t a s receivers of the Company' s moneys. Th e other si x members 3 wer e to becom e sleepin g partners an d fou r o f them4 were given nearly £500 from the customs receipts, probably in order t o lesse n thei r ris k somewha t b y diminishin g th e amoun t of their investment . Faced wit h suc h specifi c charges , Pole thought i t discree t t o as k that he might be given till the next day to prepare his reply. Hi s request wa s granted. Th e court further ordered the appearance of the three witnesses of the notarial instrument, Thomas Hammond, Walter Chiriton, and Henry Tideswell , and of two of the best-known men in the Company, William Melchebourn who had continued as one of the active members and Hugh de Ulseby who became a sleeping partner. 1

William Melchebourn , Richard Melchebourn , Walte r Prest , Henr y Tideswell , Walter Chiriton, and Roger de Wollesthorpe. 2 The last four mentioned in the previous note. J Adam Lucas, John Astwyk, Hugh de Ulseby, Thomas Swanland , William de Lodelowe, and William de Rotherham. 4 The last four mentioned in the previous note.

The 'English Company' o f 1343 4

1

On November 28, 1353, therefore , came the examinatio n i n chief. Thomas Hammond, placed on oath, maintained that he had writte n the notarial instrument , tha t he had been present whe n the thing s contained i n it were done, and had seen Pole swear his oath in Chiriton's house in London o n June 10. 1 Moreover , he exhibited i n cour t another instrumen t mad e by hi m i n Pole's name alon e an d o f th e same dat e an d place , whic h contained a n identica l versio n o f th e clauses of the oath. Walte r Chirito n declared that at Pole's request he had agreed to be a witness to these matters, and that he had heard Pole as k the notary t o draw up an instrument containin g their sub stance. H e further state d that Pol e was indeed a member o f the Company and that it wa s by his advice that its reconstruction was carried through. Henr y Tideswell gave exactly similar evidence and added that , wheneve r Willia m Pol e wa s residing i n hi s ow n local district, he had made Henry his deputy in transacting the Company's business. Nor , said Tideswell, would he ever have taken any oath in these matters i f Pole had not first sworn loyalty t o the above agreement. Thoma s Swanland and William Melchebourn likewise stated that Pol e wa s the founde r an d principa l directo r o f the Compan y and entirel y responsibl e fo r whateve r i t ha d done . I n answe r t o questions pu t point-blan k t o them , th e las t fou r witnesse s agree d that William Pole founded the Company, sued out the chancery writ for th e removal of the twenty-one partners, an d arranged tha t the y should receive the sums of money already specified . The last witness, Hugh de Ulseby, had a more circumstantial tal e to tell . Willia m Pole was a member of the Company and, acting in that capacity , h e ha d promise d Hug h £20 0 t o refrai n fro m an y further participatio n i n the business. Pol e had paid him £100 only , and Hugh had therefore commissioned him to give two-thirds of the remainder to Henry Tideswel l in part payment o f a loan which the latter had made to Hugh. Thi s su m Pole had never paid to Henr y but had kept it and the rest of the £100 in his pocket. Further , Hug h stated that Pole had promised to indemnify him against any demands 1

Chiriton and Swanland seem to have shared a house in London; Exchequer Plea Roll, 28 Edw. Ill (E. 13/79), m. 59: 'i n communi domo habitacionis eorumdem mercatorum in parochia Omnium Sanctorum in Temestrete in warda de Dounegate.'

42 Th

e 'English Company' o f 1343

made either b y the King or the Compan y and that an indenture t o that effect , whic h remained in th e custod y of Pole, ha d bee n made between Hugh and the merchants of the Company. Pole seems to have made no attempt the n to answer these charges. He eventually proffered a writ of privy seal, dated at Westminster on December 14 , 1353, an d addresse d t o th e chancellor , the treasurer , the barons of the exchequer , and others of the council: th e King announced tha t i t wa s his pleasur e tha t al l processes begu n agains t Pole either in the exchequer or before the council, whether the King was a party t o them or Chiriton and his colleagues, should be postponed unti l th e Morro w of the Purification . Thereupon , Pol e wa s ordered to appear on that day and found mainpris e on December 15 that he would do so. The rest of the case need not delay us long, for it came to no satisfactory conclusion. I n the Hilary term , Pole brought another writ of privy sea l ordering a n adjournment unti l Easter; then, o n the ple a that he had not yet fully prepared his defence, Pole obtained another adjournment unti l the Trinity term. Thi s time he failed to put in an appearance a t th e stipulate d tim e an d was committed t o the Fleet prison for contempt. H e still asserte d that he could not yet reply to the charge s mad e agains t hi m 'becaus e th e proces s neede d grea t examination,' and the plaintiffs consente d that he should be given a day i n the Michaelma s term. O n October 13, 1354, Pole mad e fine with the King for his contempt of court an d regained his liberty, bu t still h e avoide d answerin g his opponent s b y bringin g yet anothe r writ o f privy sea l orderin g th e continuatio n o f th e cas e unti l th e Hilary ter m of 1355. O n this occasion Pole and Wendlingburgh appeared, but not the other two plaintiffs, who were therefore ordered to be arrested. Pol e proteste d tha t he ought not t o be called upon to answer Wendlingburg h wh o certainly neve r wa s a membe r o f th e Company. Thi s Wendlingburg h could not gainsay , therefor e Pole was acquitted s o far a s his suit wa s concerned an d Wendlingburg h was fined for makin g a n unjus t claim . Swanlan d came int o cour t later i n thi s ter m an d wa s committe d t o th e Flee t fo r contemp t but h e was immediately allowed to make fine for his release, for ade-

The 'English Company" o f 1343 4

3

quate testimony wa s brought to show that he had been seriously ill. 1 Then once more came Pole with the inevitable writ, this time under the grea t seal, 2 ordering the ple a t o b e continued until th e Easte r term. The n at last the plea in the exchequer reached its inconclusive end. Pol e brought a writ under the great seal , dated a s far back as November 20, 1354, 3 which granted man y concessions in return fo r Pole's remission of the King's debts to him, 'although they amount to a great sum.' I t wa s contained, inter alia, that if it should happen that Pole, his heirs, executors, or tenants of his lands were impleaded by th e Kin g i n connection wit h any 'societas ' or other contrac t s o that judgement was given for the King and against the m and others of the 'societas, ' then they were to be exonerated from th e payment of thei r shar e o f any su m o f money that might b e awarded to th e King. I f throug h th e insolvenc y of others th e burde n of the whole amount shoul d fall o n them, the n stil l the y wer e to b e exonerated . Should Pole be impleaded in the exchequer and judgement go against him, he was to be pardoned any fine that might fall due to the King , while an y other party to th e sui t wa s to seek recovery a t common law. Indeed , hencefort h William Pole wa s to be impleaded only in the court s where common law held good and nowhere else. S o came to a n abrup t clos e the proceeding s in th e exchequer ; so far a s th e action of the King was concerned Pole was acquitted sine die. It i s impossible t o com e to an y other conclusio n than tha t Pole had indee d founded an d controlled th e 'Englis h Company. ' A few circumstances may give rise to some doubt, but they are not difficul t to explain away. Pole' s emphatic denia l was, of course, merely th e formal rebuttal o f the charg e made against hi m and was later given the support of not one jot o f evidence. A captious litigant might have sought in a more formal court of law to take shelter behind apparen t discrepancies i n th e record : sinc e th e wri t o f dedimus potestatem 1

On March 11,1855, the keeper of the Fleet prison was ordered to release Walter Chiriton on mainprise to appear in the exchequer on the Morrow of the Close of Easter (Col. Close Rolls, 1354-1360, p. 183). 2 Cal. Close Rolls (1354-1360), p. 183. 3 This writ i s also to b e foun d o n the Paten t Roll . Th e compile r o f the Calendar (Cal. Patent Rolls, 1354-1358, p. 158 ) summarized the first part of the writ but completely ignored the latter part which has direct reference to this case.

44 Th

e 'English Company' o f 1343

spoke only of removing twelve members of the Company , how could it be the authority for the retiral of twenty-one members? 1 Bu t th e real puzzle lies in the fact that Pole's connection with the Company remained unmentione d amongs t th e numerous references contained in the chancery rolls. Tw o reasons can be put forward in explanation. Henry Tideswel l had asserte d tha t he was appointed Pole' s deputy to act during his absence, and it was not unknown for those who were made the attorneys of merchants o f the Company to be alluded to as members t o th e complet e suppressio n o f the name s o f those the y represented.2 Th e most likely reason, however, is to be found in the last clause of the oath: Pol e was to give advice privately an d never openly t o interfere . I t i s easy t o surmis e why this stipulation wa s made. Pol e had been mainly responsible for the arrangements made in 1337 which had ultimatel y resulte d i n the confiscatio n of wool a t Dordrecht an d great financial loss t o man y merchants . Fo r som e time his usefulness t o the King made his position impregnable, bu t even the roya l favor wa s temporarily los t in 1341 when he was sent to prison an d a commission was set up in parliament t o examin e his accounts.3 No r did he receive his full discharg e until August, 1344.4 It migh t wel l have seeme d bad polic y t o revea l coram populo tha t Pole wa s the originato r o f yet anothe r syndicate ; t o d o so would be to create prejudice against th e Compan y at once . Ye t any group of merchants ma y well have hesitated before rejecting proposals made by a financier of such undoubted abilit y an d experienc e as William Pole. A n obvious solution was for Pole to become an active but als o a secre t participato r i n the enterprise . Bu t whateve r th e motive s may b e fo r hidin g th e fac t o f his connectio n wit h th e Company , 1 But the patent roll (Cal. Patent Rolls, 1343-1345, p. 340) supports the plaintiff's contention i n general , though it add s itself a little mystification . Fo r thoug h the wri t of dedimus potestatem was dated Augus t 28, Reginald Condui t would seem to have retired on August 20 . Twenty others were given permission to leave the Company on September 16. 2 William of Rotherham was the attorne y o f William Amyas (Cal. Close Rolls, 1343-1346 , p. 266 ; Lords' Reports, iv, 555), yet i n the lis t o f the member s of the Company , given i n th e document printed below, his name appears alone. Se e Cal. Patent Rolls (1345-1348 ) p . 4 8 for another example of a merchant of the Company appointing an attorney. » Cal. Patent Rolls (1340-1343), p. 313. Ther e is a hint of Pole's malpractices in the exchequer in Year Book, 15 Edward H I (Rolls[Series , London, 1891), p. 189 . * Cal. Chse Rolls (1343-1346), p . 423.

The 'English Company' o f 1343 4

5

this can hardly b e denied in face of the unanimou s testimony of men like Melchebour n an d Ulseby . Th e outburs t o f Tides well that h e would never have taken any oath if he had not known first that Pole had solemnl y swor n adherence t o th e Compan y ha s al l the rin g of truth. Man y o f the details o f the Company' s operations square with the fact s reveale d b y other records . Thus , there were thirty-three members in 1343 ;* twenty-one of them certainly retired a year later;2 the six members who were alleged at the trial to have constituted th e active grou p amon g th e remainin g twelv e partners ar e name d to gether on May 28 , 1345 , a s acting fo r themselve s an d thei r fellow merchants.3 Lastly , an d mos t conclusiv e of all, i t i s eviden t tha t Pole could find no answer t o th e imputations . Tim e afte r tim e h e simply too k shelte r behin d th e Kin g an d ultimately bough t hi s acquittal. Th e references in the royal letters of pardon4 to his connection wit h a 'societas ' mak e onl y on e verdict possible . Whe n th e life o f William Pol e comes to b e written, i t i s unlikely that h e will retain th e titl e of 'the most honest and honorable of subjects/5 bu t further researc h wil l hardly depriv e him of the fame accorded to him by a contemporary chronicler , 'null i Angligenae mercatori secundus fuit.'8 APPENDIX Exchequer Plea Roll, 28 Edward III (E . 13/79), ms. 56-58. Adhuc de quindena sanct i Michaelis anno xxviij . London. Memorandum quod cum Walterus de Chiriton' Thomas de Swanlund' e t Gilbertus de Wendlyngburgh' pro se et sociis suis regi teneantur in xiiij.m 1. Dxv. li'. x.d.ob'. qa. de remanencia xxv.m 1. Dcccii xx.ix li'. xvij d. ob'.q 8. de arreragiis L.m 1. li' . d e arreragii s firme pro omnibu s custumi s magni s e t paruis regi debitis in quibuscumque portubus Anglie de anno xxij regis nunc, custuma vinoru m excepta , e t i n alii s debitis diuersis sicu t continentu r i n 1

Cal Close Rolls (1343-1346), p. 266 f. See above, p. '3 2 n. 4. » Cal. Close Rolls (1343-1346), p . 572. 4 See above, p. 43 . 8 Bourne, English Merchants, i, 44. Pol e obtained another pardon in May, 1363, for deceitful practices , for which he had been indicted in the king's bench (Cal. Patent Rolls, 1361-1304 , p. 342). 4 Chronica Monasierii de Afelsa (Roll s Series, London, 1866-1868), in, 48. 2

46 Th

e 'English Company' o f 1343

magno rotulo de anno xxvto regis nunc in London', Midd', iidemqu e Walterus Thomas et Gilbertus et socii sui minus sufficientes existan t ad debita predicta regi soluenda. Et predict ! Walterus Thoma s e t Gilbertu s prestiterun t sacramentu m coram consilio regis ad demonstrandum et declarandum eidem consilio vbi qualiter e t quo modo denarii regis quos idem rex perdidit supe r cheuanciis per dictos Walterum Thomam et Gilbertum et socios suos f actis deuenerunt. Ita quod, si aliquis inuentus foret debito r prefati s Waltero Thome et Gil berto e t socii s suis per vera m et iusta m causam , quod rex propter insuf ficienciam eorumdem Walteri Thome et Gilberti et sociorum suorum capere posset a d dicto s debitores et dictos denarios versus eos in exoneracionem dictorum Walter i Thom e e t Gilbert i e t socioru m suoru m recuperar e v t eidem regi cicius satisfiat de debitis suis predictis iuxta prerogatiuam suam in ha c parte . T[Predict i Walteru s Thoma s e t Gilbertu s veniun t cora m baronibus xxvj*0 die Nouembri s hoc anno et dicunt pro rege et se ipsis quod cum predict i Walterus Thomas et Gilbertu s et soci i sui, videlicet Thoma s de Melchebourn' , Rogeru s de Wolssthorp' , Henricu s de TideswelP , Walterus Prest, Walterus de Chiriton', Willelmus de Melchebourn', Thomas de Swanlund', Adam Lucas, Johannes de Astwyk', Hugo de Vlseby, Willelmus de Lodelowe, Willelmus de Roderham, Reginaldus de Conductu, Robertu s de Shiluyngton', Henricus Goldbetere, Thomas de Yafford', Willelmus Bat, Thomas Gouk' , Henricu s d e Alyngton' , Robertu s Pynsson' , Thoma s d e Drayton', Robertus d e Penreth' , Robertu s Coksid , Gilbertu s Aliland' , Hugo Cokheued' , Ricardus Galeway , lohannes d e Bole, Rogerus Hardegray, Adam Tirewhit, Robertus Stuffyn, Robertu s Dalderby, Walterus de Kelsterne e t Thoma s d e Berwyk ' mercatore s de societat e Angl', 1 de qu a societate quidam Willelmus de la Pole vnus et incepto r eiusdem extitit e t per consilium et ordinacionem suam omnia fiebant tempore quo dicta soci etas separauit , videlice t tenebantu r diuersi s personi s i n diuersi s debitis , videlicet, Rogero Fynch' vinetari o London' viij . li'. Item domino lohanni de Wynkefeld' xx . li'. Item Thome de Frelonde L . li'. Item Stephano Treie w de Wynchelse Cxxiij . li'. xix.s. ii.d . Item Hugoni de Portesmouth' Cxi . li'. Item Willelmo Clapitus et Henrico de Strete CCCxlii . li'. Item domin o lohanni d e Pulteneye CCC . li'. Item dict o domino lohanni de Pulteneye pro xx lohanne de Wesenham DCCii . li'. 1

As there are two possible extension s of this word, either 'Anglic' or 'Anglicorum,' we have preferred t o leave it hi its contracted form.

The 'English Company' of ISJ^S Item lohanni Herewardstoke Item Simon i Benyngton' Item Henrico Broken' pro lohanne de Coloigne Item Ricard o de Stondon' Item Thome de Mussenden' pro Thoma Coteller de Gippewico Item Thome Cotiller predict o Item Willelm o Watford' piscator i Item Andre e Aubrey Item Willelmo de Tudenham pro Franicsco Bochel Item Ricardo Chaucer Item eidem Ricardo Item lohanni de Bucham et lohanni de Pacton' Item Robert o Ropere Item Willelm o de Wircestre Item Stephano Michel et lohanni d e ColewelF Item lohanni Reynbergh' mercatori Alemannie Item Ricardo Lace r Item Tidemann o Wasshmod' et lohanni Reynbergh' Alemannie mercatoribus Item Egidi o Horn' de Couentre Item Nicholao Pychford' Item Ad e Leuot Item lohann i Neuo w Item Willelm o de Lodelowe Item Thome Dysny Item Petro Fauelore Item Roberto Lyndraper Item Bartholomeo Thomasi n Item eidem Bartholomeo Item Hugon i Roubury glouere Item Henric o de Stret e Item eidem Henrico Item Tidemanno de Lymbergh' Item Willelm o Clapitus Henrico de Strete et Arnaldo Bernaters Gascoign' Item Thom e Worsship' Item Willelm o de Caue Pellipar' Item Bartholomeo Denmarcz Item Willelmo Boox

47

CC. li'. xxxix. li'. xiii.s. iiii.d. xl.li'. Cx.s. viii.d.

xiiii. li'. xxvi.li'. vi.s. iii. d. ob. CC. li'. Dxx. li'. Lxvi. li'. xiii.s. iiii.d. CCCC. li'. xx li'. Clxii. li'. x.s. Lxx. li' . xviii.s. iiii.d. CClxvi. li' . xiii.s . iiiid. CC. li'. L. li'. CCCC. li'. Clxxv. li.' Lx. li'. ii«. li'. Ciixx.xviii.li'. viii.s. ix li'. xv.s. xviii. li'. xvii.s. xii. li'. Ciixx.viii. li'. x.s. xxviii. li'. Cxi. li' . iiii.s . viii.d . Cxx. li'. xl. li' . iiii.s . iiii.d . Cxxxiii li'. vi.s. viii.d . Cx. li'. Clxx. li'. vii.s.x.d. DCCCC. li'. xl. li'. Ciixx.x. li'. Lxxvii. li' . vi.s . viii.d . CCxxxv. li'. vi.fs] viii.d.

48 Th

e 'English Company' o f 1343

Vnde summa totalis vii.m^ccc.xl. li'. xi.s. iiii.d. ^[A d que debita soluenda, quilibet sufficiens de societate predicta, alii s insuflBcientibus, tenebatur. E t licet ide m Willelmus de la Pole t'empore separacionis societati s predicte a d solucionem debitoru m predictoru m suflBcien s extitisse t e t adhu c existit , predict! Walterus Thomas et Gilbertus debit a predict a prefati s debitoribus de denariis prouenientibus d e custumis et subsidii s eis ad firmam dimissis soluerunt i n exoneracione m predict ! Willelm i d e l a Pol e e t alioru m d e societate predicta vbi idem rex in satisfaccione debit i su i precessisse debuit aliis creditoribus etc. iuxta prerogatiuam predictam etc . E t petunt pro rege et s e ipsis quo d predictu s Willelmu s de l a Pole , i n cuiu s exoneracionem denarii predict ! soluti extiterant , respondea t reg i de denariis predicti s i n exoneracionem predictoru m Walter i Thom e e t Gilbert ! propte r insum cienciam suam etc. in partem solucioni s xiiii.m1. Dxv. li'. [vii s.]1 x.d. ob.q*. predictorum. Et supe r hoc mandatum est prefato Willelmo de la Pole per breue huius scaccarii quo d si t hie ad crastinum diem supe r premissi s responsurus etc . Et idem dies datus est prefatis Waltero Thome et Gilberto . Ad quer n die m iide m Walteru s Thoma s e t Gilbertu s veniunt . E t pre dictus Willelmus de la Pole similiter venit in propria persona sua. E t iidem Walterus Thomas e t Gilbertu s dicunt vt prius etc. E t ide m Willelmus de premissis per barones allocutus dici t super sacramentum suu m quod gratis prestitit coram consilio quod ipse nunquam extitit socius de societate pre dicta neque se inde v t vnu s d e eadem societat e aliqualite r intromisi t ne e aliquid pe r consiliu m se u ordinacionem sua m vt vnuseiusde m societati s fiebat. E t supe r ho c predict! Walterus Thoma s e t Gilbertu s dicun t quo d ipse fuit sociu s de societate predicta e t in euidenciam inde ostendunt curi e quoddam instrumentum in hec verba: In De i nomin e Amen. Pe r presen s publicum instrumentu m apparea t evidenter quo d ann o a b incarnacion e domin i secundu m cursum et com putacionem ecclesie Anglicane millesimo trescentesimo quadragesimo quarto, indiccione duodecima, die2 mensis lunii, pontificatus sanctissimi i n Christ o patris et domini nostri domini dementis diuina prouidencia pape sexti anno tercio, in mei notarii publici infrascripti e t testium subscriptorum presenci a personaliterconstitutusnobilis virdominus Willelmus atte Pole miles iurauit a3 sacra de i ewangelia corporaliter tact a et inspecta pe r eundem ac fide sua mediante s e astrinxit omne s et singulo s conuenciones condiciones ordinaciones seu articulos infrascriptos in ligna gallicana in present! instrument© 1

An interlineation which has been omitted in the opening paragraph of the record. Th e deficit i s given as £13,643/14/7 in Cal. Close Rolls (1354-1360), pp . 248,465 , and a s £13,000 in ibid., p. 494. 1 The day of the month has been omitted; it was June 10. See below, p. 53 . 8 Rectius super. Th e mistake is the result of thinking in French and writing in Latin.

The 'English Company' of 1343 4

9

contentos fideliter firmiterque tenere obseruare e t adimpler e e t nullo ternpore contra eosde m vel aliquam partem eorum facere vel venire per s e vel alium se u alios aliqua racione vel causa. Conuencione s condiciones ordinaciones se u articuli quos dictu s dominu s Willelmu s firmiter, ut profertur , obseruare e t adimpler e iuraui t a c fide sua mediant e s e astrinxit i n lign a gallicana secuuntur sub hac forma: leo Willia m att e Pol e chiuale r e n presenc e d e notari e e t tesmoigne s soutescriptes iure a cestes seintes ewangelies de dieu corporelment pa r moy veues e t touche z e t m e estreyne par m a foi les couenantz condicione s ordynances et articles southescriptes fermement et fiablement tenir garde r e t parfournir e t n e mye fere e n countre eaux par mo y ne par autr i persone . Primerement, qe toutes eschoses qi sount o u serront ordeyne z entr e nous de la campaignie des marchantz soient tenutz e n secret et e n conseil e t a nuly descouertz sil ne soit dil assent e t al profit d e la compaignie. Ite m qe ieo serra aydan t et conseillant por profit de la compaigni e e n quan t com e sache et puisse saunz ascune chose celer qi purra tourner al profit ou honour de la compaignie. Ite m qe ieo ne ordeynera ne consillera nule chose por mon singuler profi t q i purr a tourne r a damag e o u vylayni e d e l a compaignie solome ma conscience. Ite m qe ieo serra loia l en quant com e ieo sache e t puisse a l a compaigni e d e tenir ceo qi serr a ordeyn e pa r eu x saun z fer e singuler profit a moy de nule chose qi touche nostre bargayn . Ite m s i ieo mette ascunes1 ou trauail por la compaignie ou ascun gayn puisse auoir par nule voy e d e chos e d e l a compaigni e q i ie o rendray loia l acompt e a l a compaignie de chescun dener solome ma conscience saun z rien celer. Ite m si peril aueigne , qe dieu defende, dascun perd e al a compaigni e et ascune s custages soient myses par assent de la compaignie por meyntenir le profit e t le honour de la compaignie qe ieo paiera ma porcion en quanque a moy appent saunz ascun countredi t o u debat fere. Ite m qe ieo ne serra encountre nule ordeynance profitable por la compaignie qest fet o u serra fet d e deinz nostre terme touchant nostr e bargayn n e qe nul ordeynance ne serra defe t ne debruse par mo y saunz assent de la compaignie. Ite m qe ieo tendra le ordeynances q i serron t ordeynet z apre s ce s houres auxin t bie n com e le s ordeynances qi sount ordeynet z meyntenant . Ite m q e ieo serra vmbl e e t resonable en dit e t en fet a ceux de la compaignie qi sount entr e iurez et q i serront iurez apres ces houres. Ite m si ascun debat sourde entre ascun de la compaignie et moy qe ieo ne fra nule partie deuers lui ne rien descouera d e tiel debat forsq e soulement a la compaignie, et si debat sourd e entre altre s de l a compaigni e q e ieo fray m a diligenc e par auisemen t de s altres de la compaignie qe resonable remedi e soit mys. Ite m qe serray aydant et con seillant e n quant come ieo sache et puisse dentrer l a dette due a ceux de la 1

MS.«V.

50 Th

e 'English Company' o f 1343

compaignie par nostre seigneu r le roi auxint bie n come ma dette demene. Item qe ieo serra tout z iour s aydant et conseillant e n tant come ieo sache et puiss e e n priu e maner e a l profi t d e l a compaigni e saunz rie n medler ouertement dascu n ordeynance ou accompte fet entr e la compaignie sil ne soit a la requeste de la compaignie. Acta sun t he c prou t supr a scribuntu r London ' i n domo habitacioni s Walteri d e Chiriton ' ciui s et mercatori s London ' su b ann o indiccione die mense e t pontificat u predictis . Presentibu s dict o Walter o d e Chiriton ' Waltero Prest et Henrico de Tichewell' mercatoribus dict e societatis testi bus ad premissa vocatis specialite r e t rogatis. E t eg o Thomas Hamund de Asshewell' clericu s Line' diocesi s publicus apostolica auctoritat e notariu s predictis omnibu s et singuli s du m si c vt premittitu r agerentu r vna cu m dictis testibu s personaliter interfui , eaqu e omnia et singul a sic fieri vidi et audiui, scripsi publicaui et in hanc publicam formam redegi meisque nomine et sign o consueto signaui , rogatu s i n fidem et testimoniu m premissorum. Et dicunt vlterius quod predictus Willelmus de la Pole vt vnus de societate predicta ordinaui t quo d xxi, videlicet Reginaldu s de Conductu, Robertus de Shiluyngton', Henricus Goldbetere, Thoma s de Yafford', Willelmus But, Thomas Gouk' , Henricu s d e Alyngton' , Robertu s Pynsson' , Thoma s d e Drayton', Robertu s d e Penreth' , Robertu s Cokside , Gilbertu s Aliland , Hugo Cokheued, Ricardus Galewey, Johannes de Bole, Rogerus Hardegray, Adam Tirewhit, Robertus Stuffyn , Robertu s Dalderby , Walteru s d e Ke|sterne et Thomas Berewyk' de xxxiii predictis amoueri deberent de societate predicta. E t supe r hoc prosecutus fuit quodda m breue de cancellaria quod dicitur 'dedimus potestatem' sib i et Rogero de Wollesthorp' alii de societate predicta directum d e ipsos xxi amouendo, cuius quidem breuis ostendunt curie transcriptum i n hec verba: Rex dilectis e t fidelibus suis Willelmo de la Pole et Rogero de Wollesthorp' salutem. Sciati s quod cum nuper concesserimus Thom e d e Melchebourn ' e t quibusda m alii s mercatoribu s regni nostri Anglie omnia custumas magnas et paruas et subsidia nobis debita de lanis e t alii s quibuscumqu e mercandisi s extr a dictu m regnu m nostru m Anglie eductis e t infr a ide m regnum nostrum adducti s a festo Natiuitatis sancti lohannis Baptiste ann o regni nostri Anglie decimo septimo vsque ad festum sanct i Michaeli s tune proximo sequentis et a b eode m festo sanct i Michaelis pe r tres annos proximo sequentes plenari e completo s su b certis formis et modis in quibusdam indenturis, inter nos et ipsos inde confectis et sigillis dictorum mercatorum consignatis, contentis, ac iam ex parte Ricardi Galewey, Roberti Stuffyn , Robert i Cokside, Thome Berewyk', Thome de Yafford', Hugoni s Cokheued' , lohanni s d e Bole , Willelm i But , Roger i Hardegray, Robert i Pynsson', Henrici de Alyngton' et Thome de Drayton' nobis est supplicatum vt , cum ipsi aliis diuersis negociis occupati circa contenta in indenturis predicti s no n possunt comod e laborare, velimu s eo s a

The 'English Company' o f 131$ 5

1

predictis conuencionibu s e t omnibu s alii s contenti s i n dicti s indenturis absoluere et omnino acquietare. Nos , volentes per vos vel alterum vestrum super contentis i n supplicacione predicta pleniu s certiorari, dedimus vobis potestatem ad predictos Ricardum, Robertum1, Thomam, Thomam, Hugonem, lohannem, Willelmum, Rogerum, Robertum, Henricu m et Thoma m et eoru m quemlibe t supe r premissi s diligencius examinando s et a d cogni ciones qua s ips i e t eoru m quilibe t cora m vobi s ve l alter o vestru m ind e facere voluerin t recipiendas. E t ide o vobis mandamus quod cum vos vel alter vestru m cognicione s predicta s receperitis , nobi s ind e in cancellaria nostra su b sigillis vestris vel alterius vestrum distincte et aperte sine dilacione constare faciatis, hoc breue nobis remittentes. Test e rege apud Westmonasterium xxviii die Augusti anno xviii. Et dicun t quod ipse Willelmus de la Pole pretextu eiusde m breuis, cum vnus de societate predicta, predictos xxi. mercatores amouit de eademsocietate e t ordinaui t quo d ips i haberen t pr o amocion e sua predict a summas subscriptas, videlice t predictu s Reginaldus de Conductu DC Robertus Shiluyngton' C Henricus Goldbetere C Thomas de Yafford C Willelmus But C Thomas Gouk' CC Henricus Alyngton' C Robertus Pynsson* C Thomas Dray ton' C Robertus de Penreth' C Robertus Cokside C Gilbertus Aliland CC Hugo Cokheued' C Ricardus Galewey C Johannes de Bole C Rogerus Hardegray C Adam Tirewhit C Robertus Stuffi n C Robertus Dalderb y C Walterus Kelsterne C Thomas de Berwyk* CC

. mr. . mr. . mr. . mr. . mr. . mr. . mr. . mr. . mr. . mr. . mr. . mr. . mr. . mr. . mr. . mr. . mr. . mr. . mr. . mr. . mr.

Vnde summa totalis est m^Dcccc. xxxiii. li'. vi . s. viii. d. 1[Qu i solut i fuerunt eisde m mercatoribus pe r assensum et ordinacione m dicti Willelmi de la Pole de denariis regis prouenientibus de custumis et subsidiis predictis. 1

A 'Robertum' has been omitted.

52 Th

e 'English Company' o f 1343

Et si c remanserun t i n eade m societat e xii , scilice t Thoma s d e Melche bourn', Rogerus de Wolssthorp' , Henricu s de TideswelP, Walterus Prest, Walterus de Chiriton', Willelmus de Melchebourn', Adam Lucas, Johannes de Astwyk', Thomas de Swanlund', Hugo de Vlseby, Willelmus de Lodelowe et Willelmus de Roderham. De quibu s sex , videlice t Thoma s d e Melchebourn' , Rogeru s d e Wolss thorp', Henricu s de Tideswell', Walteru s Prest , Walteru s de Chiriton' e t Willelmus de Melchebourn' vna cu m predicto Willelmo de la Pole interiu rati fuerunt ad tenendum omnia dicta m societatem tangenci a pe r assensum et ordinacione m predict i Willelm i de la Pole. ^[E t predict i se x residui assensu et ordinacion e dict i Willelmi de la Pole habuerun t certai n summam denariorum propter denominacione m sua m in eadem societate continuan dam et ne ipsi quicquam de eadem societate intromitterent, videlicet Adam Lucas Johannes Astwyk' Hugo de Vlseby CCC Thomas d e Swanlund CC Willelmus de Lodelowe C Willelmus de Roderham C

. mr. . mr. . mr. . mr.

de denariis regis prouenientibus de custumis et subsidiis supradictis . Vnde summa totalis estCCCC. Ixvi. li'. xiii. s. iiii.d. ^Et dicuntquod dictus Willelmus de la Pole ordinaui t vna cum aliis de societate predicta quatuor mercatores ad omnes denarios eiusdem societatis recipiendos, videlice t Rogerum de Wolssthorp', Walterum Prest, Henricum de TideswelP et Walterum de Chiriton'. E t petunt pro rege vt prius etc. Et predictu s Willelmus de la Pol e ind e allocutus petit licencia m inde lo quendi vsqu e in crastinu m die m etc . E t habe t die m etc. E t ide m dies datus est prefatis Walter o de Chiriton', Thome de Swanlund' e t Gilbert o de Wendlyngburgh'. Et visu m est curi e expediens esse quod predictus Thoma s Hamon d d e Asshewell' notarius, Walterus de Chiriton' et Henricus de Tideswell' testes in predict o instrument o nominat i venian t hi e a d informandu m curia m super premissis antequam etc. E t mandatu m es t eis per breuia huius scac carii quo d sin t hi e a d eunde m crastinum . Mandatu m es t ecia m prefati s Hugoni de Vlseby et Willelm o de Melchebourn' mercatoribus d e societate predicta quo d similiter veniant hie ad informandum inde etc. Ad quem crastinum predicti Walterus, Thomas de Swanlund' et Gilbertus veniunt . E t predict i Thoma s Hamond ' d e Asshewell' e t Henricu s de Tideswell', Hugo de Vlseby et Willelmus de Melchebourn' similiter veniunt. Et predictu s Thomas Hamond' de Asshewell', examinatus super sacramentum suu m s i ipse scripsit et fecit instrumentu m predictum etc., dici t super

The 'English Company' o f 1343 5

3

sacramentum suum quod sic et quod ipse personaliter cu m testibus in dicto instrument© nominatis interfuit omnibu s et singuli s in eodem instrument© contentis dum agerentur. E t dici t quod idem Willelmus de la Pole in domo habitacionis Walteri de Chiriton ' i n London' predict o x die mensis lunii iurauit super sacra euangelia fideliter et firmiter tenere obseruare et adimplere omne s conuencione s condiciones ordinaciones et articulo s i n dict o instrument© contentos, dictis testibus presentibu s et ad hoc vocatis et rogatis. E t dici t quod ipse omnia et singula in eodem instrument© content a audiuit scripsit et sign © suo signauit in testimonium inde etc. E t ostendi t curie quoddam alium instrumentumper ipsumThomamHamond'de Asshewell' sub nomine ipsius Willelmi de la Pole solomodo solomodo1 confectum sub eisde m dat a loc o e t anno , continen s omne s articulos condicione s et conuenciones in predicto [primo ] instrument© contentos. E t predictus Walterus de Chiriton' dicit super sacramentum suum quod ipse rogatus fuit per dictum Willelmu m de la Pole vt perhiberet testimoniu m in premissis. E t dicit quod dictus Willelmus de la Pole in presencia sua in domo habitacioni s predicti Walteri de Chiriton' in London' iurauit supe r sacra euangeli a fideliter tenere obseruar e et adimpler e omni a et singul a i n dicto instrument © contenta, predicto Thom a Hamond' ibide m presente e t rogat o pe r ipsum Willelmum d e l a Pol e a d componendu m instrumentu m supe r premissis . Et dicit vlterius quod predictus Willelmus de la Pole fuit socius de societate predicta et per ordinacionem consilium et assensum eiusdem Willelmi de la Pole omnia et singula superius ei imposita fiebant. Et predictus Henricus de Tideswell' dici t super sacramentum suu m quod ipse per dictum Willelmum de la Pole rogatus extitit ad perhibendum testimonium in premissis et quod dictus Willelmus de la Pole in presencia sua in domo habitacionis predicti Walteri de Chiriton' iurauit super sacra euangelia predicta fideliter tenere obseruare et adimplere omnia et singula in dicto instrument© contenta, predicto Thoma Hamond' ibidem presente et rogato per ipsum Willelmum de la Pole ad componendum instrumentum super premissis. E t dici t vlteriu s quod predictus Willelmus de la Pol e fui t sociu s societatis predicte et quod, dicto Willelmo de la Pole in partibus suis existente, ide m Henricus tenuit locu m dicti Willelm i de la Pol e i n societat e predicta per deputacionem et assensum ipsius Willelmi de la Pole et ibidem morabatur pr o s e ipso et dict o Willelm o de la Pol e a d negociu m eiusdem societatis cum aliis sociis suis exequendum et faciendum. E t dicit quod, nisi dictus Willelmus de la Pole prius iurasset a d premissa implenda, ipse Henricus in premissis nunquam iuramentum prestitisset. Et predictu s Thoma s d e Swanlund* dicit supe r sacramentu m suu m quod predictus Willelmu s fuit sociu s de societate predicta e t inceptor eiusdem et 1

MS. sic.

54 Th

e 'English Company 9 o f 1343

per ipsum et assensum et consilium suum omnia et singula in eadem socie tate fiebant . Et predictu s Willelmu s de Melchebourn ' dici t similite r supe r sacramen tum suu m quod ide m Willelmus de la Pol e fuit principali s sociu s eiusdem societatis et inceptor eiusdem et dicta societas agebat omni a per ordinacionem eiusdem Willelmi de la Pole et per ipsum omnia fiebant. Requisiti predicti Walterus de Chiriton', Henricus de Tideswell', Thoma s de Swanlund' et Willelmus de Melchebourn' per quorum vel cuius consilium dicta societa s prim o incepit, dicun t quo d per ordinacione m dicti Willelm i de la Pole et quod ipse fuit fundator eiusdem. Requisit i vlterius s i predicti xxi mercatores de societate predicta amoti f uerunt per assensum et ordina cionem dicti Willelmi de la Pole, dicunt quo d sic et quod ipse Willelmus de la Pole prosecutus fuit breu e predictum in cancellaria predicta e t pro amocione sua predicta et pe r ordinacionem e t assensu m ipsiu s Willelm i de la Pole predicti xx i mercatores habuerunt particulariter summa s prescriptas . Et predictus Hugo de Vlseby dicit super sacramentum suum quod predictus Willelmu s de la Pole fuit sociu s de societate predicta. E t ide m Willelmus, cum vnus de eadem societate , amouit prefatu m Hugone m de eadem societate, promittend o e i CC . libra s n e vlteriu s ind e intromitteret . D e quibus dictus Willelmu s de la Pole solui t prefat o Hugoni C. libras tantum et ide m Hug o assignaui t prefatu m Willelmu m a d soluendu m C . marca s Henrico d e Tideswell ' d e residui s C . libri s i n parte m solucioni s CCCC . librarum quas idem Hugo in partibus transmarinis ex mutuo recepit de prefato Henrico seu attornatis suis ad opus prefati Willelmi de la Pole tanquam attornatus suus ibidem ad implendam quandam cheuanciam de IVPM 1. li bris pe r dictu m Willelmu m d e l a Pol e reg i ibide m faciendam, d e quibus quidem C. marcis dictus Willelmus eidem Henrico nondum satisfecit se t eas penes [se ] detinuit vn a cum L. marcis residui s dictaru m C . librarum. E t dicit vlteriu s quo d predictus Willelmu s de la Pole promisit eide m Hugoni ipsum conseruar e indempne m erg a rege m e t mercatore s d e societat e su a predicta etc. E t per consilium et ordinacionem eiusdem Willelmi de la Pole quedam indentura d e indempnitate predict a fiebat inter dictum Hugonem et dicto s mercatores , qu e quidem indentura remanet penes dictum Willelmum de la Pole. Et predictus Willelmus de la Pole similiter venit. E t detulit hie quoddam breue de priuato sigill o quod es t inte r communi a d e anno xxviii, termino videlicet sancti Michaelis, i n hec verba: Edwar d pa r l a grace de dieu roi Dengleterre et de Fraunce et seigneur Dirlande a noz chers et foialx chaunceller, tresorer, barons de nostre escheqer et autre s de nostre conseil saluz. Come de nostre grace especiale eons grauntez a nostre cher et foial William de la Pole respit de touz proces faitz ou comencez centre lui en dit escheqe r

The 'English Company' of 1343 55 ou deuant nostre consail, si bien des choses qi sont entr e nous et lu i come des autre s chose s qi sont parentre lu i et Waute r de Chiriton' et se s compaignons, iusqe s a lendemai n de la Puryficacio n d e nostre dam e prochei n auenir, vou s mandons qe le dit respi t lu i facez aue r en l a forme desusdit e sanz destresce ou empechement a lui faire e n le meen temps par ee l encheson. Don ' souz nostre priue seal a Westmoustier l e xiiii iour de Decembre Ian de nostre regn e Dengleterre vin t septism e et de France quatorzisme. Pretextu cuius breuis datus est dies pref ato Willelmo de la Pole in premissis eodem statu quo nunc vsque predictum crastinu m Purificacioni s beat e Marie pe r manucapcionem lohanni s de Tyssyngton' de comitatu Eborac i et Henrici de Tideswell' de comitatu Lincolnie, qui presentes in curia xv die Decembris hoc anno manuceperunt corpus pro corpore de habendo corpus predicti Willelmi de la Pole hie ad predictum crastinu m a d respondendum super premissi s e t vlteriu s faciendu m et recipiendu m quo d curi a etc . E t idem dies datus est prefatis Waltero, Thome de Swanlund et Gilberto. i 1

The rest of the record deals with the formalities of process. Thes e have been summarised on pp . 42 - 3 , above.

5

T

A DEALE R I N WARDROB E BILL S

HE day when it was found easy to believe that dealing in credii was almos t unknow n in Englan d durin g the Middl e Ages ha; definitely gone: that doctrine could not survive the destructive criticism whic h has resulte d fro m th e investigation s no w being mad < into the methods of mediaeval finance. Tw o documents have recentlj been printed, 1 which suggest that it wa s common for financial instru ments to be bought an d sold. I n the case of letters patent, wardrobe bills and tallies, issue d by royal ministers, it is not difficul t t o discovei evidence o f th e fac t o f negotiability, bu t onl y o n extremel y ra n occasions ar e we permitted t o se e the actua l person s an d procedur e involved. Nor , so far a s w e know, ha s an y perso n eve r been provec to be a professional agent in the buying and selling of such instrument! before th e clos e o f th e fourteent h century. 2 Fo r thi s reason , th e subjoined transcrip t i s of some considerable interest: not onl y does ii disclose th e misdemeanour s o f a swor n servan t o f th e crown , wh c was considere d sufficientl y importan t t o b e summone d befor e th e council i n parliamen t t o answe r th e grav e charge s brough t agains i him, but i t reveal s th e nam e of one who seems t o hav e mad e it hi ; business to cash wardrobe bills as a matter of course. On April 23, 1346, an agreemen t wa s made between the kin g anc Walter o f Yarmouth, whereby the latte r wa s t o receiv e fo r th e nex i ten year s al l the fee s derive d fro m th e sealin g o f judicial writs in th< courts o f king's benc h an d commo n pleas, o n condition tha t h e pai c an annua l sum of 250 marks to th e cler k of the hanape r o f chancer j and acquitte d th e kin g eac h yea r o f debt s t o th e amoun t o f £20 0 He was to restor e t o th e excheque r all the letter s paten t whic h wer< surrendered t o hi m b y th e king' s creditors. 3 O n July 7 , this far n of judicia l fee s wa s confirme d t o hi m fo r life. * Thre e day s late r h e was appointed , a t a n annua l fe e of £20, on e o f th e king' s attorney ! 1

English Historical Review, xliv., p. 440 seq. Ante, vol. i. , p. 261: " The 'dealing in credit'—i.e., the selling and buying of credit and o f financial instruments—stil l awaits examination." 8 Col. Close Rolls (1346-49), p. 76. 4 Ibid., p. 151 . 1

56

A DEALER I N WARDROBE BILLS 5

7

in the chancery, the exchequer, both benches, and hi other places where pleas affecting th e king were heard.1 A few months afterwards he came still further into favour when the king made a gift to him of fifty marks a year, which was to be deducted from his farm.2 If , as seem s probable, especially i n the light o f what happene d t o him later, Walter ma y be identified wit h that Walte r o f Yarmouth wh o was in Gascon y in th e king's servic e in 1335 and I336 3 and who, early in 1346,* was pardone d all suit s o f th e king' s peac e fo r " homicides, felonies , robberie s an d trespasses "5 of which he stoo d appeale d an d outlawed , the n hi s ris e to a position of responsibility wa s certainly remarkable. Hi s fall fro m grace was equally rapid. During th e mid-Len t parliamen t o f 1348 ® h e wa s brough t befor e the archbisho p o f Canterbury , the chancello r an d th e treasurer , th e earls of Arundel and Huntingdon, Bartholomew de Burghersh and other members of the council to answer the accusation s mad e against him by one Nichola s Bullet . Th e latte r relate d hi s charge s i n carefu l an d precise detail . Walte r ha d brough t t o hi m o n November 4, 1345 . a wardrobe bill fo r £312 , mad e payable t o Joh n Beaumon t an d t o al l appearance bearin g th e sea l of William Norwell , keepe r o f the ward robe from July, 1338, to May, 1340.' O n the strength of this bill Bullet had loane d £1 0 t o Walter . A t variou s date s durin g th e nex t thre e months Walter had take n nin e other bills of a similar kin d to Bullet: on n o occasio n di d h e experienc e th e slightes t difficult y i n pawning them.8 Ther e seem s to hav e bee n n o suggestio n o f a dat e a t whic h the bills might be redeemed. Howeve r this may be, Bullet ultimatel y presented the m a t th e excheque r and som e of the m wer e honoure d without an y hesitation. 9 Bu t whe n it wa s discovered tha t NorwelT s seal ha d bee n forged , Bullet's goods and chattel s were sequestrated;10 he the n brough t hi s accusation s agains t Walter , prosecutin g i n th e king's nam e as wel l as hi s own. Walte r asserte d hi s innocence an d placed himsel f on th e country . Th e usual procedur e wit h regar d t o pleas in parliament followed: the case was first referred to commissioners 1

Col. Patent Rolls (1345-48), p. 146 . Ibid., p. 531. 8 Col. Patent Rolls (1334-38), pp. 104 , 316. • Col. Patent Rolls (1345-48), p. 56. 5 Ibid., p. 74, where th e simple " trespasses " of the above reference ar e thus more specificall y defined . • Lords' Reports, iv. 57 5 seq.; Rot. Parl. ii. 200 seq. 7 Tout , Chapters i n Administrative History, iv., p. 80. 8 Bulle t once appears as one of some half-dozen participant s in very involved transactions over a single bill; English Historical Review, he. cit. • " £t quo d dominu s re x rehabeat tota m pecuni e summa m predicta m sic subdole solutam "(infra, p . 273, n. i). 10 Cal. Close Rolls (1346-49), p. 547 . 8

58 of oyer and terminer 1 an d the n found its wa y into the cour t of king' s bench. There , on May 28,1348, a jury declared against him, the united wisdom of the chancellor, the treasurer , the judge s of both benches and the baron s of the excheque r decided that Walte r was no longer a fi t person to speak " where truth and justice ought to be performed," and he was sentenced to perpetual imprisonment.2 The most striking feature of the whole proceedings is the appearance of usualness which surrounds the business transactions between Walter of Yarmouth 3 and th e Florentin e Nicholas Bulle t o r Bulietti, as h e is once described. 4 Indeed , it woul d hardly have been possibl e for th e forgery t o escap e detectio n unles s it wa s quite commo n fo r wardrobe bills to pass from on e person to another in the manne r of paper money. Bullet certainl y paid cas h immediatel y fo r a t leas t te n suc h bills; 5 1

Cal. Patent Rolls (1348-1350) , p. 152 . Th e te n forge d bill s ha d bee n place d i n th e custod y o f th e treasure r an d chamberlains o f the exchequer . The y hande d the m ove r t o th e baron s o f th e exchequer o n May 12 , 1348 , fo r dispatch t o th e king' s bench in readiness for th e opening o f the trial there on May 24. A list of all these bills, giving much more exact information tha n is to be found o n the plea roll about the date s of confection, the amount s and the payees , wa s entered i n a book of memoranda relatin g to records , jewel s and othe r article s committed t o th e chamberlain s for deposit in th e excheque r treasury (Palgrave , Kalendars an d Inventories o f th e Exchequer, i., 16 5 seq.} Th e sum total of the bill s was reckoned a s £566 8 (p . 166) , thoug h our addition makes it onl y £5568 (but cf. amount given on plea roll, note 5, infra). The dates of two of the bill s fall within the perio d o f Norwell's keepershi p of the wardrobe (h e is styled i n this document " thesaurarius hospicii ")—one is given vaguely a s 1 4 Edwar d III , bu t th e remainin g seven purport t o hav e bee n mad e between Augus t 9 and November 17 , 1340 , when, according t o Dr. Tout, Norwel l was n o longe r actin g (Chapters i n Medicsval Administrative History, iv. , p . 80 ; cf. Cal. Patent Rolls [1338-40] , p. 551) . 3 W e may, perhaps , conjectur e tha t i t wa s Yarmouth's previou s experienc e in th e purchas e o f financia l instrument s tha t le d t o hi s bein g appointe d t o duties whic h included that of buying u p similar document s fro m roya l creditors . 4 Calendar o f Letter-Books o f City o f London, F., p . 249. 5 I t i s t o b e notice d tha t non e of them wa s payable t o Yarmout h himself ; though their fac e valu e was more than ^5918, onl y ^143, less than z\ per cent., was actuall y raise d o n them . Thi s i s neithe r surprisin g no r unusual , for th e royal credi t had falle n rapidly since th e beginnin g o f the wa r with France . A s early a s May, 1338 , the kin g had unscrupulousl y seized a grea t par t o f a year's supply o f woo l and give n th e merchant s i n retur n merel y paper acknowledgments t o th e amoun t o f som e ^66,000 . (S . B . Terry , Th e Financing o f th e Hundred Years' War, p. 21 ; Cal. Close Rolfs [1337-39] , p . 42 4 seq.) Bu t pay ment wa s so constantly avoided tha t ten year s late r bitter complaint wa s made in parliamen t tha t th e poore r merchant s wer e havin g t o sel l thei r bill s a t a ruinous discount , obtainin g onl y on e or tw o shilling s i n th e poun d (Rot. Parl., ii., pp . 1696 , 1706 ; Speculum, vi. , p . 18 4 'seq.). I n fact , s o man y letters patent , bills of the constable s of Bordeaux, an d wardrob e bill s remaine d unpai d (Cal. Close Rolls [1346-49], p.204) that the way was left open for the seemingly common practice o f forging financial instruments, especiall y wardrob e bills of the tim e of William Norwell (Cal. Patent Rolls [1345-48] , p. 117) , and presenting them at th e 2

A DEALER IN WARDROBE BILLS

59

it may be that the constant reference s to his house in Candlewickstreet Ward indicat e tha t thi s was his usua l plac e o f business, fo r h e ha d property i n othe r part s o f London. 1 Sinc e th e excheque r showe d no reluctance i n honourin g som e of th e bill s h e presented , i t clearl y countenanced these practices . Th e only ground of dispute wa s there fore th e forger y o f the wardrob e seal . KING'S BENCH , CONTROLMEN T ROLL , No . 9 (2 2 EDWAR D III) , m.24 . ADHUC D E TERMIN G PASCH E LINCOLN*

.

London' rotulo cij inter communia. Dominus rex mandauit dilectis et fidelibus suis Willelmo de Thorp' et socii s sui s iusticiariis ad placit a cora m e o tenenda assignati s breue suum clausum in hec verba: Edwardus de i graci a re x Angli e e t Franci e e t dominu s Hiberni e dilectis e t fidelibus suis Willelmo de Thorp ' e t socii s sui s iusticiarii s ad placita coram nobis tenenda assignatis salutem . Cu m Walterus de lernemuta coram nobis et consili o nostro in vltimo parliament© nostro apud Westmonasteriu m tent o d e quibusda m falsitatibu s sedicionibu s decepcionibus et aliis articulis uersus ipsum per Nicholaum Bolyet pr o nobis ibide m propositi s extiteri t accusatus , qu i quide m Walterus a d quosdam articulos respondit quod in nullo est inde culpabilis e t super hoc in inquisicionem patrie se posuit e t ad quosdam falsitates sediciones et dedepciones et articulo s huiusmod i adhu c resta t responsurus , negocia coram dict o consili o nostr o premiss a tangenci a vobi s mittimu s su b sigillo nostro , mandante s quod , hii s inspecti s e t vocati s cora m vobi s seruientibus nostris curie nostre ac aliis quos in hac parte fore videritis euocandos, vlteriu s supe r hii s e t alii s falsitatibu s sedicionibu s e t decepcionibus contra ipsum Walterum proponendis fieri faciatis debitum et festinu m iusticie complementum secundum legem e t consuetudine m regni nostri Anglie. Test e me ipso apud Westmonasterium xx die Maii anno regn i nostr i Angli e vicesimo secund o regn i ver o nostr i Franci e nono. pe r ipsum regem et consilium . Placitum coram consilio regis sequitur in hec verba: Nicholaus Boylyet veni t coram domino rege et consili o suo scilice t archiepiscopo Cantuariensi , cancellari o e t thesaurari o domin i regis , dominis ArundeU' et Huntingdon ' comitibus, domin o Bartholome o d e Burghassh', a c quibusda m iusticiarii s e t alii s domin i regi s fidelibu s exchequer without fear o f detection (Col. Close Rolls [1346-49] , pp. 451 , 461, 557, 606); t o inquir e int o suc h abuse s speciall y stron g an d dignifie d commission s were appointed (Cal. Patent Rolls [1345-48] , p . 117 ; [1348-50] , p . 65) , and i t i s probable that Yarmouth' s trial and heavy punishment were intended t o provid e a signa l illustratio n o f th e fat e tha t wa s likely t o befal l simila r wrongdoers . It ma y be added that the only document in print resembling the one given below mentions tha t a bil l fo r £200 wa s at on e time sol d fo r ^5, together wit h clot h to the valu e of £16 135. 4d. (English Historical Review, xliv, p. 440). 1 Cal. of Letter Books, F. , loc. cit. ; Calendar o f Plea an d Memoranda Rolls of City o f London, 1323-1364, p. 229.

60 tune ibi presentibus i n vltimo parliament© suo apud Westmonasterium conuocato e t pr o domin o reg e imposui t Walter o d e lernemuta , qu i minister e t iuratus domini regis extat, quod ipse quarto dieNouembri s anno regni regis Edwardi nunc Anglic decim o nono apud Londonias in warda d e Longbourne tulit quandam billam sigill o Willelmi de Northwelle nupe r gardrobari i domin i regi s consignata m continente m iij c. xij libra s i n quibu s dominus re x tenebatu r domin o lohanni d e Beau mond', quod quidem sigillum idem Willelmus postea dixit ess e controfactum e t eode m di e billa m predicta m prefat o Nichola o pr o dece m libris inuadiauit , qua s ide m Nicholau s d e falsitat e predict a penitu s ignorans stati m e i soluit . Poste a xi j di e Decembri s ann1o supradict o idem Nicholau s recepi t d e predict o Walter o tre s bullas continente s mille libras e t ampliu s d e debit o regi s su b sigill o predict o vnd e pr o maiori parte dominu s rex tenebatur Godekyn o de la Rule mercatori e t predictis die et ann o predictus Walterus inuadiauit illas tres billas prefato Nicholao pro triginta et vna libris quas ei liberauit in domo sua in warda d e Candelwyk ' strete , predict o Nichola o d e falsitat e predict a penitus ignorante. Poste a vii j di e lanuarii anno supradicto predictu s Walterus accessit ad predictum Nicholaum et protulit sibi duas billas sub sigillo predicto continentes mille et se x libras de quibus [sc. in ] vna billa continebatur quod dominus rex tenebatur Godekyno de la Rule mercatori in ix° libr' et in alia billa continebatu r quo d dominus rex tenebatur Francisco le Butiler in c. et vj libr' et eas ei inuadiauit pro viginti libris quas ei soluit, predicto Nicholao de falsitate penitus ignorante. Poste a xiiij di e lanuarii anno regni regis nunc Anglic decimo nono supradict o venit predictus Walteru s et protulit ei alias billas continentes mill e et trescentas libra s sterlingoru m sigill o predict o consignata s i n qua 2 continebatur quo d dominus rex tenebatur Godekyn o de Rule mercatori in mille et trescenta s libra s e t ear n ei inuadiauit pr o xxx libris qua s ei soluit i n dom o su a propri a i n ward a d e Candelwykstrete . Poste a xviij di e lanuari i ann o supradict o predictu s Walteru s accessi t a d predictum Nicholaum et ei optulit tres billas continentes quod dominus rex tenebatur Godekin o de Rule in ij™ 111' et iij c libr' Et ea s ei inuadiauit pro lij libris sterlingoru m qua s ei solui t i n dom o eiusdem Nicholai hi warda d e Candelwykstrete. E t predictus Walterus presens in curia p>er consilium domini regis super premissis allocutus qualiter se velit acquietare dicit quod ipse hi nullo est culpabilis e t d e bono et malp ponit se super patriam. E t predictu s Walteru s committitur gaole regis de Flete quousque consiliu m domin i regis supe r premissi s pleniu s auisetur etc . Postea pe r auisamentu m iusticiarioru m e t consili i domi m regi s preceptum est custodi de Flete quod corpus predicti Walteri sub saluo etc. habea t cora m domin o rege apud Westmonasteriu m ha c instant i die ioui s proxim a ant e quinqu e septimana s Pasch e a d faciendu m e t recipiendum quod curia etc . Ad quern diem coram domino rege venit predictus Nicholaus Boylyet qui tar n pr o domin o reg e qua m pro s e ips o sequitur . E t predictu s Walterus pe r custodem de Flete ductus similiter venit qu i committitur marescallo etc . scilice t lohann i Wyga n etc . E t supe r ho c predictu s 1

Sic. Th e king's benc h rol l (no . 352, m. 102 ) read s " billas," though th e " i " is written ove r an erasure. 8 Sic.

A DEALER I N WARDROBE BILLS 6

1

Nicholaus peti t breu e vicecomitibu s Londoniarum d e venir e faciend o coram domino rege iuratam predicta m etc. habeat etc . E t preceptu m est vicecomitibus Londoniarum quod venire faciant cora m domino rege apud Westmonasteriu m di e sabati proxim a ant e quinqu e septimana s Pasche xxiiij 01 tam ciue s quam alio s probo s etc . d e wardis de Langebourne et Candelwykstrete per quos etc. ad recognoscendum etc. Ad que m die m venerun t ta m predictu s Nicholaus quam predictus Walterus per marescallu m ductu s etc . E t vicecomite s retornauerunt nomina iuratoru m quoru m nullu s etc . pe r quo d iurat a ponitu r i n respectum vsque diem veneris proxima post festum Ascensionis domini pro defectu iuratorum etc. nisi W. de Thorp' W. Basset e t R. de Bankwell', duo vel vnus eorum, prius die mercurii in vigilia Ascensionis domini apud sanctu m Martinu m Magnum London ' venerin t ve l veneri t etc . Et nichilominu s preceptu m est eisdem vicecomitibus quod preter illos octo ta m ciue s qua m alio s etc . d e wardi s predicti s pe r quo s etc. i n iuratam illa m ponant . E t eo s habeant etc . E t predictu s Walteru s interim1 committitu r marescall o scilicet lohann i Wygan' etc . Ad quem diem mercurii apud sanctum Martinum Magnum London ' coram prefatis iusticiariis venit predictus Nicholaus in propria persona sua. E t predictu s Walterus per marescallum ductus. E t iuratores qui de consensu ipsoru m Nicholai et Walteri ad ho c electi triat i et iurati venerunt. Dicun t super sacramentu m suum quod predictus Walterus culpabilis es t d e omnibu s falsitatibu s decepcionibu s maleficii s e t singulis articulis sicut per ipsum Nicholaum eidem Waltero imponitur. Et supe r hoc habito auisament o cum cancellario et thesaurario domini regis, iusticiarii s d e comun i banco , e t baronibu s d e scaccario , qui a predictus Walteru s qui minister domini regis ad deseruiendum domino regi specialite r iuratu s fuit , de predicti s falsitatibu s e t decepcionibu s domino reg i dolos e facti s manifest o conuictu s est , consideratio n es t quod ide m Walterus i n aliqu a curi a ne e aliqu o loc o vb i verita s se u iusticia tractar i seu fieri debeat non compareat seu pro aliquo audiatur. Et quo d idem Walterus pro falsitatibus e t decepcionibu s si c dolose in curia regi s facti s habea t perpetua m prisonam . E t quo d dominus rex rehabeat quicqui d pe r huiusmodi falsas billa s perdiderat ve l amiserat . Et quo d terre et tenementa bona et catalla predict! Walteri i n manum regis domini seisiantur et capiantur etc. E t idem Walterus committitur prisone in custodia lohanni s Wygan marescalli etc. ad saluo custodien dum etc. in forma supradicta etc . 1 The remainder o f the transcrip t is taken fro m th e king' s bench plea roll . The Controlment Roll gives a. more summary ending: " Ad quem diem mercurii in vigilia Ascensioni s domin i predictu s Walterus conuictu s es t d e decepcionibus e t falsitatibus maleficii s articuli s [sic] supradicti s sibi impositis. Ide o consideratum est quo d bill e predict e cassentu r e t adnullentu r e t nulliu s effectu s habeantur . Et quo d dominu s rex rehabea t tota m pecuni e summa m predicta m si c subdole solutam etc . E t predictu s Walteru s habea t perpetuu m imprisonamentu m etc . Et committitur prisone in custodia lohanni s de Wygan marescallo etc. "

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6 LOCAL CHANCERIE S

THE work of those who spend thei r day s laboriously researching among original records occasionally meet s with scornfu l commen t o r a patronizing commenda tion as its sole reward : w e do not readily advance upon the eighteenth-centur y comment tha t ' it i s fo r inferio r workme n t o di g th e cla y an d t o embod y it . To ligh t th e Promethean torc h an d t o infus e sou l int o compositio n belong s t o those of a far higher order.'1 Still , we have many illustrations o f the ease wit h which theories , undoubtedl y attractive, hav e bee n erecte d upo n ' facts ' which a glance at the original documents quickly reveals as nothing more than fictions. There is a danger that an argument advanced by Dr. Hollan d for the existence of local chanceries ma y come to be generally accepted. Th e mediaevalis t mus t often wonde r how men livin g in distan t parts o f the countr y could obtai n thei r writs fro m a chancer y whic h wa s alway s o n th e move . Severa l suggestion s have bee n put forwar d t o meet this-difficulty^ 2 amon g them tha t of Dr. Bolland , who contende d tha t writ s coul d b e bough t locall y becaus e ther e wa s a ' tem porary establishment of a loca l branc h o f th e chancer y i n a count y wherein an eyre wa s sitting , o r wa s goin g t o sit , wher e writ s wer e purchasable. ' 3 Thi s statement i s founded upo n a bill, presente d i n th e Shropshir e eyr e o f 1292 , i n which th e complainan t appear s t o hav e asserted that , wherea s h e had arrange d for anothe r ma n to procur e thre e writ s o n his behalf by ' applying ' (demands} for the m a t Shrewsbury , hi s opponent s had contrive d tha t the y shoul d no t b e purchased.4 Now , sinc e th e chancer y a t thi s tim e wa s wit h th e kin g i n th e north of England, 5 it would seem to follo w that it was doing a little local branc h work, a t leas t durin g a n eyre . Thi s is , however , a startlin g deductio n : th e existence o f loca l chancerie s doe s no t squar e wit h wha t w e kno w o f chancer y practice an d i t i s certainl y surprisin g tha t suc h institution s shoul d no t have left trace s of themselves i n th e revenu e accounts . Researc h inculcate s a t leas t 1

Franci s Hargrave' s prefac e to Hale, Jurisdiction o f the lords' house, p. ccxxv. See , e.g. , G . H . Fowler , ' Rolls fro m th e Offic e o f the Sherif f o f Beds, an d Bucks. , 1332-4 ' (Beds. Hist. Record Soc.), pp. 11 , 79, and my forthcoming ' Select Cases in the Court o f King's Benc h (Selden Soc.) , ii . p . Ixxxvi , f . 3 Bolland , Select Bills in Eyre (Selden Soc.), p. xliv. Dr . Bolland late r repeat s that' there is some good reason ' fo r believin g tha t loca l chancerie s wer e establishe d (General Eyre, p . 9) , bu t Professo r Powicke wa s evidentl y uneas y an d raise d on e seriou s objectio n t o thi s contentio n (Eng. Hist. Rev., xxx. 331) . * Select Bills in Eyre, p . 2 7 et seq. 5 Henr y Gough, Itinerary o f Edward I , ii . 95 et seq. 2

63

64 one hig h virtue , tha t o f goin g i n time s o f perplexit y behin d th e prin t t o th e original documen t an d makin g sur e o f th e fact s befor e theorizin g upo n them . In thi s cas e th e manuscript x showe d tha t unnecessar y difficultie s ha d bee n created : i t does not contain the word ' demandeV Instea d i t reads ' dedenz ' and merel y states that the writs wer e to be at Shrewsbury ' within ' the nex t six days. Wit h that correction th e theory o f local chanceries mus t b e abandoned.

1

P.R.O . assize roll, 1552/98 .

7

The Dissolution of a Gild at York in 1306 IF we wish to stud y th e machiner y of government hi Englan d hi the late r middl e ages , we have a reasonable chanc e of finding a solution t o ou r problem s so long as we concentrate ou r attentio n upon centra l institutions : th e recor d materia l present s u s with such a n embarrassmen t o f riche s tha t th e limi t o f ou r energ y becomes th e limi t o f ou r knowledge . Th e position , however , is very differen t whe n w e tr y t o penetrat e int o th e mysterie s o f local government , particularl y o f the towns . Fo r th e materia l preserved a t headquarter s will assist us only incidentally, and th e occasions whe n anythin g approachin g ful l informatio n i s forth coming ar e ver y infrequent;* • th e boroug h records, whe n such exist a t all, 2 ar e fragmentar y an d forc e u s muc h too ofte n int o conjectures. Th e origi n and earl y developmen t o f boroughs and borough organizatio n hav e lon g formed a subjec t of controversy and have indeed been recently placed in the forefron t o f medieval studies by the publication of definitive monographs by an American and an English scholar, Professor Stephenson and Professor Tait.3 Though thei r disagreement s hav e yet t o b e resolved, ther e i s no room fo r doub t tha t thei r wor k has provide d a permanen t basi s upon whic h al l futur e researc h mus t rest . Bu t thei r interest s have lai n mainl y wit h th e perio d befor e 1272 , and historian s sadly lac k a comprehensiv e accoun t o f boroug h development s after tha t date , especially i n that Edwardia n centur y whic h saw so grea t a n expansio n o f trade an d industry. 4 Th e tas k ha s so far no t bee n attempte d an d perhap s wit h goo d reason, 6 bu t sooner or later it will have to be taken in hand. Whe n that time 1 The returns supplyin g the detaile d information , demande d by the government in 1388, about the gilds and fraternities established in the towns are quite exceptional: without them we should hardly be aware o f the exten t t o whic h society in th e four teenth centur y was honeycombed with gilds. Many , bu t no t all , o f them have been printed b y Toulmin Smith , English Gilds (Earl y English Text Society). * Interim Report of the Committee on House of Commons Personnel and Politics, Appendix vii . 8 C. Stephenson, Borough and Town (1933) ; J . Tait , The Medieval English Borough (1936). 4 H. A . Merewether an d A . J. Stephens , History o f Boroughs an d -Municipal Corporations of th e United Kingdom i s of little valu e for thi s purpose . • Stubbs, Constitutional History (Librar y Edition , 1880) , ii . 236 : ' Any complete generalisation upo n th e constitutiona l histor y o f th e town s i s impossibl e fo r thi s reason, that this history does not start from one point or proceed by the same degrees '.

65

66 TH

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comes, th e subjoine d document wil l b e foun d valuabl e ; thoug h it raise s mor e problem s tha n i t settles , i t doe s giv e u s a n un usually intimat e glimps e o f tow n politic s a t Yor k i n th e earl y fourteenth centur y when that cit y wa s the secon d capita l o f th e kingdom. At this time Yor k was a chartered boroug h of a normal type : its administration wa s directed by a popularly elected mayor and bailiffs, it s importan t busines s wa s transacte d i n th e boroug h court, it s annua l fer m o r rent wa s paid direc t t o th e Crown , an d it mad e it s ow n arrangement s ho w taxation fo r thi s an d othe r local purposes wa s to b e apportioned and collected. 1 A s soon as the availabl e evidenc e show s that Yor k wa s obtainin g right s o f self-government, w e kno w tha t a merchan t gil d wa s i n bein g ; the firs t allusio n to it i s on the pip e roll of 1130-1 2 and a charter of Henr y II , c . 1154-8 , refer s t o it s existenc e in th e tim e o f his grandfather.3 Althoug h later charters o f 1200, 4 1252, 5 and 125 6 6 continue t o permi t th e citizen s of Yor k to hav e thei r gilda mercatoria wit h it s attendan t privileges , i t i s a t leas t curiou s that, when in 130 6 the wor k of the boroug h government wa s discussed , even with regard to the assessmen t o f taxation upo n the artisans , there shoul d be no mentio n o f the merchan t gild. No r is it eas y from othe r source s t o find trace o f its activitie s a t thi s time. A merchant gild , however , was not th e onl y for m o f gild know n to a medieva l town . Ther e wer e other gild s organize d for religious and socia l purposes, 7 an d suc h voluntar y association s ha d thei r venerable prototype s i n th e famou s Anglo-Saxo n gild s o f th e eleventh century. 8 I n a fe w instances, wher e a boroug h had n o charter an d n o merchan t gild , the y could b e an d wer e adapte d to th e purpose s o f politic s an d government. 9 Th e cas e printe d below describes , wit h a n unusua l wealt h o f detail , th e stage s whereby wha t wa s originally th e simples t for m o f social gild wa s altered an d transformed and mad e the mean s of acquiring control over the urba n government of York. I t i s well to reserv e com ments an d to le t th e partie s t o th e litigatio n an d th e juror s tell the stor y i n their ow n words. The closing years of Edward I's reign had seen the machiner y of justic e i n seriou s dange r o f collapse . Lawlessnes s an d cor ruption ha d seize d hol d upo n th e servant s o f th e kin g quit e a s 1 The earliest reference to a ' mayor ' of York is apparently in 1217 (Rot. Lit. Claus. i. 341); a little earlier w e hear of the ' sigillum civiu m Eboraci ' (ante, xlv. 542). 2 Magnum Rotulum Pipae, p. 34. 3 A. Ballard, British Borough Charters, 1042-1216, p. 6. 4 Eotuli Charta'rum, p. 40. 5 Gal. Charter Rolls, 1226-57, p. 379; cf . Bracton's Note Book, ed. Maitland, ii. 1 4 f. 6 Cal. Charter Rolls, 1300-26, p. 185 . 7 The rule s of many such gilds ar e printe d i n Toulmi n Smith , op . cit. pp. xxxvii, 239-50, 256 et passim. 8 C. Gross, Gild Merchant, i . 174-91. • Ibid. i. 83, n. ii; ii . 14 5 f.

AT YORK I N 1306 6

7

much as upon the peopl e a t large , an d the wri t o f conspiracy was deliberately devise d i n 129 3 a s a remedia l measure. 1 Whe n justices in eyre arrived a t Yor k in 129 4 they wer e informed ' that there were so many and s o influential maintainers of false plaints and champertor s an d conspirator s league d togethe r t o maintai n any busines s whatsoeve r tha t justic e an d trut h wer e completel y choked '. 2 Justic e continued to deteriorate until in the Februar y parliament o f 130 5 a n officia l definitio n o f conspiracy , hithert o vague i n it s implications , wa s issued, 3 an d arrangement s wer e made fo r th e dispatc h o f th e ne w an d formidabl e justice s o f ' trailbaston ' throughou t th e country. 4 I n th e sprin g o f 130 5 Peter d e Maulay and hi s fellows , sittin g unde r th e ne w commissions as justices o f oyer an d termine r a t York, 5 wrote a letter t o explain that no serious indictments had been brought before them, although privat e informatio n showe d tha t i t wa s onl y becaus e such ha d bee n deliberatel y concealed . Thereupo n th e kin g ordered th e perio d o f their commissio n t o b e extende d s o as t o allow the m t o mak e investigation s int o conspiracie s mad e whil e they wer e a t Yor k a s wel l a s befor e th e tim e o f thei r arrival. 6 At the sam e time the warnin g was given that what thes e justices did befor e th e justice s i n eyr e cam e into th e count y ha d bette r be regarde d a s ' a drin k befor e medicin e ' (come beverage devant medecine). It was , therefore, at a time whe n the centra l government was making a determine d effor t t o re-establis h th e rul e o f law and t o eradicate corruptio n tha t a n actio n o f conspirac y cam e befor e Maulay a t Yor k i n th e Hilar y ter m o f 1306. 7 A preliminar y inquiry elicited the information from a jury that a certain Andrew of Bolingbrok e an d fifty-thre e other s ha d forme d a combinatio n and swor n a triple oat h ; i f one of them wer e to wron g another , then arrangement s shoul d b e mad e fo r justic e t o b e rendere d before their alderman an d in no other plac e ; i f any taxes had t o be raised in York , they were to se e that the burde n o f them was imposed upo n th e poore r peopl e o f th e cit y an d t o secur e fo r themselves a s much relief as possible ; i f on e of their number sued 1 Its valu e was soon diminished; indeed , i t mad e matters worse, becaus e it coul d be used equall y well by wrongdoer s against indictor s an d juror s who endeavoured to bring them to justice. 2 Assize Roll, no. 1095 , m. 1. 3 P. H . Winfield , History o f Conspiracy an d the Abuse of Legal Machinery, pp . 1 , 52, 95 ; G . 0. Sayles , Select Cases in the Court o f King's Bench under Edward I , iii . p . lix. 4 Cf. Assize Rolls, nos. 675, m. 1 : ' Rotulus conspiratorum de Notingham ' (1305); 843, m. 35 : ' Placita de conspiratoribus apud Hennowe ' (1306); 1334 , m. 48 : ' Placita de conspiratoribu s in comitat u Norf' ' (1306). 5 Cal. Patent Rolls, 1301-7, p. 35 4 <6 April 1305). 6 Ancient Correspondence , xxi, no . 191 , Ixi , no . 3 6 : printe d Sayles , op . cit. ii . p. cxlix f. Th e first writ of commission is enrolled on Assize Roll, no. 1107, m. 1 : i t limits their jurisdiction t o the perio d fro m Trinit y 129 7 to Easter 1305 . 7 Assize Roll, no. 1107 , m. 19.

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or wa s sued , eve n fo r trespass , by someon e who di d no t belon g to their organization , then al l mijst agre e to assist their colleague, whether h e was in th e righ t o r not. 1 A prima facie cas e of conspiracy having bee n mad e out, the justice s acte d o n this information an d ordered the accuse d to be attached, wit h the result tha t all bu t fou r o f the m appeare d i n court . Thereupo n on e Pete r Turgis cam e forward , obtaine d th e court' s permissio n t o su e on behalf o f th e king , an d outline d th e cas e fo r th e prosecution . In time s pas t i t ha d bee n th e invariabl e custo m fo r al l wh o belonged t o th e communit y o f Yor k t o brin g thei r litigatio n before the mayor and bailiffs i n the boroug h court an d to transact in the sam e place all the busines s of the cit y a s often a s required . This meant , first , tha t al l fines and amercement s imposed in th e court would be placed at th e servic e of all who lived in York, an d secondly, i n th e even t o f taxatio n everyon e o f the m woul d b e impartially assesse d accordin g to hi s means. Recently , however, Andrew o f Bolingbrok e an d th e other s ha d combine d togethe r and wer e know n a s th e ' gild brethre n '. The y appointe d ' bailiffs an d new ministers ' i n the city , namely , a n alderman , a dean, two chamberlains, and a summoner , calle d the ' bedeman ' . Furthermore, the y had held their conventicles and courts in secret places an d ha d take n cognizanc e o f trespasses don e b y on e gil d brother t o another , appropriatin g al l amercement s for thei r ow n use. An d they ha d take n a n oat h t o suppor t an d maintai n on e another in all matters as against al l those outsid e thei r gild . Seven of the defendant s denied that they had been in any way connected with suc h a gild and fraternity an d accepted jury trial on tha t issue . Th e res t gav e thei r versio n o f the story . Som e time ag o a house , calle d i n accordanc e wit h contemporar y habi t a Maiso n Dieu , ha d bee n establishe d o n Ous e Bridg e nea r St . William's Chape l by th e citizen s o f York ; the y ha d endowe d it for th e sustenanc e o f the poo r an d leprous . Man y citizen s wh o had fallen on evil day s ha d foun d asylu m there unti l through th e negligence o f th e bailiff s an d citizen s o f Yor k donation s ha d ceased for some years. I t was , therefore, to rene w and maintai n this almshouse—an d wit h i t a chantr y s o that a chaplai n coul d celebrate fo r eve r divin e servic e t o th e honou r o f Go d an d th e salvation o f th e king' s an d thei r ow n souls—that th e defendant s had agree d togethe r to endow it wit h par t of their property. A t the sam e time they announced that all who in future mad e similar contributions woul d b e mad e member s o f th e gil d an d becom e 1 The elemen t o f conspirac y particularl y entere d a t thi s point . Cf . th e late r ordinances o f the Gil d of the Lord's Prayer at Yor k : ' Also it is forbidden tha t any brother o f the gil d shall , in th e belie f tha t h e wil l hav e hel p fro m hi s brethren , b e forward i n getting into lawsuit o r quarrel o r in upholdin g an y wrongfu l caus e whatever, upo n pain o f losing all help and friendshi p o r any relie f fro m th e gil d (Toulmi n Smith, op. cit. p. 138) .

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potential beneficiarie s o f the charity . T o prevent an y recurrence of neglec t an d maladministration , the y ha d decide d t o hav e wardens, appointe d a t Trinit y ever y year—a n alderman , a dean , and tw o chamberlains—t o administe r th e property . The n the y had sworn a common oath that they would ever afterwards support this charity. Suc h were the ' ordinances and statutes' of their gild. It wa s not intended to be an instrument wherewit h to harm either the kin g or any citize n o f York, and the y ha d mad e no attempt to hold a court an d hear plea s that concerne d themselves. The y expressed their willingnes s to allo w a jur y of their fellow-citizen s to declar e whether their statemen t wer e true o r not. Th e king's representative, however , contende d tha t th e fact s wer e quit e different an d that what the y had don e seriously flouted the roya l authority ; i n th e circumstance s th e jur y shoul d compris e no t simply citizens of York but also ' strangers ' who were outside th e jurisdiction o f the borough . Th e defendants pleaded th e charte r granted b y Henr y II I i n 1256 1 t o sho w tha t a jur y o f thei r fellow-citizens wa s alone permissible, and the y refuse d a jur y on which ' strangers ' were placed. Th e judges decided against the m on thi s point , o n th e groun d tha t th e charge s whic h ha d bee n brought were so much the king' s concern that h e alone was suing against the m : therefor e a ' mixed ' jur y o f twelve citizen s and twelve ' strange ' knights was ordered to be empanelled. So far w e have heard onl y e x parte statements. A fuller an d presumably tru e stor y wa s given b y th e juror s o n oath. First , those seven men, who had repudiated an y connexion with the gil d and it s activities , wer e foun d no t guilt y an d acquitted . The n the jur y stated that seven of the othe r defendants had fou r year s previously inaugurate d a convivia l gil d a t Yor k ; i t wa s thei r sole purpos e t o assembl e togethe r fo r a feas t o r a n ' ale ' (ad potandum) ever y Trinity . Perhap s thi s gil d wa s considering th e possibility o f going beyond its purel y social functions an d undertaking good works. A t all events, in 130 3 Andrew of Bolingbroke and the other s cam e to th e annua l meeting and made a financial contribution fo r th e maintenanc e o f th e Maiso n Die u o n Ous e Bridge. Bu t this was simply a blind in order—to use the medieval technical term—t o ' colour ' a confederac y they ha d made. Fo r they a t onc e provided th e socia l gil d wit h a se t o f regulations : the member s wer e t o meet , a s before , ever y yea r a t Trinit y ; they were to have official s electe d annually and those who refused office wer e t o b e fined—th e alderma n a mark , th e dea n hal f a mark, an d th e chamberlain s a quarte r o f a mar k ; the y wer e to 1

Cal. Charter Rolls, 1300-26, p . 185 . Th e charte r wa s granted o n 1 7 May 1256, though it wa s not enrolled o n the charter roll and our knowledge of it come s from a n inspexirmts o f 1 Februar y 1312 . Thi s par t o f th e charte r wa s confirme d i n 126 2 (Cal. Patent Rolls, 1258-66, p. 204).

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have thei r ow n court , presided ove r b y th e alderma n an d dean , which woul d adjudicat e al l trespasse s don e b y on e membe r t o another, whils t th e judicia l profits wer e to g o to th e gil d itself ; they wer e t o undertak e t o giv e on e anothe r assistanc e i n al l matters, ' against fathers , mothers, wives, children, and all others who di d not belong to the fraternity ' ; the y were to take an oath that the y woul d firml y observ e al l thes e ordinance s i n future . The jur y named seve n me n a s bein g chiefl y responsibl e fo r thi s development, an d i t i s t o b e note d tha t Thoma s o f Shipton , apparently th e founde r o f the convivia l gild, is to b e found among their number . Al l who joined the gil d in its new form, the n an d later, had agreed to the ordinance s and taken th e necessar y oath. Thereafter the member s of the gild had escaped their prope r share of the taxatio n imposed on the communit y of York because a half or three-quarter s o f th e assessor s wer e gil d brethre n an d me n whom othe r peopl e coul d no t oppose . Th e jur y gav e thre e practical illustrations o f what wa s taking place. Whe n John, s/ m of David , a membe r o f th e gild , swor e befor e th e mayo r an d bailiffs tha t h e had bee n assesse d beyond his means, he obtaine d relief. Bu t Rober t o f Grimston , who ha d a simila r grievance , could no t obtai n eve n a hearin g becaus e h e was not i n th e gild . Moreover, four me n who feared that they would be similarly overburdened had shifte d their residenc e fro m th e roya l borough into the privilege d territories o f St. Peter , St . Mary , and St . Leonar d and wer e still livin g there. Th e juror s then proceede d to giv e a curious piec e of information : th e brethre n o f the gil d ha d mad e a new assessment on the carpenters , smiths, and other artisan s i n York, decreeing that those wh o earned tw o shillings a week must contribute a penn y a wee k an d thos e wh o earne d a shillin g a halfpenny, i n spit e o f the fac t tha t i t wa s quit e contrar y t o th e wishes o f the community . Th e juror s were unable , however, to say how much had bee n collected in this wa y or into whose hands it had come. And , finally, they pointed ou t that the gild brethre n were no t place d on inquests o r juries unless at thei r ow n request and fo r the benefi t of their colleagues and friends' . So muc h the juror s volunteered. Bu t the y wer e required t o give additiona l informatio n o n severa l point s intimatel y con cerning th e king . O n bein g aske d whethe r th e brethre n o f th e gild ha d hear d plea s t o whic h the y themselve s wer e partie s o r had impose d amercements , the y declare d tha t the y coul d hav e no certai n knowledg e on suc h a poin t becaus e all meeting s ha d been, and still were, held so secretly in lanes and othe r ou t o f the way place s that n o outside r coul d discover what wa s being done. However, they coul d at leas t asser t that , afte r th e gil d had been formed, the y ha d neve r hear d o f a singl e membe r o f th e gil d being sue d b y anothe r befor e th e mayo r an d bailiff s o f the cit y

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in accordance with previous practice. T o the blunt questio n why the gil d had bee n forme d a t all , the juror s stated that i t wa s for mutual assistance an d to obtain a financial advantage over others within th e boroug h of York, especially in getting exemptio n fro m a fair share of taxation. And , in conclusion, they plainly declare d that th e gil d wit h it s ordinance s an d oath s wa s certainl y pre judicial to the kin g and the community of York and that inestim able damag e woul d resul t i f i t wer e t o remai n an y longe r i n existence. The justices apparently fel t it wise not to proceed to judgement themselves i n thi s loca l cause celebre. Instead , the y adjourne d the defendant s t o appea r a t Westminste r i n the followin g term . There seven of them appeared in person and th e rest b y attorney . Judgement wa s given against the m becaus e it wa s clear from th e jurors' statemen t that they had formed a confederac y and sworn an oat h t o hel p on e another i n prejudic e of everyone else of th e community o f York , had appointe d ne w ministers an d ha d pur posed holding a cour t and takin g amercement s for their ow n use. Thereby the king was the loser, presumably because it might cause difficulty i n levying the fer m o f the city , and th e interest s o f th e community ha d bee n subordinate d t o th e profi t o f a fe w individuals. Therefor e i t wa s awarde d tha t th e gil d shoul d b e dissolved, tha t fro m henceforwar d th e defendant s shoul d b e restrained fro m an y simila r act , tha t thos e wh o ha d com e t o court shoul d b e sen t t o goal , fro m whic h the y wer e t o obtai n release onl y b y agreein g t o heav y fines , whils t th e absente e defendants wer e t o b e arrested . Th e recor d o n th e ple a rol l concludes with a long list o f the fines, amounting to th e considerable su m o f £12 0 185. 8d. A sequel to thi s action i s contained i n a petition pu t forwar d in th e parliamen t o f Carlisl e i n Januar y 130 7 b y Andre w of Bolingbroke, Rober t o f Walton, Thoma s of Hornby, an d Rober t le Meek. The y complaine d that, after they had made fine before the treasure r fo r thei r offences, 1 Pete r Turgi s an d thre e other s caused proclamatio n to b e made throughout Yor k that the y ha d been convicted, ' coram consilio,' of conspiracy and collusion, and they refuse d t o allo w th e petitioner s t o retur n t o thei r norma l status a s citizen s of York or t o divulg e to tne m an y o f the confidential matter s (secreta) concernin g the city . A s a resul t the y were looke d upo n a s me n wh o wer e n o longe r covere d b y th e common law. 2 T o remed y thei r grievanc e th e c mayor, bailiffs , 1 Sot. Parl. i. 202 , no. 66: ' quod renovaban t quanda m gilda m in dicta ciyitat e que antiquitus per bonos homines dicte civitatis pro certis elemosinis faciendis ordinat a fuerat'. 2 Ibid, : ' propter quo d ips i reputantu r quas i homine s extr a commune m legem'.

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and communit y o f Yor k ' wer e ordere d no t t o ostraciz e th e petitioners o r refuse t o admit them to their counsels. 1 In assessin g th e valu e o f thi s cas e w e mus t b e particularl y careful no t t o strai n th e evidence , fo r i t i s capabl e o f severa l interpretations. O f on e fac t w e ca n b e sure . Th e fourteent h century mark s a transitional point i n the histor y o f the town s ; it wa s a tim e whe n the growt h of population an d th e expansio n of business in general cause d a gradual an d imperceptible chang e from communa l rule to magisteria l control . I n tha t case we may well as k ourselve s wh y th e merchan t gil d o f Yor k shoul d hav e remained completel y in the background . Ha d it fo r the moment outlived it s twelfth-centur y usefulnes s i n establishin g boroug h independence ? Whe n th e fea r o f a decentralizin g proces s ha d passed awa y wit h Henr y I I an d hi s mor e liberal successor s had not hesitate d so much to gran t charter s o f liberties whic h established popula r form s o f government i n the towns , the importanc e of th e merchan t gil d ma y wel l hav e decline d i n th e thirteent h century 2 until its reviva l late r i n the fourteent h century. How ever, thi s woul d no t preven t th e formatio n o f a caucu s o f in fluential citizen s which would do its utmos t t o contro l the urba n government, howeve r ' popular ' i t ma y hav e bee n i n theory , and t o ge t its wishe s and decision s ratified by the popula r court . We must no t readil y assum e that thi s wa s a retrograde step , for the circumstance s o f the tim e ma y quit e wel l have mad e i t im perative to ge t beyond the narro w outlook of the averag e citizen s of York . Bu t i t woul d involve som e infringement o f their rights and lea d t o vigorou s protes t an d resentment , an d i t migh t b e wise to wor k behind closed doors and not cour t publicity. More over, it i s not likel y tha t al l the prominen t citizen s of York were asked to co-operate , and persona l jealousie s and rivalrie s woul d add t o th e strengt h o f th e opposition. 3 Nevertheless , th e me n who transforme d th e convivia l gil d o f 130 1 int o th e social religious gil d of 1303, and endeavoured through it to secure control , were me n o f substance . Fo r example , Andre w o f Bolingbroke , the alderma n o f the gild , was at th e sam e time the mayo r o f the city, and it ma y well be that it wa s the suppor t o f his colleagues in the gild that made him chief magistrate.4 Thoma s of Shipton, 1 Not knowing the real circumstances of the matter, Stubb s interpreted thi s petition wrongly and mad e a false deductio n : Edwar d I certainl y di d not give a decisio n in favour o f ' gildsmen ', nor was it ' a fact whic h perhaps denotes tha t in York as well as in London the party mos t dangerous to royal authority wa s the old governing body, the mayo r and alderme n [sic]' (Constitutional History, iii . 624). * This is the view expressed b y Professor Tai t in his paper o n ' The Borough Community in England ' (ante, xlv. 630 ff.) . 8 Cf. Controlment Roll (K.B. 29), no. 7 (19 Edward III), m. 78 : tw o rival meetings for th e electio n o f the mayo r o f Newcastle-on-Tyne, one ' ad aula m placitoru m apu d Newegate ', the other a t St . Nicholas's Church. * Col. Patent Rolls, 1301-7, p. 541: h e is referred to as the ' late ' mayo r of York on 1 2 February 1307 ; of . ibid. 1307-13, p. 39 .

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who too k a leadin g part i n draftin g th e ordinances , wa s a bailif f of Yor k i n 1309. 1 Rober t l e Meek , another ' ordainer ' fo r the gild, wa s himself mayo r i n 13II. 2 No r mus t w e under-estimate the possibilitie s a t thi s tim e o f the gil d the y organized . Man y such gild s wer e forme d i n th e fourteent h centur y b y group s within a communit y : the y als o ha d thei r oath s o n admittance , their appointe d da y o f meeting , thei r property , thei r annua l auditing o f accounts, thei r electe d official s wh o coul d evade th e responsibilities o f office onl y by payment of a fine, their ordinances, then- arbitration o f disputes. An d in a fe w cases the y manage d to becom e th e governin g bod y o f th e tow n withou t ceasin g t o exist as a social fraternity. 3 Thi s point wa s not reached in York, yet i t i s a curiou s fact , not onl y that man y o f the gil d brethre n reached high offic e a t Yor k after th e gil d had bee n dissolved, bu t that late r i n th e centur y th e smalle r meeting s o f the executiv e body came to be held in the ' chamber of the council ' which, like the Maison Dieu, was situated on Ouse Bridge.4 An y identification of th e tw o cannot b e proved, bu t i t i s a strange coincidence . In conclusion , it ma y be briefly adde d tha t Yor k was not th e only cit y whic h wa s th e scen e o f storm y loca l politics . Hal f a dozen year s later , in 1312 , dispute s aros e i n Bristo l betwee n th e community an d fourteen burgesse s ' de majoribus eiusdem ville ', 6 who wer e tryin g t o monopoliz e authority . Th e government' s attention wa s engage d a s soo n a s a loca l rio t develope d int o a serious ope n rebellion , whic h wa s not suppresse d unti l th e cit y had bee n besiege d an d ha d surrendere d i n 1316 . A chronicle r gives a short accoun t of the ' Great Insurrectio n ', 6 which can be amplified fro m numerou s entries o n the chancer y rolls. An d th e strife wa s not settle d eve n b y 1332 , when once again a ple a rol l provides a s vivi d detail s a s an y t o b e foun d i n th e page s o f th e chroniclers.7 I t i s quit e clea r tha t i n thi s instanc e als o man y 1

Gal Patent Sotts, 1307-13, pp. 129 f. * Ibid. 1307-13, p. 317 . Thi s entry mention s seven other s wh o were said t o have been gild brethren. * E.g. a t Lichfield , Stratford , Wisbech , Maidenhead . 4 York Memorandum Book, pt. ii , ed. Maud Sellars (Surtee s Society), p . vii. 8 They are named in Col. Patent Soils, 1307-13, p. 524. 6 Chronicles o f Edward I an d Edward I I (Roll s Series), ii . 21 9 if. 7 We are informed that, when the communit y of Bristol wa s assembled on 28 June 1312 in the Gildhal l before justices of special commission, ' lohannes le Taverner, tune asserens s e maiore m eiusde m ville, inter cetero s de communitat e predict a venit . E t cum predict i Thoma s d e Berkeley e e t soci i su i quosda m homine s eiusde m vill e a d inquirendum etc . iurar e fecissent , predictu s lohanne s l e Taverner erexi t s e et , man u sua extensa, quedam signa fecit, prout inter ipsu m et ceteros d e communitate predict a tune ibide m existente s pe r conspiracione m inte r eo s habita m prelocutu m fuit , e t omnis communita s predict a sign a eiusdem lohannis perpendisset. Tot a communita s predicta it a s e festinaba t exir e domu m predicta m quo d [1 0 men], qu i tun e ibide m mortui fuerunt , simu l cum predicta communitat e domum predictam exuiss e volentes, pro festinacione su a de quodam gradu domus predicte occiderun t et pe r oppressionem aliorum a retr o festinante r subsequenciu m oppress i fuerunt , vnd e stati m obierun t . . . ' (Cora m Keg e Roll, no. 287 (Hilar y 1332), m . 86).

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important burgesses , men who had acte d a s mayor or bailiff , ha d voluntarily joine d together t o manag e public affair s an d that th e immediate caus e o f strife wa s the impositio n o f new tolls. The influence o f gilds of whatever kin d upon the developmen t of urba n governmen t raise s a questio n whic h is ofte n asked , bu t it has not yet received adequate treatment so far as the fourteent h and fifteent h centurie s ar e concerned . I t ma y b e though t tha t in an y attemp t t o trac e th e rapi d an d eve n anarchi c growt h of urban societ y brick s will have t o b e made with ver y littl e straw , that w e can learn littl e abou t th e activitie s o f fraternities whic h were essentiall y secre t organization s : i f thi s Yor k cas e doe s something t o dispe l tha t belief , i t wil l hav e serve d a t leas t on e useful purpose .

ASSIZE KOLL , no . 110 7 (33-35 Edwar d I) , m . 1 9 Adhuc d e placiti a e t quereli s apu d Eboracu m di e lun e l proxim a pos t Epiphaniam Domini ann o regni regi s Edward i xxxiiiito Presentatum fui t pe r iurata m etc . quo d Andrea s d e Bullingbroke , Thomas d e Schupton', » Johanne s film s Dauy , Eobertu s d e Walton' , Willelmus d e Schirburn e capellanus , Kicardu s d e Balne, 2 Alanu s d e Appelby, Walteru s d e Wh y ten', Henricu s Aurifaber , Kicardu s Tunnok' , Johannes Fische , Willelmus Burgoylloun , Alexander de Durrem, Henricu s de Quixeley , Willelmu s d e Sanct o Leonardo , Johanne s Kyng' , Willelmu s de Quyxeley , Hug o Kyng' , Kobertu s d e Popelton' , Willelmu s Goldeye , Simon d e Haxeby, Willelmu s d e Wilton', Willelmu s d e Oseneye , Hugo l e Cutiller, Nicholau s Wauweyn , Eanulphu s d e Catton' , Eicardu s d e Billes burgh', Willelmus de Wyteby, Stephanu s d e Ponte , Willelmu s de Durrem' , Walterus Gouwer , Eobertu s d e Pont e clericus , Thoma s d e Horneby , Eobertus d e Horneby, Eobertu s Vnbayn , Benedictus de Eikehal', Johannes Aurifaber, Thoma s Durraunt , Egidiu s capellanus , Eobertu s d e Wystowe , Eicardus Dauyd' , Ada m Dauid' , Johanne s d e Crauene , Eanulphu s d e Setel le Taillour, Eobertus l e Meke, Willelmus Durraunt, Hug o de Skelton', Eobertus de Lindesey, Nicholaus de Catton', Simon le Scherman, Johannes de Caunterbiry,2 Nicholaus Knyth, Walterus de Scorby et Elias de Wyndhill' confederati sun t adinuice m pe r sacramentu m quod , s i qui s eoru m male fecerit alteri, debet 2 puniri coram aldermanno per eorum confederacionem 3 et no n alibi , i n preiudiciu m domin i regis . Et , s i aliqua mis a ve l taxaci o euenerit i n ciuitat e Eboraci , ips i confratre s pe r eoru m confederacionem onerant 2 paupere s predict e ciuitatis , s e ipsos exonerando, ad graue dampnum communitati s etc. E t s i aliquis qu i fuerit d e eorum confraternitat e inplacitauerit 2 seu fuerit implacitatu s ve l aliquam transgressione m fecerit alicui qu i non fuerit d e fraternitate predicta , iide m confratre s sustinebun t ipsum siu e iuste siu e iniuste . Et predictu s Andrea s e t omne s alii , prete r Alanu m d e Appelby , Nicholaum Wayweyn, Stephanum de Ponte et Walterum Gouwer , attachiati 1

10 January 1306. 2

MS. sic.

s

MS. 'condefederacionem.'

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veniunt. E t supe r ho c venit quida m Petrus ^ Turgis et peti t quo d admittatur a d sequendu m pr o domin o rege versus predictum Andrea m et alio s de conspiracion e predicta . E t dici t quod , cu m omne s d e communitat e Eboraci cora m maior e e t balliui s eiusde m ciuitati s pe r sumoniciones, 1 districciones e t attachiamenta cora m eis in curia dicte ciuitatis implacitar e et inplacitari J singuli s temporibus retroactis soleban t e t ad omnia dictam communitatem tangencia faciend a quosiens x summonit i essent, premunit i seu attachiati, et non alibi, quo d fines et amerciament a de singulis placitis et querelis coram eis in dicta curi a emergenci a in vsum e t vtilitate m dicte communitatis conuert i hucusqu e solebant , e t quo d singul i eoru m i n omnibus misis et talliagiis secundu m facultates eoru m indifferenter onerar i consueuerit,1 predicti Andreas et alii de nouo se confederauerunt adinuicem, qui Gildebrether e nominantur , e t inte r s e ordinauerun t e t constituerun t balliuos et nouo s ministros in ciuitate domin i regis predicta, scilicet , aldre mannum, decanum, duos camerarios et quendam sumonitorem/ qui vocatur ' bedeman ', et conuocacionem et curiam suam tenent inte r s e priuatim in locis secretim x de transgressionibus cuilibe t ipsorum per alique m de dicti s confratribus facti s e t amerciament a cora m eis emergencia ad opu s suu m percipiunt. E t similiter , sacrament o prestito , iurat i e t confederat i sun t quod quilibet eorum sustentabit et manutenebit alteru m in omnibus rebus et negocii s ipsu m tangentibu s versu s ulio s quoscumque , i n preiudiciu m domini regi s e t regi e dignitati s su e et 2 ad dampnu m e t grauame n tociu s communitatis ciuitati s predicte . Et predict i Andrea s et omnes alii, preter predicto s Alanum de Appelby, Nicholaum Wauweyn, Stephanum de Ponte e t Walterum Gouwer, veniun t et defendun t omne m conspiracione m etc . E t Robertu s d e Lindesey , Nicholaus d e Catton' , Simo n l e Scherman , Johanne s d e Cauntebrigge, 1 Nicholaus Knyth' , Walteru s d e Scoresb y e t Elia s d e Wyndhill ' pr o s e dicunt quo d no n sun t d e dict a gild a ne e d e eoru m fraternitate se u confederacione ne e vnqua m cu m eis aliquod sacramentu m prestiterunt . E t de ho c ponunt s e super patriam . E t predict i Andrea s et omne s ali i pr o se dicun t quo d queda m domus ex antique facta e t fundat a supe r ponte m de Ouse iuxta capella m sancti Willelmi , que vocatur Domus Dei, per ciues et probos homines tune in dicta ciuitate existentes, qu i ad sustentacionem pauperum e t leprosoru m redditus , possessione s e t quamda m parte m bonorum suoru m domu i illi contulerunt , pe r quoru m elemosinas et bene ficia plures de dicta ciuitate casubus fortuitis depaupertat i et debilitati in eadem in posterum per aliquod tempu s sustentati fuerunt quousque postea dicta elemosin a pe r negligencia m e t mala m custodia m ciuiu m e t bal liuorum ciuitatis predicte pe r plures annos vsque nunc omnino fieri cessauit. Ob quo d ips i a d honore m Dei et pr o anim a domin i regis qu i nunc es t e t pro salut e animaru m suaru m e t a d releuacione m e t sustentacione m ele mosine predicte et vnius capellani diuina celebraturi imperpetuum quandam partem bonoru m suoru m adinuice m contulerunt , statuend o quo d ips i e t ceteri, qu i i n posteru m parte m bonoru m suorum a d dicta s elemosina s e t cantariam sustinenda s contribuer e voluerint , essen t confratre s dicte gild e et particeps elemosin e predicte. E t n e elemosina sua predicta pe r lapsum temporis, sicut prius, adularetur seu in posterum fieri cessauit, ordinauerun t et statueruu t haber e custode s annuati m eligendo s a d festu m sanct e 1

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Trinitatis, scilicet , aldremannum , decanu m e t duo s camerario s a d bon a tune collat a e t posterum conferend a i n diuersoru m manibu s ponenda , approuyanda e t fideliter custodienda. E t insupe r ad predictas elemosina s semper i n posteru m sustinenda s e t manutenenda s adinuice m iurauerunt . Et ben e dicun t quo d predicta s ordinacione s e t statut a fecerunt , v t pre dictum est , i n honorem Dei et pr o salute anim e domini regis et animaru m suarum e t no n pr o aliqu o mal o se u aliqu a mal a confederacion e alicu i inferenda ne e i n preiudiciu m se n dampnu m domin i regi s ne e aliquoru m aliorum d e ciuitat e predicta , ne e aliqua m curia m se u placit a d e s e ipsi s tenenda se u habenda ordinauerun t se u tenuerunt . E t d e ho c ponun t s e super conciue s ciuitatis predicte . Et predictu s Petrus dici t pro domino rege quod huiusmodi ordinaciones, confederaciones et sacramenta prestita i n forma predict a mer e et manifest o fecerunt i n dampnu m e t preiudiciu m domin i regi s e t regi e dignitatis su e et ceteroru m tociu s communitati s ciuitati s su e Eborac i e t no n pr o ele mosinis se u cantarii s i n posteru m sustinendis , sicu t predictu s Andrea s et alii dicunt, e t peti t quo d tarn pe r milites , libero s et legale s homines forin secos, qua m pe r conciue s suo s i n premissi s re i verita s inquiratur . E t predicti Andrea s et omnes alii super hoc proferunt quanda m cartam domini Henrici regis , patri s domin i regi s nunc , qu e testatur quo d nullu s eoru m implacitet au t inplacitetu r l cora m Tege vel aliquibus iusticiariis sui s extra ciuitatem predicta m d e terris au t tenementi s qu e tenent infr a libertate m eiusdem ciuitatis au t d e aliqua transgression e facta in eadem ciuitate, set , si aliqui s predictoru m ciuiu m ve l aliu s terra m aliqua m au t tenementu m infra libertate m predicta m existen s peter e ve l d e 2 aliqu a transgression e facta in eadem libertate conqueri voluerit, prosequatur ius suum et querelam coram maior e e t balliui s predicte ciuitatis . E t s i loquela ili a cora m ipsia terminari no n possit , terminetu r a d secta m querenti s coram iusticiarii s suis proxim o itinerantibu s i n ciuitat e predict a e t no n extra , ve l cora m aliquo iusticiari o su o ad ho c a reg e specialiter destinato . E t quo d ciues non conuincantu r pe r aliquo s forinseco s supe r aliquibu s appellis , sectis , iniuriis, transgressionibus , criminibus , calumpnii s au t demandi s ei s im positis au t imponendis , se t solummod o pe r conciue s suo s nis i tot a com munitas ciuitati s predict e fueri t inculpat a d e aliqu o premissorum ve l res ipsa illa m communitate m tangat. E t tun e in casu illo deducantur secundum libertate s sua s approbata s e t actenus 1 vsitatas . E t petun t quo d inquisicio predicta fia t pe r conciues suos predictos, e t no n per alios, secundum tenore m cart e su e predicte. E t predictu s Petru s peti t pr o domino rege quo d tar n pe r forinseco s qua m intrinseco s re i verita s inquiratu r etc . Et predict i Andrea s et ali i precis e dicunt quo d ips i null o mod o se ponent in aliquo s forinseco s nis i tantummod o i n conciue s ciuitatis predict e iuxt a tenorem cart e su e predicte. E t qui a videtu r iusticiarii s quo d huiusmod i confederaciones e t 2 sacramenta a d 2 ministro s i n ciuitat e domin i regi s de nouo faciendos et curia m de nou o tenendam in eade m absqu e concessione domini regi s e t commun i assens u ciuiu m ciuitati s predict e mer e tangun t dominum rege m et regia m dignitatem suam , ne e aliqui s nis i dominu s rex versus eo s sequitur , concordatu m es t quo d tar n pe r forinseco s quam in trinsecos inquiratu r re i veritas i n ha c parte . Et xi i iuratore s ciuitati s predict e i n quibu s s e posuerunt , simu l cu m 1

MS. ate

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xii. militibu s forinseci s versu s quo s nulla m alia m calumpnia m fecerun t nisi quo d no n poneren t s e supe r aliquo s forinsecos , dicunt supe r sacra mentum suum quod, quo ad Eobertum d e Lindesey, Nicholaum de Catton, Simonem l e Scherman , lohanne m d e Cauntebrigge , Nicholaum Knyth' , Walterum de Scoresby et Elia m de Wyndhill', quod ipsi non sunt d e dicta gilda ne e d e eoru m fraternitate se u confederacion e nee vmqua m cu m ei s aliquod sacramentu m prestiterunt . Ide o ips i ean t ind e quieti . E t qu o ad predictum Andream et alios, dicunt quo d quidam Thomas de Schupton', simul cu m lohann e fili o Dauid , Alan o d e Appelby , Henric o l e Orfeuere , Willelmo d e Schirburn ' capellano, Willelmo de Oseney et Ricard o de Alne x iam quatuo r anni s elapsi s prim o inceperun t haber e quandam gilda m i n ciuitate predict a a d festu m sanct e Trinitati s a d simu l potandu m e t no n aliquod aliu d malu m faciendum . E t predict i Andrea s et ali i a d festu m sancte Trinitati s ann o regn i regi s nun c xxx i i n dicta m gilda m a d pre dictos Thoma m e t lohanne m e t alio s intrauerun f e t quanda m parte m bonorum suoru m gild e ill i contribuerunt , asserente s illu d facer e a d ele mosinas e t cantaria s predicta s i n posteru m sustinendas , se t ben e dicun t quod ho c fecerun t sub color e a d quanda m confederacione m tun e ibide m inter eo s inita m e t facta m pallianda m e t occultandam , statuente s e t ordinantes inter s e semper in posterum annuati m habere gildam ad festu m sancte Trinitati s e t quosda m ministro s inte r s e habere , scilicet , aldre mannum, decanum , duo s camerario s e t sumonitorem , e t ho c pe r elec cionem annuati m faciendam , statuentes insupe r quod , si aldremannus si c electus eleccioni illi non consentiret, dare t fratribus predictis vnam marcam. Et, s i decanus etc . no n consentiret, dare t etc . dimidia m marcam . Et , s i camerarii etc . no n consentirent , quilibe t eoru m darent 1 quadragint a denarios. E t sempe r i n posteru m haberen t curia m sua m d e seipsis , it a nullus confratru m predictoru m conquereretu r d e aliqu o confratre in vll a transgressione sib i fact a nis i cora m predicti s aldremann o e t decano , .v t per ind e amerciament a ind e prouenienci a i n vsu m e t proficuu m ipsoru m verterentur. E t similite r extun c quilibe t d e fraternitate predict a iuuare t et manutenere t alteru m i n omnibu s puncti s contr a patre s e t matres , vxores, proles et omnes alios qui non sunt de fraternitate predicta. E t a d predictas ordinacione s et confederaciones in posterum firmiter obseruandas et tenenda s adinuice m iurarent . E t dicun t quo d Thoma s d e Horneby , Robertus l e Meke, Walteru s de Whitene, Robertu s de Wystowe, Henricus de Quixeley , Thoma s d e Schippton ' e t Willelmu s Duraun t fuerun t ind e capitales e t principale s ordinatore s e t quo d omnes alii tune in dicta gild a existentes e t qu i in posteru m i n eade m hucusque intrauerunt ordinacion i illi consenserun t e t sacramentu m consimile prestiterunt . E t dicun t quo d post ordinacione m predicta m ips i d e fraternitat e predict a no n i n tant o secundum facultate s sua s onerat i extiterun t i n misi s se u talliagii s supe r totam communitate m positis sicut ceter i d e communitate predicta, pr o eo quod 2 in huiusmodi talliagiis assidendis et faciendis maior numerus eorumdem fratru m ad duplu m ve l a d triplu m interfui t qua m d e aliis d e eadem fraternitate no n existentibus , e t to t e t tale s quibu s ali i resister e no n poterunt. E t dicun t quo d quida m Johanne s filius Dauid d e fraternitat e predicta venit et ostendit predicto Andree , tune maiori, et balliuis de eadem fraternitate quo d ips e taxatu s fui t vltr a facultate s sua s etc. , qu o audito , 1

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sumpto eiu s sacramento , predictu s Andreas , tun e maior , e t ali i d e con fraternitate etc . fecerun t e i mitigacionem . E t quida m Eobertu s d e Grymeston' d e predicta fraternitat e no n existens, consimil e grauamen pro se ostendens , ipsu m audir e ne e aliqua m mitigacione m e i facer e no n voluerunt. Dicun t ecia m quo d quida m Thoma s d e Warthill' , Thoma s filius Baldewyn, Rogeru s d e Selb y e t Willelmu s Plaice , qu i ant e et pos t ordinaciones predictas pe r aliquod tempus comorantes1 fuerunt i n libertate domini regis , percipiente s e t timente s eode m mod o se grauari i n taxaci onibus pr o e o quod no n fuerun t de fraternitat e predicta , transtulerun t s e in libertate m sanct i Petri , sanct e Mari e e t sanct i Leonard i vb i adhu c comorantur.1 E t dicunt quod Thomas de Horneby et alii octol prenominati, simul cu m aliis confratribu s dict e gilde, fecerunt quanda m noua m taxaci onem supe r carpentarios , fabro s e t alio s d e man u oper e su o viuentes i n ciuitate predicta , scilicet , quo d quilibe t eoru m percipiens per septimanam duos solidos daret per septimanam denarium, et qui duodecim denarios vnum obolum etc., contr a voluntate m communitati s ciuitatis predicte , se t dicunt quod, quantu m ind e leuatu m fueri t e t a d cuiu s manus deuenerit , penitu s ignorant. E t similite r dicun t quo d fratre s d e gild a no n positi fuerun t in inquisicionibus se u iuratis nisi pro eoru m voluntate et a d comodu m suum, confr-atrum seu amicorum suorum. Quesit i si aliqua placita de confratribus suis inter se tenuerunt vel aliqua amerciamenta de eisdem leuauerunt, dicunt quod d e hoc ei s constare no n poterit , qui a ips i fecerun t et faciunt congregaciones suas in venellis et locis forinsecis it a secret e e t occulte quo d nullus nisi ipsi inte r s e de hoc aliquod scire potest, se t bene dicunt quod post confederacionem sua m predicta m no n audierun t ne e sciuerun t quo d aliqui s eorum implacitaui t alteru m cora m maior e se u balliui s ciuitati s predicte , sicut prius facere consueuerunt. Quesit i qu a de causa se taliter adinuicem confederauerunt, dicun t v t ips i i n posterum simu l teneren t i n omnibu s rebus ipso s tangentibus , v t predictu m est , e t v t alii s d e communitat e predicta preessent , eo s pro voluntat e su a onerando et talliand o e t s e ipsos magis qua m alio s exonerando , e t ecia m pr o comodi s e t auantagii s sui s in talliagiis et i n aliis proficui s i n posterum habendi s et percipiendi s magis quam ceter i d e communitat e predicta . E t precis e dicun t quo d predict a gilda, ordinacione s e t confederacione s predict e e t sacrament a prestit a manifesto e t principalite r fact a sun t i n preiudiciu m e t dampnu m domin i regis e t tociu s communitati s ciuitati s su e predicte . Quesit i a d quo d dampnum, dicun t quo d a d dampnu m domin i regi s e t tociu s popul i d e fraternitate predict a no n existenti s inestimabile , s i dict a gild a e t con federacio diutiu s sustineatur . E t die s datu s es t ei s d e audiend o iudici o suo apu d Westmonasteriu m di e marti s i n septiman a Pentecostes . Ad quer n die m predict i Andrea s d e Bulinbrok' , Thoma s de Horneby , Robertus l e Meke, Robertus d e Walton', Ricardus l e Schereman, Willelmu s de Quixela y e t Nicholau s l e Orfeuer e veniunt , e t similite r Thoma s d e Schupton' et omnes alii veniunt per Nicholaum de Cantebrigge, attornatum suum. E t qui a pe r ista m inquisicione m compertu m es t quo d predictu s Andreas e t ali i confederat e e t iurat i sun t adinuice m quo d quilibe t eoru m iuuabit alteru m contr a quosqu e alio s d e communitat e predict a e t quo d nouos ministros fecerunt et curiam de se ipsis tenere et amerciament a inde proueniencia a d vsu s proprio s perciper e e t haber e ordinauerunt , qu e :

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cedunt i n preiudiciu m e t i n exhereditacione m domin i regi s et regi e digni tatis sue et ad dampnum et grauamen ceterorum de communitate predict a pro eoru m singular i comod o e t proficu o habend o e t percipiendo , v t pre dictum est , consideratu m es t quo d predict a gild a penitu s adnulletu r e t quod d e cetero nulla m gildam , ministros seu curiam habean t ne e teneant nee inte r s e aliqua m conuocacione m se u ordinacione m cla m ve l pala m faciant, e t quo d predict i Andrea s e t ali i committantu r gaol e e t grauite r inde redimantur , e t quo d Thoma s d e Schupto n e t ali i capiantu r etc . viii. li. Andrea s de Bullingbrok' feci t finem per oct o libras pe r plegiu m Koberti de Walton e t Robert i l e Meke . x. li. Thoma s d e Horneb y feci t finem per dece m libra s per plegiu m Andree de Bullingbrok' et Willelm i de Walmegate. x. m . Kobertu s l e Mek e feci t fine m pe r dece m marca s pe r plegiu m Roberti d e Walton e t Andree de Bullingbrok'. x. m . Robertu s d e Walton feci t finem per dece m marcas pe r plegium Roberti le Meke et Willelm i d e Walmegate . xl. s. Ricardu s l e Schereman feci t fine m pe r quadragint a solido s pe r plegium Willelm i d e Walmegat e e t Nichola i d e Cantebrigg e senioris. c. s. Willelmu s d e Quixeley e fecit fine m pe r centu m solido s pe r plegium Robert i d e Walton e t Thom e d e Horneby. v. m. d. 1 Henricu s Aurifaber feci t finem per quinqu e marcas per plegium Henrici le Orfeuere e t Alan i de Stotherkelf'. 1 xx. s . Egidiu s capellanu s feci t fine m pe r vigint i solido s pe r plegiu m lohannis de Cesseuaus et lohanni s de Warthill . xxx. s . Johanne s Aurifaber feci t finem per triginta solido s pe r plegiu m Henrici l e Orfeuer e e t Alan i d e Shotreskelf'. 1 1 xl. s . b. Willelmu s Goldeyth e feci t fine m pe r quadragint a solido s pe r plegium lohanni s d e Warthill e t Robert i d e Grymeston . xx. s. c. 1 Simo n d e Haxeb y feci t fine m pe r vigint i solido s pe r plegiu m lohannis de Cesseuaus et lohannis de Warthill. xxxiii. s. Johanne s d e Craue n feci t fine m pe r trigint a tre s solido s e t iiii. d. quatuo r denario s pe r plegium Thom e de Wistowe et Dauid l e Irnmongere. 1. s. Hug o d e Skelto n feci t fine m pe r quinquagint a solido s pe r plegium Willelmi de Simesby e t Robert i d e Mikelgate. xl. s . Alexande r d e Durem e feci t fine m pe r quadragint a solido s pe r plegium Nigell i le Seler et lohannis de Warthill. xl. s . Willelmu s de Schirburn, capellanus, feci t finem per quadragint a solidos pe r plegium lohanni s de Cesseuaus. x. m. Nicholau s Waway n feci t fine m pe r dece m marcas pe r plegiu m lohannis d e Warthil l e t Willelm i d e Alne. v. m. Hug o l e Cotile r feci t fine m pe r quinqu e marca s pe r plegiu m lohannis Dauid e t Willelm i de Wilton . c. s. Thoma s de Schupton feci t finem per centum solidos pe r plegiu m Willelmi de Oseneye et Walter i Gower . xxxvi. s. Alanu s d e Appelb y feci t fine m pe r trigint a se x solido s pe r plegium Walter i Gowe r et Thom e Duraund. 1

MS. sic.

80 TH E DISSOLUTION O F A GILD A T YORK ii. m. ii. m.

xviii. s, xviii. s v. m.

iiii. m. XX. S .

xviii. s. i. m.

xxx. s. ii. m.

v. m.

xxxvi. xl. s.

ii, m. ii. m.

x. m. v. m.

iiii. m. v. m . ei di. ii. m .

xxxvi. s iiii. m. xx. s.

Stephanus d e Pont e feci t fine m pe r dua s marca s pe r plegiu m Kanulphi de Catton et Alan i de Appelby. Willelmus d e Durem e feci t fine m pe r dua s marca s per plegium Stephani de Ponte e t Walter i Gower . Kobertus d e Popelto n feci t fine m pe r octodeci m solido s pe r plegium Willelm i de Oseneye et Willelm i de Quixelay. Henricus d e Quixeley e feci t fine m pe r octodeci m solido s pe r plegium Willelmi de Oseney e e t Robert i de Popelton . Willelmus d e Oseney e feci t fine m pe r quinqu e marca s pe r plegium Henricu s de Quixeley e et Robert i d e Popelton . lohannis filiu s Daui d feci t fine m pe r quatuo r marca s pe r plegium Thom e de Schupton e t Robert i d e Popelton . Ricardus d e Baln e fecit fine m pe r vigint i solido s per plegium Willelmi de Wilton e t Alan i de Appelby. Hugo Kyng ' feci t fine m pe r octodeci m solido s pe r plegiu m lohannis Kyng' et Roberti de Wystowe. Johannes Kyng ' fecit fine m pe r vna m marca m pe r plegiu m lohannis filii Dauid et Hugoni s Kyng'. Robertus d e Wystow e feci t fine m pe r trigint a solido s pe r plegium Hugoni s Kyng' e t lohanni s Kyng' . Willelmus d e Wilto n feci t fine m pe r dua s marQa s pe r plegiu m Ricardi de Balne et Henric i de Quixeleye. Ranulphus d e Catto n feci t fine m pe r quinqu e marca s pe r plegium Willelm i Duraunt e t Thom e Duraunt. Johannes Fiche feci t fine m pe r trigint a se x solidos pe r plegiu m Ricardi Gunnok ' e t Benedict i d e Rikhal'. Ricardus Gunnok ' feci t fine m pe r quadragint a solido s pe r plegium Willelm i Duraun t et lohanni s Fiche. Ranulphus d e Sete l l e Tailou r feci t fine m pe r dua s marca s pe r plegium lohanni s Fich e e t Ricard i Gunnok' . Willelmus de Whiteby feci t fine m pe r dua s marca s per plegium Alani de Appelby et Stephan i d e Ponte . Walterus d e Whiton feci t finem per dece m marcas pe r plegiu m Thome Duraunt et Alan i de Appelby. Thomas Duran t feci t fine m pe r quinqu e marca s pe r plegiu m Walteri d e Whiton e t Alan i de Appelby. Willelmus Durant feci t fine m pe r quatuo r marca s per plegium Thome Durant et Ranulphi d e Catton . Ricardus Dauid feci t finem per quinque marcas et dimidia m per plegium lohannis filii Dauid et Walter i Gower. Adam Daui d feci t fine m pe r dua s marca s pe r plegiu m Ricard i filii Dauid e t Willelmi de Whiteby. Benedictus d e Rikkehal' feci t finem per triginta se x solidos pe r plegium lohannis Fic h e t Hugonis Kyng'. Walterus Gowe r feci t fine m pe r quatuo r marca s pe r plegiu m Alani de Appelby et lohanni s filii Dauid. Robertus Vnbay n feci t fine m pe r vigint i solido s pe r plegiu m lohannis de Cesseuaus et lohannis de Warthill. NOTE

p. 66, n. 1 : For ante read English Historical Review , p. 72, n. 2: For ante read English Historical Review .

8

THE FORMA L JUDGMENT S ON THE TRAITOR S OF 132 2 Two year s ago Mr G . L. Haskins printed i n this review a copy of the judgment passed upo n a rebel captured a t Boroughbridge , whom h e identified with John Giffard o f Brimpsfield. 1 Thi s judgemen t i s t o b e foun d a t th e en d o f a shor t chronicle which is especially concerned with the civil wars of Edward II's reign,2 but i t does not for m part of the chronicle itself nor is it in the chronicler's hand writing. It i s written o n a separate shee t o f parchment an d i n a very nea t an d apparently 'official ' hand , an d ther e ca n b e littl e doub t tha t originall y i t be longed to the smal l collection of official document s which had come into the pos session of the chronicler an d been made by him the basis of his work.3 He incor porated man y of the document s as they stoo d an d thereafte r thei r valu e in his eyes presumabl y diminishe d an d h e too k n o pain s t o preserv e them . Bu t th e form o f th e judgment , no t bein g copied int o hi s chronicle, may hav e retaine d its value and not been thrown aside, and certainly after mor e than si x centuries it i s still attache d t o his work. This judgment ough t no t t o b e connected wit h an y rebe l i n particular: it is clearly a forma l sentence , devise d b y th e governmen t itsel f t o appl y mutatis mutandis to th e traitor s in general. As such it wa s transmitted t o variou s commissions of justices appointe d t o pronounc e it upo n those condemne d to deat h for th e part they had played in the rebellion of 1322.4 It follow s that in such circumstances copies must have been plentiful and the chronicler would have little difficulty i n securing one for his own use.5 Mr Haskins publishe d th e documen t in the belie f tha t it was appearing in print fo r the first time. In thi s he was mistaken, fo r it wa s produced i n full five times and twic e in curtailed for m a s long ago a s 183 0 an d i n th e perfectl y accessibl e Parliamentary Writs. 6 Thi s i s no t written i n criticism of Mr Haskins' s industry : few of the younge r mediaevalists are s o assiduous in collecting informatio n fro m printe d sources . It is , however, yet anothe r illustratio n o f the frequenc y with which we pass over historical ma terial, garnere d an d printe d b y th e trul y herculea n labours of research workers 1

Ante, xii, 509-511. British Museum, Cotton Ms. Cleopatra D. IX, fol s 83-85: printed by Mr Haskins, ante, xiv, 75-81. 8 It wil l b e remembered that th e Annal s of Burton ar e extremel y valuable for the perio d o f th e Barons' War s because the write r possessed a private collection of state papers whic h he fortunatel y chose to reproduce in extenso: this saved their contents fro m oblivion . For this point see H. G. Richardson an d G . Sayles, 'Th e Provisions of Oxford: a forgotte n document,' Bulletin of John Ryland's Library, xvn , (Manchester , 1933) , 291-321 , an d 'Th e Parliamen t o f Carlisle , 1307, ' English Historical Review, LIII (London, 1938), 425-437 . 4 It i s therefore inaccurate to speak either of 'trial' or 'indictment': ante, xii, 510, xiv, 80, n. 2. 8 A copy had almos t certainl y com e into the hand s of the cano n of Bridlington, the write r of th e 'Gesta Edward i de Carnarvan': 'qui vero voluerit totu m recordum et processu m contra praedicto s dominos factum et pronuntiatum legere vel audire, in alio libro inter incidentia chronicorum totaliter poterit invenire , sicut in judicio superius est ostensum' (Chronicles o f Edward I an d Edward I I [Roll s Series], n , 78. 6 Parliamentary Writs (Recor d Commission , 1830), u, ii, Appendix , pp. 261-267 . 2

81

82 Formal

Judgments o n the Traitors o f 1322

in previous centuries. Th e Parliamentary Writs i s often a victim o f this curious negligence: indeed , eve n Maitlan d faile d t o notic e th e officia l memorand a of 1279, there printed, on the subject of the Quo Warranto proceedings which would have cause d hi m t o alte r drasticall y hi s view s on thi s subject. 1 Th e difficult y about th e Parliamentary Writs is not that the work is rare or, though in 'record' type, hard t o read : it ofte n lie s in the simpl e fact tha t i t comprise s four larg e folio volume s which weigh well over half a hundredweight 2 an d therefor e it de mands great physical a s well as mental energ y if it i s to b e consulted regularly. On 28 January 132 5 a royal writ was sent t o th e justice s of the king' s bench, instructing the m t o rea d i n cour t an d ente r upo n thei r roll s the recor d o f th e judgments pronounce d upo n the rebel s Roger de Amory, Henry o f Willington, Henry de Montfort, Andre w de Barclay, Bartholomew o f Ashburnham, Francis of Aldham , Henry Tyes, Bartholomew de Badlesmere and Thomas , ear l of Lancaster. Thereupon the chancellor transmitted t o the court the copies of the records which had bee n forwarded to him at differen t time s by those responsible for delivering these judgments. In consequence , there i s set down upon the ple a roll of the king' s benc h fo r th e Hilar y ter m o f 1325 3 a long series of documents which may convenientl y b e summarised and briefl y commente d upo n a t thi s point . (a) A writ o f 19 August 1324, ordering John o f Weston, the lat e constable of the household , to sen d t o th e chancer y befor e th e Nativit y o f the Virgi n Mary (8 September) th e record of the judgment on Roger de Amory. It i s followed b y the record of that judgment under the title, Tlacita exercitus domini regis apud Tuttebiri': i t wa s pronounce d b y th e constable , th e marsha l an d Geoffre y l e Scrope, a prominent royal judge, on 13 March 1322 . It correspond s exactly with that printed b y Mr Haskins sav e for a small addition an d an omission: a shor t phrase o f thirtee n word s wa s introduced , accusin g Amor y o f marchin g wit h armed force s int o Wale s t o ravag e th e countr y ther e befor e proceedin g to th e siege an d captur e o f Gloucester; 4 since Amory was captured a t Tutbury, 6 tha t place i s substituted fo r Boroughbridg e an d wha t happene d late r a t th e latte r place i s naturally lef t out . Amor y was afterwards informe d b y th e cour t that , because the kin g had love d him wel l in the pas t an d mad e him one of his boon companions and given him his niece in marriage,6 he had postponed th e execution of th e judgmen t whic h condemne d him t o b e draw n and hanged . A chronicler informs us that he died in his bed at Burton-on-Trent. 7 (b) A writ of 20 January 1324, ordering Richard Love l to send to the chancery by 2 1 February 132 4 th e recor d o f the judgmen t o n Henr y o f Willington an d 1

This was pointed ou t some years ago by Miss Cam : History, xi (London, 1926) , 147. To be exact, 6 6 Ib. 3 Coram Rege Roll, no. 259 (Hilary, 1325) , m . 173d, 34-35d (crow n roll). 4 'Alastes en Gales ove baner desplye, chastels et villes robastes et preiastes e.' 6 The 'Rol l o f Boroughbridge' state s that Amor y 'fuist mor t u n po y devaunt a Tottebury, ' i.e . prior to the battle of Boroughbridge on 16 March (Parl. Writs, n, ii, Appendix, p. 200). 8 He had married Elizabeth, the youngest of the three Clare sisters, wh o divided amongst them the great estate s of the earldo m of Gloucester. Thei r mothe r was a daughter of Edward I . 7 Ante, xiv, 80: 'morte propria.' Cf . Flares Historiarum (Rolls Series), in, 346: 'Rogerus Dammor i viam universa e carni s est ingressu s et ibide m a vita decessit.' J

Formal Judgments o n th e Traitors o f 1322 8

3

Henry d e Montfort . A previou s orde r t o thi s effec t ha d bee n ignored . The r comes the recor d o f the sentenc e delivere d upon these tw o traitors at Bristo l o r 5 April 1322 by Richard Lovel , Richard o f Rodney and Henr y Tilly 1 in accordance wit h th e commissio n issued t o the m o n 26 March 1322. 2 The actua l for m of word s the y were required t o us e was sent t o the m o n a schedul e unde r th e half-seal: it i s precisely th e sam e as the versio n given by Mr Haskins. 8 (c) A writ of 20 January 1324 , ordering the earl of Kent to send to the chancery by 6 May 132 4 the recor d o f the judgmen t on Andrew de Harclay, ear l of Carlisle. Ther e follow s th e sentenc e pronounce d upo n hi m at Carlisl e o n 3 March 1323 by Ralph Basset, John Pecche , John d e Wisham and Geoffre y l e Scrope in accordance wit h the commissio n issued t o the m o n 27 February 1323. 4 A s Barclay's 'treason' was not connected with the 1322 rebellion and a year subsequent to it , th e charge s agains t hi m wer e naturally differen t but , nevertheless , onc e again th e commissioners' sole business was to deliver a previously forme d judgment.6 (d) A writ of 4 August 1322 , orderin g Ralph Savag e t o sen d immediately th e record o f the judgmen t on Bartholomew o f Ashburnham. Then come s the judgment give n against hi m at Canterbur y o n 5 April 132 2 by Ralp h Savag e an d Walter Shorn e in accordance wit h the commissio n issued t o the m o n 23 March 1322.6 That commission was originally intended t o deal with the rebel Francis of Aldham as well and, indeed, th e forma l judgment forwarded from headquarter s contained th e names of both traitors. But, a s the plea roll points out , 'judgmen t on Franci s wa s pronounce d an d rendere d befor e othe r justice s a t Windsor,' 7 therefore Savag e an d Shorn e passed a sentence on Bartholomew alone: 8 agai n it is identical wit h that printed b y Mr Haskins . (e) A writ o f 4 August 1322, orderin g Roger o f Swynnerton to sen d immediately the record of the judgment on Henry Tyes. It i s followed b y the judgmen t against him at th e Towe r o f London on 3 April 132 2 by Roge r of Swynnerton, Hamon o f Chigwel l an d Joh n Waldeshe f i n accordanc e wit h th e commissio n issued t o the m o n 26 March 1322. 9 Again there i s the sam e form o f words.10 (f) A writ of 4 August 1322 , ordering Henry o f Cobham to sen d immediatel y the recor d o f the judgmen t o n Bartholome w d e Badlesmere . The n follow s th e 1

The mayor of Bristol: see below, p. 86. » Cf. Col. Patent Rolls, 1321-24, p. 148. Cf. ante, xiv, 80: 'Item dominus Henricus de Monte Forti et dominu s Henricus de Wilyntone tracti et suspensi apud Bristolliam.' 4 Cf. Col. Patent Rolls, 1321-24, p. 260: Foedera (London , 1818) n . i, 509. The commission also included the name s of the earl of Kent and John of Hastings. 6 Printed i n Foedera, loo. cit., from thi s entry on the king' s bench roll. 6 Cf. Col. Patent Rotts, 1321-24, p. 148. 7 Cf. Col. Patent Rolls, loc. cit.: commission of 26 March to Ralph de Kamoiz and John de Schopenhanger to rende r judgment on Francis of Aldha m at Windsor. 8 The for m o f the judgmen t i s given o n m. 85 of the crow n section of the ple a roll, the entr y is then cancelled because the whole record relating to Ashburnham had fo r some mysterious reason been previously entered on the roll in the justice's section (m. 153d). 9 Cf. Col. Patent Rotts, 1321-24, p. 148 . 10 Cf. ante, xiv, 80: 'Item dominus Henricus Tyeys tractus et suspensu s apud Londonias.' 8

84 Formal

Judgments o n th e Traitors of 1322

judgment given at Canterbur y on 14 April 1322 by Henry of Cobham, Edmund de Passelewe, John of Ifield and Ralph Savage in accordance with the commission issued to them on 25 March 1322. 1 How hasty the proceedings were is fully shown by the fac t tha t on 26 March anothe r writ was sent t o urg e them t o permi t n o delay and on 30 March a letter in French insisted that they should pass judgment on Badlesmere at once . That judgment is once more in the stereotype d for m u p to th e poin t where the rebe l was accused of joining forces wit h the earl s of Lancaster an d Hereford , but h e wa s no t charge d wit h th e burnin g of Burton-on Trent or armed resistance at Boroughbridge. 2 Nevertheless, th e penalty o f being drawn and hanged was in his case increased to beheading also, 'pur la fuyte',3 and, because he had once been the steward of the king's household, his head was to be fixed on the city gate of Canterbury as a warning to others not to play the traitor in lik e manner. At first sight i t seem s strange that these judgments of 1322 should have been placed thre e year s later o n the ple a roll s of the king' s bench. The reaso n is fortunately suggeste d by a memorandum which concluded the entires. It states that, inasmuch a s Thomas o f Lancaster an d hi s associate s ha d mad e open war upon the kin g an d thereb y brough t destructio n upo n th e real m an d it s people , Ed ward ha d fel t boun d b y hi s coronatio n oat h t o maintai n peac e an d orde r an d therefore he had suppressed the traitors and had inflicted upo n some of them th e penalty of death. I n th e parliament whic h was summoned at Westminste r on 21 February 132 4 the kin g had cause d the record s of the proceeding s against thos e punished as severely as this to be read before the prelates, earls, barons and other nobles of his realm, and there in parliament i t had been agreed that these records should b e entere d o n th e roll s o f parliament an d o n the chancer y roll s in perpetual memor y of what had happened , t o the en d that al l other subject s o f the king would fear in future to attempt such traitorous and sinful acts. This decision was reached wit h the genera l assen t o f the magnates an d th e commonalty , bu t the wil l and the authority o f the king clearly la y behind it. 4 No rolls of this parliament hav e survive d an d th e printe d chancer y rolls bear no sig n that the y ha d bee n mad e th e vehicl e of a permanen t record . Yet som e attempt had certainl y bee n made in chancery t o obe y instructions, for a collection of chancery odds and ends has in recent years surrendered a small roll bearing upon i t th e proces s agains t Ashburnham , Tyes an d Badlesmere . This , it is 1

Cf. Cal. Patent Rolls, 1321-24, p. 148 . Badlesmere was by this time in an unenviable position. The especial object o f the king's hatred, he ha d als o arouse d th e resentmen t o f th e ear l o f Lancaster wh o would hav e nothin g t o d o wit h him; cf . ante, xiv, p. 78 : 'comes vero hoc audiens ipsum (sc. the ear l o f Hereford) admisi t aliosqu e qui secu m veneran t prete r dominum Bartholomeu m d e Badlismere , qu i cora m e o nullam gracia m potuit invenire.' 3 Note the similar sentence of beheading pronounced on the earl of Lancaster for a precisely similar reason (Cal. Patent Rolls, 1321-24, p. 215: Foedera, n, i, 478 f.: *et pro predicta fuga i n hac parte decapitetur'). His royal blood save d him from being draw n an d hanged . 4 Par/. Writs, n , ii, Appendix, p . 265 . 2

Formal Judgments o n the Traitors o f 1322 8

5

noted, ha d been read in the parliamen t o f 1324 and placed on its rolls. 1 Perhaps it was later thought more suitable that the judgments should be set down upon a definitely legal rather than an administrative roll. That nearly a year should have elapsed before they were enrolled and recited in the king's bench need cause little surprise: the chancellor was still demanding on 19 August 1324 the record of the sentence o n Roger de Amory and the documents would have to remain in chancery until the clerks had finished with them.2 Though the king's bench was bidden to enrol the judgment against th e earl of Lancaster, i t apparently di d not do so in 1325: it had been placed already on its rolls in 13223 and it is possible that the clerks o f the cour t considere d tha t sufficient . No r wa s an y enrolmen t made of the judgmen t agains t Franci s of Aldham: probably n o return t o chancer y ha d been made of the record. The question must arise why enrolments were being made in 1324-25 of events which had take n plac e s o long before. It wa s evidently no t du e merely to th e dilatoriness of a king' s benc h clerk , fo r som e things ha d alread y bee n enrolle d which were now ordered to be enrolled again. The cause is patent in the politica l conditions o f th e time . Th e unintereste d an d incompeten t kin g ha d lef t th e responsibilities o f government to the capric e and mismanagement of his favourites, the Dispensers; th e civil service was rapidly degenerating and becoming infested with place-seekers and adventurers; the country districts still remained the scene o f disorde r whic h frequently reache d th e poin t o f pett y rebellion . Th e records eloquentl y show how discredited and despised th e king and his adviser s were becoming. In 132 3 it was disclosed that plans were still being made to capture the principa l roya l castles; 4 the escap e o f Mortimer fro m th e Towe r ha d been contrived, much to the fear and consternation o f the king; 5 Henry de Beaumont, a swor n member of both th e grea t counci l and th e secre t counci l of the king, had wit h extravagan t gesture s an d i n disrespectful tones refuse d t o giv e advice and, being ordered to leave the council, had flatly informed the king that he would rather go than stay.6 In such circumstances it is little wonder that the thoughts o f the peopl e at larg e turned mor e and more in the tim e of distress t o those who had opposed the royal government and lost the day at Boroughbridge. 1 Chancery, Parliamen t an d Counci l Proceedings, rol l 10 . Though Mr Haskins ha s noticed thi s document (ante, xiv, 80, n. 2), it ha s not persuaded him to abandon the association o f Giffard wit h the judgment printed in the Cotton Ms. 1 The chancery clerks were responsible at thi s time for the writing up of the parliament roll . * Coram Rege Roll, no. 248 (Easter, 1322), m. 69d. It wa s also placed on the patent rol l on 2 May 1322 (Col. Patent Rolls, 1321-24, p. 115: Foedera, n, i, 478 f.). The earl was condemned and beheaded on 22 March 1322. Note also the judgment on the Mortimers at Westminster on 2 August 1322 (Parl. Writs, II, ii, Appendix, p. 216); the for m of words to be used by the judges was sent them under the half seal. Though Palgrave has given the reference to this record as 'Rot. Plac. coram rege, 16 Edward II, m . 1,' it i s not on the ple a rol l of the king's bench and his source may have been a 'return' to chancery of the record and process against the Mortimers . 4 Col. Patent Rolls, 1321-24, p. 314: Foedera, n, i, 514. * Col. Close Rolls, 1323-27, pp. 132-134 : Foedera, n, i , 530 . * Col. Close Rolls, 1823-27, p. 717: Foedera, n, i, 520; Coram Rege Roll, no. 252 (Easter, 1323), m. 42: Placiiorum Abbreviatio (Record Commission , 1811), p. 342.

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Judgments o n th e Traitors of 1322

It i s well-known that men and women were resorting to St Paul's to offer prayer s at a sculptured effig y o f Thomas of Lancaster.1 It i s not s o well known that his fellows i n disaster receive d simila r reverence . A n assize roll describes wha t wa s taking plac e in the sout h west o f the country. 2 Henry Tilly , the mayo r of Bristol, had been indicted for the wrongful imprisonment of Robert le Roo, the king' s hayward, on 7 July 1323. In his defence he stated that the king had received word that certai n evildoer s ha d com e to th e distric t o f Barton Regi s outside Bristol , where the rebel s Henry d e Montfort an d Henr y of Willington had bee n hanged, and pretended tha t miracles were there bein g worked. To prevent thi s idolatr y and suc h contempt t o himself Edward I I ha d ordere d th e mayo r to arres t an d imprison al l wh o were involved an d t o infor m hi m o f thei r names. 3 Therefor e Tilly had com e to th e plac e wher e the bodie s were still hanging on the gibbet s and foun d Rober t l e Roo an d Pete r Ydyard , th e tithing-ma n (decennarius) o f the hundred of Barton Regis , sitting ther e an d ministering to the wants of those who had come to worship. That was the cause of their arrest, as a jury later cor roborated. In 132 4 the king could evidently think of nothing better to do than re-emphasize the illegalit y o f the act s of those wh o had defie d hi m i n 1321-23 and hop e thereby t o frighten the gathering host s of his enemies into submission or at leas t to immobiliz e them. Th e pop e had recentl y expresse d hi s opinion that , though Edward I I coul d alter and revoke statutes, it was not for the king to annul the oath he had take n t o observ e the Ordinance s of 1311, and i t wa s with som e reluctance tha t th e pop e gav e hi m permissio n t o se t asid e wha t h e had sworn. 4 The papal views were thoroughly examined in the king's bench, where the matte r was adjourned fo r further discussion t o th e parliamen t o f February 1324. 6 Th e sequel is to be found in the entry on the king's bench plea roll of the Trinity term of tha t year o f the statut e of York, 1322 , whic h had annulle d th e Ordinances. 6 The writ ordering the enrolment is dated 1 9 May 132 2 and this would lead us to believe that the late entry was the result of carelessness o r negligence, were it not for the fact that the writ was addressed to Geoffre y l e Scrope as chief justice. Bu t 1

Col. Close Rolls, 1323-27, p. W3: Foedera, n, i, 525 f. Assize Roll, no. 291 (Trinity, 1324), m. Id: pleas at Bristo l befor e Henr y Spigurne l and John of Clevedon, justices of oyer and terminer. For previous commissions to other justices appointed to tr y this offence, se e Cal. Patent Rolls, 1321-24, pp. 378, 381, 44 2 (Foedera, n , i, 536 f.). 3 This order was issued to the mayor on 28 June 1323 , th e same day as the worshi p of Lancaster' s effigy wa s forbidden, though the letter of privy seal to Till y i s not entere d on the chancer y rolls. 4 Coram Rege Roll, no. 254 (Michaelmas 1334), m. 38 (crown roll): Placitorum Abbreviatio, p. 343: printed in extenso in Foedera, n, i, 541 ff. The relevant passage is well worth reproducing: 'Item, quod revocentur iuramenta prestit a supe r ordinacionibus observandis, qu e nuper per aliquos prelates et magnates terre prefate facte fuerunt i n derogacionem iuris regis et coron e sue . . .. Respondit (sc. papa) quo d multi fuerunt i n periculo propter ordinacione s illas in Anglia multumqu e reddidit diffi cilem in concedendo articulum ilium, asseren s quod , licet dominus rex posset su a statuta mutare et revocare, ipsiu s tame n no n est iuramenta , prestit a i n talibus , annulare ; finalite r tame n articulum concessit predictum. ' 6 Cal. Close Rolls, 1323-27, p. 154: Par/. Writs, n, ii. p. 241 . For the reasons why a matter of politics came before th e king' s bench, see Cal. Close Rolls, 1323-27, pp. 141 , 147 . « Coram Rege Roll, no . 25 7 (Trinity, 1324) , m . 25 d (crow n roll). 1

Formal Judgments o n the Traitors o f 1322 8

7

it wa s Henry l e Scrope and no t Geoffre y wh o presided ove r the king' s benc h i n 1322, thoug h Geoffre y wa s holding that offic e a t an d afte r Easte r 1324. 1 When the year 132 4 so aptly suit s the circumstances, i t is unlikely that 'Geoffrey' i s an error fo r 'Henry' and th e matte r is put beyon d reasonabl e doub t whe n we find that the statut e of York wa s in 1324 enrolle d o n the memorand a rol l of the exchequer, likewis e in obedience to a writ date d or , as it woul d seem, ante-date d 19 May 1322. 2 Nevertheless, ther e are signs that in this parliament oppositio n n o longer was taking trouble t o conceal itself. It migh t take the form of refusing, a s the bishop of Hereford did, to obey a summons to attend the parliament.3 It assume d a more active guis e in the petitio n o f the prelate s an d magnate s tha t th e bodie s of all rebels, stil l hangin g o n th e gallows , might b e take n dow n and give n Christian burial.4 The king granted thi s request bu t h e probably wishe d to make it plai n that publi c opinio n wa s not t o regar d thi s a s i n any wa y a vindicatio n o f th e rebels' acts. The order at this very time to enrol the judgments passed upon them in the roll s of parliament an d elsewher e may wel l have been intended t o correc t any such impression .

1

See the table s of justices in G. Sayles, Select Cases in th e Court o f King's Bench under Edward 1 (Selden Society), i, cxxxiv f. 2 H. G. Richardson an d G . Sayles, Th e Early Statutes (Stevens, 1933) , p. 7, n. 62. 3 Foedera, n , i , 549 f. 4 Col. Close Rolls, 1324-27, p . 72 : Foedera, n, i , 54 6 (11 March 1324). Even then they were to b e buried in cemeteries near the place where they were hanged 'et non alibi.' Cf. ante, xiv, 79: 'dominus Eogerus Clifford , dominu s Johanne s Moumbrai et dominu s Gocelinus de Deiuilla tracti fuerun t e t suspensi, quorum corpora de furcis aliqui s postea non audebat (some such word as 'deponere' must be omitted) et sic pendebant quamdiu ossa simul tenere potuerunt.'

NOTE p. 83, n. I: For ante read Speculum, p. 85, n. 1: For ante read Speculum .

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9

THE VINDICATIO N O F TH E EAR L O F KILDAR E FRO M TREASON, 149 6

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t ma y perhap s b e usefu l fo r m e t o expres s a t th e outse t my belie f tha t th e document s whic h explai n th e action s o f the eight h ear l o f Kildare , wh o serve d eithe r a s justicia r o r as deput y lieutenan t o f Irelan d durin g th e year s 1477-9 2 an d 1496-1513, stil l awai t a scientifi c an d objectiv e examination : the interpretatio n o f the m ha s s o fa r bee n to o muc h th e resul t of a n attitud e o f parti pris, an d i t ha s mad e th e earl' s relation s with th e Englis h governmen t unintelligible. 1 Thi s not e is , however, intende d t o d o n o more tha n resolv e som e perplexitie s that hav e gathere d roun d hi s attainde r i n th e Iris h parliamen t in 149 5 a t ^ e instigatio n o f Si r Edwar d Poynings , th e the n deputy. In Novembe r 149 3 th e ear l o f Kildar e wa s summone d t o England, an d hi s arriva l ther e wa s precede d an d followe d b y that o f othe r Iris h magnate s wh o ha d hel d hig h offic e i n Ireland.2 Th e evidenc e leave s u s i n n o doub t tha t the y ha d been full y consulte d abou t th e schem e whic h prompte d th e mission o f Poyning s t o Irelan d an d tha t the y had give n i t thei r general approval. 3 I n th e event , th e ear l o f Kildar e an d Si r James Ormon d returne d t o Irelan d i n Poynings ' compan y i n October 1494 . Now , Poynings wa s abov e al l thing s a soldier , and th e firs t requiremen t o f hi m wa s tha t h e shoul d addres s himself t o th e conques t o f th e whol e island : t o subdu e only a part o f th e countr y woul d no t hav e remove d th e lac k o f governance whic h mad e Irelan d a continua l menac e to the Curtis, Med. Ire. (1923), pp . 385-412; D . Bryan , Th e Great Earl of Kildare (1933) , passim . 2 The fact s are convenientl y assemble d i n Agnes Conway , Henry VIl's relations with Scotland an d Ireland, 1485^8, pp. 58-62. 3 Cf. th e opposit e opinio n i n Bryan , op . cit. , p . 185 : 'on e i s constrained t o believ e that [Kildare ] deteste d th e whole desig n and hoped , and probabl y worked , fo r it s failure' . 89

90 stability o f th e ne w an d stil l precariou s Tudo r dynast y i n England. A s thing s turne d out , Poynings wa s bein g aske d t o achieve th e impossibl e : th e resistanc e wa s greate r tha n th e English governmen t coul d hav e envisage d whe n i t agree d t o finance only a smal l expeditionar y forc e o f scarcel y mor e tha n four hundre d soldiers , an d Henr y VI I soo n learne d tha t hi s hands wer e no t fre e enoug h an d hi s purs e no t dee p enoug h t o do wha t h e ha d i n mind . Nevertheless , Poyning s se t o n foo t at onc e a campaig n agains t th e rebelliou s Iris h i n Ulster , an d his scant y force s wer e augmente d b y levie s unde r th e persona l command o f Kildar e an d Ormond . Th e campaig n ha d n o mor e than a limite d success , bringin g onl y a fe w o f th e Iris h chief s to obedience , an d i t wa s compromise d b y a bitte r quarre l between Poyning s an d Kildar e whic h reache d it s clima x o n 10 Novembe r 1494. * Kildar e though t i t wis e t o disappear ; h e was eventuall y arreste d a t th e en d o f Februar y 149 5 an< ^ sen t to Englan d a wee k later; h e wa s subsequentl y attainted fo r hig h treason i n th e Iris h parliament . If w e leav e o n on e sid e th e genera l accusatio n o f coig n an d livery an d th e charg e tha t h e wa s responsibl e fo r hi s brother' s assault o n Carlo w Castle , thoug h thi s bega n afte r th e ear l himself ha d bee n arrested , th e essenc e o f hi s ' great an d manifold treasons , rebellions , confederacies , concealments , an d conspiracy' wa s tha t h e ha d dare d ' privily t o sen d messenger s and letter s missive s unt o diver s o f th e king' s Iris h enemie s an d English rebelliou s o f thi s lan d t o caus e an d provok e the m t o levy an d mak e wa r an d rebellio n agains t ou r sovereig n lor d the kin g an d Si r Edwar d Poynings , knight , th e king' s deput y of thi s lan d o f Ireland , an d ove r tha t falsel y an d traitorousl y in priv y an d secre t manne r conveye d an d sen t hi s me n an d servants t o comfort , ai d an d assis t O'Hanlon , th e king' s Iris h enemy, an d t o figh t agains t th e sai d deputy , an d ove r tha t conspired wit h th e king' s Iris h enemie s t o hav e murdere d an d slain th e sai d deput y i n the sai d O'Hanlon' s countr y a t th e tim e of hi s bein g ther e '. 5 Postponin g fo r th e momen t th e questio n whether thi s accusatio n wa s tru e o r false , w e mus t firs t o f al l focus ou r attentio n o n th e undoubte d fac t that , whils t th e 4

This i s th e dat e fro m whic h h e wa s t o forfei t hi s estate s (Conway , op. cit. , p. 217) . 5 Conway, op . cit. , pp . 216-7 .

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military campaig n wa s i n progress, Kildar e ha d mad e contac t with Malach y O'Hanlo n of Orio r in Armag h and Hug h Magennis o f Uppe r Iveag h i n count y Down. 7 Wha t i n th e light o f tha t knowledge , whic h he assuredl y had, 8 wa s Poyning s to thin k an d t o do ? Fo r th e recor d o f Kildare' s conduc t sinc e Bosworth Fiel d wa s no t likel y i n suspiciou s circumstance s t o inspire trus t o r comman d confidence . Th e ear l ha d bee n face d in 148 5 wit h th e proble m o f a ne w dynasty , an d h e ha d n o prophetic insigh t t o revea l t o hi m whethe r o r no t th e Tudo r adventurer woul d consolidat e hi s position o n th e Englis h thron e and leav e i t secur e t o hi s heirs . Kildare' s concer n was t o safe guard hi s ow n position , bu t hi s judgmen t prove d t o b e faulty . He ha d crowne d Lamber t Simne l a s ' Edward V I ' i n Ma y 1487, and , thoug h hi s wrong-doin g wa s overlooke d b y th e king , Kildare wa s stil l uneas y abou t th e futur e cours e o f event s : he wo'ul d d o n o mor e tha n swea r a n oat h o f goo d conduc t an d he withhel d fro m givin g an y firme r guarantees . H e wa s slo w to lear n th e wisdo m of loya l service , and i n 149 1 h e was involve d in th e Perki n Warbec k conspiracy , and , thoug h doub t ha s bee n expressed abou t hi s par t i n th e plotting , h e proteste d hi s innocence to o muc h an d th e weigh t o f th e evidenc e lean s o n the sid e o f hi s complicity. 9 Thereafte r h e wa s dismisse d fro m his offic e a s deput y an d require d t o ente r int o a persona l recognisance fo r 100 0 mark s an d t o giv e suretie s fo r hi s goo d behaviour i n future . Sinc e the n h e ha d bee n t o th e cour t o f th e king o f Englan d an d ha d bee n received with high honour , an d h e had won the respec t and trust o f Henr y VII. S o Poynings ha d t o make a quic k persona l decision upon th e significanc e o f Kildare' s 6

See the subjoine d document : below , pp . 95-6 . State Papers, Henry VIII, vol . ii , par t iii , p . 2 : ' State o f Ireland , and pla n fo r it s reformation' . 8 The statemen t i n Bryan , op . cit. , p . 186 , tha t th e informatio n wa s conveyed t o Poyning s b y Si r Jame s Ormon d seem s t o b e base d o n Si r James Ware , ' Annals o f Irelan d durin g th e reig n o f Henr y VI I ' in Antiquities an d history o f Ireland (1705) , p . 2 7 f., bu t Ware' s obiter dictum make s no referenc e to Ormon d and speak s onl y of ' the earl' s adversaries'. W e mus t no t jum p t o conclusion s becaus e th e Butler s an d the Fitzgerald s wer e ancien t enemie s an d argu e fro m th e genera l t o the particular . 9 For a detaile d discussio n o f thi s point , se e H . G . Richardso n an d G. O . Sayles , Th e Irish parliament i n th e middle ages (i n th e press) . 7

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negotiations wit h th e Iris h chief s whe n se t agains t th e back ground o f hi s previou s vacillation s i n loyalty . Th e ear l migh t speak fai r i n th e king' s cour t i n England , bu t woul d h e b e speaking wit h th e sam e voic e i n hi s nativ e lan d t o th e Iris h whom h e kne w s o well ? Wa s h e workin g fo r o r agains t th e English government ? I f h e declare d tha t h e wa s completel y loyal, coul d h e b e believed ? Coul d Poyning s affor d t o trus t him, fo r wa s ther e no t th e seriou s dange r that , a s th e tin y English arm y presse d it s wa y int o Ulster , i t migh t fin d itsel f led int o a tra p an d annihilated ? W e ca n hardl y b e surprise d that Poyning s refuse d t o tak e an y ris k an d place d th e wors t light upo n Kildare' s discussion s with th e enem y in tim e o f war . His readin g o f th e situatio n wa s confirme d b y th e Iris h parlia ment whe n i t attainte d Kildar e a fe w month s late r i n 1495 . We hav e stil l t o conside r whethe r Poyning s wa s righ t i n his conclusions a t a tim e when , fo r obviou s reasons , n o evidenc e could b e forthcoming . Recen t historians have agree d wit h hi m in attributin g treacher y t o th e earl. 10 Ye t w e mus t remembe r that withi n eigh t month s o f Kildare' s arrest , a n Englis h parlia ment wa s i n sessio n which , presumabl y a t th e king' s instigation , abrogated hi s attainder, 11 an d i n Augus t 149 6 h e wa s o n hi s way bac k t o Irelan d a s deputy . O n th e surfac e this volte-face seems curious . I t i s no t sufficien t t o argu e tha t Henr y VI I acted i n thi s wa y becaus e h e realise d tha t onl y Kildar e coul d govern Ireland. 12 Henr y coul d no t wit h a n air y wav e o f a political wan d caus e t o vanis h th e ugl y fac t tha t Kildar e ha d been foun d guilt y o f treaso n i n a solem n cour t o f law . Unles s Kildare coul d provid e lega l proo f tha t h e ha d bee n wrongl y convicted, Henr y coul d no t an d dar e no t plac e hi m i n contro l of th e administratio n o f Ireland . I f Kildar e wen t bac k a s deputy, h e mus t g o bac k a s a ma n wh o ha d show n b y du e process o f la w tha t h e wa s n o traitor . The appende d notaria l instrument s refut e th e charg e tha t he ha d bee n conspirin g wit h Iris h chief s agains t th e Englis h government. H e ha d alread y i n som e wa y convince d th e kin g of hi s innocenc e and ha d hi s attainde r annulled ; h e ha d bee n 10

Bryan, op . cit. , pp . 186 , 194 ; Conway , op . cit. , pp . 79 , 80 , 82 . Rotuli parliamentorum, vi . 481-2 ; Statutes o f th e realm, ii. 612- 3 (u Henr y VII , c . 44) . 12 Curtis, op . cit., p . 404 ; Bryan , op . cit. , p . 142 . 11

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given a firs t cousi n o f th e kin g t o wife ; h e ha d clearl y bee n a party t o th e conciliatio n betwee n Henr y VI I an d th e ear l o f Desmond i n Marc h 149 6 whic h alread y hinte d a t Kildare' s appointment a s deputy . Bu t onl y persona l statement s b y O'Hanlon an d hi s Iris h colleague s coul d giv e adequat e suppor t to wha t Kildar e ha d declare d t o b e th e substanc e o f th e conver sations h e ha d hel d wit h the m durin g Poynings ' expeditio n i n the lat e autum n o f 149 4 an d thu s plac e hi s innocenc e beyon d dispute. On 3 Jun e 1496 , nea r th e ' Black Rath ' o n th e nort h sid e of Dundal k an d i n th e presenc e o f a publi c notar y an d mor e than a hundre d witnesse s who included within their numbe r Lord Delvin, th e sherif f o f Louth , an d th e bailiff s o f Dundalk , Malachy O'Hanlo n swor e a solem n oat h upo n th e gospel s t o speak th e trut h upo n th e questio n whethe r th e ear l o f Kildar e had eve r urge d hi m t o mak e wa r upo n th e Englis h o r th e deputy, Poynings , o r t o d o th e latte r an y injury . H e recounte d how Poynings , i n conjunctio n wit h Kildar e an d Si r Jame s Ormond, ha d invade d hi s territor y an d ho w Ormon d i n hi s hatred o f O'Hanlo n ha d give n hi s lan d an d propert y t o th e fire. Bu t i t wa s a fa r cr y fro m Kildare' s incitin g hi m i n an y way t o war . Fo r whe n O'Hanlo n discusse d th e matte r wit h him an d aske d fo r hi s considere d opinio n whethe r h e shoul d make hi s peace wit h th e deput y o r repudiat e hi s authority , figh t against hi m an d tak e th e consequences , Kildar e counselle d hi m to mak e peac e an d giv e suretie s fo r hi s goo d behaviou r i n thes e words : ' Do no t attemp t anythin g agains t th e deput y tha t yo u would no t attemp t agains t m e myself , fo r h e i s a bette r ma n than I am, 13 bu t ente r int o peac e wit h hi m an d giv e hi m you r son a s surety' . O'Hanlo n followe d thi s advice , but , s o h e declared, i t wa s onl y becaus e th e ear l ha d prevaile d upo n hi m to d o so . On 4 Jun e 1496 , befor e th e hig h alta r i n th e conventua l church o f th e Dominican s a t Carlingfor d an d i n th e presenc e of a publi c notar y an d o f a hos t o f witnesse s whic h include d the prio r o f Carlingford , bailiff s an d burgesse s o f th e town , and severa l prominen t Irishmen , Hug h Magenni s swor e upo n 13

Cf. th e commen t o f Si r Jame s Ormon d i n a lette r writte n o n 20 Februar y 149 5 : 'th e deput y i s as goo d a ma n a s I know ' (Conway , op. cit. , p . 151) .

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the gospel s an d th e Hos t t o giv e a truthfu l account of wha t ha d happened. Hi s versio n o f th e stor y i s give n i n muc h greate r detail. Whe n O'Hanlo n wa s attacked , h e an d Magenni s swor e an oat h tha t the y woul d stan d together , i n peac e o r war , against Poyning s an d th e English . An d whe n calamit y cam e upon O'Hanlon , th e tw o o f the m sen t t o th e ear l o f Kildar e to as k wha t h e though t the y shoul d do . Thereupo n w e hav e what purport s t o b e th e ipsissima verba o f a three-cornere d conversation. Afte r Kildar e ha d go t int o touc h wit h them , h e said: ' My advic e t o yo u is to mak e peac e wit h th e lord deput y and giv e hi m suretie s for th e fir m maintenanc e of peac e between you'. An d Malach y the n replied : ' I neve r wil l mak e peac e with him , becaus e h e ha s destroye d m y lan d an d propert y completely, an d h e canno t d o m e mor e har m tha n h e ha s done , and s o I ma y a s wel l hav e wa r wit h hi m a s peace'. The n th e earl turne d t o Magenni s an d said : ' Magennis, swea r yo u peace wit h th e lor d deputy , fo r h e ha s s o fa r lef t you r lan d and propert y whol e an d saf e '. An d Magenni s answered : ' I canno t d o it , becaus e I hav e swor n t o O'Hanlo n her e tha t I woul d b e wit h hi m i n wa r an d peace' . An d the n O'Hanlo n said t o Magenni s : * Make peac e i f yo u lik e wit h th e deput y and sav e you r lan d an d propert y an d d o no t le t you r propert y be destroye d a s min e is , an d I wil l absolv e yo u fro m you r oat h to m e becaus e I neve r mea n t o ente r int o peac e wit h the m '. And the n th e ear l spok e thes e word s t o the m bot h : ' Do no t do an y suc h thing , fo r I forbi d it , a s yo u lov e m e an d I lov e you, an d I canno t d o anythin g fo r yo u unti l yo u hav e mad e peace an d give n suretie s t o th e lor d deput y fo r th e maintenanc e of peace . And , unti l yo u d o so , I spea k n o wor d o n you r behalf'. S o a t th e earl' s instanc e O'Hanlo n gav e hi s so n a s a suret y o f peace , an d Magenni s likewis e entere d int o peac e with th e deput y an d h e woul d hav e give n hi s so n a s suret y i f it ha d no t bee n fo r th e fac t tha t th e ear l o f Kildar e wa s s o soon afterward s drive n fro m Ireland . In vie w of thi s evidence , embodie d as it is i n two solem n notarial instruments, 14 i t i s a s impossibl e fo r u s a s i t wa s fo r 14 Ware ha d probabl y see n th e archiepiscopa l register s whic h contai n a cop y o f thes e document s : henc e hi s brie f commen t tha t 'O'Hanlon , being tw o year s afte r sworn , di d declar e th e ear l t o b e fre e o f tha t wickedness ' (op . cit. , p . 2 7 f).

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his contemporarie s t o maintai n furthe r th e accusatio n o f treaso n against th e ear l o f Kildare . H e remaine d a s deput y unti l hi s death i n 151 3 an d h e neve r swerve d fro m hi s loyalt y t o th e Tudor dynasty . Th e arrangemen t worke d admirabl y t o th e advantage o f bot h parties . Th e Tudor s wer e satisfie d tha t Ireland woul d n o longe r for m a bas e o f operation s agains t them an d the y kne w fro m th e failur e o f th e Poyning s adminis tration tha t the y coul d no t establis h an y alternativ e for m o f government tha t coul d wor k better . Th e ear l obtaine d throug h his offic e a hig h precedenc e an d prestige , togethe r wit h th e support o f th e Anglo-Iris h group , tha t onl y willin g co-operation , but no t wilfu l independence , coul d provide . T o sa y tha t thi s 4 all-but-king ' rule d Ireland , no t i n th e interest s o f Englan d but i n th e interest s o f Ireland, 15 seem s besid e th e mar k an d t o have n o contemporar y relevance .

[Armagh Publi c Library , Octavian' s Register , fo . 30 16] Examinacio I. Hanlone si fuit causatus facere guerram per comitem Kyldarie etc. Memorandum quo d terci o di e mensi s Juni i ann o Domin i millesim o CCCC.lxxxxvj10, indiction e xiiij , pontificatu s sanctissim i i n Christ o patri s et domin i nostr i domin i Alexandr i divin a providenci a Pap e sext i ann o quarto,17 i n quoda m camp o e x part e borial i vill e d e Dundal k qui , vulgariter dicitur , es t juxt a Bla k Rath , i n me i notari i public ! e t testiu m subscriptorum presenci a personalite r constitutu s Malachia s Ohanlowan , sue nacioni s capitaneus , per Patriciu m Plunkete , generosum , tun e person aliter interessentem , instante r rogatu s e t requisitu s quatenu s veritate m diceret e t declarare t utru m Geraldus , come s Kyldare , umqua m excitavi t predictum Malachia m guerrar e contr a Anglico s ligeo s domin i regi s au t contra Edwardu m Ponynge s nupe r deputatu m domin i regi s terr e su e Hibernie au t aliqu o mod o malefacer e eidem . Tacti s sacrosancti s De i evangeliis qu e tun e i n manibu s suis tenuit , personalite r juravi t quo d ide m Geraldus comes , tempor e qu o predictu s Edwardu s Ponynges , deputatus , 15

Bryan, op . cit., p. 263. Reeves Transcripts , Armagh , vol . i, fos . 79-83; Reeve s Transcripts , Trinity College , Dublin , vol . i, fos . 88-94. I woul d expres s my gratitude to th e libraria n o f Trinit y College , Dublin , an d th e governor s o f th e Armagh Publi c Librar y fo r thei r kindnes s i n givin g m e acces s t o thes e documents. 1T 3 Jun e 1496 . 16

96 hostiliter invasi t patria m e t dominiu m suum , cu m qu o tun e eran t dictu s Geraldus, comes , e t Jacobu s Ormonie , miles , qu i quide m Jacobu s i n magna part e cremavi t se u incendi o tradidi t parte m patri e eunde m Malachiam concernente m i n odiu m ejusde m Malachie , nequ e verb o nequ e nuncio ipsu m Malachia m quovismod o instigavi t ne e excitavi t a d guerrandum contr a Anglico s e t deputatu m predictu m au t aliqu o mod o malefaciendum eis , ymmo , cu m dictu s Malachia s colloquiu m tun e habui t cum predict o comit e e t querere t a b e o meliu s e t saniu s consiliu m utru m melius esse t inir e pace m cu m dict o deputat o qua m haber e guerra m cu m eo et tant a mal a et dampn a quant a potui t inferr e sib i vilipend o eunde m deputatum e t auctoritate m ejus , ide m come s consilui t sib i inir e pace m cum dict o deputat o e t imponer e sib i pignor a pr o pac e sib i e t Anglici s servanda, firmite r inhibend o sibi n e aliqui d attemptare t contr a deputatum , dicendo sib i he c verba, videlicet , Nol i aliqui d contr a deputatu m attemptar e magis qua m contr a persona m meam , qui a melio r m e est , se d inie s pace m cum e o e t pone s filiu m tuu m sib i i n pignor e pacis . Cuju s consili o fretus , memoratus Malachia s tun e pace m inii t cu m dict o deputat o e t Anglici s et filiu m suu m posui t dict o deputat o i n pignor e paci s observande , quo d nunquam fecisse t nis i dictu s come s ho c facer e procuraret , prou t tun e juravit. Presentibu s a d tun e Ricard o Nugent , baron e d e Delvyn , Johanne Gernone , vicecomit e comitatu s Loueth , Willelm o Holywo d e t Willelmo Bristowe , ballivi s ville d e Dundal k predicte , Patrici o Whit e de Richardistone, 18 Willelm o Kynton e d e Stabanane, 19 Roger o Garnon e de Garnonystone, 20 Henric o Garnone , german o ejus , Stephan o Dowdall , Jacobo Hadsore , Armachan e diocesi s generosis , e t alii s quamplurimi s a d numerum centum , u t estimatur . Item quart o di e predict i mensi s Juni i ann o Domin i indiction e pontificatu mens e e t die 21 predicti s i n cancell o ecclesi e fratru m predica torum d e Carlyngfordi a Armachan e diocesi s apud summu m altare , ibide m appositis supe r ide m altare pe r dominu m Philippu m Beargy , vicariu m ecclesie parochiali s beatissim e Virgini s Mari e d e Carlyngfordi a supra dicta, vestibu s sacerdotalibu s indutum , sacrosancti s De i evangeliis , a c supposito corpor e Dominico , i n me i notari i public i e t testiu m subscrip torum presenci a personalite r constitutu s Odo , alia s vocatu s Hug o Magnyse, su e nacione s capitaneus , pe r Patriciu m Plunkete , generosum , tune personalite r presentem , instante r rogatu s e t requisitu s quatenu s i n veritate declarare t utru m Geraldus , come s Kyldarie , unqua m consului t aut excitavi t predictu m Odonem , alia s Hugone m Magnyse , guerra m tenere Edward o Ponynges , nupe r deputat o domini regi s terre sue Hibernie, aut Anglici s ligei s domin i regi s au t alia s malefacere , eisde m dixi t e t declaravit, jurand o pe r dictu m sacramentu m corpori s Dominic i e t su a sacra evangelia , quod , cu m nupe r predictu s Edwardu s deputatus , moveba t guerram contr a Malachia m Ohanlowan , su e nacioni s capitaneum , predictus Odo , alia s Hug o Magnese , e t prefatu s Malachia s Ohanlowa n 18 20

Richardstown, co . Louth. 1 Gernonstown, co . Louth . 2

9 1

Stabannon, co . Louth . MS sic.

The vindicatio n of the ear l of Kildare, 149 6 9

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mutuum adinvice m prestiterun t juramentu m quo d stetissen t insimu l i n una pac e e t un a guerr a contr a predictu m deputatu m e t Anglicos . E t cum d ictus Edwardus, deputatus , i n cuju s comitiv a fuerun t protun c predictus Geraldus , comes , e t Jacobu s Ormonie , miles , hostilite r ingressu s est dominiu m siv e patria m predict ! Malachi e Ohanlowa n e t majo r par s patrie se u domini i su i predict i combust a fuit , dictu s Odo , alia s Hug o Magnyse, tun e affui t predict o Malachi e Ohanlowa n i n patri a su a a d adjurandum e t confortandu m eum viribus. Qu i quide m Odo , alia s Hug o Magnyse, e t Malachia s miserun t a d predictu m comite m u t colloquiu m haberent cu m e o e t consiliu m suu m sentiren t qui d meliu s ei s esse t faciendum. Qui , cu m communicare t cu m eis , dixi t illi s he c verba , vide licet, Consiliu m meu m es t vobi s contraher e pace m cu m domin o deputat o et poner e sib i pignor a pr o pac e firmite r tenend a inte r vos . Qu i quide m Malachias tun e dixit : Eg o nunqua m contraha m pace m cu m eo , qui a destruxit patria m e t dominiu m meu m totaliter , e t magis dampnu m no n potest mih i facer e qua m fecit , e t igitu r tar n ben e es t mich i haber e guerram cu m e o sicu t pacem . Tur n ver o predictu s come s allocutu s es t predicto Odoni , alia s Hugon i Magnyse , dicen s : Magnyse , jurati s vo s pacem cu m domin o deputato, qu i adhu c dominiu m tuum e t patria m tuan i habes intactu m e t indempnem . Qu i Magnys e tun e dixit : Ho c facer e non possum , qui a juratu s su m ist i Ohanlowan , presenti , ess e i n un a guerra e t iJn a pac e cu m eo . Cu i dictu s Ohanlowa n tun e dixit : Faciati s si veliti s pace m cu m deputatu m a d salvandu m dominiu m se u patria m vestram e t nolit e causar e dominiu m vestru m destru i sicu t meu m est , e t ego remitta m vobi s juramentu m mich i prestitu m qui a nunqua m eg o intendo inir e pacem cu m eis . Und e dictu s come s tun e dixi t illi s ambobus hec verba , videlicet , N e faciati s talite r qui a nolle m quo d si c faceretis , e o quod diligiti s m e e t eg o dilig o vos , e t nichi l possu m eg o facer e pr o vobi s nisi contraxeriti s pace m e t posueriti s pignor a domin o deputat o pr o pac e sibi observanda , et , nis i si c feceritis , nullu m verbu m loqua r pr o vobis . Quorum dictoru m instanci a predictu s Ohanlowa n filiu m suu m posui t i n pignore dict o deputat o pr o pac e observanda , e t dictu s Magnys e similite r iniit pace m cu m dict o deputat o e t ponere t filiu m suu m sib i i n pignor e pacis nis i dictu s comes tar n cit o fuisse t expulsus d e Hibernia, e t ist a omni a dixit e t declaraui t virtut e pe r eu m predict i prestit i juramenti . Presen tibus a d tun e predict o domin o Philipp o vicario , fratr e Walter o Hart e priore predicatoru m d e Carlyngford , fratr e Bernand o M cGillerowy canonico regulari , domin o Thom a McGillereyn e capellano , Galfrid o White, Christofor o Taff , Christofor o Sedgrav e e t Ad a Broctone , generosis, Willelm o White , alter o balliv o d e Carlingfordi a supradicta , Christoforo Maryman , Petr o Stakboll , burgensibu s ejusde m ville , Willelmo Germyne , Nicola o Grace , Henric o Savag e e t Petr o Whit e de eade m villa , Johann e Bekket e d e Dubli n mercatore , Maurici o Makeyawne, su e nacioni s capitaneo , Roric o Makeyawn , Roric o Omurregane, Hugon e Omurregan , Ene a Oronow e e t alii s diversi s i n multitudine copiosa .

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10 ECCLESIASTICAL PROCES S AN D TH E PARSONAG E O F STABANNON I N 1351 . A STUD Y O F TH E MEDIEVA L IRIS H CHURC H I N ACTION .

WHILST i t i s tru e t o sa y tha t muc h ha s bee n writte n bearin g upo n th e history o f th e Churc h i n Irelan d i n th e late r Middl e Ages , ye t i t ma y b e suggested tha t so far no adequate effor t ha s been made to reveal it a s a living organism, a s a vita l institutio n which , havin g a missio n t o perform , ha d devised a n elaborat e machiner y o f governmen t whereb y t o carr y ou t it s obligations. Howeve r intereste d w e ma y b e i n th e politica l relation s an d reactions o f Churc h an d State , howeve r fascinatin g w e ma y fin d th e side lights upo n suc h topic s a s th e cul t o f relics an d th e practic e o f pilgrimages , we ough t no t t o sideste p th e reall y essentia l proble m o f ho w th e Churc h regulated it s ow n affairs. Otherwis e there is the dange r tha t a too excessiv e pre-occupation wit h th e disjecta membra o f ecclesiastica l development s wil l prevent u s fro m liftin g wha t i s mainl y antiquarianis m int o th e spher e o f history. B y wa y o f illustratio n le t m e dra w attentio n t o a singl e poin t : whilst muc h painstakin g an d valuabl e wor k ha s bee n don e t o compil e lists of thos e wh o held ecclesiastica l office , whethe r i t b e that o f bisho p o r abbo t or humbl e paris h priest , i t i s t o b e regrette d tha t w e shoul d b e onl y to o often ignoran t o f wha t the y di d afte r the y ha d bee n appointed . I n othe r words, th e medieva l Iris h Churc h as a functiona l organisatio n ha s no t ye t found it s historian. 1 Th e questio n ma y b e aske d whethe r a stud y o f thi s 1 There are , fo r instance, onl y seve n reference s t o ' Church unde r Englis h Rul e ' in the inde x t o E . Curtis , History o f Medieval Ireland (1938) , an d non e a t al l afte r 1317 , though th e volum e cover s th e perio d t o 1500 .

99

100 kind i s no t beyon d th e bound s o f possibilit y i n vie w o f th e grievou s los s of th e publi c record s i n 192 2 an d th e apparentl y meagr e corpu s o f ecclesiastical record s tha t stil l survives. 2 Thi s pape r i s intende d t o answe r tha t question, particularl y b y it s emphasi s upo n th e vas t stor e o f materia l fo r the histor y o f medieva l Irelan d i n th e Publi c Recor d Offic e i n London . That repositor y contains , quit e literally , thousand s o f document s whic h haVe not bee n see n b y th e scholar' s ey e since they wer e written si x or seven hundred year s ago. 3 Th e cru x o f th e proble m o f medieva l Iris h histor y a t the momen t i s no t t o fin d document s bu t t o fin d student s : the harves t i s happily abundan t bu t th e reaper s unfortunatel y few . M y objec t wil l b e defeated i f i t i s considere d tha t thi s pape r originate s simpl y fro m trouvaille, that it i s the produc t o f a chanc e discovery that.is not likel y t o occu r again . It certainl y bring s int o th e ligh t o f history fo r th e firs t tim e a dea n o f St . Patrick's an d a n archdeacon o f Armag h an d exhibit s th e instrument s b y which the y an d othe r ecclesiastic s exercise d thei r powers ; i t provide s a unique contemporar y repor t o n th e stat e o f episcopa l register s i n th e middle o f th e fourteent h century ; i t give s extract s fro m th e los t ple a roll s of franchisa l courts ; abov e all , i t reveal s i n th e mos t vivi d an d intimat e detail th e procedur e i n ecclesiastica l court s upo n a cas e whic h dragge d its slo w lengt h alon g fo r full y fou r years . Ye t ther e i s nothin g surprisin g in th e fac t tha t suc h informatio n i s stil l available , fo r th e Publi c Recor d Office wil l yield still more valuable treasures t o thos e who search its archives. My mai n purpose , therefore , i s t o provid e a pictur e o f the machiner y of church government , no t whils t i t i s uninformativel y stati c bu t whils t i t is in ful l operation , s o that i t ca n readily b e seen how its efficienc y depende d upon th e inter-lockin g activitie s o f it s severa l parts . And , incidentally , i t is a matte r o f satisfaction tha t th e subjec t matte r i s not s o much concerned with hig h politic s a t th e centr e a s wit h th e appointmen t o f a pries t t o a tiny Irish village , w rhose cur e was said t o b e worth no t mor e than si x marks a year. 4 2 It must , however , b e observe d tha t th e Register s o f th e Archbishop s o f Armag h have been left imprinted . Th e two earliest have been calendared but i n a way that canno t in al l respect s comman d th e confidenc e o f scholars ; anothe r ha s bee n edite d bu t withou t including al l th e acta o f the bisho p concerned ; other s hav e bee n allowe d t o li e wit h thei r contents completel y unknown . An d ye t thes e ' registers ', i f w e can continu e t o us e a misleading descriptiv e term , constitut e th e larges t singl e sourc e o f informatio n fo r th e history o f th e Churc h i n Irelan d an d shoul d b e subjecte d t o a n intensiv e examination . That done , student s o f earlie r period s tha n 1360-154 0 wil l the n n o longe r nee d t o work , so often with little profit, fro m th e unknown to the unknown and become lost in speculation. A beginning has been made by Professor Gwyn n in his recently published Medieval Province of Armagh, 1470-1545 , bu t h e woul d b e th e firs t t o admi t tha t i t i s onl y a beginning . 3 The historia n o f medieva l Scotlan d woul d count himsel f exceptionall y blesse d i / h e had a t hi s servic e th e meres t fractio n o f what survive s i n Londo n alon e fo r th e stud y o f medieval Ireland . * This assessmen t represente d th e ' verus valo r ' onl y i n th e sens e tha t th e valu e wa s written down to represent the lowest return of profits. A s a rule churches were worth much more: for . example, th e churc h o f St . Nicholas , Carrickfergus , wa s farme d b y th e recto r in 130 3 fo r 4 5 marks , thoug h i n 130 6 i t wa s assesse d a t merel y 2 0 marks (W . Reeves , Ecclesiastical Antiquities o f Down, Connor an d Dromore (Dublin , 1847) , p . 61n) . Compar e Cat. Patent Rolls, 1330-34 , p . 110 : th e parso n o f Stabannon consente d t o allo w th e arch bishop o f Armag h t o gran t a yearl y pensio n o f a hundred shillings (i.e., seven and a half marks) ou t o f hi s churc h t o maste r Simo n Gerno n fo r life .

Ecclesiastical Process an d th e Parsonage of Stabannon. 10.

1

But befor e I addres s mysel f t o thi s particula r problem , i t i s wel l tha t I should , greatl y daring , pu t forwar d tentativel y som e observation s upo n the genera l histor y o f th e medieva l Iris h Church . I t seem s t o m e that we cannot begi n t o understan d th e cours e o f event s i n Irelan d unles s w e bea r in min d tha t th e Iris h Churc h ha d live d it s ow n independent lif e fo r som e seven hundre d year s befor e th e Anglo-Norman s invade d th e countr y an d made thei r settlement s withi n it . T o assum e a- n exac t equatio n thereafte r between wha t happene d i n Englan d an d wha t happene d i n Irelan d i s extremely dangerous . Th e newcomer s foun d i t impossibl e t o eradicat e th e long-established custom s in Ireland. Howeve r much they sough t to introduc e the usage s in England , howeve r much they trie d t o assimilat e th e disciplin e of th e tw o Churche s and, incidentally , compe l the Iris h practices to confor m more closel y wit h thos e o f th e contemporar y Wester n Churc h as a whole, the traditiona l way s persisted . Al l that the y coul d d o wa s t o superimpos e a ne w order an d manipulat e an d adjus t th e ol d order t o fi t i t a s bes t the y could. Fo r th e Iris h Churc h ha d method s o f organisin g it s affair s whic h were distinctiv e t o itself : indeed , man y o f the m perpetuate d arrangement s which ha d bee n associate d wit h th e Churc h Universal i n th e earl y centurie s of it s establishmen t an d whic h cam e t o disappea r elsewher e i n Wester n Europe, an d ecclesiastica l historian s wh o are intereste d i n th e developmen t of th e primitiv e Churc h woul d d o wel l t o brin g th e Iris h Churc h withi n the rang e of their studies . I t i s not fo r me here to enlarg e upon the monasti c origin o f episcopa l sees , whic h lef t Irelan d divide d int o numerou s smal l bishoprics an d bequeathe d t o late r age s th e curiou s nomenclatur e o f th e coarbs. No r ca n I discus s the endurin g significance o f erenaghs and erenag h tenure a s a mean s of financin g th e Iris h Churc h for longe r than a thousan d years.5 Bu t attention must b e drawn to one point if what I hav e to say later is t o b e properl y understood. 6 The churc h organisatio n wit h whic h w e ar e familia r i n Englan d an d Ireland and , indeed , i n Wester n Europ e generally , i s not ver y ancient . I n England anythin g lik e th e moder n parochia l syste m ca n hardl y antedat e the elevent h century , and , eve n so , it ha d ancien t feature s tha t lef t trace s 6 Th e firs t recorde d use o f the titl e i s s . a . 60 1 (Annals o f th e Four Masters (ed . John O'Donovan (Dublin , 1848) , i . 229) . Thoug h from tim e immemoria l they ha d bee n ' meri laici', befor e th e clos e of th e Middl e Age s the y wer e frequentl y priests, wit h th e cur e of souls (Prene' s Register , p . 603 : a complain t tha t ' magister Johanne s McKathmaill , herenacus et rector ecclesie de Argull' (Errigalkeerogue, Co. Tyrone) did not make residence and coul d not provid e the accustome d hospitality ; h e had scattere d hi s tenantry an d lef t the lands , allege d t o b e held a t far m fro m th e churc h o f Clogher and th e bishop , empty ; he.would no t allo w others t o hol d the land s and inhabi t them . H e was warned to resid e within a month an d to recall his tenants under threat of deprivation o f the rectory an d th e erenarchy). B y what stage s thi s transitio n too k plac e and wha t it implie d in th e government o f th e Iris h Churc h ha s s o far bee n lef t a dar k mystery . W e are to o pron e simpl y to re-iterat e th e finding s o f the commissioner s of 1609 , who were puzzled by ecclesiastica l arrangements so much out of line with their own experience, and to leave the problem there. 6 Where reference s ar e mad e t o th e archiepiscopa l register s o f Armagh , the y relate , not to the orig'nals, but t o the transcripts made in the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries . Where calendars; are in print, cros s references have been supplied: H . J. Lawlor , ' Calendar of Register of Archbishop Sweteman ' i n Proceedings o f Royal Irish Academy, xxxix . C . (1911-12), pp . 213-91 , and ' Calendar of Register of Archbishop Fleming' i n ibid, xxx . C. (1912-13), pp. 94-16 8 ; Register o f John Swayne, ed . D. A. Chart (1935).

102 for man y years . I t wa s pre-eminently th e wor k o f the twelft h centur y t o bring orde r an d uniformit y int o th e parochia l syste m an d t o begi n th e creation o f perpetua l vicarages . Thes e vicarage s wer e require d wher e th e parish churc h had bee n appropriated t o a collegiat e or monastic body. Suc h a corporatio n wa s the rector , bu t i t frequentl y mad e ver y il l provisio n for the cur e o f souls , an d th e vicarag e wa s a mean s o f remedyin g th e defect . The vicarag e wa s a separat e benefic e an d th e vica r wa s irremovabl e afte r institution b y th e bisho p sav e fo r a goo d legal reason . Th e revenue s of th e church wer e divided , and , thoug h a s a rul e th e vicar' s shar e wa s much th e smaller, h e had securit y o f tenure i n wha t wa s lef t t o him . Th e creatio n o f vicarages wen t on apace durin g th e thirteenth century until the great majority of appropriate d churche s ha d thei r perpetua l vicars. 7 In Irelan d th e positio n a t th e beginnin g o f th e twelft h centur y wa s very differen t fro m tha t in England. Sav e in the Ostmen' s towns, there were no bishop s wit h dioceses , fo r th e Celti c Churche s ha d retaine d a monasti c organisation i n whic h ther e wa s n o plac e fo r a n episcopa l ruler . O f th e arrangements mad e fo r loca l churche s nothin g definit e seem s to b e known, nor i s there goo d reason fo r supposin g that tithe s wer e generall y paid befor e the syno d o f Kells o f 1152. 8 I t i s fro m thi s synod , too , tha t th e diocesa n organisation o f Irelan d dates , thoug h i t wa s onl y graduall y mad e effective . Twenty year s late r th e syno d o f Cashel in the winte r o f 1171-117 2 assume s that ther e i s a parochia l syste m an d decree s tha t th e faithfu l shal l pa y tithes o f cattle, cor n an d othe r produc e to thei r paris h church. 9 I t i s quit e clear, however , that th e syste m wa s an adaptation , an d no t a reproduction, of th e parochia l syste m o f othe r countrie s o f Wester n Europe . Th e mos t striking poin t o f differenc e emerge s whe n w e ge t systemati c informatio n about th e revenue s o f the Iris h churches , compiled for th e purpos e o f papal taxation. Althoug h th e survey s necessar y fo r thi s compilatio n wer e mad e in th e reig n o f Edward I , the y point t o a conditio n o f affairs o f pre-Norman origin, and , indeed , th e patter n foun d in th e earl y fourteent h centur y mus t have bee n determine d i n th e twelft h century . Th e revenue s o f th e paris h churches ar e divide d i n th e greate r par t o f Ireland , an d especiall y i n th e West an d North , eithe r int o thre e part s o r fou r parts . Suc h .divisions ha d existed i n Gau l an d apparentl y i n Englan d befor e th e invasion s o f th e Norsemen: th e precis e division , quadripartit e o r tripartite , wa s a matte r o f local custom . Th e ancien t Roma n custo m wa s a quadripartit e division, 10 but thi s wa s by n o mean s universal , an d i t i s not surprisin g tha t bot h thi s and th e tripartit e divisio n shoul d hav e bee n foun d i n Ireland . Th e sur -

7 It ha s been estimated that by the clos e o f the thirteenth centur y a fifth of the parish churches in England wer e serve d b y vicar s (R . A. R. Hartridge , Vicarages i n th e Middle Ages8 (1930) , p . 80) . History o f th e Church o f Ireland, ed . W . A . Phillip s (1933) , ii . 45 . 9 Ibid, ii . 54 . 10 Mansi, Sacrorum Conciliorum Nova e t Amplissima Collectio (Paris?, , 1901) , viii , 45 : the oblations ' quarum sit una pontificis, altera clericorum, pauperu m teytia, quarta fabncis applicanda'.

Ecclesiastical Process an d th e Parsonage o f Stabannon. 10 3 prising thing , perhaps , i s tha t th e custo m shoul d hav e persisted u an d should hav e co-existe d with a parochia l system importe d fro m land s where all trac e o f suc h a custo m ha d vanished . Wher e ther e wa s a tripartit e division, th e parochia l revenue s were , b y th e thirteent h century , divide d between bishop , rector an d vicar ; wher e ther e wa s a quadripartit e division , the fourt h shar e wen t t o th e rector. 12 Th e bes t illustratio n o f th e quad ripartite divisio n o f th e revenue s o f paris h churche s i s provide d b y th e diocese o f Annaghdown, wel l remove d fro m Anglo-Norma n influence s excep t those a t Galway . Her e the recto r regularly has tw o fourths and sometimes the vicar' s fourt h a s well . Wher e Anglo-Norma n influence s wer e strong , however, th e ancien t syste m woul d ge t transforme d out o f recognition, an d the relation s betwee n rector's an d vicar' s portion s ma y b e an y rati o con ceivable: th e vica r ma y hav e a smal l fractio n o r hal f o r eve n mor e tha n the rector . I n som e case s th e paris h churc h was appropriated , wit h con sequences very much what they wer e in othe r countries ; but i n the majorit y of case s there wa s no appropriation , wit h the resul t tha t i n th e paris h ther e were bot h rector and vicar , each with a lif e tenure. 13. Whateve r the origina l conception, i t seem s certai n tha t b y th e fourteent h centur y th e rector' s office was a sinecur e and the recto r was frequentl y non-resident. 14 The cure o f souls , therefore , fel l upo n th e vicar , though , as i n othe r countries , he migh t b e negligen t o r non-residen t an d th e divin e service s migh t b e performed b y a hireling or not performe d a t all. 15. W e should, perhaps, note in passing that it i s hardly conceivable that in the twelft h centur y the nam e of vicar shoul d have been applied t o th e paris h pries t wh o received th e third (or fourth ) shar e o f th e revenu e and ha d th e cur e o f souls , an d w e mus t suppose tha t th e titl e wa s give n b y wa y o f analogy afte r i t ha d becom e a common on e elsewher e i n th e thirteent h century . The rectoria l shar e ma y wel l represen t tha t o f th e coarb an d i n som e 11 The episcopal fourt h (or , to us e the late r technica l term , ' quarter episcopal s ' ) was paid i n Elphi n til l 1637 , Killala til l 1663 , Tua m til l 1717 , and Clonfer t an d Kilmacduagh till 1883 : al l thes e diocese s wer e within th e provinc e o f Tuam . Th e fourt h forme d part of th e incom e of the bishop s o f Clogher until th e seventeent h century . An d the tripartit e division appear s i n th e Isl e o f Ma n a s lat e a s 150 5 (W. Reeves , Colton's Visitation o f the Diocese o f Derry (Dublin , 1850) , p . 114f.) . 12 Reeves, loc. cit. Sometime s a fourt h shar e wa s devoted t o th e fabri c o f the church . 13 In 135 1 the kin g assume d tha t he had th e righ t t o appoint , no t onl y t o the rector y but als o to the vicarag e o f Stabannon, which was assessed at fou r marks , bu t h e withdrew his nominatio n o n learnin g tha t th e chancello r o f Ireland ha d alread y mad e a n appoint ment e x ojficio (Gal. Close Bolls, 1349-54 , p . 260 ; Col. Patent Rolls, 1350-54, p . 62) . 14 The frequent references in the papa l register s t o provision s to Irish rectories sugges t that fe w rectors coul d hav e settle d dow n t o undertak e paris h duties . Th e position was complicated b y appropriations : th e cas e o f Galwa y is instructiv e (se e the remark s o f H . G. Richardso n i n Irish Historical Studies, i v (1945) , 365-6) . 15 Cf. Prene's Register , p . 915 , fo r a n order , apparentl y i n 1460 , t o thos e wh o ha d appropriated churche s t o appoin t vicar s .t o the m a t a livin g wage . Se e also Hist . MSS. Commission, X Report , Pt . 5 , p. 229 : Richard Leatherhead , bisho p o f Ossory, laid grea t stress i n 132 0 upo n residenc e b y vicars ; ibid., p . 261 , fo r a n agreemen t betwee n th e appropriators an d th e vica r o f Dyser t i n 1375 .

104 instances a rector y i s actuall y terme d comorbania. 16 I t i s quit e consisten t with thi s tha t th e recto r shoul d b e require d t o maintai n th e fabri c o f th e chancel.17 Obviously , whe n th e olde r orde r wa s reorganised , th e coarb s were no t simpl y dispossesse d o f thei r propert y and revenues . Wit h various rights an d function s titula r coarb s ar e foun d widel y scattere d i n th e late r Middle Ages : those wh o ar e no t i n possessio n o f rectorie s doubtles s deriv e from som e sectio n o f th e ancien t monasti c syste m tha t wa s no t absorbe d into th e parochia l organisation . Quit e ho w al l thi s cam e abou t i s ver y difficult t o say . Ther e mus t hav e bee n som e continuou s thread linkin g th e coarbs o f later histor y with the ancien t coarbs . Th e property they ha d onc e administered wen t i n thre e directions—diocese , monastery , an d parish — and w e shoul d expec t t o fin d trace s i n al l thre e institution s i n late r days . The transformatio n o f th e ol d orde r int o th e ne w involve d many changes, and her e w e ar e concerne d with onl y one . Before th e ecclesiastica l re-arrangement s mad e afte r th e deat h o f it s last recto r i n 1883 , th e ecclesiastica l paris h o f Stabannon , situate d i n th e diocese o f Armagh and th e count y o f Louth an d onc e par t o f the baron y of Ardee, ha d fo r it s norther n an d southern boundarie s th e river s Glyd e an d Dee an d consiste d o f seve n townlands , coverin g betwee n fou r an d fiv e thousand acre s o f the fines t agricultura l lan d i n Ireland . Nevertheless , th e parish fel l victi m t o th e sorr y declin e of population in th e latte r hal f o f th e nineteenth century , an d th e numbe r o f it s inhabitant s wa s reduce d fro m 2,234 a t th e beginnin g of the " Hungry 'Fortie s " to 60 7 by the tur n o f the century. Stabanno n villag e itself lie s almost halfwa y betwee n Dundal k an d Drogheda, som e fiv e mile s inland fro m th e sea ; or , t o pu t i t anothe r way , it i s thre e mile s east-north-eas t fro m Arde e o n th e direc t rout e t o Castl e Bellingham.18 To begi n with , I ma y perhap s summaris e th e fe w fact s tha t ca n b e 16 Cf. Fleming' s Register , p . 3 1 (Lawlor , no . 56) : Collati o comorbani e d e R o . .. rectoriam ecclesie parochialis Sancti Kynnici de Drumgossa, alias d e Ro, Derensis diocesis, comorbaniam nuncupata m (St . Canice , Drumachose , Co . Derry) ; Sweteman' s Register , p. 28 1 (Lawlor, no. 144) : the ' comorbia ' or rectory o f St. Tigernach, Clone s (July , 1365) , with whic h cf. Aubrey Gwynn , Medieval Province of Armagh, p. 163f . Se e Seymour, ' The Coarb in the Medieval Irish Churc h ' in Proc. Royal Irish Academy, xx (1933) , pp. 219-31, ftnd Gleeson, ' The Coarb s of Killaloe Dioces e ' i n Journal o f Royal Society Antiquaries of Ireland, Ixxix (1949), pp. 160-169 , where much useful information is gathered together . 17 The genera l rul e o f th e Wester n Churc h fro m th e twelft h centur y wa s tha t th e rector wa s responsible for the repair of the fabric of the parish church, but b y special custom in Englan d th e parishioner s becam e responsibl e fo r th e repai r o f th e nave . Evidentl y this modified rule was applied to some parts of Ireland. Cf . Mey's Register, p . 570: Richard White, recto r o f Kilmor e i n Meat h diocese , wa s fine d te n mark s fo r failur e t o kee p th e chancel i n goo d order ; Prene' s Register , p . 690 : th e chancel s o f paris h churches , con structed b y th e munificenc e of noble founders , are know n to b e within th e mean s o f th e clergy for repair an d are converted to illegitimate uses ; they ar e delapidated ' quod eciam in altaribu s principalibu s siu e maioribu s tar n propte r ventoru m impetu m pe r fenestra s nunc patula s oli m cu m vitro purissim o diuersi s coloribu s depict o splendentes , impetuos e intrantium, tarn eciam propter procella s niuis et aqu e ab alto cadentiu m in defectu tecturarum ipsorum cancelloro m diuina mysteria absqu e grau i periculo et enormissim o scandal o tractari no n possunt' . S o the chancel s wer e to b e repaire d b y rector s an d vicar s unde r penalty o f losin g one-thir d o f thei r profit s (2 4 April, 1434) . 18 For a detailed notic e of the paris h of Stabannon, se e J. B . Leslie, History o f Kilsaran (1908), pp . 102-146 .

Ecclesiastical Process an d the Parsonage o f Stabannon. 10

5

ascertained abou t th e earl y histor y o f Stabanno n church . I f th e e x parte argument o f one o f the partie s t o litigatio n i n 132 7 i s t o b e believed—an d there i s n o inheren t incredibilit y i n th e statemen t itself— a churc h ha d been establishe d roun d abou t th e clos e o f th e twelft h centur y unde r th e patronage o f the lor d o f th e mano r o f Louth, an d i t ha d afterward s falle n through eschea t int o th e hand s o f Kin g John. 19 Howeve r that ma y be , a few year s late r th e name s o f thos e responsibl e fo r th e cur e o f soul s begi n to b e recorded. Th e firs t evidenc e early i n th e thirteent h centur y refers t o Simon, th e 'vicar ' o f Stabannon, 20 and , thoug h th e practic e o f rector s appointing vicar s t o d o their wor k fo r the m wa s b y this tim e rooting itsel f in th e Churc h a t large, 21 w e hav e n o mean s o f knowin g whethe r o r no t there wa s also i n existenc e a ' rector'. A t al l events , thereafter , sav e o n very rar e occasions, 22 i t i s onl y a s recto r tha t th e parso n o f th e benefic e emerges fro m th e documents : Benedic t o f Arde e i n 1263, 23 Joh n Dare l i n 1294,24 John Picar d i n 1298, 25 Joh n o f Ireland i n 1306, 26 John o f Merton i n 1315,27 Robert Edward of Swavesey in 1317, 28 master Raymond Bermingham sometime befor e 1329, 29 an d Phili p o f Melto n in 1345. 30 Throughou t thi s period th e livin g remained in the king' s gif t excep t fo r a brie f interval when the patronag e wa s i n th e hand s o f Joh n Bermingham , eventually create d earl o f Lout h afte r hi s victor y ove r Edwar d Bruce. 81 By th e middl e o f the fourteent h centur y th e churc h o f St . Nichola s a t Stabannon illustrate d th e influence s an d practice s o f the time . I t canno t be said that th e rector s paid muc h respect either t o th e decree s of canon law or t o th e dictate s o f private conscience , an d th e benefic e wa s less t o the m a publi c trus t tha n a specie s o f privat e endowment . Thus , Joh n Dare l 19 Leslie, op cit., p. 105, citing a MS. Memoranda Roll of 1 Edward III. Fo r contemporary evidence concernin g Hug h Tyrel , lor d o f Louth, se e Rot. Lift. Glaus., 1204-1224 , p . 5456 : notification fro m th e kin g t o th e archbisho p o f Dublin , th e justiciar , tha t h e ha d take n Hugh Tyrol's homage for lands held in chief in Ireland (1 2 May, 1223). Se e also E. St. John Brooks, ' The Gran t o f Castleknoc k t o Hug h Tyrel ' i n Journal o f Royal Society o f Antiquaries o f Ireland, Ixii i (1933) , p . 216 . 20 Chartulariee o f St . Mary's Abbey, Dublin, ed . J . T . Gilber t (Roll s Series , 1884) , i . 57: a charte r t o th e abbe y i s witnessed b y Simon , ' vicarius de Stracbanan'. 21 Hartridge, op . cit., pp . 9-22 , 29-35 , 22 There i s no warran t i n th e evidenc e (Col. Justiciary Rolls, Ireland, ed . Jame s Mills (1903), i . 219 ) for th e statemen t i n J . B . Leslie , Armagh Clergy an d Parishes (1911) , p . 410, tha t Rober t Lus t .wa s vica r o f Stabanno n i n 1299 . 23 CW. Papal Registers, Letters, 1198-1304 , p . 389 . 2* Col. Patent Rolls, 1292-1301 , pp . 105 , 167 , 295 . 26 Ibid., p . 361 ; Gal. Justiciary Rolls, Ireland, i . 219 . 26 Gal. Patent Rolls, 1301-1307 , pp . 467 , 525 ; 1307-1313 , p . 28 . 27 Gal Patent Rolls, 1313-1317 , pp . 265 , 469. 28 Gal. Patent Rolls, 1313-1317 , p . 672 ; 1317-1321 , p . 58 . 28 Gal Patent Rolls, 1330-1334 , p . 110 . Th e deed , t o whic h reference is her e made , must hav e bee n draw n u p befor e th e deat h o f Joh n Bermingha m i n 1329 . Accordin g to th e evidenc e o f a plea rol l of 7 Edward II I (1333-34) , Ralp h o f Leppingto n wa s the n described'-as th e 'late ' recto r o f Stabanno n (cite d b y Leslie , Supplement t o 'Armagh Clergy an d Parishes' (1948) , p. 149) . 30 Rotulorum Patentium e t Clausorum Cancellarie Hiberniae Calendarium (1828) , p. 506 . 31 Gal. Patent Rolls, 1330-1334, p. 110 . Bermingha m wa s murdered i n 132 9 at Braganstown, which was included i n th e late r ecclesiastica l paris h o f Stabannon. H e left n o heir, the earldo m becam e extinct , an d th e propert y an d rights attache d t o i t reverte d t o th e crown.

106 was apparentl y th e fathe r o f a family ; 3 2 Joh n Picar d wa s non-resident ; 33 the unname d parson in 130 5 was a pluralist and, by implication, non-residen t and, furthermore , h e wa s not i n priest' s orders ; 34 Joh n o f Ireland wa s given the benefice , no t th e onl y one he held in Ireland , a s a reward for his services in England; 35 John o f Merton was an Englis h chancer y clerk. 36 Th e rector s can hav e lai d littl e stor e b y thei r spiritua l responsibilities , an d i t i s n o surprise t o rea d tha t i n 1318-131 9 Stabanno n churc h wa s bein g use d a s a granary.37. I t i s agains t suc h a backgroun d that w e must plac e th e ster n contest betwee n riva l candidate s fo r th e rector y o f Stabanno n i n 1351 1354 i f w e ar e t o appreciat e i t i n it s prope r significance. 38 Stabannon churc h fel l vacan t i n consequenc e o f th e deceas e o f maste r Simon Kinton : h e ha d die d i n Englan d i n 1350 , certainl y befor e February , 1351.39 I n the prevailing circumstance s of the time it wa s common knowledge that th e benefic e wa s likel y t o g o t o th e on e wh o firs t hear d abou t th e vacancy and acted quickly in making representations in the proper quarters. 40 On .2 February , 1351 , th e kin g a s patro n o f th e livin g ha d authorise d the making o f letter s paten t unde r th e grea t sea l o f England , presentin g t o Stabannon Joh n Telling , chaplain , the n residen t i n England. 41 An d on th e same da y ther e wen t ou t a consequentia l writ , addresse d t o Richar d FitzRalph, archbisho p of Armagh, 42 or , i f he wer e absent , his Vica r General, requesting hi m t o admi t an d t o institut e Tellin g a s parson. 43 Tellin g di d not cros s ove r t o Irelan d himself , bu t h e wa s no t s o foolis h a s t o leav e anything t o chance , an d withi n wha t mus t hav e bee n onl y a fe w days.a proctor, appointe d t o ac t o n hi s behalf , wa s o n boar d shi p o n hi s wa y t o 82 Ante, ltf5 , n . 24. I t i s presumabl e tha t th e ' John son of John Darel', who was one of th e executor s o f hi s will , wa s hi s ow n son . 33 Ante, 105 , n . 25 . 84 CaZ. Paval Registers, Letters, 1305-1342 , p . 15 . 86 Ante, 105 y n . 26 ; Gal. Patent Rolls, 1313-1317 , p . 444 . 36 Ante, 105 , n . 27 . 37 Leslie , History o f Kilsaran, p . 105 , citin g a MS . plea roll . Cf . Register o f Walter d e Stapeldon, ed . F . C . Hingeston-Randolph (1892) , p . 337 , wher e a churc h wa s said t o be in a stat e o f delapidation becaus e th e vica r wa s using i t a s a granar y an d a brewery . 38 The document s relatin g t o thi s cas e wil l b e printe d b y Mr . H. G . Richardso n an d myself i n a volum e shortl y t o b e publishe d b y th e Iris h Manuscript s Commission . 39 Ancien t Petition, no. 13304 ; Chancery Miscellanea (C. 47), 19/1, no. 22. Th e references to Chancer y Miscellane a wil l hereafte r b e give n unde r th e classificatio n mar k (C . 47) of the Publi c Record Offic e i n London. I t shoul d b e observe d tha t th e Kinton s represente d an Anglo-Norman family which owned muc h lan d i n an d aroun d Stabannon , an d maste r Simon presumabl y had loca l connexions. 40 The confusio n tha t coul d arise , especiall y whe n th e presente e mad e n o residence , had alread y bee n show n a fe w years earlier : i n January , 1345 , Phili p o f Melton had bee n presented t o Stabanno n an d canonicall y institute d an d inducted ; i n forgetfulnes s o f this Nicholas Beth was presented i n January, 1346, and the second presentation was not revoked and th e firs t confirme d unti l June , 134 7 (Rotulorum Pat. e t Glaus. Cancellariae Hib. Calendarium, p . 506) . 41 Gal. Patent Rolls, 1350-1354, p. 35; cf. C. 47/19/1, no. 20. Thoug h Telling is designate d ' chaplai n ', contemporarie s mak e n o clea r distinctio n betwee n capellanus an d presbyter and use d th e word s interchangeabl y (Sweteman' s Register , p . 7 : Lawlor , no. 2) . An d see below, p.120- , fo r Telling' s activitie s a s priest . 42 For th e mos t recen t discussio n o f thi s theologian , preacher , scholar , reforme r an d moralist, se e Professo r Gwynn' s article s in Studies, vols . xxii-xx v (1935-37) ; Proc. Royal Irish Academy, xliv . C . pp. 1-57 . 43 C. 47/19/1, no. 22 , contains a transcrip t o f th e writ , whic h i s no t enrolle d o n th e English chancer y rolls .

Ecclesiastical Process an d th e Parsonage o f Stabannon. 10 7 Ireland.44 Nevertheless , he arrived to o late to preven t th e loca l presentatio n on 1 4 Februar y o f anothe r man , John Strode. 45 Thi s wa s no t don e i n irresponsible defianc e o f th e roya l righ t o f patronage , fo r tha t wa s a t n o time in dispute. Bu t it had been a tradition i n England from tim e immemorial that benefice s i n th e king' s gift , whic h di d no t excee d th e valu e o f twent y marks a year , shoul d b e reserve d fo r clerk s chose n b y th e chancellor , 4 6 and s o firml y establishe d wa s th e custo m that , shoul d th e kin g desir e t o nominate t o a mino r benefice , h e coul d d o n o mor e than mak e a reques t t o the chancello r an d h e coul d no t sen d a plai n order. 47 Th e privileg e o f th e chancellor i n Englan d hel d goo d fo r th e chancello r i n Ireland , an d i t wa s by virtu e o f prescriptiv e righ t attache d t o hi s offic e tha t th e chancello r of Irelan d presente d Joh n Strod e t o Stabanno n o n th e groun d tha t th e church wa s assesse d a t onl y si x marks. 48 Ther e i s ever y reaso n t o believ e that Tellin g ha d no t procrastinate d i n th e matter , an d w e ma y wonde r if it wa s th e new s o f hi s activitie s i n Englan d tha t force d th e chancello r o f Ireland t o ac t a s promptl y a s h e did . Wher e al l i s necessaril y conjecture , we ma y hazar d th e gues s tha t th e chancellor , John o f St . Pol , archbishop of Dublin, who had unti l recently bee n one of the senio r clerk s of the Englis h chancery,49 had mad e som e arrangement wit h hi s former colleague s whereb y they would keep him informed of any matter , arisin g in the English'chancery , which affecte d hi s interest s i n Ireland . Whateve r th e trut h ma y be , th e justiciar o f Ireland,50 a s representing th e king , ha d acte d o n the chancellor' s presentation ai M ha d sen t a wri t unde r th e grea t sea l o f Irelan d t o th e archbishop of Armagh or his Vicar General to secur e the induction o f Strode.51 It shoul d be said at once that such a writ as this, no matter i n whose favour it wa s made , wa s no t intende d t o b e obeye d automaticall y an d withou t question: however much the for m o f words implies on the surfac e a .categorical imperative, i t di d n o more , an d wa s mean t t o d o n o more , tha n se t th e machinery o f the Churc h in motion . A s the archbisho p himself ha d occasio n later to remark, it wa s necessary for him to compl y with the custo m observed 44

Ancient Petition , no . 13304 ; se e p. 109 below. C. 47/19/1 , no . 20 . 46 H . C . Maxwell-Lyte, The Great Seal (1926) , pp . 57 , 220 . I t shoul d b e remembere d that th e chancer y a s a writing-offic e develope d fro m th e organisatio n o f the roya l chapel , and that th e arch-chaplain , who eventually emerged a s the chancellor , ha d to hav e mean s at hi s disposa l fo r payin g hi s staff . Sinc e the y wer e clerks , i t eventuall y becam e simpl e to assig n benefice s t o them , an d papa l indulgence s coul d b e sought , whe n necessary , t o permit non-residence . See , fo r example , Sayles, . Select Cases i n Court o f King's Bench, ii. 136f. , for a case arising ou t o f a special grant o f Pope Nicholas IV that twent y clerk s in the roya l service , who m the kin g shoul d name , ' sua beneficia ecclesiastic a pe r decennium libere reciper e \aleant, non obstante quo d prima m ve l secunda m residencia m no n fecerin t in eisdem' . 47 Maxwell-Lyte , op. cit., pp . 115 , 129f. , fo r a n excellen t illustratio n o f th e practic e in 1306 . Of . als o Cal. Chancery Warrants, 1244-1326 , p . 254 . 48 C. 47/19/1, no . 20 . I t i s perhap s wort h notin g tha t secula r clergy , whos e incom e did no t amoun t t o si x mark s a year , wer e no t brough t withi n th e scop e o f th e famou s Taxatio o f Pop e Nichola s I V i n 1291 . 49 H e was made archbishop o f Dublin in 134 9 and chancello r o f Ireland in 1350 . 60 Si r Thoma s Rokeby , justicia r fro m December , 1349 , t o August , 1355 . 61 C. 47/19/1, no. 22, which contains a transcript of the letters patent, issued by authority of Si r Thoma s Rokeby , a t Kilkenn y o n 1 4 February, 1351 . 45

108 in Armag h and, first of all, take evidenc e i n for m o f law upo n suc h routin e matters a s whether th e churc h was, in fact, vacan t a t al l and wh o had mad e the las t presentation t o it. 52 Onl y after these preliminarie s had bee n disposed of coul d actio n b e take n o n th e wri t t o brin g it s stipulation s int o effect . For rumour , especially rumou r about event s acros s the water , was frequently falsified, an d i t woul d b e highl y improper , roya l wri t o r n o roya l writ , t o induct canonicall y t o a n offic e alread y canonicall y filled. It look s a s thoug h Joh n o f St . Po l wa s determine d t o assert , perhap s for th e firs t tim e i n connexio n wit h Stabannon, 53 th e privilege s o f th e chancellor o f Irelan d an d wa s deliberately anticipatin g an d circumventin g a prospective appointmen t mad e i n England. 54 A t al l events , ther e coul d b e no argumen t tha t Telling' s presentatio n b y th e kin g precede d i n dat e Strode's presentatio n b y th e chancellor : th e evidenc e of the writ s was there to sho w tha t nearl y a fortnigh t la y betwee n them . Th e crucia l issu e wa s this: ha d furthe r step s bee n take n t o ge t Strod e inducte d a s recto r i n spit e of th e fac t tha t i t wa s well know n wha t th e kin g ha d done ? Ha d a blin d eye bee n wilfull y turne d t o hi s instructions ? B y happ y chanc e w e hav e at ou r disposa l th e account s o f both side s abou t wha t actuall y occurre d i n the firs t fiv e o r six weeks of what wa s on its wa y t o becomin g a cause celebre. A petitio n presented b y Tellin g t o th e kin g an d counci l i n Englan d a t a late r stag e i n th e proceeding s give s hi s versio n o f events , an d i t i s wel l to let him speak i n his own words.55 H e stated that ' information ha d reached the archbishop , th e chancello r o f Ireland , abou t th e king' s presentatio n o f John Tellin g i n Englan d befor e th e chancello r presente d Joh n Strode , a s various evidenc e shows . Fo r th e chancello r sen t hi s letter s t o th e Vicar s General, requestin g the m t o pres s o n wit h hi s presentatio n an d t o se e t o it tha t they mad e the institutio n an d induction befor e wor d about th e king' s presentation cam e t o them . An d the Vicar s Genera l mad e i t know n t o th e chancellor b y their letter s tha t they coul d not do this becaus e they ha d hear d about th e king' s presentation mad e t o Tellin g prio r t o hi s own presentation. Thereupon th e chancello r sen t letter s t o th e Vicar s Genera l agai n i n th e

52 C . 47/19/1, no . 21 : 'super aliis articulis consuetis legitime fecit inquiri' . Suc h articles included question s abou t th e age , legitimacy , an d mora l characte r o f th e presen t je i n conformity wit h th e requirement s o f cano n law . 53 It shoul d b e note d tha t th e appointmen t o f Joh n o f Irelan d t o Stabanno n o n 4 November, 1306 , was made b y th e chancello r as bein g in th e chancellor' s gift, thoug h th e assent o f the treasurer, representing Edward I during his absence in the north, was obviously obtained (Col. Patent Rolls, 1301-1307, p . 467) . Still , thi s wa s a presentation mad e by th e chancellor o f England, no t o f Ireland. An d it ma y wel l have caused disturbance, for Joh n of Ireland' s appointmen t wa s restate d o n tw o late r occasions , 2 7 May an d 1 0 December, 1307, whe n there wa s no allusion to th e chancello r bu t onl y t o th e kin g (Cal. Patent Rolls, 1301-1307, p . 525 ; 1307-1313 , p . 28) . 64 His officia l lif e i n bot h Englan d an d Irelan d show s quite clearl y that h e was a ma n of considerabl e forc e o f character . Cf . Sweteman's Register , p . 9 2 (Lawlor , no . 67 , where this poin t i s overlooked) , fo r a n instanc e i n 136 7 where th e archbisho p o f Armag h too k immediate action in collatin g to th e rector y of Termonmaguirk lest th e influenc e o f certain magnates shoul d resul t i n th e appointmen t o f a n unsuitabl e incumbent . 55 Ancient Petition , no . 13304 .

Ecclesiastical Process an d th e Parsonage o f Stabannon. 10 9 same term s an d aske d the m t o humbu g Telling' s procto r unti l the y ha d inducted an d institute d Strode . An d the Vicar s Genera l mad e it clea r onc e more b y thei r letter s tha t i n th e sessio n the y hel d o n a certai n da y the y meant t o mak e inquiries abou t th e vacanc y in th e church , and tha t o n that day som e chaplain s an d othe r fol k stil l living , wh o ha d com e ove r fro m England t o Irelan d i n a boa t alon g wit h Telling' s proctor , assure d the m about th e king' s presentatio n t o Telling , an d fo r that reaso n the y coul d no t admit th e chancellor' s presentation. An d notwithstanding thi s the chancello r took suc h vigorou s measures tha t b y virtu e o f his presentatio n Strod e wa s admitted an d institute d b y th e bishop' . Let us now turn t o the deposition s eventually made by. the Vicar s General themselves an d compar e their story. 56 Th e firs t o f the thre e Vicar s General, master Isaa c O'Culean , who had bee n a prebendar y cano n o f Armagh since 1344 an d wa s speciall y distinguishe d a s on e proficien t i n law, 57 wa s aske d point-blank whe n h e firs t sa w the letter s containin g th e king' s presentatio n to Telling . H e declare d o n oat h tha t h e di d no t se e them unti l afte r Lad y Day, 1352 , and ha d n o definite and precis e knowledge previously o f any suc h presentation. Ye t he evidently fel t i t necessar y for conscience's sake to mak e a qualification: before Strod e wa s inducted t o Stabannon , h e had hear d hi m say i n hi s presence—or , h e added , i t migh t hav e bee n on e o r othe r o f hi s advisers, he could not remember who, who was keen to speed up the inductio n —that someon e els e migh t ver y wel l com e alon g shortl y a s th e presentee . The secon d Vicar General , master Stephe n Gernon, archdeacon o f Armagh, 58 had no t bee n personall y engage d i n th e business , ye t h e ha d authorize d Strode's inductio n withou t apparentl y havin g see n an y documen t relatin g to eithe r Strod e o r Telling' s presentation . When , therefore , h e wa s place d on oat h t o sa y whe n h e firs t obtaine d definit e notificatio n o f Telling' s appointment, h e pu t forwar d a writte n statemen t whic h fo r it s remarkabl e detail deserve s t o b e give n i n full . Addressin g th e archbisho p o f Armagh, he wrote: ' Reverend Father . Sinc e you have aske d m e whether information about th e king' s presentatio n o f Joh n Tellin g t o th e churc h o f Stabanno n reached m e befor e Joh n Strod e wa s instituted an d inducte d t o i t an d wha t kind o f information i t was , I therefor e notif y you , Father , tha t a t th e first inquiry hel d a t Arde e concernin g Joh n Strode' s presentatio n ther e wa s neither rumou r no r statement . about Joh n Telling' s presentation . An d because th e inquir y ha d no t gon e fully int o th e questio n whethe r o r not th e church o f Stabanno n wa s vacant , anothe r da y ha d bee n appointed , an d by th e tim e i t cam e roun d ther e wer e som e kin d o f rumour s tha t Joh n Telling ha d bee n presente d t o th e church , a s I hear d fro m other s a t th e time. S o a t th e adjournmen t a t Drogheda , becaus e th e inquir y ha d no t 66 C . 47/19/1 , no . 22 . Cal. Papal Registers, Letters, 1342-1362 , pp. 115 , 129 ; Cat. Papal Registers, Petitions, 1342-1419, pp . 40 , 72 . 68 As a n archdeaco n o f Armagh, h e finds no plac e i n th e lis t o f archdeacons in J . B . Leslie, Armagh Clergy an d Parishes (1911), p. 46f. , where ther e is a wide ga p in the evidenc e between 131 0 an d 1365 . 67

110 fully considere d th e vacanc y i n th e church , anothe r da y wa s appointed , and b y the tim e i t cam e round, there wer e some stories abou t Joh n Telling' s presentation, an d I entertaine d a sor t o f suspicion b y reaso n o f letters sen t to m e b y variou s persons . An d s o a thir d da y fo r holdin g a thir d inquir y was give n a t Dundalk . An d befor e the n a chaplai n fro m Englan d arrived , bringing letter s o f signification from Joh n Keppo k 59 t o th e effec t tha t Joh n Telling ha d bee n presented an d tha t h e ha d see n the letter s o f presentation under th e sea l o f the kin g o f England , an d th e chaplai n praye d m e t o giv e my assistanc e s o tha t Joh n Telling' s presentatio n coul d b e favourabl y expedited. Furthermore , th e chaplai n state d o n oat h tha t th e letter s o f presentation ha d travelle d o n th e sam e boa t a s he , an d h e sa w them , an d he urgently implore d me not t o allo w anyone to b e admitted t o th e prejudice of Joh n Telling . Similarly , a certai n master Nichola s Bet h 6 0 assure d m e that Joh n Strode , o n the groun d that on e John Tellin g ha d bee n presente d to th e churc h by the king , offere d hi m a su m of money to hurr y hi s business along s o that h e coul d b e instituted an d inducte d befor e th e letter s o f John Telling's presentatio n coul d be hande d t o you r Vicars . An d afterward s th e third inquiry was held at Dundalk . An d at lengt h John Strode was admitted to th e church , an d h e brough t m e a warran t i n writin g fo r inductin g hi m into corpora l possession . An d I sai d i n hi s presenc e tha t institutio n an d induction woul d profi t hi m littl e o r nothin g b y reaso n o f th e presentatio n made b y th e kin g i n England . An d h e the n replie d t o m e that h e recked nothing o f that presentatio n provide d he coul d obtain induction and corporal possession. An d the n I wrot e t o hav e hi m inducted i n corpora l possession, as I wa s instructed ' . S o ended th e statemen t o f the archdeacon . And , t o complete thi s par t o f the evidence , maste r Willia m Mercer , the thir d o f th e Vicars Genera l an d soo n afterward s t o b e bisho p o f Connor , testified tha t neither b y wa y o f writ no r o f letter ha d h e know n of Telling's presentatio n before Joh n Strode' s inductio n t o Stabannon . Still , h e added , h e ha d over heard som e fol k sayin g tha t the y ha d hear d tha t Joh n Tellin g ha d bee n presented i n England . Now, t o judg e by wha t ha s s o far bee n divulged , it i s surel y clea r tha t the Vicar s Genera l o f th e archbisho p o f Armag h woul d hav e foun d i t th e better par t o f wisdo m t o hol d thei r han d an d refrai n fro m takin g actio n which threatene d t o b e awkwardl y an d embarrassingl y precipitate . I n normal circumstances it was certainly not essential that a parson of Stabannon 59 Presumably this John Keppok was a member of the lon g established Koppo k famil y in Co. Louth. H e was certainly in England about this time. H e returne d t o Irelan d t o act a s a king' s serjean t i n 135 6 (Exchequer , King' s Remembrancer' s Accounts , E . 101/244/1) an d eventuall y rose to b e chie f justic e of the justiciar' s benc h (Ball , Judges i n Ireland, i . 84) . 60 It wa s master Nichola s Beth wh o had b y an oversigh t bee n presented t o Stabanno n in 1347 : above , p.l06,nl40 . H e wa s appointe d on e of Telling's proctors in April , 1352 : below, p . .Ilj2. I n th e followin g Jun e h e wa s ordered b y th e archbisho p t o cit e Strod e t o appear for examination in St. Peter's, Drogheda: below, p . 106, H e was acting as the Officia l of th e cour t o f Armag h i n January , 136 7 (Sweteman' s Register , p . 317 : Lawlor , no . 241), and h e was present wit h th e archbisho p in the hal l of his manor-house at Dromiski n early i n January , 137 0 (Richardso n an d Sayles , Parliaments an d Councils i n Mediaeval Ireland, p . 29) .

Ecdesisastical Process an d th e Parsonage o f Stabannon 11 1 should hav e bee n institute d s o promptly . Tha t th e circumstance s wer e far fro m norma l wa s t o appea r later . Certainl y th e archdeaco n o f Armagh had th e graves t reaso n fo r doub t i n th e matter , an d w e are lef t t o wonde r if thi s ma y provid e a n explanatio n wh y he , wh o alon e ha d writte n a s well as ora l evidenc e more than hintin g that Tellin g ha d bee n presented , shoul d have lef t th e conduc t o f the cas e an d th e decisio n i n th e hand s o f hi s tw o colleagues.61 At al l events , a routin e repor t wa s sen t bac k t o Englan d t o indicat e that th e roya l patronag e ha d bee n exercise d i n favou r o f Strode , an d o n 30 March , 1351 , th e kin g revoked hi s presentatio n t o Tellin g an d accepte d the appointmen t mad e b y th e chancellor , o n th e groun d tha t h e ha d a n ex ojficio righ t t o presen t t o a churc h assesse d a t onl y si x mark s an d tha t he had acte d i n ignorance of the king' s presentation. 62 Bu t Telling , knowing quite wel l that h e ha d bee n elbowed ou t o f the church , had n o intentio n o f letting th e matte r drop , an d a s a resul t o f representation s t o th e kin g i n England anothe r roya l wri t wa s issue d si x week s later, o n 1 4 May , which revoked al l letter s unde r th e seal s o f both Englan d an d Irelan d whic h presented Strod e t o Stabanno n an d agai n validate d th e presentatio n o f Telling on th e groun d that th e presentatio n unde r the sea l of England wa s of earlier date tha n tha t unde r th e sea l o f Ireland. 63 Bu t th e proble m was no longer quite s o simpl e t o solve , fo r th e kin g wa s the n informe d tha t Strod e ha d been alread y canonicall y admitte d an d institute d an d inducte d an d wa s in peacefu l possessio n o f Stabannon . Coul d wha t th e Churc h ha d don e b e undone? Ther e wa s reaso n t o suspec t chicaner y somewhere , an d therefor e the emphasi s change d fro m whethe r th e king' s letter s wer e prio r t o th e chancellor's t o whethe r th e chancellor' s presentation ha d bee n mad e befor e the new s o f maste r Simo n Kinton' s deat h coul d possibl y hav e reache d Ireland. I f so , the n th e kin g wa s determine d t o revok e that presentation , and letter s paten t o f 1 February , 1352 , wer e issue d t o tha t effect. 64 An d on th e sam e da y a wri t wa s sent t o th e archbisho p o f Armagh, instructin g him t o se e that Tellin g becam e by du e proces s th e parso n o f Stabanno n if he though t tha t thi s coul d lawfull y b e done. 65 A wee k late r anothe r wri t to th e archbisho p wa s issue d o f a precisel y simila r natur e bu t wit h th e addition that , i f h e wa s no t abl e t o obe y th e king' s mandate , h e wa s t o explain th e reaso n why. 66 Th e archbishop' s repl y wa s brie f an d t o th e point: he alone had received letters under the great sea l of Ireland, presentin g 61 It wa s not essentia l fo r al l thre e Vicar s Genera l t o ac t together : an y tw o o f them could exercis e th e archbishop' s authority . Fo r a n exampl e o f the delegatio n o f powe r o n these lines , se e C . 47/19/1 , no . 2 2 an d cf . below , p.ll" . 62 Cal. Patent Rolls, 1350-1354 , p . 57 : the entr y o n th e paten t rol l wa s warranted 'b y king an d council' ; a transcrip t o f the wri t i s to b e foun d i n C . 47/19/1, no. 24. 63 C. 47/19/1 , no . 20 . 64 Cal. Patent Rolls, 1350-1354 , p . 226 : a transcrip t o f th e wri t i s t o b e foun d i n C. 47/19/1, no. 22 . Se e also ibid., p. 266 , for furthe r letter s patent o f 1 4 May, 13,52 , t o th e same effect . 65 C. 47/19/1 , no . 22 : a transcrip t o f th e Englis h chancer y writ . 66 C . 47/19/1 , no , 23 ; 9 February , 1352 .

112 Strode t o Stabannon , an d afte r observin g th e prope r processe s o f law a t al l stages h e ha d authorise d hi s induction. 67 It wa s at thi s poin t tha t Tellin g fel t tha t h e mus t interven e i n person ' in Ireland . H e appreciate d th e fac t tha t withou t activ e prosecutio n writ s were ap t t o b e vo x e t praeterea nihil. Therefore , towards th e en d o f March, 1352, h e crosse d ove r fro m Englan d an d delivere d t o th e archbisho p o f Armagh a roya l writ , whic h recapitulate d previou s roya l writ s issue d i n support o f his claims, and demande d tha t appropriat e actio n shoul d b e take n to giv e the m effect. 68 The n o n 1 3 April h e appeare d i n perso n i n th e hous e of th e Friar s Carmelit e a t Droghed a befor e a n apostoli c notary , Roge r Sampford,69 i n th e presenc e o f Stephe n Gernon , archdeaco n o f Armagh , friar Willia m Fougle r an d Joh n Awre , chaplain , t o appoin t a s hi s proctor s master Willia m Leger , master Nichola s Beth , Ada m Gernon, Jame s so n of Matthe w Gernon , an d Joh n so n o f Richar d Cook , givin g t o eac h an d al l of the m a genera l powe r an d a specia l mandat e t o ac t i n hi s nam e i n al l litigation, authorisin g the m i n particula r t o accep t institution , inductio n and investitur e o f an y benefic e whic h shoul d b e lawfull y bestowe d upo n him, an d agreein g unde r pai n o f forfeitur e o f al l hi s propert y t o stan d b y their decisions. 70 Thi s notaria l instrument , mad e i n preparatio n fo r a lega l action i n cour t Christian , evoke d a simila r on e fro m th e opposin g party . So Strod e o n 1 0 May appeare d i n perso n a t Dubli n i n th e hous e o f Adam of Kingston, 71 apostolic notary , an d i n hi s presence and tha t o f John Adam, citizen o f Dublin, Rober t o f Tidesbury an d Willia m Cook , appointe d Willia m of Elstow, chaplain , t o b e his proctor, givin g him both a general and a specia l mandate t o d o al l tha t wa s involved i n collectin g the due s attache d t o hi s church o f Stabannon , t o represen t hi m an d hi s churc h i n al l manne r o f litigation a t al l times an d wit h a completel y free hand , an d t o b e present o n his behalf a t episcopa l visitations , synods , an d convocations , an d Strod e agree d to abid e b y whateve r Willia m o f Elstow or anyone else he chose to substitut e for himsel f shoul d do. 72 Further postponemen t o f th e issu e wa s impossible . Therefor e th e archbishop sen t a wri t o n 9 June , 1352 , t o maste r Nichola s Beth , orderin g him t o cit e o r have cite d Joh n Strode , purportin g t o b e rector o f Stabannon , to appea r befor e th e archbisho p o r hi s commissarie s i n St . Peter' s church , Drogheda,73 o n Saturday , 1 6 June, 1352 , t o sho w caus e wh y Tellin g ough t 67 C . 47/19/1, no . 21 : this schedule, clearl y emanatin g fro m th e archbisho p o f Armagh, seems t o b e th e answe r t o C . 47/19/1 , no . 23 . 68 C . 47/19/1 , no . 22 . 69 B y 1343 , Whe n h e wa s made a cano n o f Armagh, h e ha d alread y mad e th e arduou s journey t o th e papa l cour t si x time s o n busines s connecte d wit h th e se e of Armagh ; h e had carrie d moneys , due t o th e papa l camera , t o Rom e o n eight occasions : se e Cal. Papal Registers, Letters, 1342-1362 , pp . 96 , 100 , 145 , 262 : Cal. Papal Registers, Petitions, 1342 1419, pp . 116f . H e was the vica r of Termonfechin i n October , 136 6 (Sweteman' s Register , p. 72 : Lawlor , no . 51) . 70 C. 47/19/1 , no . 22 : th e notaria l instrumen t i s transcribe d i n full . *i Se e below, pp . ll^l^O , 72 C . 47/19/1 , no . 22 : th e notaria l instrumen t i s transcribe d i n full . 73 St . Peter's served as a Pro-Cathedral for the dioces e o f Armagh, an d in it wer e buried manv o f th e Primates .

Ecclesisastical Process an d the Parsonage o f Stabannon 11 3 not t o b e admitted an d institute d t o Stabannon. 74 An d on 1 4 June, becaus e the archbisho p wa s a t th e tim e engage d i n a visitatio n o f th e dioces e o f Meath b y virtu e o f hi s right s a s metropolitan , h e appointe d a specia l com mission, consistin g o f maste r Isaa c O'Culean , canon o f Armagh , th e recto r of Beaulieu, 75 an d th e vica r o f St . Peter's , Drogheda , t o ac t fo r hi m an d to brin g the matte r t o a n end in accordance with canon law and ful l canonica l sanctions. I f al l coul d no t b e present , the n tw o alon e coul d act. 76 John Tellin g di d no t remai n i n Irelan d t o argu e hi s case—o r t o se e i t argued fo r him—befor e th e ecclesiastica l commissaries , fo r circumstance s arose whic h mad e i t necessar y fo r hi m t o ge t ou t o f Irelan d a s quickl y a s he could , an d alread y ligh t wa s bein g brough t t o bea r upo n hi s shadow y and shad y past . Fo r hi s adversarie s ha d a stron g car d t o pla y an d the y played i t a t once . Perhap s a t th e instigatio n o f Strode' s patron , th e chancellor o f Ireland , a wri t unde r th e sea l o f th e justicia r ha d gon e ou t on 2 8 April, 1352 , t o th e mayo r an d bailiff s o f Drogheda , ordering the m t o arrest an d hol d Telling t o stan d hi s trial fo r felonie s and trespasses , o f which he ha d bee n previousl y indicte d i n th e justiciar' s court . The y wer e to hav e him i n perso n befor e th e justicia r o n 1 8 May.77 Th e wri t reache d Droghed a from Dubli n withi n fou r days , tha t i s o n 2 May , an d b y it s authorit y th e mayor an d bailiff s arreste d an d imprisone d Tellin g o n 5 Ma y an d hande d him ove r t o Ada m Gerno n 78 an d Joh n Dyer , thei r fellow-burgesses , s o that they coul d escor t hi m t o th e justiciar' s court , bu t o n 8 May he sneaked ou t of their custody. 79 Tellin g wa s not th e victi m o f a conspirac y or o f trumped up charges , fo r w e ca n tur n fo r corroboratio n t o a n extrac t fro m th e rol l of plea s o f th e crow n an d gao l delivery , hear d a t Tri m befor e Edmun d Bereford, stewar d o f the franchis e of Trim, on 1 8 July, 1345. 80 Joh n Tellin g as th e vica r o f Donor e 81 had the n bee n accuse d of having aide d th e enem y on 1 8 March, 1341 , b y givin g foo d an d drin k an d a hoo d o f Englis h clot h to a n Iris h felon , althoug h h e kne w quite wel l tha t thi s Thoma s McGerrach had bee n outlawe d i n th e cour t o f Joa n o f Mortimer , countes s o f March and lad y o f Trim. 82 Tellin g ha d the n appeare d i n hi s ow n defenc e an d ha d pleaded hi s clergy . Thereupo n a jur y ha d bee n empanelle d t o ascertai n whether he should be handed ove r to th e ecclesiastica l authorities a s a guilt y or a s a n innocen t man , an d i t ha d foun d th e charge s proved an d ha d adde d that he owned no property. I n consequence , he was delivered to the Ordinary , 74 C. 47/19/1, no. 22 : a transcrip t o f the writ , date d a t Droghed a o n the Feas t o f St . Columba, Abbo t ( 9 June). 76 Beaulieu, Co . Louth , a fe w miles fro m Termonfechin . 7 « C . 47/19/1 , no . 22 . 77 C. 47/19/1 , no. 1 3 : th e writ , transcribe d i n full , i s atteste d b y Maurice , bisho p o f Limerick, deputisin g fo r th e justiciar . 78 This wa s presumabl y th e sam e Ada m Gerno n a s wa s appointe d Telling' s procto r in th e previou s month . '• C. 47/19/1, no . 13. 80 C . 47/19/1 , no . 11 . 81 This parish i s in th e deaner y of Faure, dioces e o f Meath, an d abou t tw o and a half miles west-south-wes t o f Drogheda . 82 For th e involve d histor y o f th e franchis e o f Meat h i n the middl e of the fourteent h century, se e Herbert Wood , ' The Muniment s o f Edmun d d e Mortime r ' i n Proc. Royal Irish Academy, x l (1931-32) , C . pp. 312-355 ,

114 the bishop' s executiv e officer , i n th e characte r o f a cler k convicte d o f felony, to b e kept i n th e Ordinary' s priso n unti l h e ha d mad e purgation . Now , in point o f fact, i f Telling had staye d i n 135 2 to answe r the indictment, he could have obtaine d a complet e acquittal. No t tha t h e wa s innocent , for , indeed, we ca n hav e n o doub t tha t h e wa s guilty, bu t h e ha d manage d t o mak e his way t o England , h e ha d volunteere d fo r servic e wit h th e kin g i n France, 83 and a s a resul t h e ha d i n 134 7 received a comprehensiv e pardon fo r al l an d sundry offence s agains t the king' s peac e and any consequen t outlawries. 84 But, pardo n o r n o pardon , Tellin g wa s awar e tha t h e wa s likel y i n th e circumstances t o languis h i n gao l throug h administrativ e an d judicia l delay s for man y month s or eve n year s befor e his pardo n becam e effectiv e and , since h e ha d no w proctor s legall y appointe d t o ac t fo r hi m i n hi s absence , he returne d t o England . Strode migh t wel l b e satisfie d wit h th e progres s o f affair s a t th e Iris h end i n tha t h e wa s b y la w o f th e Churc h th e recto r o f Stabanno n an d th e protege" o f th e chancellor , wh o wa s als o archbisho p o f Dublin . Bu t a t th e English en d troubl e migh t wel l b e starte d o f a seriou s natur e wit h Tellin g as the nomine e of the king . Therefore Strode himsel f now set of f from Irelan d to Englan d t o counte r hi s machination s there. 85 Meanwhile i n Irelan d th e commissarie s o f th e archbisho p o f Armag h had me t i n St . Peter's , Drogheda , a s arranged , o n Saturday , 1 6 June, 1352 . Before the m cam e James Gerno n as Telling' s procto r an d Willia m o f Elsto w as Strode' s proctor . Afte r th e notaria l instrument s ha d bee n submitte d t o inspection, proceeding s wer e adjourne d unti l th e followin g Monday , 1 8 June, a t th e sam e place. Then , in accordanc e with th e customar y procedure of cano n law , Gerno n put forwar d a petitio n i n writin g tha t th e archbisho p of Armagh should duly execute all and sundr y writs sent t o him from Englan d on behal f o f Tellin g a s presente e t o Stabannon . Th e nex t ste p wa s fo r Strode's procto r t o as k fo r th e ' publication ' o f documents , tha t is , fo r a copy o f al l th e roya l writ s tha t ha d bee n le d i n evidence , o f th e notaria l instrument appointing Gerno n a s proctor , an d o f hi s petition , an d t o allo w such copie s t o b e mad e ther e wa s a furthe r adjournmen t unti l th e followin g Friday, 2 2 June, thi s tim e i n Manfieldstow n churc h in th e paris h adjoinin g Stabannon. The n Strode' s procto r i n proo f o f hi s principal' s titl e pu t i n documents relatin g t o hi s presentation , institution , induction , an d judicia l examination an d confirmatio n in office . A transcrip t o f them stil l survives : we hav e th e justiciar' s wri t o f 1 4 February , 1351 , t o th e archbisho p o f Armagh, announcin g th e presentatio n o f Strod e t o Stabannon ; th e letter s patent o f th e kin g o f 3 0 March , 1351 , revokin g hi s presentatio n o f Tellin g and confirmin g tha t o f Strod e b y th e chancellor ; the lette r o f maste r Isaa c O'Culean, cano n o f Armagh , Vica r Genera l o f th e archbisho p o f Armagh, 83 Cf. Registrum Ade d e Orleton, ed . A . T . Banniste r (Canterbur y an d Yor k Society , 1908), p. 16 6 : a priest was unfrocked i n 131 2 becaus e ' fuit armatu s in quodam exercit u ' . 84 Gal. Patent Bolls, 1345-48 , pp . 525 , 535 : th e pardo n i s date d 9 August . 85 C. 47/19/1 , no . 22 : the fac t tha t h e ha d lef t Irelan d i s mentione d i n a roya l wri t dated 1 3 June, 1352 . '

Ecclesiastical Process an d th e Parsonage o f Stabannon. 11 5 addressed t o Joh n Strod e o n 1 4 March, 1351 , fro m Dundalk , informin g him that a s th e presente e o f th e kin g (whic h i n la w h e actuall y was ) h e wa s admitted t o th e rector y o f Stabannon wit h al l its right s an d appurtenance s and investe d a s recto r b y th e deliver y o f th e birett a 8 6 an d decreein g tha t he coul d be duly inducte d int o corpora l possession o f the church ; th e letter s patent o f th e archdeaco n o f Armagh , dated 1 5 March, 1351 , a t Dromiskin , signifying tha t Strod e ha d bee n inducte d b y hi s authorit y i n corpora l possession o f th e rector y o f Stabanno n i n accordanc e with th e for m o f th e common la w o f th e Churc h an d th e custo m o f Armagh ; the letter s paten t of th e archbisho p o f Armagh , date d 2 2 February , 1352 , a t Dromiskin , stating that Strod e ha d bee n canonicall y evoked t o appea r i n perso n durin g a visitatio n o f the dioces e o f Armag h and t o produc e proof that h e wa s in holy order s an d ha d bee n properl y institute d an d inducted , and , sinc e h e had don e thi s satisfactorily , th e archbisho p ha d confirme d hi m i n office . Then Willia m o f Elsto w proceede d t o formulat e a n exceptio n b y con testing th e legalit y o f th e positio n o f Jame s Gerno n a s Telling' s proctor. 87 He argue d tha t neithe r h e no r anyon e els e ough t t o b e give n audienc e o n Telling's behalf ; indeed , h e mus t b e repelle d an d exclude d fro m actin g because, a t th e tim e whe n Gerno n wa s appointe d Telling' s proctor , Tellin g had been , an d stil l remained , unde r sentenc e o f majo r excommunication . This ha d bee n pronounce d b y master Ada m o f Kingston , formerl y dea n o f St. Patrick's , Dublin, who at th e tim e had jurisdiction over him. Fo r Telling had bee n on e of the chaplain s o f the churc h o f St. Audoen's , Dublin , which was a preben d o f St. Patrick's, 88 an d a t th e instanc e o f his fellow-chaplains, seven i n number, 89 th e dea n b y virtu e o f hi s offic e ha d excommunicate d Telling fo r hi s wrongdoing s an d act s o f disobedience , cause d th e sentenc e to b e publicl y proclaimed , an d requeste d al l faithfu l peopl e t o hav e n o dealings with him until i n sham e he prayed t o b e reconciled with the Church. In proo f o f hi s submissio n Strode' s procto r pu t forwar d a n authenticate d copy o f th e instrument—th e letter s paten t o f th e dea n o f St . Patrick's , dated a t Dubli n o n 6 July , 134 8 90—which publicl y announce d th e fac t o f excommunication. Furthermore , Tellin g ha d bee n charge d wit h havin g dared t o tak e possessio n o f a rob e whic h Olive , the forme r nurs e o f Thomas Quickschyll, had bequeathe d by a lawfully prove d will to his seven colleagues, 86 Cf. Sweteman' s Register , p . 7 (Lawlor , no . 2) : pe r nostraru m cyrothecaru m tra dicionem inuestimus (1361) ; ibid., p. 17 1 (Lawlor, no. 127) : investiture ' per burret i nostr i tradicionem'. 87 C . 47/19/1 , no . 22 . 88 H. J . Lawlor , Th e Fasti o f St . Patrick's, Dublin (1930) , pp . 30 , 67. 89 A lis t o f thei r name s i s give n i n tw o differen t documents : Geoffre y Walley s (o r Walsch), Joh n Mansell , Willia m Candelau , Rober t Schirbourn , Richar d Carreck , Nichola s Bon (o r Bonde) , an d Thoma s Pykeys . 90 The fac t tha t Ada m o f Kingston wa s dea n o f St . Patrick' s ha s s o far depende d on a casua l note by Sir John Ware o n a manuscript now in the British Museum. Dea n Lawlo r accepted i t a s reliable (Fasti, pp . 16 , n. 3, 40 ) and i t i s gratifying that , no w his deanshi p is confirmed , w e should als o hav e associate d wit h hi m a n exampl e o f instruments issue d by hi m i n th e coxirs e o f his diacona l duties. H e wa s probably electe d i n 134 6 and retire d from offic e i n 1349 , being give n th e preben d o f Castleknoc k o n surrenderin g th e deaner y to a papal nominee. I n 135 2 he was described a s a cler k o f Lichfield and , a s we have seen (above, p . 112), a s a n apostoli c notar y h e dre w u p a n instrumen t o n Strode' s behalf .

116 the chaplain s o f St. Audoen's . I n doin g so Telling had transgresse d agains t a synoda l ' constitution ' o r decree , publishe d a t Dublin. 91 Indeed , th e facts wer e so widely recognised in Dubli n an d it s neighbourhoo d that i t wa s impossible t o tur n one' s bac k o n the m an d kee p the m concealed. The contentio n o f Strode' s procto r wa s unanswerabl e in stric t law , an d neither Tellin g no r an y othe r procto r shoul d have ha d an y furthe r right s of audience. Bu t th e shado w o f th e kin g la y ove r th e churc h courts , th e royal right s coul d not b e ignored o r set aside, and , therefore , th e disputation s whether Strod e or Telling had a better titl e to th e rectory of Stabannon went on fo r man y day s afterwards . A t las t Strod e arrive d i n th e mids t o f th e argumentation, bringin g wit h hi m a royal writ t o th e archbisho p o f Armagh, dated 1 3 June, 1352, 92 whic h stated that, if any imprope r attempt ha d bee n made t o remove Strod e fro m Stabanno n sinc e hi s departur e t o England , it wa s to b e revoked a t onc e an d th e busines s wa s to g o forward on a lega l basis. In consequence , still mor e day s wer e expende d i n hearin g th e evidenc e of expert s in th e cano n la w of the Churc h and th e commo n law of the lan d upon the right s o f the tw o parties. The n it wa s the tur n o f Telling's proctor to pu t i n roya l writ s t o th e archbisho p o f Armagh , date d 8 Jun e 93 an d 5 July, 1352. 94 The y state d that , n o matter wha t letter s revokin g Telling' s appointment an d confirmin g Strode' s appointmen t ha d bee n mad e unde r the seal s o f eithe r Englan d o r Ireland , th e kin g wishe d hi s presentatio n t o Telling t o stand , an d h e ha d ordere d th e archbisho p t o hav e hi m inducte d at onc e o r els e signif y th e reaso n fo r hi s disobedience . Th e king , therefore, repeated hi s instruction s an d commande d th e archbisho p i n th e even t o f further disobedienc e t o appea r befor e th e justicia r a t Michaelma s to answe r for contempt . The chancer y o f Englan d wa s apparentl y speakin g a t on e an d th e sam e time wit h tw o differen t voices . Tellin g coul d insist o n th e routin e issu e of writs o f ' sicut priu s ' t o ensur e tha t th e decision , mad e i n hi s favou r i n February an d May , 1351 , shoul d no t b e ignored . O n th e othe r hand , th e chancellor of Ireland had his friends in the Englis h chancery , and they migh t well b e eage r t o suppor t chancer y privileges which meant s o much to them selves an d thei r source s o f income, 95 an d the y woul d no t b e avers e fro m issuing instrument s o n Strode' s behal f wheneve r the y could . I t i s no t surprising tha t the ecclesiastica l commissarie s in Ireland thre w in their hand , frankly acknowledgin g that they di d not know what to do. Wit h th e consen t of th e partie s the y forwarde d a repor t an d th e relevan t document s t o th e king's counci l in Englan d i n th e hop e that enlightenmen t woul d com e fro m 91 The incipit o f the ' constitution ' i s give n a s Item testamentis, an d it can , be foun d among th e synoda l canon s printe d i n Wilkins , Concilia, i . 5506 . Professo r Gwyn n ha s suggested 124 0 a s th e probabl e date : se e hi s ' Provincial an d Diocesa n Decree s o f th e Dioceses of Dublin during the Anglo-Norman Period ' in Archivium Hibernicum, xi. 32-34 . 92 C. 47/19/1 , no . 22 . 93 U t supra. 94 U t supra. 95 Ancient Petition , no . 1330 9 (Rot. ParL, ii. 41) : a reques t i n 133 0 tha t benefice s i n the gif t o f th e chancello r shoul d b e reserve d fo r chancer y clerks .

Ecclesiastical Process an d th e Parsonage o f Stabannon. 11 7 that quarte r t o guid e them i n their deliberations . Therefore , for nearly tw o years, th e cas e o f Tellin g v . Strod e la y dorman t i n Ireland. 96 So Englan d becam e again th e scen e o f activities, an d ther e bot h Tellin g and Strod e wer e bus y seekin g t o establis h thei r claim s a t th e highes t leve l of authority . Probabl y som e tim e i n 135 3 Tellin g presente d a petitio n t o the kin g an d cpuncil , whethe r i n o r ou t o f parliamen t w e canno t say , i n which h e recapitulate d hi s cas e an d th e step s h e ha d take n t o hav e effec t given t o hi s presentation. 97 H e stresse d th e dubiou s rapidit y wit h whic h Strode ha d bee n institute d a s rector ; h e pointe d ou t tha t h e ha d i n vai n served th e king' s writ s an d bee n me t wit h th e excus e tha t th e churc h wa s already fille d b y th e chancellor' s presentee ; h e explaine d tha t h e ha d sue d in the Englis h chancer y for a long time in order to maintai n th e roya l rights . In desperatio n h e ha d gon e pas t officialdo m wit h it s routin e actio n an d brought hi s complain t t o th e notic e o f the mor e intimate circl e of adviser s round th e king . A s a result, th e kin g ha d ofte n sen t letter s unde r hi s priv y seal t o th e chancello r o f England, 98 orderin g hi m t o accep t an d confirm th e appointment o f Telling an d revok e any other. 99 Consequentl y the chancello r of Englan d ha d summone d befor e hi m th e justice s an d other s o f the king' s council t o examin e th e matter , bu t the y ha d com e t o n o fina l decision . Therefore Tellin g praye d th e kin g an d counci l b y hi s petitio n t o summo n before the m me n learned i n the la w of the Church , that is to say , th e bisho p of London, 100 th e bisho p o f Carlisle, 101 maste r Ada m Houghton , clerk, 102 and maste r Thoma s Yonge , clerk, as wel l as other s o f the king' s counci l who were learne d i n th e la w o f th e lan d s o that the y coul d g o into th e whol e question an d com e t o a fina l judgmen t o n th e evidenc e tha t Tellin g an d his counsel would proffer. Then , if they found fo r the king , Telling requested that writs under the grea t sea l of England shoul d be made to get legal process under wa y to enforc e th e la w of the lan d o n the king' s behalf . Bu t al l that Telling obtaine d wa s a dilator y reply : sinc e the petitio n referre d t o th e fac t that th e busines s ha d bee n sen t int o chancer y an d wa s not ye t determine d there, let the petitio n b e dispatched ther e als o and let the chancello r examine and brin g th e busines s t o a jus t conclusion . Telling, however , wa s no t lef t unimpede d i n hi s effort s i n England , fo r Strode als o was at wor k there an d o n the sam e level of the kin g and council, though unfortunately his petition seems now to be irrevocably lost. However , 96 Cal. Patent Rolls, 1350-1354 , p . 489 : appointmen t o n 6 September, 1353 , o f master William o f St . Lege r an d Jame s Gerno n fo r on e year a s attorney s i n Irelan d fo r Tellin g whilst h e wa s i n England . 97 Ancient Petition , no . 13304 : se e above , pp . 108.--# . 98 I.e., Joh n Thoresby , archbisho p o f York . 99 The petition had , a t th e tim e o f it s presentation , sew n t o i t copie s o f th e king' s confirmation o f Telling' s presentatio n an d th e writ s o f priv y seal , bu t the y hav e no w become separated . i°° Ralph Stratfor d {M.A. , B.C.L. : Cal. Papal Registers, Letters, 1305-1342 , p . 534) . See Diet. Naticnal Biog. 101 Master Gilber t Welton , prebendar y o f Southwel l an d prebendar y o f Yor k (Cal. Patent Rolls, 1348-1350 , pp . 2 , 8) . H e becam e bisho p o f Carlisl e o n 2 1 April, 1353 . Th e petition mus t hav e bee n presente d afte r thi s date . 102 Master Ada m Houghto n becam e bisho p o f St . David' s i n 136 2 an d chancello r o f England i n 1377 . H e wa s a Docto r o f Law s o f Oxford . - See Diet. National Biog.

118 it wa s in direc t respons e t o hi s solicitations that th e kin g sen t a writ , date d 8 March , 1354, 103 t o th e chancello r o f Ireland , enclosin g a schedul e whic h contained a serie s o f article s presente d befor e th e kin g an d counci l agains t Telling. H e wa s to hav e th e charge s investigated b y thos e wh o had lawfu l cognisance o f the m an d h e wa s t o sen d th e results , whethe r i n th e for m o f inquests o r certifications , t o th e Englis h chancer y withou t dela y s o tha t further actio n coul d b e take n there . Wha t ma y possibl y hav e bee n th e schedule itsel f i s stil l extant. 104 I t enumerate s concisel y the accusations . (i) Joh n Telling, chaplain, at the time when he was presented to Stabannon , was excommunicate d fo r sacrileg e i n St . Audoen's , Dublin . (ii) H e ha d committe d blasphem y i n th e sam e church . (iii) H e ha d wilfull y betraye d hi s trus t a s th e executo r o f last will s and ' testaments. (iv) H e ha d o n variou s occasion s bee n excommunicate d fo r misconduc t and disobedienc e b y hi s Ordinarie s an d ha d remaine d obdurate , sometimes fo r seve n an d sometime s fo r fiv e year s o r more . (v) Thoug h notifie d i n perso n o f hi s excommunicatio n an d give n copie s of th e instrument s relatin g thereto , h e ha d neve r cease d fro m cele brating divin e service . (vi) H e stoo d condemned , both i n la w an d b y confession , a s a common adulterer an d a notoriou s fornicator . (vii) H e ha d bee n indicte d fo r felonie s i n th e franchis e of Trim and convicted by three juries, that is, by thirty-six men on oath ; he had alleged clerical privilege ; h e ha d bee n hande d ove r t o th e bisho p o f Meath; and ho w he ha d escape d wa s a puzzl e to mos t people . (viii) Whe n indicted , outlawed , arreste d an d imprisone d fo r som e othe r felonies, h e brok e priso n an d fle d fro m Ireland . On the sam e day, 8 March, 1354, as this roya l wri t wen t out to the chancellor of Ireland, anothe r roya l wri t wa s dispatched t o th e archbisho p of Armagh,105 instructing hi m t o certif y th e kin g befor e Midsumme r Da y abou t th e whol e process, particularl y abou t th e exac t tim e whe n it wa s known that th e kin g had presente d Telling , an d i n th e meanwhil e t o leav e Strod e i n peacefu l possession o f th e church . So in 135 4 th e discussion s had shifte d bac k agai n t o Ireland , an d i t wa s these tw o writ s that se t in motio n th e machiner y which produced the fulles t disclosures abou t th e characte r o f Telling . A wri t wen t ou t t o th e stewar d o f th e franchis e of Meath to find out al l particulars about th e allege d indictment , arrest, and imprisonment o f Telling, under that name or any other , for felonies and robberie s within the franchise . 103 c. 47/19/1 , no . 17 . 10* C. 47/19/1 , no . 16 . 105 C. 47/19/1 , no . 20 .

Ecclesiastical Process an d th e Parsonage o f Stabannon. 11_9

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The stewar d wa s require d t o examin e th e roll s o f indictmen t an d th e memoranda o f gaol deliveries and t o hol d an inquest int o the busines s and t o report back to the Irish chancery under hi s own seal and thos e of the jurors. 106 This wa s the occasio n when the extrac t fro m th e ple a roll s o f Trim o f July, 1345, previousl y discussed , wa s returned. 107 A second writ wa s sent t o th e mayo r and bailiff s o f Drogheda, instructin g them t o sen d detail s t o th e Iris h chancer y abou t thei r arres t o f Tellin g i n obedience t o a judicia l wri t issue d b y th e justiciar' s court. 108 The y sen t a transcript o f th e wri t the y ha d received , alon g wit h a n account , alread y mentioned, o f th e actio n the y ha d taken. 109 A third wri t wa s dispatched t o Nichola s Allen, bishop o f Meath, inquiring if Tellin g unde r th e nam e o f th e vica r o f Donor e o r an y othe r ha d bee n indicted o f felonie s an d robberies , place d o n tria l befor e secula r justices , handed ove r a s a cler k t o hi m o r an y o f his predecessor s a s th e Ordinary , purged himsel f o f hi s misconduct , o r escape d instea d fro m prison ; an d i f he ha d bee n excommunicate d an d absolve d o r wa s stil l excommunicate . The bisho p wa s ordere d t o scrutinis e episcopa l register s an d othe r source s of informatio n an d mak e whateve r othe r inquirie s wer e though t necessar y and sen d a dossie r t o th e Iris h chancery. 110 Th e repor t o f 5 Jun e b y th e bishop, consecrate d a s recentl y a s 1353 , contain s th e remarkabl e statemen t that h e coul d fin d nothin g agains t Tellin g i n th e episcopa l registers , partl y because o f their ag e an d genera l wea r an d tea r m an d partl y becaus e h e had jus t succeede d Willia m St . Lege r a s bishop , perhap s implyin g tha t St . Leger's register s wer e no t a t hi s disposal . However , h e ha d foun d i n th e register o f Willia m d e Paul , bisho p o f Meath , betwee n 132 7 an d 1349, 112 that a Joh n Telling , priest , lat e vica r o f the paris h churc h o f Donore , ha d been institute d an d inducte d an d subsequentl y deprive d o f th e vicarag e by tha t bisho p o n accoun t o f simon y committe d b y hi m i n securin g th e vicarage an d o f perjur y committe d afte r h e ha d obtaine d it. 113 A fourth writ wa s issued t o th e archbisho p o f Dublin, wh o was, of course, the chancello r and a n intereste d party , i n th e sam e terms a s the wri t t o th e bishop o f Meath. 114 A cop y o f thi s wri t wa s forwarde d b y th e archbisho p to the Officia l o f the Cour t of Dublin on 1 June for him to make investigations. The Officia l reporte d o n 1 5 June tha t h e ha d searche d th e register s o f th e 106 C. 47/19/1 , no. 1 0 (2 2 April, 1354) : th e stewar d wa s Si r Joh n Husee . 107 Above, pp. 1,13-4 . 108 C. 47/19/1 , no 1 2 (27 April, 1354) : th e mayor , Willia m Talon , an d th e burgesses , Richard Pay n an d Richar d Lang , wer e responsible fo r th e answe r returne d t o th e writ . 109 Above, p . 113 . no C . 47/19/1 , no . 1 4 (2 2 April , 1354). in C . 47/19/1, no . 15 : turn propter registr i consumpcionem et vetustatem, tur n propter prelatorum mutacionem . 112 Ibid.: se t in registro bon e memorie fratris Willelmi Pawle, nuper episcop i Midensis, predecessoris nostri , comperimu s quod . . .. William St . Lege r was consecrated bishop - of Meath on 2 May, 1350, and died on 24 August, 1352 (John Lynch, De Praesulibua Hiberniae, ed. J . F . O'Dohert y (1944) , i . 161) . 113 What exactl y i s meant b y the ' register ' o f an Irish bisho p i s too large a topi c t o be discusse d here . «* C. 47/19/1 , no . 1 8 (2 2 April , 1354) .

120 Court o f Dubli n an d ha d examine d chaplains , clerk s an d others , brough t before hi m a s witnesse s i n for m o f la w an d place d o n oath , an d ha d mad e these discoveries . 11 5 Becaus e Tellin g ha d bee n contumaciou s in failin g to appear o n lawfu l citatio n t o answe r charge s agains t him , an d becaus e h e had impede d th e executio n o f will s after, an d i n defianc e of , th e synoda l and provincia l ' constitutions ' o f Dubli n promulgate d o n thi s subject, 116 and becaus e h e ha d committe d sacrileg e i n breakin g ope n a ches t i n St . Audoen's, Dublin, and extracting an d unlawfully removing the goods deposited there, therefor e maste r Ada m o f Kingston , lat e dea n o f St . Patrick's , ha d sat i n judgmen t upo n hi m becaus e St . Audoen' s wa s a prebenda l churc h of St. Patrick's . A sentence of major excommunicatio n had bee n passed agains t him i n 134 9 i n accordanc e wit h la w an d th e Dubli n 'constitutions' , an d i t was still i n force, a s Tellin g quit e wel l knew . Indeed , h e ha d hardene d hi s heart an d persiste d i n his evil ways and openl y and publicly declared that he cared nought abou t suc h a sentence. An d though it ha d no t bee n suspende d on appeal o r revoked b y absolution an d ha d thu s becom e res judicata, Telling still deliberately intermeddled with the divine offices. Wha t seemed much more heinous, i t wa s foun d tha t Telling , whils t i n th e ac t o f administerin g th e Easter communio n to hi s parishioners o f St. Audoen's , had broke n th e Hos t into piece s an d ha d carelessl y allowe d a smal l part t o fall o n th e ground . And whe n th e chaplains , standin g by , cam e forwar d t o lif t i t up , Tellin g freely an d wittingl y crushe d the Host , the Livin g Bod y o f the Saviour , unde r his feet an d woul d no t le t i t b e taken up . An d Telling was publicly defamed as a fornicato r an d a s a n adulterer , an d h e ha d dare d t o glor y openl y an d often i n hi s sin s an d wa s unworth y t o b e i n th e servic e o f God. And finally , an d th e mos t valuabl e testimon y o f all , th e archbisho p o f Armagh reviewe d th e histor y o f th e proceeding s fro m th e ver y beginning , so fa r a s i t concerne d him , incorporatin g i n hi s accoun t th e variou s writ s and othe r documents , th e result s o f th e inquirie s a t Droghed a an d Man fieldstown, and th e deposition s o f the Vicar s General. Bu t h e had t o confes s at th e en d that h e could not sa y when definite wor d about th e king' s presen tation t o Tellin g unde r th e grea t sea l o f Englan d ha d reache d hi s Vicar s General; h e pleade d i n extenuation , whethe r wit h complet e honest y o r not , that his notar y had omitte d to inser t tha t dat e in his officia l acta. But he set dow n hi s belie f tha t i t wa s mor e tha n a yea r afte r Strode' s inductio n that maste r Isaa c O'Culea n receive d officia l notification. 117 We ma y presum e tha t thi s accumulatio n o f condemnator y evidenc e about Tellin g wa s returne d t o Englan d i n complianc e wit h instructions . It mus t hav e seeme d t o vi e wit h th e scandal s o f th e tim e i f th e Englis h chancery shoul d continu e t o embod y th e claim s o f Tellin g i n an y furthe r 115 C. 47/19/1 , no . 19 : scrutati s curi e vestr e Dublin ' e t alioru m registris , inuenimu s tarn pe r registrant ! et littera s patente e magistr i Ad e de Kyngeston , nupe r decan i ecclesi e vestre sancti Patricii, Dublin', quam per probaciones viroru m fidedignorum, capellanorum, clericorum, et alioru m cora m nobis iudicialiter i n testes in hac parte productorum legitim e iuratorum e t diligente r examinatoru m i n form a iuri s quo d . . . "6 Above , pp . 115-6 : 1" C . 47/19/1 , no. 22 : se e p.109, above.

Ecclesiastical Process an d th e Parsonage o f Stabannon. 12 1 writs an d s o force one of such ill repute upon the Church which had repudiate d him. S o on 20 October, 1354 , the archbisho p of Armagh was ordered t o hea r the case and bring it to a conclusion ' in accordance with ecclesiastical law'.118 On 1 March, 1355, th e archbisho p reporte d tha t Strod e ha d bee n presente d by th e kin g (n o tactles s mentio n wa s mad e o f th e chancello r o f Ireland) , he ha d bee n caftonicall y an d lawfull y institute d an d inducte d b y hi s Vica r Genera], and h e had bee n in canonica l possession of the churc h before Tellin g was presente d an d befor e notificatio n t o tha t effec t ha d bee n officiall y received.119 Therefor e Strode's rights wer e upheld an d se t dow n in a writte n instrument an d everlastin g silenc e wa s impose d upo n Joh n Telling. 120 We hav e n o knowledg e of th e dutie s tha t maste r Joh n Strod e fulfille d before h e becam e the recto r o f Stabannon, bu t th e glimpse s we obtain o f his activities therafte r sugges t tha t h e ha d serve d i n som e officia l capacity . I n December, 1366 , he was appointed a deputy keepe r of the king' s marke t an d measures until the following Easter. 121 H e was present durin g a metropolitical visitation o f th e dioces e o f Kilmor e i n 1366, 122 an d o n 1 9 January , 1367 , he wa s i n attendanc e i n th e hous e o f th e Friar s Preacher s a t Trim , whe n the archbisho p mad e a metropolitica l visitatio n o f the dioces e of Meath; 123 he wa s i n attendanc e o n 1 0 March , 1367 , i n th e Primate' s chambe r a t Dromiskin whe n a safe-conduct , grante d b y th e lieutenan t o f Ireland , wa s handed ove r t o a messenge r o f th e archbishop; 124 h e wa s responsibl e fo r paying the fees of three narrators ou t of the rents of Trim;125 he was appointe d by th e archbisho p a s hi s procto r a t th e parliamen t o f 136 9 an d th e grea t council o f 137 0 at Dublin ; 126 h e wa s present i n May , 1371, whe n the bisho p promulgated a sentenc e o f excommunication. 127 I t i s possibl e tha t h e ha d ceased t o hol d th e rector y befor e Richar d I I gav e th e patronag e t o th e Vicars Chora l o f St . Patrick's , Dublin; 128 thi s mus t hav e occurre d shortl y before 1386 , whe n th e churc h wa s describe d a s prebendal. 129 118 Ibid., no. 9 , contains a transcript o f the writ : se e Cal. Close Rolls, 1354-1360 , p. 41, for th e enrolment . Th e king took Strod e unde r hi s specia l protectio n on 26 October, 1354 , until th e ple a wa s ende d (Cal. Patent Rolls, 1354-1358 , p . 114) . us C. 47/19/1 , no. 9 . 120 Telling still retained interests in Ireland that mad e i t necessar y fo r him t o appoin t attorneys t o loo k afte r hi s affair s ther e (Cal. Patent Rolls, 1354-1358 , p . 268 ; 1358-1361 , p. 107) . H e himsel f remaine d i n Englan d an d acte d a s attorne y fo r others , notabl y th e vicar o f th e churc h o f St . Martins-in-the-Fields , wh o wa s goin g t o th e papa l cour t o n matters affecting the salvatio n of his sou l (Cal. Patent Rolls, 1354-1358, p. 566 ; 1361-1364 , p. 23) . 121 Sweteman's Register , p . 4 2 (Lawlor , no . 21) . 122 Ibid., p . 9 9 (Lawlor , no . 69) . 12 3 Ibid., p . 31 7 (Lawlor , no . 241) . i2* Ibid., p . 4 8 (Lawlor , no . 27). 126 Ibid., p . 4 7 (Lawlor , no . 26) . 126 Richardson an d Sayles , Parliaments and Councils o f Mediaeval Ireland, pp . 27 , 31 . 127 Sweteman' s Register , p . 23 9 (Lawlor , no . 182) . 28 1 Octavian's Register , p . 46 8 (fo . 173a) ; Leslie , History o f Kilsaran, p . 113 . 129 Rotulorum Patentium e t Clausorum Cancellarie Hiberniae Calendarium, p . 1276 . Although ther e cease d t o b e a persona l rector , th e churc h o f Stabanno n continue d t o b e prominent i n publi c affair s throug h it s perpetua l vicar . Thu s Thomas Haddeso r acte d a s proctor fo r th e archbisho p o f Armag h i n Dubli n i n 140 9 (Fleming' s Register , p . 153 : Lawlor, no . 105 ) an d a s procto r o f th e clerg y o f Armag h i n a counci l a t Dubli n i n 141 0 (ibid., p . 186 : Lawlor , no . 142) . Richar d Cron y acte d a s parliamentar y procto r i n 143 1 (Octavian's Register , p . 1222) .

122

NOTE p. 106 , n . 38 : Fo r th e document s se e Sayles, Documents o n th e Affairs o f Ireland before th e King's Council (Iris h Manuscripts Commission, 1979) , 282-304.

11 MEDIEVAL ULSTE R So far a s literar y source s ar e concerned , th e earl y histor y o f that fift h provinc e of Ireland, whic h is commonly designated Ulster , ha s t o b e delicatel y extricate d fro m a remarkabl e folklore , whic h wa s committe d t o writin g fro m th e tent h centur y onwards. Th e Ulste r cycl e o f tales aroun d th e warrio r Cuchulain , particularl y th e 'Cattle Rai d o f Cooley' , reveal s a t th e beginnin g o f th e Christia n er a th e fir m establishment o f th e 'Ulaidh ' o r 'Ulidians ' i n th e north , wit h th e centr e o f their authority a t Nava n For t (Emain-Macha ) near Armagh . Durin g th e cours e o f th e fourth an d earl y fift h centurie s th e Ulidian s wer e drive n eas t toward s th e moder n counties of Down and Antrim ; their place was taken by prince s o f a Connacht roya l house wh o ruled a regio n whic h included Armag h and Fermanagh ; th e grandson s of 'Nial T o f the Nin e Hostages conquere d Tyrone, Den y an d Donega l t o introduc e the long-lived O'Neil l dominance there. Ami d the turbulence of inter-provincial an d tribal warfare , it is clear that northern Ireland counte d for much, supplying as it did so many o f the 'Hig h Kings ' o f Ireland durin g th e nex t five hundred years . The systemati c christianisatio n o f Irelan d wa s begu n b y St . Patrick , a ma n of British origin who had been a captive slave on an Antrim farm an d who made Ulster in 432 the base of his missionary efforts, durin g which the Armagh of heroic memories became the 'ecclesiastical metropolis o f Ireland. Th e Patricia n Churc h di d no t lon g endure a s a syste m o f bishops , fo r th e circumstance s o f th e tim e compelle d i t t o adopt a monastic organisatio n instead , an d th e rul e of bishops wa s not re-institute d until th e twelft h century . Whils t th e res t o f western Europe wa s being devastate d by Germani c invaders , Irelan d remaine d unmolested , an d th e Iris h Churc h wa s free t o conduct missionary enterprises of unparalleled courage and zea l and t o make the countr y renowne d i n th e contemporar y worl d fo r it s scholarshi p an d culture . In tha t wor k Ulste r playe d a leadin g part . St . Comgal l founde d i n 55 9 tha t monastery a t Bango r o n Belfas t Lough , fro m whic h wen t St . Columbanu s i n 59 0 to preac h t o th e Burgundian s an d th e Rhinelander s an d th e Lombard s an d t o establish suc h famou s monasterie s a s Luxeui l i n th e Vosge s an d Bobbi o i n Lombardy. St . Finia n establishe d a n abbe y a t Movill a nea r Newtownard s abou t 540. St. Columb a abandoned his religious activities a t Derr y in 563 to cross to Argyll in orde r t o reviv e th e fait h o f those fello w countryme n of his , th e Scots , wh o ha d migrated fro m Ulste r half a centur y or mor e earlier, an d th e islan d o f lona becam e a centr e fro m whic h radiate d mission s t o th e Pict s o f nort h Scotlan d an d t o th e Angles o f north England . A t th e sam e tim e a literar y developmen t wa s nurture d in th e grea t monasti c schools , an d whereve r Iris h missionarie s betoo k themselve s

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in wester n Europ e thei r Iris h scholarshi p wen t wit h them : ther e ar e fiv e time s a s many Iris h manuscript s o f thi s perio d i n continenta l librarie s a s ar e t o b e foun d to-day i n th e countr y o f thei r origin . I t wa s remarke d i n th e nint h centur y that , if anyon e in wester n Europe kne w Greek, h e mus t b e a n Irishma n o r th e pupi l of an Irishman . Again , Ulster was to the fore . Thu s th e oldest survivin g Iris h manu script (betwee n 680 an d 691) , a uniqu e recor d o f th e dail y service s hel d i n th e old Irish Church, is the 'Bango r Antiphonary', foun d a t Bobbi o and no w preserved at Milan. Again , the 'Boo k of Armagh', written in a fine Irish minuscule script about 808 and beautifull y illuminated , i s i n th e Librar y o f Trinit y College , Dublin , an d constitutes th e mos t importan t secula r historica l manuscrip t w e hav e befor e th e twelfth century . Indeed , i n th e tent h centur y Armag h had it s 'Saxo n Quarter ' fo r the accommodatio n o f student s fro m England . I t ma y b e remarke d tha t h i 116 2 it wa s decree d tha t n o on e must teac h theolog y i n Irelan d wh o had no t studie d a t Armagh and , fiv e year s later , th e senio r professo r wa s give n a roya l gran t of te n cow s a year . Eve n a s lat e a s 146 2 Thomas Cusin , 'th e Maste r of La w wh o was the bes t that wa s in Ireland', wa s head o f a school at Armag h and, bu t fo r th e accidents o f politics , Armag h migh t wel l hav e forme d th e nucleu s o f a medieva l university i n Ireland . Ireland wa s not , however , spare d th e fur y o f th e Northmen , wh o fo r tw o lon g centuries afte r 79 5 foun d i n he r then : happ y huntin g groun d an d mad e he r th e first foreig n countr y t o b e threatene d b y the m wit h deliberat e conquest . Th e northern part s suffere d irreparabl e destruction . Th e 'grea t sea-cas t flood s o f foreigners' incessantl y poure d u p th e Foyl e estuar y o r th e inle t o f Larne . The y even establishe d a quasi-permanen t bas e o f operation s o n Loug h Neagh . The y imposed thei r ow n nomenclature upon 'Strangford ' an d 'Carlingford ' Lough s and , by addin g the Nors e stadr ('division' ) t o th e Gaeli c Ulaidh (latinise d a s 'Ulidia') , they produce d th e moder n wor d 'Ulster' . Th e defenceles s monasteries o f Antri m and Dow n wer e ruined ; no t a trac e wa s lef t o f Bangor , Armag h wa s sacke d a t least nin e times , an d Antri m stil l retain s th e beautifull y preserve d roun d tower , erected i n these years a s a watch-towe r and a n asylu m fo r monk s and books . Bu t such Nors e settlement s a s wer e mad e i n Ulste r wer e o n a smal l scale , an d th e immigrants soon lost thei r separat e identity . The succeedin g year s o f slo w recover y wer e marke d particularl y b y a nativ e reform movemen t in th e Church , whic h essaye d th e formidabl e task o f displacin g the hallowe d authorit y o f abbot s b y tha t o f bishops . Th e mos t honoure d nam e among the reformers was that o f St. Malachy , born in Armagh in 1095 , who became successively abbo t o f a new-buil t Bangor , bisho p o f Connor , an d archbisho p o f Armagh, an d wh o was o n term s o f persona l friendshi p wit h th e grea t St . Bernar d of Clairvaux , wh o wrote his "Life". Th e chief obstacle t o be overthrown was Irish particularism, an d th e ne w school o f thought regarde d th e Anglo-Norma n invasion of th e country in 116 6 as a timely help towards the furtherance of their ow n desires. The conques t o f Ulste r wa s no t envisage d b y th e Englis h governmen t unde r Henry II . Easter n Ulster—tha t is , Dow n an d Antrim—fel l a s a priz e o f wa r t o

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5

the private enterpris e of John de Courcy, a Somerset knight, wh o captured th e mai n Irish stronghold of Downpatrick in 117 7 and thereafte r fought resolutel y and dourl y for a generation to maintain hi s position. I n th e customary Norman manner he and his successors buil t castles t o save their skins (e.g. , Carrickfergus , admirabl y place d to control th e Antrim coastal route ; Belfast to guar d th e pas s betwee n th e hill s an d the sea ; Dundru m t o b e th e Carrickfergu s o f th e south ; numerou s castle s aroun d Strangford Lough , a s at Killyleagh , an d i n Antrim , a s a t Glenar m an d Coleraine ) and churches to save their souls (e.g. , the Cistercian foundation of Greyabbey, 1193 , notable for it s siz e and beauty ; th e Benedictin e Hous e of the sam e period o f Downpatrick, wher e St. Patrick' s bone s ar e sai d t o rest ; th e Dominica n monaster y a t Newtownards, 1244) . As a titl e th e earldo m of Ulster lived on , bu t a s territory mor e or les s effectivel y administered fro m Dubli n an d Londo n i t di d no t lon g survive . Fo r thi s Frenc h plantation o f Ulste r wa s subjecte d i n 1315-1 8 t o a n invasio n fro m Scotlan d whe n Edward Bruc e landed a t Larne , capture d Carrickfergu s castle wit h great difficulty , was crowned king of Ireland and , despit e the presenc e an d assistanc e o f his brother , King Robert, me t ultimate defeat a s he marched south. Thi s expeditio n serve s a s a convenient turning-point . Thereafte r ther e wa s a stead y regressio n o f Englis h authority i n the north until it was confined i n practice to Carrickfergus in Antrim, a small coasta l area coverin g th e southern par t of the Ards peninsula, an d the district between Strangfor d an d Carlingfor d Loughs . Indeed , eve n tha t smal l regio n ha d ceased befor e Tudo r time s t o kno w the presenc e o f an y roya l official s o r t o yiel d any roya l revenue . Th e Irish , whos e social orde r an d custom s an d languag e ha d remained substantiall y unchange d sav e i n Dow n and Antrim , graduall y too k bac k under thei r ow n authorit y muc h o f wha t the y ha d lost : th e O'Neill s o f Tyron e established themselve s i n th e Clandeboy e distric t o f Nort h Dow n an d i n Sout h Antrim, th e MacDonnell s settled i n th e nin e Glen s o f Antrim and th e Macguinesse s in Sout h Down . I t i s no t surprisin g tha t man y o f the settler s ha d n o alternativ e but t o accommodat e themselve s t o th e condition s o f th e tim e an d becom e indistinguishable fro m th e nativ e Irish . I t wa s a proble m o f re-conques t tha t th e Tudors had t o face . The record s o f th e earldo m o f Ulste r wer e stole n fro m th e Englis h treasur y a t Trim som e tim e i n th e 1470's . I n an y case , sinc e th e King' s wri t di d no t ru n throughout Ulster , w e canno t expec t t o deriv e anythin g bu t meagr e informatio n from th e considerable mass of documents which still remai n (thoug h mainly outside Ireland) t o revea l t o u s th e activitie s o f Englis h administratio n elsewher e i n th e country. Thoug h left largel y to it s ow n devices , Ulste r was not, o f course, without some for m o f government , bu t th e instrument s b y whic h i t wa s conducte d serve d their temporar y purpose s an d vanished . Nevertheless , muc h ca n b e don e through the record s o f the Churc h t o brin g bac k int o histor y thes e los t centurie s o f Ulster's past. Fo r ther e is at Armag h a quite unique collection of archbishops' registers , th e largest an d most important singl e source of original material still surviving in Ireland. These register s cove r roughl y th e perio d 135 0 t o 1550 , fro m th e Blac k Deat h t o

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the deat h o f Henr y VIII , thoug h the y frequentl y catc h u p withi n themselve s documents surprisingl y earl y i n date : fo r instance , a s fa r bac k a s Magn a Carta . This serie s o f record s ha s no t ye t bee n edite d an d published , bu t Church , Govern ment an d Universit y hav e recentl y joine d force s happil y togethe r t o brin g thi s t o pass. Til l the n a n intelligibl e histor y o f Ulste r i n th e lat e Middl e Age s canno t b e written. I n th e meanwhile , it ma y b e o f interest i f we open th e register s a t rando m and se e wha t the y hav e t o tel l u s abou t norther n Irelan d fiv e o r si x hundre d years ago. It i s obviou s tha t w e shal l firs t hav e reveale d t o u s th e histor y o f th e medieva l Church h i th e provinc e o f Armagh , extendin g over it s nin e djbcese s fro m Donega l and Fermanag h t o Antrim , Dow n an d Meath , an d almos t coterminou s wit h th e political province . W e shal l observ e th e wa y i n whic h a n Englis h Churc h syste m was super-imposed upon an Iris h Churc h which had bee n living its own independent life fo r som e seven hundre d year s befor e th e Anglo-Norman s invaded th e country . However muc h th e newcomer s tried t o assimilat e an d identif y th e tw o Churches , the traditiona l way s persisted , an d Iris h custom s remaine d aliv e righ t int o th e nineteenth centur y whic h had bee n associate d wit h the Wester n Churc h i n th e tim e of Gregor y th e Grea t i n th e sixt h century , thoug h th e Wester n Churc h itsel f ha d come t o forge t them . W e shal l watc h th e peculiarl y Iris h proble m tha t aros e fro m the existence , side by side , o f two differen t set s of clergy, th e Englis h an d th e Irish , and w e shall remembe r that Ulste r was fo r al l practica l purpose s o f administratio n the home of two Churches for many generations before th e Reformation . Abov e all, we shall for the first time be able to observe th e Churc h as a functional organisation , as a livin g organism , a s a n institutio n which , havin g a missio n t o perform , ha d devised a n elaborat e machiner y o f governmen t wit h whic h t o carr y ou t it s obligations. Fo r i n thes e register s w e hav e befor e us , runnin g throug h th e years , a profusio n o f roya l letter s an d papa l letters , decree s o f council s an d synods , list s of candidate s fo r ordination , appointment s t o bishoprics , deaneries , rectorie s an d vicarages, th e judgment s of churc h court s (includin g a ver y earl y specime n o f a n archdeacon's cour t book) , th e record s o f th e archbishops ' tour s o f th e provinc e which tel l u s s o muc h abou t th e moralit y o f th e times . Incidentall y w e shal l se e that th e feu d o f centurie s betwee n th e archbishop s o f Canterbur y an d Yor k wa s paralleled b y tha t betwee n the archbishop s o f Armag h an d Dublin : Dubli n woul d never refe r t o Armag h a s 'primate ' an d Armag h woul d neve r atten d parliamen t if i t wa s hel d i n Dublin , an d an y attemp t b y on e t o hav e hi s cros s carrie d befor e him i n th e provinc e o f th e othe r alway s le d t o bloodshed . The valu e o f thes e register s i s no t limite d t o churc h government . Ther e ar e fe w aspects o f lif e i n Ulste r tha t ar e no t illuminate d b y them . I f i t i s politics w e wish, we ma y liste n t o th e secre t conversatio n i n th e winte r gloo m o f a Novembe r da y in 149 4 betwee n th e grea t ear l o f Kildar e an d tw o Iris h chieftains , Malach y O'Hanlon o f Orio r i n Co . Armag h an d Hug h Magenni s o f Uppe r Iveag h i n Co. Down . O r w e ma y dra w u p a lis t o f th e successio n o f Iris h 'kings ' o r chieftains; o r rea d thei r oft-broke n treatie s o f peac e an d th e Lati n version s o f th e

MEDIEVAL ULSTE R 12

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letters the y ha d writte n in Gaelic ; or watc h th e borde r warfar e of the O'Neills , th e O'Farrells, th e Maguire s an d th e O'Gallaghers . W e may observ e th e inspectio n i n 1438 o f the arm y o f th e Lieutenan t o f Irelan d an d watc h th e fou r hundred men — who ar e al l named—shootin g thei r arrow s t o prov e thei r skill , wit h twenty-fou r of them dismissed the service for incompetence. W e may view the gradual absorptio n of th e earl y English settler s int o th e nativ e Iris h people , a proces s whic h produced those Anglo-Iris h familie s mor e Iris h tha n th e Iris h themselve s an d whic h i t wa s impossible t o check , thoug h th e Churc h frowne d upo n i t an d sough t t o obliterat e the outwar d and visibl e sign of what some considered an inward and spiritua l grac e by orderin g all canon s o f cathedrals an d benefice d clerg y t o ge t their hai r cu t an d shave of f their beards , and s o cease to look lik e native Irishmen . Turning t o socia l an d economi c history w e know that Iris h historian s mus t make bricks wit h bu t littl e straw . I n thes e register s w e can lear n o f th e rental s fo r th e city of Armagh and other places; th e grant o f farms on leases and th e claims allowe d for repairs ; th e validit y o f loca l custom s an d bye-laws ; th e valuation s o f clerica l property, arrange d usuall y unde r eac h deanery , wit h th e assessmen t fo r taxatio n deliberately kep t ridiculousl y low . W e can retriev e th e name s an d historie s of , t o misadapt Kipling , 'th e little lost Down churches that prais e th e Lord who made the hills'; or the contracts of apprentices; or the inventories of goods of deceased persons ; or the content s o f last will s and testaments ; o r th e arrangement s fo r th e buildin g of bridges an d th e constructio n o f roads ; o r eve n th e counterfeitin g of mone y ou t o f 'pans' bottoms' . No r wil l w e ignore th e earl y fourteent h century statute s agains t mimes, jugglers , drummers , harper s an d truculen t beggars , o r agains t th e popula r belief tha t the flesh of hares was an excellent medicine against disease , o r against th e game o f hurling which contained 'th e root s o f sin t o entic e th e backslidin g rabble ' and resulte d in too many homicides. W e may ge t int o touc h with the mentalit y of the peasantry, especially as it is revealed in the evidence put forward in actions for divorce . Perhap s mos t interestin g o f all, th e historian s of the nativ e Iris h wa y of lif e ar e permitte d t o penetrat e int o th e Celti c area s o f th e nort h an d west , fo r on this subjec t w e know far to o little that i s authenticated. O r we may clim b with the archbisho p o f Armagh to th e towe r of his hous e at Termonfecki n i n 148 4 when he sough t t o ge t a clea r vie w o f thre e pirate ship s fro m Liverpoo l whic h attacke d three ships from Brittan y whils t they lay at ancho r in Drogheda harbour, wit h their crew an d merchant s awa y i n tow n 'caus a recreandi'—whic h ma y perhap s b e rendered a s 'fo r fu n an d games' . W e ma y eve n tr y t o gues s wh y weddin g guests should diffe r s o widely in thei r description s o f th e clothe s a bridegroo m ha d wor n at hi s weddin g whe n the y wer e late r summone d a s witnesse s i n a n actio n fo r desertion. And, lastly , we may ask what the registers have to say about the state of education (meaning by that term a t thi s period onl y Latin learning ) an d o f culture. W e may learn the names of those who were given licences to study at Oxfor d an d Cambridg e and othe r studia generalia on the continent; th e names of the books that the bishop of Cloghe r had 'borrowed ' fro m th e library of the dea n and chapter ; eve n the name s

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of th e book s owne d b y a Droghed a merchant . W e ma y mee t th e worth y cano n of Dromore wh o buil t a ston e towe r i n hi s paris h churchyar d i n orde r t o kee p hi s books saf e therein . An d w e ma y g o t o th e school s o f Derr y an d o f Drogheda , where excommunicatio n wa s pronounce d agains t thos e wh o foule d th e scholars ' drinking wate r b y washin g clothe s i n it . W e ma y rea d verse , eve n 17 8 lines of it a t a time , o r agai n containin g a vehemen t attac k upo n feminin e extravaganc e in dress; we may rea d a hos t o f letters from a t leas t 142 8 onward s i n English. Thi s recital ma y appropriatel y en d wit h a referenc e t o th e tw o Lati n graces , compose d officially i n the 1430' s by the archbishop of Armagh fo r use in the province, invoking the blessin g of Almighty Go d upon meat , cheese , butter , egg s and bread . I n thos e words the medieva l an d th e moder n tal k together .

NOTE In th e summe r of 194 8 th e so-calle d Armag h Registers, eigh t i n all, were closely studie d in preparatio n fo r th e Irish Parliament in th e Middle Ages, published i n 1952 . I t wa s sufficient fo r m y purpose t o read the transcripts made by Bishop Reeves and deposited in the librar y of Trinit y Colleg e Dublin. But it soon became apparent that I was working on documents vitall y importan t i f Ulste r wa s t o recove r it s forgotte n history, an d a t m y instigation th e Churc h o f Ireland, th e Governmen t of Northern Ireland , and the Queen' s University o f Belfast joined force s in 1951 to ensure publication o f them. I was permitted by th e Genera l Bod y o f th e Churc h o f Ireland , actin g throug h th e Mos t Reverend Dr . J.A.F. Gregg , Archbisho p o f Armagh , to tak e th e origina l register s fro m th e Armag h Public Library , where they were deposited, t o the Public Record Office i n London, where they wer e microfilmed and photostated. Bein g held personally responsible fo r their safety in transi t I ha d t o mak e man y journeys , to o man y journeys , betwee n Armag h an d London, becaus e tw o register s wer e not allowe d ou t o f officia l custody a t any one time, and I could not therefor e take one register to London when I went there to bring another back. Meanwhil e a typist wa s at wor k preparing a typescript i n triplicate o f the registers in th e Reeves' s transcripts , and thi s par t o f th e overal l plan was completed by December 1953, producin g a tota l o f wel l ove r half a million words . I wa s fortunat e i n having immediately a t m y servic e tw o graduat e students , W.G.H . Quigley an d E.F.D. Roberts , appointed a s Research Assistant s fro m th e autum n of 1951 , an d by the end of Februar y 1954 th e registe r of Archbisho p Me y was well into its final form for th e printer. My own involvement cam e to a n end when I left Belfast for Aberdeen at Michaelmas 1953 an d the Research Assistant s wer e soo n thereafte r absorbe d i n governmen t service in Norther n Ireland an d Scotland. I t wa s not therefor e until 197 2 tha t the y published iheRegistrum Johannis Mey, a n admirable an d matur e wor k o f scholarship , an d they have promised an edition o f th e registe r o f Archbisho p Pren e i n th e nea r future . I look bac k wit h som e satisfaction a t havin g see n th e Armag h Register s pu t int o microfilm , photosta t an d typescript an d thu s made available in one place for futur e students .

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T

A REPUTE D ROYA L CHARTE R O F 121 8

HE subjoine d documen t i s at th e momen t n o more tha n a curiosity o f history, an d onl y the meagrenes s of evidence at our disposa l concerning th e activities o f government i n the earl y thirteenth centur y warrant s attentio n bein g draw n t o it . Thi s reputed roya l charter ha s come to light by the merest chance , and it is perhaps wort h a short not e to preven t i t from relapsin g int o its obscurity, in the hope that some later historian can, in the light of greate r knowledge , discove r mor e meanin g i n i t tha n i t con veys a t present . I t i s impossible to say how this singl e Scottis h document—or th e documen t whic h underlie s it—happene d t o come into the hands of a clerk who was occupied, some time in the first half of the thirteent h century, i n compiling or expanding an English formulary. 1 The suspicio n arouse d b y thi s charte r i s no t allaye d b y th e common knowledg e tha t th e write r o f a formular y wa s no t primarily intereste d i n th e substanc e o f th e instrument s befor e him bu t i n thei r diplomatic , tha t h e ofte n di d no t conside r i t necessary t o reproduc e persona l name s an d plac e name s wit h exactitude and could abbreviat e them , omi t them or substitute his own invention s for the m withou t destroyin g th e purpos e o f hi s work. Fo r th e documen t doe s no t readil y confor m t o th e diplomatic styl e 'i n whic h undoubtedl y genuin e charter s o f Alexander I I wer e couched, an d it is strange tha t the compile r of a formulary should brea k off after givin g th e first two names of a list of magnates and altogether omi t the attestation clause . Ther e can, however , b e no doubt tha t th e referenc e is to Scon e Abbey , even thoug h i t ha s bee n designate d simpl y th e ' church o f C '. But it s minister s ar e terme d ' white canon s o f Hornobi a ' , although the y were, in fact, no t Premonstratensians bu t Augusti nians. ' Hornobia ' remains a n enigma. 1

For a n accoun t o f th e manuscrip t which contain s th e formulary , se e Church Quarterly Review, xcv , 335-4 1 ; Bulletin o f Institute o f Historical Research, xiii (1936), 13 5 ; Bulletin of John Rylands Library, xxiii (1939), 14-16.

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130 A

REPUTED ROYAL CHARTER OF 121 8

With these warnings we may summarize the substanc e of this curious document . Alexande r I I hel d a counci l o n i Januar y I2i8. 2 H e ha d bee n informe d tha t th e fabri c o f th e church , where he and his predecessors ha d been raised to kingship, was in dilapidated conditio n an d hi s assistanc e ha d bee n sought . O n the advic e of his earls and barons , h e had grante d t o the canon s the proceed s of a hearth tax of one penny a year for the next seven years, to be imposed i n burghs and elsewhere. Th e collectio n of the mone y wa s lef t a s th e responsibilit y of th e canons , bu t th e king too k thei r agent s unde r hi s protection , forbad e all obstruc tive tactic s o r evasio n under threa t o f royal action to compe l th e defaulters to render their payments, and instructed al l sheriffs an d bailies t o giv e effectiv e hel p wheneve r i t wa s necessary . Th e doctrine o f corporate consen t bein g still in it s infancy , i t wa s fel t that thos e wh o were presen t a t th e counci l could no t bin d thos e who were absent. Therefor e th e king simply besought al l those, laity and clergy alike, who were not with him on the day when the tax was agreed upon , to pay the hearth tax and thus merit Divine reward an d roya l thanks. This species of local taxation, if it were imposed, is a very early instance in ecclesiastical history of taxation for such a purpose a s putting a church i n repair. O f the sequel we unfortunately know nothing. B.M., Additional MS. no . 8i6j,/. 93*-94 Alexander De i gracia re x 1 Scotie1 episcopis,abbatibus, comitibus, baronibus, vicecomitibus et vniuersis Christi fidelibus, tarn clericis quam laicis, infra regnum constitutis , salutem. A d regia m specialite r dignitate m inte r cetera negocia a d ea principaliter et efficialiter intender e oporte t qu e diuin e placita clemencie sun t e t pe r qu e hono r regn i poteri t augmentari . Attendente s igitur debilem statum fabric e ecclesi e d e C., vbi nos et 2 antecessores2 nostr i regiam dignitate m diuin o muner e suscepimus , fabrica m eiusde m ecclesi e debilem i n statu m meliore m a d honorem De i e t regn i reformar e proposuimus. Notu m erg o faciamu s vniuersitat i quod , cu m no s supe r predict o negocio vald e essemus soliciti, per consiliu m proborum virorum , tarn comi2 The king's ' twentieth year ' of his age ran from 2 4 August 121 7 and the council must hav e met a t th e feas t o f th e Circumcisio n withi n tha t twelv e months . A n incidental referenc e t o thi s charter i n Bulletin o f Institute o f Historical Research, xi (1934), 14 8 inadvertently gives the day as' Good Frida y '. 1 ' Anglic': underline d a s cancellatio n an d followe d b y ' Scotie'. Ther e i s no doub t that ' Scotie' wa s intended. 2 MS.' vite successores'.

A REPUTE D ROYA L CHARTE R O F 121 8 13

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turn qua m baronum , qu i circ a 3 nos3 fuerun t preterit e di e circumsicionis dominice, dedimu s et concessimu s albi s canonici s d e Hornobi a a d opera cionem eiusde m ecclesie , in qua nos et predecessore s nostr i honore m regn i et iniciu m suscepimu s e t successore s nostr i pos t no s susceptur i sunt , pr o honore De i e t nostr i necno n e t pociu s regnu m exaltand o 4 et4 pr o anima illustris regi s Willelmi, patri s nostri, et omnium antecessorum nostroru m et pro salut e nostr a e t omniu m amicoru m nostrorum , d e vnaquaqu e dom o terrarum vnd e fumus exit , tarn in burgis quam in aliis locis, i. d. annuatim a prefatis canonici s e t eoru m ministri s colligendum , a b ann o salter n etati s nostre vicesimo 5 vsque ad vij. annos continue sequentes. Quar e precipimus omnibus vicecomitibu s e t ceteri s balliui s vt , cu m necess e fuerit , prefati s canonicis e t eorum ministris , quos in firma pace et proteccione nostr a iust e suscepimus, efficialite r auxiliantu r a d colligendu m prefata m pecuniam . Proibemus ecia m firmite r n e aliqui s ei s impedimentu m facia t ve l ei s d e concessione nostr a aliqui d detinea t d e proprii s terri s supe r nostra m foris facturam. Detentore s ver o qu i fuerin t precipimu s ad ho c compelli . Pre camur igitur omnes nostros fideles, tarn clericos quam laicos, qui prefato 'die* nobiscum no n fuerint , quatinus pro amore De i e t nostr i honor e regnu m exaltando concedan t a d prefatu m opu s i n sui s terris quod no s concessimu s in nostris , scilicet , vnu m denariu m d e qualibe t dom o vnd e fumu s exi t a d predictum terminum, vt a Deo remuneracionem et a nobis grates condigna s percipere debeant , sicu t ill i vir i nobile s qu i nobiscu m fuerun t fecerunt, scilicet, Thomas de C.,7 W . de B[osco]8

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13

THE CHANGE D CONCEP T O F HISTORY : STUBBS AN D RENAN *

B

ECAUSE it is fit and prope r for me so to do, I would first say something i n piety . I succee d t o a Chai r whic h ha s jus t reache d it s fiftieth year, for it was on 9 July 190 3 that an Order i n Council approved a Universit y Ordinanc e t o th e effec t tha t fund s lef t b y John Burnett , merchant i n Aberdeen , an d b y Mar y E . Fletcher , wido w o f Rober t Fletcher, chartere d accountan t i n Aberdeen , shbulf l for m th e financia l basis for the establishmen t o f a Chair , commemoratin g its benefactors in its titl e o f th e Burnett-Fletche r Chai r o f Histor y an d Archaeology . Nothing could bea r more eloquen t witnes s to the health y propertie s an d social attractivenes s o f Aberdee n tha n th e fac t tha t i n hal f a centur y there hav e bee n no more than tw o occupants of the Chair , on e of whom is happily wit h us today. Professor Charle s Sanfor d Terr y (1903-30) , promote d fro m a n internal lectureship , wa s a voluminou s writer o n Anglo-Scottis h history of the seventeent h an d eighteent h centuries, the autho r o f a Short History of Europe in two volumes in those pre-igi4 days when a man coul d affor d * An Inaugura l Addres s delivered i n th e Universit y of Aberdee n on Wednesday, 14 October 1953 . 133

134 to dally , an d o f a History o f Scotland whic h became a Short History i n 192 1 when spaciou s leisur e ha d begu n t o forsak e th e world . Hi s studie s i n Bach gav e hi m a Europea n reputatio n an d becam e th e abidin g interes t of hi s late r years . Befor e h e die d i n 193 6 Oxfor d an d Cambridge , Durham an d Leipzig , Edinburgh, Glasgo w and Aberdeen ha d pai d thei r tribute t o hi m i n honorar y degrees . Professo r Joh n Bennet t Blac k (1930-53) came to Aberdeen by way of Kingston in Ontario an d Sheffield , already verse d i n th e histor y o f sixteenth-century Franc e an d prepare d to be the great Elizabetha n who should give us in 193 6 the standard work on th e ag e of the " Virgin Quee n ". Th e Institu t Historiqu e e t Her aldique d e Franc e an d m y ow n Alm a Mate r o f Glasgow have conferre d upon hi m thei r highes t academi c honburs . Int o thi s inheritanc e o f scholarship I ente r wit h becomin g diffidence . I ma y perhap s regar d m y ow n appointmen t a s i n th e natur e o f a compromise: th e Universit y Court , havin g firs t chose n a n Englishma n and then a Scotsman, has now seen fit to appoint an Englishman educated in Scotland , doubtles s i n th e hop e tha t h e ma y combin e i n himsel f th e merits o f bot h countries . Howeve r tha t ma y be , an d apar t fro m an y virtue I ma y hav e a s an historian , I ma y modestl y clai m th e abilit y t o meet tw o specific requirements o f the Ordinanc e of 1903 : a s a professed medievalist, I look more like an archaeologist ( I say this without prejudice either t o mysel f o r t o them) , an d a s on e wh o i s sometime s curiousl y described a s a " legal " historian, I may hope for an indulgence from th e learned professio n if I appear i n their midst as a member of the Faculty of Law. I hav e calle d my Inaugura l Addres s to you thi s evening , " The Changed Concep t o f History: Stubb s an d Rena n ". I n discussin g th e altered approac h t o history that was seen round abou t th e middl e o f the nineteenth century , I do not wish to become engage d wit h philosophica l abstractions. O n th e contrar y I thin k tha t i t is often mor e illuminatin g if concrete illustration s o f a problem ar e presented. Tha t is why I hav e decided t o dra w a comparison betwee n tw o historians, on e o f Englan d and th e othe r o f France, wh o were contemporaries bu t wh o had a com pletely differen t attitud e t o th e stud y of history. Let us begin with William Stubbs . I n his own lifetime Stubbs loomed pre-eminent amon g Englis h historians . Contemporaries wit h mind s o f really finer texture—Green, Maitland , Gardiner—la y within his shadow. The veneratio n accorde d hi m ensure d unquestionin g acceptanc e o f his opinions and quit e precluded a balanced estimat e of his work. Now , th e least original o f his writings were pedagogically th e more generally useful , and s o th e Constitutional History, wit h it s adjunct , th e Select Charters, wa s known to the many who would have been fatigued beyond enduranc e b y the scholarshi p o f hi s editoria l labours . Th e thre e volume s o f th e Constitutional History stoo d supreme : the y were , t o th e worl d a t large , Stubbs. J . R . Tanner , recallin g i n 190 1 hi s undergraduat e days , remarked: " to read th e first volume of Stubbs was necessary to salvation; to rea d th e secon d was greatly t o b e desired ; th e thir d wa s reserve d for the ambitiou s studen t wh o sough t t o accumulat e meri t b y unnatura l austerities. Th e lecture r lecture d o n Stubbs ; th e commentato r elucid ated him ; th e cramme r boile d hi m down . Withi n thos e cover s wa s to be found th e final word in every controversy, and i n this faith th e student

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moved serene." Thi s mean t tha t neve r was prophet s o honoured in his own country an d amon g his own people. I t woul d have been , s o it was said i n 1908 , "lik e speakin g disrespectfull y o f th e equator " t o hav e criticized Stubb s in his own University,2 and when a distinguished visito r did hav e th e hardihoo d t o express withi n it s precincts hi s disagreemen t with Stubb' s Germanis t conceptio n o f Anglo-Saxon society , " he was promptly butchere d t o mak e a n Oxfor d holiday ". 8 No r ha s Stubbs' s fame fo r thi s boo k o f hi s sensibl y diminishe d sinc e hi s ow n da y an d generation.4 Evidentl y Stubb s continue s t o dominat e th e mind s o f scholars, and sometime s the cult of Stubbs seem to have reached th e point where it has become more desirable t o vindicate th e trut h o f the master' s words tha n t o ascertain th e truth itself . Hi s " masterpiece " is still, we are informed, placed a t Cambridge deliberatel y i n " a category i n which no othe r secondar y histor y book is to b e found ", 5 an d pu t i n th e sam e category o f value s fo r undergraduat e stud y a s collection s o f origina l documents—a strang e confusio n betwee n evidenc e an d inferenc e fro m evidence. Recentl y ther e ha s bee n adde d t o th e serie s o f Historica l Association pamphlet s a eulog y o f Willia m Stubb s b y th e Directo r o f the Institut e o f Historical Researc h in London, who terms hi m " still one of th e greatest o f th e academica l Englis h historian s ".6 I t i s well tha t we should examine thi s curious phenomenon, for which n o othe r scienc e can provid e a counterpart : a textbook ; now 7 5 to 8 0 years old , whic h still remain s a basi c authority . Le t m e stat e m y argumen t a t once : wherever th e mai n doctrine s o f th e Constitutional History ar e tested , i t i s clear tha t Stubbs , howeve r carefu l h e ma y hav e bee n t o ensur e th e accuracy o f hi s facts , ha s arrange d thos e fact s t o produc e th e wron g patterns. T o say that is to say all. Let it b e stated a t th e beginning : Stubb s had eminen t virtues . H e was erudite, laborious, by his lights conscientious. Hi s place among th e great historian s o f al l su b specie aeternitatis mus t b e lef t fo r th e futur e t o decide, but I have no doubt tha t his lasting reputation mus t rest upon his work a s the edito r o f historical texts . Amon g so much tha t i s mediocre and to o much tha t i s positively bad , th e volume s he contribute d t o th e Rolls Series stand ou t b y reason of their soun d and soli d scholarship. T o no one do I yield i n admiration of them. Bu t I am primarily concerne d with Stubb s the teacher. An d since we shall not understand Stubb s th e teacher withou t som e understanding of Stubbs the man , i t i s well to ask ourselves wha t manne r o f man h e was . And , a s historian s should , w e must remembe r som e dates . Stubbs wa s born i n 182 5 an d wen t t o Oxfor d a s a studen t i n 1844 . That epoch-makin g book , Th e Origin o f Species, b y Charle s Darwi n wa s published i n 1859 . Th e Constitutional History b y Stubb s wa s publishe d during th e years 1873-78 ; Stubb s became Bishop of Chester in 188 4 and he died Bishop of Oxford i n 1901 . N o more dates! Whe n Stubbs came to Oxford , h e foun d th e Universit y still ecclesiastica l i n it s organizatio n and i n it s outloo k and , furthermore , a t th e hear t o f a bitte r religiou s controversy. I t wa s a t thi s tim e tha t Newman , th e futur e Cardinal , was receive d int o th e Roma n Church . N o on e a t Oxfor d spok e o f anything els e but religiou s issues whilst Stubbs was there. Afte r h e ha d left, the University was subject to an investigation by a royal commission, and Oxfor d forgo t religio n i n it s hast e t o oppos e th e propose d reforms .

136 So it was that the Oxfor d Stubb s knew as a young man wa s Oxford in its old dress , Oxfor d unreformed . Fro m tha t tim e onward s t o th e en d o f his life his intellectual position did not alter: t o all seeming his ideas wer e mature an d se t an d hi s pat h wa s fo r eve r determined . I f I wer e t o introduce a philosophical or theological expression, I shoul d spea k o f his teleology. Tha t i s to say , a mora l purpos e underla y hi s own historica l studies. Th e purpos e o f history was to justify th e way s of God t o man . Such indee d wa s the implication o f the words he published whe n he was past middl e life : moder n histor y an d scienc e could b e equate d becaus e each of them aroused " a consciousness tha t we are growing able to justify the eterna l wisdom ; tha t w e are comin g t o se e ... a han d o f justice and mercy , a han d o f progress an d order , a kin d an d wis e disposition , ever leadin g th e worl d o n t o th e better". 7 No w thi s i s a questio n o f values which lie outside the value s of a scientist as scientist or a historia n as historian, an d I shall have to touch on the subject later on when I speak of Renan . M y simpl e poin t i s this : tha t th e trut h whic h i s to b e ap proached withou t presupposition s wa s no t fo r Stubbs . Th e Ne w Learning o f the nineteent h centur y in geology , botany , palaeontolog y or what yo u wil l pursue d a cours e remot e fro m th e channel s o f hi s ow n thought. Th e fierc e current s o f th e ne w thinkin g tha t stirre d an d tormented th e mind s o f his contemporarie s passe d hi m b y an d lef t hi m unmoved. H e stood , i n th e Lati n phrase , super antiquas vias an d wa s content. He made no secret o f the fact that he was, in his own words, " steeped in clerica l an d conservativ e principle s ".8 I n th e firs t plac e h e wa s a High Churchman , a t on e with Puse y an d th e Tractarians , an d suc h h e remained. Hi s obvious dislike of the Purita n cause , his refusal t o believe that a Dissenter coul d write a history of England; hi s strenuous objection to an y participatio n b y Oxfor d i n a commemoratio n o f Luther ; hi s studious avoidanc e o f a Unitaria n ministe r " from whos e opinion s h e differed s o profoundly ", hi s detestation o f the Highe r Criticis m an d hi s burning o f a boo k b y Herber t Spenser : al l suc h thing s mak e plai n th e inflexible cas t o f his mind. 9 I t i s not surprisin g tha t Stubb s impresse d one of his Oxford colleague s as thinking " that Churc h affair s shoul d not be full y discusse d in history—somethin g abou t ' touching th e Ark' ".10 But le t a n Oxfor d historian , wh o kne w him well , giv e hi s impression o f Stubbs i n late r life . Stubbs [says Dr. Grundy] was a great historian. H e also had the reputation of being a great humorist. Som e years' experience of him made one thin k tha t bishops might gai n tha t reputation somewhat easily . Bu t humorist or not, you could no t hel p liking him . . .. I ha d know n hi m for several year s befor e h e suggested to me that I should take Holy Orders and asked me to come to Cuddesdon t o discus s the questio n with him . I wen t ther e very unwillingly: I had always suppose d tha t h e wa s rather a broa d churchman. I foun d hi m on e o f the mos t rigi d hig h churchme n tha t I eve r met . Toward s th e clos e o f th e interview h e aske d m e t o nam e som e churchma n wit h whos e view s I wa s i n sympathy. I name d Charle s Kingsley . Th e intervie w cam e t o a n en d ver y shortly afterwards. 11 Other Oxfor d historians, whos e memorie s wen t bac k t o Stubbs, hav e borne witness to his affability, especiall y t o the young.12 Yet , a t bottom , there wa s this rigidity, thi s parti pris, of Oxford in th e 18405 .

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In th e second place Stubb s was convinced tha t a n historian could not write withou t part y bias . H e kne w that , i n politics a t least , h e was a partisan an d tha t hi s sentiment s were deepl y rooted . I n a charmin g fragment o f autobiograph y h e recall s th e influenc e tha t forme d hi s character, th e genius loci an d th e famil y traditio n o f yeome n farmers . " True blue Tor y " that he was, he had, a s a tiny boy , wave d the party flag in the face of Henry Brougham, and h e felt it impossible to disengage himself from hi s past.13 A s he grew older, hi s private comments o n th e contemporary scen e lacke d nothin g i n forthrightness : " I lik e th e Austrians a s Germans "; " I canno t bea r th e French . . . th e Frenc h are liars. . . . I have none of your penchant for the French as a nation "; " those horri d Poles" ; " extreme contemp t fo r Victor Emmanue l . . . that Garibaldi" . Fo r Bright he had " lost all respect", for Russell he " never had any respect ".u Ho w then wa s a man, wh o knew himsel f so prejudiced , t o justif y himsel f ? Salvatio n la y i n honesty , t o b e a n honest Tory or an honest Whig, bu t stil l a party man , in writing history as in politics . His approach wa s not tha t of the enquirin g an d objectiv e spirit, an d his weakness displayed itsel f equally i n hi s reluctance t o revis e anythin g he had written and his little concealed impatience with criticism. Thoug h he claimed for history " a special dignity of its own, the dignity of being able freel y t o accep t ne w lights an d correc t ol d prejudice s ", thi s con ception calle d fo r a resilienc e o f mind h e neve r possessed. 15 Doubtles s the care s o f episcopal offic e mad e i t difficul t fo r hi m t o revis e radicall y his Constitutional History but , whatever the excuse, the alteration s h e made in successiv e edition s wer e sligh t an d h e mad e scarcel y an y effor t t o adjust hi s thought t o fres h arguments , whethe r thos e o f Vinogradoff o n folkland o r Roun d o n knight-servic e o r Maitlan d o n parliament , whic h called fo r a drasti c retrea t fro m hi s previous conclusions. We must then as k ourselves the question: wha t influenc e ha d Stubb s the ma n upo n Stubb s th e historian ? I t ha s become habitua l t o spea k of hi s " judicial min d " and his " extraordinary impartialit y " and to assert tha t " his beliefs wer e not obtruded i n his work ",16 Ye t to leave the judgement ther e i s simply to be deceived. B y his training h e had a reverence for facts, but his inferences were not decided by the fact s bu t b y his prejudices which arranged th e facts into preconceived moulds . Ther e was n o defec t o f honesty , n o failur e i n integrity . Stubb s doubtles s believed tha t h e wa s drawin g hi s inference s fro m hi s data, wherea s h e was choosing the dat a tha t fitte d opinion s he had inherite d an d di d no t question. Thi s rationalizatio n o f preconceived judgements is a common habit o f mankind but , unles s w e ar e alert , w e shal l b e misle d b y th e deceptive resemblanc e t o reasone d judgement . I t wa s inevitable tha t time and tim e again Stubb s was aware that many facts would not squar e with hi s preconceptions and , becaus e h e wa s a n hones t worker , h e re corded them . Bu t i t i s surely to o naiv e t o regar d thi s a s indicative of impartiality. Merel y t o stat e th e opposin g fact s i s not impartiality : i f it were , ho w easy for us all t o b e impartial! Impartialit y implie s tha t the opposin g facts hav e been fully considere d and carefull y weighe d an d given a n opportunity t o influence the judgement. But , unlike Maitland, Stubbs ha d no t th e scientifi c tempe r o f mind t o tes t th e evidenc e anew and follow wherever i t led him .

138 Before proceedin g t o particula r examples , le t m e giv e a genera l illustration of how the shape of things becomes distorted. Hi s nineteenthcentury political sympathies for all that was German and hi s scant respect of Latin nations , particularl y France , wer e carrie d ove r int o th e Middl e Ages. " It i s perhaps tru e t o sa y ", h e hazard s i n 1876 , " that i n the most essentia l an d characteristi c part s o f our nationa l histor y w e hav e less interes t in Franc e tha n i n Germany. " 17 H e recognizes , o f course , that " throughout man y age s French an d Englis h history, bot h externa l and institutional , are boun d a s closely as any tw o nationa l histories ca n be; an d that which illustrates the one cannot but illustrate the other ",18 This, however , i s nothin g mor e tha n a purel y forma l recognitio n o f a vital truth . Fo r n o one who scrutinized th e chapters of the Constitutional History tha t dea l wit h th e institutiona l histor y o f Englan d afte r th e Norman Conquest—searc h a s diligently a s h e may—woul d eve r gues s from the m tha t tha t histor y was closely bound t o the institutional history of France. Th e institution s that hav e reall y shape d England' s politica l destiny, an d tha t wer e Stubbs' s principa l preoccupation , ar e French , if they are anything, bot h in name and in fact—the work of Frenchmen wit h English material . T o vie w th e institutiona l histor y o f England a s part of th e gesta De i per Francos seem s neve r t o hav e crosse d Stubbs' s mind . Similarly, th e inveterate bias of his thought prevented hi m from regardin g the Crusade s fro m th e Ara b standpoin t o r fro m tha t o f Byzantium. However, i t i s hi s myopi c Germanis m tha t i s th e mor e seriou s matter , for i t misle d generation s o f students into neglectin g Frenc h institutiona l history s o tha t th e explanatio n o f muc h o f th e evolutio n o f Englis h institutions continue s t o b e missed t o thi s day . To sho w ho w Stubbs' s illusion s derive d fro m curren t historica l anachronisms fro m whic h h e faile d t o fre e himself , th e consequenc e of insufficient critica l acumen , le t m e touc h upo n tw o majo r themes , o n which Stubb s expended muc h labou r an d thought : th e medieval parlia ment an d th e medieva l church . The Constitutional History range s across the centuries from th e departure of the Roman s t o th e adven t o f the Tudors . Th e earlie r chapter s are , however, no more than prolegomena. Th e cor e of the book is the history of the medieva l parliament . I n this , hi s main thesis , he agai n relies , as he di d i n hi s prolegomena, upo n secondar y authority . I n thi s cas e h e went t o n o know n historian o f repute bu t t o th e anonymou s authors o f the Reports o f th e Lords Committees o n the Dignity o f a Peer o f 1820-29 . H e read, of course, quantitie s o f original texts , i n s o far a s the y wer e avail able i n print , an d foun d justificatio n therein . Bu t the hypothese s upo n which h e poise d hi s conceptio n o f th e Edwardia n parliament—hi s central doctrine , a s h e himsel f proclaimed—are no t hi s own a t al l bu t the hypothese s o f th e Lord s Committees , hypotheses - borrowe d fro m a lon g lin e of antiquarian s an d controversialist s sinc e th e earl y seven teenth century . Th e proo f o f Stubbs' s dependenc e upo n thi s sourc e is an eas y one . Practically th e whol e o f th e fiv e volume s o f th e Lords Reports ar e concerned wit h what is termed th e " nature of the Legislative Assemblies of the countr y ",19 I t seem s neve r t o hav e occurre d t o the Lord s Com mittees t o as k themselve s whethe r the y were , i n fact , dealin g wit h a " legislative Assembl y ". Urged , a s the y said , b y th e desir e t o trac e

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" a resemblance t o that constitution o f Legislative Power which has since prevailed ",20 the y simpl y assume d tha t parliamen t mus t hav e bee n i n the pas t wha t i t ha d becom e i n th e present , an d the y ignore d th e grea t discontinuities o f history . Thei r effort s t o fin d resemblance s between , as they put it, " the constituent parts of the Saxon Legislative Assemblies before the Conquest " 21 and the Montfortian and Edwardian parliament s were thwarted , bu t wha t the y could d o to identify pas t an d presen t they did, an d the y lai d al l th e emphasi s upo n popula r representation , legis lation an d assen t t o taxation . Thi s vie w of th e medieva l parliamen t i s common t o th e Lords Reports an d th e Constitutional History. Th e Lord s Committees had no doubt that the representative elemen t was a necessary constituent elemen t i n parliament , whic h was by definitio n a n assembl y of th e " three estate s ": Stubb s sa w no reaso n t o differ . Th e indis putable evidenc e showe d tha t man y parliaments , s o called b y contem poraries, ha d n o representativ e element s summone d t o them . Sinc e ex hypothesi thi s shoul d no t be , th e Lord s Committee s therefor e made a gratuitous distinctio n an d declare d tha t th e ter m " parliament" was applied t o tw o differen t kind s o f meetings : "legislativ e assemblies" , and " assemblies, regularl y meetin g a t state d intervals , an d actin g generally as the king's ordinary council or as a court of Justice ",22 Stubb s adopted their teaching and then proceeded t o darken their counsel. For , whereas t o th e Lord s Committee s th e judicial session s wer e " ordinary parliaments " an d th e session s o f the " three estate s " wer e " extraordinary assemblie s ",23 Stubbs subverte d th e classification . I t wa s the judicial session s that became , i n his hands, " special parliaments ", 24 and it wa s only wit h reluctanc e tha t h e applie d th e ter m " parliament" t o them a t all . Indeed , h e does not include th e " dispensation o f justice " as one of the function s of parliament, and h e can asser t that parliamen t as such had n o function o f this kind.25 An d just as the Lords Committee s saw i n 129 5 th e grea t dividin g line, 26 s o did Stubbs . A parliamen t o f this yea r happene d t o resembl e th e compositio n o f parliamen t a s i t became settle d i n th e nex t century . Stubb s seized upon it an d calle d i t a " model ", where " a perfect representatio n o f three estates was secured and a parliamen t constituted , o n th e mode l o f which ever y succeedin g assembly bearin g tha t nam e wa s formed "; i t serve d " as a patter n for all future assemblies of the nation ", " a precedent for all time to come ".27 This was, in fact, not true, and Stubbs knew it to be untrue and that there were divergence s from th e patter n o f 1295 : h e himsel f pointed ou t tha t " this rule " was contradicted b y later evidence. 28 Nevertheless , for him it stil l remaine d a " rule ". It i s not m y concern here t o tell the story of the medieval parliamen t of England. Suffic e i t t o say that Englis h parliaments were at al l times in th e thirteent h centur y o f one kind an d on e type only ; tha t th e story is of a feudal court , a court set above al l other courts and department s of government. Th e presenc e or absence of legislation, taxatio n o r popular representation i s a matte r fo r th e king' s decision , an d whethe r a par ticular meeting is to be a parliament o r not is similarly for him to decide. We ca n d o n o more tha n rejec t ou t o f hand th e traditiona l conception , accepted an d popularize d b y Stubbs . An d wit h i t mus t go , w e hope , into th e limb o of forgotten thing s the belie f tha t th e Englis h parliament of the thirteent h centur y was unique, for it fall s int o line with the course

140 of event s elsewher e i n Wester n Europ e and , i n doin g so , it become s a t last intelligible . Le t u s leav e parliamentar y democrac y t o th e ag e t o which i t belongs . The notoriou s instanc e o f hi s lac k o f critica l judgemen t wa s hi s exposition o f the historica l independence o f the Churc h o f England fro m the Churc h of Rome. Hi s apologists find little or no space to discuss it, yet w e hav e here , i n a fiel d whic h i s not constitutiona l history, a clea r demonstration of the way in which Stubbs followed blindl y the traditiona l interpretations o f the pas t an d faile d t o make an independen t assessment of them. Let m e set out th e problem. Th e Reformer s of the sixteenth century had com e t o loo k upo n th e pop e a s a usurper . Th e extrem e for m i n which suc h a view could b e pu t i s seen in Willia m Prynne' s Exact History of the Pope's intolerable Usurpations upon the Liberties of the Kings and Subjects of England and Ireland, a s one o f the alternativ e title s of his vast collections of record s runs. 29 Si r Edwar d Cok e agree d wit h Prynn e i n this , i f i n little else , and , thoug h h e wrot e mor e soberly , h e strov e t o sho w b y historical proof s that royal jurisdiction in ecclesiastical matters antedated the Reformation. 30 W e must , however , d o justic e t o th e commo n lawyers. Fro m thei r point o f view the Reformation had mad e very little difference. Ther e i s n o discontinuity . I n th e genera l patter n o f th e ecclesiastical courts , th e sligh t adjustment s necessar y afte r th e breac h with Rom e ar e o f very little account . The y were impressed, as must be also an y dispassionat e observer , b y the trut h that , like other revolutions, the religiou s revolutio n o f th e sixteent h centur y ha d lef t th e curren t o f ideas an d th e strea m o f practices singularl y unchanged . Certainly , s o far a s ecclesiastica l jurisdictio n impinge d upo n th e commo n law , th e differences wer e almos t imperceptible . If w e turn fro m th e commo n lawye r t o th e ecclesiastica l lawyer, th e history o f th e conflictin g jurisdiction s present s a differen t aspect . I n pre-Reformation Englan d litigant s i n court s Christia n wer e continually being thwarted ; ecclesiastica l judges were continually being prohibited , under penalty , fro m hearin g causes ; i n parliamen t th e lord s spiritua l were no t infrequentl y protestin g o r washin g thei r hand s whe n proposals were afoo t fo r limiting the authorit y of the Curi a i n England . Al l these trammels and inhibitions were usurpations by the secular power. Never theless, i n practic e th e Churc h ha d com e t o a n accommodatio n wit h the Stat e and , sinc e eac h wa s usefu l t o th e other , quarrel s wer e neve r pushed to o far an d neithe r side , a t leas t afte r th e pontificat e o f Innocent III, advance d claim s tha t lef t n o possibilit y of retreat. W e ma y thin k that th e winnin g card s wer e i n th e hand s o f th e secula r rulers , an d certainly, when it came to extremes, history was to show that in practical results a kin g was mightier tha n a pope . Bu t fo r thre e centurie s there was n o quarre l tha t wa s worth th e inconvenienc e o f a tota l breakdown . When th e breakdown came , th e Englis h Church becam e Erastian . Th e judges, sitting i n court s Christian, became th e king's ecclesiastical judges and th e ancien t cano n law became th e king's ecclesiastical laws . Littl e was changed excep t this ; bu t this , fro m th e ecclesiastica l lawyer's poin t of view , wa s fundamental . Hi s authorit y derive d now , no t fro m th e pope, bu t fro m th e king .

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Now Stubb s attribute d grea t importanc e t o apostolic succession, and not th e leas t importan t o f hi s historica l works , on e involvin g muc h original research , wa s th e Registrum Sacrum Anglicanum. 31 Her e h e presented th e evidenc e for uninterrupted continuit y in th e consecration of Englis h bishop s by consecrate d bishops . Thi s continuit y seeme d t o him o f vital importance . O n thi s ground, i f not o n thi s ground alone , the Englis h Churc h remaine d wha t i t ha d alway s been , a par t o f the Catholic Church , thoug h no t of the Roma n Catholi c Church . Thoug h the link with Rome was snapped, the link with the Church Universal was unsevered. But , howeve r rea l thi s distinctio n ma y be , howeve r tru e i t may b e historically , i t canno t b e pushe d beyon d a ver y confine d spac e without reachin g th e terrai n wher e al l bu t theologian s fea r t o tread . Stubbs the High Churchman, the adherent of the views current in Oxford in hi s undergraduate days , pressed th e distinctio n very far. Stubbs's interes t i n the history o f ecclesiastical jurisdictio n i n England was deepened an d sharpened b y his appointment t o a Royal Commission to enquire int o th e constitution an d workin g of ecclesiastical courts . 'A s the historica l expert o n whom his colleagues depended, Stubb s too k his duties seriously , attende d ever y on e o f th e seventy-fiv e sessions , an d contributed, a s an appendi x t o th e Report , a historica l surve y of canon law as it seemed to him to have operated i n England in pre-Reformatio n days.32 I n committe e h e ha d assure d hi s fello w Commissioner s tha t " attempts t o force o n the Churc h an d th e Natio n th e complet e cano n law of the Middl e Age s were alway s unsuccessful", tha t th e collection s of papal decree s which had bee n officiall y recognize d b y th e papac y a s containing th e whole la w of the Churc h " were no t authoritativ e " in England, wher e an " independent and imperfect system "prevailed unti l the sixteent h century. 83 Hi s fina l summation , incorporate d i n th e Report itself , state d tha t " the cano n la w o f Rome , thoug h alway s regarded a s of great authority in England, was not held t o be binding on the courts. . . . Th e laws of the Church o f England fro m th e Conques t onwards were , a s before , th e traditiona l Churc h la w develope d b y th e legal and scientifi c abilit y of its administrators an d occasionall y amende d by th e constitution s o f successiv e archbishops , th e canon s o f nationa l councils, and the sentences or authoritative answer s to questions delivered by the popes." 34 T o put the matter briefly in the words used by Stubbs's biographer, th e English Church in the Middle Ages was not " in bondage to the legal syste m of the Papac y ", 35 This , Stubb s claimed, wa s " true history ". The Repor t o f the Royal Commissio n appeared i n 188 3 and Stubbs' s views wer e generall y accepte d unti l 1896 , whe n th e questio n wa s re opened b y Maitland. 38 H e read , a s Stubb s ha d rea d befor e him , th e Provinciate o f William Lyndwood , th e on e outstandin g Englis h canonist , who in or shortly after 143 0 had complete d an d published a commentary upon th e provincia l constitution s o f the archbishop s o f Canterbury. A s he read , Maitlan d realize d wit h growin g consternatio n tha t Stubbs' s conclusions were in direct conflic t wit h the evidenc e on which they were ostensibly founded . Fo r Lyndwoo d spok e withou t equivocation : because a n inferio r canno t annu l th e la w o f a superior , therefor e a n archbishop canno t annu l th e decree s tha t hav e bee n dul y promulgate d by a papa l legate ; i t i s possible fo r an archbisho p to make additions to

142 papal law, provide d h e does not alte r it s substance, for what a n inferior does will not hold goo d if in any way it restricts that law.37 Ther e could be no doubt that Lyndwoo d regarde d papa l la w as valid i n England an d quite immun e from an y alteratio n i n essential s by an Englis h provincial council. O f purely Englis h cano n law , o f local rule s tha t were allowe d to stan d becaus e they obeyed eac h o f two conditions, first, that the y did not ru n counte r t o the basic principles o f the law of the Western Churc h and, second , that the y had bee n in force fo r a reasonable lengt h o f time, Maitland coul d fin d onl y occasiona l traces . Tha t Maitland' s readin g of Lyndwood is correct, no one now ventures to dispute. Tha t Lyndwood is representative o f canonist opinion an d represent s historical facts, ther e is equally n o question . Wh y the n di d Stubb s err ? I t wa s because h e had confuse d tw o propositions . First , i n Englan d th e Stat e woul d no t suffer th e Churc h t o include within its jurisdiction al l that th e canonist s claimed a s ecclesiastical law . Tha t was the lawyer' s angl e o f approach and it was historically true. Bu t the second proposition tha t th e English Church Court s hel d themselve s fre e t o accep t o r rejec t an d di d i n some cases reject th e cano n la w o f Rome i s quite a differen t argumen t an d i t was no t th e canonists ' angl e o f approac h an d i t i s historicall y untrue . However, Stubb s a s a Hig h Churchma n accepte d withou t reserv e th e traditional doctrin e tha t th e Reformatio n ha d no t broken the continuity of the Church in England. H e could not deny that the external authority of the papacy had been eliminated. But , if the authority of the Universal Ordinary, tha t i s to say , th e Pope , coul d b e repelle d i n Englan d i n th e Middle Ages , i f th e papa l la w ha d no t bee n automaticall y binding , i f there had alway s been a distinction between papal la w and the law of the ecclesia anglicana, a distinctio n fundamenta l an d carefull y preserved, the n the Churc h i n Englan d mus t hav e develope d alway s along its own lines and i n accordanc e wit h its own traditions . S o the Reformatio n was not a revolution , i t was no more tha n a drasti c extensio n o f what ha d bee n done in the past, th e Englis h Church remained what it had alway s been. As Maitlan d ironicall y observed , Englan d wa s Protestan t befor e th e Reformation. Stubbs had , i n fact , don e fa r mor e tha n " minimize undul y "—the words ar e Tout' s 38—the authorit y o f the Pope . H e ha d projecte d hi s prejudices into the Middle Ages and, once more interpreting the evidence in th e ligh t o f accepted doctrine , h e had faile d t o see the rea l problem . Had h e expresse d hi s view s i n th e fifteent h instea d o f th e nineteent h century, the n h e would , a s it ha s bee n remarked , hav e expose d himself to a charg e o f heresy. 39 Stubb s ha d a n opportunit y t o reconside r an d restate hi s cas e whe n h e publishe d th e thir d editio n o f hi s Seventeen Lectures but h e di d n o mor e tha n mak e a grudgin g substitutio n o f in definite fo r precis e phraseology. 40 Th e ecclesiasti c transcende d th e historian. Th e inflexibilit y an d rigidit y o f mind persiste d t o th e end . Indeed, h e seems never to have full y appreciate d th e forc e o f Maitland's argument: bu t the n he was a High Churchma n of the school that desires the benefit s of Erastianism withou t it s inconveniences . So, despite his great erudition , Stubbs belonged to a school of history that looke d backward s an d no t forwards . A s I hav e said , h e ha d n o patience wit h th e ne w spiri t o f scientific inquir y whic h w e i n Englan d associate with the name of Charles Darwin. I t wa s beyond him to study

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the fact s an d le t the facts tak e him where they would, to throw away his hypothesis i f i t wa s contradicte d b y th e facts . O n th e contrar y h e unfortunately explaine d awa y the facts . So I com e t o hi s great Frenc h contemporary , Ernes t Renan . Th e comparison betwee n th e tw o me n i s enlightening . Stubb s himsel f ha s made tha t comparison . Ther e i s a n unforgettabl e passage i n hi s las t statutory lecture , delivere d i n 188 4 o n th e ev e o f hi s departur e fro m Oxford fo r Chester . H e tell s o f hi s firs t meetin g wit h Joh n Richar d Green. I kne w by description th e sor t of ma n I wa s to meet ; I recognise d hi m a s he got into the Well s carriage, holding i n his hand a volume o f Renan. I sai d to myself, " If I can hinder, he shall not read that book ". W e sat opposite and fell immediatel y into conversation. . . . H e came to me at Navestock afterwards, and that volume o f Renan found its way uncut into my waste-paper basket. 41

Stubbs met Green in 1863 . O n 2 4 June in that yea r there had bee n published i n Pari s Renan' s Vi e de Jesus an d befor e the en d o f August i t had passed through si x editions. I t had loosed in France th e most bitter controversy. Stubb s ha d hear d o f the book ; open-minde d Gree n ha d bought it . Stubb s condemned without reading and , mor e than twent y years later , looke d bac k upo n th e inciden t wit h satisfaction . An d ye t never was odium theologicum more misplaced. Bu t Stubbs knew not Rena n the historian: h e knew only Renan th e heresiarch. Renan, bor n i n poverty, throug h hi s precocious genius, his amazing industry, his unflinching fortitude, the devotion of his sister Henriette an d some piece s o f good fortune , ha d rise n t o th e highes t rank s o f Frenc h scholarship an d at the age of 38, had been appointed Professo r of Hebrew in th e Colleg e d e France . H e wa s suspende d afte r deliverin g hi s in augural lectur e (absit omen). Thi s wa s a yea r befor e th e publicatio n o f the Vi e de Jesus i n 1863 . ' An earlie r work , his doctora l thesis , Averroes et Averroisme, first published i n 1852 , shoul d hav e commende d Renan t o Stubbs a s a remarkabl e an d eve n uniqu e scholar , wh o could matc h a n interest i n medieva l Christia n philosoph y wit h a comman d o f Hebre w and Arabic . Th e mai n wor k o f hi s lif e wa s hi s Histoire de s Origines du Christianisme, o f which th e Vi e de Jesus i s only the firs t volum e in42a long series, followe d b y hi s Histoire d u peuple d'Israel i n fiv e volumes. Thi s vast work has age d swiftly , a s must all historica l wor k in th e ligh t o f a more critica l appraisa l o f the documents . Perhaps , too , Renan' s min d was less critical than he himself perceived. Certainl y he attached a higher value to the Gospels as historical documents than would be given to them today, afte r th e criticism o f nearly a century. Renan had spent the early years of his manhood in his private Garde n of Gethsemane, and hi s doubts and hi s anguish have been portrayed for a negligent posterit y wit h sincerity , lucidity , an d grea t beaut y i n hi s Souvenirs d'Enfance e t de Jeunesse.*9 H e parte d sadly, reluctantly, and wit h gentle courtesy from the traditional beliefs in which he had been nurtured , and h e repudiate d al l reservation s that stoo d i n th e wa y o f his singleminded searc h for truth. H e ha d t o pay th e penalty for his temerity in subjecting religio n and th e Churc h to th e scientifi c criticis m of the ne w age. T o n o ma n mor e tha n t o hi m i s due th e breaking-dow n of tha t division betwee n " classical" histor y an d " scripture " histor y whic h

144 Stubbs ha d accepted a s a matter of course, and the " Higher Criticism " is no w admitte d a s a legitimat e instrumen t i n al l theologica l schools , Catholic an d Protestant . Bu t i n hi s own day hi s plea wa s disregarded that th e Churc h mus t find a place for the rationalists withi n its fold an d use their services to set its house in order rathe r than leav e the m outsid e to batte r dow n it s defence s or , i n col d indifference , transfe r thei r en thusiasms elsewhere. " How often it happens that, when a man abandons the Church , h e wil l searc h fo r th e los t absolute , th e los t comfor t o f believing friend s an d colleagues , i n a fanatica l politica l faith. " Wa s Renan wron g i n hi s ow n da y an d i s he wron g today ? Howeve r tha t may be , " Dilexi veritate m " was the motto Rena n aske d t o be place d upon hi s tombstone , believing , i n th e word s o f St. John, tha t th e trut h alone will set men free . Historian s know none better. T o al l historians who-are ye t nea r th e nineteent h century, Renan' s lif e an d wor k have a peculiar significance : th e detachmen t o f hi s min d fro m ol d habit s o f thought, the growing determination t o test premises and, by a rigid logic , to follow th e argumen t t o th e end . Rena n ma y hav e falle n shor t o f his aim; hi s immediate results , lik e Darwin's , ma y hav e bee n superseded ; but bot h wer e principal creator s o f the Ne w Learning, whic h i s as much the foundatio n of the moder n approac h t o histor y a s it i s of the moder n approach t o science. The tim e has come when we must realize ho w harmful it is to English medieval studie s i f the youn g studen t i s to b e saddled wit h th e unteste d assumptions an d th e inherite d prejudice s o f a hundre d year s ago . H e will inevitably carr y enough of his own from th e Zeitgeist o f his own time. Stubbs looks backwards to the centuries which began with an assumption that stood immutable an d illustrate d i t fro m th e facts. H e di d no t look forward t o the modern age, of which Maitland wa s the superb protagonist, which may , indee d must , begin wit h a hypothesis but i s ready t o thro w it away if the facts go against it. Englis h historians must assess Stubbs as French historian s hav e assesse d thei r constitutiona l historian , Fuste l d e Coulanges. I f this is not done, the consequence, which, I am convinced, has bee n plainl y harmfu l t o m y ow n generation , wil l b e stil l t o envelo p the youn g and uncritica l studen t with a clou d o f preconceptions an d t o obfuscate a true—or , at least , a truer—perspective . It is not righ t to infect hi m as it were with a " Stubbs Disease " and so condition him that he mus t spend th e res t of his life tryin g t o get ri d o f its effects . Fo r th e Constitutional History wil l faste n upo n hi m fetter s o f though t fro m whic h he may find no release. I t wil l forc e him , howeve r unconsciously , t o fit all h e learns afterward s int o a procrustea n frame . Th e mischie f is that the Constitutional History stil l outlive s it s day , an d th e process , commonl y known a s " going bac k t o Stubb s ", meanin g th e Constitutional History, i s an unconscionable tim e in dying. NOTES *J. R . Tanner , "Th e Teachin g o f Constitutiona l History " i n Th e Teaching o f History (ed . W . A. J. Archbold, 1901) , p. 54. 2 A. L. Smith , F. W . Maitland (1908) , p . 48. 8 Sir Willia m Ashley' s commen t o n Denma n Ross' s visit : Economic Review, vol . ii i (1893), P - 155 -

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* Letters of William Stubbs, ed. W . H. Hutto n (1904) , p. 138 : " it i s astonishing how little there is to alter in what he has said "; A . J. Grant, English Historians (1909) , p. Ixx: " the second an d third volume s . . . wil l nee d rival s o f almost superhuma n qualitie s to displac e them" ; G . P . Gooch , History an d Historians o f th e Nineteenth Century (1913 : revised 1952) , p . 343 : " the blunders o f the second an d thir d volume s are surprisingl y few"; T . F . Tou t i n Dictionary o f National Biography, Supp . 2 , vol. 3 , s.n. " Stubbs": " its influence for good i s as lively no w as when i t first issued from th e pres s . .. i n later part s o f the boo k ther e i s little to . alter, thoug h ther e i s much t o supplement" ; H. M. Cam, " Stubbs Seventy Years After " in Cambridge Historical Journal, vol. foe (1948), p. 133 : " From th e Norma n Conques t onward s th e boo k become s indispensable". 6 H. M . Cam , op . cit. p. 129 . 8 J. G . Edwards, William Stubbs (1952) , p. 3. 7 Seventeen Lectures on the Study o f Medieval an d Modern History (1886) , p . 23 . 8 Ibid. p. 29. 9 For thes e instances , se e Letters o f William Stubbs, pp . 75 , 126 , 144 , 310 ; Gooch , op. cit. p. 344 ; English Historical Review, vol. xvi (1901) , p . 425 . 10 O. Elton , F. T . Powell, vol. i (1906) , 212 . 11 G. B . Grundy, Fifty-five Tears at Oxford (1945) , P - 9 212 C. W . C . Oman , O n the Writing o f History (1939) , pp. 235-236 ; Memories o f Victorian Oxford (1941) , p . 105 . » Letters, p . 6. u Ibid. pp. 71, 73 , 97, 98 . 16 Cf. his observation t o Green in 1877 : " As to your book, I have not read th e proo f sheets . . . becaus e I kne w tha t ou r views were s o different. . . . I coul d no t be a fair judge " (Letters, p . 176) . Th e livel y an d inquisitiv e Gree n cam e i n fo r man y reproofs: " If I though t yo u believed wha t you pretend t o me to do, I shoul d no t be writing t o you "(Ibid. p . 159) ; " please i n reviewing m e . . . withdra w you r min d from th e points o n which we differ an d concentrat e o n those on which we agree. I d o not like people to say 'Here is a serious mistake ' when it is a radical difference i n view " (ibid. p . 171) . 18 7 Gooch, op . cit. pp. 341-2 . 1 Seventeen Lectures, p . 66 . 18 Loc. fit. Cf . Constitutional History, vol . i i (1887) , p . 323 : no t unti l Edwar d II' s reign di d French influenc e " come into prominence as the older nationa l spirit becomes weaker ". 19 0 Lords Reports, vol . i, pp . 167-168 . 2 Op. cit. vol. i, p . 389 . 21 2 Op. cit. vol. i, p . 17 ; cf . p. 476 . 2 Op. cit. vol. i, p . 169 . 23 Op. cit. vol. i, pp . 169 , 180-181 , 193 , 195 , 217 , 224 , 235, 237, etc. 24 8 Constitutional History, vol . ii, p . 274 . 2 Select Charters (1888), p . 46 . 28 Lords Reports, vol . i, pp. 234 , 291 , 390, 475 . " Select Charters, p. 483; Constitutional History, vol . ii, p. 134 . 28 Constitutional History, vol . ii , pp . 155 , 163 . 29 Published in 1665-6 8 in three volumes. 30 Institutes o f th e Laws of England (1628-41) , pt . ii , pp . 601-609 . 81 First published i n 1858 ; revise d edition in 1897 . 32 Report o f th e Commissioners appointed t o inquire into th e Constitution an d Working o f th e Ecclesiastical Courts (1883) , Historica l Appendix (I). 33 4 5 Ibid. vol . i, p . 250 . 3 Ibid. p . xviii . 3 Letters, p . 206 . 88 English Historical Review, vol . x i (1896) , pp . 446-478 , 641-672 ; vol . xi i (1897) , pp. 625-658 : republishe d i n Roman Canon Law i n the Church of England (1898) . 37 William Lyndwood, Provinciale (1679) , ^ D - i" > t^ - 6 (p . 137 , note o); lib . iii, tit. 9 (p. 154 , note/). 38 Dictionary o f National Biography, Supp . 2, vol. 3, s.n. " Stubbs ". 39 H. A . L. Fisher, F. W . Maitland ( 1910), p. 102 . *° The original version and the alterations made in deference to Maitland's arguments are se t ou t i n paralle l column s in Quarterly Review, vol. 21 7 (Octobe r 1912) , p . 4256 : e.g. " not receive d a s havin g an y authorit y " becam e " not formall y an d explicitl y received ". 41 Seventeen Lectures (1886) , pp . 377-378 . I t ha s bee n suggeste d (Edwards , op . cit. p. 20) that Stubb s looked upon the inciden t as a joke. Stubb s was not the kin d of man to find Renan a subject fo r humour, an d I do not think so ill of him as to believe that he thought i t amusing to deprive a n extremel y poor curat e o f a ne w book h e ha d bough t and ha d no t read. I f he did, it was a joke in the poorest taste. 42 For hi s lif e an d works , see, fo r example , F . Espinasse , Ernest Renan (1895) . "Published 1883 .

146 NOTE

This lecture, delivere d i n 1953 , becam e the basi s of the firs t chapte r of Richardson an d Sayles , Th e Governance o f Mediaeval England, published i n 1963 . Thoug h Si r Louis Namier wrote to me to say that he was gla d Stubb s ha d bee n 'debunked' , I ha d no t writte n wit h tha t purpose i n mind. Bu t pas t experienc e ha d taught that , unless the error s were starkl y exposed , n o criticis m wa s likely t o b e applied t o Stubbs' s teaching. Hi s misconception s an d th e refutation s o f the m hav e lon g been expecte d t o liv e togethe r quit e happil y i n th e sam e wa y tha t Fundamentalists accep t bot h th e Ptolemai c an d Copernica n cosmogonies, al l unawar e tha t th e tw o ar e irreconcilable . N o schola r can as k bette r tha n tha t hi s wor k shal l b e judge d b y th e highes t standards tha t th e progres s o f knowledg e shal l permit , desirin g onl y that i t shal l b e remembered tha t w e are conditioned b y our nature and environment. I t i s given to us to know only in part: ou r attention i s not always aler t o r ou r memor y reliable , an d w e carry wit h us to the grave unsuspected prejudice s an d erroneou s idea s tha t w e should hav e done well t o cas t awa y earl y o n i n life . Stubb s wa s a man o f hi s age , not i n advance o f it . Hi s mind wa s more wit h Joh n Henr y Goss e o f th e ever memorable Father an d Son an d with Queen Victoria tha n wit h Darwin. Now w e ma y no t lik e thos e wh o ar e dubbed eminen t Victorians , bu t only th e partisa n an d th e bigoted wil l question thei r good faith . Stubb s viewed histor y a s he viewe d religio n an d society , a s ingenuously and as uncomprehendingly a s th e grea t majorit y o f hi s educate d con temporaries. H e woul d b e ou t o f plac e amon g us , eve n o n th e benc h of bishops , bu t h e suite d hi s da y an d generatio n well . If he now seems an amateu r amon g professionals , t o the m h e looke d lik e a professiona l among amateurs . An d h e wa s as competent, enormousl y competent , a s he wa s industrious . Wh o among u s coul d hop e t o writ e a textbook i n three large volume s an d hav e i t recommende d fo r readin g b y academi c historians a centur y hence ? Wh o amon g u s coul d hop e t o compil e a source boo k lik e th e Select Charters, which i s likely t o las t a s long as the Constitutional History! An d h e wrot e hi s best-sellers whil e he was editing man y historica l text s an d thereb y profitin g by som e £20,000 , far mor e tha n si x figures in our depreciate d currency . Of course, he was anxious, a s his letters show , to b e recruited fo r the Roll s Series because he wa s a country parso n wit h grea t abilities , antiquaria n taste s an d n o

STUBBS AN D RENA N 14 7 private means . W e see no reaso n wh y a historian shoul d no t writ e fo r gain o r b e les s mundan e tha n a n artis t lik e Hogarth — the historian' s artist i f ever there wa s one - wh o was frankly commercial , never man more so . An d havin g undertaken hi s assigne d tasks, Stubb s naturall y gave o f hi s best an d w e rejoice that he wa s well rewarded. We can bu t regret tha t th e ag e when th e Maste r of th e Roll s played th e incredibl e part o f th e fair y godmothe r ha s passed , fo r w e shoul d b e more tha n content t o enjo y equa l prosperity an d the same atmosphere of industry and good will. But al l his virtues did not make Stubbs a great historian i n the sense that Maitlan d is a great historian. W e have had to grow up to Maitland. It too k a generation befor e his work on the medieval parliament began to b e appreciated. Hi s letters were not collecte d until nearly sixty years after hi s death. Hi s scattered article s are still bein g edited wit h minute care an d scholarship . Woul d anyon e drea m o f doin g th e lik e fo r Stubbs's Seventeen Lectures! Maitland' s scholarshi p i s of the present . He combined in himself the diverse virtues of the nineteenth century — integrity an d industry , scepticis m an d idealism , science an d learnin g — and witha l a literar y char m tha t captivate s successive generations. He endears himself t o thos e whos e great-grandfather s were young when he died, and he lives with us as still our teacher an d companion. We woul d ad d a commen t upo n th e authorit y o f cano n la w i n England. Maitlan d wa s indisputably correc t whe n he stated tha t papal law wa s receive d throughou t Christendom . Whe n Gregor y I X transmitted t o th e universitie s the Decretal s a s compiled by Raymond of Penafort , h e said, 'T o the inten t therefor e tha t everyon e shall have only thi s compilatio n i n lega l proceeding s an d teaching , w e strictly forbid anyon e t o presum e t o mak e another , sav e wit h th e expres s authority o f th e Apostoli c See ' (tl\e decreta l 'Re x pacificus' , prefixed to Friedberg , Corpus JuriS^ Canonici}. Ther e i s n o questio n o f acquiescence, th e cano n lawyer is to know but on e law, and the pope is the lawgiver . On this point Stubb s was muddled and remained muddled to the end. But Maitland was concerned only with the truth o f a general proposition an d no t wit h th e wa y i n whic h i t wa s applie d an d interpreted i n church courts. As we pointed ou t some twenty years ago, there wer e 'limitation s withi n whic h th e papac y coul d comman d respect fo r it s injunctions ' an d th e 'remot e abstraction s — useful, i t might be , t o lawyer s an d philosopher s — had littl e bearin g upo n th e problems o f dail y life ' (Governance o f Mediaeval England, p. 317). The records o f church court s ar e now being studied, an d it is apparent that

148 STUBB S AN D RENA N these court s wer e hearin g case s tha t shoul d hav e been brough t befor e the king' s court s an d wer e ofte n basin g thei r judgement s o n loca l custom rathe r tha n papa l decree , which , a s Maitlan d himsel f ha d pointed out , wa s allowe d b y cano n law . Custom , tha t i s bye-laws , equally affecte d th e commo n law . We must remember that, age s before the king' s justice covere d th e lan d and became uniform as the common law, Englan d had bee n unde r th e rul e of customar y law . This differe d from regio n t o regio n bu t it s rule s and regulations had been hammered out an d enforce d fo r man y centuries . Th e king' s wri t di d no t ente r ungoverned countr y no r di d peopl e lear n t o gover n themselve s at th e king's command. Their customs were often too deep-rooted t o be swept aside b y th e commo n law , a s Bracto n (f . 272 ) plainl y acknowledges , and w e kno w n o fine r illustratio n tha n i s supplie d b y th e primitiv e marsh la w in , fo r example , Romne y Marsh , wher e self-constitute d communities had ha d a continuous life extendin g beyond th e memory of man . I n th e thirteent h centur y the y bega n t o see k th e ai d of th e crown t o enforc e thei r ow n jurisdiction , bu t th e crow n i s no t th e creator o f thes e marsh-lan d administrations . Ther e i s no differenc e i n approach wit h th e cano n law. Furthermore, litigant s wishe d only to get their dispute s settle d quickl y an d the y seldo m sa w reason fo r expens e and dela y b y appealin g t o kin g o r pop e o n question s o f la w an d jurisdiction. I t migh t happen , a s it di d i n 129 2 whe n a jury testifie d that the defendant had not 'drawn ' an action into an ecclesiastical cour t concerning freehol d o r la y chattel s (Assiz e Roll , no . 408 , m . 98) . As late a s 140 6 th e jurisdiction o f th e Chancellor' s Cour t a t Oxford could be challenge d becaus e 'eac h o f th e king' s liege s in his realm of England ought o f righ t t o b e deal t wit h b y th e commo n la w o f th e real m o f England i n al l manner of plea s and plaint s made and arising within th e realm o f England , and th e aforesai d plea was held an d determine d b y civil law and not in accordance with the law of England ' (Sayles, King's Bench, VII . 173) . Writ s of prohibition are always at hand, if not always used, an d th e roya l court s wil l no t interfer e unles s thei r hand s ar e forced. I n al l courts, secula r a s well as ecclesiastical, mos t cases simply vanish fro m th e record s a s soon a s the parties know that the y are to be involved in litigation. We know that many of these cases were settled b y arbitration, fo r sometime s th e arbitratio n itsel f i s recorded i n th e ple a roll an d eve n brough t befor e th e court s fo r adjudicatio n an d enforcement. Thes e compromises , on e suspects , wer e littl e likel y t o bother whethe r technicalitie s wer e observed. However that may be, any effective centralise d contro l fro m Westminste r o r Rom e ove r what was

STUBBS AN D RENA N 14 9 happening was always out o f th e questio n i f onl y because the essentia l communications syste m wa s defective and apt to break dow n under th e stress o f war. All concerned were quite happy to leave well alone and t o refrain fo r mor e tha n thre e centurie s fro m an y nigglin g interference . The Reformation unfold s a different story.

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14 CONTEMPORARY SKETCHE S O F TH E MEMBER S O F TH E IRIS H PARLIAMENT I N 1782 .

THE parliament which assembled i n Dublin in June, 1776, saw Henry Grattan in it s mids t wit h little experienc e i n parliamentar y affairs , an d b y th e tim e that it s fourth and , a s it happened , it s last sessio n cam e to it s clos e in July, 1782, i t ha d broke n awa y fro m a lon g constitutiona l traditio n an d wo n it s legislative independenc e o f England . Th e dynami c forc e whic h achieve d this triump h cam e from Gratta n : this wa s his finest hour whe n he reached the pea k o f his super b orator y and , i f on e mor e than anothe r deserve s th e appellation o f ' Grattan's Parliament' , i t i s assuredly this . I t is , therefore, most fortunat e tha t ther e shoul d hav e com e t o ligh t a n undoubtedl y con temporary collectio n of character sketche s of the member s of this parliament : the Lowe r House as it was constituted on the very last day of its deliberations , and the Upper House as it would be constituted, i n consequence of later changes in th e episcopate , i n th e nex t parliament . The information is contained i n two sli m volumes, bound in red morocco, which i n appearanc e ar e ver y lik e smal l autograp h albums. 1 Th e first book of 30 0 page s i s numbere d consecutivel y throughou t an d reserve d fo r pith y observations o n th e personne l o f th e Common s : th e 6 4 member s fo r the 32 countie s an d th e 23 4 members fo r th e 11 7 citie s an d boroughs , including the tw o member s fo r Dubli n University . Th e countie s are placed in alphabetical order , eac h havin g it s constituencie s groupe d togethe r unde r i t : in thi s i t follow s th e arrangemen t give n i n th e Commons Journals* Th e name o f th e count y o r boroug h is place d i n bol d writin g acros s th e to p o f two adjoinin g pages, eac h o f which is then devote d t o a summar y portraya l of on e o r othe r o f th e tw o representatives . O n eithe r o f th e page s a ters e statement o n th e controllin g influenc e i n th e constituenc y i s usuall y added . The second book is much thinner an d it s page s ar e unnumbered : it contain s 76 pages of writing and deals exclusively with the Lord s : the Lor d Chancellor, the 4 archbishops and 1 8 bishops, the Duk e of Leinster, 6 6 earls, 50 viscounts and 4 2 barons , thoug h i t ma y b e observe d i n passin g tha t 7 7 out o f 15 9 of 1 1 wish t o than k th e Trustee s o f the Huntingto n Librar y at Sa n Marino, California , for thei r permissio n to print th e content s of these two volumes. An d I woul d not foreg o this opportunity of expressing my appreciation of the kindness shown to me by Mr. Godfrey Davies and Mr . Schulz whils t I wa s working i n the Library . A contribution towards th e cost o2 f publishin g this pape r wa s mad e b y th e Queen' s University o f Belfast . Commons Journals, x x (1782) , pp . 3-8 .

151

152 the tempora l lord s ar e simply note d a s ' absent'. Bot h book s are in as good condition a s whe n they wer e writte n ; they hav e com e fro m th e sam e pe n ; they ar e easil y rea d an d nothin g i s illegibl e excep t wher e th e write r ha s decided onc e o r twic e t o scratc h ou t a word . Though th e volume' s bear n o date , thi s ca n b e ascertaine d withi n clos e limits from interna l evidence. Th e period i n general i s immediately indicate d by th e frequen t allusion s t o th e successiv e administration s o f thre e Lord s Lieutenants (th e earl o f Buckinghamshire, December, 1776-November, 1780 ; the Ear l o f Carlisle, November , 1780-April, 1782 ; the ear l o f Portland, April, 1782-August, 1782) 3 an d t o fiv e bishop s wh o did no t assum e the episcopa l offices ascribe d t o the m unti l 1782. 4 A greater precisio n i s possible b y comparing th e lis t o f member s o f th e Lowe r Hous e wit h tha t entere d o n th e Commons Journals fo r th e sessio n whic h laste d fro m 9 October , 1781 , t o 27 July , 1782. 5 I t wil l b e notice d a t onc e tha t ou r lis t ha s bee n brough t up to dat e i n accordance with th e result s o f by-elections : eight new members were swor n durin g th e cours e o f thi s session , amon g who m wa s Laurenc e Parsons, wh o took hi s sea t a s a membe r for Dubli n Universit y o n 2 7 July, 1782, the ver y last da y o f this session and o f this parliament . Th e documents must, therefore, have been writte n afte r tha t date . Furthermore , the y mus t be later tha n 2 4 August, 1782 , whe n Dr . Joh n La w wa s raised t o th e se e of Clonfert. Bu t the y canno t b e later than 1 2 November, 1783, by whic h time Dr. Jame s Traill , referre d t o a s bisho p o f Dow n an d Connor , had died. 6 Within th e limit s o f 24 August, 1782-1 2 November , 1783 , th e proble m of th e dat e i s inseparabl e fro m a consideratio n o f th e purpos e whic h these two volumes were intended t o serve. Tha t purpose is suggested by the privat e muniments within whic h they are now to b e found. Th e accumulated records of thre e grea t families—th e Grenvilles , th e Temple s an d th e Brydges—ha d come togethe r a t Stow e a s a resul t o f a serie s o f inter-marriages, and ther e they remaine d unti l 1921 , whe n Stow e cease d t o b e a famil y sea t an d wa s sold t o becom e th e hom e o f a well-know n publi c school . Th e manuscripts , reaching back to th e mid-twelft h century (an d we may add that they include a well-preserve d exampl e of the sea l of Richard Strongbow , earl o f Pembroke, c. 1170 ) and goin g forward to th e firs t decad e of the twentiet h century , wer e bought i n 192 5 by Mr. Henry E . Huntingto n an d ar e now in the Huntingto n Library a t Sa n Marin o i n Souther n California. 7 Thi s collection , estimate d to compris e 800,00 0 o r mor e items , i s particularl y ric h fo r th e eighteent h century. I n particular , i t contain s th e paper s o f Georg e Grenville , th e so n of th e autho r o f the notoriou s ' Stamp Act ' o f 1765 . H e wa s created Ear l Temple i n 177 9 an d a s suc h cam e t o Irelan d a s Lor d Lieutenant , bein g appointed o n 1 5 August, 1782 , sworn on 1 5 September following , and retirin g 3

Handbook o f British Chronology (1939) , p . 125 . * Clogher, Ossory , Dromore , Clonfer t an d Ferns . 6 Commons Journals, loc. ait. 6 Henry Cotton , Fasti Ecclesiae Hibernicae, i i (1848) , p . 342 , ii i 211 . 7 For a genera l accoun t o f th e Stow e MSS. , se e th e Huntington Library Bulletin, i (1931) , pp . 9 3 ff., an d Lor d Beveridge' s paper , ' Some Exploration s i n Sa n Marino ' i n ibid., i i (1931) , pp . 67-85 ,

Sketches o f th e Members o f th e Irish Parliament i n 1782 . 15

3

on 3 May , 1783. Hi s secon d perio d a s Lor d Lieutenant , afte r h e ha d bee n made Marquis of Buckingha m in 1784, which laste d fro m November , 1787, to October, 1789 , is, as we have already observed , ruled out by internal evidence. Furthermore, whils t ther e ar e frequen t reference s t o hi s thre e immediat e predecessors, ther e ar e non e t o th e administratio n o f Ear l Templ e himself . It is , in consequence, a reasonable deduction tha t these volumes were written for th e informatio n an d enlightenmen t o f Ear l Templ e som e tim e betwee n mid-September, 1782 , an d May , 1783 , an d the y ar e t o b e foun d amon g his papers becaus e he took the m awa y with hi m o n his departure fro m Ireland . Thus they came to form part o f the grea t Stow e collection. 8 I t may , perhaps, be rash t o surmis e at wha t poin t durin g hi s administration they wer e made, but w e do know that h e wa s earl y alarme d a t th e assumptio n o f contro l by the Voluntee r Movemen t outsid e parliamen t altogether , an d wa s firml y o f the opinio n tha t th e onl y mean s o f re-establishin g centralise d governmen t lay in and through th e Irish parliament. I n hi s own words, ' nothing bu t a Parliament ca n recover the Governmen t and b e opposed to th e Volunteer s '. What he clearly had i n min d wa s the immediat e summon s o f a ne w parlia ment,9 an d i t wa s imperativ e tha t h e shoul d secur e reliabl e informatio n about th e politica l view s o f the presen t member s and th e probabl e result s of th e prospectiv e elections . Thi s wa s precisel y wha t thes e tw o volume s provided, an d w e may reasonabl y conjectur e tha t the y wer e prepared earl y rather than late durin g hi s short perio d o f office. I n th e event , the existin g parliament di d no t mee t agai n afte r 2 7 July , 1782 , an d Ear l Templ e ha d resigned befor e i t wa s dissolve d b y proclamatio n o n 2 5 July, 1783 , an d a new parliamen t ha d assemble d o n 1 4 October , 1783. 10 It i s perhap s wel l t o leav e th e authorshi p o f th e biographica l sketche s unattributed. Tw o simila r document s hav e foun d thei r wa y int o print . The first , printe d i n 1907 , relates t o th e parliamen t o f 177 5 and cover s th e composition o f both House s : William Hunt , th e editor , believe d tha t it was the wor k of Sir John Blaquiere. 11 Hi s arguments were gainsaid by Fr. Bodkin, the edito r o f th e secon d document , printe d i n 1942 , whic h restricte d it s attention t o th e member s o f th e Lowe r Hous e an d wa s apparentl y begu n in 177 0 and revise d unti l 1773. 12 Nevertheless , Fr . Bodki n wa s prepared t o regard Blaquier e a s responsibl e fo r th e outlin e biographie s o f 1770-1773 , though W e venture t o thin k tha t ther e ar e seriou s objection s which hi s own arguments have , not satisfactoril y met . Howeve r tha t ma y be , Blaquier e was assuredl y no t th e write r o f th e 1782-178 3 commentar y : h e woul d hardly have described himsel f as ' a man of much cabal: and therefore worth managing, whic h i s t o b e don e b y a littl e flatter y an d attention . Ver y hospitable : ha s a goo d coo k an d goo d wine s an d know s thei r influence' . 8 9 10

Stowe MSS . 73 , Miscellaneous Books , vols . 1 and 2 . Under th e Octennia l Ac t o f 176 8 a ne w parliament ha d soo n t o b e elected . It i s clea r tha t th e volume s wer e written lon g befor e i t wa s known wh o would b e the candidate s i n thi s electio n (below , p. 242). 11 William Hun t (ed.) , Th e Irish Parliament, 1775 . 12 M. Bodkin, ' Notes o n the Irish Parliament in 177 3 ' in Procs. Royal Irish. Academy, vols. 48-4 9 (1942-44) , C , pp. 145-232 .

154 It ma y b e tha t th e author o f th e 1770-177 3 tex t wrot e als o tha t o f 1782-1783 : fo r instance , i t i s perhaps mor e tha n mer e coincidenc e that Joseph Preston , wh o represented Nava n Borough , is described in th e forme r document a s ' the meres t fribbl e o f a ma n >1 3 an d i n th e latte r documen t as ' a strang e fribbl e '.u Shoul d this b e so, then th e authorshi p o f Blaquiere can b e summaril y dismisse d fro m consideration . And thoug h th e recipien t o f the informatio n kne w the autho r wh o often speaks directl y in the firs t person , w e are char y o f identifying hi m and prefe r to leav e hi m anonymous , recognising , wit h Fr . Bodkin , tha t ' there wer e doubtless man y official s o f sufficien t standin g i n th e administratio n an d th e two House s to who m such a task migh t hav e bee n delegated '. 15 Ye t w e can speak wit h confidenc e abou t th e kin d o f ma n h e wa s an d th e qualitie s o f mind h e possessed . I t i s manifest fro m th e mos t casua l reading that h e was exceptionally wel l informe d an d politicall y shrewd . H e ha d read y acces s to parliamentar y paper s : th e mos t carefu l chec k ha s reveale d scarcel y a n error in his citations of pensions o n the Civi l Establishment. Thoug h he might well b e forgive n ignoranc e abou t th e peerage , whic h ha d bee n irresponsibl y increased b y mor e tha n sevent y peer s durin g th e las t twent y years , man y of who m h e coul d no t hav e know n a t al l since they di d not resid e i n Ireland , he was, nevertheless, at pains to ascertain that five of the peerage s had become extinct b y deat h an d t o quer y the existenc e of one which happened recently , however, t o hav e descende d t o a minor. 16 Furthermore , h e mus t hav e bee n regularly presen t a t parliamentar y debates , fo r th e abilit y o r th e failur e t o speak wel l i s on e of the constan t theme s o f his comment s : it ma y b e that he wa s stil l unde r th e spel l o f th e orator y whic h parliamen t ha d recentl y provided. A t al l events , h e carefull y note d tha t Alexande r Crookshanks ' speaks frequentl y in the Hous e but wit h little effec t ;' 17 Willia m Brownlow is ' an abl e an d experience d Membe r of Parliamen t an d muc h attende d t o as a speake r '; 18 Beaucham p Bagenall ' often speak s bu t wit h th e mos t dis tressing hesitatio n '; 19 John Fitzgibbo n wa s ' a shrew d an d cunning speaker , though hars h an d disagreeabl e i n hi s manne r '; 20 Deni s Dal y wa s ' of much weight fro m hi s abilitie s a s a speake r '; 21 Georg e Montgomer y an d man y others wer e ' dull an d tirin g ' , o r ' frequent, tiresom e an d ungracefu l ' , o r ' of n o us e ', o r ' unequal an d incautiou s ', o r ' popular an d flashy ' a s speakers.22 Joh n Tole r wa s in a selec t compan y o f ' useful' o r ' forcible ' or ' correct an d finished ' speakers. 23 Hi s acquaintanc e wit h th e Uppe r House wa s no t s o intimate , bu t eve n ther e h e observe s tha t th e ear l o f Bellamont wa s ' an eccentri c ma n and a ver y bombas t speake r '; 24 Viscount Farnham wa s ' an unpleasing , heav y speake r bu t indefatigabl e an d per severing i n parliamentar y busines s '; 25 Baro n Carysfor t wa s ' a heav y speaker ' 2 6 and Baron Annal y ' an able, though inelegant, speake r '. 27 Abov e all, th e autho r wa s sufficientl y highl y place d i n governmen t circle s t o hav e 13 Op. Cit.,p. 208. 17 P. 158. 21 P. 172. 25 P. 206.

14 Below, p. 185. 18 P. 158. 22 Pp. 161,162,178, 193, 194. 26 P. 209.

15 Op. Cit., p. 168.

16 P. 206, n.70. 19 P. 160. 20 P. 170. 23 Pp. 174, 177,186, 24 P. 202. 190,191. 27 P. 209.

Sketches o f th e Members o f th e Irish Parliament i n 1782 . 15 5 no hesitatio n i n voicin g forthrigh t criticism s i n whic h h e apparentl y sa w no nee d t o minc e hi s words . Th e Lor d Chancello r wa s ' not ver y stead y and require s watchin g ' ;28 th e Duk e o f Leinste r wa s ' weak an d unstead y and proud , an d hig h i n hi s demand s whe n h e supports ' ;29 th e ear l o f Aldborough wa s ' a wea k an d unprinciple d man , a t presen t endeavourin g at popularit y : of no consequenc e '30, whils t Viscoun t Clifde n wa s ' a great jobber '.31 W e should not expect th e write r to restrain himself in his remarks about the members of the Lower House, and we are not disappointed. Honou r is no t withhel d wher e honou r wa s du e : Henr y Gratta n emerge s a s ' an honest, warm , enthusiasti c characte r ', 32 Barr y Yelverto n a s ' an honest , downright ma n o f stron g understanding , bu t wit h littl e knowledg e o f th e world ', 33 Georg e Ogl e a s ' much belove d an d respecte d > .34 A few carefull y chosen word s or a ters e epigra m ar e al l that i s require d t o furnis h u s wit h a realisti c pictur e o f othe r member s : w e ca n assuredl y se e in ou r mind' s eye the ' good humored , noisy, laughing bon vivant' o r the ' gentlemanlike, drawing room man' or the ' Jack Puddin g of the House '.35 Whe n he thought fit to d o so, he wrote in unmeasure d language : Alexander Montgomer y was ' an impracticabl e an d dangerou s man ' ;36 Joh n Hely-Hutchinso n wa s ' a true Swis s and will fight through anything if well paid . . . never to be trusted . . . muc h expedient an d little judgemen t ';37 Franci s Bernar d Beamis h was ' at presen t ou t o f his senses fro m th e effect s o f Mercury ' ;38 John Vaugha n had been ' returned fro m a promise over a bottle by the late Lord Granard ' ;39 James Cuff e wa s ' a pleasan t libertin e . . . parte d fro m hi s wif e who , it i s said, ha d a n intrigu e wit h th e lat e Attorne y Genera l Scott ' ;40 Stephe n Popham wa s ' a famou s swindle r tha t cam e int o thi s countr y a fe w years ago and contrive d t o tak e i n many gentlemen fo r large sums . .. he has long fled fro m Irelan d an d i s no w pursuing his ol d plans i n th e Eas t Indies ' ;41 David Walsh was 'of no very respectable character ' ;42 whilst Vesey Colclough was ' addicted t o lo w company ',43 A domesti c not e i s struc k whe n i t i s observed tha t Charle s Lamber t wa s seekin g equall y lucrativ e employmen t in Englan d ' as his wife , wh o was a Mis s Dutton , will not liv e in Irelan d *. 44 The purpose o f the autho r i s writ larg e upo n the recor d : it i s to advis e the Government , that is presumably Ear l Temple, the ne w Lord Lieutenant , about th e politica l tempe r o f parliamen t an d th e chance s o f keepin g i t amenable. Fo r example , th e boroug h o f Irishtow n i n Kilkenn y ' belongs to th e -bisho p o f Ossor y and , a s i t ha s bee n disputed , Governmen t should be cautiou s who m the y nam e t o th e se e ';46 th e Duk e o f Devonshir e i s a t fault i n neglectin g hi s interest s i n Tallag h Boroug h j 48 Dundal k Boroug h was' not at present secure '.47 H e accepted without questioning the establishe d way o f gettin g th e machiner y to work , a wa y that mirrored , thoug h i n a more aggravate d form , th e syste m o f jobber y an d corruptio n i n England . He sets down in a matter o f fact wa y the pric e of seats ; the patrons and th e 28 P. 197. 33 P. 160. 38 P. 165. 43 P. 194.

29 P. 198. 34 P. 194. 39 P. 182. 44 P. 193.

30 P. 203 35 Pp. 158, 160, 179 40 P. 184. 45 P. 176.

31 P. 207. 36 P. 166. 41 P. 184. 46 P. 192.

32 P. 159. 37 P. 164. 42 P. 190. 47 P. 183.

156 political dependabilit y o f th e member s a s i t coul d b e judge d fro m thei r conduct unde r th e las t thre e Lord s Lieutenants ; th e influenc e o f the Uppe r House whic h mad e th e Lowe r Hous e largely-it s creatio n an d it s creature ; the salaries , pension s an d sinecures , al l secure d o n th e revenue , whic h constituted, i n Grattan' s phrase , ' that nationa l encumbrance , that publi c disgrace '. Th e entrenched privilege , whic h made the newly won ' freedom ' of parliamen t a mocker y and a delusion , di d no t pertur b him , an d w e ar e hardly prepare d fo r th e statemen t tha t Travers Hartley , on e o f th e repre sentatives for Dublin City , ' will obey any instructions hi s constituents shal l think proper to give '.48 I n th e interests o f political management he ventured to assum e the rol e o f a prophet an d foretell th e result s of the nex t election , and in this chancy game he was more often righ t tha n wron g : in accordance with hi s predictions , Jame s Wilso n wa s no t re-electe d fo r Count y Antri m or Josep h Dean e fo r Kilkenn y Count y o r Willia m Chapma n fo r Athbo y Borough,49 whils t Henry Vaugha n Brooke did switc h from Donega l Borough to Donega l Count y an d Si r Barr y Denn y di d stan d successfull y fo r Kerr y County.50 Bu t h e erre d i n thinkin g tha t th e Bisho p o f Cloghe r woul d not again suppor t th e candidatur e o f Thoma s St . Georg e for Cloghe r Boroug h and tha t Vese y Colcloug h woul d no t b e returne d onc e mor e fo r Wexfor d County.51 Ther e wa s n o doub t tha t th e politica l prospect s wer e brighte r and tha t ther e wa s an attitud e o f benevolenc e toward s th e Governmen t i n both Irelan d an d Englan d whic h wa s noticeabl y absen t a decad e earlier . The mai n discordan t elemen t wa s Henry Floo d wh o ' preached th e doctrin e of renunciation an d has set the kingdom in a flame*5 52and the ' myrmidons '53 who supporte d him . No t content , lik e Grattan , wit h th e repea l o f th e Declaratory Ac t o f 171 9 a s a n adequat e indicatio n tha t Irelan d woul d b e left t o till its ow n legislative field, not willing to allo w events to sho w whether there woul d b e exhibited a swee t reasonableness on both sides, h e was determined to pursue logic to the en d in the illogica l domain of politics an d obtai n from th e Englis h parliamen t a forma l ' renunciation ' o f th e principl e o f control. Hi s followin g inside parliament , a s distinc t fro m outside , wa s no t large an d the bitte r quarre l betwee n Grattan an d Flood lay still a little way in th e future . In conclusio n w e may b e permitted t o observ e that Irelan d stil l await s the historia n wh o will study th e structur e o f Irish politic s i n the eighteent h century i n th e sam e wa y a s th e structur e o f Englis h politic s i n th e sam e era ha s bee n s o admirably examine d b y Professo r Namier . Th e destructio n of th e Publi c Record s i n 1922 , regrettable a s i t is , shoul d b e n o deterrent , for th e evidence must be sought among family papers which have not receive d the detaile d scrutin y the y deserve . Fo r th e servic e o f tha t historia n th e subjoined document s ar e her e printed . Whe n hi s wor k is completed , the n it is likely that the vei l of anonymity tha t conceals their autho r wil l be safely and finall y swep t aside . 48 P. 170. 4 9 Pp. 157,176,185. 5 0 Pp. 166,173. 5 1 Pp. 190,194. 5 2 P. 172. 5 3 P. 195 .

Sketches o f th e Members o / th e Irish Parliament i n 1782 . 15

7

STOWE MSS . 73 , MISCELLANEOU S BOOKS, VOLS . 1 , 2. 1 ANTEIM COUNTY . The leadin g interest s i n thi s count y ar e thos e o f Lor d Antrim , Lord Hertford , Lor d Donegal , Lor d Massareen e an d Mr . O'Neill . Hon. Henry Seymour Conway. Son t o Lor d Hertford—Constabl e o f Dubli n Castle , £43 5 pe r annum — soldier i n Ireland . James Wihon, Esq. Formerly a Captai n i n th e Army—wa s disinherite d b y hi s father—i n standing fo r thi s count y h e resigne d hi s half-pa y a s Captai n t o devot e himself intirel y t o th e popula r an d presbyterian interes t : by whic h he was elected and fro m th e leader s o f which, it i s said, he was promised an annuity o f £500 ; which, not bein g paid s o regularl y a s he expected , hi s circumstances induce d hi m t o suppor t Governmen t in th e en d o f Lor d Buckingham's administratio n ; an d h e wa s appointe d t o th e command of a revenue cruiser. I t i s probable he will not b e re-elected.2 Th e Duke of Portlan d likel y allowe d him t o resig n th e comman d of hi s cutte r t o his relation , Mr . Binton . ANTRIM BOROUGH . This Borough is potwalloping, but unde r the influenc e of Lord Massareene. Hon. William John Skeffington. Has a troop of Horse and is Major by Brevet—brother to Lord Massareene. He opposed Lord Buckingham uniformly—but trimme d in Lord Carlisle's administration—a well-dispose d gentlemanlik e man . Hon. Chichester Skeffington.

Brother o f Lor d Massareen e marrie d t o a daughte r o f Lor d Roden — made Collecto r o f Wexfor d b y Lor d Buckinghamshire—wishe s t o b e removed t o a Collectorshi p i n th e North . BELFAST BOROUGH . Lord Donega l govern s thi s Borough .

Hon. Henry Skeffington. Brother t o Lor d Massareene—Major o f the Secon d Horse—brought h i b y Lord Donegal—opposed Lord Buckingham uniformly : but Lord Donegal , 1 The first volume i s prefaced wit h a n alphabetical list o f names of members o f the Lower House , wit h appropriat e pag e reference s t o wha t follows . N o usefu l purpos e i s served b y printin g it . 2 He wa s not re-electe d (Commons Journal, xxi , 3) .

158 having intimate d hi s wis h tha t Lor d Carlisle' s Governmen t shoul d b e supported b y hi s friends , h e generall y vote d wit h Administratio n las t session. Alexander Crookshanks, Esq. A lawyer—oppose d Lor d Buckingham—an d supporte d Lor d Carlisle — elected an d governed b y Lord Donegal—ha s a large famil y and is desirou s of office—respectabl e a t th e Bar— a King' s Counsel—speak s frequentl y in th e Hous e bu t wit h littl e effect . LISBURNE BOROUGH . Lord Hertfor d govern s thi s Borough . Fitzherbert Richards, Esq. Elected b y Lor d Hertford—mad e a smal l fortun e i n Jamaica— a Commissioner o f Barrack s £40 0 a year—mad e b y Lor d Buckingham . Hi s object i s t o b e a Commissione r of Revenue , whic h bein g repeatedl y dis appointed in , h e i s o f cours e discontented— a goo d humored , noisy , laughing bon vivant. Rt. Hon. Sir Richard Heron, Bt. Searcher, packe r an d gauge r o f Cork , abou t £90 0 a year . RANDALSTOWN BOROUGH . Mr. O'Neil l govern s thi s Borough . Rt. Hon. John O'Neill. Supposed descendan t an d representativ e o f th e grea t Ulste r famil y o f O'Neill—has a larg e estat e i n th e Count y o f Antrim—much respected — inclined t o Government—supporte d Lor d Carlisle , Lor d Buckingham , and the Duk e of Portland. Lor d Buckingha m made him Privy Counsellor. Lord Rawdon. Eldest so n to Lord Moira, Col. of the 105t h Regiment, upon this Establish ment—has neve r ye t voted . ARMAGH COUNTY . The leadin g interest s o f thi s Count y ar e thos e o f Lor d Gosford , Lor d Charlemont, Mr . Richardson , Mr . Brownlo w an d th e Primate . Rt. Hon. William Brownlow. Has a considerable estate and influence—an abl e and experienced Member of Parliament an d muc h attended t o a s a speaker—elected by the popular Party, whic h h e ha s eve r served , oppose d Lor d Buckingha m an d Lor d Carlisle, supporte d th e Duk e o f Portlan d an d wa s chose n out t o secon d Mr. Grattan' s Addres s statin g th e claim s o f Ireland. 3 3 Parliamentary Debates, i . 269 , 340-1 .

Sketches o f th e Members o f th e Irish Parliament i n 1782 . 15 9 Thomas Dawson, Esq. A ma n o f n o property—electe d b y th e popula r interests—oppose d til l the Duk e o f Portland's arrival—latel y appointe d Colone l t o a Regimen t of Fencibles , whic h h e i s t o raise . ARMAGH BOROUGH . The Primat e govern s thi s Borough . Henry Meredyth, Esq. Agent to th e Primate , ha s a pension o f £500, is joined wit h hi s nephew in a paten t as * Corrector o f th e Press , an d i s Secretar y t o th e Maste r o f Ordnance, a sinecur e o f £10 0 a year . H e wa s man y year s Firs t Cler k i n the Chie f Secretary' s Office , an d upo n th e divisio n o f it wa s for a shor t time Unde r Secretar y i n the Wa r Department—a ver y honorable , sensibl e man an d ver y knowin g i n al l th e busines s o f thi s country . Lord Buckingha m in consideratio n o f his service s in the Wa r Departmen t recommended hi s tw o niece s fo r a pensio n o f £20 0 a year. 4 George Rawson, Esq. Formerly a Lieutenan t Colone l in th e Army—o f smal l fortune—ha s bee n strongly recommende d for office b y Lord Chief Justice Paterson wit h who m he i s closel y connected—desirou s o f supportin g Government . CHARLEMONT BOROUGH . Lord Charlemon t govern s thi s Borough . Sir Annesley Stewart, Bt. Late a Banker—electe d b y an d influence d b y Lor d Charlemont . Henry Grattan, Esq.

Son o f th e lat e Recorde r o f Dublin—hi s paterna l fortun e abou t £60 0 a year, mostl y i n th e Count y o f Cavan—a t th e Bar—bu t ha s neve r ha d much business . H e took th e lea d o f Opposition i n the last sessio n o f Lord Buckingham's Administratio n an d maintaine d hi s pos t til l th e Duk e o f Portland's arrival, whos e measures he conducted. Parliamen t unanimousl y voted hi m £50,00 0 fo r hi s publi c services. 5 H e i s a n honest , warm , enthusiastic character . CARRICKFERGUS COUNT Y AN D TOWN .

Conway Richard Dobbs, Esq. A ma n o f goo d fortune—dispute s thi s Boroug h wit h Lor d Donegal — compounds for one seat—wa s formerl y incline d to Mr. Ponsonby — seldom attends . 4

Commons Journals, xx , 73 , 115 : grante d 2 0 December , 1780 . 6 Ibid., xx , 383 , 386 ; Parl. Debates, i , 376 , 383 .

160 Barry Yelverton, Esq. Formerly a n ushe r o f a schoo l in th e cit y : bu t o n the instigatio n o f his friends, havin g change d th e schoolmaster' s gow n fo r th e lawyer's , h e soon gre w eminent i n his new profession an d i s at presen t on e of the firs t lawyers a t the Bar. H e opposed uniforml y till Lord Carlisle' s Governmen t which h e ofte n supporte d i n th e mos t honorabl e manner , wa s mad e Attorney Genera l b y th e Duk e o f Portland . H e i s brough t i n b y Lor d Donegal, bu t i s no t entirel y guide d b y hi m : an honest , downrigh t ma n of stron g understandin g bu t wit h littl e knowledg e o f th e world . CAKLOW COUNTY . William Burton, Esq. Of Burto n Hal l i n thi s County—ha s a goo d estat e an d th e Boroug h o f Carlow—is nephe w t o Mr . Ponsonby , wit h who m h e ha s influence — always vote s wit h Mr . Ponsonby . Beauchamp Bagenall, Esq. A ma n o f large fortun e an d act s independently—ha s som e part s bu t i s wild and eccentric—ofte n speaks , but wit h th e mos t distressin g hesitatio n —is a celebrated duellist. H e moved the gran t of £50,000 t o Mr . Grattan6 —is suppose d t o b e incline d t o Mr . Conolly. CARLOW BOBOUGH . Mr. Burto n govern s thi s Borough . John Prendergast, Esq. Second so n o f Charles Smith o f Limerick—nephew o f the lat e Sir Thomas Prendergast, wh o left hi m a n estat e o f £4,000 a year . H e purchase d hi s seat—is incline d t o Mr . Conoll y an d i n genera l wel l dispose d toward s Government—a gentlemanlike , drawing-roo m man . Arthur Dawson, Esq. A Banke r i n Dublin—attache d t o Mr . Ponsonb y an d brough t i n b y Mr . Burton—married t o a niec e o f Lor d Tyrone . OLD-LEIGHLIN BOROUGH . Rt. Hon. Sir J. Blaquiere, K.B. Was Chie f Secretar y t o Lor d Harcourt—i s Bailif f o f th e Phoeni x Par k with a salar y o f £1,20 0 a yea r fo r fou r lives—Alnage r o f Ireland , th e fees o f which arisin g fro m ne w drapery h e has resigne d fo r £2,00 0 a yea r till the expiratio n o f his patent, which has about 2 4 years to run, retaining the fee s i n th e ol d drapery wort h abou t £30 0 a year—an d h e lately sol d his gran t i n th e Phoeni x Par k t o Governmen t for £7,000 . H e i s a ma n of muc h caba l : an d therefor e wort h managing , whic h is t o b e don e b y a littl e flatter y an d attention . Ver y hospitable—ha s a goo d coo k an d good wine s an d know s thei r influence . « Parl. Debates, i . 376 .

Sketches o f th e Members o f th e Irish Parliament i n 1782 . 16

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Robert Jephson, Esq. Master o f Hors e t o th e Lor d Lieutenant—wort h abou t £20 0 a yea r wit h apartments. Hi s wif e ha s a pensio n o f £30 0 a year. 7

CAVAN COUNTY. Lord Farnham , Lor d Lanesboroug h an d Lor d Bellamon t ar e th e grea t interests o f this County—Lor d Bellamon t i s raisin g oppositio n agains t Mr . Maxwell.8 Hon. John James Barry Maxwell. Eldest so n o f Lor d Farnha m an d guide d b y hi s father— a wea k youn g man. George Montgomery, Esq. Has a prett y goo d estate , bu t no t a foo t o f lan d i n th e count y h e re presents—is brother-in-la w o f Mr . Clements—bu t act s independentl y : and uniforml y oppose d Governmen t til l th e Duk e o f Portland' s arriva l —a dul l an d tirin g speaker . BELTURBET BOROUGH . Lord Lanesboroug h govern s thi s Borough . Robert Birch, Esq. Purchased hi s sea t o f th e lat e Lor d Lanesborough—wa s originall y a grocer, afterward s a deale r i n money , purchase d severa l pensions , bu t at las t becam e a bankrupt . Lor d Buckingha m mad e hi m Cler k o f th e Quit Rents , £15 0 a yea r ; h e wil l suppor t an y Governmen t an d tak e any thin g h e ca n get—i t i s sai d hi s contrac t wit h th e lat e Lor d Lane s borough wa s for a sea t i n the nex t Parliamen t a s well as in the present. 9 Charles Francis Sheridan, Esq. Under Secretar y i n the Wa r Department—£1,000 a year o n the Establish ment beside s house , etc.—wa s appointe d b y th e Duk e o f Portlan d o n His Grace' s dismissa l o f Mr . Lees—Lor d Muskerry purchase d hi s sea t in orde r t o assis t hi s pretension s t o th e Peerage . CAVAN BOROUGH . Mr. Nesbi t an d Mr . Rober t Clement s gover n thi s Borough . Thomas Nesbit, Esq. Son t o Mr . Nesbit , wh o ha s hal f thi s Boroug h an d a pensio n o f £30 0 a year, 10 upo n whic h h e retire d an d brough t i n th e presen t member . He i s a hal f pa y Captai n o f Dragoons. Lor d Buckingha m gave hi s cousin a pensio n o f £300 a year , whic h it i s said h e enjoy s th e greates t shar e o f —a shabb y character—an d wil l tak e an y thing . 7 Commons Journals, xx . 11 3 : granted 8 He di d no t represen t Cava n Count y 9

6 June, 1769. i n th e nex t parliamen t (ibid., xxi . 4) . He di d no t si t for Belturbe t i n th e nex t parliamen t (ibid., xxi . 4). 10 Ibid., xx . 113 : grante d 3 1 October , 1771 .

162 John Clements, Esq. Cousin t o Mr . Clements— a Captai n i n th e Eas t Indi a Servic e an d a t present o n a voyage. 11 CLARE COUNTY . Edward Fitzgerald, Esq. Is marrie d t o a siste r o f Lady Ilchester—unconnected—oppose d Govern ment til l th e Duk e o f Portland' s arrival . Sir Lucius O'Brien, Bt. Was bre d t o th e Bar , whic h h e ha s lon g left—ha s a larg e estat e bu t extremely involved—Lor d Mansfiel d ha s a ver y larg e mortgag e upo n it . He ha s muc h informatio n but , i t i s imagined , no t muc h judgemen t i n commercial matters—i s a frequent , tiresom e an d ungracefu l speaker — he ha s bee n lon g applyin g t o succee d Mr . Burton, th e Registe r o f Deeds , whose plac e i s abou t £1,20 0 a yea r durin g goo d behavior—hi s wishe s not havin g bee n gratified , h e ha s opposed—h e obtaine d hi s electio n o n petition agains t Mr . Massey . Sir Luciu s esteem s himsel f th e representativ e o f the oldes t branc h o f th e Kings o f Munster . ENNIS BOROUGH . Lord Conyngha m govern s thi s Borough . Rt. Hon. William Conyngham. Nephew t o th e lat e Ear l Conyngham—o n succeedin g t o a larg e par t o f whose estate he changed hi s name from Burton—wa s formerly a Lieutenant Colonel i n th e Army—Ai d d e Cam p t o Lor d Harcourt , wh o mad e hi m Teller of the Exchequer , wort h £1,500 a year—was returned b y his brother , the presen t Lor d Conyngham . H e ha s th e Boroug h o f Killebegs , on e seat i n whic h i s a t presen t open— a ver y honorabl e an d pleasin g ma n and a grea t promote r o f publi c improvements—muc h engage d i n th e North Wes t Fishery . Francis Bernard, Esq. A youn g man , so n t o th e Membe r fo r th e Count y o f Corke—purchase d —governed by his father, wh o opposed till the Duk e o f Portland's arrival. CORK COUNTY . Lord Shanno n ha s th e chie f influenc e i n thi s County . Richard Townsend, Esq. Has a goo d estat e bu t encumbered— a Commissione r of Revenue , £1,00 0 a y ear—returned b y Lor d Shannon' s influence , t o who m h e is attache d —has a so n i n Parliament— a pleasin g gentlemanlik e man . 11 A word follows which has been erase d : it ma y have bee n ' retired '. Joh n Clement s did no t represen t Cava n Boroug h i n th e nex t parliament .

Sketches o f th e Members o f th e Irish Parliament i n 1782 . 16

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James Bernard, Esq. Brother 1 2 t o Mr . Bernar d wh o ha s a larg e estat e i n Essex . Ther e i s some agreemen t betwee n hi m an d Lor d Shanno n o f a privat e nature , as h e cam e i n withou t oppositio n upo n Lor d Muskerr y bein g mad e a Peer. H e howeve r acts independentl y o f Lor d Shannon , having oppose d till th e Duk e o f Portland' s arrival . BALTIMORE BOROUGH . William Evans, Esq. Was formerl y Serjean t a t Arms—i s marrie d t o th e wido w o f Si r Joh n Freke, t o who m thi s Boroug h belonge d an d whos e hei r i s a minor — attached t o Lor d Shannon . James Chatterton, Esq. A lawyer—wa s muc h connecte d wit h th e lat e Lor d Tracton—b y whos e means he came into Parliamen t i n the cours e of last session—he supporte d Lord Carlisle . BANDON-BRIDGE BOROUGH . Mr. Adderle y dispute s thi s Boroug h wit h Mr . Bernard . William Brabazon Ponsonby. Eldest so n t o Mr . Ponsonby—returne d b y Mr . Bernard , wh o ha s th e Borough—a sensibl e stead y man . Lodge Morres, Esq. Son to Counsello r Redmond Morris13—returned by Mr. Bernard—attached to Mr . Ponsonby . CASTLE MARTY R BOROUGH . Lord Shanno n rule s thi s Borough . Hon. James Lysaght. A so n o f Lor d Lisle—mad e Collecto r o f Cor k Excise , £50 0 a year , b y Lord Buckingham—returne d b y an d attache d t o Lor d Shannon . Sir Riggs Falkiner, Bt. A Banke r a t Cork , wa s create d a Barone t o n th e recommendatio n o f Lord Buckingham—returne d b y an d attache d t o Lor d Shannon . CHARLEVILLE BOROUGH . Lord Cork e govern s thi s Borough . Richard Cox, Esq. Son o f th e lat e Archbisho p o f Cashell , fro m who m h e inherit s a larg e fortune—purchased hi s seat—act s independently—bu t i s i n genera l inclined t o Government . 12

A smal l cros s ha s bee n place d belo w thi s word . 1

3

MS. sic .

164 Thomas Warren, Esq. Son to a Banker a t Cork—brough t in at a cheap rate through a negociatio n managed b y Lord Shannon , who m h e fo r som e tim e supported—bu t a misunderstanding takin g plac e betwee n Lor d Shanno n an d hi s father , he separate d fro m hi s Lordship . H e i s a youn g ma n an d a t present , I believ e abroad . CLOGHNIKELTY BOROUGH . Lord Shannon' s Borough . Thomas Adderley, Esq. Has a tolerable estate in the County of Cork and an interest in the Boroug h of Bando n Bridge—returne d b y an d attache d t o Lor d Shannon—ha s been lon g Treasure r o f the Barrac k Boar d a t firs t wit h a salar y o f £30 0 a year , whic h wa s raise d t o £60 0 b y Lor d Buckingham . Attiwell Wood, Esq. Made Secon d Serjean t b y Lor d Buckingham—hi s objec t th e Bench — returned b y an d attache d t o Lor d Shannon— a dull , heav y speaker . CORK CITY . Rt. Hon. John Hdy Hutchinson, Provost, £2,00 0 a year—Secretary o f State for life , £1,500—an d Searche r of Strangfor d wit h £1,00 0 a yea r salar y fo r hi s ow n and on e o f his son' s lives, bu t durin g pleasure . Th e Provos t i s a Cor k ma n an d obtaine d a large fortun e i n tha t count y b y hi s wife—h e ha s tw o son s i n Parliamen t —a tru e Swis s an d wil l figh t throug h anythin g i f wel l paid—bu t ver y difficult t o manage , bein g jealou s an d trickin g an d neve r t o b e truste d —he has much expedient bu t little judgement—of late years is ill attende d to. Richard Longfield, Esq. Has a larg e propert y i n th e count y o f Corke—wa s formerl y attache d to Lor d Shannon , bu t o n a larg e accessio n o f fortune separate d fro m hi s Lordship. H e bring s i n hi s cousin , Col. Longfield—has dispute d unsuc cessfully th e Boroug h o f Mallow—i s wel l incline d t o Governmen t an d a great jobber . DONERAILB BOROUGH . Lord Doneraile' s Borough . Hon. Hayes Sentleger. Eldest so n t o Lor d Doneraile—guide d b y hi s father , wh o is attache d t o Lord Shannon— a youn g man—wit h n o tur n fo r business . Hon. Richard Sentleger. Second so n t o Lor d Doneraile— a Captai n i n th e Army—guide d b y hi s father.

Sketches o f th e Members o f th e Irish Parliament in 1782 . 16

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KlNGSALE TOWN .

This Boroug h i s potwolloping . Lor d Clifford' s interes t i s th e prevailin g one—the presen t Lor d i s a minor . Bt. Hon. Agmondisham Vesey. Returned b y Lor d Clifford' s interests—wa s Accomptant Genera l an d a t present receive s th e emolument s o f th e offic e fro m Mr . Burgh—h e wa s recommended b y Lor d Carlisl e fo r a pensio n o f £95 0 a yea r i n orde r t o liberate Mr . Burgh : bu t i t ha s no t bee n granted . H e i s extremel y ol d and subjec t t o fit s o f a ver y dangerou s kind . James Kearney, Esq. Has nea r £5,00 0 a yea r i n th e count y o f Corke— a moderat e ma n bu t has bee n generall y i n opposition—seldo m attends . MALLOW TOWN . Denham Jephson, Esq. Has this Borough, thoug h i t ha s bee n dispute d b y Mr . Longfield an d Sir James Cotter—h e i s attache d t o Lor d Shannon . Antony Jephson, Esq. Brother t o Denha m Jephson—returne d an d governe d b y hi s brother . MlDDLETON BORCttJGH .

Lord Midleto n ha s thi s Borough . Hon. Thos. Brodrick. Brother o f Lor d Midleton—absent . #0%. Henry Brodrick. Major i n th e Army—brothe r t o Lor d Midleton—absent . RATHCORMUCK BOROUGH . William Tonson, Esq. Was a Lieut . Col . in th e Army—ha s a larg e propert y i n th e count y of Corke—has bee n recommende d fo r th e Peerag e b y Lor d Buckingha m and Lor d Carlisle—i s supposed to b e a bastard—will support i n the hope s of attaining his object by perseverance—a very shrewd, sarcastic character . Francis Bernard Beamish, Esq. A lawyer and relation to Mr. Tonson, who returned him—Lord Buckingham gave hi m a pensio n o f £300 a yea r u —he i s a t present ' out o f his sense s from th e effect s o f Mercury . uibid., xx . 115 : grante d 2 0 December, 1780.

166 YOUGHAL TOWN . Lord Shannon' s Borough . James Uniacke, Esq. Married t o a siste r o f Lor d Bellamont , bu t no t o n friendl y term s wit h him—returned b y an d attache d t o Lor d Shannon . Robert Uniacke, Esq. Cousin t o Jame s Uniacke—returne d b y an d attache d t o Lor d Shannon . DONEGALL COUNTY .

Robert Clements, Esq. Eldest so n t o th e lat e Deput y Vice-Treasurer . Range r o f th e Phoeni x Park, hi s gran t i n whic h h e latel y sol d t o Governmen t fo r £25,000 , an d Searcher o f Dubli n Par k fo r life— a candidate fo r th e Peerag e an d ha s been recommende d b y Lor d Buckingha m an d Lor d Carlisle . Alexander Montgomery, Esq. Has a goo d estat e i n thi s county—brothe r t o th e rebe l Montgomer y who wa s killed a t Quebec—concerne d muc h i n th e Nort h Wes t Fisherie s —an impracticabl e an d dangerou s man—a n advocat e fo r Mr . Flood' s doctrine o f Renunciation . I t i s suppose d h e wil l leav e hi s fortun e t o one o f Lor d Ranelagh' s children , t o who m hi s siste r i s married . Lor d Carlisle oblige d hi m b y allowin g hi m t o nam e som e officer s i n th e Por t of Ballyraine , fo r whic h favo r h e ofte n supported . BALLYSHANNON BOROUGH . Mr. Conolly' s Borough . John Staples, Esq. Returned b y Mr . Conolly , t o whos e siste r h e wa s firs t married—wa s a Commissioner of the Revenue—bu t on the reunio n o f the Board s o f Excise and Custom s retire d o n a pensio n o f £600 a year. 15 Hi s fortun e lie s i n the countie s o f Den y an d Tyrone . Sir Michael Cromie, Bt. Son of a Dubli n win e merchant—returned b y an d guide d b y Mr . Conolly —married Lad y Gertrud e Lambert , daughte r an d heires s o f a n Ear l o f Cavan. DONEGALL BOROUGH . Henry Vaughan Brooke, Esq. Purchased hi s sea t o f Lor d Arran . I t i s believe d h e wil l stan d fo r th e county 16 —a moderate an d well inclined man—i s anxious to have a relation preferred i n th e Church . is Ibid., xx . 115 : grante d 7 June , 1776 . He wa s returne d fo r Donega l Count y i n th e nex t parliamen t (ibid., xxi . 5) .

16

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Henry Cope, Esq. A Si x Clerk—purchased—supporte d Lor d Carlisle , wh o gav e hi s brothe r a living . KILLYBEGS BOROUGH . Col. Conyngham' s Borough . Sir Henry Hamilton, Bt. dead. 17 John Knox, Esq. A Majo r i n th e Army—so n o f Lor d Welle s wh o has generall y supporte d Government—returned b y Col . Conyngham , who has ha d a lon g attach ment t o hi s mother . LIFFORD BOROUGH . Hon. Abraham Creighton. A brother of Lord Erne , wh o governs this Borough—has generally oppose d Government. Sir Nicholas Lawless, Bt. Purchased. Hi s father wa s a grea t clothie r an d mad e a larg e fortune — Sir Nicholas was made a Barone t b y Lor d Harcour t o n his professing his intentions o f supportin g Government , bu t h e generall y oppose d Lor d Buckingham, though h e afterward s supporte d Lor d Carlisle . Hi s niec e married th e lat e Attorne y Genera l Scott . H e i s versed i n th e commerce of money . ST. JOHNSTOW N BOROUGH . Hugh Howard, Esq. Brother t o an d returne d b y Lor d Clonmor e wh o ha s thi s Borough — has bee n a unifor m supporte r o f Government— a candidat e fo r office — a quie t decen t man . Robert Howard, Esq. Brother t o Hugh—an d supports—o f th e sam e cas t wit h hi s brother . DOWN COUNTY . The leadin g interest s i n thi s count y ar e thos e o f Lor d Hillsborough , Lord Hertford , Lor d Moir a an d Mr . Rober t Stuart . Et. Hon. Lord Kilwarlin. Son t o Lor d Hillsborough—absent . Robert Stewart, Esq. First marrie d & daughter o f Lord Hertford , a t presen t i s marrie d t o on e of Lor d Camden' s daughters—on e o f th e leader s o f th e Presbyteria n interests—opposed til l th e Duk e o f Portland' s arrival . 17

A note, apparentl y adde d later .

168 BANGOB BOROUGH . Lord Bango r an d Lor d Carric k hav e eac h a sea t i n thi s Borough . Hon. Edward Ward. Brother to Lor d Bangor , agains t who m there is a commission of idiotcy 1 8 —a Captai n i n the 4t h Horse—connecte d wit h Mr. Parnell an d Mr . Tighe but no t governe d b y them—unstead y i n hi s parliamentar y conduct . Edward Hunt, Esq. Returned b y Lor d Carrick , wh o i s attache d t o Lor d Shannon—mad e Collector o f Loughrea , £30 0 a year , b y Lor d Carlisle . DOWNPATBICK BOBOUGH .

This Boroug h i s potwolloping—Lor d Clifford' s th e prevailin g interest . Clotworthy Rowley, Esq. Commissioner o f Appeals , £30 0 a year . Hon. Henry Robert Southwell. Lt. Col . o f Dragoons , secon d so n t o th e lat e Lor d Southwell—support s —returned upo n Lor d Clifford' s interest . I t i s said , an d I believ e wit h foundation, tha t h e ha s attache d himsel f t o Lor d Shannon . HlLLSBOBOUGH BOBOUGH .

Lord Hillsborough' s Borough . William Montgomery. Of Rosemount—returne d an d guide d b y Lor d Hillsborough—wa s a Commissioner o f Revenue, bu t o n th e reunio n o f the Board s o f Custom s and Excis e receive d a pensio n o f £60 0 a year. 19 James Baillie, Esq. Returned an d guide d b y Lor d Hillsborough—i s Custome r o f Droghed a with a salar y o f £400 a year , t o whic h place h e wa s promoted b y Lor d Hillsborough's means , thoug h Lor d Buckingha m ha d name d Gen . C . Sandford fo r th e employment . KlLLYLEAGH BOBOUGH .

Sir John Blackwood, Bt. Has thi s Borough—i s a ma n o f large propert y an d Presbyteria n famil y —opposed til l th e Duk e o f Portland's arrival . Robert Blackwood, Esq. Son t o Si r Joh n an d guide d b y him . 18

See below, p . 206 , " Ibid., xx . 114: grante d 1 December, 1773 .

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NEWRY BOROUGH . This Boroug h is potwolloping. Mr . Needham's the leadin g interest. Lor d Hillaborough ha s likewis e some ?0 influenc e ove r it . Robert Boss, Esq. Was a Lt . Col . in th e Army , ha s a n estat e nea r Carlingfor d and muc h interest i n th e Borough—mad e a Commissione r of Revenu e b y Lor d Hillsborough's interposition , althoug h Lor d Buckingha m ha d recom mended his Private Secretary , Mr . Tighe—is much in Lord Hillsborough' s confidence. Isaac Corry, Esq. Son o f a merchan t a t Newry , wh o wa s a t th e tim e o f th e las t electio n Agent t o Mr . Needham, but ther e ha s sinc e bee n som e misunderstandin g between them. Incline d to Governmen t and desirous of office. A n Equerry to th e Duk e o f Cumberland. NEWTOWN BOROUGH . Mr. Ponsonb y govern s thi s Borough—bu t I kno w no t o n wha t term s Sir J . Brown e wa s returned . Sir John Browne, Bart. Has a good estate, incumbered, married a siste r o f Lord Charlemont , but not a t al l politically attache d t o hi s Lordship. Hi s object is the Peerag e and h e ha s supporte d Governmen t uniformly. James Somerville, Esq. Returned b y Mr . Ponsonby ; bein g a bankrupt , h e supporte d Lor d Buckingham, when Mr. Ponsonby opposed, and received a pension of £300 a year. 21 DROGHEDA COUNT Y AN D TOWN . Mr. Ogle , Mr . Singleto n an d Mr . Leig h hav e th e chie f influenc e i n thi s town. William Meade Ogle, Esq. Has a goo d fortune—i s independent , thoug h incline d t o Mr . Brownlow —opposed i n genera l til l th e Duk e o f Portland' s arrival— a moderat e respectable gentleman . Sydenham Singleton, Esq. Has a considerabl e fortune , derived principall y fro m hi s uncle , the Chie f Justice—is unconnected—oppose s i n general . 20 Zi

Interlined. lbid., xx . 115 : grante d 2 0 December, 1780 .

170 DUBLIN COUNTY . Rt. Hon. Luke Gardiner, P.C. Son o f a lat e Deput y Vice-Treasurer—Surveyo r Genera l o f th e Custom s for life—on e o f the Keeper s o f the Phoeni x Park , i n whic h he ha s a larg e grant—acts independentl y an d i s desirou s o f th e Peerage— a sensible , well disposed man , well attended to in the House , and inclined to Government. Sir Edward Neweriham, St. Lately cam e int o possessio n o f a larg e propert y lef t hi m b y hi s aunt , Mrs. O'Callaghan—was Collecto r of Dublin County , a plac e h e purchased } till remove d b y Lor d Townsen d o n accoun t o f persona l reflections , a s well a s genera l opposition—returne d b y th e popula r interest—wa s a supporter o f Mr . Grattan , bu t th e Corp s o f Libert y Volunteers , ove r whic h he presides, havin g declare d fo r Mr. Flood's doctrine , h e has , t o preserv e his situation , declare d himsel f a convert— a ma n o f n o respect . DUBLIN CITY . Sir Samuel Bradstreet, Bt. Recorder o f Dublin—supporte d Lor d Carlisl e i n general—wa s th e firs t who appeare d i n oppositio n t o th e Duk e o f Portland— a sensibl e ma n and a goo d lawyer . Travers Hartley, Esq. A Dissenter^— a merchan t o f eminenc e in respec t o f opulence , knowledg e and integrity—differ s wit h hi s colleagu e upo n th e presen t contes t re specting Renunciation , bu t wil l obe y an y instruction s hi s constituent s shall thin k prope r t o give . DUBLIN UNIVERSITY . John Fitzgibbon, Esq. A lawyer o f eminence at th e Ba r and o f a large private fortune—a shrew d and cunnin g speaker , thoug h hars h an d disagreabl e i n hi s manner — supported Lor d Carlisl e warmly—oppose d th e Duk e o f Portlan d excep t on Mr . Flood' s questions—incline d t o Government . Hi s objec t i s La w Dignity. Parsons,22 Esq. Son t o Si r Willia m Parsons—elected , o n Mr . Burg h bein g mad e Chie f Baron, b y the popula r Part y in the College 23—a ver y youn g man—wrote a pamphlet against the Perpetua l Mutiny Bill of some credit. Th e Provost did no t see m t o interfer e i n thi s election , thoug h Mr . Browne, a Fellow , who i s countenance d b y him , oppose d an d los t b y onl y 8 majority . 22 A blank spac e i s left fo r the forename : it is ' Laurence ' (Commons Journals, xx. 5). 83 Sworn 2 7 July. , 178 2 (ibid.).

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NEWCASTLE BOROUGH. Hon. John Butler. Uncle t o Lor d Lanesborough—Cler k o f th e Pipe , £35 0 a year . Lor d Buckingham joine d hi s son' s nam e i n hi s patent . Robert Gamble, Esq, Purchased fro m th e lat e Lor d Lanesborough— a dependen t o f th e lat e Provost Andrews, who left hi m and hi s brother hi s interes t in two College leases, from which they have been evicted—they then applied to Parliamen t for a n Act to reinstate them, bu t thei r Bil l wa s thrown out i n the Council —they the n obtaine d a parliamentar y addres s t o th e Kin g fo r relief , and wer e recommende d b y Lor d Buckingha m fo r £800-£50 0 t o Mr . Robert Gambl e an d £30 0 t o hi s brother , £10 0 o f whic h wa s grante d i n trust t o Mrs . Norman 24—Mr. Gambl e i s Collecto r o f Killebegs , £20 0 a year. SWORDS BOROUGH . This Boroug h i s potwolloping—th e principa l interest s ar e thos e o f Mr . Cobbe, Mr . Hatc h an d Mr . Cane . Thomas Cobbe, Esq. Son of a late Archbishop of Dublin : married t o a sister o f Lord Tyron e : but, thoug h incline d t o hi s Lordship , act s ofte n independently . Charles King, Esq. An Attorney—brough t i n b y th e interes t o f Mr . Redmon d Cane , a n Attorney, wh o mad e a fortun e an d live s nea r th e place—dispose d t o support an d wishe s fo r employmen t i n hi s line .

FERMANAGH COUNTY. Rt. Hon. Sir Arthur Brooke, Bt. Has a goo d estat e bu t involved—generall y oppose d til l Lor d Carlisle' s Government—his daughte r i s marrie d t o Si r Joh n Parnell— a candidat e for th e Peerage , bein g afrai d o f losin g hi s County . Mervyn Archdall, Esq. Has a considerabl e fortune—independent—oppose d til l th e Duk e o f Portland's arrival , wh o recommende d hi m fo r a Regimen t o f Fencibles . INNISKILLEN BOROUGH . John Leigh, Esq. Bought fro m Lor d Inniskillen—wa s a t th e Bar—bu t doe s no t practice — has a, 7 good estate—independen t an d incline d t o support— a decen t an d moderate man . 2* Ibid., xx . 115 : grante d 2 0 December , 1780 .

172 25

Henry Flood, Esq.

•Stood fo r th e Count y o f Kilkenn y withou t success , an d upo n petitio n again failed—wa s returne d fo r th e Boroug h o f Calle n bu t ejecte d o n petition fro m Mr . Agar—bough t o f Lor d Enniskillen—mad e Vice Treasurer b y Lor d Harcourt , who m h e supported—oppose d Lor d Buckingham and , opposin g Lor d Carlisle , wa s remove d fro m office . Indignant a t no t bein g restored b y the Duk e of Portland, h e preached the doctrine o f Renunciatio n an d ha s se t th e kingdo m i n a flame . GALWAY COUNTY . Lord Clanricarde , Lor d Eyre , Mr . Daly , Mr . Trenc h an d Mr . Frenc h have th e leadin g interest s i n thi s County . Rt. Hon. Denis Daly. Has a larg e estate , whic h h e i s extricatin g fro m th e incumbrance s lai d upon i t b y hi s fathe r an d th e expens e h e ha s bee n a t i n securin g th e Borough o f Galway—marrie d t o Lad y Harrie t Maxwell , daughte r t o th e late Lor d Farnha m b y hi s firs t wife—oppose d til l Lor d Carlisle' s Administration whe n h e too k th e plac e o f Muste r Maste r Genera l an d supported. H e is of much weight fro m hi s abilities as a speaker an d fro m his popularit y wit h al l parties—moderat e i n hi s principle s an d o f ver y sound judgement . William P[ower] Keating Trench. Has a goo d estat e muc h involved—marrie d t o a siste r o f Mr . Gardine r —much inclined to Mr . Conolly—is appointed to a Regiment o f Fencibles . ATHENRY, TOW N OF . This Borough is in the Blakene y family—the nephew , who was representative o f it, latel y died , an d I a m not certai n wh o has succeeded to th e estate . John Blakeney, Esq. Has a smal l fortune , wa s i n th e Army , an d ha s a militar y pensio n o f £200 a year—supports . Col. William Blakeney. A Lt. Col . in the Army—supporte d Lor d Carlisle—an d wa s recommended for a militar y pension , bu t i t ha s no t ye t bee n granted . GALWAY, TOW N or . Antony Daly, Esq. A gentlema n o f large propert y an d returne d b y Mr . Daly, wit h who m h e acts. 25

xx. 5 .

MS. sic. Presumably the gap should be filled with ' Rt. Hon.', as in Commons Journals,

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Denis Bowers Daly, Esq. Cousin t o Mr . Daly—lat e cam e t o a larg e fortun e b y hi s father' s death—married a daughter o f Mr. Ponsonby wh o died abou t a year ago , from whic h tim e h e ha s neve r appeare d i n public . This Borough 26

TUAM BOROUGH .

Hon. James Browne. Uncle to Lord Altamont—wa s made Prime Serjeant b y Lord Buckinghamshire—removed b y th e Duk e o f Portland—o n whic h h e supporte d Mr . Flood's motions— a sensibl e bu t heav y ma n an d a tiresom e speaker . Sir Henry Lynch Blosse, Bt. Has a goo d estate—ha s bee n generall y i n opposition—seldo m attends — related t o th e Altamon t family . KERRY COUNTY . Arthur Blenerhassett, Esq. Of a n ancien t famil y an d interes t i n th e Count y o f Kerry—oppose d i n general til l th e Duk e o f Portland' s arrival— a Colone l o f Fencibles — has som e connexio n wit h Lor d Shelburne—a n od d passionat e man . Rowland Bateman, Esq. Has generall y acte d i n concer t with Mr. Blenerhassett. Th e nomination of the sherif f i s of much consequence i n this county , a s there i s likely t o b e an opposition . It i s supposed that Si r Barry Denny , whose family have ofte n represente d this County , wil l b e a candidat e a t th e nex t genera l election. 27 Lor d Glandore ha s a larg e propert y i n thi s County . ARDFERT BOROUGH . Lord Glandore' s Borough . Maurice Coppinger, Esq. A relatio n of , an d returne d by , Lor d Glandore—wa s Counse l t o th e Commissioners, £1,40 0 a year , bu t remove d b y th e Duk e o f Portland t o make roo m fo r Mr . Georg e Ponsonby , whos e offic e o f Cler k o f the Ship s Entries, £50 0 a year , wa s give n t o Mr . Coppinger as som e compensatio n —a quiet , heav y man . Edward Oleadowe, Esq. Eldest brothe r t o Si r Willia m Newcomen , th e banker—wa s disinherite d —has a plac e o f £20 0 a yea r i n th e Customs—bough t int o Parliamen t at th e beginnin g o f last session s through th e mean s of Sir William, upo n whom th e Baronetag e wa s conferred—pai d £80 0 fo r hi s seat—hi s objec t a bette r place . 26

MS. sic. 2

7

He wa s the n returne d (ibid., xxi . 6) .

174 DINGLE ICOUC H BOROUGH . Richard Townsend Junr., Esq. Son to Mr . Townsend, Member for Cork , who lately cam e into possession of this Borough 28 b y the deat h o f his relations, Mauric e Fitzgerald , Esq., the Knigh t o f Kerry, an d hi s cousin , Mr . Robert Fitzgerald , wh o ha d a pension o f £1,00 0 a year 29—votes wit h Lor d Shannon . Robert Alexander, Esq. Nephew t o Jame s Alexander , Esq. , th e Membe r for Derry— a partne r i n Sir Willia m Newcomen' s Bank—purchased hi s seat—act s independently , but incline d t o Government . TKALEE BOROUGH .

John Toler, Esq. A lawyer—mad e judg e o f Kilmainham wit h £50 0 a yea r salar y b y Lor d Buckingham—a usefu l speaker . Thomas Lloyd, Esq. A lawyer—hi s sea t wa s purchase d b y Lor d Muskerry , who m h e acte d with til l h e obtaine d th e Peerage , an d h e i s stil l unde r hi s Lordship' s directions. KILDAEE COUNTY . Rt. Hon. Lord Charles Fitzgerald. Brother t o th e Duk e o f Leinster— a Captai n i n th e Navy . Arthur Pomeroy, Esq. Has a goo d estate—returne d by , an d attache d to , th e Duk e o f Leinster —has bee n recommende d fo r th e Peerag e b y Lor d Buckingha m an d Lord Carlisle . ATHY BOROUGH . Duke o f Leinster' s Borough . Thomas Burgh, Esq., o f Ol d Town . A youn g lawyer-—returne d by , an d attache d to , th e Duke—usefu l a s a Chairman i n Committees—muc h i n confidenc e wit h Mr . Foster . Thomas Burgh, Esq. Returned by , an d attache d to , th e Duke—Accomptan t General , £95 0 a year , bu t th e profit s o f the offic e g o to Mr . Vesey during hi s life—als o Treasurer o f Ordnance , £10 0 a year , whic h h e i s t o resig n whe n h e i s liberated fro m th e incumbranc e of Mr. Vesey . Mr . Foste r an d th e Chie f Baron marrie d tw o o f hi s sisters—th e Chie f Baron' s wif e latel y dead — he wa s a n active , usefu l ma n an d understand s tellin g th e House—muc h in confidenc e wit h th e Duk e o f Leinster . 28 Sworn 2 February , 178 2 (ibid., xx . 5) . 29 Ibid., xx . 114 : grante d 7 June , 1776 .

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HARRISTOWN BOROUGH . The Duk e o f Leinster' s Borough . Hon. Richard Allen. Formerly a Lt. Col. in the Army and now Lt. Col. of the Dublin Volunteers, which ar e commande d b y th e Duk e o f Leinster—whe n th e Governmen t of Cor k becam e vacant , Lor d Shanno n applie d i n favo r o f Col . Pigot , and th e Duk e o f Leinster insiste d o n a promise , whic h ha d bee n made , of th e firs t Militar y Governmen t fo r Col . Allen—i n thi s a privat e negociation passed—an d Lt . Col . Pigo t wa s appointed , stipulatin g t o pay th e profit s o f th e employment , £365 a year , t o Col . Allen unti l h e should receiv e a n equivalen t appointment . John Charles Crowle, Esq. Was Steward of the Househol d to Lor d Carlisle—upon a vacanc y by th e death o f Mr. Keatinge in the cours e of last session, th e Duke complimented Lord Carlisl e wit h a n offe r o f th e sea t fo r Mr . Crowle. 30 KILDARE BOROUGH . Duke o f Leinster' s Borough . Sir Fitzgerald Aylmer, Bt. Has a considerabl e estat e i n th e Count y o f Kildare—returne d by , an d attached to , th e Duke . Simon Digby, Esq. Returned by , an d attache d to , th e Duke . NAAS BOROUGH . Lord Naa s govern s thi s Borough—formerl y Mr . Burg h o f Ol d Town had an interes t i n i t : but Lor d Naa s ha s secure d i t t o himsel f b y managemen t and revenu e influence . Hon. John Bourke. Eldest so n t o Lor d Naas—Receive r Genera l o f Stamps—hi s salar y wa s increased fro m £40 0 t o £60 0 a yea r b y Lor d Carlisle . Thomas Allen, Esq. Brought i n throug h Lor d Harcourt' s means—ha d a pensio n o f £60 0 a year, whic h he negociated awa y with Mr . Morris for a seat a t th e Boar d of Custom s i n England—alway s absent . KILKENNY COUNTY . fit. Hon. John Ponsonby. Formerly Speake r o f the Hous e o f Common s an d Firs t Commissione r of the Revenu e : he resigned th e Chair , soone r tha n presen t a n addres s t o 30

Sworn o n 2 0 November , 178 1 (ibid., xx . 5) .

176 Lord Townsend , wh o remove d hi m fro m th e Boar d o f Revenue—h e continued i n oppositio n wit h hi s friend s durin g Lor d Harcourt' s an d Lord Buckingham' s Government—supporte d Lor d Carlisl e an d th e Duk e of Portland—he has two sons in Parliament—and Mr. Burton, Mr . Dawson, Mr. Morris , Mr . Hoare , Mr . O'Callagha n an d Mr . Caldwel l ar e attache d to him . Joseph Deane, Esq. Elected b y th e popula r interest—opposes . Lord Clifde n wil l set up his son at th e genera l election, when it i s probable Mr. Dean e wil l b e throw n out. 31 CALLEN BOROUGH . This i s th e Boroug h s o muc h an d lon g dispute d b y th e Flood s an d th e Agars. Mr . Aga r govern s th e Boroug h a t present . Hon. Pierce Butler. Brother to Lor d Carric k and vote s wit h Lord Shannon , to who m Lor d Carrick i s attached—returne d b y Mr . Agar . George Agar, Esq. Son to the Mr. Agar who was killed b y Mr. Flood—nephew to the Countes s of Brandon , fro m who m h e expect s a ver y larg e property—i n genera l opposes—related t o Lor d Clifden , t o who m h e i s inclined . IKISH TOW N O R ST . CANICE , BOROUG H OF . This Borough belongs to the Bisho p of Ossory, and as it has been disputed , Government shoul d b e cautiou s who m the y nam e t o th e see . John M[onck] Mason, Esq. Commissioner o f Revenue , £1,00 0 a year—strongl y attache d t o Govern ment. Dominick Trant, Esq. Was brough t i n b y th e recommendatio n o f Lor d Buckingha m t o Lord Carlisle—he is married t o a sister o f Mr. Fitzgibbon an d i s much attached to th e Archbisho p o f Cashel . INNISTTOGE BOROUGH . This Boroug h a t Si r Willia m Fownes' s deat h cam e t o hi s son-in-law , Mr. Tighe , wh o die d las t yea r an d lef t a son , a minor . John Flood, Esq. Has a goo d estate—o n ba d term s wit h Mr . Flood—supporte d Lor d Carlisle—wishes fo r offic e an d t o b e a Priv y Counsellor—brough t in b y Sir Willia m Fowne s wh o had thi s Borough . 31

Mr. Dean e di d not , continu e t o represen t Kilkenn y Count y (ibid., xxi . 7) .

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Sir John Parnett, Bt. Made Commissione r o f Revenu e b y Lor d Buckingham—muc h attache d to Mr . Foster , wh o recommende d him—marrie d t o a daughte r o f Si r Arthur Brooke— a ma n o f busines s an d a usefu l speaker . GOWBAN BOROUGH . John Butler, Esq. Son o f Mr. Butle r o f the Castl e o f Kilkenny, wh o i s representative o f th e Ormond family—brough t i n b y Lor d Clifde n b y a negociatio n respectin g the County—seldo m attends—incline d t o Lor d Shannon . Sir Boyle Roche, Kt. Purchased of Lord Clifden—Gentleman Usher, £200—Surveyor of Kenmare River, £20 0 a year—ha s a pensio n o f £15 0 give n hi m b y Lor d Buckingham,32 an d ha s bee n recommende d fo r th e Baronetag e b y th e Duke o f Portland . KILKENNY, CIT Y OF . Eland Mossom, Esq. Opposes—supports Mr . Floo d wit h muc h warmth . Gervase Parker Bushe, Esq. Married t o a siste r o f Mr. Grattan—supporte d Lor d Carlisle—i s desirou s of office— a usefu l speaker . KNOCKTOPHER BOROUGH . Sir Hercule s Langrish e govern s thi s Borough . Sir Hercules Langrishe, Bt. Commissioner o f th e Revenue , £1,00 0 a year— a usefu l speaker-^-muc h attached to Mr. Grattan . Andrew Caldwell, Esq. A lawyer—has a goo d estate fro m hi s father , wh o was a n Attorne y an d for man y year s Solicito r o f th e Revenu e Boar d an d Agen t t o Lor d Bessborough—attached t o Mr . Ponsonby—purchase d o f Si r Hercules . THOMASTOWN BOROUGH . Lord Clifden' s Borough . Robert Ford, Esq. Purchased o f Lor d Clifden—so n t o Majo r Ford , wh o o n hi s retur n fro m Bengal purchase d i n Meat h an d wa s afterward s los t i n th e Aurora — generally opposed—i s incline d t o th e Speaker . 32 Ibid., xx . 11 5 (where it i s give n a s £200 ) : granted 2 0 December, 1780 .

178 Edward Bellingham Swan, Esq. Returned b y Lor d Harcourt' s means , i s Commissione r of Stamps , £50 0 a year , an d ha s a pension o f £300 in his brother's name—has been much employed i n tellin g an d watchin g th e House . KING'S COUNTY . Sir William Parsons, Bt. Has a goo d estat e bu t involved—act s independently—wa s onc e inclined 4;o Mr . Ponsonby . He an d Willia m Lloy d ma y b e oblige d b y th e nominatio n o f sheriff s for th e County . John Lloyd, Esq. Has a good estate—is a sensible, moderate man—frequently i n opposition , but no t uniformly .

BANAGHER BOROUGH. Peter Holmes, Esq. Has a smal l fortun e an d thi s Borough—mad e Comptrolle r of Stamps b y Lord Harcourt , £40 0 a year . James Cavendish, Esq. Brother to Si r Henry—came in by purchase^—is Commissioner of Barracks, £400 a year—extremel y involve d i n hi s circumstance s and owe s Government a larg e balance , havin g faile d whe n Collecto r o f Dundalk— a ba d attendant. PHILIPSTOWN BOROUG H Lord Belveder e govern s thi s Borough. John Handcock, Esq. Captain i n th e Artiller y an d For t Majo r o f Charles Fort, 5d . a da y wit h a house , give n hi m b y Lor d Buckingham—relate d t o Lor d Belveder e and returne d b y him . Hugh Carleton, Esq. Brought i n b y Lor d Harcourt' s means—mad e Solicito r Genera l b y Lor d Buckingham—a goo d lawyer—bu t o f n o us e a s a speaker . LEITRIM COUNTY . Rt. Hon. Theophilus Clements. Deputy Vice-Treasurer . Rt. Hon. Theophilus Jones. Was Chie f Secretar y t o Lor d Bristol , wh o gav e hi m th e Collector; . Mp of Dublin Port , wort h £1,20 0 a year .

Sketches o f th e Members o f th e Irish Parliament i n 1782 . 17

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CARRICK BOROUGH . Mr. Rober t Clements' s Borough—hi s fathe r purchase d i t o f th e lat e General St . George , fo r £5,000 . Robert Tighe, Esq. Returned b y Mr . Clements—is Comptrolle r o f Dublin Port , £50 0 a year , and Cler k o f th e Deliverie s i n th e Ordnance , £150 . Edward King, Esq. A relatio n o f Mr . Clements—a t th e Bar—returne d by , an d attache d to , Mr. Clements . JAMESTOWN BOROUGH . Mr. King' s Borough . Richard Martin, Esq. Purchased o f Mr . King—hi s fathe r ha s a larg e estat e i n th e Count y of Gal way bu t muc h involved, an d th e so n is more so—married t o a niece of Mr. Vesey. H e supported Lor d Carlisle—has lately becam e an advocat e for Mr . Flood, an d ha s bee n instrumental i n procurin g addresses t o hi m from som e Corp s i n th e Count y o f Galway—a n odd , absur d characte r with somethin g lik e abilitie s ; bu t o f n o consideratio n o r consequence. John Hall, Esq. Was a Captai n i n th e Army—wrot e a histor y o f th e America n War — purchased hi s sea t a t th e openin g o f last sessio n fo r £80 0 and supporte d under th e hop e o f gettin g office . LIMERICK COUNTY . Rt. Hon. Silver Oliver. Has a larg e estate—i s a wel l dispose d respectabl e man—independent . Sir Henry Hartstonge, Bt. A goo d estate—brother-i n la w to th e Speaker—th e Jack Puddin g o f th e House.

Joseph Hoare, Esq.

ASKEYTON BOROUGH .

Weigh Master a t Cork e for a term o f years—has a moderate estat e and is attached t o Mr . Ponsonby—returne d unde r a n ol d agreemen t wit h Mr . Taylor whos e daughter marrie d Lor d Carric k an d bough t hi m hal f thi s Borough.

Hon. Hugh Massey. Has hal f thi s Borough—ha s bee n generall y i n opposition .

180 KILMALLOCK BOROUGH . William Christmass, Esq. A gentlema n o f fortun e i n th e count y o f Wexford—purchase d o f Mr . Silver Oliver , t o who m this Boroug h belongs—oppose d til l th e Duk e of Portland's arrival . John Firilay, Esq. Purchased—a banke r i n Dubli n a t th e hea d o f a grea t discountin g Ban k and h e ha s consequentl y oppose d a s muc h a s possibl e th e establishmen t of th e Nationa l Bank—ha s bee n generall y i n opposition . LIMERICK CITY . Et. Hon. Edmond Sexton Pery. Speaker o f th e House . Thomas Smith, Esq. Eldest so n to Mr . Charles Smith o f Limerick who has a very larg e estate . He acts independently and i s neither constan t i n suppor t no r opposition. LONDON DERR Y COUNTY . Et. Hon. Thomas Conotty. Has a ver y larg e fortune—marrie d a siste r o f th e Duk e o f Richmon d —brother-in-law to Lord Buckingham and Mr. G. Byng—has the Borough s of Ballyshanno n an d Newtow n Limavady—incline d t o Governmen t bu t unsteady. Et. Hon. Edivard Carey. Has a larg e fortun e in thi s county—marrie d t o a siste r o f Lord Tyron e and incline d to , thoug h no t alway s guide d by , hi s Lordship . COLERAINE BOROUGH . Et. Ron. Eichard Jackson. Has hal f thi s Borough—i s Cler k o f th e Pape r Office , £50 0 a year — attached t o Government . Hon. Eichard Annesley. Nephew t o Lor d Tyron e wh o has hal f thi s Borough—a t th e Bar—an d Customer o f Youghall, wit h a salary of £400 a year, whic h was given him by Lor d Buckingham . LONDONDERRY, CIT Y OF . Sir Hugh Hill, Bt. Bought th e Collectorshi p o f Deny , wort h £40 0 a year , an d ha s muc h weight wit h th e Corporation—mad e a Barone t b y Lor d Buckingham .

Sketches o f th e Members o f th e Irish Parliament in 1782 . 18 1 James Alexander, Esq. Made a larg e fortun e i n th e Eas t Indie s an d bough t a grea t estat e of Lord Cork e at Caledo n in the Count y o f Tyrone , fo r whic h he paid nea r £100,000—a respectabl e man—ha s bee n i n genera l i n opposition . NBWTOWN LIMAVADY , BOROUG H or . This Boroug h o n th e lat e Lor d Conyngham' s deat h devolve d t o Mr . Conolly. Alexander Murray, Esq. Returned b y th e lat e Lor d Conyngham—guide d b y Col . Conyngham . William Colvilk, Esq. Returned b y th e mean s o f Col . Conyngham , to who m h e i s attached — a Cor n Factor an d ha s much information i n that business—Agen t t o th e widows o f officers— a plac e give n hi m b y Lor d Buckingham , an d h e has receive d hope s that th e plac e o f Treasurer o f Ordnance shoul d com e to hi m whe n Mr . Burg h resign s it . LONGFORD COUNTY . Henry Gore, Esq. Brother t o Lor d Annaly—Examinato r o f Customs , £90 0 a year—ha s bad health—neve r attends . Barman Lawrence Harman. Nephew an d intende d hei r t o Dea n Harma n wh o has a larg e fortune — has bee n eve r i n opposition . GRANARD, BOROUG H or . Mrs. Macartney' s Borough . Thomas Maunsell, Esq. The tw o seat s o f thi s Boroug h wer e purchase d fo r th e Parliamen t b y Mr. Maunsell and Mr , Kilpatrick—Mr . Maunse l made a moderat e fortun e in India , i s so n t o th e lat e Counse l t o th e Commissioners—incline d t o Government, bu t a t th e instigatio n o f Mr . Kingsma n oppose d Lor d Carlisle. William Long Kingsman, Esq. Married t o Mrs . Tenucci, Mr. MaunselTs sister, and returne d b y him upon Mr. Kilpatrick' s death . H e presse d muc h for a promis e o f offic e i n th e beginning o f Lor d Carlisle' s Government , an d o n Mr . Fraser' s deat h particularly applie d t o b e Privat e Secretary—an d hi s wishe s no t bein g acceded to , h e wen t int o oppositio n an d prevaile d o n .Mr. Maunsel l t o follow him .

182 LANESBOROUGH, BOROUG H OF . Mr. Dillon' s Borough . Robert Dillon, Esq. Married to a niece of Mr. Toler—has this Borough—applied for a promise of several favors to Lor d Carlisle , upon whos e declining to ente r int o an y engagement, h e wen t int o opposition . John Hely Hutchinson, Esq. Purchased—son t o th e Provos t Majo r i n th e 81st . LONGFORD, BOROUG H OF . David Latouche, Esq. Eldest so n o f th e grea t Banker , purchase d hi s sea t o f Lor d Longford , who ha s th e Borough—ha s bee n generall y i n opposition—hi s daughte r late marrie d Lor d Lanesborough . John Tunnadine, Esq. A Maste r i n Chancer y an d Commissione r o f Appeals , £30 0 a year—hi s seat wa s purchase d b y a famil y agreement . ST. JOHNSTOWN , BOROUG H OF . Lord Granard' s Borough . Hon. John Vaughan. Lt. General—brothe r t o Lor d Lisburne—returne d fro m a promis e ove r a bottl e b y th e lat e Lor d Granard . Sackville Hamilton, Esq. Returned b y the presen t Lor d Granar d o n Sir Ralph Fetherstone' s deat h upon th e recommendatio n o f Lord Buckingham—mad e Unde r Secretar y of th e Civi l Departmen t b y hi s Lordship . LOUTH, COUNT Y OF . 33

James Fortescue.

Lately electe d upo n th e deat h o f his father—nephe w t o Lor d Clermont . Rt. Hon. John Foster. Son to the late Chief Baron—has a large fortune in this county—Chairman of Way s an d Means—an d Custome r o f Dubli n Port , £1,00 0 a year — extremely abl e i n al l parliamentar y business . ATHERDEE, BOROUG H OF . Mr*. Ruxto n ha s thi s Borough . 33 MS. sic. ' Thomas Jame s Fortescu e ' wa s sworn i n roo m o f the Rt . Hon . Jame s Fortescue o n 1 9 July, 178 2 (ibid., xx . 6) .

Sketches o f th e Members o f th e Irish Parliament i n 1782 . 18

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Francis M cnamara, Esq. Has a goo d estate , bu t involved , i n th e Count y o f Clare—purchased — supported Lor d Carlisle . Peter Metge, Esq. A lawyer—ha s a smal l estat e i n th e count y o f Meath—purchased — opposed til l th e Duk e o f Portland's arrival , wh o made hi m 3r d Serjean t in th e plac e o f Mr . Fitzgerald . CARLINGFORD, BOROUG H OF . Mr. Moor e an d Col . Ros s manag e thi s Borough . Thomas Knox, Eldest so n t o Lor d Welle s b y who m h e i s guided—pu r chased hi s seat . Theophilus Blakeney, Esq. Brother t o Mr . Blakeney—returne d fo r Athenry—Collecto r o f Dubli n Excise, £60 0 a year . DUNDALK, BOROUG H OF . Lord ClanbrassiP s Borough , whic h h e ha s bee n nea r losin g b y th e ac t of hi s steward , wit h who m he quarrelled , an d i t i s sai d the Boroug h i s no t at presen t secure . William Conyngham, Esq. Was a Captai n o f Cavalry—ha s a n estat e i n th e Count y o f Deny — returned b y Lor d Clanbrassi l an d guide d b y him—oppose d Lor d Carlisl e in general . Robert Lyndsey, Esq. A lawye r returne d by , an d guide d by , Lor d Clanbrassil . DUNLEER, BOROUG H OF . This Borough was divided betwee n Mr. Foster and the late Judge Tenison, on whos e deat h th e interes t i n th e Boroug h reste d i n Mr . Foster . John Thomas Foster, Esq. Cousin t o Mr . Foster , returne d an d guide d b y Mr . Foster . William Thomas Monsel, Esq. Purchased fro m Judg e Tenison—nephe w t o th e Speake r an d i n genera l guided b y him . MAYO COUNTY . James Cuffe, Esq. Has a prett y goo d estate—relate d t o Lor d Arra n an d Lor d Altamon t who supported him—Inspecto r of Barracks, £60 0 a year wit h an allowanc e

184 for travellin g charges—i s extremel y anxiou s t o increas e hi s situatio n t o £1,000 a year— a pleasan t libertine—h e i s parte d fro m hi s wif e who , i t was said, ha d a n intrigue with th e lat e Attorney Genera l Scott , and there was a due l betwee n hi m an d Mr . Cuffe . 4 Hon. 3 Browne. Just elected— a Lt . i n th e Roya l Iris h Dragoons— a brothe r o f Lor d Altamont.

CASTLEBAR, BOROUG H OF . Thomas Coghlan, Esq. Has a n incumbere d estate i n th e King' s Count y for whic h h e stood , bu t lost th e election—returne d fo r Castleba r b y Lor d Harcourt' s means — has a pensio n o f £300 a year 35 an d i s Storekeepe r o f the Ordnance , £15 0 a year , wit h a hous e i n th e Lowe r Castl e Yard . Stephen Popham, Esq. A famou s swindler , tha t cam e int o thi s countr y a fe w year s ag o an d contrived t o tak e i n man y gentleme n fo r larg e sums—cheate d Lor d Lucan out o f this seat an d a larg e su m o f money o n pretence o f his bein g able t o retur n hi s Lordshi p fo r St . Ive s i n Cornwall . H e ha s lon g fled from Irelan d an d i s no w pursuin g hi s ol d plan s i n th e Eas t Indies . MEATH COUNTY . Rt. Hon. Hercules Langford Rowley. Has but a small property in Meath but ver y large estates in other countie s —one o f th e head s o f th e dissentin g interest—wa s formerl y a Priv y Counsellor bu t removed b y Lor d Townsend—h e ha s bee n restore d b y the Duk e of Portland. Hi s wif e wa s created Viscountes s Langfor d in 1766 . It i s suppose d h e wil l leav e hi s fortune s t o Lor d Bective' s secon d so n —his ow n so n havin g fit s an d no t likel y t o live . Gorges Lowther, Esq. Elected b y th e popula r interest—ha s th e Boroug h o f Ratoath , th e sea t of whic h he sells—opposed till the Duk e o f Portland's arrival—connected in som e manne r wit h Lord Shelburne . ATHBOY, BOROUG H OF . Edward Tighe, Esq. Was Private Secretary to Lord Buckingham—is a Commissioner of Stamps, £500 a year , an d Comptrolle r o f th e Pipe , £70—an d ha s a pensio n o f £400,86 whic h wa s grante d a t Lor d Hillsborough' s recommendation , when his Lordship overrule d Lor d Buckingham , wh o recommende d hi m to b e Commissione r o f th e Revenue . 34 The MS. bears marks of an erasure. Th e omitted forenam e is ' George ' (ibid., xx. 6). Mlbid., xx . 114 : grante d 7 June, 1776 . 3 « Ibid., xx . 115 : grante d 2 0 December , 1780 .

Sketches o f th e Members o f th e Irish Parliament in 1782 . 1£ 5 This i s a Boroug h o f Lor d Darhley's , wh o i s a minor—Mr . Tigh e wil l probably have much influence in disposing o f the seat at th e next .election; and bein g als o guardian to Mr . Tighe th e mino r hi s nephew, wh o has th e Boroughs o f Inishoge an d Wicklow , it i s probable th e member s o f them will b e chose n b y hi s advice . William Chapman, Esq. Clerk of the Crow n for Connaught, a place of small value—younger brothe r to th e membe r fo r Westmeath—mad e Collector o f Donaghade e b y Lor d Buckingham, £300 a year. Fro m the inattentio n o f the late Lord Darnley , he got by stealth into this Borough—but i t bein g a manor an d the voter s his Lordship' s tenants, 37 i t i s improbabl e h e ca n succee d again. 88 DULEEK, BOROUG H OF . Andrew Earn, Esq. Brother t o Mr . Abel Ra m wh o is the hea d o f the famil y an d command s the Borough s o f Dulee k an d Gorey—Mr . Abe l Ra m i s ol d an d ha s n o children—the whol e famil y hav e eve r opposed . Hon. Col. Edward Stopford. Lieut. Colone l t o th e 66th—brothe r t o Lor d Courtown—returne d b y Mr. Ram—mad e Constabl e o f Limeric k b y Lor d Buckingham—wit h a salary o f 2 0 shillings a day—supports—think s himsel f extremel y ill-use d at no t havin g earlie r ha d a Regiment . KELLS, BOROUG H OF . Lord Bective' s Borough . Lord Headfort. Son t o Lor d Bective—abroad . Hon. Hercules Langford Taylor. Son t o Lor d Bective— a Lt . i n th e Army—Lor d Bectiv e i s wel l incline d to Government . NAVAN, BOROUG H OF . Joseph Preston, Esq. Returned b y Lor d Ludlow , who has hal f thi s Borough— a strang e fribbl e —generally oppose d Lor d Carlisle—connecte d wit h th e Lambert s an d through the m wit h Mr . Sackvill e Hamilton . James Pratt, Esq. Mr. Preston , wh o had hal f thi s Borough , wa s marrie d t o Mr . Mathews ' sister, an d o n hi s deat h Mr . Mathew s contrive d t o hav e Mr . Prat t re turned. H e supporte d Lor d Carlisle . 37 For the eas e wit h whic h th e voting in a ' manor boroug h ' coul d b e controlled, se e Porritt, Unreformed House o f Commons (1909) , ii . 35 5 f. 38 He di d no t represen t Athbo y Boroug h i n th e nex t parliamen t (Commons Journals, xxi. 9) .

186 RATOATH, BOROUG H OF . Mr. Lowther' s Borough . John Forbes, Esq. Son of Alderman Forbes—purchased—opposed till the Duk e of Portland's arrival—who, i t i s said , intende d t o mak e hi m Solicito r General—h e i s a usefu l speaker—wel l know n to Lor d Shelburne—a t th e Ba r bu t ha s not much business—o f a weakl y constitution . George Putland, Esq. Purchased—a youn g ma n o f goo d fortune—opposed . TRIM, BOROUG H OF . Lord Mornington' s Borough . Rt. Hon. John Pomeroy. Lt. Gen.—returne d b y th e lat e Lor d Mornington—muc h incline d t o th e Duke o f Leinster . Arthur Crosbie, Esq. A relatio n o f Lor d Morningto n an d guide d b y him . MONAGHAN COUNTY . Alexander Montgomery, Esq. Has a larg e estate—- a ver y respectabl e man—oppose d til l th e Duk e o f Portland's arrival . Thomas Tenison, Esq. Much involve d i n hi s circumstances—electe d b y th e popula r interes t o f the count y an d guide d b y it . MONAGHAN, BOROUG H OF . Lt. Gen. Robert Cuninghame, P.O. Governor o f Ki n sale—has £ 3 a da y a s Lt . Gen . o n th e Establishment , which wa s given him upon Gen . Burgoyne's appointment wh o is a younger officer—returned b y Lad y Blayney , hi s mother-in-law . Robert Dobson, Esq. Father-in-law t o Si r Joh n Blaquiere—ha s ba d health—neve r attends — returned b y Lad y Blayney . QUEEN'S COUNTY . Charles Henry Coote, Esq. Son t o Dea n Coote , wh o i s Agen t t o Lor d Montrat h an d manage s hi s Lordship's interests, by whic h Mr. Coote is brought in . H e has a pensio n of £300 a year durin g his wife's life, 39 recommended by Lord Buckingham . Supports. s» Jbid.. xx . 11 6 : grante d 2 0 December , 1780 .

Sketches o f th e Members o f th e Irish Parliament i n 1782 . lo V John Warburton, Esq. Formerly i n th e Army—stoo d a conteste d electio n agains t Gen . Wals h who petitioned—oppose d i n genera l till th e Duk e of Portland's Adminis tration. A wel l disposed , respectabl e man . BALLYNAKILL, BOEOUG H OF . Lord Drogheda' s Borough . Sir Wittiam Montgomery, Bt. Returned b y Lord Drogheda, to whom he is Agent—father to Mrs. Gardiner, Mrs. Beresfor d an d Lad y Townsend—Agen t t o man y Regiments, an d t o half pa y officers , wort h abou t £60 0 a year—Audito r o f Imprests, £60 0 a year, an d Cler k o f .the Lan d Permits , £30 0 a year . John Moore, Esq. A relatio n o f Lor d Drogheda—supports . MARYBOROUGH, BOROUG H OF . The contendin g interest s i n thi s Boroug h ar e thos e o f Lor d Drogheda , Sir J . Parnell , Dea n Coot e an d Mr . Tydd . Bt. Hon. Richard Fitzpatrick. Returned b y th e mean s o f Si r J . Parnel l an d Dea n Coote . John Tydd, Esq. A lawyer—mad e Commissione r o f Appeals , £30 0 a year , b y Lor d Buckingham. PORTARLINGTON, BOROUG H OF .

Sir Roger Palmer, Bt. Related t o Lor d Carlo w an d returne d b y him—Paymaste r o f Cor n Premiums, £90 0 a year , an d Chie f Chamberlai n o f th e Exchequer , £5 0 a year—extremel y involve d i n hi s circumstances . Hon. Joseph Dawson. Brother t o Lor d Carlow—Secretar y to th e Boar d o f Stamps, £30 0 a year , and allow s Mr . Este, th e Firs t Clerk , £4 0 a yea r fo r doin g hi s duty . ROSCOMMON COUNTY . Thomas*0 Mahon, Esq. Lately electe d upo n th e deat h o f hi s father—mad e a Governo r o f th e County b y th e Duk e o f Portland . Edward Crofton, Esq. Son t o Si r Marcu s Crofton—marrie d t o Mrs . Croker , th e Si x Clerk' s daughter, b y who m h e wil l have a larg e fortune—oppose d til l th e Duk e of Portland' s arrival . *° This is apparently an error for ' Maurice ' , for Maurice Maho n was sworn on 16 April, 1782, i n th e plac e o f 'Thomas ' Maho n (ibid., xx . 7) .

188 BOYLE, BOROUG H OF . Lord Kingston' s Borough . Et. Hon. Henry King. Brother t o Lor d Kingsto n an d attache d t o him—neve r attends . Lord Viscount Kingsborough. Son t o Lor d Kingston—marrie d t o hi s cousin , Mis s Fitzgerald , whe n h e was sixteen, wit h who m he go t a fortun e o f £12,000 a year—a t varianc e with hi s father—has bee n endeavourin g to rais e a n oppositio n i n his own favor agains t Lor d Shanno n i n th e Count y o f Cork. 41 ROSCOMMON, BOROUG H OF . Mr. Sandford' s Borough . Maj. Gen. Robert Sandford. Has a regiment—is Lt. Governo r of Gal way, £400 a year—much attache d to th e Duk e of Leinster—lately cam e with a fortun e b y Gen . Sandford' s death. Henry Sandford, Esq. His father, who is Register o f Forfeitures, ha s this Borough—Mr. Sandford is marrie d t o a daughte r o f Silve r Oliver—seldo m opposes . TULSK, BOROUG H OF . William Caulfield, Esq. Related t o th e lat e Chie f Justice Caulfiel d wh o has thi s Borough , which is a t presen t i n th e possessio n o f Mrs . Walcot , bu t o n he r deat h h e will succeed t o i t an d t o th e Chie f Justice' s estates , wort h £12,00 0 a yea r —has a pensio n o f £50 0 a year. 42 James Carigue Ponsonby, Esq. Purchased—in distresse d circumstances—hi s wife , siste r t o Mrs . O'Hara , ran awa y with Lord Bellamont—Lor d Buckingha m gave him a pension of £400 a year. 43 SLIGO COUNTY . Et. Hon. Joshua Cooper. Has a larg e estate—act s independently an d wel l dispose d t o Governmen t —a ver y respectabl e countr y gentleman . Owen Wynne, Junior. Son t o th e Priv y Counsellor—Collecto r o f Sligo , £30 0 a year—guide d by hi s fathe r wh o supports . 41 42 43

Kingsborough wa s returne d fo r Cor k Count y a t th e nex t electio n (ibid., xxi . 4) . Ibid., xx. 11 4 : granted £20 0 (7 June, 1776 ) an d a further £30 0 (20 December, 1780) . Ibid., xx . 73 , 115 : grante d 2 0 December, 1780 .

Sketches o f th e Members o f th e Irish Parliament i n 1782 . 18 9 SLIGO BOROUGH. Rt. Hon. Owen Wynne. Has a good estate in this county and in Leitrim—inclined to Government —has hur t himsel f b y electioneering . Richard Hely Hutchinson. Eldest so n t o th e Provost—stoo d fo r th e Colleg e bu t los t hi s electio n —returned throug h som e negociation wit h Mr . Wynne and Lor d Clifden . Commissioner o f Stamps , £50 0 a year , an d ha s th e reversio n o f the 2n d Remembrancer's employments— a pleasing , wel l dispose d youn g man . TIPPERARY COUNTY . Mr. Majbhew , Mr . Prittie , Si r Cornwalli s Maude and Mr . Tole r hav e th e chief interest s i n thi s County . Henry Prittie, Esq. Has a larg e estate—oppose d Lor d Carlisle—i s sai d t o inclin e t o Mr . Ponsonby. Francis Mathew, Esq. Has a larg e estate—ha s bee n recommende d for th e Peerag e b y Lor d Buckingham an d Lor d Carlisle . CASHELL, CIT Y OF . Richard Pennefather, Esq. A young man , ha s this Borough—inclined t o Governmen t an d supporte d Lord Carlisle . William Pennefather, Esq. Formerly a Majo r i n th e Army—Collecto r o f Clonmell , £30 0 a year — returned b y hi s nephew . CLONMELL, BOROUG H OF . Quy Moore Coote, Esq. Has hal f thi s Borough—i n difficul t circumstances—ha s a pensio n o f £400 a year , whic h wa s extende d t o hi s wif e b y Lor d Buckingham.* 4 Hon. William Moore. Major i n th e Army—an d brothe r t o Lor d Montcashe l wh o has hal f th e Borough—Lord Montcashe l i s incline d t o Government . FETHARD, BOROUG H OF . Cornelius O'Callaghan, Esq. Son-in-law t o Mr . Ponsonb y an d attache d t o him—ha s thi s Boroug h but disputed—hi s objec t th e Peerage . ** Ibid., xx . 11 5 : granted 2 0 December, 1780 .

190 David Walshe, Esq. A lawyer—married to the Dowage r Lady Dunboyne. Ther e is some quarrel of a ver y desperat e kin d betwee n hi m an d Mr . O'Callagha n respectin g this Borough— a supporte r o f Mr. Floo d an d a forcibl e speaker— a note d duellist an d o f n o ver y respectabl e character . Hi s objec t i s statio n i n the la w line . TYRONE, COUNT Y OF . James Stewart, Esq. His fathe r ha s a larg e estat e i n thi s count y an d a valuabl e leas e unde r the Primate— a wel l dispose d man—ha s generall y opposed—h e unfor tunately kille d hi s brothe r b y hi s gu n goin g of f by acciden t an d h e ha s never recovere d hi s spirit s sinc e th e event . Nathaniel Montgomery, Esq. Son t o th e Membe r fo r Tyrone—guide d b y hi s father—seem s t o hav e a turn fo r business . AUGHEE, BOROUG H OF . George Hamilton, Esq. Purchased fro m Mr . Montra y wh o ha s hal f thi s Borough—marrie d a sister o f Baro n Hamilton—mad e Collecto r o f Armag h b y Lor d Carlisl e upon hi s stipulating b y himsel f an d throug h Lor d Hillsboroug h t o brin g himself int o Parliamen t a t th e genera l election . Sir William Fortick, Kt. Bought fro m th e representativ e o f Mrs . Mervyn , wh o ha s hal f thi s Borough—grandson to Fortick , a sadler wh o made a fortune—opposed til l the Duk e o f Portland' s arrival , wh o mad e hi m a Knight . CLOGHER, CIT Y OF . Rt. Hon. Sir Capel Molyneux, Bt. Stood fo r th e Count y o f Armag h and , failing , wa s returne d b y th e lat e Bishop o f Clogher, who was married t o hi s sister. Nephe w to th e famou s Molyneux, Locke' s friend—act s independently—an d ha s i n genera l opposed. Thomas St. George, Esq. Returned b y th e lat e Bishop o f Clogher—marrried t o a daughte r o f Lor d Gosford—Commissioner o f Barracks , £40 0 a year , whic h h e purchased , and h e wa s appointe d b y Lor d Buckingha m Superviso r o f the Account s of th e Board , £200 . H e i s Agen t t o th e presen t Bishop , bu t no t likel y to b e brough t i n agai n b y hi m fo r Clogher. 45 46

He wa s returne d agai n i n 178 3 (ibid., xxi . 10) .

Sketches o f th e Members o f th e Irish Parliament i n 1782 . 19. 1 DUNGANNON, BOROUG H OF .

Rt. Hon. William Eden, Returned b y Lor d Welles . Charles O'Hara, Esq. A young lawyer—has a n estat e in Sligo—latel y married a good fortune — was brough t i n b y Lor d Harcourt' s means , payin g onl y £1,000 , ye t h e has alway s opposed— a ver y dull , tediou s speaker . STRABANE, BOROUG H OF . Lord Abercorn' s Borough . Sir John Stuart Hamilton, Bt. Was marrie d t o a daughte r o f th e lat e Lor d Boyne—returne d b y hi s relation, Lor d Abercorn—mad e Collecto r o f Strabane , £35 0 a year , b y Lord Carlisle—supports . Henry Pomeroy, Esq. Son t o Arthu r Pomeroy— a youn g lawyer—returne d b y Lor d Abercor n •—votes wit h th e Duk e o f Leinster . WATERFORD COUNTY . Rt. Hon. John Beresford. First Commissione r o f Revenue, £2,00 0 a year—a Taster o f Wines, £1,000 during pleasure* 6 fo r hi s ow n and hi s son's lives—brother t o Lor d Tyron e —attached t o Government—a n able , experience d an d laboriou s man. Sir James May, Bt. Collector o f Waterford , £50 0 a year—supports . DUNGARVAN, BOROUG H OF .

This i s a potwollopin g Borough—Si r Willia m Osborne , Mr . Greene , Lor d Shannon and Lor d Tyron e are contendin g for it. Lor d Shannon wa s defeated last genera l election . Rt. Hon. Sir William Osborne, Bt. An experienced , abl e man , and a correc t an d finished speaker—but , no t acting i n concer t wit h anyon e an d affectin g singularity , i s no t o f much weight. Godfrey Greene, Esq. Came i n upo n petitio n agains t Mr . Bennet t wh o wa s se t u p b y Lor d Shannon—supported Lor d Buckingha m and Lor d Carlisl e i n expectation of office—a t th e Bar . *6 These tw o word s ar e underline d i n MS.

192 LISMORE, BOROUG H OF . The Duk e o f Devonshire' s Borough . St. Hon. Sir Henry Cavendish. Son o f th e lat e Telle r o f th e Exchequer , wh o die d owin g Governmen t near £50,000 , grea t par t o f whic h afte r muc h dela y ha s bee n paid—h e is conversan t i n th e Form s an d Order s o f the House— a goo d shorthan d writer bu t a tiresom e speaker—incline d t o Government—brough t i n upon th e Duk e o f Devonshire' s interest . Sir Richard Musgrave, Bt. Married t o a daughte r o f Si r H . Cavendish , wh o i s parte d fro m him — an od d eccentri c ma n bu t wel l disposed—attache d t o Si r Henry—mad e a Barone t b y th e Duk e o f Portland—his fathe r i s Agen t t o th e Duk e of Devonshire. TALLAGH, BOROUG H OF . The Duke of Devonshire's Borough , but hi s interest i n it muc h neglected. Richard Boyle, Esq. Nephew to Lor d Shannon—wh o brough t him i n 47 o n the Duk e of Devonshire's interes t a t th e deat h o f Mr . Lysaght . Li. Col. Hugh Cane. Formerly Lt . Colone l in the Arm y and, whe n quartered a t Tallagh , mad e connexions wit h th e voters , an d afterward s procured th e Duk e of Devonshire's permissio n t o b e a candidate—ha s a militar y pensio n o f £30 0 a year—supports uniformly—marrie d t o Lad y Blakiston , wido w o f a Lor d Mayor o f London . WATERFORD, CIT Y OF . Cornelius Bolton, Esq. Has a goo d fortune— a sensibl e intelligen t littl e man—incline d t o Mr . Foster—but ha s generall y opposed . Robert Shapland Carew. Has a goo d fortune, come s in upo n th e popula r interes t an d ha s alway s opposed. WESTMEATH, COUNT Y OF . Hon. Robert Rochfort. Brother t o Lord Belvidere—Surveyor General of Crown Lands for life, £500 a year—supporte d Lor d Carlisle . *7 He wa s swor n o n 1 6 April, 178 2 (ibid., xx . 5) .

Sketches o f th e Members o f th e Irish Parliament i n 1782 . 19

3

Sir Benjamin Chapman, Bt. Has a goo d estate—marrie d t o a farmer' s daughte r o f larg e fortune — made a Barone t wit h limitatio n t o hi s younge r brothe r b y Lor d Carlisl e whom h e supported , thoug h no t steadily—a n unpleasin g speaker . ATHLONE, BOROUG H OF . Sir Richar d St . Georg e an d Dea n Hancoc k hav e th e chie f interest s i n this Borough . Sir Richard St. George, Bt. Has i n genera l opposed—h e i s sai d t o b e incline d t o Mr . Ponsonby . William Handcock, Esq. Nephew t o Dea n Handcock—i s Commissione r of Barracks , £40 0 a year . FORE, BOROUG H OF . Lord Viscount Delvyn. Son t o Lor d Westmeath . James Fitzgerald, Esq. A lawyer—mad e 3r d Serjean t b y Lor d Buckingha m and remove d b y th e Duke o f Portland—attache d t o Lor d Chie f Justic e Paterso n an d t o Col . Conyngham. KlLBEGGAN, BOROUG H OF .

Charles Lambert, Esq. Has thi s Borough—i s Collecto r o f Dubli n County , £50 0 a year , whic h employment h e wishe s t o exchang e fo r an y thin g o f equa l valu e com patible with his residence in England, a s his wife, wh o was a Miss Dutton , will no t liv e i n Ireland . Sir Richard Johnston, Bt. Being throw n ou t a t Newry—purchased—ha d a pensio n o f £400, 48 which he sold to. Mr. Birch—supported Lor d Carlisl e in general upo n bein g made a Truste e o f th e Line n Manufacture . MULLINGAR, MANO R OF . Rt. Hon. John Scott. Late Attorne y Genera l remove d b y th e Duk e o f Portland—Cler k o f th e Pleas i n th e Exchequer , £2,50 0 a year—ha s supporte d Governmen t eve r since h e cam e int o parliament—a n unequa l an d incautiou s speake r and , though apparentl y ope n an d free , o f a mos t suspiciou s an d jealou s dis position—has bee n a mos t fortunat e man , havin g realize d fro m legacie s by hi s tw o wive s an d hi s ow n labor s a t th e Ba r abov e £5,00 0 a year , exclusive o f hi s offic e an d th e profit s o f hi s presen t practice . 48

Ibid., xx . 11 3 : grante d 6 August , 1772 .

194 Sir Skeffington Smyth, Bt. Has a pensio n o f £50 0 a yea r o n th e Civi l Establishment, 49 £20 0 o n Revenue Incidents , whic h were given hi m o n hi s vacatin g th e Secretary ship to th e Boar d o f Customs, for which he paid 6,00 0 guineas—supported Lord Buckingha m an d Lor d Carlisle—wishe s t o b e a Priv y Counsello r —brother-in-law t o Mr . Mathew. WEXFORD COUNTY . George Ogle, Esq. Had a ver y goo d estat e bu t i s extremel y embarrassed—muc h belove d and respected , o f th e mos t romanti c hono r an d consequentl y jealou s —a popula r an d flash y speaker—oppose d til l th e Duk e o f Portland' s arrival. H e id General of the Volunteer s of the County , which are numerous. Vesey Colclough, Esq. Has a n involve d estate—o f ver y wea k understanding—an d addicte d t o low company . I t i s imagine d h e wil l no t com e i n agai n 50 —Mr. Charle s Tottenham ha s alread y declare d himsel f a candidate . BANNOW, BOROUG H or . Henry Loftus, Esq. A distan t relatio n o f Lor d Ely—an d returne d b y him—i s Commissioner of Stamps , £50 0 a year— a ver y honorabl e man . Captain Nicholas Loftus Tottenham. A Captai n o f Invalids—returne d b y Lor d El y an d guide d b y him—so n to Charles , Sen 1, o f Ross . CLONMINES, BOROUG H OF . Charles Tottenham of Boss, Sen 1". Formerly a Commissione r o f Revenue , an d o n th e reunio n o f Board s o f Customs an d Excise , retire d wit h a pensio n o f £60 0 a year 51—has hal f the Boroug h o f Ross—returne d b y Lor d Ely . Thomas Loftus. Captain o f Horse—so n t o Henry—returne d b y Lor d Ely . ENNISCORTHY, BOROUG H OF . Sir Frederick Flood, Bt. Made a Barone t an d Commissione r o f Stamps , £50 0 a year , b y Lor d Buckingham—married a t presen t t o Si r Henr y Cavendish' s sister — formerly marrie d t o Lor d Valentia' s sister . Cousi n german t o Mr . Flood , *9 Ibid., xx . 114 : grante d 1 1 February, 1774 . 60 He sa t fo r Wexfor d Count y i n th e nex t parliamen t (ibid., xxi . 11) . nibid., xx . 114 : grante d 1 December, 1773 .

Sketches o f th e Members o f th e Irish Parliament in 1782 . 19 5 whom h e i s incline d t o support , thoug h agains t hi s privat e principles , as h e expect s Mr . Flood' s fortune— a lawyer—bough t o f Si r Vese y Colclough, wh o ha s thi s Borough . Lt. Col. Montiford Longfield. Lt. Colone l of th e 3r d Horse—cousi n t o Mr . Longfield , wh o purchased his sea t fro m Si r Vese y Colclough. FETHARD, BOROUG H OF . Charles Tottenham, Esq. Of Tottenham Green—wa s Collecto r o f Drogheda , whic h h e gav e u p fo r the Paymastershi p o f th e Troop s servin g abroa d and , whe n upon thei r being take n of f the Establishmen t hi s employmen t ceased , h e receive d a military pensio n o f £1,000 a year—nephew to Lord El y and his intended heir—an honorable , wel l dispose d man . Ponsonby Tottenham, Esq. Son t o Charle s o f Ross—Lor d Buckingha m gav e hi m a pensio n o f £30 0 a year. 52 GOREY, BOROUG H OF . Stephen Bam, Esq. Nephew t o Abel—marrie d t o a siste r o f Lor d Courtown—ha s alway s opposed. William Ogilvie, Esq. Married t o th e Duches s Dowage r o f Leinster , t o whos e childre n h e wa a tutor—purchased o f Mr . Ra m fo r £800 . NEW Ross , TOW N OF . diaries Tottenham of Ballycurry, Esq. Son to Charle s of Ross—made Collector of Wicklow, £250 a year, by Lor d Buckingham—returned b y hi s fathe r an d guide d b y Lor d Ely . Robert Leigh, Esq. Has hal f thi s Borough—an d o f late ha s shew n a dispositio n t o suppor t Lord Ely . TAGHMON, BOROUG H OF . Lt. Col. Thomas Pigot. Lt. Col . o f Artillery—purchase d fro m Mr . Hore , th e Judg e Advocate — is attached to Lord Shannon—Governor of Cork but pays the profits of the Government t o Col . Alle n til l h e receive s a n equivalen t appointment . William Alexander English, Esq. Purchased—a duellis t an d bravo—supporte d Lor d Carlisle—i s at presen t one o f Mr . Flood' s myrmidons . 52

Ibid., xx . 115 : grante d 2 0 December, 1780 .

196 WEXFORD, TOW N OF . Richard Neville, Esq. A partne r i n Finlay' s Bank—ha s a goo d estate—act s independentl y an d is o f moderat e principles . Richard Lehunte, Esq. Has a goo d fortune—absent fro m ba d health—inclined t o Mr . Ponsonby . WICKLOW COUNTY . The leadin g interest s o f this count y ar e thos e o f Lord Fitzwilliam , Lor d Meath, Lor d Aldborough , Mr . Tigh e an d Mr . Hor y an d Mr . Hayes . Hon. William Brabazon. Brother t o Lor d Meath—ha s bee n generall y i n opposition . Hon. John Stratford. Brother t o Lor d Aldborough—ha s generall y opposed . BALTINGLASS, BOROUG H OF . Lord Aldborough' s Borough . Hon. Benjamin O'Neale Stratford. Brother t o Lor d Aldborough—opposes . John Godley, Esq. A lawyer—moderat e i n hi s principles—muc h incline d t o th e Speaker . BLESINGTON, BOROUG H OF . Lord Hillsboroug h inherite d thi s Boroug h b y Mr . Dunbar' s death . John Dillon, Esq. Returned b y th e lat e Mr . Dunba r t o who m h e wa s related—has a good estate in Meath—too k a lea d i n th e Roma n Catholi c Bills—wel l incline d to Government . John Reilly, Esq. Brought i n b y Lor d Hillsborough— a goo d shorthan d writer . CARYSFORT, BOROUG H OF . Thomas Osborne, Esq. Son t o Si r William—returne d b y Lor d Carysfort , wh o married hi s sister . Warden Flood, Esq. Cousin germa n t o Henry—Judg e o f th e Admiralty , £50 0 a year—wa s returned fo r Carysfor t b y Lor d Harcourt' s means .

Sketches o f th e Members o f th e Irish Parliament i n 1782 . 19

7

WICKLOW, BOROUG H OF . Hon. Robert Ward. Brother t o Lor d Bangor—returne d b y th e lat e Mr . Tighe—uncertai n i n his parliamentar y conduct—relate d t o Mr . Tighe' s family . George Ponsonby, Esq. Returned b y th e lat e Mr . Tighe—so n t o Mr . Ponsonby—mad e Cler k o f the Ship s Entries , £50 0 a year , b y Lor d Carlisle , whic h plac e wa s give n to Mr . Coppinger, when Mr. Ponsonby wa s appointed i n his room Counse l to th e Commissioners , £1,40 0 a year , b y th e Duk e o f Portland .

VOLUME 2 . Eight Honorable the Lord Chancellor. Viscount Lifford—hi s eldes t so n ha s tw o ver y goo d livings—hi s secon d son a Dean an d ver y wel l preferred—a thir d so n Compiler of the Gazette , £400 a year— a fourt h so n Cursito r o f Ireland , £32 5 a year—no t ver y steady an d require s watching . His Grace the Lord Primate. Steady i n suppor t o f Government—i s contente d wit h bein g consulte d upon th e genera l outline s o f business—guide s th e Boroug h o f Armag h and return s Mr . Meredyth, hi s Agent , an d Col . Rawson, a frien d o f Lor d Chief Justic e Paterson . Archbishop of Dublin. Promoted t o thi s se e b y Lor d Buckingha m a t th e instanc e o f Lor d G . Germain. Archbishop of Cashell. Promoted t o this see by Lord Buckingha m and by the interest o f Welbore Ellis—brother t o Lor d Clifden—ver y activ e i n business— a goo d speake r —and ver y ambitiou s o f bein g employe d b y Governmen t a s Ministe r in the Hous e o f Lords . Archbishop of Tuam. Promoted fro m Fern s b y th e Duk e o f Portland— a gentlemanlik e an d sensible man , attache d t o Government—so n o f Lor d Mayo . His Grace the Duke of Leinster. Governs the Count y of Kildare an d has three Borough s in it. Hi s members are a s follow s : — Kildare Count y : Ath y Bo . : Arthur Pomeroy , Esq . Thoma s Burgh . Lord C . Fitzgerald . Thoma s Burgh of Old Town. Harristown Bo . : Kildar Hon. Richar d Allen . Si Charles Crowle , Esq . Simo

e Bo . : r Fitzg . Aylmer . n Digby , Esq .

198 These member s ar e entirel y guide d b y his Grace ; also General Sandford , Mr. Pomeroy , son to Arthur , an d Genera l Pomeroy ar e muc h attached t o him. Th e Duke is weak and unstead y an d proud , an d hig h i n hi s demand when h e supports . Th e Chie f Baron an d Mr . Foster hav e muc h influenc e with him . EARLS. Earl of Glanricarde. Made a Privy Counsellor and Governo r of Galway by th e Duk e of Portland —has an extremel y ba d constitutio n an d il l health—a wel l disposed man . Earl of Cork and Orrery. Absent—has th e Boroug h o f Charleville—sol d on e sea t t o Mr . Co x an d the othe r t o Mr . Warre n throug h a negociatio n wit h Lor d Shannon . Earl of Antrim. Has a large estat e i n Antrim—half th e Count y is held unde r him , bu t th e leases ar e perpetual . Hi s famil y alway s returne d on e membe r til l th e last election , whe n th e Presbyteria n interes t brough t i n Mr . Wilso n against him—support s Government—marrie d t o a siste r o f Lor d Mountmorres. Earl o f Westmeath, P.O . Has th e Boroug h o f Fore i n th e Count y o f Westmeath—sold on e seat t o Counsellor Fitzgerald—bring s i n Lor d Delvy n fo r th e other . Earl of Desmond. Absent—Earl o f Denbigh. 53 Earl of Meath. Has a goo d estat e an d leadin g interes t i n th e Count y o f Wicklow , fo r which hi s brothe r i s returned , a plain , honest , countr y nobleman—ha s generally opposed . Earl of Barrymore. A minor—o f larg e property . Earl o f Donegal, P.O . Has a ver y grea t estat e i n Antri m an d Donegall , reside s i n England , ha s the Boroug h o f Belfast, fo r whic h he returned Captai n Henr y Skeffingto n and Mr . Crookshanks, and hal f th e Boroug h of Carrickfergus, for which he brought i n Mr . Yelverton , th e Attorne y General . Earl of Cavan. Has a pension of £300 a year 54—a young man in the Coldstrea m Regimen t of Guards . Earl o f Inchiquin, P.O . Extremely embarrasse d in his circumstances—attached to the Buckingham Party—has a regimen t o f Provincials . Earl o f Mountrath, P.O . Absent—has a larg e estat e an d carrie s on e sea t fo r th e Queen' s Count y —Mr. Coote, son to Dea n Coote , his relation and Agent, i s returned for it . 53

The ear l o f Desmon d wa s als o ear l o f Denbigh . 54 Ibid., xx . 115 : grante d 2 0 December , 1780 .

Sketches o f th e Members o f th e Irish Parliament in 1782 . 19 9 Earl o f Drogheda, P.O . Master Genera l o f Ordnance , £1,50 0 a year , an d ha s a Regimen t o f Dragoons—has th e Boroug h o f Ballynakill , fo r whic h h e return s Si r William Montgomer y an d Mr . Moore—disputed th e Boroug h o f Mary borough : bu t wa s unsuccessful a t th e las t genera l election . Earl of Waterford and Wexford. A Roma n Catholic—Ear l o f Shrewsbur y i n England . Earl of Granard. Has th e Borough s o f St . Johnstown , Co . Longford , an d Mullingar—hi s father returne d th e presen t member s excep t Mr . Sackvill e Hamilton , whom hi s Lordshi p brough t in upon Lord Buckingham's recommendatio n —married t o a daughte r o f Lor d Moira— a wea k youn g man. Earl of Athlone. Absent. Earl of Fitzmlliam. Earl Kerry. Absent—lives abroad . Earl Darriley. A minor—ha s th e Boroug h o f Athboy—Mr . Tigh e i s hi s guardian . Earl Tylney. Absent. Earl of Egmont. Absent—Baron Love l an d Hollan d o f Enmor e i n England . Earl o f Bessborough, P.O . Baron Ponsonb y i n England . Hi s brother , Mr . Ponsonby , manage s his interests i n Ireland . Earl Verney. Absent. Earl Panmure. Absent; Dea d an d Ext*. 55 Earl of Tyrone. Has a larg e estate—bring s i n hi s brother , Mr . Beresford , for th e Count y of Waterford—an d return s Mr . Annesle y fo r a sea t whic h he ha s i n th e Borough o f Coleraine— a ma n o f sens e an d judgement—attache d t o Government—and ver y proud—Mr . Coble r an d Mr . Carey , hi s brothers in-law, ar e sometime s influence d b y him . Earl of Carrick. By marryin g Mis s Taylor , go t hal f th e Boroug h o f Asheyto n (bu t Mr . Hoare i s at presen t returne d fo r it unde r a n ol d agreement) and hal f th e Borough o f Bangor , fo r whic h he returne d Mr . Hunt—attache d t o Lor d Shannon. 65 These words added i n differen t ink . Th e earl o f Panmure died o n 4 January, 1782, when hi s peerag e becam e extinc t (Complete Peerage, x . 30&-7) .

200 Earl Malton. 56 The lat e Marquis s o f Rockingham—hi s larg e propert y an d influenc e i n the Count y o f Wicklo w hav e veste d i n Lor d Fitzwilliam's . Ext*. 57 Earl o f Hillsborough, P.C. Constable o f Hillsboroug h an d Registe r o f th e Cour t of Chancer y for tw o lives—has a larg e estate—bring s i n Lor d Kilwarli n fo r th e Count y o f Down—the Boroug h o f Hillsborough , fo r whic h Mr . Bailli e an d Mr . Montgomery ar e returned , an d th e boroug h o f Blessington , fo r whic h he returne d Mr . Reilly , o n Mr . Dunbar' s deat h fro m who m h e inherite d the Borough—Mr. Dillon, the other Member, was brought in by Mr. Dunbar. Earl of Upper Ossory. Absent. Earl of Shelburne. Absent—Baron Wycomb e i n England . Earl of Shannon, A Vice-Treasure r and ha s a pensio n of £2,000 a year . Hi s members and influence a s follow s : — Lord Lisle , Lor d Carric k an d Lor d Donerail e i n th e Hous e o f Peers . Co. Cork—Richar d Townsend , Esq . Castlemertyr B. — Cloghnikelt Hon. Jas . Lysaght . Thos Sir Rigg s Falkiner . Attiwel Youghal B. — James Uniacke . Th Robert Uniacke .

y B. — . Adderley . l Wood , Esq . e tw o Mr . Jephsons , Col . Pigot .

Col. Southwell , Mr . Evans, Mr . Hunt, Mr . Townsend Juiir., an d th e tw o Mr. Sentlegers are attache d t o hi s Lordship, an d h e brings in his nephew, Captain Boyle , fo r Tallagh , on e o f th e Duk e o f Devonshire' s Borough s —a sensibl e an d fir m man—marrie d t o a daughte r o f Mr. Ponsonby bu t they d o no t consul t o r ac t togethe r politically—Mr . Pierc e Butler , Lor d Carrick's brother , generall y vote s wit h hi s Lordship , an d Mr . Butle r of th e Castl e o f Kilkenn y i s incline d t o him . Earl of Massereene. Absent—has th e Boroug h o f Antrim , fo r whic h hi s tw o brother s ar e returned. Earl of Lanesborough. Has th e Boroug h of Belturbet—his fathe r sol d th e Boroug h of Belturbe t to Mr . Latouche , t o whos e daughte r h e himsel f i s married . 86 67

' Earl Malton ' struc k throug h i n MS. Added i n differen t ink . Th e ear l of Malto n an d marques s of Rockingham die d o n 1 July , 1782 , whe n al l hi s honour s becam e extinc t (ibid., xi . 61-62) .

Sketches o f th e Members o f th e Irish Parliament i n 1782 . 20 1 Earl o f Clanbrassill, P.O . Chief Remembrance r fo r life—ha s larg e estate s i n th e countie s o f Louth and Dow n an d th e Boroug h o f Dundalk , fo r whic h h e ha s returne d Mr . Conyngham an d Mr . Lyndsay—a strang e prou d man—ha s bee n generall y inclined to Governemnt but opposed Lord Carlisle, Chinking himself slighted from hi s Lordship' s answerin g hi s lette r throug h Mr . Eden . Earl of Belvedere. Has a larg e propert y i n Westmeat h bu t extremel y encumbered—hi s brother, Mr . Rochfort, is returned b y hi s interest fo r the county , an d hi s Lordship ha s the Boroug h of Philipstown, for one seat of which he brough t in Mr . Handcock—Lor d Harcour t negociate d th e othe r fo r th e presen t Solicitor Genera l Carleton—ha s a pensio n o f £80 0 pe r annum. 58 Earl of Wandesford. Has a goo d estate . Earl of Louth. Has a larg e estate—generall y absent . Earl Fife. Absent. Earl of Mornington. Has th e Boroug h o f Trim—Genera l Pomero y i s returne d fo r on e seat — his Lordshi p brough t i n hi s relation , Mr . Crosbie , fo r th e othe r upo n hi s father's death . Earl Ludlow. Resides i n England , ha s a goo d estate , bu t encumbered , an d hal f th e Borough o f Navan , fo r whic h his nephew , Mr . Preston , i s returned . Earl Tyrconnell. Absent. Earl Moira. Has a large estate in the County of Down—has been generally in opposition —remarkable fo r 59 —marrie d int o th e Huntingdo n family . Hi s son, Lor d Rawdon , i s i n parliament , returne d b y Mr . O'Neill . Earl Arran, P.O . Has an embarrassed but considerable property an d the Borough of Donegal, the seat s in which he sold to Mr. Brooke and Mr. Cope—has been generall y in opposition . Earl Courtoum, P.O . Has a moderat e estate—absent . Earl Miltown. Has a ver y larg e estat e an d i s extremel y rich—a n ol d debauchee — supports. Earl Charlemont. Has th e Boroug h o f Charlemont , fo r whic h h e bring s i n Si r Annesle y Stewart an d Mr . Grattan—Governo r o f Armagh—entirel y popular . 56 Commons 59

Journals, xx . 114 : grante d 7 June, 1776 . A wor d ha s bee n erase d i n MS.

202

Earl Mexborough. Absent. Earl Winterton. Absent. Earl of Bective. Has a large estate in the countie s of Meath and Cavan and has the Borough of Kells , for whic h h e returns hi s two sons , Lord Headfor t an d Mr . Taylor —well dispose d toward s Government . Earl o f Howth, P.O . Has a pensio n o f £50 0 a year 60—an embarrasse d estate—supports . Earl o f Bellamont, P.O . An embarrassed estate—Lad y Bellamont, a sister o f the Duk e of Leinster, has a pensio n o f £1,500 a year 61—an eccentri c man an d a ver y bombas t speaker—an advocat e fo r Renunciation . Earl of Kingston. Has a good estate and th e Boroug h of Boyle, for which he h 1 as returned his brother, Mr . King, an d hi s son , Lor d Kingsborough—incline d t o Govern ment. Earl Sefton. Absent. Earl o f Boden, P.O . Auditor Genera l fo r hi s ow n an d hi s son' s lif e an d Searche r o f Galway, £600 a year , durin g pleasure—wel l dispose d t o Government . Earl of Ely. Came t o a ver y larg e estat e o n th e deat h o f his nephew , which ha s bee n long conteste d b y Mr . Rochfort, the hei r a t law , and no w waits th e fina l decision o f th e Lord s o f Irelan d t o who m Mr. Rochfor t ha s appealed — Lord El y ha s thre e borough s i n th e Count y o f Wexfor d :— Bannow— Clonmines Mr. Loftus . C Capt. Nic . Tottenham . Capt

— . Tottenha m o f Ross . . Loftus .

Fethard— Chas. Tottenham , Esq. , Ponsonby Tottenham . And Mr . Tottenham , wh o i s brough t i n b y hi s fathe r fo r Ne w Ross , i s attached t o him . Lor d El y support s Governmen t an d i s ver y tirin g b y the multitud e o f hi s applications . Earl of Seaforth. Absent—dead an d extinct. 62 so Ibid., xx . 11 4 : grante d 7 June, 1776 . 61 Loc. cit. : £80 0 grante d o n 7 June , 1776 , an d £70 0 o n 2 0 December , 1780 . 62 Added in different ink . H e died in August, 1781 , when all his honours became extinct (Complete Peerage, xi . 586-7) .

Sketches o f th e Members o f th e Irish Parliament i n 1782 . 20

3

Earl Altamont. Has a larg e estate—latel y returne d hi s brother , Lt . Browne , fo r th e County of Mayo upon the deat h of his uncle—upon the lat e Prim e Serjean t Browne's bein g removed from offic e b y the Duk e of Portland, hi s Lordshi p took u p Mr . Flood's principles, whic h have give n hi m a littl e popularity . He i s a weak , vain , sting y youn g man . Earl of Ross. Has a goo d estate—marrie d t o Mis s Clements—Uncl e t o Mr . Daly— a Major Genera l an d o n th e Staff—incline d t o Government . Earl of Lisburne. Absent. Earl Ligonier. Dead an d extinct. 63 Earl Clanwlliam. Has a larg e estat e o f hi s ow n an d b y marriage , bu t muc h embarrassed —inclined t o Government. Earl Nugent, P.O . Absent. Earl Glandore. Has a goo d estat e i n Kerr y an d th e boroug h o f Ardfor t fo r whic h h e returned Mr. Coppinger, and sold the othe r sea t t o Mr. Gleadowe—married to a daughte r o f Lor d Sackville—wel l dispose d t o Government . Earl Shipbrook. Absent. Earl of AldborougTi. Has a large involve d estat e an d th e Boroug h of Baltinglass—he returne d his brothe r fo r on e seat : Mr. Godley sit s fo r the other , bu t I kno w not on wha t term s h e cam e in— a weak , unprinciple d man , a t presen t endeavoring a t popularity—o f n o consequence . Earl of Clermont. Post Maste r Genera l o f Ireland—return s hi s nephe w fo r Lowth—seldo m in Ireland . Earl of Montcashel. Raised t o th e Earldo m b y Lor d Buckingham—relate d to Mr. Ponsonby— has hal f th e Boroug h o f Clonmell, for whic h he has returne d hi s brother , Major Moore . Viscount Mountgarrett. Has generall y opposed . Viscount Grandison. Absent—Earl o f Jersey .

VISCOUNTS.

63 Added i n differen t ink . ' Earl Ligonie r ' i s struck throug h i n MS . H e die d o n 14 June, 1782 , whe n hi s honour s becam e extinc t (ibid., vii . 656-7). .

204 Viscount Valentia. Has a n embarrasse d fortune—seldo m i n Ireland . Viscount Netterville. Is suppose d t o b e a Roma n Catholic—ha s neve r take n hi s seat . Viscount Killmorey. Absent. Viscount Mayo. Properly Viscoun t Bourk e o f Mayo—absent . Viscount Lumley. Absent—Earl o f Scarborough . Viscount Strangford. A clergyman—ha d a smal l pensio n grante d hi m whe n a boy , whic h i s sold,64 hi s daughter s hav e a pensio n o f £250 a yea r 65 —has a goo d livin g in th e diocese , fo r whic h he gav e u p th e deaner y o f Derry—in distresse d circumstances—and a mea n character—sol d hi s vot e upon th e Tenantr y Bill fo r 4 0 guineas . Viscount Wenman. Absent. Viscount Taaff. A Papis t i n th e Germa n service—hi s fathe r sol d hi s estat e i n Irelan d to th e lat e Lor d Shelburne . Viscount Randagh. Has a pensio n o f £400 66—is Chairma n t o th e Committee s o f th e Lords , £2,000 a session , an d i s Constabl e o f Athlon e withou t an y salary—ha s hardly an y estate—marrie d a sister of Mr. Montgomery of Donegal, whose estate, i t i s supposed , wil l b e lef t t o hi s children . Viscount Fairfax. Absent—a Papist. 67 Viscount FitzWilliam. Absent—has a larg e estat e nea r Dublin . Viscount Cullen. Absent. Viscount Tracy. Absent. Viscount Bulkeley. Absent. Viscount Barnewall of Kingsland. A Roma n Catholic—hi s estat e wa s sold t o Mr . Birch; bu t th e guardian s object t o th e sale , i t i s suppose d wit h a vie w t o re-purchas e whe n h e comes o f age . 84 Commons Journals, xx . 10 9 : £200 , grante d 2 5 September , 1733 . 65/6id., xx . 112 : grante d 2 8 September , 1764 . 66 Ibid., xx . Il l : £30 0 grante d o n 2 2 July, 1760 , an d £10 0 o n 1 0 October, 1764 . 67 He ha d die d a s long ag o as 2 0 January, 1772 , whe n th e viscountc y becam e extinc t (Complete Peerage, v . 286) .

Sketches o f th e Members o f th e Irish Parliament i n 1782 . 20

5

Viscount Cholmondeley. Absent. Viscount Downe. Absent. Viscount Howe. Absent. Viscount Strabane. Earl o f Abercorn—absent—ha s th e Boroug h o f Straban e an d returne d Sir J . Stuar t Hamilton , hi s relation , an d Mr . Pomeroy. Viscount Molesworth. Absent. Viscount Chetwynd. Has a pensio n o f £80 0 a year, 68 divide d hal f t o hi s wif e an d th e othe r half t o him—supports . Viscount Midleton. Absent—has th e Boroug h o f Midleton , fo r whic h h e bring s i n hi s tw o brothers, wh o ar e neve r i n Ireland . Viscount Boyne. Has a moderat e estate—admitte d t o hi s seat afte r a contes t wit h th e natural so n o f his elde r brother , wh o had inherite d Lor d Bellew' s estat e and devise d i t t o thi s son . Viscount Allen. The family estate went between Lady Main e and the lat e Lad y Carysfort , daughters t o a forme r Lor d Allen—thi s Lor d ha s scarcel y an y propert y —has a pension of £600 a year 69 —supports—much attache d t o th e Duke of Leinster . Viscount Grimston. Absent. Viscount Harrington. Absent. Viscount Gage. Absent. Viscount Palmerston. Absent. Viscount Bateman. Absent. Viscount Qallway. Absent. Viscount Poiverscourt. Has a goo d estat e near Dublin—i n genera l has opposed— a silent , retire d man. 68

Commons Journals, xx . 11 3 : grante d 1 7 December, 1770 , «• Loc. tit . -. grante d 2 6 April , 1770 ,

206 Viscount Ashbrook. Absent. Q[uery ] extinct? 70 Viscount Mount Mor res. Has a smal l estate— a tolerabl e speake r an d moderat e i n hi s conduct . Viscount Dungannon. A minor—so n t o Lad y Antrim—cousi n germa n t o Lor d Hillsborough . Viscount Glerawley. Has a larg e estat e falle n i n unde r th e ol d Anglese y Titles—nephe w t o Lord Tyrone . Viscount Southivell. Absent—is turne d Roma n Catholic . Viscount Devesci. Has a goo d estate—his siste r marrie d th e Speaker , t o who m h e i s much attached. Viscount Enniskillen. Has a moderate estate an d the Boroug h of Enniskillen, th e seat s in whic h he sells—incline d t o Government . Viscount Carlow. Has a goo d estate bu t embarrassed , an d th e Boroug h o f Port Arlington , for whic h are brough t i n hi s brothe r an d Si r Roge r Palmer—incline d t o Government. Viscount Lifford. Vide, Lor d Chancellor . Viscount Desart. Made a Viscoun t b y Lor d Buckingham—incline d t o Government . Viscount Erne. Has a moderat e estat e an d th e Boroug h o f Lifford—sol d on e sea t t o Sir Nichola s Lawles s an d brough t i n hi s brother , Mr . Creighton , fo r th e other—often opposes . Viscount Farnham. Made a Viscoun t b y Lor d Buckingham—i s a t presen t a n advocat e fo r Mr. Flood' s doctrines—a n unpleasin g heav y speaker , bu t indefatigabl e and perseverin g i n parliamentar y business . Hi s so n i s returne d fo r th e County o f Cava n bu t hi s re-electio n i s dubious. 71 Viscount Carhampton. Made Viscoun t b y th e desir e o f the Duk e o f Cumberland , an d i t i s said has a promise of an Earldom—opposed till the Duk e of Portland's Government—in perpetua l lawsuit s wit h hi s son , Col . Lutterell . Viscount Bangor. An idiot—hi s brothe r i s guardian t o hi s estate—h e has hal f th e Boroug h of Bangor . Viscount Melbourne. Absent. 70 Added i n differen t ink . Viscoun t Ashbroo k die d o n 3 0 August, 1780 , bu t lef t a n heir, age d thirteen , t o th e viscountc y (Complete Peerage, i . 269) . ™ See above , p . Iftl ,

Sketches o f th e Members o f th e Irish Parliament i n 1782 . 20

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Viscount Clifden. Promoted o n Lor d Buckingham' s recommendation—ha s a goo d estat e and tw o Boroughs, th e seat s of which he sold—but I understan d h e does not inten d sellin g hereafte r an d purpose s t o se t up his son for the Count y of Kilkenny—Commissione r o f Revenue , £1,00 0 a year—attache d t o Government—brother t o th e Archbisho p o f Cashel— a grea t jobber . Viscount Mayo. A very ol d man, tormented wit h the stone—retire d in Lord Buckingham' s time fro m th e Boar d o f Revenu e upon a pensio n o f £1,00 0 a year—ha s the Boroug h o f Naas, fo r whic h his son , Mr . Bourke, i s returned b y him , the othe r member , Mr . Allan , wa s brough t b y Lor d Harcourt' s mean s —father t o th e Archbisho p o f Tuam . BISHOPS. Honourable Dr. Henry Maxwell. Bishop o f Meath, P.O.—Brothe r t o Lor d Farnham , hi s Bishopric k £3,50 0 —made b y th e Duk e o f Northumberland . Doctor Charles Jackson. Kildare, £2,500—Chaplai n t o th e Duk e o f Bedford . Doctor John Hotham. Clogher, £4,000—with a Borough annexed—Chaplain to Lor d Buckingham, who recommended him for Ossory, from whic h he was translated to Clogher by Lor d Carlisle—muc h patronized b y the king—Mr . Sackville Hamilto n and Mr . Swan wer e recommended by Lord Carlisl e t o b e his member s a t the genera l election . Dr. William Gore. Bishop o f Limerick , £2,500—mad e a Bisho p b y th e Duk e o f Bedfor d —is ver y ol d an d infirm . Dr. Charles Dodgson. Elphin, £3,300—Chaplai n t o th e Duk e o f Northumberland . Dr. James Trail. Down an d Connor , £2,200—Chaplai n t o Lor d Hertford . Dr. William Newcome. Bishop o f Waterford—£2,500—Lor d Hertford' s Chaplain , translate d from Ossor y t o Waterfor d b y Lor d Buckingham— a ver y learne d man . Dr. Frederick Hervey. Earl o f Bristol—Derry—£7,000—P.C . mad e b y Lor d Bristol—seldo m attends parliament . Dr. Isaac Mann. Cork an d Ross—£2,500—mad e b y Lor d Townsend— a popula r recom mendation upon th e accoun t o f meri t an d character . Dr. John Law. Bishop o f Clonfert—£2,000—Duk e o f Portland' s Chaplain .

208 Dr. Walter Cope. Leighlin an d Ferns—£2,700—translate d fro m Clonfer t b y th e Duk e o f Portland. Dr. George Lewis Jones. Kilmore—£3,000—Lord Harcourt' s Chaplain . Dr. James Hawkins. Bishop o f Raphoe—£3,000—mad e b y Lor d Harcour t o n Lor d North' s recommendation Bisho p o f Dromore ; translate d t o Rapho e b y Lor d Buckingham. Hon. Dr. William Beresford. Ossory—£2,100—brother t o Lor d Tyrone—mad e b y Lor d Buckingham. Dr. Thomas Barnard. Killaloe an d Kilfenora—£2,300—Secon d Chaplai n t o Lor d Buckingham — much patronize d b y Lor d Mansfield . Dr. Thomas Percy. Bishop o f Dromore—£2,000—exchange d hi s deaner y o f Carlisl e fo r thi s Bishoprick t o accommodat e Dr . Ekins , Lor d Carlisle' s Chaplain . Dr. Richard Woodward. Cloyne—£2,500—made by Lord Buckingham at the instance of Mr. Conolly. Dr. Wm, Cecil Pery. Killala an d Achonry—£2,000—brothe r t o th e Speaker—recommende d b y Lord Buckingha m an d Lor d Carlisle . BARONS. Baron of Kingsale. Has a very smal l property an d a pension of £400 a year 72 —a well disposed young nobleman . Baron Cahier. A Roma n Catholic . Baron Stewart —of Castlestewart. Has bu t a smal l estate—wa s a distan t hei r t o th e titl e an d admitte d upon a hearing befor e the Lords—incline d to Government—latel y married to a daughte r o f Judge Lill . Baron Maynard. Absent. Baron Digby. Absent. Baron Blayney. A minor—wit h a ver y smal l estat.e . Baron Sherard. Earl o f Harborough-^absent . Baron Conway. Earl o f Hertford—ha s a grea t estat e i n Antrim—return s on e member , Mr. Conway , fo r th e County , an d tw o fo r Lisburne , Mr . Richard s an d Sir Richar d Heron . 72

Commons Journals, xx . 115 : grante d o n 2 1 January, 1777.

Sketches o f th e Members o f th e Irish Parliament in 1782 . 20

9

Baron Carberry. Absentee. Baron Aylmer. Has n o property—muc h distressed—ha s applie d fo r a pension . Baron Fortescue. Absentee. Dea d an d extinct. 73 Baron Carysfort. Has th e Boroug h o f Carysfort—sol d on e sea t t o Mr . Warde n Floo d an d returned hi s brother-in-law , Mr . Osborne , fo r th e other—oppose d whe n in Ireland— a heav y speaker . Baron Milton, P.O . Absent. Baron Longford. A Captai n i n the Navy—ha s a goo d estate an d th e Boroug h of Longford —sold th e seats . Baron Lisle. Attached t o Lor d Shannon . Baron Coleraine. Absentee. Baron Clive. Absentee. Baron Waltham, Absentee. Baron Annaly, P.O . Chief Justic e o f th e King' s Bench—ha s a goo d estat e an d return s hi s brother fo r th e count y o f Longford— a stead y supporte r o f Governmen t —and a n abl e thoug h inelegan t speaker . Baron Mulgrave. Absentee. Baron Dartrey. Has a larg e estate—seldo m i n Ireland . Baron Macartney. Absentee. Baron Gosford. Has a larg e estat e an d i s wel l incline d t o Government . Baron Clonmore. Has a goo d estate in possession and another in reversion—has the Borough of St . Johnstown , Co . Donegal, fo r whic h he bring s i n hi s tw o brother s —supports. Baron Milford. Absentee. Baron Newborough. Absentee. 73 Added i n differen t ink. H e die d o n 9 March, 1780 , and hi s peerage becam e extinc t (Complete Peerage, v . 563) .

210 Baron Lucan. Has a moderat e estat e an d th e Boroug h o f Castlebar—returne d Mr . Coghlan fo r on e sea t a t Lor d Harcourt' s instance—Mr , Popham , a n adventurer, gulle d hi m ou t o f th e other—absent . Baron Macdonald. Absentee. Baron Newhaven. Absentee. Baron Kensington. Absentee. Baron Westcote. Absentee. Baron Ongley. Absentee. Baron Shuldham. Absentee. Baron Doneraile. Has a prett y goo d estat e an d th e Boroug h o f Doneraile , fo r whic h h e returned hi s tw o sons—attache d t o Lor d Shannon . Baron Templetown. Well dispose d t o Government . Baron Massey. Has a prett y goo d estate—seldo m attends . Baron Rokeby. Vide th e Primate . Baron Muskerry, P.O . Has a larg e propert y : mad e a . Peer b y Lor d Buckingha m who m h e supported, wit h hi s brother , Mr . Lloyd , Mr . O'Keefe , and Mr . Sheridan , for th e thre e las t o f who m h e purchase d seats—muc h dispose d t o Lor d Shannon. Baron Belmore. Married a daughte r o f Lor d Buckingham , fro m who m h e i s parted — and mad e a Pee r b y hi s Lordship—ha s a ver y larg e propert y entirel y unencumbered—well inclined . Baron Welles. Made a Pee r b y Lor d Buckingham—ha s th e Boroug h o f Dungannon — negotiated on e sea t fo r Mr . O'Har a wit h Lor d Harcourt , returne d Mr . Eden fo r th e othe r o n hi s leavin g th e Lowe r House . H e ha s tw o son s in parliament—wel l dispose d t o Governmen t an d ha s a larg e property . Baron Sheffield. Absentee. Baron Conyngham. Nephew t o th e lat e Ear l whose Baronetage 74 wa s limited t o th e presen t Lord b y the recommendatio n of Lord Buckingham—ha s half the Borough of Enni s an d brough t i n hi s brother , Col . Conyngham—well incline d t o Government. 74

MS. sic.

211

NOTE

p. 152 : I a m gratefu l t o th e lat e Si r Lewis Namier fo r drawing my attentio n t o th e fac t tha t George Grenvill, Jr., was not created Earl Temple in 1779 but inherited hi s title.

15

THE SIEG E O F CARRICKFERGU S CASTLE , 1315-1 6

O

n 2 6 Ma y 131 5 a n expeditionar y forc e fro m Scotlan d landed o n th e north-eas t coas t o f Ireland , no t ver y fa r from Larne , unde r th e comman d o f Edwar d Bruce , wh o wa s intent o n gainin g b y the swor d a kingdo m fo r himsel f i n Irelan d after th e fashio n i n which his brother, Robert , ha d recentl y wo n a crow n i n Scotland . B y Septembe r 1 0 h e ha d overthrow n th e too confiden t * Red Earl' , Richar d d e Burgh , an d wa s lordin g it ove r th e eas t o f Ulste r sav e a t on e point: th e roya l castl e o f Carrickfergus, place d impregnabl y o n a rock y headlan d juttin g out int o Belfas t Lough . Th e tow n itsel f coul d not , o f course , resist, bu t th e castl e defie d assaul t fo r a whol e yea r befor e i t found i t wis e t o surrende r o n terms . We hav e littl e informatio n abou t wha t happene d durin g th e siege an d ar e almos t wholl y dependen t upo n a fe w chronicler s and annalists , wh o ar e ofte n merel y repetitiv e an d ar e usuall y writing lon g afte r th e event s the y record. 1 Thei r evidenc e can be briefl y summarised . When th e sieg e operation s bega n i n Septembe r 131 5 th e castle wa s apparentl y reasonabl y wel l garrisone d an d wel l provisioned,2 thoug h i t wa s unfortunat e that thirt y crannock s o f wheat, intende d fo r Carrickfergu s afte r Bruce' s invasion , di d not reac h ther e fro m Dubli n : a stor m a t sea , s o i t wa s alleged , had cause d th e supplie s t o b e diverte d elsewhere. 3 I n Apri l 1316, durin g th e Easte r week-end, 4 a flee t arrive d fro m 1

For th e histor y o f th e whol e campaig n an d a surve y o f th e sourc e material, se e Orpen, Normans (Oxford , 1920) , iv , an d Oliv e Armstrong , Edward Bruce's invasion o f Ireland (Murray , 1923) , especiall y pp . 74-5 . 2 Chartularies o f S t Mary's, Dublin, ed . J . T . Gilber t (Roll s Series , 1884), ii . 34 6 (Lau d Annals) ; Barbour , Bruce, ed . W . M . Mackenzi e (1909), lib . xiv , 11 . 90-2; se e th e documen t printe d below , p . 217 . 3 Hist, fif mun. doc. Ire., ed. J. T . Gilber t (1870) , pp. 335, 341 , 343 f. 4 According t o Barbour , Bruce, lib . xv , 11 . 100-105, a truc e betwee n besieged an d besieger s had bee n arrange d fro m Pal m Sunda y until Easte r 212

The sieg e o f Carrickfergus castle , 1315-1 6 21

3

Drogheda t o reliev e th e castl e an d th e augmente d garriso n ventured t o mak e a sorti e agains t th e Scots . Thoug h no t with out initia l success , th e attemp t t o brea k th e sieg e cam e t o a n end afte r har d fighting , han d t o hand , i n th e street s o f th e town, durin g whic h Si r Thoma s Mandeville , wh o ha d brough t the reinforcement s fro m Drogheda , wa s slain. 5 Earl y i n th e following Jul y foo d fo r Carrickfergu s was loaded o n eigh t ship s at Drogheda , bu t i t wa s unfortunatel y commandeere d b y th e earl o f Ulste r t o b e use d a s a bargainin g instrumen t fo r th e release o f hi s brother , Willia m d e Burgh , the n a prisone r wit h the Scots. 6 Th e resul t wa s boun d t o b e calamitous . Th e provisioning of th e castl e shoul d have been a compassable undertaking b y wa y o f th e sea , eve n thoug h th e relie f ha d t o forc e its wa y throug h enemy * shipping.7 However , i t wa s perhap s surprising tha t ther e wa s an y foo d a t al l t o send . Fo r sinc e May 131 5 th e whol e o f Europ e fro m Russi a t o Irelan d ha d been i n th e gri p o f famine : ' intolerable, destructiv e ba d weather', a s the Iris h annalis t pu t it, 8 ha d mad e th e sprin g an d autumn sowing s a complet e failure , an d report s o f cannibalism came fro m ever y country.* B y the autum n of 131 6 the defender s of Carrickfergu s wer e sai d t o hav e bee n reduce d t o eatin g animal hides and capture d Scots. 10 I n thes e desperat e conditions when hel p wa s neithe r forthcomin g no r likel y t o arrive , th e beleaguered garriso n coul d d o n o mor e tha n ope n negotiation s with th e enemy : a t Midsumme r 131 6 som e kin d o f agreemen t was sai d t o hav e bee n reached , bu t fo r a n unknow n reaso n i t was no t honoured , an d th e keeper s o f th e castl e wer e accuse d Tuesday (4-1 3 Apr . 1316) , bu t h e i s ou r onl y informan t an d h e wa s writing sixt y year s later . 5 Chartularies (Lau d Annals) , p . 350 ; Grace , Annals o f Ireland, ed. R. Butle r (Iris h Archaeologica l Society , 1842) , p. 71; Barbour , Bruce, lib. xv , 11 . 105 ff. 6 Chartularies, ii . 296 ; Grace , op . cit. , p . 73 . 7 See below, p . 216 . 8 Annals o f Loch Ce, ed . W . M . Henness y (Roll s Series , 1871) , P. 579 9 See H. S . Lucas , 'Th e grea t Europea n famin e o f 1315 , 131 6 an d 1317 ' i n Speculum, v (1930) . 343~7 10 Chartularies o f S t Mary's, Dublin, ii . 29 7, * Grace , Annals, p . 7 7 (which prefer s t o sa y simpl y tha t th e Scot s died) . Fo r cannabalis m o n the par t o f th e Scot s i n Ireland , se e Chartularies, ii . 35 7 f.

214 of imprisonin g thirty Scot s wh o ha d bee n sen t t o the m t o receiv e their submissio n unde r th e promis e o f safe-conduct. 11 Th e en d was inevitabl e an d i n Septembe r 131 6 th e garriso n surrendere d on condition that thei r lives were spared an d thei r bodie s suffere d no mutilation. 12 Thus , afte r seriou s delay , Carrickfergu s became th e bas e o f Bruce' s operation s i n Ireland , th e por t through whic h communication s wer e kep t ope n wit h Scotland , and th e plac e wher e th e ' king o f Ireland ' coul d hol d hi s .court and, a s medieva l kingshi p demanded , administe r justice. 13 The subjoine d documen t provide s u s wit h th e onl y officia l evidence w e hav e abou t th e sieg e an d happil y i t wa s give n no t long afte r th e castl e surrendered . I t i s to b e foun d i n a Recor d Commission transcrip t o f wha t wa s onc e numbere d a s Ple a Roll, no . 11 9 ( n Edwar d II) . Thi s rol l comprise d fourtee n membranes an d bor e a recor d o f plea s o f th e crown , hear d between Jul y 131 7 an d Easte r 1318 . O n Saturday , 2 3 Jul y 1317, Henr y o f Thrapsto n stoo d hi s tria l a t Droghed a o n a charge tha t h e ha d treacherousl y admitte d Thoma s Dun , a Sco t and enem y t o th e king , int o Carrickfergu s Castle , give n hi m a mea l and , o n hi s departure , a lengt h o f cloth , and , a t th e instance o f Edwar d Bruce , hande d ove r t o hi m thre e Scot s prisoners. Furthermore , whils t h e wa s th e treasure r o f Ulste r and responsibl e fo r th e custod y o f th e castl e an d unde r n o compulsion t o depar t fro m it , h e ha d gon e outsid e it s wall s t o meet Edwar d Bruc e a t Colerain e 14 an d ther e don e hi m fealt y and homage , assertin g tha t h e wishe d t o serv e hi m an d t o b e treasurer unde r hi m i n Irelan d a s h e ha d bee n treasure r unde r the Re d Ear l i n Ulster . Again , i t wa s allege d that , afte r Bindo th e Lombar d ha d seize d cattl e belongin g t o th e Byset s and thei r me n b y reaso n o f thei r felonie s an d drive n the m t o Carrickfergus Castl e t o fee d th e garrison , Thrapsto n ha d released th e beast s t o thes e felon s an d allowe d onl y five of the m 11

Chartularies (Lau d Annals) , ii . 350 . Chartularies, ii . 297 . 13 Chartularies (Lau d Annals) , ii . 349 . 14 Coul, Iris h Cul o r Cuil wa s th e ol d nam e fo r th e townshi p o r borough o f Carnmoney . Acknowledgmen t i s du e t o Sea n Ma c Airt , o f Queen's University , Belfast , fo r thi s identificatio n an d als o fo r th e reference i n 133 3 t o th e occurrenc e o f th e nam e a s a villa; i n hi s vie w this suggest s tha t i t wa s a meetin g place . Cf . G . H . Orpen , ' The earldom o f Ulste r ' , i n R.S.d.I. 'in., xlii i (1912) , 137 , an d n . 7 . 12

The sieg e o f Carrickfergus castle , 1315 - [ 621

5

to b e kept fo r food . Th e fina l accusatio n against hi m was that , whereas th e castl e ha d bee n wel l stocke d wit h grai n an d othe r provisions whe n the Scot s arrive d i n Ulster, Thrapsto n ha d sol d foodstuffs afte r Bruce' s landing , s o tha t th e castl e wa s denude d of supplie s an d di d no t resis t a s lon g a s i t shoul d hav e done . A jur y wa s empanelle d an d state d tha t a truc e had , i n fact , been arrange d betwee n Edwar d Bruc e an d Henry o f Thrapsto n on behal f o f th e garrison , t o las t fo r a month , s o tha t bot h parties coul d ge t i n touc h wit h eac h othe r a t Carrickfergu s an d elsewhere, an d tha t i t wa s durin g th e truc e that Thrapsto n ha d allowed Du n t o ente r th e castle , give n hi m foo d an d clot h fo r a cloak , an d ordere d tw o prisoner s t o b e delivere d t o him . Under interrogatio n th e jur y agree d tha t th e term s o f th e truc e contained n o definit e provisio n permittin g Scot s t o ente r th e castle durin g th e truc e an d hol d discussion s within it s precincts . On thi s coun t Thrapsto n wa s committe d t o prison . Bu t th e jurors exonerate d hi m fro m th e charge s o f havin g don e fealt y to Edwar d Bruc e an d o f culpabl y sellin g foodstuffs , an d the y declared tha t th e cattl e seize d b y Bind o th e Lombar d ha d belonged, no t t o felons , bu t t o me n i n th e king' s peace , an d that Thrapsto n ha d take n som e o f th e beasts , rendere d payment for them , an d returne d th e res t t o thei r owners . An d whe n they wer e aske d i f h e ha d acte d fro m goo d o r evi l motives, , they ha d n o hesitatio n i n statin g tha t wha t h e ha d don e ha d been don e fo r th e goo d an d safet y o f th e countr y an d o f th e men o f th e ear l o f Ulster. 15 I n th e followin g Michaelmas term the matte r wa s discusse d a t Dubli n i n th e presenc e o f th e justiciar, th e chancellor , th e treasure r an d othe r member s o f the council , an d Roge r Mortimer , th e king' s lieutenant , grante d Thrapston a pardo n o n th e groun d tha t a goo d an d worth y report ha d bee n receive d abou t hi s service s a t Carrickfergu s 13 Cf. th e indictmen t o f th e Lacy s a t Dubli n i n th e Hilar y ter m o f 1317 fo r treason ; the y wer e acquitte d b y a jur y becaus e thei r parley s with Edwar d Bruc e a t th e close o f 131 5 ' plus vertebantu r a d commodum domini regi s e t popul i su i salvacione m qua m a d aliquo d dampnu m ipsiu s domini regi s ', bu t nevertheles s the y ha d t o mak e fin e wit h th e king . They late r becam e ope n adherent s o f Bruce , an d o n 1 8 Jul y 131 7 Roge r Mortimer, th e king's lieutenant , i n council a t Dubli n simpl y ' recorded ' the fac t an d ordere d th e Lacy s t o surrender . I n 133 4 a n interestin g appeal wa s mad e agains t hi s judgment o n th e groun d tha t th e kin g alon e could s o ' record ' in the absence o f any conviction fo r felony (Ghartularies, ii. 40 7 ff : fro m a ple a rol l o f 1 0 Edwar d II) .

216 Castle. I n 132 3 h e wa s appointe d keepe r o f writ s an d roll s in th e justiciar' s bench. 18 Whilst i n th e meagrenes s o f informatio n abou t th e Bruc e campaign17 w e mus t b e gratefu l fo r ever y detail , howeve r apparently trivial , perhap s th e mos t interestin g light come s fro m the revelatio n tha t Thoma s Du n ha d bee n playing a conspicuous part i n th e sieg e o f Carrickfergus . Befor e leavin g Scotlan d Bruce ha d t o tak e precaution s tha t hi s transport s wer e safe guarded fro m attac k a t se a an d tha t communication s between Ireland an d Scotlan d wer e kep t open . Fo r tha t purpos e h e seems t o hav e com e t o a workin g arrangemen t wit h Dun , a formidable sea-captain . Indeed , i t appear s tha t somethin g almost i n th e natur e o f combine d operation s ha d bee n though t out an d pu t int o practice . Thus , i n July—Augus t 1315 , whe n the Scot s cam p a t th e mout h o f th e Ban n wa s floode d out , h e was a t han d t o sai l u p th e rive r wit h fou r ship s an d t o carr y the trappe d Scot s t o safety. 18 Whe n Bruc e lef t Carrickfergu s Castle, stil l holdin g out , behin d hi m o n 1 3 Novembe r 131 5 an d marched sout h o n th e firs t o f hi s tw o winte r campaign s a s fa r as Kildar e an d Castledermot , Du n wa s sailin g th e water s between Dubli n an d Holyhead , wher e h e ha d capture d on e o f the king' s ships. 19 Abou t Easte r 1316 , Droghed a wa s ordere d to equi p ship s fo r a n expeditio n agains t him, 20 an d certainl y by th e summer , a s ou r documen t shows , h e wa s lyin g of f Carrickfergus, comin g ashor e t o mee t Bruce , and actin g fo r hi m in truc e negotiation s wit h th e garrison . I n Ma y 131 7 a n orde r went ou t t o port s i n Devo n an d Cornwal l tha t the y wer e t o provide ship s an d me n fo r tw o months ' servic e agains t Du n an d his men, who wer e preying i n the wester n sea s upon al l merchan t ships tradin g wit h England. 21 O n 2 8 Jun e 131 7 Joh n d e Ath y was appointe d admira l o f th e flee t tha t ha d bee n forme d t o suppress thi s piracy , an d o n 2 Jul y h e wa s fortunat e enoug h t o make contac t wit h th e enemy , an d i n the fight Thomas Du n wa s 16

Cal. pat. rolls, 1321-4, p . 335 ; Cal. close rolls, 1323-7, P - H For example , w e hav e no t th e slightes t informatio n abou t Bruce' s activities betwee n Ma y 131 7 an d Octobe r 1318 . 18 Barbour, Bruce, lib . xiv , 11 . 369-85. 19 Cal. pat. rolls, 1313-17, p . 421 . 20 Hist. & f mun. doc. Ire., p . 377 . 21 Cal. pat. rolls, 1313-17, p. 696 . 17

The sieg e of Carrickfergus castle , 1315-1 6 21

7

killed wit h fort y o f hi s companions. 22 S o cam e t o it s dramati c close the life of 24

this * scummer of

the

8 sea V this * audacious

robber ', thi s ' destroyer, plotte r an d cruel pirate i n the service of th e Scot s '.25 I t was - appropriat e tha t th e firs t keepe r o f Carrickfergus Castl e afte r th e defea t an d deat h o f Bruc e a t th e battle o f Faughar t (o r Dundalk ) o n 1 4 Octobe r 131 8 an d th e departure o f th e Scot s shoul d b e Joh n d e Athy , th e slaye r o f Thomas Dun. 2'

[P.R.O.I., Recor d Commissio n Transcripts , Ple a Rolls , vol . xii , rol l no. 119 , fo s 12-1 5 *]

PLACITA D E CORON A IBIDEM CORA M EODE M [LOCU M TENENTE ] DI E SABBAT I PROXIMA ANT E FESTU M SANCT I lACOB I APOSTOL I Dublin. Drogheda . Henricus d e Thrapeston' , arenatu s a d secta m Willelm i d e Logan , qui sequitu r pr o rege , quo d ips e tanqua m prodito r regi s duxiss e debui t Thomam Dun , Scotu m e t inimicu m regis , infr a castru m d e Cragfergu s et liberass e eide m a d instancia m Edwardi l e Bruy s tres prisones , videlicet, Rogerum Gyffyn , lohanne m d e Carri g e t Duncanu m d e Carrig , Scoto s detentos i n castr o predicto , e t etia m dediss e eide m Thom e a d prandiu m in castr o predict o et pannu m stragulatum i n recess u su o de castr o predicto . Item ide m Henricu s arenatu s supe r e o quod , ub i fui t thesaurariu s Ultonie e t castru m predictu m extiti t i n custodi a sua , no n haben s necess e recendendi a castr o predicto , ivi t a d villa m d e Cou l a d Edwardu m le Bruy s e t ib i e i fidelitate m feci t e t hom o suus devenit , asseren s s e vell e servire eide m Edward o e t for e thesaurariu m eiu s i n Hiberni a sicu t fui t thesaurarius comiti s i n Ultonia . Item ide m Henricu s arenatu s supe r e o quod , ub i Bind o l e Lumbar d cepit quamda m preda m d e bestii s illoru m d e cognomin e d e Byse t e t hominum suorum , felonu m regis , e t preda m illa m fugavi t usqu e a d castrum predictu m pr o sustentacion e eiusde m castri , dictu s Henricu s 22 Chartularies, ii . 355 ; Clyn , Annals, p . 13 ; Cal. doc. Scotland, ed . Joseph Bai n (1887) , iii . 10 8 (1 3 Jul y 1317) . 23 Barbour, Bruce, lib. xiv , 1 . 375 . 24 Chartularies, ii. 355 . 25 Clyn, Annals, p . 13 . 28 Cal. pat. rolls, 1317-21, pp. 311, 31 3 (cf . Cal. close rolls, 1318-23, PP. 55 , 58) . 1 Plea rol l no . 11 9 ( n Edwar d II) , m . 13 d, wa s destroyed i n 1922 . I a m mos t gratefu l t o Mis s M . C . Griffith , o f th e Publi c Recor d Office , Dublin, fo r he r hel p i n connectio n with thi s transcript .

218 predam dicti s felonibu s deliberavit , no n permitten s quo d aliqui d ind e caperetur a d sustentacione m castr i nis i quinqu e besti e tantum . Idem Henricu s arenatu s supe r e o quod , ub i castru m d e Cragfergu s instauratum fui t blad o quo d provenieba t d e redditibu s d e Renseny n e t aliis victualibu s i n advent u Scotoru m i n Ultonia , ide m Henricu s contr a fidem i n qu a tenebatu r reg i bladu m predictu m e t predict a victuali a pos t adventum dictoru m Scotoru m vendidit , pe r quo d castru m deinstauratu m fuit it a quo d a null o tempor e tener i no n potui t pr o defect u victualiu m dictorum prou t tener i deberet . luratores3 dicun t quo d queda m treug a capt a fui t inte r Edwardu m le Bruy s e t iliu m d e garnestura 4 castr i d e Cragfergus , duratur a pe r unu m mensem, it a quo d possen t inuice m communicar e apu d Cragfergu s e t alibi , infra quo d tempu s dictu s Henricu s duxi t Thoma m Du n i n castru m predictum e t deliberar i feci t e i pe r brev e directu m constabulari o duo s prisones, videlicet , Rogeru m Gyffy n e t quemda m Scotum , e t feci t ipsu m 5 [] prander e e t dedi t e i pannu m pr o quoda m mantello . Dicunt etia m quo d ide m Henricu s nulla m fidelitate m feci t Edward o le Bruy s e t quo d null a victuali a vendidi t e t quo d pred a capt a pe r Bindu m Lumbard fui t d e bestii s hominu m existentiu m a d pacem e t no n besti e felonum, e t ide m Henricu s e t ali i d e garnestur a ceperun t parte m d e illi s bestiis pr o sustentacion e su a e t ind e satisfecerun t illi s hominibu s e t residuum bestiaru m reddiderun t eisde m hominibus . Requisit i s i contine batur i n dividend a fact a d e treug a quo d Scot i possen t intrar e castru m durante treug a e t ibide m communicar e cu m illi s d e garnestura , dicun t quod non . Et qui a compertu m es t pe r ista m inquisicione m quod dictu s Henricu s duxit Thoma m Du n i n castru m predictu m e t deliberar i feci t e i pe r brev e directum constabulari o duo s prisones , videlicet , Rogeru m Giffy n e t quem dam Scotum , e t feci t ipsu m Thoma m prander e e t dedi t e i pannu m pr o quodam mantello , ide o consideratu m es t quod dictu s Henricu s committatu r prisone done e etc . Requisiti s i dictu s Henricu s premiss a feci t pr o bon o ve l malo , dicun t quod pr o bon o e t salvacion e patri e e t hominu m comiti s Ultonie . Postea apu d Dublinia m a di e sanct i Michaeli s i n tre s septimanas , presentibus iusticiario , cancellario , thesaurari o e t alii s d e consilio , dictu s locum tenens , audit o laudabil i e t bon o testimoni o dict i Henric i habitoqu e respectu a d serviciu m ipsiu s Henric i i n castr o predicto , perdonavi t eide m Henrico transgressione m predictam. 6 8

A draf t calenda r i n Englis h i n th e writin g o f James Mill s give s th e names a s ' Peter l e Flemeng , Rober t Osebern , Joh n Jolyf , Thoma s le Taillour , Richar d l e Taillour, . . . . [sic ] hi s son, Joh n Burel , Davi d le Swynesheued , Willia m Russell , o f Dun , Ada m Albenag h an d Willia m his . . . . [sic ] ' . A Christia n nam e has presumably bee n omitte d befor e ' of Dun '. 4 The M S read s * garvistura'. 5 The M S note s on e word a s ' obliterated'. 6 The calenda r i n Englis h adds : ' Therefore th e chancello r i s commanded t o hav e letter s paten t mad e out i n du e form' .

16

THE COUR T O F KING' S BENC H I N LA W AND HISTOR Y

I

T is becoming a commonplace to contrast the lawyer and the historia n i n thei r attitud e t o truth , bu t I ma y perhaps restat e i t briefly , fo r otherwise what I have to say may fail t o make its point. Th e trut h th e historian seek s is the contemporar y truth : he must tr y t o see the problem s at th e eye-level of those who had t o face the m and answer them withou t an y knowledg e o f what th e eventua l out come woul d be . H e know s that thi s i s a counse l o f per fection, tha t a whol e lif e spen t i n studyin g th e evidenc e and recreatin g th e etho s of the pas t wil l not, an d cannot , fully revea l the motives of men's hearts an d minds . Nevertheless, despit e al l uncertainties , th e close r h e come s t o this ideal, th e greate r hi s competence as a historian. Th e lawyer is not i n consimili casu: for the mos t part he does .not need to know what the law used to be or even how it came to be what it is. The truth he seeks is contemporary to himself, the law as it is today, and if only he can ascertain that , then h e ma y rest content . Th e goo d historia n mus t pain fully unlear n muc h tha t h e ha s bee n taugh t an d shak e himself free fro m th e fetters o f tradition an d authority , bu t these are the things that th e good lawye r ha s to embrace. It canno t b e otherwise: for whilst history must remain in perpetual flux , th e la w must achieve the greates t possibl e measure o f certitude , sinc e withou t i t th e scienc e o f jurisprudence canno t exist . Whethe r i t i s better t o argu e from principle s a s in Scot s Law, o r fro m decide d case s as in Englis h Law , make s no differenc e here : uncertaintie s must resolve themselves into certitude . Now ther e wa s one ma n i n Englan d wh o neve r ha d misgivings about certitude , a t least his own certitude, an d 219

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that wa s Chief Justice Si r Edward Coke . I t woul d be un gracious a s well as impertinent o f me, speaking a s I a m in the Inne r Temple , t o say aught ill of one who, even in th e company o f Littleto n an d ou r ow n Selden , stand s ou t among al l these , he r famou s sons , and Professo r Thorne , in th e first of these Annual Addresses to th e Society, 1 has vividly describe d ho w th e masterfu l an d sublimel y confident Coke, in order to make sure that th e past should not paralyse th e present , subjecte d th e whol e commo n la w of th e Middl e Age s t o a Procrustea n operatio n whic h made i t fit the need s of his own day an d generation . I t i s a parado x that , i n savin g th e commo n law , h e ofte n destroyed it , fo r he coul d no t alway s pause for an answe r and, i f he coul d no t find it i n hi s authorities, h e supplie d it himself . La w an d histor y hav e born e hi s impres s eve r since. S o magisterial wa s his authority i n hi s own lifetime that th e Pilgri m Father s carrie d wit h them , t o for m th e foundation o f their societ y across the Atlantic , James VFs Authorised Versio n o f the Hol y Bibl e an d Coke' s Revise d Version o f th e Commo n Law . An d toda y th e la w o f fifteenth-century Englan d i s frequentl y misunderstoo d because w e s o ofte n ech o Cok e o n Littleto n rathe r tha n speak wit h th e authenti c voic e of Littleton himself . So, in his own words, Coke ' produced certainty , th e Mother an d Nurse o f repos e an d quietness'. 2 S o fa r a s th e King' s Bench is concerned, h e put Cli o to sleep for three centuries . Nevertheless, I would break a lance in Coke's defence. It is true that h e disregarded th e rule s of evidence that gover n the moder n historian , bu t thes e rule s wer e unknow n t o others, lik e I^or d Chancello r Baco n i n hi s biograph y o f Henry VI I o r th e erudit e Prynn e i n hi s writings o n th e medieval church . I n particular , th e theor y o f evolutio n lay fa r distan t i n th e future . Tha t i s wh y Cok e sa w n o reason t o question tha t the way he thought abou t th e law was the way it was thought abou t i n the days of Henry I I 1 1

S. E . Thorne , Si r Edward Coke (1957) . Second Institute (1797), Proeme.

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and Edward I, and quite innocently he put his own concepts back into th e pas t befor e h e began t o look for them and , not surprisingly , h e found them . Sinc e historians ca n stil l be and , indeed , no t infrequentl y ar e confronte d b y precisely the same charge, i t behoves us to tread delicatel y with Coke . Al l th e same , th e historia n strive s t o obtai n the contemporar y trut h an d h e canno t accept , i f th e irresistible pu n ma y b e forgiven , a cooke d account . The fundamenta l error, s o i t seem s t o me , tha t ha s bedevilled th e earl y histor y o f th e centra l court s o f la w and thei r jurisdiction s reside s i n Coke' s definitio n o f Common pleas' . Le t m e cite him : 'The y ar e no t calle d communia placita i n respec t o f the persons , bu t i n respect o f the qualit y o f the pleas'. 1 Let m e place besid e this utter ance th e statement o f a historian mad e just fou r years ago that the phrase 'commo n pleas' indicates 'suit s regardin g real property'. 2 I t i s plainly eviden t that , a s soon a s th e words 'commo n pleas' ar e uttered, i t ha s been automatic for centurie s to thin k in term s of distinctive jurisdictions, and i t i s an eas y transition therefro m t o thin k in term s of distinctive courts. That sequence of argument runs through all ou r moder n book s today . Bu t Coke' s definitio n o f a 'common plea ' shoul d b e rephrased an d rea d 'The y ar e called communia placita i n respec t o f th e persons , no t i n respect of the quality of the pleas'. For the phrase 'common plea' did not indicate th e nature o f an action, stil l less did it oppose civil to criminal jurisdiction. Th e 'commonness * does not relate t o the case at all , bu t t o the litigants. Th e plea lie s between 'commoners', an d th e kin g is neither a party no r ar e hi s interests immediately involved. Tha t is why, fo r instance , a n appea l o f felony , brough t b y th e injured ma n himsel f against a wrongdoer , i s specifically termed a ' common plea' by those who wrote the plea rolls in th e fourteent h as well as the thirteent h century. 8 I t i s 1

8

Fourth Institute (1797) , p. 98.

Historical Associatio n Pamphlets: 'Th e Grea t Charter' , p . 21 . 3 Coram Reg e Rolls , no . 25 1 (Hilar y 1323) , m . 9 d (crown) ; no. 27 1 (Hilary 1328) , m . 9 (crown) ; no . 29 4 (Michaelmas 1333), m . 1 8 d (crown) .

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true tha t som e scholars have perceived tha t Coke' s dictu m could no t b e accommodate d t o th e facts , bu t the y hav e not als o realised that his inferences must also b e jettisone d and tha t a complet e revaluatio n o f the evidenc e canno t be avoided . Bu t i f we wil l brin g ourselve s to discar d ou r traditional learning , abando n th e definitio n o f Cok e an d accept tha t o f th e medieva l clerk, 1 the n th e origi n an d development o f courts and jurisdiction s becom e clea r an d we nee d n o longe r b e puzzle d whe n w e fin d action s o f felony i n th e cour t o f common plea s an d action s relatin g to property in the court of King's Bench. So let us make our distinction betwee n action s whic h concer n th e kin g o r which he chooses to regard a s of interest to him and actions which concern others than the king, that is, between crown pleas2 an d commo n pleas, and i n that ligh t let us examine again th e histor y o f the cour t o f King's Bench . In th e Middle Ages it was universally accepted that th e criterion o f a civilise d societ y was justice an d tha t a kin g was n o kin g i f h e di d no t se e that i t wa s done . Bu t th e motive o f self-interes t wa s no t absent , fo r th e kin g kne w that th e dispensatio n of justice was highly profitable. On e of the mos t notable feature s o f the twelft h centur y was the institution o f a bod y of quasi-professional judges availabl e to staff th e king's court, whether it was held befor e himself or befor e th e justicia r o r i n th e countie s o n eyre . Thi s development ha d alread y take n plac e unde r Henr y I an d it i s possibl e t o nam e a fai r number , perhap s all , o f th e judges actin g i n hi s reign . Ther e wa s a set-bac k unde r Stephen whic h laste d wel l int o Henr y II' s reign , an d i t was no t unti l som e years afte r hi s accessio n in 115 4 tha t the position, a s it had existe d under Henry I, was restored. There wa s not a n inexhaustibl e suppl y o f competent an d instructed me n fro m whic h th e king' s judge s coul d b e recruited. The y ha d t o hol d themselve s read y t o serv e 1

King's Bench , Controlmen t Roll , no . i ( 3 Edward III) , m . 3 d: inte r communia placita quia sect a partis . * 'Crown pleas' is not equivalen t i n its content t o 'pleas of the crown' .

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sometimes i n on e cour t an d sometime s i n another , an d even unde r Henr y III , whe n a genera l eyr e wa s pro claimed, th e judges o f the Common Bench suspended thei r sessions t o g o o n circuit . Unles s we realise ho w smal l th e judiciary wa s an d ho w flui d it s functions , w e shal l b e tempted t o for m categorie s an d departmentalis e mislead ingly early. As I have said, the reason behind the creation of this corps of judges was largely, though not solely, the desire to gain financia l profi t fro m th e placita corone, the technica l pleas o f the crown . Bu t civi l plea s wer e als o hear d befor e the judges , an d wha t seem s t o hav e bee n th e principa l cause o f the expansio n o f the busines s of the king' s cour t came t o b e th e assize s fo r dealin g wit h dispute s ove r property, fo r the y achieve d a popularit y whic h wa s pre sumably quite unforeseen. We mus t furthermor e remember tha t th e king s o f England ha d no t bee n Englishme n sinc e 106 6 an d woul d not b e Englishme n fo r man y generation s t o come . The y were Frenchmen , Frenc h i n language , Frenc h i n culture , French i n interests , an d thoug h naturall y the y prize d their powe r i n England , the y lef t thei r heart s i n France . Thus, afte r Henr y I had mad e the momentous decision to join Normandy to England again , h e resided sixteen years in Normand y an d onl y thirtee n year s in England ; Henr y II, th e kin g who did incomparabl y mor e tha n an y othe r king fo r Englis h law, wa s awa y i n Franc e fo r twenty-one years of his reign and he was in England for thirteen years; his son, Richard I , staye d i n England les s than si x months of his ten year s as king. The nove l problem of how a ruler was to govern Englan d an d Normand y when absent fro m one or the other wa s solved by creating a Justiciar in bot h the Kingdo m an d th e Duchy , wh o held th e mos t exalted office tha t ma n coul d conceiv e as existing under th e king . From the time of Henry I onwards highly experienced men like Roger , bisho p o f Salisbury (1107-1139) , Robert , ear l of Leiceste r (c . 1154-1168) , Ralp h Glanville , Huber t Walter an d Geoffre y fit z Pete r rule d th e countr y throug h

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the 'king's court at the exchequer' and were even permitted to issu e writs in thei r ow n instead o f the king' s nam e an d to have thei r sea l equated wit h his . The treatis e tha t goe s by the nam e of Glanville knows only two courts: the cour t of the king in the exchequer an d the court of the king in the eyres. Crimina l jurisdictio n wa s assigne d t o th e justices in eyr e wh o inquire d int o felonie s an d othe r offence s ( I must no t spea k ye t o f misdemeanours), reveale d b y loca l investigations an d bes t deal t wit h locally. 1 Othe r action s were brough t befor e th e king' s cour t a t th e excheque r or , to us e th e equivalen t term , a t Westminste r and , s o occupied di d i t becom e wit h lega l wor k a s ne w writ s an d new procedure s wer e created , tha t i t becam e customary , when it sat as a court of law, to style it the 'Bench'. Simply through th e accident that th e rulers of England were more often ou t of their kingdo m than in it, the 'Bench' was then the sol e central cour t o f law, a sedentary court holdin g its sessions a t Westminster . Though w e hav e onl y occasiona l evidence , i t i s suffi cient t o assur e u s tha t i n th e twelft h centur y Henr y I I rendered justice, eve n i n hi s own person, i n a cour t hel d before him, but it had no regular staff, no regular procedure , no regula r records , an d whe n h e lef t th e countr y i t wen t overseas wit h him . Whe n Joh n becam e kin g i n 119 9 h e followed hi s father' s practic e an d re-institute d anothe r court attendan t o n hi s perso n whereve r h e migh t b e i n England, an d no w fo r th e firs t time , s o far a s w e know , this cour t coram rege kep t record s tha t stil l survive . Bu t i t disappeared fro m Englan d a s usua l whe n Joh n spen t four-fifths o f hi s tim e acros s th e Channel . Therefor e i t would hav e bee n foolis h t o brea k th e continuit y o f th e sessions o f th e 'Bench ' a t Westminster , fo r i t coul d con veniently tak e ove r th e uncomplete d action s befor e th e court coram rege when that cour t ceased to function. Bu t th e position change d i n 120 4 whe n Joh n wa s deprive d o f 1

This was not, o f course, th e sol e busines s o f the justices i n eyre, fo r the hearing of assizes wa s alway s a n importan t sid e o f their work .

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Normandy b y th e rule r o f Franc e an d becam e th e firs t king wh o had t o sta y a t home. 1 Ther e wa s then n o nee d to have tw o central courts , on e with th e kin g an d on e a t Westminster, dealin g wit h precisel y th e sam e kind s o f legal business , fo r i t wa s quit e impossibl e t o distinguis h between th e court s in thei r jurisdictions: wha t on e could do, the othe r qoul d do , and a litigant coul d choos e eithe r one or the other. Whatever distinction there may have been between the m la y no t i n th e typ e o f case bu t i n th e im portance it might have in the royal eyes. 2 Therefor e John drew lega l busines s t o th e cour t coram rege an d le t th e bench a t Westminste r wither away so much that b y 120 9 it ha d comparativel y littl e t o do. 3 It s busines s increased again whe n John wa s abroa d fo r a fe w months bu t th e practice wa s to o irregula r an d to o unsettling . Naturall y litigants wh o ha d fo r so many years grown accustomed to sue a t Westminste r resente d th e troubl e an d expens e of seeking th e cour t wit h th e kin g wh o wa s alway s o n th e move, an d tha t i s why the Grea t Charte r lai d i t dow n in 1215 that 'commo n pleas', i.e. plea s between commoners, were not to follow the king but to be heard in a fixed place. It wil l b e notice d tha t ther e i s stil l n o though t abou t actions bu t onl y abou t litigants . John die d th e followin g year an d wa s succeede d b y a bo y o f nin e wh o wa s to o young to hold a court. S o there was a return to the practic e that ha d obtaine d unde r absente e kings : th e Benc h a t Westminster was once again the only formal centra l court . But a s Henr y II I gre w u p an d reache d an d passe d hi s majority, h e wa s mor e an d mor e insisten t tha t matter s should no t b e settle d withou t consultin g him, an d i t be came essentia l for the Benc h at Westminste r to make such 1 He was absent fro m Englan d fo r only sixteen months in the next eleven years, a remarkable chang e of affairs which was not without importance i n the course of domestic politics . 2 Litigants migh t mak e payment s t o hav e thei r case s hear d coram rege. 8 Curia Regis Rolls, v. 327: an assize was adjourned before the king at Estear 1209 becaus e th e tenan t 'dixi t quo d nullu m placitu m debe t tener i apu d Westmonasterium et inde vocavi t dominum regem ad warantum.'

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frequent referenc e t o him tha t its work was being seriously impeded. A way round th e impass e was found i n th e grea t yea r of lega l reorganisatio n o f I234. 1 Le t th e 'plea s o f th e crown', i.e . felonie s an d othe r criminal offences , continu e to b e investigate d b y mean s o f local indictment s an d le t them b e adjudged locally and no t centrally . Let the cour t at Westminste r remai n i n existenc e a s th e 'Commo n Bench' an d hav e particula r jurisdictio n ove r rea l action s and persona l action s o f debt , detinue , covenan t an d ac count, i n othe r words , th e plea s tha t touche d propert y rights an d neede d forma l an d unhurrie d procedur e an d could b e mos t convenientl y hear d i n a sedentar y court . Then le t th e kin g hav e a cour t o f hi s own , th e King' s Bench, to accompany him as he travelled about the country with a special interest in his 'private pleas'. Of course, the courts were the king's and the judges were his creatures and, if for an y reaso n h e wishe d a n actio n t o b e hear d befor e him, there was nothing to prevent it. We do, in fact, come across fine s o f lan d mad e coram rege t o indicat e tha t rea l actions ha d bee n brought int o th e King' s Bench . But they are relativel y few and the y dwindl e awa y until the y have vanished completel y b y 1290 . O n th e whole , th e kin g agreed t o leav e propert y action s t o th e Commo n Bench . So, apart fro m thi s reserved list o f a well-define d grou p of actions fo r th e Commo n Bench , th e tw o centra l court s exercised a paralle l jurisdictio n an d entertaine d al l othe r pleas indifferently . Fo r exampl e appeal s o f homicide , robbery, rape , mayhe m an d th e lik e cam e befor e th e common bench a s well as the king's bench. To tha t exten t they wer e bot h equall y court s o f crimina l jurisdiction , though neithe r o f the m hear d indictments . An d bot h courts hear d action s o f trespas s betwee n privat e parties , 1 It wa s in thi s yea r tha t th e law schools in Londo n wer e ordere d t o be closed (Close Rolls, 1234-1237, p. 26). This has caused much speculation, including the suggestion that the lawyers must somehow have aroused great resentment against themselves . But surely th e orde r mus t b e relate d i n some way to th e extensive changes o f this particular year i n the ordering of legal business .

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and to that exten t they were both court s of common pleas. It i s true that the court held technicall y i n the presence of the kin g ha d a n inheren t jurisdictio n superio r t o tha t of the court a t Westminster and could review the decisions of the Commo n Benc h a s wel l a s o f other courts . Thi s i s a real poin t o f distinction. Nevertheless , I woul d stres s that there wa s no sign of friction, no suggestion of rivalry, an d we ought to abandon th e age-long habit of seeking contrasts between them and remember instead thei r basic similarity . For Englan d ha s produce d a lega l phenomenon , th e lik e of which will not b e foun d elsewher e in Wester n Europe: twin centra l court s o f law, doin g almos t th e sam e work, when there ough t onl y to hav e bee n on e of them. King' s Bench and Common Bench were not, therefore , the logica l outcome of any legal necessit y but a n acciden t of politics: of absente e kings , th e dispute s wit h John , th e Grea t Charter. The King' s Benc h was at first looked upon as a household court , accompanyin g the kin g as he travelle d roun d the country. As soon as we have said this, we are inevitabl y confronted b y th e obscur e relationship betwee n the cour t of the King' s Benc h and th e cour t o f the Verge . Fo r i t is evident that, from th e early years of the thirteenth century, the stewar d o f th e roya l househol d wa s exercisin g jurisdiction ove r offence s committe d within th e vicinit y of the court.1 An d th e steward' s cour t wa s distinc t fro m th e court o f the cler k o f the marke t or , a s he i s alternativel y called, th e cler k of the marshal , whic h was in existenc e in Henry Ill's reign, 2 thoug h these two courts have basically a commo n origin. Now , a s soon a s the King' s Benc h was constituted i n 1234 , th e steward s o r thei r deputie s wer e members, apparentl y senio r members , o f the court . Th e majn^eviclence i s fro m fine s o f lan d whic h revea l th e presence o f the stewar d unti l wel l into Edwar d F s reign , 1 Curia Regis Rolls, vi, p. 27 ; hoc factum fui t cora m senescallo domini regis et vicecomite provincie (i.e. co. Northampton). * Harl. MS. no. 645, fo. 49.

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certainly unti l 1286 . Suc h fines ceased t o b e levied i n th e King's Benc h afte r 1290 , tha t yea r o f further momentou s changes i n th e lega l system , an d th e autho r o f Fleta ap pears t o kno w nothin g abou t th e king' s steward s i n th e King's Bench when he was writing his treatise about 1296 1300. The King' s Benc h had graduall y move d away fro m any conception ther e ma y have bee n that it was a household court ; fo r instance, i t continue d to sit when the king was abroad . Perhap s i t wa s withdrawal an d dissociatio n from th e King' s Benc h that accoun t fo r the notabl e pro minence of the court o f the Verge after I29O. 1 I t claime d such a n extensiv e jurisdiction tha t i t ha d t o b e sternl y checked in 130 0 lest it made itself into a rival to the King' s Bench itself. 2 Bu t th e record s o f the cour t o f the Verge , though the y once went back a t leas t to 1292 , d o not no w survive earlie r tha n 1317 , an d th e stor y of this conflic t o f jurisdictions ca n unfortunately not be told . But al l thi s i s t o presen t Hamle t withou t th e prince . Since ou r book s have accustome d u s to regard th e King' s Bench a s a cour t o f first instance i n crimina l matters , i t may wel l b e aske d whe n thi s developmen t cam e about . The answe r can b e given wit h precision. I t wa s not unti l the fourteent h centur y wa s wel l advanced . Fro m 123 4 until 132 3 the King's Bench exercised n o original crimina l jurisdiction. I t i s tru e that , becaus e i t wa s require d t o review th e proceeding s an d correc t th e error s o f inferio r courts, i t therefor e occasionally ha d befor e i t indictment s that ha d begu n elsewhere . But such work wa s so slight as to be almost negligible, an d we shall search in vain throug h the King's Bench rolls for any judgement of death. Th e suppression o f crime wks still a responsibility place d squarel y upon loca l administratio n an d locall y hel d courts . How ever, unde r Edwar d I an d largel y a s a consequenc e of the negligent attitude of one who has been too easily termed the 'Englis h Justinian', the rule o f law reache d it s zenith 1

Sayles, King's Bench, ra, p. Ixxxvii. * Articuli super Cartas, c. 3 : Statutes of th e Realm, i. p. 138 .

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and bega n it s steady decline. I t ma y be argue d tha t th e new arrangement s fo r holdin g assize s an d takin g gao l deliveries frequentl y an d th e establishmen t o f keepers of the peac e an d o f constables of the peac e were an advanc e on wha t ha d bee n before , but whe n th e eyr e system was well-nigh abandone d i n 1294 , those who were required t o maintain th e king' s peac e i n th e localitie s cease d t o receive effectiv e backin g fro m headquarters . Th e ver y processes of the law in a more sophisticated ag e were being turned agains t itsel f t o it s destruction . Societ y largel y ceased t o plac e it s trus t i n roya l justice : it s agents , th e royal justices, were treated wit h undisguised contempt and even physica l violence . Socia l securit y wa s preferabl y found i n loca l bond s an d i n privat e associations : a goo d lord was infinitely mor e useful tha n even a good king. Th e situation was truly parlous, and onl y at the very end of his reign di d Edwar d I ge t awa y fo r a shor t tim e fro m hi s obsession with foreign politics and tr y to remedy the social malaise by establishing i n 1305 special investigations, popu larly calle d ' trailbastons', into th e activities o f the armed gangsters of the medieva l world: murder, arson, forgery of the king' s wri t an d o f th e king' s seal , confederacie s an d conspiracies t o fram e partie s an d t o intimidat e jurors . Nothing muc h came o f it all , an d ou r interes t lie s i n th e fact that the chief justice of the King's Bench was detached from hi s court an d pu t a t th e head o f a tribunal o f judges holding trailbaston proceeding s in the Home Counties and given a special status : he wa s to ac t a s one who held th e king's plac e an d h e wa s 't o hea r an d determin e th e felonies an d trespasse s a s thoug h the y wer e plea s hel d before th e king'. Bu t th e King's Bench qua King's Bench was no t brough t withi n th e arrangement s fo r restorin g law an d order : no indictments are entere d upo n its rolls, which remai n i n thei r content s exactl y as they were. Yet disorder and violence went on increasing, an d i n 131 8 th e King's Bench began the work of goal delivery as it traversed the country . However , i t ha d stil l no t hear d a singl e

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indictment a t first hand. Matter s cam e to a head wit h th e civil wa r betwee n Edwar d I I an d Thoma s o f Lancaster . With th e earl' s defea t a t Boroughbridg e and hi s execution in 1322 , there was an appallin g aftermat h of lawlessness t o cope with , an d i n 132 3 th e King' s Benc h wa s ordered a t last t o hea r an d determin e felonies , robberie s an d othe r trespasses i n Lancashire , Derbyshir e an d Staffordshire , especially thos e resulting fro m th e recent rebellion . I n fact, the cour t fo r th e nex t thre e o r fou r year s wa s mainl y occupied wit h bac k wor k connecte d wit h thi s rebellion , and al l it did in hearing an y other indictments made little or no differenc e t o the vindicatio n o f law. Ordered societ y continued t o dissolve . I n 1328-132 9 anothe r attemp t wa s made throug h commission s o f trailbaston , an d eve n b y resurrecting th e ide a o f a genera l eyr e throughou t th e country, to establish the effectiv e contro l of criminal justice from th e centre , an d th e King' s Benc h wa s agai n draw n into th e arrangements . Onc e mor e wha t wa s don e wa s ineffectual, a n unimaginativ e an d futil e imitatio n o f th e plan o f 1305 . O f itself the King' s Benc h was to do little t o answer th e questio n ho w th e administratio n o f crimina l justice i n th e loca l district s coul d b e regularl y an d ade quately supervise d fro m headquarters . I t prove d beyon d the wit , th e resolutio n an d th e mean s o f th e ruler s o f x ^England in th e lat e Middl e Ages , and th e proble m o f law enforcement wa s t o compe l th e Tudor s t o constitut e ne w courts, ne w jurisdictions, ne w procedures . Howeve r tha t may be, we mus t remembe r tha t it was not unti l nearl y a hundre d year s afte r it s creatio n tha t th e King' s Benc h became differentiate d fro m th e Commo n Benc h throug h its involvement wit h crimina l justice. Far mor e onerou s an d fa r mor e importan t tha n it s criminal work came to be the King's Benc h jurisdiction b y bill. Procedur e b y writ lay at the bas e of the grea t reform s of Henry I I an d a s a syste m it laste d i n it s essential s for six hundred years . Bu t it inevitabl y los t it s original flexibility, partly because it was imperative tha t all writs should

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become rigi d i n for m les t th e defendan t b e take n b y surprise, partl y becaus e th e conservativ e baron s oppose d the continuou s creatio n o f ne w writ s whic h woul d ea t away thei r ow n jurisdictional powers. Furthermore , ther e were man y reasons , suc h a s hi s ow n povert y o r th e in fluence an d intimidatio n o f hi s opponent , wh y a n ag grieved part y coul d no t hop e t o obtai n justice eve n i f a writ were available t o him. I n consequence , many wrongs existed fo r which procedur e b y wri t wa s not providin g a remedy. But in medieval thought it was the king's primary duty to see that justice wa s done within hi s realm. There fore anyon e who thought tha t h e could not ge t redress by a writ could claim the right t o go to the king or his representatives and as k for redress in thei r presence. He di d no t bring hi s plaint t o chancer y becaus e h e wa s not seekin g a formal writ; h e brought i t directly befor e a court o f kw by a n informa l bil l and , i f tha t bil l wer e accepted , th e defendant ha d t o answer . Now , lon g afte r I ha d begu n to rea d th e court' s records , I accepte d th e statemen t of Holdsworth, admittedl y echoin g Holland , that , thoug h actions begu n b y bill s rathe r tha n writ s wer e brough t before the justices in eyre, such were not to be found in the King's Bench . It wa s with something of surprise, therefore , that I foun d tha t in 133 6 the pressur e of bill wor k in th e court wa s so heavy tha t th e judges ha d ha d t o spli t int o two tribunals, on e to deal with writs and on e to deal with bills. I t therefor e becam e necessar y t o ge t behin d th e enrolments o f the clerk s and fin d ou t exactl y what form ulas the y use d t o indicat e bil l procedure . Th e detectiv e work involve d i s a complicate d stor y tha t canno t b e tol d here,1 and I ca n do no more tha n dra w attentio n t o th e fact tha t before 1318 , though the king's benc h had alway s power t o hea r bills , i t di d s o ver y infrequently , tha t i n 1318 the distinctive formula whic h indicates that litigatio n had begu n by bill instead o f writ made its first appearance on th e ple a rolls, tha t afte r 131 8 actions b y bill forme d a 1

Sayles, King's Bench, TV, pp. Ixxi-lxxviii.

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regular par t of its work and cam e in tim e to predominat e over action s b y writ. Vinogradof f an d Polloc k an d other s saw in bills the beginning of jurisdiction i n equity, but thi s is no t so , fo r th e wrong s the y presente d coul d al l hav e formed th e basi s of an actio n a t commo n law. Wha t bill s provided wa s a n alternativ e procedur e whic h mad e fo r flexibility an d spee d a t a tim e whe n w e to o easily , to o wrongly, stigmatise the commo n law for being formalised, fixed and rigid . Bill s provided th e safet y valv e of the com mon law , upholdin g th e fundamenta l principl e tha t al l men ough t t o have easy access to justice. When we realise that king's benc h bill s ar e onl y a part of a vast syste m of bills, fo r bill s wer e brough t befor e th e hig h cour t o f parliament ( a 'petition' is another nam e fo r a 'bill') , th e exchequer, th e two benches, before justices in eyre, justices of labourers, justices o f the peace , befor e th e loca l court s of th e shir e an d th e hundred , befor e privat e court s o f prince, nobl e an d lord ; whe n w e realis e tha t i t wa s a n inter-connected syste m s o tha t action s b y bil l coul d b e transferred o r evoke d from lowe r court s to highe r courts ; when w e realis e tha t th e bil l syste m ha d develope d it s own rules and regulations and that, before the Middle Ages were at a n end, actions by bill had become more numerous than action s b y writ , the n w e mus t als o realis e tha t Maitland's classi c book on Forms of Action lacks an essential supplement. That supplement has not been written . As time is short, let m e briefl y dra w attentio n t o thre e major problem s relatin g t o the common law which should not an d nee d no t b e lef t t o speculation . During the first half of the fourteenth century the King's Bench ha d no t abandone d it s discretionar y power s o r considered that equitabl e relie f was alien to it. Th e judges issue peremptory summons to appear t o answer unspecified charges;1 the y hav e n o hesitatio n i n placin g partie s o r witnesses on oath, examinin g them, an d deliverin g judgement o n th e fact s elicited ; the y reac h decision s i n ac 1

'ad respondendum de hiis que sibi objicientur.'

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cordance with the law merchant; they adopt procedure 'in accordance wit h th e custo m of the sea ' an d hav e befor e them juries 'o f sailor s and merchant s who cross the sea' ; they adjudicate an action concerning men 'who are foreigners an d d o no t stay continuousl y in the real m of England and ar e no t subject s o f the king' . I n m y view, thoug h I speak i n oppositio n t o muc h received opinion , equit y ha s not yet departed fro m th e courts of common law to a court of chancery. I wil l go further and affir m that , whe n men petitioned fo r grace an d equity , fa r fro m askin g for relie f not afforde d b y th e commo n law , the y were , i n fact , requesting permissio n t o com e unde r th e commo n law . For what the y sought wa s that the crow n should waive its rights unde r th e exercis e o f it s prerogativ e an d thereb y allow the common law to come into operation. To contend that a petitio n fo r equit y i s the sam e as a petitio n t o b e under th e commo n law is perhaps a startlin g proposition . But i t emphasise s our sa d lac k o f knowledg e abou t th e time an d th e method s by whic h ther e occurre d th e mo mentous an d regrettabl e divorc e betwee n commo n la w and equity . Knowin g somethin g abou t th e differen t attitude i n th e Scottis h courts , I doub t i f w e can rais e a more vital question concerning the development of English law. Bu t o f it w e know nothin g wit h certainty . Again, le t u s loo k a t th e 'Bil l o f Middlesex' , onc e thought t o b e s o mysterious in it s beginnings . It s origin s do no t puzzl e us when we know, as we now do, tha t th e King's Benc h hear d bill s i n ever y count y i t traversed , including Middlese x a s earl y a s 1320 . Wha t w e d o no t know is how it came about that, after the King's Bench had ceased t o travel 1 an d ha d settle d dow n i n th e fifteent h century beside the court of Common Pleas a t Westminster, it wa s permitted t o receiv e fictitiou s 'bill s of Middlesex', pretending tha t a defendant, who lived outside Middlesex , resided withi n Middlese x an d wa s therefor e withi n th e 1

The cour t o f th e Verge wa s thus lef t a s th e sole cour t perambulatin g with th e king.

234

jurisdiction of the court. It was as though, when it no longer went to the counties, it was forcing the counties to come to it. Proces s b y writs of latitat, addressed t o the sherif f o f the county, othe r tha n Middlesex , i n whic h th e defendan t was supposed to be 'hiding', lived on until the Uniformity of Process Act of 183 2 an d w e ought surel y t o understan d how it cam e to be adopted . And, finally , th e Inn s o f Court . Her e no t onl y thei r origins ar e obscure , bu t eve n whe n the y mus t hav e de veloped-into well-established an d flourishing institutions a t the end of fourteenth century, they are a name to us and little more. Professo r Thome , who is telling us far mor e than w e have eve r know n abou t th e Inn s i n th e fifteent h an d sixteenth centuries , will , I think , agre e wit h m e that th e slightest ra y o f light woul d b e welcom e in th e precedin g years. Le t m e sugges t a n approach , howeve r indirect , t o this matter . Whe n th e lat e Mr . Cohe n produce d hi s History o f th e Bar, i t wa s haile d a s practicall y exhaustin g the available material . That may have been true of printed sources, i t wa s quite untru e o f unprinted sources , fo r Mr . Cohen coul d not read the m and di d not consult them. H e knew nothin g o f a serie s o f rolls tha t belonge d t o a judge who wa s als o actin g a s th e king' s attorney , o r o f a serie s of rolls, wrongl y describe d a s 'Controlment Rolls' , whic h constitute th e privat e memorand a o f king's attorneys fro m the early years of Edward Ill's reign. Nor did he know that perfect list s o f king's attorney s an d king' s sergeant s coul d be constructe d righ t through.an d beyon d th e fourteent h century an d that , i f we will cease to spea k o f Serjeants a s though they were all king's Serjeants and compare the small group o f king's Serjeant s wit h th e genera l mas s of names of lawyers practising in th e courts , then w e can begin to bas e our speculation s at leas t o n fact . Which bring s m e t o m y moral . Muc h wor k i s bein g done o n the perio d befor e th e reig n o f Edward I . Bu t th e history o f the Englis h court s an d thei r jurisdiction s afte r 1272 lies hidden i n the records of these courts, and there i t

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will continue to remain, unknown and neglected, until these records ar e read . This was the them e of Maitland's pessimistic Inaugura l Lectur e a t Cambridg e o n 'Wh y th e history o f English la w is not written 5. Sevent y year s late r we hav e n o reaso n t o b e muc h mor e optimistic . Indeed , since h e wrote, w e have bee n in dange r o f having t o alter his title to ' Why the history of English la w can no longe r be written'. Should you think I exaggerat e the risks—risks of whic h Maitlan d wa s happil y unaware—o f ten year s of war, the bombs and th e many hundreds of ballistic missiles exploding o n Englis h soil , th e imminen t danger o f enemy occupation, le t m e remin d yo u tha t i n 192 2 anyon e wh o wished (bu t n o on e wished ) t o writ e th e histor y o f th e common law as it operated in Ireland for six hundred years could hav e consulted cour t roll s in their thousands , reach ing back in almost unbroken line to the thirteenth century . Today on e cour t rol l an d a fe w fragments alon e remain , and th e story of the common law in its very first extension beyond th e shore s o f England wil l neve r b e tol d no w a s once it could have been. Our responsibilities should lie heavier on ou r shoulder s tha n hi s di d o n Maitland's . An d i f m y experience ma y count , I a m convince d tha t th e histor y of the commo n law afte r 127 2 canno t b e written from th e printed books , which create confusion, enforc e speculation , and perpetuat e error . Fro m thes e things we can fre e our selves onl y i f w e tur n t o wha t is , afte r all , th e obviou s source, th e unprinte d records . I f we ask ourselves how far we hav e go t sinc e Maitland' s da y toward s thi s goal , th e reply mus t be : 'Onl y a fe w steps.' Th e Publi c Recor d Office bega n t o publis h th e record s o f King's Benc h an d Common Bench : th e firs t volum e of an admirabl e series , beginning at th e yea r 1198 , appeare d i n 1922 , th e twelft h volume reaching 122 6 came out i n 1957 , and , thoug h th e series will go no further tha n 1272 , it wil l certainly no t b e completed til l sometim e i n th e twenty-firs t century . The Selde n Societ y has done valian t work—wh o a m I t o deny it?—bu t it i s simply a publishing societ y and i t ca n

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publish onl y wha t i s offere d it . I t depend s o n casua l enthusiasm, an d casua l enthusias m i s not enoug h fo r th e job. I t doe s no t direc t researc h sav e i n th e cas e o f th e publication o f Yea r Books : thi s i s a n inheritanc e fro m Maitland and continued i n piety and I be g leave to think that th e project - is beginning t o exhibi t th e la w o f diminishing returns. Arthur Agarde began to read the rolls of the King's Benc h two years before th e Spanish Armad a saile d and h e desiste d thirty-fou r years late r afte r coverin g th e reigns of Edward I to Henry V, but it was more than thre e hundred year s afterwards befor e the y wer e systematically studied again . As for the roll s of the Common Bench afte r 1272, I doub t whethe r ther e i s a ma n o r woma n now in England who has studied a single one of them, membran e by membrane. 1 Th e cour t o f th e Excheque r o f Plea s i s not in much better case. Who then will care for the found ations o f the templ e o f the commo n law ? We ar e proud , and rightl y proud , when we recall wha t th e commo n law of England ha s mean t no t onl y t o u s here bu t s o our fellows i n th e Commonwealt h an d th e Unite d State s o f America. Bu t our prid e shoul d b e mingle d wit h sham e if we conside r ho w indifferen t w e ar e t o th e memorial s of its achievements. And yet, if only we would will it so , that shame coul d b e remove d withou t difficulty . Fo r th e la w has man y friends , no t onl y i n Englan d wit h th e Inn s o f Court, the numerous University Schools of Law, the Publi c Record Office , th e Selde n Society, the Schoo l of Advanced Legal Studies, but i n the Unite d State s where, as we have been reminded , 'America n la w doe s not begi n in 160 7 o r 1620 or 1776 , it begins where English law begins'2. Man y years ago Maitland felt that he must apologise for mentioning mone y a t all , thoug h h e though t i t th e vita l con sideration. I n the franker age that speaks of pounds instead 1

Sinc e I spok e thes e words , Mr . Milso m o f New College, Oxford , ha s told m e of his interest in the record s o f the commo n bench . Mis s Neilson and , still mor e so , Mis s Hastings , worke d upo n th e fifteenth-centur y ple a roll s o f this court , bu t thes e scholar s cam e fro m th e Unite d States . 2 S. E. Thome , op . cit., p. 3 .

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of guineas , method s o f financ e ar e stock-talk . And , t o speak truth, n o great su m would be needed t o provide for a researc h projec t specificall y directe d t o th e unprinte d records of the courts, and seldo m would so much be forth coming immediately fro m s o little. Let u s weigh such cost against th e grea t deb t th e English-speakin g worl d ha s t o the past and the responsibilities it bears to the future. Th e history o f th e commo n la w afte r 127 2 ca n b e written . Maitland's questio n stil l remains : wil l it eve r b e written or, indeed , written while time is on ou r sid e ? NOTE p. 226n. : I t i s probable tha t th e orde r relate s t o teachers o f Roman law rather tha n of common law . p. 227 : For a revised an d extended discussio n o f th e so-calle d Cour t o f Verge, see Sayles, King's Bench, VII, pp. xli-lii. p. 233 , 1 . 35 : Th e tex t shoul d rea d 'reside d i n Middlese x an d wa s therefor e committing trespas s within the' . p. 236,1. 27: For School read Institute.

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THE REBELLIOU S FIRS T EAR L O F DESMOND

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HE almos t complet e destructio n o f it s publi c record s durin g th e troubled times in 192 2 has made it impossibl e t o relat e th e stor y o f Ireland as it could once have been told: three rolls and a few fragments of rolls alon e remain ou t o f the man y hundreds that had s o long manage d to surviv e othe r accident s o f fate . Happily , fro m th e historian's poin t o f view, th e clos e connexio n betwee n governmen t headquarter s a t West minster an d a t Dubli n mad e i t necessar y fo r Iris h parliament s t o sen d to England constant report s upo n the state of the country, fo r civil servants to presen t thei r account s an d fo r judge s t o remi t thei r problem s there . Therefore muc h tha t vanishe d wit h th e explosio n i n th e Four Courts i n Dublin ha s lef t it s counterpar t i n th e Publi c Recor d Offic e i n London , Certainly, i f th e historia n o f medieva l Scotlan d ha d a t hi s servic e a thousandth par t o f wha t lie s i n Englis h archive s t o illumin e medieva l Ireland, h e woul d coun t himsel f blessed . M y purpos e i n thi s pape r i s t o illustrate how th e lost history o f Ireland can, even in a somewhat dramatic form, b e recovered . For a quarter o f th e fourteent h century th e activitie s o f th e firs t ear l of Desmond mad e orderl y governmen t i n th e south-wes t o f Irelan d ver y largely impossible , bu t we know littl e abou t what he actually did, an d that little, draw n mainly from spars e entries in brief annals, 1 is too ofte n crypti c in it s meaning . Nevertheless , i t no w appear s tha t th e Justiciar s ha d during tha t tim e mad e frequen t investigation s int o hi s conduc t an d tha t the result s of th e inquirie s ha d onc e lai n upo n th e officia l file s i n Dublin . The informatio n ha s not bee n lost, thoug h i t lie s hidden wher e we woul d not normall y expec t t o fin d it , tha t is , upo n a ple a rol l o f th e Englis h court o f king' s bench . I n consequence , w e hav e additiona l materia l tha t runs t o somethin g lik e 20,00 0 word s t o augmen t th e materia l i n print . For in 135 1 the earl petitioned th e king of England to annul, on the groun d of error , th e sentence s o f outlawr y pronounce d agains t hi m i n Ireland . Though i t wa s a foregone conclusio n fo r politica l reason s that hi s request would be granted, th e forms of law had to be observed. Ther e was therefore transmitted fro m Irelan d th e statement s o f eigh t juries , swor n betwee n i. Th e tw o mai n annalisti c source s ar e t o b e foun d i n Joh n Clyn , ' Annales Hiberniae,' containe d i n th e Annals o f Ireland, ed . Richar d Butle r (Dublin , Irish Archaeologica l Society , 1849) , an d th e ' Annals o f Ireland, ' containe d in Chartularies o f St . Mary's Abbey, Dublin, vol . II , ed . J . T . Gilber t (London , Rolls Series , 1884) . Fo r th e sak e of brevit y and t o distinguish between confusin g titles, th e first is hereafter cite d as Annals (I.A.S.) and th e secon d as Annals (R.S.).

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THE FIRST EARL OF DESMOND

1330 and 1334 , an d o f twent y juries, sworn between 134 2 an d 1346 , which set down, ofte n in minute detail, the treasonable and felonious acts attributed to th e ear l sinc e 1319 . Whe n th e king' s benc h wa s instructed o n 4 Ma y 1351 t o examin e an d revie w th e evidence , al l th e indictment s wer e for warded t o i t fro m th e Englis h chancer y an d entere d formall y upo n th e roll o f it s proceedings. 2 Maurice fitz Thomas, create d ear l of Desmond i n 1329 , wa s a Geraldine, descended from that Maurice fit z Gerald who had been one of the compan y of adventurers who se t out t o conque r Irelan d i n 1169 . Bor n abou t 1293 , he succeede d t o hi s inheritance i n Apri l I3I4- 3 Thi s youn g ma n showe d no reluctanc e t o plung e int o th e maelstro m o f Iris h politics an d t o liv e t o the ful l th e violen t lif e o f a n Iris h lord . Fo r thre e years , fro m 131 5 t o 1318, h e ha d see n a Scottis h adventurer , Edwar d Bruce , subduin g Ulster, attracting t o himself support from the native Irish, conducting a devastating winter campaig n a s far sout h a s Castleconnell o n th e Shanno n an d almos t reaching Limerick itself , claiming the throne of Ireland an d being crowned , as tradition ha d it, a t Dundalk. I n that disastrou s time the rul e of law had been badl y shaken , the failur e o f th e centra l government wa s plain t o see, 4 an economi c disintegratio n wa s th e inevitabl e seque l to wa r an d th e lon g and terribl e famin e o f 1316-17 , an d th e tota l effec t wa s a collaps e fro m which medieva l Irelan d wa s neve r t o recover . I n suc h circumstances Maurice wa s encourage d t o believ e tha t wha t a Sco t fro m outsid e ha d thought i t possibl e to achiev e migh t wel l b e brought abou t by a Geraldine from inside , an d within eight year s he had entere d into hi s first conspiracy to becom e kin g i n Ireland . At leas t as early a s I3I9 5 Maurice ha d travestie d the ancien t Irish custom o f ' cain ' whereb y a chieftain coul d clai m fro m hi s people sustenanc e for himself an d hi s entourage a s he journeyed amon g them . Thi s prerogative right len t itsel f readil y t o abuse , an d a s ' coyne' i t wa s to d o muc h t o beggar th e country . Mauric e gathered roun d him a body o f retainers who travelled th e countrysid e o n foot , takin g wit h the m whereve r the y wen t letters paten t fro m thei r lor d t o authoris e thei r deman d fo r mea t an d 2. Cora m Reg e Roll , no . 36 4 (Trinit y 1351) , ms . 18-25 . A chronological list o f th e indictment s on whic h this paper i s largely founde d i s given i n Appendix II. Referenc e is hereafte r mad e t o the m simpl y b y th e number s there.assigne d them. I a m mos t gratefu l t o Mis s Griffith , th e Deput y Keepe r o f th e Publi c Record Office , Dublin , fo r he r generou s assistance i n trackin g dow n elusiv e Iris h place-names. 3. Fo r hi s biograph y in general , se e Complete Peerage, ed . Vicar y Gibbs , iv . pp. 23 7 ff . Th e articl e in the D.N.B,, sub. Fitz Thomas, Maurice , is perfunctory. 4. Bruc e wa s defeated an d slai n a t Faughar t nea r Dundal k i n Octobe r 1318 , not b y governmen t troops bu t b y loca l levie s fro m Drogheda . 5. No . 2 . I n no . 2 8 th e juror s i n 134 6 declare d tha t h e ha d kep t hi s ' satellites' i n Kerr y fo r th e las t thirt y years , thoug h none o f thei r predecessors had bee n burdene d s o heavil y wit h supportin g them.

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drink (dvilitas) an d contribution s i n mone y (jeodd). No r di d the y restric t themselves to the confines of his own estate s but use d his warrant to despoi l the tenant s o f othe r lord s a s well. And , t o cit e on e o f th e indictments , ' when othe r wrongdoer s realise d tha t the y coul d hav e a man like Maurice as their lord, wh o wa s willing t o aid them in thi s way in thei r wickedness, many came, English as well as Irish, to him fro m Connach t and Thomond , from Leinste r an d Desmond . An d h e receive d the m an d avowe d the m as his men and granted the m letter s paten t o f a like kind. ' Thes e ' kerns,' as the y wer e calle d fro m a Gaeli c word fo r footsoldier , prospere d i n idl e comfort, ' and acquired in a short tim e s o much propert y fro m th e king's lieges that , wherea s they ha d onc e gon e o n foot, the y afterward s obtaine d horses fo r themselve s an d wer e the n know n a s ' MacThomas's Rout ' throughout th e lengt h an d breadt h of Ireland.' 6 Thi s practice of billetin g and demandin g ' black rent ' fo r protectio n wa s not ne w : i t ha d bee n denounced in the parliament at Kilkenny in 1310 and again in the parliament at Dublin in 1320 , but statute s that could depend only on excommunicatio n as thei r sanctio n coul d no t expec t i n thes e day s t o b e mor e tha n dead letters.7 Thoug h th e ultimat e responsibilit y fo r th e ravage s o f warfar e within th e countie s o f Limerick, Cork an d Waterford wa s placed squarely upon Maurice , h e coul d no t hav e don e wha t h e did , s o it i s ofte n state d by th e jurors, withou t th e counse l an d assistanc e o f suc h a s Si r Mauric e fitz. Philip , Si r Thoma s fit z Gilber t an d particularl y o f Si r Rober t fit z Matthew d e Caunton , a membe r o f th e Anglo-Norma n famil y o f th e ' Cantitones' wh o wer e t o b e englishe d a s ' Condons.' Wit h the m h e roused Bria n O'Brien , Dermo t MacCarth y an d William Carrac h O'Brien to wa r agains t th e Barrys , th e Cogan s an d th e Roches. 8 It i s quite eviden t tha t th e chao s create d i n Irelan d b y th e activitie s o f Bruce lef t n o restraint s upon ' MacThomas's Rout. ' O n 1 6 Ma y 132 1 it descended, wit h flags flying as though i t wer e a t war, upo n Pomero y and adjoining district s i n co . Cork , destroyin g manor-houses , settin g village s on fire , robbin g an d burnin g churches , an d compellin g Davi d Roch e t o hand over two of his family, Eustace and Gerald, as hostages.9 O n 7 November 132 5 th e authorit y o f th e kin g wa s flagrantl y floute d whe n Mauric e urged four of his men to lay hold upo n Richard o f Harmston, the constable of Bunratty Castl e in co . Clane , whe n h e unsuspectingly left hi s charge to g o int o th e village , t o cu t ou t hi s tongue, goug e ou t hi s eyes and tak e over comman d o f th e castle. 10 A fe w month s later , o n 1 7 Marc h 1326 , 6. No . 2 . Th e impressio n i s .given i n Edmun d Curtis , History o f Medieval Ireland (2n d ed . 1938) , p . 204 , tha t thi s developmen t di d no t tak e plac e unti l after 132 9 an d the n b y permissio n o f th e Dubli n government . 7. Stat. Ire., John —Henry 7 t pp. 270 , 282 , 284 . 8. No . 3 : ' et precipue super Bariis, Coganis et Rupensibus.' Cf . no. 25 :* super les Barrie s e t le s Coganes , fidele s homine s domin i regis ' (2 6 Augus t 1346) . 9. No . 3 . 10. No . 2 .

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Maurice an d hi s mixe d compan y o f Englis h an d Iris h supporter s rod e through co . Cor k again , slayin g sixtee n me n i n th e cours e o f thei r plunderings.11 I t was in thi s year that Maurice first mad e known hi s desire to assum e the crow n o f Ireland , a project that wa s to b e in his mind eve n twenty year s later. 12 I t wa s a n ope n secre t tha t Englan d wa s onc e mor e on th e brin k o f civi l war , tha t bishop s an d roya l minister s were deserting the service of Edward II , that his queen, Isabella, and her paramour, Roger Mortimer, wer e makin g preparation s i n norther n Franc e t o cros s th e English Channe l (a s they di d i n September ) t o depos e th e king . Wha t happened i n Irelan d coul d b e o f n o immediat e accoun t an d i t ha d t o b e left t o it s ow n devices . Th e circumstance s seeme d therefor e propitiou s for a n ambitious ma n t o throw off his allegiance t o th e English crow n and fight fo r hi s own hand . O n 7 July 132 6 discussions were held at Kilkenny, co. Kilkenny , betwee n Thomas fitz John, earl of Kildare, John Bermingham, earl o f Louth , James Butle r (late r ear l o f Ormond) , Mauric e fit z Thoma s (later ear l o f Desmond) , Richar d Leatherhead , bisho p o f Ossory , Thoma s Butler, Willia m Bermingham , Thoma s fit z Gilbert , Mauric e fit z Philip , Robert d e Caunton , an d Bria n O'Brien . I t wa s agreed tha t the y shoul d form a confederacy , an d the y swor e a n oat h upo n th e Hol y Gospel s that they woul d assis t on e anothe r wit h fou r specifi c purpose s in min d : the y would rise in rebellion agains t the king o f England, get Ireland unde r their own contro l an d assum e sovereig n powe r ; the y woul d elec t Mauric e fitz Thoma s a s king i n Irelan d an d se e that h e wa s crowne d ; i n rewar d for thei r service s the earl s and th e knight s woul d shar e the lan d o f Ireland in proportio n t o th e contribution s mad e b y thei r respectiv e armed force s in oustin g th e authorit y o f the Englis h kin g ; i f any in Irelan d shoul d tr y to preven t the m fro m securin g thei r objective , the y woul d join togethe r against suc h resisters and utterl y destro y the m an d thei r kin , thei r friend s and thei r tenants , thei r land s an d thei r property. 13 The detail s o f thi s conspirac y wer e disclose d i n Februar y 133 2 b y a jury o f thirt y men , includin g fou r knights , a t Cloiimel , co . Tipperary . We ar e lef t t o surmis e how muc h the y kne w fo r certain , ho w dependen t they wer e o n commo n rumour , ho w muc h o f th e plo t wa s merel y th e brave boastin g o f a convivia l night . Certainly , a jury a t Limeric k a few months earlie r had declared that ' Maurice's heart had been greatly exalted for full y fiv e years , an d hi s ambitio n an d acquisitivenes s were suc h tha t he ha d planne d t o obtai n th e whol e o f Irelan d fo r himsel f an d t o hav e himself crowne d king , an d h e wa s o f tha t sam e min d o n th e previou s 11. No . 3 . 12. Se e below , p . 255 . 13. No . 5 . Referenc e i s mad e to thi s conspiracy in P.R.O . London , Ancient Correspondence, XXXV, no . 24 : 'sir e levesqe Oossorie ad excite auxi bien Engleys come Irrey s d e leve r contr e vous, s i come piert pa r u n enditemen t des chivalers, serjauntz e t le s mene z vaue z de l count e Oossori e , . , '

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14

Friday whe n h e wa s arrested , an d shoul d h e escape , which Go d forbid , he woul d persis t i n th e sam e purpose.' 16 Th e confederac y o f 132 6 wa s not formidabl e an d it ha d neither responsibl e no r fir m opinio n behin d it . Nine month s later , th e ear l o f Kildar e accepte d appointmen t a s Justiciar on 1 2 Marc h 132 7 an d too k u p hi s dutie s i n May. 16 Th e ear l o f Lout h perished i n 132 9 with man y of his relatives at the hands of the sorel y trie d county familie s o f Louth . Bria n O'Brien , th e las t membe r o f th e hous e of Bria n Roe , bitterl y resente d hi s exclusio n fro m powe r i n Thomon d and h e wa s alway s somethin g o f a n Ishmae l amon g Englis h an d Iris h alike. W e ma y wel l ask ourselves wha t th e bisho p o f Ossor y wa s doin g in this company. Hi s stor y is worth relatin g o n its own . Al l we need say here i s tha t h e wa s a n eccentri c and , indeed , mor e tha n that , fo r hi s conduct ca n hardl y b e explaine d excep t b y menta l disorder . H e i t wa s who bega n th e cause celebre o f 132 4 whe n h e accuse d Alic e Kyteler , th e wealthiest woma n i n Kilkenny , o f heres y an d sorcery , an d refuse d t o moderate hi s vehemenc e i n deferenc e t o th e protest s o f governmen t officials an d eve n o f hi s ow n metropolita n ; thoug h Alic e manage d t o escape fro m prison , on e o f he r friend s wa s th e firs t recorde d perso n i n Ireland t o b e burned for heresy. 17 Th e bishop' s temerit y wa s to kno w n o bounds : no t onl y th e famil y o f the Outlaws , int o whic h Alic e Kytele r had married , an d Arnol d Power , th e stewar d o f Kilkenny , bu t eve n th e acting Justiciar o f Ireland wer e al l to b e compelle d t o clea r themselve s o f charges o f heresy. Heres y di d not mea n in thi s connexion doctrina l erro r and, indeed, th e bishop was in the habit of carrying the Host upon his person so that , howeve r outrageou s an d provocativ e hi s ow n action s migh t be , any assaul t upo n hi m coul d b e equate d wit h a n assaul t upo n th e Bod y of Christ. 18 I n Februar y 132 7 he wa s specially warned t o b e loyal t o th e English crown. 19 I t i s little wonde r tha t no t lon g afterward s h e wen t t o England t o escap e th e consequence s o f a n inquir y int o hi s conduct , tha t he se t of f fo r Rom e i n 132 9 whe n h e wa s summone d t o appea r befor e the king , tha t i n 133 9 h e wa s himself accuse d of heres y by hi s own arch bishop, an d that he was not allowe d t o resume his episcopal authority unti l 1354.*° Th e attitud e o f suc h a bisho p tell s u s nothing abou t tha t o f th e Church, bu t w e a t leas t kno w tha t th e suggestio n tha t th e ecclesiastica l persecution o f Arnol d Powe r ' was not unconnecte d wit h th e baronia l 14. I.e . 1 6 Augus t 1331 . Se e below , p . 249 . 15. No . 2 . 16. Cat. pat. rolls, 1327-30 , p . 29 , cf . Ca L close roils, 1327-30 , p . 106 ; P.R.O., Issu e Roll s (E . 101) , bo x 239 , no . 5 . 17. Proceedings against Alice Kiteler, ed. Thoma s Wrigh t (Camde n Society , 1843). 18. Exchequer , Parliamen t an d Counci l Proceedings , fil e 2 , no . 21 . 19. Ca L close rolls, 1327-30 , p . 106 . 20. Fvedera, ii, 767, 810 , 108 2 : Orpen , Normans, iv. 226.

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feud' i s correct, fo r alread y b y the , midsumme r o f 132 5 Mauric e fit z Thomas an d Arnol d Powe r ha d bee n ordere d t o desis t fro m assemblin g men-at-arms fo r th e purpos e o f attackin g on e another, 22 an d b y 132 7 the quarre l betwee n the m ha d reache d it s climax . On 1 4 July 1326 , a wee k afte r th e allege d secre t conspirac y ha d bee n formed, Mauric e wa s give n permissio n unti l th e en d o f Novembe r t o bring t o boo k al l felons belongin g t o hi s own famil y and retinue , an d th e sheriffs o f th e fou r countie s o f Cork , Limerick , Tipperar y an d Waterfor d were ordere d t o tak e n o actio n unti l then . Bu t i t i s significan t tha t o n ii Novembe r the y wer e require d t o issu e proclamation s forbiddin g th e Irish noble s fro m enterin g int o confederacies , whils t specia l writ s wer e dispatched t o Maurice , John o f Bermingham , ear l o f Louth , an d Arnol d Power t o war n the m tha t the y wer e neither t o join nor ai d such leagues. 23 Already o n 1 6 Jul y 132 7 Mauric e ha d bee n admonishe d fo r refusin g t o obey th e Justiciar, 24 bu t nothin g coul d chec k th e mountin g tensio n an d towards the clos e of the yea r the Geraldine s (i.e . Mauric e and the Butlers), the Berminghams , th e Wall s (de Valle), th e Tobin s (de Sancto Albino) and other s wer e a t ope n wa r wit h th e Power s an d th e Burke s ( ' les Bourkeyns' : i.e. , th e de Burgh family). 25 Mauric e was said to have bee n greatly incense d whe n h e hear d tha t Powe r ha d calle d hi m a ' rhymer,' that i s a wanderin g Iris h bar d an d trouble-maker , an d th e resul t wa s a n all-out attack upon th e Power estate s in Munster and Ossory . O n 2 Nov ember,28 on the ground that the Powers refused t o throw of f their allegianc e to th e Crown , Mauric e with a host o f two thousan d me n cam e to Grace castle an d Moytobi r i n co . Tipperar y an d burne d them , robbin g th e Power tenant s o f propert y estimate d a t £1,000 . B y th e tim e the y ha d finished ravaging other towns and villages in cos. Tipperary and Waterford, they ha d don e suc h damag e tha t on e o f th e jurie s i n assessin g i t coul d speak only in round term s of £ioo,ooo.27 Littl e could be done. Th e king' s council i n Dubli n abou t thi s tim e warne d th e citie s tha t the y mus t anticipate attac k an d loo k t o thei r ow n salvation. 28 Tha t the y too k thi s 21. Orpen , op . cit., iv . 226 . 22. Cal. close rolls, Ireland, p . 99.f . Cf . E. 101/238/26 : 'Don a . . . pro conservacione paci s . . . pr o dissencione suborta ' [betwee n Mauric e fitz Thomas and th e Powers]. Thes e gift s wer e made befor e 4 October 1326 .

23. Cal. close rolls, Ireland, p . 6 0 f .

24. Cal. close rolls, 1327-30 , p . 206 . H e ha d a t th e beginnin g o f th e reig n been require d t o ai d th e Justicia r i n performin g th e dutie s o f hi s offic e (ibid., p. 106) . 25. Annah (R.S.) , p . 364 . Fo r a lis t o f thirty-fou r prominen t associate s o f Maurice, se e No . 5 . 26. Annah (I.A.S.) , p. 29 , gives th e dat e o f the destruction o f Grac e Castle as 29 Novembe r 1327 . 27. No . 5 . 28. Annah (R.S.) , p . 364 .

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advice wa s shown whe n Maurice , Robert d e Caunto n an d Bria n O'Brien made a concerte d attac k upo n Limeric k fo r refusin g the m admittance . The assailant s managed t o forc e thei r wa y int o on e of the suburbs , wher e they burned down th e gates, pulled out th e hooks, crooks, twists and locks and rod e of f wit h them. 29 For fou r year s the ' war' wen t on , and the blame fo r it wa s attributed to th e Geraldines . I t mus t b e remembere d tha t th e conflic t was localised to fou r or , a t th e most , fiv e countie s i n th e south-wes t an d tha t th e res t of Irelan d wa s not involve d i n it . Furthermore , th e raidin g an d fightin g were sporadi c an d no t continuous , relation s betwee n Mauric e an d th e king's ministers were by no means broken off, an d attempts at appeasement and reconciliatio n wer e constantl y made . In th e sprin g o f 1328 , a t leas t before 5 April whe n th e ear l of Kildare , the Justiciar, died , th e Geraldine s offere d t o mee t representative s o f th e Dublin governmen t a t Kilkenn y an d prov e tha t the y ha d neve r intende d to def y th e roya l authorit y bu t simpl y t o protec t themselve s agains t thei r enemies. Discussion s were, in fact , held , bu t th e official s fel t tha t definitive terms could no t b e agreed withou t consultin g othe r member s o f the king' s council i n Ireland. 80 I n th e even t nothin g cam e o f i t al l an d lawlessness continued. O n 2 3 July th e ' satellites' o f Maurice—Gregor y McRory , McCogan an d Henr y Laundrey—sle w thre e men a t Yougha l in co . Cor k and on 8 September Maurice himself appeare d at Rath in the sam e count y to sla y on e ma n an d t o ro b others. 81 This, however , wa s relativel y peac e an d Mauric e apparentl y sa w n o reason wh y h e shoul d no t atten d th e parliamen t hel d a t Dubli n i n Mid Lent 132 9 an d giv e a lavis h entertainmen t a t St . Patrick's. 82 Th e ne w Justiciar, Roge r Darcy , fro m th e momen t h e assume d responsibilit y i n May, sough t assiduously to compos e the differences betwee n the Geraldines and Bermingham s an d th e ear l o f Ulster , Power s an d Barrys. 33 Indeed , in thi s yea r w e hea r o f onl y on e outrag e : o n 7 Augus t Maurice , wh o had seemingl y bee n appointe d a s th e king' s * chief officer ' (capitalis serviens) i n co . Cork , cam e wit h 12 0 kern s t o Yougha l an d kille d fou r Englishmen.84 Th e gran d gestur e wa s mad e whe n Mauric e was created earl o f Desmon d and , t o suppor t hi m becomingl y i n hi s dignity , wa s granted Kerr y as a palatine on 27 August,86 ' a privilidged place of spoyles 29. No . 2 : ' hokes, crocos, twistes et lokos.' A twist is, the flat part of a hinge fastened t o a gate. Th e earlies t example of the use of thi s word in the Ne w English Dictionary i s fro m 1350-51 . 30. Annals (R.S.), p. 365 . A parliament wa s held a t Kilkenn y on 2 Februar y 1328. 31. No . 3 . 32. Annals (R.S.) , p . 369 .

33. P.R.I. rep, D.K. 43 , p . 65 .

34. No . 7 . Se e Cal. pat. rolls, 1348-50 , pp . 121 , 144 ; 1354-58 , P - 355 35. Cal. charter ro/h, 1327-41 , p . 12 3 (2 7 Augus t 1329) .

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and stealthes . .. a receptacle to rob b th e rest of the countries about yt.' 36 A littl e late r h e receive d a pardo n fo r al l offence s i n Irelan d committe d before 1 0 October37 and, according t o the annalists, the new earl co-operated with governmen t troop s t o suppres s unrul y Iris h chiefs. 38 The perio d o f harmony cam e rapidl y t o a close for unexplaine d reasons. Before th e en d o f Apri l 133 0 Desmon d issue d instructions t o Si r Thoma s fitz Gilber t tha t h e wa s to hav e i t widel y proclaime d tha t n o on e wa s t o obey th e sherif f o f Limerick o r othe r servant s of the king . N o on e dare d resist the order. 39 An d o n the last day of the month Bria n O'Brien , Henr y fitz David , Joh n fit z Davi d an d thei r men , togethe r wit h th e me n o f Gerald Roche , sle w th e sheriff , Jame s d e Beaufo, and tw o hundre d other s and pillage d th e countryside . Th e nex t nigh t O'Brie n visite d th e ear l and mad e grea t wassai l wit h him. 40 O n 2 4 Ma y O'Brie n extende d hi s depredations t o Donohil l an d othe r part s o f co . Limerick , settin g fir e t o the manor-house s o f Raymon d God y (Lercedekene)* 1 an d o n 2 July h e burned Ardmayl e an d Moialv y i n co . Tipperary. 42 Th e jurors a t Cashe l on 1 0 July 1330 , wh o gav e u s th e las t piec e o f information , wen t o n t o describe O'Brien' s burnin g o f Tipperar y an d Athasse l as though i t wer e a recent even t an d declare d tha t h e wa s immediatel y afterward s harboured by th e ear l o f Desmond, wh o kne w wha t h e ha d just bee n doing. 43 Th e Deputy Justiciar 1 Roger Outlaw , pai d a s suc h fro m 1 7 July I33O, 44 too k prompt action . Afte r consultation s an d agreement s wit h th e Anglo Irish nobles in Dublin, h e assembled a great army to march against O'Brien45 and ordere d Thoma s d e Lees, the the n sherif f of Limerick, t o seiz e all th e horses an d cattl e belongin g t o O'Brie n an d hi s men h e coul d fin d i n tha t county.46 Bu t th e ear l o f Desmon d afterward s commande d th e sherif f to han d bac k ever y on e o f th e animal s to O'Brien , an d thi s h e had t o d o for fea r o f losing hi s life. Thi s open defiance of the Justiciar an d his Deputy 36. Edmun d Spenser , View o f the State of Ireland, ed . W. L . Renwic k (1934) , p. 40 . 37. Cal. pat. rolls y 1327-30 , p . 457 . 38. Annals (R.S.) , p . 37 2 ; Annals (I.A.S.) , p . 44 . 39. No . 6 . 40. No . 2 . Cly n (Annals (I.A.S.) , p . 21 ) give s th e dat e o f Beaufo' s deat h as I Ma y 1330 , ascribe s th e responsibilit y solel y t o O'Brien , an d speak s o f 12 0 dead. 41. No . 6 . 42. No . i . 43. No . I . I t shoul d b e note d tha t Cly n (Annals (I.A.S.) , p . 21 ) put s this in August 1329 , a dat e whic h ha s caused misgiving (Orpen, op . cit., iv . p . 23 1 #. ) and whic h does not see m t o fit in with the peacefu l atmospher e of the mont h when Maurice becam e ear l o f Desmond . 44. P.R.O . Issu e Rolls , E . 101/239/29 . 45. Annals (R.S.) , p . 373 ; Annals (I.A.S.) , p . 22 . 46. No . 2 .

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was apparently of no grea t moment s o long a s they were far distant . Bu t Outlaw wa s advancing towards the south-west in force and not to be treated so cavalierly . W e have , place d a t th e en d o f a serie s o f indictment s a t Limerick on 23 March 1332, what seems to be a copy of a formal enrolmen t on a ple a roll . Mauric e fit z Thomas , ear l o f Desmond , Si r Rober t fit z Matthew d e Caunto n an d Si r Thoma s fit z Gilber t wer e charge d wit h abetting, aidin g an d harbourin g O'Brie n i n hi s rai d o n Donohil l o n 2 4 May 1330 . The y pleade d no t guilt y an d accepted jury trial , thoug h the y pointed ou t tha t th e allege d felon y occurre d in co . Tipperary , th e sup position bein g tha t the y wer e bein g indicted fo r i t i n co . Limerick. The y were sen t t o gao l unti l th e Deput y Justiciar should com e t o inquir e into the matte r i n co . Tipperary . An d afte r bein g warne d o n pai n o f losin g their lives and property not t o leav e their gaol, they were given 23 August 1330 as the da y when th e inquisition woul d b e brought befor e the Deput y Justiciar a t Clonmel. 47 Wh y th e ear l shoul d have decide d t o plea d an d surrender hi s freedo m w e ar e no t likel y t o know . Tha t h e di d s o and then change d hi s min d i s confirme d b y a differen t jur y a t Cor k whic h stated tha t th e ear l escape d fio m th e king' s priso n o n th e advic e o f Sir Robert fit z Matthew. 48 O n 2 8 Septembe r he wa s summone d to appea r before th e kin g an d counci l befor e Christma s to receiv e justice o n indictments hear d befor e Roger Outla w a s Deputy Justiciar,49 bu t th e politica l disturbances i n Englan d whic h ende d Mortimer' s regenc y i n Novembe r withdrew attentio n fro m affair s i n Ireland . The yea r 133 1 brough t t o a n en d th e unres t fomente d fo r fou r year s by th e ear l of Desmond. W e hea r tell o f another plot whic h i t i s difficul t to plac e with chronologica l precisio n : i t occurre d before 23 March 133 2 and seem s t o fi t th e circumstance s of 133 1 rathe r tha n 1330 . Howeve r vague an d improbable th e allege d arrangements , however muc h w e ma y choose t o discar d th e evidenc e a s wil d rumour , ther e are , nevertheless , matters o f curiou s interest an d speculatio n in wha t th e jurors o f Limerick had t o say . Accordin g to the m Desmond , Willia m Bermingham , Walte r de Burgh , O'Brie n an d Macnamar a had agree d tha t ther e shoul d b e a general uprising , i n whic h Burg h an d Macnamar a wer e t o co-operat e against Munster , Bermingha m an d O'Brie n agains t anothe r unspecifie d region, whils t Desmon d wa s to attac k elsewhere on hi s own. I f b y thei r efforts the y could bring the country into subjection to them, then Desmond was t o b e crowne d kin g an d Irelan d t o b e divide d int o fou r part s : Desmond woul d rul e over Munster and Meath, d e Burgh over Connacht , Bermingham ove r Leinster , whils t Henr y Mandevill e wa s to hav e Ulster . To furthe r thei r scheme s they ha d negotiate d fo r assistanc e from th e Irish . 47. No . 6 . I t wil l b e observe d tha t th e ear l wa s answerin g charge s agains t himself, not , a s Orpe n surmise d (op. cit., iv . p . 232) , fo r th e act s o f hi s kindred . 48. No . 3 . 49. Cat, C/OM rolls, 1330-33 , p . 157 .

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' And Mauric e sai d t o som e o f th e Iris h tha t i t i s ordained tha t th e Iris h shall driv e al l th e Englis h ou t o f Irelan d and , i f th e Iris h wil l mak e hi m their king , h e wil l hel p the m t o th e utmos t o f hi s power. An d h e sai d that, eve n thoug h th e kin g o f England, th e kin g o f Franc e and othe r tw o kings should ente r Ireland t o attac k them, h e would resis t those kings wit h all hi s strength. ' I n consequenc e o f thi s agreement , s o i t wa s said , the y had rise n i n wa r an d ravage d Munster , doin g damag e t o th e exten t o f £200,000 an d causin g th e death , directl y o r indirectl y b y hunger , o f te n thousand men , wome n an d children. 50 However thi s ma y be , o n 1 8 Februar y 133 1 Desmon d ha d incite d Si r John fit z Mauric e an d others, amon g who m th e Russell s were particularl y prominent, t o captur e Bunratt y Castle , an d the y wer e stil l i n possessio n of it o n 20 August.51 Th e victors commandeered a cask of wine from on e Simon Duf f and , whe n th e ear l cam e t o th e castle , h e joine d the m i n drinking fro m i t ami d grea t jubilation. Thereafte r n o on e i n th e tow n of Limerick wa s hardy enoug h t o ventur e out b y land or wate r fo r fea r o f capture and robbery : for instance, John fitz Mauric e seized four fishermen of Limeric k wit h thei r boat s an d net s an d hel d the m t o ransom . I n fact , after th e ne w Justiciar, Anton y d e Lucy, ha d lande d i n Irelan d o n 3 June, Desmond appointe d Joh n fit z Mauric e a s constabl e o f Bunratt y an d instructed hi m t o withhol d obedienc e fro m th e Justicia r o r anyon e els e who remaine d loya l t o th e Englis h king. 52 H e himsel f continue d hi s wrongdoings, robbin g Phili p l e Joesne o f hi s good s i n co . Limerick o n 1 2 April an d layin g hol d upo n 'thre e citizen s o f Limerick , presumabl y merchants, a s they stoo d i n th e marke t a t Adar e o n 2 9 July an d keepin g one o f the m i n priso n fo r a week. 53 Meanwhile , th e Englis h governmen t at Westminste r ha d decree d tha t al l wh o aide d rebels , Iris h o r English , were t o b e regarded ipso facto a s guilty o f felony an d tha t th e land s grante d by th e lat e Roge r Mortime r a s regent wer e t o b e resume d by th e crown , thus depriving Desmond , i n particular, o f Kerry. 54 A t Dublin th e Justiciar ordered Desmon d t o attend parliamen t ther e o n i July and , when h e faile d 50. No . 6 .

51. No . 2 . Curti s (op. cit., p . 209 ) say s specificall y tha t o n 2 1 Marc h 133 1 Desmond mad e peac e wit h th e Justicia r an d swor e fealty . Thi s run s directl y counter t o th e informatio n no w available . Th e erro r seem s t o hav e arise n i n thi s way. Clyn , op. cit., p. 23 , states that peac e was made on Monday , th e Feas t of St. Benedict th e Confessor . I t ha s been assumed that this unknow n sain t mus t be th e same as St. Benedict, Abbot: henc e th e dat e 2 1 Marc h 1331 . Wha t Cly n seems to hav e ha d i n min d wa s St . Domini c th e Confessor , whos e Feas t i s 4 August , which fits the sequenc e of events , though 4 Augus t i n 133 1 wa s a Sunday . An d i t should b e noticed that Clyn goes on t o say that a fortnight afte r Desmon d was given peace b y the Justiciar , he was captured at Limerick . W e kno w that hi s arrest took place in August. Th e dat e of the peac e cannot therefore have been in March . 52. No . 2 , 53. No . 2 . 54. Stat. Ire., John —Henry V t pp. 329 , 331 .

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to appear , prorogue d th e parliamen t t o Kilkenn y fo r i August. 55 W e can imagin e wha t th e ear l might threaten , in a spiri t o f exasperatio n an d recklessness, t o d o t o th e Justiciar whe n h e cam e wes t : i t wa s certainly rumoured tha t Desmon d wa s makin g plan s t o captur e him an d thos e o f his colleague s wit h hi m an d si t i n judgmen t upo n them. 56 Bu t wha t actually happene d wa s quit e different . Fo r Desmon d an d Willia m Bermingham di d com e t o mee t th e Justiciar a t Kilkenn y an d submitte d on terms to the king's grace, taking an oath that they would keep the peace and remai n loya l fo r al l tim e t o come. 57 Seemingl y arrangement s had also bee n mad e fo r O'Brie n t o se e th e Justicia r a t Limeric k an d begi n negotiations o n behal f of himsel f an d hi s men. A s he wa s on hi s way t o the town , th e ear l se t of f fro m Limeric k on 1 5 Augus t t o intercep t him . Desmond talke d wit h hi m an d hi s advic e wa s that O'Brie n shoul d tur n back an d abando n hi s previous intentions. Fo r Desmon d argue d that the Irish chie f wa s muc h mor e likel y t o obtai n satisfactor y term s of peac e if he followed a policy o f intimidation an d di d not ceas e from burnin g an d robbing. Moreover , th e two me n again swore an oath of mutual assistance, declaring that, if eithe r shoul d hav e foreknowledg e that har m wa s likel y to befall the other, h e would a t once disclose it. A s a token of his friendship, the ear l sen t a contingen t o f hi s ow n me n t o ai d O'Brien. 58 It i s t o b e presume d tha t th e Justicia r suspecte d a lac k o f goo d fait h and feare d a trap , fo r a jury a t Limeric k i n thi s ver y mont h o f August more specificall y asserted that, i f the ear l had had his way, h e would hav e slain th e Justiciar, the chancellor , th e treasurer , th e escheato r and al l other members o f th e king' s counci l an d tha t onl y hi s arres t o n th e previou s Friday had prevented it. 59 O n 1 6 August the Justiciar ha d him take n into custody60 and kept him unti l 7 October, whe n he brought him t o Dubli n and imprisone d hi m i n th e castl e there. 61 I t wa s a brav e thin g fo r th e Justiciar t o d o and doubtless he had misgivings abou t its wisdom. Never theless th e jurors o f Limeric k ha d strongl y advise d against releasin g th e earl, pointing ou t tha t everyone in th e county had sworn allegiance to him at som e time , eithe r becaus e they ha d s o wished o r becaus e they ha d been frightened int o it , an d th e onl y peopl e wh o ha d no t don e s o were those who ha d fled before him an d sough t refug e i n th e cit y o f Limerick itself. Therefore the y argue d tha t i t woul d b e dangerou s t o se t hi m free , fo r 55. Annals (R.S.), p . 375 . 56. No . 6. I t wa s doubtless remembered tha t i n 126 9 a Geraldine had captured and hel d the Justicia r o f Ireknd (Orpen , op. tit., iii. p. 241) . 57. Annals (R.S.), p. 375 ; Annals (I.A.S.), p. 23. 58. No . 6 . 59. No . 2 (2 0 Augus t 1331) . 60. Annals (I.A.S.) , pp . 23 , 44 : 1 4 August ; Annals (R.S.) , p . 376 : 1 6 August. 61. Annals (R.S.) , p . 376 . I t wa s at Dubli n a t thi s tim e tha t th e earl' s first wife, Katherin e de Burgh, died abou t i Novembe r 133 1 (Annah (I.A.S.) , p . 24) .

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they believe d tha t he woul d alway s persist in hi s determination to becom e king an d woul d wrea k heav y vengeanc e upo n thos e wh o ha d exhibite d their loyalt y t o th e Englis h crown. 62 Once th e di e ha d bee n cast , th e Justicia r acte d wit h ster n resolutio n against Desmond's friend s : i n Novembe r 133 1 Walter d e Burgh an d tw o of hi s brother s wer e capture d ; 63 b y th e en d o f Februar y 133 2 Willia m Bermingham an d hi s son , Walter , ha d bee n seize d a t Clonmel , alon g with John Tobin , lor d o f Compsey , whils t Willia m Barr y wa s arrested at Cork. 64 Bu t O'Brie n and Macnamara were not s o successfully mastere d and in July 133 2 they destroye d Bunratty Castle. 65 O n 2 4 March 133 2 th e jurors o f Limerick gav e their vie w o f the situatio n as they sa w it (secundum conscienciam) : ther e woul d b e n o peac e i n Irelan d unles s al l wh o ha d been arreste d were kep t i n custody , fo r i f th e ear l o f Desmond , Willia m Bermingham an d Walter de Burgh wer e se t free th e whole country woul d suffer lamentably . Furthermor e there was an imperative need, s o they said, to catc h and punish Macnamara and humble his pride, for he was a constant menace t o th e safet y o f thei r cit y an d ha d bee n behavin g muc h mor e outrageously sinc e th e Justicia r ha d lef t th e neighbourhoo d tha n eve r before.66 I n th e event , Willia m Bermingha m wa s hange d a s a n objec t lesson o n i i Jul y 1332, " bu t o n 4 Augus t proceeding s agains t other s i n prison wer e ordere d t o b e staye d unti l th e kin g arrive d i n Irelan d i n th e autumn, fo r h e had authorise d discussions to b e opene d wit h bot h Englis h and Iris h rebel s fo r thei r submission. 68 Earl y i n Jun e 133 3 th e ear l wa s released fro m Dubli n Castl e afte r man y grea t noble s had gon e bai l for him69 and o n 1 6 July 133 4 Kerry was restored to him. 70 I n 133 5 h e obeyed a writ of summons for military servic e and accompanied th e Justiciar t o th e Scottish war , takin g par t i n th e raid s on Arra n an d Bute. 71 So ends hal f th e stor y o f th e rebelliou s earl . Th e juries o f investigatio n 62. No . 2 .

63. Annals (R.S.) , p . 376 . 64. Annals (I.A.S.), pp . 23 , 44 . Compse y is a district in th e baron y of Slievear dagh in co. Tipperary. 65. Annah (I.A.S.) , p . 24 ; Annals (R.S.) , p . 377 . 66. No . 6 . 67. Annals (R.S.) , p . 377 . 68. Cal. close rolls, 1330-33 , p . 484 . Th e king' s visi t wa s cancelled . Th e king an d counci l a t Waltha m agree d tha t Walte r Bermingha m shoul d b e released after hi s relative s gav e hostages tha t h e woul d conduc t himsel f properl y towards the kin g an d hi s ministers in Ireland . Henr y Mandevill e was to remai n in Dublin Castle (Chancery , Parliamen t and Counci l Proceedings , fil e 6 , no . 19) . Henr y was ordere d to b e release d on 1 0 Marc h 133 4 (Cal. close rolls, 1333-37 , p . 209) . 69. Annals (I.A.S.) , p . 4 4 ; Annals (R.S.) , p . 37 8 ; Richardso n and Sayles , Parliaments and Councils o f Medieval Ireland (Ir. MSS. Comm., 1947), pp . 12-17 . 70. Cal. pat. rolls, i33°-34 > P - 5 64 ; MM-* i334-3 8 > P - 337 71. Annals (I.A.S.), p. 26.

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added man y detail s fo r whic h the y di d no t suppl y a dat e and thes e have therefore no t foun d a plac e i n th e chronologica l narrative . Thus , th e town o f Tipperary had paid sixt y mark s for protectio n an d yet Desmon d had not lifted a finger to save it from being burne d by the Irish.72 Clonme l had pai d a ' black rent ' o f ^4O. 73 I n Dungarva n i n co . Waterfor d th e earl had playe d duck s and drake s with it s liberties, laws and customs . Fo r instance, i f anyone i n th e cour t held b y th e ear l at th e castl e gate were t o be attached i n a n actio n o f trespass or deb t o r th e lik e an d foun d pledges for hi s appearance bu t di d not com e o n the appointed day , the n he and his pledges wer e heavil y fine d and , i n addition , th e pledge s wer e distraine d by th e whol e o f thei r properl y unti l the y ha d fulfille d thei r obligatio n t o produce him in court . Furthermore , all defendants had to accept , whether they like d i t o r not, 74 a jury o f the fisherme n of Dungarvan wh o always condemned them , innocen t o r guilty , ou t o f hand , an d thereupo n the y were hale d t o th e castl e priso n an d kep t ther e unti l thei r las t penny-piec e had bee n extorte d fro m them. 75 I n co . Limerick , a s the cas e o f master Richard, recto r o f Groom , showed , whe n a man died , th e ear l was won t to appropriat e hi s property fo r hi s ow n use , without th e warran t o f any judgment.7' No r di d Desmond broo k interferenc e with his friends : when William fit z Nichola s o f co . Limerick , on e o f th e king' s lieges , sle w a McCarthy, th e earl put ou t his eyes and beheaded som e of his men, hanged others an d dre w th e rest , al l thi s withou t an y lega l trial. 77 Ther e wa s unanimous agreement amon g th e juries that , suc h wa s the influence o f the earl, he could have restrained the turbulent Irish and ruled in peace without oppressing th e commo n people. 78 Th e kin g ha d don e hi m honou r i n England i n grantin g hi m th e earldom o f Desmond. 79 Bu t thi s honour h e had no t deserved , fo r h e an d his ' Rout' ha d consorte d wit h th e king' s enemies an d despoile d th e province s o f Munste r an d Leinster. 80 For twent y year s the ear l o f Desmon d ha d live d hi s unrul y lif e an d it would hav e been certainl y surprisin g if he ha d thereafte r resigned himsel f to a colourless , humdru m existence . Withi n half-a-doze n year s o f hi s release fro m priso n Irelan d wa s again th e scen e o f a ' general wa r '81 in 72. No . 5 . 73- No . 5 .

74. ' Invitis dentibu s suis' : a commo n phras e whic h foun d it s wa y int o Shakespeare's Merry Wives o f Windsor, V . v . 75. No . 4. Cf. Cat.pat. rolls, 1327-30 , p. 436 : Desmon d was given th e 'rent of Dungarvan ' i n 132 9 whe n h e becam e earl ; ibid., 1330-34 , p . 523 , Ibid., I334-38. P - 338 . 76. No . 2 . 77. No . 2 . 78. No . 8 . 79. No . 2 . 80. Nos . i , 6 . 81. Annals (R.S.) , p . 381 .

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which Desmond was once more the main participant. Alread y on 6 August 1339 h e ha d ordere d on e o f th e king' s baron s i n co . Kerry , Si r Maurice fitz Nicholas , t o b e arreste d a t Curran s o n a charg e o f collaboratin g with th e Iris h an d ha d hi m s o harshly treate d i n priso n a t Castl e Islan d (per cohercionem prisone) tha t te n day s late r h e wa s dead. 82 Thi s h e wa s said to hav e done arbitraril y an d irrespective of legal process , just as on 3 1 July 134 0 h e dre w an d hange d John Line t an d William Paynaunt. 83 O n i Augus t 134 0 th e communit y o f th e thre e countie s o f Cork , Limeric k and Kerr y ha d agree d tha t Fini n so n o f Dermo t McDermo t shoul d b e received a t Athenecrogha n b y th e ear l a s a hostag e i n th e king' s nam e to guarante e th e keepin g o f the peace , but o n his own initiativ e Desmon d later release d him t o hi s father with th e resul t that, a s soon as McDermot was assure d of hi s son' s safety , h e resume d his raids against th e peopl e o f these counties. 84 Desmon d di d no t g o t o th e parliamen t a t Dubli n i n October I34I 85 but he attended, with othe r Anglo-Irish lords, the adjourned meeting a t Kilkenn y i n November 86 whic h vehementl y proteste d agains t the Englis h government' s proposal s t o disregar d a s it wer e th e pas t and put th e administratio n o f Irelan d o n a completel y ne w footin g : th e crown woul d resum e all grants mad e b y eithe r Edwar d I I o r Edwar d III until th e reason s for th e grant s had been learned and approved, an d hence forward contro l i n Irelan d woul d b e i n th e hand s o f Englishme n whos e lands wer e i n England. 87 I f veste d interest s wer e ignored , i f me n wer e passed ove r whos e land s wer e solel y i n Irelan d o r wh o ha d intermarrie d with th e Irish (Desmond' s secon d wife wa s a daughter of Connor O'Brie n of Thomond) , then , i t wa s argued , th e peac e of Irelan d woul d b e better assured. I t wa s on e o f thos e clearl y impracticabl e scheme s whic h loo k well onl y o n pape r an d i t arouse d intense resentmen t an d wa s withdraw n a few months later , o n 1 4 April 1342 , after a long petition, containing ster n criticisms o f th e shortcoming s o f th e king' s minister s in Ireland , had bee n presented t o th e kin g i n England. 88 Still , w e nee d no t wonde r tha t th e 82. No. 28. Joh n Clyn' s phras e ' in dieta ' (Annals (I.A.S.) , p. 29) implie s starvation. Fo r th e suggestio n that Mauric e fit z Nichola s was th e earl' s brother in-law, see Complete Peerage, iv. 240 , n . d . 83. No . 25 . 84. No . 9 . 85. Annals (R.S.) , p . 383 . 86. Th e assembl y a t Kilkenn y was neither summone d b y Desmon d nor wa s it a 'rival parliament' to the Dublin parliament, as Curtis asserted (op. tit., p. 215). 87. Cal. close rolls, 1341-43 , p . 18 4 f. : Cal. fine rolls, 1337-47 , p . 234 . 88. Cal. close rolls, 1341-43 , pp. 508-1 6 ; Stat. Ire., John —Henry F , p. 333. It wa s no t Desmon d wh o sen t t o th e kin g th e sever e criticis m o f th e Dubli n administration, nor wa s the petition sent on 14 April 1343 (Curtis, op. cit., p. 2i6f.). The petitio n wa s brough t t o th e kin g b y th e chancello r o f Irelan d an d cam e through th e regular channel from ' the prelates, earls , barons and the commonalty of th e lan d o f Ireland, ' an d th e kin g sen t bac k hi s answer t o ' the archbishops,

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annalist shoul d observ e tha t ' never befor e ha d ther e bee n s o marke d a rift between the English of England and the English of Ireland.'89 However , the rif t di d no t las t long, fo r th e kin g i n Englan d was as indispensable to the Anglo-Iris h lord s in Irelan d a s they wer e t o hi m an d the y coul d no t afford t o g o differen t ways . For tw o year s we hea r littl e furthe r abou t th e ear l o f Desmond. Ou r documents lay onl y on e charg e against him. O n 5 November 134 1 three Englishmen an d thei r me n ha d kille d on e ma n an d robbe d anothe r a t Cloyne in co . Cork an d bee n outlawed in consequence , and one who was apparently a kinsma n o f th e wrongdoer s cam e t o Newcastl e Connel l in co . Limeric k t o arrang e with th e ear l for th e nullificatio n of th e out lawries agains t them. O n 2 5 December Desmon d grante d the m th e protection of his own peac e and sent letters patent on thei r behalf to Thomas Laundrey, th e king's serjeant o f McKill cantred i n co . Cork, orderin g hi m to proclai m throughou t hi s bailiwic k tha t th e felon s ha d bee n inlawed . This h e di d a t Cloyn e o n 6 January I342. 90 Evidentl y Desmon d ha d arrogated t o himsel f th e roya l prerogativ e o f pardo n an d wa s exercisin g it withou t hindrance . Accusations relatin g t o th e earl' s misdeed s fro m th e autum n o f 134 3 to that of 1345 are numerous, and a few may be set out in detail to illustrate the stat e o f societ y i n south-wes t Irelan d a t th e time . The baron y of Inchiquin had been held directl y o f the king b y Sir Giles Badlesmere, who ha d reache d hi s majority in 133 5 an d die d i n 1338 . Hi s lands i n Thomon d an d elsewher e ha d bee n entruste d t o Desmon d fo r a n annual rent and he had later contended tha t they belonged t o him in chief and no t t o th e kin g i n chief. 91 H e had, in fact , twent y year s earlier been temporarily in possessio n of Inchiquin manor an d had a t tha t tim e sough t to consolidat e hi s hol d upo n it. 92 However , Richar d o f Chester , th e sub-escheator wh o serve d unde r Roge r Darcy , th e escheato r o f Ireland , took th e baron y into th e king' s hand s on 2 7 Septembe r 1343 , an d John son of John d e Barry and Thomas Tintagel were appointed by royal letters patent a s th e king' s bailiff s an d receiver s t o collec t th e rent s an d othe r profits. Whe n th e ear l of Desmond hear d wha t ha d bee n done, h e summoned som e of his council to hi m a t Newcastle Connell o n 3 0 September —Sir Thoma s fitz John, Si r Walte r Mandeville , Si r Thoma s Mandeville , Sir John Cotere l and Phili p d e la Chapelle—an d ther e they al l talked th e bishops, earls , baron s an d th e commonalt y of th e cities , borough s and town s of his lan d o f Ireland ' who, as he specifically stated , had written to him. Th e repl y was made on 1 4 April 134 2 an d th e petitio n was obviously drawn u p lon g before then, presumabl y a t Kilkenn y i n th e previou s November . 89. Annals (R.S.) , p . 383 . 90. No . 12 . 91. Cal. inquisitions post mortem, vii . no . 691 , viii . no . 18 5 ; Cat. close rolls, i34i-43» P - 63 6 f . 92. Cal. close rolls, 1327-30 , pp . 322 , 56 3 ; ibid., 1330-33 , pp . 2 4 f. , 5 8 .

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matter ove r an d decide d t o usur p th e roya l right s in th e barony . T o tha t end th e ear l sen t the m wit h othe r me n t o Inchiqui n an d o n 1 3 Octobe r they mad e forcibl e entry , ejecte d Mauric e Cantlow , th e chie f serjeant , and th e recentl y appointe d bailiffs , an d installe d in th e earl' s name and b y virtue o f hi s letters patent Rober t o f Stanto n a s steward and Phili p d e la Chapelle as * serjeant. Thes e official s levie d rent s from bot h freeholder s an d fermors unti l 4 August 1344 , an d ever y thre e week s Stanto n hel d a cour t at Inchiqui n an d elsewher e in th e baron y an d hear d indictments o f felon y and trespas s in th e earl' s name, arreste d and trie d th e indicted, an d hanged some an d allowe d other s t o bu y thei r live s wit h heav y fines . Indeed , on on e occasion , o n 1 8 Marc h 1344 , th e stewar d hear d indictment s o f murder, house-breakin g an d robber y a t Ardag h withi n th e baron y i n the presenc e o f th e ear l himself. 93 The beginnin g o f 134 4 sa w a n outbrea k o f warfar e i n co . Cor k whic h usefully illumine s th e attitud e o f Englis h tenant s to th e earl . Ada m Barry had brought a writ of right i n the common benc h a t Dublin agains t Davi d son o f Davi d Barry , claimin g al l David's land s in Oletha n an d Muskerry. Furthermore, thoug h Ada m hel d othe r land s o f Davi d i n Rathcorma c h e refused himsel f t o continu e thi s relationshi p betwee n the m an d enfeoffe d his ow n son , David , wit h them . Bu t whe n thi s Davi d cam e t o Davi d Barry a t Castl e Lyons , declarin g tha t h e was seized o f Rathcormac mano r arid held i t o f him i n chief , and aske d him a s his lord t o receiv e him a s his tenant an d accep t an indentur e thereon , h e wa s instantly rebuffed . Davi d Barry would have none but Adam, the father, as his tenant. Adam , however, adamantly refuse d t o hol d Rathcorma c o f hi m o r t o atten d hi s court . Therefore Davi d Barr y b y virtu e o f hi s lordshi p distraine d harshl y an d continuously upo n hi m fo r hi s defaults . Ada m becam e s o irritate d that on 1 3 Januar y 134 4 h e gathere d togethe r a smal l grou p o f men , hal f o f them Barrys , a t Rathcormac, an d the y agree d to swea r a n oath o f mutual assistance, t o assembl e al l thei r men , Englis h an d Irish , togethe r an d an y others who wishe d t o join them , an d t o ris e i n wa r agains t Davi d an d his tenants whereve r the y wer e t o b e foun d i n th e count y o f Cor k an d t o d o all they coul d t o destroy them. S o on 26 January Adam with thirty others , mainly Barry s an d Cauntons , cam e t o Castl e Lyon s an d ther e the y assaulted an d wounde d th e king' s sheriff , Nichola s Barry , a s he sough t t o preserve th e peac e an d kille d Phili p so n o f Nichola s Malenfaunt . The y then proceede d t o Laghar e near b y an d burned th e village. O n 1 7 March they cam e back t o Castl e Lyon s an d broke int o th e Carmelit e churc h and robbed th e friars . An d thoug h th e ear l o f Desmond kne w tha t the y wer e felons, the y wer e harboure d b y hi m a t Glanwort h an d the y rod e arme d in hi s retinue an d serve d him whereve r h e sen t them i n co . Cor k o r else where.94 Fo r th e ear l wa s closel y involve d i n thi s privat e feud . O n 1 8 93. Nos . n, 12 . 94. No . 10 .

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March 134 4 a t Rhincre w nea r Yougha l h e harboure d Raymond so n o f Philip Care w an d Willia m Draentey n an d gav e the m th e protectio n o f his peace , thoug h the y ha d slai n William de s Ducres, one o f th e keepers of th e plea s o f th e crow n i n th e cantre d o f McKill , an d John, hi s son. 95 On 2 1 March at Rhincre w h e harboured David and Robert an d Nicholas, the sons of William de Caunton, and George, son of Sir Robert d e Caunton, all member s of his ' Rout/ thoug h the y ha d been outlawed at th e king's suit fo r killin g Si r Davi d d e Caunton , th e king' s sheriff , a t Kilwort h i n co. Cork. 96 O n 2 1 Ma y Si r Thoma s fit z Joh n an d te n other s cam e t o Leitrim and, after consultatio n with the earl and on his advice, they decided to join th e attack s upo n Davi d Barry. 97 An d i t transpire d that afterward s David so n o f Willia m d e Caunton , wh o numbere d among hi s associate s the abbo t o f Fermoy , cam e to Castl e Lyon s with hors e soldiers and foo t soldiers and pennons aloft and burned the town, and they rode and marched, day afte r day , unti l 9 August, working particular devastation at Olethan. 98 Once agai n a plot wa s alleged t o hav e been hatched to secur e the throne of Irelan d fo r th e earl . Abou t Easter , i.e. 4 Apri l 1344 , Desmon d wrot e from Castl e Island to the king o f France and to the king o f Scotland, pro posing tha t the y shoul d undertak e war i n thei r countries , a s he woul d i n Ireland, agains t th e kin g o f England , wh o woul d .b e s o harasse d o n al l three front s tha t nowher e woul d h e be strong enoug h t o uphol d hi s rights or defen d hi s lands . Th e ear l requeste d the m t o sen d hi m ai d i n th e conquest of Ireland.99 A t the same time he sent letters from Castl e Island to all th e Iris h o f Connacht , Munster , Leinste r an d Ulste r t o urg e the m t o unite in rebellion , fo r h e was hoping thi s way, s o it wa s said, to reac h th e crown. A more circumstantial stor y state d that on 23 May Desmond sen t Master Stephe n Lawles s and Brothe r Hug h d e Nassh o an d othe r Englis h and Iris h clerk s a s his messengers to th e pop e t o explai n t o hi m tha t th e king o f Englan d ha d n o righ t t o Irelan d becaus e he wa s no t rulin g i n accordance wit h th e law s o f tha t lan d a s it ha d bee n committe d b y Pop e Adrian t o hi s ancestor. O n th e contrar y h e ha d mad e such alterations i n the law s tha t h e ha d rendere d the m valueless . An d b y hi s letter s an d through hi s messenger s th e ear l offere d th e pop e a n annua l paymen t o f 3000 mark s i n orde r t o b e allowe d t o b e hi s representativ e (vicarius) i n Ireland.100 I f this story b e true, the n thes e letters sent abroad wer e writte n between th e Truc e o f Malestroi t i n January 134 3 an d th e resumptio n o f the Frenc h wa r i n 134 5 an d coul d hardl y hav e receive d seriou s attention. Within th e south-wes t o f Irelan d a t least , the ear l of Desmond ignore d 95. No . 12 . 96. Nos . 12 , 14 . 97. No . 14 . 98. No . 13 . 99. No . 25 . loo. No . 25 .

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his oath o f allegianc e and gav e scant attention t o th e rul e o f law. A s lord of th e baron y o f Kilsheela n h e wa s determine d t o asser t hi s overlordshi p in Isertkiera n whic h belonge d t o Joh n o f Byford . Joh n wa s therefor e ordered b y Desmond' s official s t o hol d hi s lan d o f th e ear l b y a ren t o f twelve shilling s a year an d suit of service at the court of Kilsheelan. Whe n John proteste d tha t h e woul d no t becom e th e earl' s man , Desmon d gav e instructions o n 2 4 May 134 4 to hi s Serjeant, Willia m Haket , t o tak e ' Mac Thomas's Rout ' wit h hi m t o Isertkiera n and distrai n upo n him . Thi s Haket did , carryin g of f fort y o f John's cow s t o Clonmel . An d becaus e John persisted in his resistance, he never sa w his cows again.101 O n 1 5 July the ear l ordered Si r Thomas fit z John an d th e Mandeville s an d th e Barrys and a host, estimate d a t a thousand men , t o g o t o Ardag h an d Rhincre w with th e purpos e o f besiegin g an d capturin g th e king' s tow n o f Youghal . Every da y an d nigh t fo r a wee k scout s (exploratores) wer e sen t int o th e town t o gathe r informatio n and , becaus e the y reporte d tha t th e burgesse s of Yougha l wer e firml y determine d t o figh t back , th e sieg e wa s abandoned.102 A t th e en d o f July a t Glanwort h th e ear l too k a n oat h upon th e Gospel s with Si r Thomas fit z John ; Walte r d e Mandevill e an d his so n Thoma s ; Ada m so n o f Willia m Barr y an d John so n o f Davi d Barry o f Rathcorma c ; th e thre e outlawe d Caunton s an d Geral d so n of Peter d e Caunton and his son John ; John son of Nicholas Kerr y ; Deni s son o f Deni s McCarthy , Geral d so n o f Dermo t McCarth y an d Dermo t Skyne, McDermo t an d Donough McDermo t : the y woul d for m a singl e ' covin' o r confederac y agains t th e kin g o f England , the y woul d b e together eithe r i n wa r o r a t peace , an d non e woul d surrende r unless they all surrendere d together. 103 Th e las t outrag e recorde d fo r 134 4 occurred at Christma s whe n th e ear l a s lord o f Kerr y ordere d th e arres t o f mor e than a hundred me n an d imprisoned the m a t Castl e Islan d without indict ment.104 Thu s di d h e abus e hi s lordshi p a t hi s ow n caprice. 105 According t o Clyn , Desmon d invite d th e Anglo-Iris h lord s t o mee t him a t Callan on 22 February 1345 , thoug h th e reason was quite unknow n to the annalist (et quare nescio). H e himself arrived with his retinue, believing that he would mee t them there , but as the king dislike d such ' conventicles' and considere d tha t the y woul d produc e mor e har m tha n good , h e ha d forbidden th e noble s t o atten d an d th e vet o wa s obeyed. 106 Desmon d did no t g o t o th e parliamen t hel d a t Dubli n o n 5 June.107 Th e evidenc e

101. No . 15 . 102. No . ii .

103. No . 14 . Thi s combines the informatio n in two statements by juries. 104. No . 28 . Anothe r part of this indictment whic h seems to relate t o th e same affair ascribe s i t t o 2 3 Decembe r 1343 . 105. Cf . No . 25 . 106. Annals (I.A.S.) , p . 30 . 107. Annah (R.S.) , pp . 385-87 . I t shoul d be noted tha t th e abortiv e meeting

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continued t o pil e u p agains t th e recalcitran t earl . Fiftee n member s o f th e Tobin famil y an d nin e Irishme n an d thei r followers , wh o ha d robbe d a t Clonnalanewan o n 2 8 Ma y 134 5 an d a t Liscahil l o n 2 5 July, ha d bee n harboured b y th e ear l a t Kilsheelan , Clonme l an d Carrick , thoug h the y were ' common robbers , fire-raisers , felons an d outlaws/ 108 O n 1 9 Jun e the ear l cam e with his men to Thurle s i n co . Tipperary an d rode a s if t o war agains t th e king' s lan d o f El y an d Ormonde , killing , robbin g an d trampling dow n th e crop s o f whea t an d oat s under hi s horses' hooves. 109 On 2 6 June h e attacked th e royal castle of Nenagh and, thoug h he did no t succeed i n gainin g possessio n o f it , h e capture d Si r Rober t Traver s an d Robert son of Robert Cantwell and imprisoned thes e two loyal Englishme n for a lon g tim e unti l the y foun d hi m hostage s an d undertoo k tha t the y would assis t him agains t al l men, eve n th e king' s ministers , bu t exceptin g the king' s person. 110 Ralph Ufford , th e Justiciar , recognisin g tha t th e situatio n wa s com pletely ou t o f hand i n th e countie s o f the south-west , resolve d t o tak e the strongest possibl e measure s to restor e order an d th e king' s authority . O n 7 July he had made a proclamation a t Cashel, orderin g al l lieges, n o matte r their status , to appea r befor e him ther e i n readines s t o follo w th e king' s standard an d d o wha t wa s required o f them. 111 A t th e tim e o f tha t pro clamation th e ear l an d fifty-thre e o f hi s closes t supporter s (Mandevilles , Roches, Powers , Tobins , Bria n O'Brie n an d Cormac k McCarthy ) wer e at Clonmel and Kingswood wit h their arme d forces , and they di d all they could thereafte r t o oppos e th e Justicia r an d withdra w Irelan d fro m it s allegiance t o th e crown. 112 Alread y o n 2 5 June th e earl' s retinu e ha d assembled a t Ballag h i n co . Tipperary 113 an d o n 2 July ther e ha d bee n a clash betwee n th e armie s when th e ear l sen t the mai n par t o f his forces t o Kilhimegan where it rode against the king's standar d as it was borne befor e the Justiciar, intendin g t o la y hand s forcibly upo n him , an d pursue d him from Kilhimega n t o Ballybothy , eventuall y rejoinin g th e ear l a t Kings wood.114 The Justicia r hel d fres h investigatio n int o th e earl' s activitie s i n July , August and September, an d they continu e t o disclos e the terrorist method s at Calla n di d no t follo w th e parliamen t a t Dubli n bu t precede d it . No r wa s it a ' parliament ' in the administrative sense of the word, still less an 'Irish parliament.' There i s therefor e n o warran t for th e statemen t that Desmon d wa s outlawe d fo r usurping th e king' s prerogative in summonin g parliament (Curtis , op. «'/., p. 217) . 108. No . 17 . 109. No . 16 . no. Nos . 16 , 25 , 26. Cf. dnnals (I.A.S.) , p. 31 (wher e ' Menaht' mus t mean Nenagh). m. No . 18. 112. No . 18 . 113. No . 19 .

114. No . 18 .

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of hi s forces : o n 1 0 July a t Donour e an d a t Ardfinna n i n co . Tipperary , where th e victim s wer e th e tenant s o f th e bisho p o f Lismor e ; 115 o n 1 2 July a t Ballybrenna n ; 116 o n 6 Augus t a t Liscarrol , Lackeen , Clonkee n and elsewher e i n co . Cor k ; 117 o n n Augus t a t Ardag h wher e th e ear l made Si r Maurice Cantlo w an d Si r Nichola s Hus e swea r tha t the y woul d rebel wit h hi m an d force d the m t o delive r a s hostages thei r sons , who m he imprisone d a t Castl e Islan d unti l the y wer e release d b y th e Justiciar i n October ; 118 o n u Augus t a t Curragh Bothir in co. Cork where Dermot McCarthy an d hi s son , Donough , an d a mainl y Iris h forc e kille d Si r Philip Prendergast , Si r Rober t Barr y an d twenty-on e other s an d the n moved t o Clontea d an d othe r village s i n co . Cork , and , becaus e the ear l had ar t an d par t (artem e t partem] i n wha t the y did , h e harboure d the m a t Kinglass i n co . Limeric k ; 119 o n 2 3 Augus t a t Ballysallag h i n co . Cork , where th e earl himself went wit h thre e thousand men , burnin g it and othe r villages in an endeavour to wrest the control o f the county from th e king.120 Desmond wa s stil l i n th e fiel d i n co . Limeric k o n 3 September, 121 bu t the rebellio n wa s drawin g t o it s end . Onc e agai n th e ear l ha d see n tha t the grea t majorit y o f th e Anglo-Iris h lord s wer e agains t hi m an d tha t the Iris h di d no t stan d unite d i n hi s support . I t wa s inevitable , i n vie w of th e indictment s an d th e refusa l o f Desmon d t o appea r i n July 134 5 t o answer charge s o f treaso n an d felony , tha t h e shoul d b e outlawe d an d hi s lands o f Clonmel , Kilsheelan , Kilfeake , Connello , Kerr y an d Desmon d confiscated.122 O n 3 0 Septembe r Askeato n Castl e wa s captured. 123 O n 21 Octobe r th e Justiciar wit h a grea t arm y o f me n draw n fro m Leinster , Munster an d Connach t attacke d Castl e Islan d whic h ha d bee n commonl y regarded a s invulnerable, an d carried th e king's standard into it in triumph . The earl' s steward , Si r John Coterill , wa s drawn , hanged , beheade d an d quartered and , i n th e ruthles s fashio n o f th e tim e i n dealin g wit h rebels , parts o f his corpse wer e sent t o diver s part s o f the country to b e exhibited as a warning. Si r Eustace Power an d Si r William Gran t wer e draw n an d hanged fo r thei r obdurat e resistance. 124 Th e ear l escape d an d foun d refug e with th e Iris h an d h e was sai d t o hav e incite d O'Conno r o f Kerry , one o f the king' s tenants , t o ris e i n rebellio n o n 3 Ma y I346. 125 Desmond' s

115. Nos . 18 , 24 . 116. No . 18 . 117. No . 20 . 118. Nos . 25 , 26 . 119. Nos . 20 , 21 , 25 . 120. No . 20 . 121. No . 22 .

122. Annals (I.A.S.) , p . 31 . 123. U t supra. 124. U t supra. 125. No . 25 .

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relatives an d supporter s ha d t o appea r befor e th e Justiciar , giv e hi m hostages fo r thei r goo d conduc t i n future , an d pa y heav y fine s befor e they coul d recove r thei r estates. 128 Thos e wh o ha d pledge d thei r wor d in 133 3 for the earl's behaviour wer e held responsible for what had happene d since 1339 , eve n thoug h the y ha d bee n fightin g i n th e Justiciar' s arm y against Desmond , an d the y ha d t o see k a forma l pardon. 127 The Justiciar, Ralp h Ufford , die d o n 9 Apri l 1346 . Fo r tw o year s h e had governe d wit h indomitabl e courag e an d h e ha d no t bee n gentl e i n his methods . H e ha s left a reputatio n fo r ruthlessnes s i n th e page s of th e annalists, bu t le t u s compar e th e considere d statemen t sen t fro m Irelan d to th e kin g shortl y afte r hi s deat h an d befor e Desmond' s surrende r tw o months late r : h e ha d fough t Desmon d strenuousl y wit h lega l weapon s and the arms of war and ' the conflict would have bee n completel y ended , so w e believe , i f Go d ha d spare d th e Justiciar's life , fo r i t remaine d onl y to capture Desmond, wh o staye d resolutely with the enemy Irish . Further more, the greatest o f his line in these parts are still strongly with the Court against him , o n accoun t no t onl y o f th e mainpris e b y whic h the y wer e so strictl y boun d bu t o f th e ne w securit y o f hostage s an d oaths.' 128 Ufford's successor , Roge r Darcy, 124 wa s perhap s no t o f th e sam e obduracy. A t al l events, thoug h Desmon d wa s excepted o n 1 2 May 134 6 from thos e who migh t receiv e pardons,130 by June 134 6 he had surrendered his person to the Justiciar o n condition tha t he was given specia l protectio n and allowe d t o g o t o Englan d an d answe r ther e th e charge s brough t against him. 181 O n 2 9 July th e Justiciar wa s instructed t o sen d hi m t o th e king,132 an d o n 1 3 Septembe r h e se t sail from Yougha l wit h hi s wif e an d two son s a t th e king' s expense , bein g grante d twent y shilling s a day sub sistence fro m th e tim e h e se t foot i n England. 133 Ther e wa s presumabl y 126. Annals (I.A.S.) , p . 31 . 127. Annals (R.S.) , p . 387 ; Cal. pat, rolls, 1348-50 , pp . 1 9 f. , 23 , 129 . 128. Chancery , Parliamen t an d Council Proceedings , file 7, no. 22 : ' Primere ment d e l a pursuy t q e a d est e fait e pa r process e d e le y devan t monsir e Rau f d e Ufford, nyadgair s Justic e Dirlande , a q i Die u fac e verro i merci , q i enpris t l a querel e t l a pursuy t avysemen t pa r l a le y e t chivalrousemen t pa r for t may n \vers monsire Moric e fit z Thoma s q i desobei a contr e s a ligeance , l a quei l quere l eus t este pleynemen t eschevy , a , ce q e nou s entendons , s i Dieu x eus t don e l a vi e a l a dit lustice , qa r i l n e demor t forsq e l a pri s d e so n corp s q i s e teyn t for t entr e le s Irreis enemys . Item comen t le s plu s grand z d e s a lynag e ceste s partie s s e tenen t unqor e for t ove l a cour t encontr e lu y q e pa r caus e d e l a meynpris e pa r quei l il s furen t bet z (sic) s i for t q e pa r caus e d e nove l suret e de s hostage s e t serementz. ' 129. Uffor d wa s not succeede d by Walter Bermingham , as Curtis states (op. «'/., 218). 130. Cal. pat. rolls, 1345-48 , p . 119 . 131. Cal. pat. rolls, 1345-48 , p . 12 5 f . 132. Cal. close rolls, 1346-49 , p . 140 . 133. Annals (R.S.) , p . 389 .

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strong reaso n wh y Desmon d di d no t wis h t o stan d tria l i n Irelan d : certainly distrus t remained, for o n 26 August a jury a t Tralee was declaring that, afte r h e ha d receive d protectio n an d permissio n t o cros s th e Iris h Channel, h e ha d o n 2 3 Augus t writte n t o McCarthy , McDermo t an d O'Connor, urgin g the m t o continu e thei r resistanc e unti l h e returne d to Ireland, an d fo r tha t reaso n McDermot wa s stil l a t war. 134 Desmond remaine d i n detentio n i n Englan d a long time . W e d o no t know wher e o r i n wha t conditions, 135 no r d o w e kno w b y wha t mean s he mad e hi s peac e wit h Edwar d III . Bu t o n f 8 Februar y 134 8 h e wa s released o n bail, 139 and o n 2 8 November 134 9 he receive d a pardon for his treason an d wa s restore d t o hi s dignitie s an d estates , thoug h hi s tw o son s were detaine d a s hostage s for him. 137 Abou t Ma y 135 0 h e returne d t o Ireland.138 Bu t evidentl y al l wa s no t well , fo r o n 1 6 Septembe r 135 1 he thought i t advisabl e t o petitio n fo r specia l protection fo r himsel f an d his property i n Ireland. 139 Wha t thi s presumabl y indicated wa s that, thoug h the kin g ha d relinquishe d hi s ow n suit s agains t Desmond , h e coul d no t exempt hi m fro m action s raise d by others . A s he wa s still in th e eye s of the law an outlaw, the earl had no standing in the courts nor could he him self institute proceedings in his own interests. I t was essential that he should regularise hi s position an d be full y ' restored to commo n law, ' a s it was put : henc e the proceedings to obtain the annulment of outlawry by legal process. What th e kin g ha d see n fit t o d o o n political grounds , i t wa s not likel y that hi s court s an d hi s judges woul d oppos e o n lega l ground s an d the y received plai n enoug h instructions wha t the y wer e t o do. 140 I n the king' s bench i n the Michaelma s ter m o f 135 1 Richard of Frisby, on e of the mos t prominent attorney s o f th e day , acte d fo r th e ear l i n allegin g technica l error i n th e awar d o f th e outlawrie s agains t him . Th e mai n argument s were simple . Th e sheriffs o f Kilkenny , Tipperar y an d Waterfor d ha d been ordere d t o arres t Desmon d o n indictmen t fo r felon y an d brin g hi m in perso n before Ufford , th e Justiciar, o n 8 July 1345 . A s none o f the m

134. No . 25 .

135. Mauric e fit z Thomas, ear l of Desmond, i s said t o hav e taken part i n th e siege o f Calai s in 134 7 (Curtis , op . cit., p . 218) , bu t h e ha s bee n confuse d wit h Maurice fit z Thomas , ear l o f Kildar e (Annals (I.A.S.) , p . 34 , Annals (R.S.) , p. 390) . 136. Cal. close rolls, 1346-49 , p . 494 . 137. Cal. pat. rolls, 1348-50 , pp . 434 , 503 . Curtis , op. cit., p. 209 , postpone s the pardo n unti l 1355 . 138. Ibid., pp . 502 , 511 . H e i s sai d t o b e goin g t o Irelan d o n th e king' s service. 139. Ibid., 1350-54 , p . 134 . 140. Cora m Rege Roll, no. 364, m. 24 d: 'vobis mandamus quod ipsum comitem contra tenore m litteraru m nostraru m predictaru m no n molesteti s in aliqu o seu gravetis.'

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could fin d him , th e Justiciar's cour t o n tha t da y adjudge d tha t eac h was to exac t hi m t o appea r i n fou r (or , i n certai n circumstances , five ) con secutive count y court s an d outla w hi m i n th e even t o f disobedience. 141 But thi s judgment was , so it wa s contended, wron g becaus e the ear l could not b e a t thre e count y court s a t on e an d th e sam e tim e and , i f h e ha d appeared a t on e o f them , h e woul d stil l hav e bee n outlawe d fo r no t appearing in the othe r two . Thu s th e ear l was being compelle d t o d o the impossible (comes artaretur a d impossible). Furthermore , ther e shoul d hav e been n o proceeding s agains t hi m i n co . Kilkenny , fo r i n tha t count y h e had no t bee n indicted. 142 And , a s he ha d bee n outlawe d a t Tipperar y o n 25 Octobe r 1345 , wha t wa s th e poin t o f summonin g hi m t o appea r a t Kilkenny o n 2 6 October 134 5 an d the n outlawin g hi m ther e ? Outlawr y of on e already outlawed wa s erroneous and frivolou s (inanis). No r shoul d the Justiciar o n 1 3 Octobe r 134 5 have ordered th e ear l to b e exacted again in co . Tipperary, fo r the first writ of exigent, issued on the previous 8 July, had no t ye t ru n it s course , sinc e onl y thre e count y court s ha d met . A s against thes e argument s th e king' s lega l representative s asserte d formally that it was lawful fo r the king to proceed in several counties against anyone indicted in all such counties and that writs of exigent automatically followed the report s of sheriff s indicatin g tha t the y coul d not fulfil l order s to arrest . But th e king' s benc h revoke d th e outlawrie s an d instructe d th e Justiciar of Irelan d t o hav e th e annulmen t proclaime d i n th e appropriat e count y courts. On 8 July I355 143 the erstwhile rebellious earl of Desmond was appointed to represen t th e kin g i n Irelan d an d acte d a s Justiciar fro m 1 7 Augus t 1355 unti l h e die d o n 2 5 January I356. 144 Lai d to res t i n th e Dominica n church i n Dublin , h e wa s late r re-interre d wit h hi s ancestor s i n th e Dominican friar y a t Tralee. 145 We hav e thought i t advisabl e to giv e a straight-forward account o f the earl o f Desmond' s activitie s an d to presen t the fact s with little gloss . I t is true tha t th e informatio n come s fro m th e prejudice d statement s o f com paratively prosperou s townsme n wh o ha d bee n speciall y victimise d b y Desmond's wil d an d irresponsibl e deeds. Bu t whereve r it ca n be checked by othe r sources , it i s corroborated and , indeed , it make s explicable muc h that is enigmatic in the contemporary annals . Whe n we turn fro m statin g the fact s t o th e mor e delicat e tas k o f interpretin g them , w e d o no t thin k that th e pictur e o f Desmon d tha t emerge s from th e ne w materia l bears much resemblanc e t o th e idealise d an d anachronisti c figur e presente d i n modern textbooks. Indeed , though tha t picture is belied b y th e new facts , 141. Se e Appendix III . 142. Se e Appendi x III . 143. Cal. pat. rolls, 1354-58 , p . 266 . 144. P.R.O. , Issu e Rolls , E . 101/243/8 . 145. Annals (R.S.) , p . 392 .

262

THE HRS T EAR L O F DESMON D

it mus t b e sai d tha t th e ol d fact s neve r reall y mad e i t credible . I t i s a commonplace tha t th e readin g o f histor y backward s ca n b e extremel y dangerous an d th e historian , whos e sol e concer n i s t o ascertai n th e con temporary truth , will find no evidence to justify the description of Desmond as th e firs t o f the ' Patriot leaders ' o f Anglo-Irelan d . . . memorabl e for th e Anglo-Iris h movemen t whic h h e forme d and led , no t agains t th e English Crow n bu t agains t th e dominatio n o f English-bor n official s an d the rulin g o f Irelan d fro m Westminste r . . . th e firs t utteranc e o f the spirit that was behind Swif t an d Grattan.' 146 For i t i s impossible o n th e basi s o f evidenc e t o believ e tha t Desmon d ' led the Anglo-Irish.'147 H e lorded i t in four o r five countie s in the south west bu t eve n ther e Englis h tenants , despit e al l pressur e put upo n them , would no t accep t him as their lord an d towns kept their gates closed against him. Outsid e thi s regio n h e rarel y receive d suppor t fo r lon g an d he me t usually wit h opposition , fo r othe r Anglo-Iris h lord s sa w no advantag e for themselves i n furtherin g Desmond' s persona l ambition s an d Uffor d ha d no lac k o f assistanc e from the m whe n h e suppresse d th e rebelliou s earl . As it wa s afterwards succinctl y put i n a report fro m Irelan d to th e kin g i n 1346 : c There ar e seriou s disturbance s in variou s part s o f Irelan d ari d between th e English , whic h ar e more harmfu l t o th e king' s fortune s tha n the war s wit h th e Irish,' 148 and , a s we hav e seen , eve n hi s ow n kinsme n had deserte d him. 149 And , no w tha t w e hav e severa l lon g list s o f hi s adherents, w e ca n appreciat e upo n wha t limite d an d localise d source s h e depended fo r hi s support . Th e same remark s apply to his Irish adherents : when w e have tabulated the O'Briens, McCarthys , Macnamaras, McRorys, O'Connors and the othe r Irishme n wit h whom he collaborated, i t is plain that h e wa s in touc h wit h onl y a small section of th e Iris h in Ireland , no r could w e expec t i t t o b e otherwise . Tha t h e go t o n wel l wit h th e Irish , that h e like d thei r carefre e gaiety , thei r ope n hospitality , thei r goo d tal k and thei r songs , ther e i s no reaso n t o doubt , an d hi s enemies made grea t play wit h it . Bu t i n Desmond's opinio n th e Iris h were ther e t o assis t hi m to hi s destiny, no t thei r own , and , whe n h e sa w fit , h e wa s ruthless an d merciless to them . No t fo r nothin g wa s he described as the ' chastiser of the Irish.' 150 Hi s last act in Novembe r 135 5 was to moun t a specially large expedition agains t them. 161 Fo r th e fac t canno t b e burked tha t th e ear l of Desmond die d a s the Justiciar, deputisin g in Irelan d fo r th e Englis h king . 146. Curtis , op. cit., pp. 224 , 206. Se e ns. 86, 88 , 10 7 above. 147. Curtis , History o f Ireland (yh. ed . 1945) , p. no . 148. Chancery , Parliamen t an d Counci l Proceedings , fil e 7 , no . 22 . 149. Above , p . 223 . 150. Annals (R.S.) , p . 492 . I n 133 3 an d 133 6 h e mad e wa r eve n upo n hi s old friend , Brian O'Brie n (Annals (I.A.S.) , pp . 27 , 44. ) Se e also CaL pat. rolls, i34°-43» P - 93 151. Ca L fat. rolls, 1354-58 , p . 344 .

263

THE FIRS T EAR L O F DESMON D

Edward II I must have got t o kno w hi m whe n he was in England betwee n 1346 an d 135 0 an d bee n impressed , a s all me n see m to hav e been , b y hi s personality, an d h e woul d hardl y hav e tolerate d th e release , stil l les s th e appointment t o suc h importan t office , o f on e wh o ha d bee n responsibl e for unitin g th e Anglo-Iris h lord s i n oppositio n t o th e crow n an d ha d th e Irish solidl y behin d him . Le t u s remember tha t medieva l king s in genera l were alway s having t o cop e wit h subject s lik e th e ear l o f Desmond : h e was not peculia r to Irelan d but ha d his counterparts all over West Europe , whether w e look fo r the m i n Scotlan d o r Franc e o r Germany . W e shal l understand hi m al l th e bette r i f w e resolutel y plac e him i n hi s time .

APPENDIX I . LIST O F JUSTICIARS

Period i Feb. 1324— i May 132 7 i May 1327—12 May 132 7 12 Ma y 1327— 5 Apr. 132 8 6 Apr. 1328 c. Ma y 1329—12 Feb. I33i 17 July 1330— 2 June I33i 3 Jun e 1331— 5 Nov. I33i 3 Jun e 1331— 3 Dec. 1332 3 Dec. 1332—12 Feb. 133,3 13 Feb. 1333—13 Aug. 1333 29 June 1333—18 Jan. 1334 19 Jan. 1334—19 Apr. 1335

1

Name John Darc y Roger Outla w Earl o f Kildar e Roger Outla w John Darc y Roger Outla w Earl o f Ulste r Antony Luc y Thomas Burg h John Darc y Thomas Burg h John Darc y

Title Justiciar Deputy Justicia r Justiciar Acting Justicia r Justiciar Deputy Justicia r King's Lieutenan t Justiciar Deputy Justicia r Justiciar Deputy Justicia r Justiciar

Justiciar 8 Apr . 1340 — 9 Feb . 1344 John Darc y Deputy Justicia r Roger Outla w 8 Apr . 1340 — 8 Jan. 134 1 Keeper an d Actin g 22 Feb . 1341—22 Ma y 134 1 Archbishop o f Justiciar Dublin Deputy Justicia r 16 Ma y 1341—1 4 July 134 4 John Moric e Justiciar 14 July 1344 — 9 Apr. 1346 Ralph Uffor d Justiciar 10 Apr . 1346—1 5 Ma y 134 6 Roger Darc y Justiciar 16 Ma y 1346—2 8 June 134 6 John Moric e 29 June 1346—2 7 Nov . 134 7 Walter Bermingha m Justicia r i. Thi s list i s provided fo r the reader' s convenience. Reference s wil l be foun d in Richardso n and Sayles , Th e Administration o f Ireland, 1172-1377 , shortl y t o be publishe d b y th e Iris h MSS . Commission .

264

THE FIRS T EAR L O F DESMON D

APPENDIX II . CHRONOLOGICAL LIS T O F INDICTMENT S (Coram Reg e Roll , no . 364 )

No.

Place

i. Cashel 2. 34-

56. 78. 910.

ii. 12. 1314. 15-

16. 1718. 1920. 21. 22. 2324. 25. 26. 27. 28.

Tipperary Limerick Limerick Cork Cork Waterford Waterford Clonmel Tipperary Limerick Limerick Cork Youghal Cork Cork Cork Cork Cork Cork Cork Youghal Cork Youghal Cork Cork Cork Cork Clonmel Tipperary Tipperary Cashel Fethard Tipperary Tipperary Clonmel Tipperary Clonmel Buttevant Cork Buttevant Cork Kilmallock Limerick Kilmallock Limerick Tipperary Clonmel Tralee Tralee

Date

County

Kerry Kerry Tipperary [Kerry]

Roger Outla w Antony Luc y Lucy Lucy Lucy Lucy Lucy John Darc y John Moric e Ralph Uffor d Ufford Ufford Ufford Ufford Ufford Ufford Ufford Ufford Ufford Ufford Ufford Ufford Ufford Walter Bermingham 26 Aug. 1346 Bermingham 26 Aug. 1346 Bermingham [!345] [after 24 December 1344 ]

July 1330 20 Aug. I33i 2 Sept. i33i 27 Sept. i33i 17 Feb. 1332 23 March 13 32 2 Aug. 1332 4 April 1334 7 Dec. *342 2 Aug. 1344 4 Aug. 1344 4 Aug. 1344 9 Aug. 1344 17 Aug. 1344 2 Sept. 1344 9 July 1345 ii July 1345 H July 1345 29 July 1345 27 Aug. 1345 29 Aug. 1345 3i Oct. 1345 3i Oct. 1345 3 Aug. 1346 10

Membrane

Justiciar Reference

18 18 19 19 18 18 19 19 19

d d d d d d d

21 d 21 21 d 22 22 21 20 d 20 20 d 21 22 d 22 d 22 d 23 202 2O

233 2I 4 23

2. Anothe r cop y o f thi s indictment is to b e foun d o n m . 23 . 3. Anothe r copy o f no . 25 . 4. Thi s is a general indictment of the Tobins o f Compsey as fire-raisers, robbers and thieves .

265

THE FIRS T EAR L OF DESMON D

APPENDIX III . LIST O F COUNT Y COURT S AN D OFFICERS . Place County

Irishtown Kilkenn

Date

y3

Sheriff

Aug. 134 5 Thoma s o f Lowther 31 Aug. 134 5 Lowthe r 28 Aug. 134 5 Lowthe r 26 Oct. 134 5 Lowthe r y2 Aug. 134 5 Joh n Lassan

Coroners

Henry Arnol d Arnold Arnold Arnold John d e Sanct a Cashel Tipperar Brigida William le Bret William le Bret 30 Aug. 134 5 Lassa n Gerald Somerfor d William le Bret 27 Sept. 134 5 Lassa n Gerald Somerfor d John El y William le Bret 25 Oct . 134 5 Lassa n Gerald Somerfor d William le Bret 22 Nov. 134 5 Lassa n Gerald Somerfor d Robert Purcel l William le Bret 20 Dec. 134 5 Lassa n Gerald Somerford Robert Purcel l 1 7 Jan. 134 6 Lassa n William le Bret Gerald Somerford Robert Purcel l 14 Feb. 1346 Lassa n William le Bret Gerald Somerfor d Henry Hal e 14 Mar. 134 6 Lassa n Gerald Somerford Henry l e Flemin g Waterford Waterfor d 2 1 Mar. 134 6 Joh n Powe r Nicholas Brow n (Baron o f Donohill) Geoffrey Make r 1 8 Apr. 134 6 Powe r Brown Maker Brown 1 6 May 1346 Powe r Maker 13 June 134 6 Powe r Brown Maker ii July 134 6 Powe r Brown Maker

266

NOTE

p. 239 : Fo r th e ful l tex t o f th e recor d give n on the ple a rol l o f th e King' s Bench see Analecta Hibemica (Iris h Manuscripts Commission), xiii (1966), 1-47.

18

THE BATTLE OF FAUGHART It i s my privilege t o spea k t o you about the battle of Faughart, or, as it is sometimes called , Dundalk , a battle tha t brough t t o a n end i n 131 8 the efforts , sprea d ove r thre e an d a half years , o f a n arm y of Scot s t o conquer Ireland . Whe n we reflect tha t the consequence s wer e so seriou s that th e year s 1315-131 8 are often held to form a turning-point i n Irish history, an d whe n w e remembe r tha t i t wa s al l s o completel y unexpected, a veritable bol t fro m th e blue , w e are at onc e confronte d by tha t proble m whic h alway s lie s uncomfortabl y a t th e bac k o f th e serious historian' s mind . I t i s this: ho w fa r i s the cours e o f histor y se t and settle d for us by long-term factor s an d deeply-established tradition s like geographica l positio n an d climat e o r th e imponderabl e spiri t o f a people? Or , o n th e contrary , ca n it s directio n b e change d b y unpredictable accidents ? D o we see in history not th e causal but simpl y the casual , havin g n o mor e valu e fo r u s tha n a tale tha t i s told? A s it was onc e ironicall y expressed , i f Cleopatra' s nos e ha d bee n just a little longer, woul d Anton y hav e falle n i n love wit h he r and , i f he ha d not , then woul d th e destinie s o f th e countrie s borderin g th e Easter n Mediterranean hav e bee n vastl y different ? I f ther e ha d bee n n o Napoleon o r n o Hitler, woul d France o r Germany be as they ar e today? And i f a n expeditionar y forc e ha d no t bee n sen t fro m Scotlan d t o Ireland in the earl y fourteent h century , woul d we now be speakin g of the "Republi c o f Ireland" ? I n al l thi s ther e lie s hidde n a n endles s controversy an d a great myster y an d happily it need not detai n us. But my furthe r remarks may be regarded as a commentary upon this theme . On 2 6 Ma y 131 5 Edwar d Bruce, the brothe r o f Robert Bruce , king of Scotland , crosse d th e narro w seas from Gallowa y with his troops and landed o n th e north-eas t coas t o f Ireland , no t ver y fa r fro m Larne . So began a lon g serie s o f campaign s t o subjugat e th e whol e o f Ireland . Now, though w e are firs t an d foremost considerin g the art and practic e of warfar e i n th e late r Middl e Age s - an d Bruce' s caree r i n Irelan d furnishes u s wit h man y ap t illustration s - we can never arbitrarily place war an d politic s i n as it were water-tight compartment s and study the m apart. Therefore , eve n thoug h I hav e t o spea k briefly , I mus t fo r clarity's sak e indicat e wh y Edwar d Bruc e should hav e thought o f th e 267

268 TH E BATTLE OF FAUGHAR T conquest o f Irelan d a t all , wh y tha t conques t wa s regarded a s a quit e practical proposition, and why it seeme d no t unlikel y a t one time that his high ambitions would be gratified . Throughout th e whol e o f th e Middl e Age s th e Nort h Channe l between north-eas t Irelan d an d south-wes t Scotlan d ha d bee n i n on e respect lik e th e Englis h Channe l betwee n Englan d an d France : i t wa s not i n thos e day s so much a barrier t o communication s a s a means of contact, fa r easie r tha n havin g t o cros s bog s o r cu t a wa y throug h forests. N o Irishma n need s t o b e reminde d o f thi s clos e connexio n when h e remembers the Patrician Churc h an d the missionary journey o f St. Columb a o f Donega l and Den y t o Argyll . In a way, the plantatio n of Ulste r b y th e Scot s ha d begu n a s earl y a s King John's reig n whe n men fro m Gallowa y settle d on lands, give n to them b y that king, in and around Den y an d Coleraine . Th e Scot s apparentl y foun d n o difficult y in establishin g a modus vivendi wit h the native Irish. Indeed , they were too successfu l and , som e fift y year s later , th e Englis h governmen t found i t necessar y t o plac e a n embarg o upon an y furthe r immigratio n by Scot s int o Ireland . Bu t th e associatio n wa s not broken , an d no t many mor e years 1 went b y befor e th e liaiso n wa s demonstrated a t th e highest leve l when James, the Stewar d of Scotland, married the siste r of the Re d Ear l o f Ulste r i n 129 6 an d whe n th e Re d Earl' s daughte r i n 1302 marrie d Rober t Bruce , Earl o f Canick, wh o wa s four year s late r to b e the crowned King of Scotland . Still, ther e wa s nothing in al l of thi s to foretel l th e whirlwind. Th e province of Ulster , thoug h nominall y a par t of the dominion s of the English crown , ha d bee n littl e draw n int o th e machiner y o f Englis h government. Aide d largel y b y its geography, Ulste r remained separatist . It i s true tha t coasta l land s fro m Colerain e round t o Carlingford Lough had bee n grante d t o Englishme n an d tha t there was an enclave of the m around Antrim . Nevertheless, the English government was very ready t o leave th e exercis e o f powe r wit h th e Re d Earl , Richar d d e Burgh . Though h e owne d muc h lan d i n al l th e othe r province s o f Ireland , especially i n Connacht , Ulste r wa s the basi s of his authority, an d under him th e nativ e Iris h an d th e Englis h an d Scot s incomer s see m t o hav e achieved a stat e o f relativel y peacefu l co-existenc e fo r wel l ove r a generation. Mayb e thi s promise o f stabilit y wa s illusory. Wha t di d no t appear ope n t o doub t wa s the strengt h o f th e Re d Earl, who was to all seeming a formidable man to overthrow . And yet in the event his power crumbled quickl y a t th e onslaugh t o f Edwar d Bruce , and i t is not eas y to fin d a satisfactor y explanatio n wh y h e shoul d hav e prove d s o ineffective whe n put t o the test. Still, i t wa s no t th e weaknes s o f Irelan d bu t th e weaknes s o f

THE BATTLE OF FAUGHART 26 9 England tha t gav e Edward Bruc e hi s chance . I d o no t thin k tha t we need t o searc h fa r fo r hi s motives . Hi s expeditio n wa s very muc h a personal- venture an d i t wa s a gamble , afte r th e fashio n o f tha t o f William th e Conquero r i n 1066 . Hi s brother, Robert , thoug h himself an Anglo-Norman and Scottis h onl y by his mother , had foun d himsel f compelled t o mak e his choice betwee n Englan d an d Scotland and , as it happened, h e ha d wo n fo r himsel f a Scottis h crown . Wh y shoul d Edward Bruc e no t likewis e tak e b y th e swor d a kingdo m i n Irelan d from th e sam e inep t an d muc h harasse d Edwar d I I o f England ? As I have alread y remarked , Ulste r wa s not unknow n o r hard o f access . It s political stat e wa s no secret an d there was a chance that th e native Irish might b e induced t o giv e thei r allegianc e an d suppor t t o th e Norma n Bruce rathe r tha n th e Norman de Burgh. This perhaps above all: Rober t Bruce kne w ho w muc h h e owe d hi s brothe r fo r hi s activ e help i n war right u p t o th e battl e o f Bannockbur n i n 1314 , an d he kne w also th e restlessness, th e feveris h itc h fo r action , tha t wa s Edward's dominan t characteristic. I t wa s commonly believe d a t th e time that Scotland was too smal l t o contai n tw o suc h brothers . Th e fourteenth-centur y chronicler wh o wrot e th e Scotichronicon expresse d i t briefl y whe n he said: "Edwar d wa s a very mettlesome and high-spirited ma n and would not dwel l togethe r wit h hi s brothe r i n peac e unles s h e ha d hal f th e kingdom t o himself . And fo r thi s reaso n wa s stirred u p i n Irelan d thi s war." S o King Robert blesse d the expedition: i f it succeeded, it furthe r weakened hi s enemy , England ; eve n i f i t failed , i t ri d hi m o f th e embarrassment o f hi s brother' s presenc e i n Scotland . Eithe r wa y h e profited. It shoul d b e made quit e clea r a t the outset tha t warfare in the late r Middle Age s calle d fo r littl e militar y scienc e i n th e sens e o f carefu l strategic plannin g beforehan d an d tha t bi g battles were very rare. Much that w e dignify i n ou r textbook s wit h th e nam e of "battle" implies no more tha n a skirmish , ofte n o f a mos t haphazar d kind . Whe n th e opposing force s clashed , the n th e thing s tha t mattere d wer e mainl y two: tactic s i n th e field , and—whic h wa s considere d fa r mor e important— persona l prowess . N o matte r how much ingenious skill was lavished o n arm s and armour , bot h fo r man and horse, it was still shee r physical strengt h an d the aptitude fo r single combat that counted most . Warrior king s lik e Richar d th e Lion-Hear t o r Edwar d I o r Henr y V stood hig h fo r that , reason i n contemporar y opinion : othe r ruler s lik e John, who was contemptuously calle d "Soft-Sword" , o r the completel y uninterested Edwar d I I faile d a t onc e t o ac t th e par t o f a king . If , however, th e force s o f on e sid e wer e obviousl y inferior , the n i t wa s their busines s to avoi d pitche d battles . Eithe r the y shu t themselve s up

270 TH E BATTLE OF FAUGHART in a castle an d stoo d a siege, durin g which i t becam e the objec t o f the besiegers to effec t a breach and get to grip s in hand-to-hand fighting ; or else, i f th e terrai n permitte d it , thos e wh o wer e outnumbere d too k cover, not i n castles but i n forests or swamps or mountains, and thereb y again create d a positio n o f stalemat e unti l the y though t th e tim e opportune fo r emergin g to giv e battle. Al l these genera l characteristic s of medieva l warfar e ar e see n i n Bruce' s campaigns , an d I shal l simpl y seek t o giv e illustration s o f the m fro m hi s activitie s withou t enterin g into tedious detail . We wh o stil l remembe r th e length y preparation s tha t wer e neede d for th e Normand y landings in 194 4 wil l b e better abl e to realise that it required n o slight effort o n Scotland's par t t o raise, equip and transpor t across th e se a i n som e 30 0 ship s a n arm y o f 6,00 0 me n wit h presumably a fai r numbe r o f horses . Ho w i t wa s accomplished w e d o not kno w and we are not likel y to know. It was certainly no rabble that came t o Irelan d bu t a forc e o f professiona l soldier s wh o ha d learne d their trad e th e har d wa y i n th e fierc e conflic t wit h Englan d and wh o were le d b y soldier s o f experienc e lik e Edwar d Bruc e himself an d th e earl o f Moray , wh o ha d eac h commande d a divisio n o f th e Scottis h army a t Bannockburn . Onc e ashor e nea r Larn e o n 2 6 May, 1315 , th e Scots wer e joined b y a few , bu t no t many , o f th e Iris h chieftain s in Ulster, th e mos t importan t bein g Donnel l O'Neill of Tirowen, an d they soon marche d southward s withou t meetin g an y resistanc e eve n t o ba r their passag e throug h th e narro w Moir y Pas s betwee n Newr y an d Dundalk. Dundal k wa s itself captured , loote d an d burne d o n 2 9 June , little mor e tha n a mont h afte r the y ha d landed . Th e invader s ha d perforce t o liv e alway s an d everywher e o n th e countr y an d th e devastation o f prosperou s manor s was harsh i n th e extreme ; just a s we can follo w th e cours e o f William the Conqueror' s marc h t o Londo n in 1066 b y plottin g th e waste d land s set dow n i n Domesday Book, so we can trac e th e rout e o f th e Scot s i n th e Iris h financia l record s whic h many year s late r wer e stil l recitin g a total los s in revenu e fro m estate s harried b y th e Scots . Whe n th e Justicia r o f Irelan d an d th e Ear l o f Ulster assemble d thei r force s a t Ardee , th e Re d Ear l successfull y insisted tha t wit h hi s ow n resource s alone he could bring about Bruce' s defeat. H e migh t wel l hav e been correc t i n hi s contentio n i f h e coul d have force d a direc t battle . Bu t Bruc e wa s over-persuaded by O'Neil l that i t woul d b e foll y fo r hi s forces , consistin g mainly of men o n foot , to engag e an enemy , superio r in both cavalry and archers, in open land. Bruce therefor e le t hi s Iris h allies guide him away through th e bogs and fen-peats wes t o f th e rive r Ban n an d northward s o n th e fa r sid e o f Lough Neag h u p t o th e mout h o f th e Ban n a t Coleraine , wher e h e

THE BATTLE OF FAUGHART 27

1

broke dow n th e bridg e across the river. The Red Earl knew that pursui t was ou t o f th e questio n i n suc h territor y an d he fo r hi s part too k th e easier wa y eas t o f Loug h Neag h t o Coleraine . Th e bridg e bein g destroyed, th e Ban n wa s a t tha t poin t fa r to o wid e t o b e crosse d otherwise an d stalemate resulted. The Earl, however, could not kee p his forces a t ful l strengt h indefinitely : famil y feud s an d consequen t disturbance i n th e south-wes t o f Irelan d draine d awa y th e Connach t levies and , whe n the Scots had crossed th e Bann on 1 0 September, the y routed th e muc h deplete d force s of th e over-confiden t Earl of Ulster . That encounte r ende d th e firs t episod e o f th e war , leaving all Ulster in Bruce's contro l excep t a t on e point : th e roya l castl e o f Carrickfergus . What befell it will serve to illustrate the nature of siege warfare. The castl e was placed impregnabl y on a rocky headland overlookin g Belfast Lough , an d th e ston e kee p an d baile y an d the walls that defie d all the assault s o f Edward Bruce can still be seen today. After the battle of Conno r man y of the Red Earl' s supporter s sough t refuge withi n the castle, whic h wa s a t onc e investe d b y th e Scots . Bruc e coul d hardl y have relishe d venturin g ou t o f Ulste r unti l i t ha d capitulated , bu t defence wa s paramoun t and , a s usual , th e onl y mean s o f triumphin g over tha t defenc e was through famin e o r treacher y withi n the walls, or both combined . Th e defender s o f Carrickfergu s could, o f course , stil l get i n touc h wit h the outsid e world by way of the sea , and in the sprin g of 131 6 they di d receiv e reinforcement s fro m Drogheda . Bu t whils t food coul d no t hav e been prevente d fro m comin g in, ther e was , a s we shall see , littl e foo d t o send , an d i n Septembe r 1316 , afte r resistin g a year, th e starvin g garriso n surrendered . Th e evidenc e i n print o f wha t really happene d i s sparse, little mor e tha n th e statemen t o f an annalist that o n Midsummer' s Da y 131 6 th e defender s ha d imprisone d thirt y Scots wh o ha d bee n sen t t o the m b y Bruce , unde r a guarante e o f protection, t o receiv e the submissio n o f the castl e and in their extreme hunger the y had later eaten eight such prisoners. The significant word is "hunger": Carrickfergus did not fal l t o assault. I ca n thro w a little furthe r ligh t upo n event s from a record i n th e Four Court s i n Dublin . O n Saturday , 2 3 July , 1317 , Henr y o f Thrapston wa s place d o n tria l a t Droghed a on th e charg e tha t h e ha d acted a s a traitor i n admittin g Thomas Dun , a Scot an d enem y t o th e king, t o Carrickfergu s Castle , giving him food and drink an d some cloth for a cloak , an d handin g over three Scot s prisoner s t o hi m a t Edwar d Bruce's request . Furthermore , whil e h e wa s Treasure r o f Ulste r an d Keeper o f Carrickfergu s Castle an d unde r n o compulsio n t o leav e th e castle, h e ha d gon e outsid e th e wall s t o mee t Bruc e in perso n an d had acknowledged hi m a s hi s lord , assertin g tha t h e wishe d t o b e hi s

272 TH

E BATTLE OF FAUGHART

Treasurer in Ireland as he had bee n th e Re d Earl's Treasurer in Ulster. A further coun t agains t hi m wa s that he had sold so much corn and other foodstuffs afte r th e Scot s arrive d tha t th e castl e wa s denude d o f supplies an d di d no t resis t a s long a s it shoul d hav e done . A jury wa s empanelled an d declare d tha t a truc e had , indeed , bee n arrange d between Bruc e an d th e garriso n t o las t fo r a mont h s o tha t th e tw o sides coul d communicat e wit h eac h othe r a t Carrickfergu s an d elsewhere. I t wa s o n accoun t o f thi s arrangemen t tha t Thrapsto n ha d allowed Du n int o th e castle , fe d him , an d delivere d tw o prisoner s t o him. Unde r interrogation , th e jur y agree d that th e term s o f th e truc e contained n o definit e provisio n permittin g Scot s t o ente r th e castl e itself an d hold discussion s with the garrison within its precincts, an d for that reason Thrapston wa s committed t o prison. But they di d exonerate him fro m th e charg e o f havin g done fealt y t o Bruc e and fro m havin g negligently sol d provisions . An d whe n they wer e asked whether h e had acted fro m goo d o r evi l motives , the y ha d n o hesitatio n i n stating that what h e ha d don e ha d bee n don e fo r th e goo d an d safet y o f th e country an d of the men of Ulster. In the followin g Michaelmas term th e matter wa s discussed i n counci l a t Dubli n and Thrapston wa s granted a pardon o n th e groun d tha t a praiseworth y repor t ha d bee n receive d upon his services in Carrickfergus Castle. Whilst Carrickfergu s wa s bein g besieged , Bruc e bega n hi s bid s fo r the conques t o f Ireland . H e put hi s trust i n tw o campaign s in winter , knowing tha t thi s was the suitabl e tim e o f year fo r th e kin d o f force s under hi s comman d an d hopin g tha t rapi d movemen t fa r an d wid e would brin g hi m th e widesprea d nativ e Iris h suppor t h e expecte d an d without whic h h e woul d soone r o r late r hav e t o admi t defeat . After mid-November 131 5 h e marche d agai n t o Dundalk , t o Nobbe r i n Meath, t o Kells ; then veere d wes t t o Granar d i n County Longfor d an d spent Christma s a t Ballymor e Loughsewdy i n Wes t Meat h before going south a s fa r a s Kildare an d Castledermot . Th e result s o f thi s medieval blitzkrieg were clearl y unsatisfactory , an d Bruce returned t o his base in Ulster a t th e en d o f Januar y 131 6 an d remaine d ther e throughou t th e remainder o f th e year . A t th e en d o f 131 6 h e wa s joine d a t Carrickfergus b y hi s brother , Kin g Robert o f Scotland . W e may regard this rather surprisin g visi t a s a measure of how little Robert ha d t o fea r at hom e fro m th e Englis h governmen t an d ho w h e stil l ha d fait h i n Edward's schemes . I woul d mysel f ad d th e irresistibl e attractio n tha t war an d military exploit s had fo r al l men o f their generation such as the Bruces. Howeve r that ma y be , the tw o brothers marche d south agai n in February 1317 , by-passe d Droghed a an d Dublin , advance d t o Castledermot, t o Gowra n an d Calla n i n Kilkenny , thenc e westward s

THE BATTLE OF FAUGHART 27 3 through Cashe l toward s Limerick , whic h the y di d no t reach , thoug h they cam e t o th e Shanno n a t Castleconnell . I n mid-Apri l 131 7 the y made thei r retur n journey t o Ulster . I n May King Robert wen t back t o Scotland. In neithe r o f thes e campaign s was there eithe r tim e o r specialise d equipment o r force s t o spar e t o besieg e castle s like Kildar e o r walled towns like Dublin , wher e th e citizen s i n February 131 7 had looked t o their ow n safety , repaire d thei r walls , and take n drasti c measure s t o stand a siege, i f that should prov e necessary. Th e two campaigns shoul d have show n Bruc e that hi s ambitions were not goin g to be realised. It is true tha t i n th e firs t h e me t wit h concerte d oppositio n fro m th e Justiciar o f Irelan d an d the great lords of Ireland only once, and that in the secon d th e Justicia r wa s content t o adopt shado w tactics and made no effor t t o intercep t Bruc e and cut of f his retreat t o th e north . Still, the othe r sid e o f th e pictur e i s that Bruc e had no t manage d to engag e and decisivel y destro y hi s enemies : thei r Fabia n method s ha d a t leas t kept thei r arm y i n being , and , whils t the y coul d affor d t o wait , h e could not . Again , Bruc e wa s unluck y i n tha t i n Ma y 1315 , th e ver y month h e landed i n Ireland , a great famin e descended upon th e whol e of Europ e fro m Irelan d t o Russia . Th e interminabl e torrential flood s made th e sprin g and autumn sowings a complete failure, and the effect s on a n agricultura l society , alway s living o n th e margi n o f existence , were horrible . Me n die d i n thei r thousand s an d la y unburie d i n th e streets and lanes , an d report s of cannibalis m cam e from ever y country , including Ireland . I n thi s countr y th e consequence s were still felt until the summe r of 1318 . I t i s not therefor e surprisin g that Bruc e found it impossible t o fee d hi s troop s o n th e marc h an d tha t man y die d o f hunger. W e kno w tha t h e raide d an d looted , harrie d an d burnt , everywhere h e went , an d the native Irish, suffering along with everyon e else, ha d littl e reaso n t o rall y t o hi s support . Ye t withou t the m h e would fai l an d th e ceremon y a t Dundalk on 1 May, 1316, when he had himself crowne d Kin g of Ireland, would remain empty bravado. He had twice marche d hi s armie s south an d marche d the m bac k again , but h e had n o militar y advantage s t o sho w fo r i t all . Hi s campaign s ha d degenerated int o mer e plunderin g raids an d a s such the y wer e a sheer waste of two armies and gave him but a Pyrrhic victory. I hav e sai d littl e abou t th e sourc e o f materia l o n whic h th e reconstruction o f these events must rely. How sparse it is, how often we have t o make bricks with hardly an y straw, is sufficiently shown when I say tha t w e have not th e slightes t informatio n abou t Bruce' s activitie s between Ma y 131 7 an d Octobe r 1318 . The n h e mad e th e las t o f hi s gambler's throws , too k hi s wa y sout h throug h th e Moir y Pas s for th e

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last time, and met hi s death a t the battl e o f Faughart o n 1 4 October. Of the battl e itsel f w e hav e a few , but ver y few , details from Scottis h and Irish writers, bu t wher e they ar e not utterly incredibl e the y ar e open t o serious doubt. The Scottish accoun t of Archdeacon Barbour relates tha t Bruce ha d give n his coat-of-mai l t o hi s henchman, with th e resul t tha t the hea d whic h wa s sen t t o th e Kin g of England wa s the henchman' s and no t tha t o f Bruc e himself. A Gaelic account, which alone purports to describ e th e tactic s employed , spoil s th e effec t b y letting Bruce win the figh t bu t b e slain , a s he sauntere d roun d the battle-field , by on e of his enemie s who disguise d himself a s a juggler, put Bruc e of f his guard by on e o f hi s antics , an d hi t hi m o n th e hea d wit h a bal l o f iro n attached t o a chain. All this is part an d parcel of the chansons de gestes, the romance s tha t serve d t o whil e awa y th e tediu m o f a winter night . Even whe n Barbou r speak s o f th e unenthusiasti c suppor t Bruc e go t from hi s Irish allies—an d w e must remembe r tha t h e wrot e sixt y year s after th e event—i t i s likely tha t a s a good patrioti c Sco t h e wa s inten t on explainin g away a Scottis h defeat . Faughar t can , however, illustrate what I hav e sai d before : tha t grea t battle s wer e not commo n an d tha t the prowes s o f individual s wa s th e facto r t o whic h overridin g importance was attached . Bruce's army , eve n thoug h augmente d by the contingent s furnishe d by th e d e Lacys , coul d no t hav e been large : h e coul d no t hav e had a t his disposa l anythin g lik e th e numbe r o f professiona l soldiery , th e heavy-armed infantry , tha t followe d hi m a s its leade r i n earlie r years , and contemporar y estimate s o f up t o 3,00 0 Scot s alon e shoul d no t be uncritically accepted . Sinc e th e attac k cam e suddenly , th e defenc e against it had to be quickly supplie d by local landowners and townsmen who alway s maintaine d som e kin d o f militar y organisatio n fo r thei r own protection: Joh n d e Cusack is singled out i n the records as bringing with hi m 6 0 men-at-arm s and th e cit y o f Droghed a a s contributing 2 0 more. Suc h figure s a s these ge t us nearer to th e realities. Bruce took up his positio n o n risin g groun d a t Faughar t no t fa r nort h o f Dundalk , positioning th e Iris h a t th e to p o f th e hil l an d th e Scot s i n fron t o f them lowe r down . Whethe r h e had cavalry or archers and, if so, how he deployed the m w e do not know . All we can be certain abou t is that the Anglo-Irish fel t confiden t enoug h t o mak e a head-on attac k an d tha t they engage d i n hand-to-han d fightin g an d brok e throug h th e Scottis h ranks. Thei r leader , Joh n d e Bermingham , sle w Alan , Stewar d o f Scotland, i n singl e fight . Bruce himself wa s apparently kille d b y Joh n Maupas, on e o f th e Droghed a contingent , wh o wa s himself slai n in th e fight. S o die d on e o n who m th e Iris h compile r o f th e Annal s of Loc h

THE BATTLE OF FAUGHART

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Ce passed thi s judgement: "Edwar d Bruce , th e destroye r o f all Erin in general, bot h Englis h an d Gael...n o bette r dee d fo r th e me n of all Erin was performed sinc e th e beginnin g o f th e world.. . for theft an d famine and destructio n o f me n occurre d throughou t Eri n durin g hi s time" . Indeed, th e prosperit y o f man y o f th e Englis h district s neve r cam e back, an d bot h Englis h an d Iris h wer e th e loser s thereby . Economi c disintegration wa s inseparable fro m a moral collapse and the thirteenth century promis e tha t Englis h and Irish might manage to live together as English an d Welsh contrive d t o d o wa s belied. Fo r tha t Edward Bruc e was greatly, i f no t wholly , responsible . I end where I began: would th e tale have been different if the Bruces had not com e to Ireland? NOTE p. 267 : Th e scrip t o f a lecture broadcas t b y Radi o Eirean n i n 1955-56 . Fo r contemporar y evidence fo r Edwar d Bruce' s activitie s i n Ireland , se e Sayles , Documents o n th e Affairs o f Ireland before th e King's Council (Iris h Manuscript s Commission , 1979) , pp . 72-76 , 78-80 , 86-88, 90, 94,97-8,101,103-106.

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KING RICHARD II OF ENGLAND: AFRESH LOOK What mos t peopl e kno w abou t Richar d II , wh o rule d Englan d fo r twenty-two year s (1377-1399), comes to the m fro m Shakespeare , and Shakespeare ha d to rely ultimately upon monastic chroniclers. H e could do n o other . Bu t historian s toda y ar e no t unde r tha t compulsion . Nevertheless, s o it seem s to me , they stil l d o scan t justice t o th e king and, indeed, t o hi s friend s an d supporter s becaus e they fin d i t difficul t to discar d th e hallowe d source s o f information. In som e monasteries, notably Sain t Albans , ther e wa s a tradition o f historical writin g whic h went bac k almos t to the Norman Conquest. There were many monks in many part s o f Englan d wh o avidl y collecte d curren t new s and suc h documents a s cam e thei r way . Bu t historian s ar e ap t no t t o as k themselves how i t cam e about tha t a monk of all people had a peculiar access t o informatio n abou t event s whic h occurre d man y miles away and abou t converse between persons of high rank which was unlikely to be noise d abroad . Whe n w e as k ourselve s wh o wer e th e monks ' informants an d whenc e di d these informant s acquire thei r knowledge , we realiz e tha t w e are up agains t a blank wall , tha t th e monk s are n o more tha n an echo of an echo, and that t o pursue the sourc e behind th e source get s u s n o neare r t o th e truth . Bu t on e thin g i s quite clear : monastic chronicler s coul d b e deliberatel y chose n a s receptacle s o f misinformation, scandal , and falsehood ; that the y wer e capable of no t merely misunderstandin g but o f distortin g documents ; that the y could be hopelessl y biasse d and indulge in character assassination. Thus under Richard I I the y becam e a vehicle o f propaganda tha t wa s purposively devised an d disseminate d i n orde r t o denigrat e th e kin g an d t o pu t Henry o f Lancaster' s usurpatio n o f th e thron e i n a favourabl e light . Though thi s i s no w recognize d an d w e see , fo r example , th e Sain t Albans chronicler , Thoma s o f Walsingham , fo r th e gullibl e scandal monger h e was, 1 to o muc h credi t i s stil l accorde d t o tale s tha t ar e improbable i n themselve s and withou t warrant. 2 Th e poin t I wish t o stress her e i s tha t w e can turn , i f w e will, from th e chronicler s t o th e best evidenc e of all, that of the public records, t o evidence that is either first-hand o r ca n b e reasonably accepted as authentic. If we do this, th e A paper read to the American Philosophical Society in Philadelphia on 14 November 1969. 1 Thoma s o f Walsingham , Chronicon Angliae, ed . E. Maunde Thompso n (Roll s Series, London, 1874) . Cf. Sydne y Armitage-Smith , John o f Gaunt (London , 1904) : this invaluable biography mad e us e o f th e little-know n record s o f th e Duch y o f Lancaste r an d pillorie d Thomas o f Walsingha m fo r wha t Armitage-Smit h calle d hi s "Scandalou s Chronicle " (pp. 134-144). Se e als o V.H . Galbraith, "Thoma s Walsingha m an d th e Sain t Alban s Chronicle," English Hist. Rev. 47, pp. 12-30. 2 Fo r a mos t amusin g exampl e o f th e uncritica l acceptanc e o f eve n wha t a monastic chronicler di d no t say , se e L . C Hector , "A n Allege d Hysterica l Outburs t o f Richar d II. " English Hist. Rev. 58, pp. 6-2-65. 277

278 KIN G RICHAR D I I O F ENGLAN D character o f Richar d wil l b e markedl y differen t fro m tha t generall y presented t o us . Officia l record s are , o f course , impersonal : never theless, fro m the m a pictur e o f th e kin g gradually emerges, touch b y touch, a pictur e tha t ma y no t b e familia r bu t a pictur e tha t i t i s necessary to accept . It ma y be rightly aske d why, if this be so, the records have not bee n read. Th e reaso n i s simple: an embarrassment of riches. For th e record s in print represen t n o more than a fraction o f the manuscript material in the Publi c Recor d Office i n London. 3 Le t me give three illustrations by way o f explanation . I f w e wer e indelicat e enoug h t o as k ho w ofte n King Joh n too k a bath, ther e woul d b e n o difficult y i n disclosin g this intimate information , fo r hi s account book s still survive which tabulat e his household expense s day b y day . He pai d hi s water-ma n 2 lAd. fo r a bath an d i n 11 0 days in 121 2 he had in all three baths. 4 Again , in more serious vein , th e ple a roll s whic h recor d th e action s which came before the King' s Benc h reac h bac k i n almos t unbroke n serie s t o th e earl y thirteenth century . The y wer e read fo r the firs t tim e by Arthur Agarde at th e tim e o f th e Spanis h Armad a i n 158 8 and , afte r fort y years ' unremitting labour , h e go t n o furthe r wit h the m tha n 1422. 5 The y were no t rea d agai n systematically until fou r hundred years later.6 Bu t after th e Secon d Worl d Wa r ended i n 194 5 th e materia l th e medieval clerks use d i n makin g up th e ple a roll s has fo r th e firs t tim e become available fo r consultation . Fo r th e thre e centra l court s of common law - King' s Bench , Common Plea s and Exchequer of Pleas - an d between the year s 120 0 an d 140 0 only , i t ha s bee n estimate d tha t ther e ar e 1,450,000 ne w document s t o read. 7 And , when we consider th e reig n of Richar d II , w e have, unprinted bu t a t ou r command , his Househol d Accounts, hi s Warrants under the Signe t as well as under the Privy Seal, his Charte r Roll s (whic h hav e bee n calendare d bu t wit h th e highl y 3 Th e biograph y b y Dr. Anthony Stee l in 1941, reprinted i n 1962 , o f Richard I I an d th e study o f Professo r Richar d H. Jones in 196 8 o f Th e Royal Policy o f Richard I I contai n ver y few, if any, references t o unprinted material. 4 T . F . Tout , Chapters i n th e Administrative History o f England (Manchester , 1920-1933) 1, p. 84n . 5 Agard e wa s a deputy-chamberlai n o f th e Excheque r an d i n charg e o f th e records . He delighted i n his punning motto , "Dieu m'agarde." His transcripts, covering th e reigns of Edward I an d Edwar d II , were printed by the Record Commissio n i n 1811 under th e title of Placitorum Abbreviatio. 6 G . 0 . Sayles , Select Cases i n th e Court o f King's Bench, 1272-1422 ( 7 v. , Selde n Society Publications, London, 1936-1971) . 7 J . Conwa y Davies , "Commo n La w Writ s an d Returns, " Bull. Inst. Hist. Research (London) 26, pp. 125-156 ; 27, pp. 1-13 .

KING RICHAR D I I O F ENGLAN D 27 9 regrettable omissio n o f th e list s o f witnesses , fo r thes e list s prov e o n examination t o b e indispensable fo r th e histor y o f th e king' s council) , and, i n particular , thos e thousand s o f writs , sen t t o th e Excheque r i n the humdru m busines s o f government , whic h ar e file d togethe r toda y on th e sam e leather thong s b y whic h the y wer e filed six hundred year s ago.8 I t i s here m y sole purpose t o sugges t how we can seek t o discove r what kin d o f ma n Richar d reall y was . Let u s look therefore , howeve r briefly, upo n thi s pictur e an d upo n that , o n th e assertion s o f th e chroniclers o n whic h historian s stil l depend , an d o n th e statement s o f official records . (i) Hi s laziness. To Stubbs , Richar d wa s "habitually idle " and "love d pleasur e an d ease," 9 an d thi s i s now the conventional story i n all our history books . So let us turn t o th e records an d see how his character i s revealed by his actions: ther e i s no safe r guide . Let us take a s an example what Richar d was doin g if i th e firs t hal f o f 1384. 10 Afte r spendin g hi s Christma s a t Eltham Mano r nea r Londo n wit h Anne , fo r h e wa s on e o f th e fe w English king s deepl y i n lov e wit h hi s wife, he then left her in the dept h of winte r fo r Dover , though w e do not kno w what urgent matter it was that too k hi m there . Anyon e wh o knows the ol d Dove r road an d has experienced a winter o n th e Nort h Down s and can imagine the state of unpaved hill y path s i n Januar y wil l no t suppos e tha t th e kin g wa s out riding fo r pleasure , whil e th e letter s dispatche d fro m ever y halt hardl y bear ou t th e legen d tha t th e youthful Richar d was indolent an d needed encouragement t o transac t business. 11 Indeed , th e only sur e indicatio n of relaxatio n i n si x months i s Richard's brief visit to th e New Forest i n Hampshire at th e en d o f May when the parliamen t held at Salisbury had finished it s work . An d whe n he was indubitably hi s own master, he did not ceas e fro m travelling : fo r instance , betwee n Apri l an d October , 1396, h e wen t nort h t o Yor k an d to Nottingha m an d sout h t o Dover . This i s a differen t conceptio n o f th e kin g bu t i t ha s th e meri t o f unquestionable authenticity . 8 Th e "Brevia Baronibus" (Exchequer, King's Remembrancer: classification E 208) . 9 Willia m Stubbs, Constitutional History 2 , pp. 487, 511. 10 Thi s account is based on the combined evidence of household accounts , signet letters, privy seal letters: all unprinted. 11 Se e n. 13 , below.

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(ii) Hi s absence from council meetings. We ar e tol d tha t i n 1386-138 7 th e kin g had cu t himsel f of f fro m Westminster, tha t h e would neither g o to Londo n no r would his council leave ther e t o com e t o him. 12 Thi s statemen t collapse s in fac e o f th e lists o f witnesse s o n th e Charte r Rolls . Fo r Richar d wa s present a t six well-attended meeting s o f th e counci l betwee n 1 6 October , 1386 , an d 12 August , 1387 : on e wa s at Reading , anothe r a t Worcester , and both saw hi s councillor s aroun d him , whil e fou r wer e a t Westminste r wit h the kin g presen t i n his capital. The duk e o f York wa s present a t all six, the Duk e o f Glouceste r a t five , th e Ear l o f Arunde l a t four . Th e tittle-tattle o f monk s i s clearl y n o saf e groun d o n whic h t o foun d conclusions. Th e sam e contention tha t th e king was incompetent i n the governance o f hi s realm i s attached t o hi m throughout th e years. After he ha d triumphe d ove r his seditiou s uncle s i n 1398 , Richard , so we are informed, "hardl y seeme d t o kno w wha t t o d o wit h hi s newly-wo n freedom. H e ha d no t bee n encourage d i n th e ol d day s t o atten d councils an d he mad e n o effor t now. " 1 3 Bu t the chronicles are a poor authority fo r the fact s of administration. John Prophet , th e cler k of th e council, i s surel y a better guide. I n minute s tha t appea r t o b e hi s and that wer e certainl y take n a t th e counci l board, 14 w e lear n tha t te n years earlie r th e kin g was at forma l counci l meeting s a t Windsor on 30 August, 1389 , a t Clarendo n o n 1 3 September , a t Readin g o n 1 0 December, an d a t Westminste r o n 8 March , 1390 . Thes e ar e casua l gleanings fro m priv y sea l records , no w fo r th e mos t par t irretrievabl y lost, bu t wh y should we suppose that the y wer e not representative , tha t they exhibi t th e exception s an d no t th e rule ? (iii) Hi s "profoundly conventional mind". Let u s conside r thi s judgmen t o n him 15 i n th e ligh t o f foreig n policy. Whe n Richar d cam e to th e throne , thi s had alread y bee n fixe d by previou s administrations , b y th e action s o f Edwar d I an d Edwar d III. Wit h ou r hindsigh t w e ca n no w perceiv e tha t wha t the y di d was 12 Tout , op. cit. 3 , pp. 419421 . Tout use d a MS. calendar o f th e Charte r Roll s which contains th e witnesse s omitte d fro m th e printe d Calendar (op. cit. 3 , p. 38«) , but thi s MS. calendar end s wit h 137 7 an d h e di d no t supplemen t it s informatio n b y readin g the origina l charter rolls after 1377 . 13 Tout , op. cit. 4, p. 33 . 14 Printe d in J. F. Baldwin, The King's Council (Oxford, 1913) , pp. 489-507 . 15 Steel , op . cit., p. 41 .

KING RICHAR D I I O F ENGLAN D 28 1 militarily an d economicall y disastrous . Bot h king s wer e imbue d wit h the ide a o f "glory" , as it wa s to be called by a later age. Since this idea was still dominan t amon g many rulers i n th e nineteenth centur y an d is not extinct toda y (w e need thin k onl y o f Genera l d e Gaulle), it is idle to reproac h medieval ruler s fo r thei r obsessio n wit h it. But equally it is unintelligent no t t o recogniz e th e intellectua l superiorit y o f a king like Richard I I wh o realize d whithe r th e pat h o f glor y had le d and woul d infallibly lea d i f pursued. Edwar d Ps mistake wa s to asser t his lordship over Scotland ; Edward Ill's to asser t his claim to the throne of France. And thei r cardina l error, o n any showing, was their failure to realize the difficulties t o b e encountere d an d th e inadequac y o f th e resource s available for overcoming them. The wa r wit h Scotlan d wa s a failur e i n itsel f bu t i t als o brough t about th e rapi d declin e o f Englis h contro l ove r Ireland . Th e Englis h invasion o f Scotlan d le d t o a riposte in a Scottish invasio n of Ireland in 1315 unde r Rober t Bruc e an d hi s brothe r Edward . Fro m tha t blo w there wa s n o recovery : th e nativ e Iris h chieftain s wer e neve r again quiescent unde r Englis h rule . Ireland , onc e a sourc e o f considerabl e financial profi t t o th e Englis h crown , wa s afte r 136 1 no t eve n self-supporting an d becam e a n expens e fro m whic h th e Englis h government was thereafter anxious to fin d a way of escape. By 137 7 i t shoul d hav e becom e eviden t tha t th e re-conques t o f Ireland wa s incompatible wit h th e continuanc e of war with France and that, whil e there wa s a prospect o f succes s in Ireland , the conques t o f France, o r even the retention o f a large part of it, wa s a vain dream. For after th e victory o f the battle o f Poitiers in 135 6 there was a lamentable tale o f militar y incompetence , a long record o f muddle and failure. Bu t national pride , a s always, forbade facin g th e fac t tha t th e English were no longe r i n a positio n t o dictat e term s in France . An d just a s it was difficult fo r an y Englishma n t o regar d th e Frenc h wa r dispassionately , so i t wa s difficul t fo r an y Englishma n to approac h th e conques t o f Ireland wit h realism . I t i s t o Richard' s credi t that , whe n he wa s in a position t o shap e events , h e di d realiz e wha t th e situation wa s and accepted i t an d guide d hi s polic y accordingly . Righ t o r wrong , th e decisions wer e hi s own . H e halte d hostilitie s an d mad e peac e wit h France. H e conducte d a campaig n i n Irelan d wit h a n arm y whic h compared i n number s wit h th e larges t o f th e Englis h armie s eve r employed i n th e Frenc h wa r and he prove d hi s personal capacit y a s a commander i n th e field. 16 I n th e even t his Irish polic y ha d n o chance 16 J . F . Lydon , "Richard II's Expeditions to Ireland, " Jour. Royal Soc. Antiquaries of Ireland 9 3 (1963), pp. 135-149 .

282 KIN G RICHAR D I I O F ENGLAN D to wor k it s wa y out . Afte r he ha d bee n dethroned , no further attemp t was mad e t o gai n effectiv e contro l ove r Irelan d unti l th e Tudor s resumed Richard' s polic y an d b y Richard' s methods . Instea d England reverted t o the long, hopeless, tragi c war with France . (iv) Hi

s religious orthodoxy.

Richard wa s face d wit h tw o problem s tha t ha d neve r vexe d hi s predecessors: on e political , th e Grea t Schis m between pope s a t Rom e and pope s a t Avignon ; on e theological , th e ris e o f heres y o f a particularly Englis h character . Lollard y wa s a protest , a seeking fo r a purer religion . Thoug h ther e ha d bee n n o militan t heres y befor e Richard's reign , n o marche s o n London , thi s doe s no t mea n tha t heterodox opinion s wer e no t rif e bu t merel y tha t the y wer e no t obtrusive. Ordinar y peopl e wen t t o churc h but , a s now , wit h man y unrevealed reservations , an d th e religio n o f a wise man was , in Queen Elizabeth's phrase , tha t whic h h e kep t t o himself . Richar d wa s o f unquestioning orthodoxy . A n inciden t i n 139 6 is a good illustration. A German merchant, whose goods had been detained by the customs until he coul d pa y wha t wa s du e o n them , bethough t himsel f o f offerin g Richard "th e bodie s o f tw o o f th e Innocent s killed under Herod at the Nativity o f ou r Lord " and , a t th e sam e time, complainin g of hi s bad treatment b y th e customs . Richar d wa s delighted wit h wha t h e calle d this "fin e gift " an d waive d th e custom s dues. 17 H e wa s the n nearl y thirty. With such an attitude of mind it was inevitable tha t he should be out o f sympath y wit h Lollard teachings and seek to suppress them. But he refuse d t o increas e the penalt y fo r heresy , whic h wa s forfeiture of property. O n th e continen t th e penalt y wa s death b y burning , an d in 1397 a petitio n fro m th e Englis h bishop s sough t fo r a statut e t o b e passed, providin g fo r th e executio n o f impeniten t heretics. 18 Bu t Richard ha d n o tast e fo r burnin g th e unorthodo x aliv e an d n o suc h statute wa s passed and no heretic wa s committed t o th e flame s while he lived.19 Beati misericordes! Bu t just tw o year s after h e was deposed, a 17 Dominic a Legge, Anglo-Norman Letters an d Petitions (1941) . pp. 110-112 . 18 H . G . Richardso n an d G . O. Sayles, "Parliamentar y Document s fro m Formularies, " Bull. Inst. Hist. Research 11 , pp. 152-154 . 19 Th e King' s humanit y wa s wel l known . I ad d thi s furthe r illustratio n becaus e i t happens t o com e fro m th e sam e year 1397 . A thief wa s caught redhanded in Westminster Hall and sentence d t o b e hanged . An d whil e th e deput y marsha l of th e King' s Bench "wa s i n th e process of executin g th e judgement, th e king happened t o pass by and he ordered him by word of mout h t o dela y execution. " Shortly afterward s th e culpri t receive d a royal pardon (P.R.O. London, Coram Rege Rolls, no. 543, m . 58d) .

KING RICHAR D I I O F ENGLAN D 28 3 statute wa s indee d enacte d b y hi s successo r t o authoriz e burnin g heretics a t th e stake . Thi s wa s a ne w approac h t o th e proble m i n England an d n o on e ca n cal l i t successful : it was certainly les s humane . In concludin g I d o no t see k t o presen t Richar d I I a s a n heroi c figure, thoug h h e ha d hi s heroi c moments , a s durin g th e Peasants ' Revolt o f 1381 , o r t o preten d tha t h e wa s in th e en d anythin g bu t a failure. An d i n som e respect s hi s character wa s unpleasing. But this can be said of us all. However, in Richard's cas e it woul d have been a marvel if th e sorr y experience s o f hi s yout h ha d lef t hi m a particularl y attractive o r sympatheti c monarc h o r on e over-reluctan t t o tak e extreme measure s t o preserv e hi s persona l safety . H e wa s no saint . Kings rarel y are . An d saintl y king s have rarely bee n satisfactory rulers . But whethe r Richar d ha s alway s been judged wit h ful l appreciatio n o f hard facts , th e circumstance s i n whic h h e foun d himself , th e background o f hi s times , o r th e kin d o f compan y h e wa s force d t o keep: this I beg leave to doubt . NOTE p. 277 : A paper rea d t o th e America n Philosophica l Societ y i n Philadelphia o n 1 4 Novembe r 1969.

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20 THE ROYA L MARRIAGE S AC T 142 8 THE titl e i s o f ou r ow n devisin g an d w e us e i t a s a matte r o f con venience. Acciden t ha s surrounde d thi s statut e wit h mystery an d it s text ha s onl y recently come t o ligh t from th e archive s of th e boroug h of Leicester. 1 I t ha s not , however , bee n observe d tha t th e parlia mentary bill , whic h contained the substanc e of the statut e and throw s additional ligh t upo n it , ha s no t gon e pu t o f officia l custod y an d happily survive s i n th e Publi c Recor d Office . Th e circumstance s relating t o th e enactmen t hav e bee n admirabl y explaine d i n Dr . Griffiths' article . Suffic e i t t o sa y her e that , shortl y afte r Henr y V' s death i n 1422 , hi s widow , Quee n Catherine , becam e enamoure d of a personal gentlema n of her household , Owe n Tudor . I t i s evident that new s o f thei r associatio n ha d reache d th e council , certainl y by 1426 , an d a bil l wa s presente d t o th e lord s i n 1428 , makin g it a pena l offenc e t o ente r int o a contrac t for espousal s o r matrimon y with a (dowager ) quee n o f Englan d o r t o marr y on e withou t th e special licenc e an d consen t o f th e king. 1 W e hav e use d th e wor d " association "; bu t w e d o no t inten d t o impl y that , althoug h th e queen an d Owe n ma y no t hav e bee n marrie d i n facie ecclesiae, there may no t hav e been a perfectl y legal marriage. I t i s well to recal l tha t the consen t o f th e partie s alon e wa s sufficien t t o constitut e a vali d marriage an d that , sinc e ther e i s n o evidenc e fo r doubtin g that fro m the outse t th e unio n wa s intende d t o b e permanent , ther e i s n o reason wh y the partie s shoul d no t hav e bee n unite d befor e a priest . Queen Catherin e woul d certainl y hav e a chaplai n attache d t o he r household. Th e marriag e ma y hav e bee n clandestin e o r informal — we d o no t know—bu t obviousl y i t soo n becam e a matte r o f som e notoriety, sinc e withi n 1 0 year s a t leas t fou r childre n ha d bee n borne b y Catherine to Owen 3 Eve n i f the marriag e ha d take n place , the circumstance s surroundin g i t mus t hav e bee n vagu e an d indeter minate, fo r i f th e counci l ha d ha d bette r groun d tha n rumour , th e bill presente d t o th e Lord s i s no t likel y t o hav e bee n drafte d i n th e terms actually employed. To thi s bil l th e tempora l lord s assented , bu t th e spiritua l lords , without actuall y dissenting, qualifie d thei r assent . The y agree d onl y in s o far a s the bill wa s not agains t ecclesiastical la w and involve d n o deadly sin—a n agreemen t tha t hardl y differe d fro m disagreement . 1 R . A . Griffiths , " Queen Katherin e o f Valoi s an d a missin g statut e o f th e realm " (1977) 9 3 L.Q.R. 248. * Parliamen t me t o n Octobe r 13 , 1427 , an d wa s dissolve d o n Marc h 25 , 1428 . 3 Althoug h i t i s state d b y Londo n chronicler s tha t th e fact s wer e no t popularl y known unti l afte r th e Queen' s death , clearl y the y coul d no t hav e bee n unknow n in Cour t circles . O f th e fou r childre n Edmun d becam e Ear l o f Richmond , Jaspe r Earl o f Pembrok e an d late r Duk e o f Bedford ; th e thir d so n Thoma s (alias Edward ) disappeared int o monasti c life , an d a daughter , Mary , i s sai d t o hav e becom e a nu n and die d young.

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Subject t o thi s qualificatio n th e bil l wa s " enacted i n th e parliament roll." Th e common s d o no t see m t o hav e bee n aske d fo r thei r assent, an d th e statute , fo r suc h i t wa s calle d i n th e bill , wa s no t entered o n th e statut e roll . No r doe s th e statut e appea r t o hav e become generall y known : i t i s no t mentione d by an y contemporar y chronicler, no r apparentl y b y an y chronicle r befor e Edwar d Hall. 4 Though i n ou r opinio n th e statut e was aime d a t Owe n Tudor , n o action wa s take n agains t hi m unti l Quee n Catherine' s deat h i n 1437. Then , afte r a somewha t scandalou s trial , ostensibl y a t th e suit o f a privat e party , h e wa s imprisone d fo r a shor t perio d o n th e charge tha t h e ha d infringe d th e commo n la w and th e " statutes." 5 It seem s clear , however , tha t ther e wa s onl y on e statute , tha t o f 6 Henr y VI , thoug h perhap s th e plura l wa s use d t o sugges t tha t there ma y hav e bee n a n offenc e unde r th e statut e o f 135 2 whic h defined, o r rathe r categorised , treasonabl e acts. 8 Sinc e n o recor d of th e tria l seems t o hav e survive d but onl y a counci l memorandu m seeking t o justif y a breac h o f fait h involve d i n Owen' s arrest , th e case agains t hi m canno t b e reconstructed . Bu t if , a s seem s probable , Owen's marriag e ha d take n plac e before th e enactmen t of the statute , it i s difficul t t o se e ho w a convictio n coul d b e secured , an d i t wa s presumably fo r thi s reaso n tha t a charg e wa s brough t a t commo n law, thoug h ho w tha t charg e wa s frame d w e do no t know . Assuming the la w t o hav e bee n a s i t wa s i n th e fourteent h century—and ther e is n o reaso n t o sugges t tha t i t ha d bee n modified—eve n if , a s ha s sometimes bee n suggested , there had been n o marriage , Owen's asso ciation wit h Catherin e woul d not , a s Cok e pointe d out, 7 hav e con stituted lese-majesty , an d i n an y cas e lese-majest y woul d no t b e the subjec t o f a privat e action . I t i s difficul t t o resis t th e conclusio n that Owe n ha d incurre d th e enmit y o f powerfu l member s o f th e council an d tha t o n th e flimsies t o f charge s the y sough t eithe r t o destroy hi m o r t o alienat e hi m fro m th e king . A s late r event s wer e «5 Hall , Chronicle (ed . H . Ellis : 1809) , p . 185 . Apar t fro m th e brie f statement s o f th e chroniclers , ou r knowledg e i s derive d from a n elaborat e memorandu m justifyin g Owen' s arres t (Acts an d Proceedings o f the Privy Council, ed . N . H . Nicolas , v . 46-50) . Th e significan t passag e (p . 49 ) runs: " Moreover th e arreste maad e o f th e person e o f th e said e Owey n wa s an d is maad e a t th e sut e o f th e parti e ayens t an d i n prejudic e o f who m b y th e cour s o f the Kynge s comy n law e an d als o o f statute s mad e upo n th e sam e th e Kynge s graunte o r proteccio n taket h no n effec t sau f oonl y i n th e case s expresse d i n th e saide statutz." * 2 5 Edwar d III , stat . 5 , cap . 2 . Th e statut e doe s no t profes s t o creat e ne w offences bu t t o settl e doubt s a s t o whic h offence s wer e treasonable . I n Coke' s word s it i s declarator y (II I Institutes, pp . 1-4) , an d fo r th e most par t th e offence s ar e suc h as wer e regarde d a s treasonabl e i n th e thirteent h century . A s Cok e shows , an y extension o f treasonabl e offence s beyon d suc h a s wer e declare d suc h i n 135 2 wa s resisted. T Coke , op . cit.. p . 8 , glosse s compaigne (s i hom e violas t l a compaign e l e roy) : " it extendeth not t o a Queene dowager. "

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to show , th e king , however , fel t onl y affectio n fo r hi s step-fathe r an d his half-brothers , an d h e wa s ol d enoug h t o d o wha t h e coul d t o protect Owen . W e hear o f " the king's gran t o r protectio n " given t o him,* whic h was rule d b y th e counci l t o b e o f n o effec t sinc e h e ha d been arreste d a t th e sui t o f a privat e party . Owe n brok e jai l an d was re-arrested, " bu t th e situatio n wa s change d i n a fe w months , fo r Henry VI' s minorit y ende d o n Novembe r 12 , 1437 . Thereafte r al l went wel l wit h th e Tudor s unti l 1461 , whe n Owe n fel l a victi m t o the victorious Edward IV. If th e stor y is of interest fo r th e ligh t i t shed s o n th e administration of justic e b y th e counci l unde r Henr y VI , fo r ou r presen t purpos e the important poin t is tha t her e we hav e a bil l introduce d by the council in the for m i n whic h th e statut e wa s proposed t o be enacted ; a bil l tha t receive d a qualifie d assen t fro m th e lord s but , s o fa r a s the evidenc e goes , was not submitte d t o the commons ; a bill tha t was not entere d o n th e statut e rol l bu t whic h nevertheles s ha d th e forc e of law . I t suggest s wit h wha t cautio n w e mus t deduc e th e existenc e of bindin g rule s o f procedur e i n th e fifteent h century . Tha t th e statute wa s entere d o n th e Parliamen t Rol l o f 6 Henr y V I i s quit e certain, thoug h i t doe s no t appea r i n th e printe d roll s o f parliamen t nor upo n th e parliamen t rol l a s i t no w exists . I t wa s nevertheless seen b y Willia m Bowye r when , i n th e reig n o f Elizabeth , h e mad e his abstrac t o f th e roll. His summar y i s in thes e term s I 0 : " It i s enacted by th e King , lord s temporal s an d common s tha t no ma n shoul d contrac t o r marr y himsel f t o an y quee n o f England withou t th e especia l licenc e an d assen t o f th e kin g o n pain to lose all his goods and lands. The bishop s an d clerg y agre e t o thi s bill , s o far r fort h a s th e same swarvet h no t fro m th e la w o f Go d an d o f th e Churc h an d so as th e sam e importet h n o deadl y sin. " Now th e item s i n this , a s i n othe r roll s abstracte d b y Bowyer , wer e numbered, presumabl y b y Bowye r himsel f o r unde r hi s direction , and thes e number s ar e give n i n hi s abstracts . Th e ite m i n questio n was numbere d 27 . Ther e is , i n fact , a n ite m numbere d 2 7 upo n th e roll, bu t i t i s th e ite m numbere d 2 5 b y Bowyer . Tha t numbe r 2 5 was originall y writte n i n th e plac e o n th e rol l indicate d b y Bowyer , but a later han d tha n his has altere d i t to 2 7 an d mad e correspondin g adjustments i n th e precedin g numbers . Th e item s numbere d 2 6 an d 8

Se e n. 5 above. •10Foedera, x. 685 , 709 : Chronicle of London (ed . N . H . Nicolas : 1827) , p . 123 . B . L. , Additiona l MS . 33216 , fo . 274 . Thi s i s a transcrip t of Willia m Bowyer' s abstracts. Supplemente d b y abstract s o f furthe r roll s b y Rober t Bowyer , the y were printe d b y Prynn e under th e misleadin g titl e o f Cotton's Records i n th e Tower, (p. 589) : se e Richardso n and Sayles , Rotuli Parliamentoriim Inediti, pp . xx-xxii.

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27 b y Bowye r ar e no w missing. " Wha t ha s plainl y happene d i s that a membrane , whic h wa s onc e place d betwee n th e membrane s now numbere d 5 an d 4 an d whic h containe d Bowyer's item s 2 6 an d 27, ha s bee n remove d an d th e los s conceale d b y renumbering . The original needlemark s an d th e mor e recen t needlemark s testify , how ever, t o th e loss. 1* W e nee d no t necessaril y suppose tha t th e mem brane wa s deliberatel y removed : stitching s becom e loos e an d roll s disintegrate i f repairs are no t executed a t once.' 3 A casua l los s an d a n innocent, i f ignorant , renumberin g ma y explai n th e presen t stat e o f the roll . Whe n th e los s occurre d w e canno t conjecture . W e ca n bu t place th e occurrence within the limits of two centuries, that is between the yea r 157 6 whe n Willia m Bowye r died , o r rathe r som e previou s year whe n h e abstracte d th e roll , an d 176 7 whe n th e Hous e o f Lords resolve d tha t th e roll s o f parliamen t shoul d b e printe d an d appointed a committe e t o supervis e th e work. 14 Th e editor s wh o were employe d b y th e committe e foun d th e rol l i n it s presen t state . But i f w e hav e los t a membran e o f th e parliamen t roll , w e stil l have a recor d whic h i s perhap s mor e valuable . W e hav e th e bil l a s it passe d th e lords , wit h th e instructio n endorse d upo n i t tha t it wa s t o b e enacte d i n suc h fashio n a s suc h protestation s an d con ditions ha d bee n enacte d formerly . Th e enrollin g cler k appear s t o have assume d th e commons ' assent , a s h e assume d th e king' s ap proval, whic h i n an y cas e wa s a formalit y sinc e Henr y V I wa s a minor an d th e council , whic h wa s responsibl e fo r th e bill , acte d in his name . It remain s t o b e adde d tha t ou r documen t wa s originall y upo n a file o f parliamentar y petition s o f 6 , 7 an d 8 Henr y V I an d wa s transcribed fro m thi s fil e fo r th e ol d Recor d Commission. 15 Whe n thereafter thi s fil e wa s broke n up , i t wa s classifie d a s Parliamentar y Petition 672 9 and , unde r a fres h re-arrangement , re-classifie d amon g Chancery, Parliamen t an d Counci l Proceedings . Unfortunatel y th e document ha d suffere d considerabl e damag e b y th e tim e Si r Franci s Palgrave arrange d tha t i t shoul d b e copied . Th e tex t a s alread y printed i s superio r and , thoug h ther e ar e a fe w variations , ther e i s no nee d t o prin t i t again . Instea d i t ma y b e convenien t t o th e reader i f a composit e translation , based upo n bot h versions , should be provided. 11

Nicola s note d thes e fact s i n hi s work , cite d above , v . p . xvii i n. Thi s statemen t i s mad e afte r a n examinatio n o f Parliamen t Rol l 6 Henr y V I (C. 65 , no . 88) . Th e printe d tex t give s n o indicatio n tha t th e rol l ha s bee n tampere d with (Rot. Part., iv. 327) . 1S Th e parliamen t rol l o f 1305 , edite d b y Maitland , los t membrane s whic h have onl y recentl y bee n recovere d an d adde d t o it . 14 Richardso n an d Sayles , op . cit., pp . xxiii-xxiv . 15 P.R.O. , Recor d Commissio n Transcripts , serie s 1 , Vol . 117 , no , 10 . 11

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Chancery, Parliamen t an d Counci l Proceeding s (C . 49) , fil e 16 , no. 11 . " As towar d a bill e conceyve d an d ministre d unt o th e lorde s spirituel an d tempore l i n thi s presen t parlemen t t o b e mad e fo r a statut, of the which the tenur e followeth ": Translation of the statute " It is ordained an d established b y the authority of the present parliament fo r th e salvatio n o f th e honou r o f th e mos t nobl e estat e o f queens o f Englan d fo r th e tim e bein g tha t n o ma n o f whatsoeve r estate o r conditio n h e ma y b e shal l mak e contrac t o f espousal s o r matrimony no r shal l b e marrie d t o an y quee n o f Englan d withou t the specia l licenc e an d assen t o f th e kin g himself , havin g attaine d the year s o f discretion , an d h e wh o shal l d o th e contrar y an d shal l be dul y convicte d thereo f shal l forfei t t o th e kin g for th e ter m o f his lif e al l hi s land s an d tenements , a s wel l thos e tha t ar e o r shal l be i n hi s ow n hand s a s thos e tha t ar e o r shal l b e i n th e hand s o f others t o hi s use, an d als o al l his good s an d chattel s i n whosesoever hands the y ma y be , considerin g tha t b y th e disparagemen t o f th e queen th e estat e an d honou r o f th e kin g woul d b e ver y greatl y blemished an d tha t greate r comfor t an d exampl e wil l b e give n t o other ladie s o f ran k wh o ar e o f th e bloo d roya l t o disparag e them selves more readily etc. " " [Henry arche] bisshop o f Canterbury, John archebissho p o f York, William bissho p o f London , Philip e bissho p o f Ely , Joh n bissho p of 18 Rouchester, Joh n [bissho p o f , Willia m bisshop of ] Nor wiche, Richar d abbo t o f Westmeynstre , Nico l abbot o f Glastingbury, William abbo t o f sein t Maries o f Yor k an d Nico l abbo t o f Hid e yif e save . . . . . . that is to say as ferforthe as the said bille is not agains the law e o f Go d an d o f hi s cherch e bu t stondet h therwith e an d emporteth no dedly synne . . . . . . enacted in the parlement rolle." Endorsed: "Soit enact e e n maner e com e tiel x protestacion s e t condicion s ount este enacte z devaun t ces heures." 18 Th e se e mus t b e eithe r Bat h an d Well s o r Chichester . Te n bishop s wer e absent.

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Richard II in 1581 and 1599 SOME da y the lif e o f Richar d II wil l be firml y based upon officia l documents, upon the contemporary evidence of household accounts, warrants unde r th e priv y sea l an d th e signet , charte r roll s (which have been calendare d but wit h the regrettable absence of the lists of witnesses), ple a roll s and , especially , th e thousand s o f writs transmitted to the courts of law and to the exchequer which are often stil l filed by the same leather thongs as bound them together six hundred years ago . Fo r suc h primar y source s o f informatio n ther e ar e n o calendars, no substitut e fo r th e originals , and they have been sadl y neglected.1 Yet they provide th e onl y way by which we can escape from the uninformed guesses of chroniclers and the deliberately misleading propaganda o f the usurping Lancastrian dynasty. However much we may now be aware of the gullibility of Thomas Walsingham in particular, his narrative continue s to colour the picture of Richard II, an d we are still apt to accep t as authentic the idle tales of other gossip-mongers whos e tittle-tattl e i s flatl y contradicte d b y officia l documents. Tw o example s ar e printe d belo w i n suppor t o f thi s generalization. Chance brought Richar d II int o prominenc e on 1 5 Jun e 138 1 a t the ag e o f fourtee n an d ther e i s n o reasonabl e doub t abou t th e initiative he showed when revolt turne d into riot, London fel l int o the hands of the mob, and the Tower wa s besieged and abandoned. At th e critica l momen t when Wat Tyle r wa s slain, the youn g boy bravely kept his head, in contrast to many of those around him who seem to have lost theirs. Doubtless h e was encouraged by the assurances h e me t everywher e fro m th e rioter s o f their devotio n t o hi s person. Doubtles s to o h e was fortified b y th e knowledg e that th e City father s ha d acte d prudentl y an d organize d a stron g forc e t o restore order . Furthermor e Richar d di d no t ac t alone, fo r Rober t Knolles, a most distinguishe d soldier , an d Willia m Walworth, th e experienced and resolute mayor of London, wer e close at hand. But depreciate the quality of his action as we will, it is hard not to admire the courag e of the bo y who calme d the mo b b y offerin g himsel f as captain of the insurgents and bidding them to follow him . What happene d t o th e kin g afte r thi s suprem e tes t o f nerve ? According to Walsingham he went into the background and became once mor e a nonentity, an d a standard biography o f th e kin g ca n assert that 'Richard, just because of his behaviour i n the revolt, was to be hastily put back into leading-strings'.2 It comes therefore somewhat as a shock to find the king twelve days later in charge of military i. The footnotes to A. Steel, Richard II, H. F. Hutchison, The Hollow Crown and R. H. Jones, Royal Polity of Richard II, revea l no reference to an y imprinted material . z. Steel, op. tit., p. 79 ; cf. p. 90.

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operations an d giving his personal orders in the Tower which sent a captain o f infantry with hi s troop s o n hi s wa y to Hampshir e an d Wiltshire to dea l with the disaffecte d there . The backgroun d t o th e documen t printe d belo w ca n be briefl y explained. I n Jun e 1380 th e ear l o f Buckingha m had bee n pu t i n charge of a military expedition to assist the duke of Brittany against the kin g o f France . Earl y i n Februar y 138 1 Si r Thomas Felton , a redoubtable warrior who had been present at the battles of Crecy and Poitiers,1 was commissioned to go overseas to join Buckingham.2 He was to include under his command Sir Peter de Veel, who had once served under the Black Prince,3 and Si r Robert Passelowe, recently a member of parliament and a commissioner of array for Kent. 4 By happy chance the seale d indenture between the kin g and these two soldiers still survives. 5 Dated a t Westminster on 2 0 February 1381 , it stipulated that they were to serve the king for half a year with sixty men-at-arms and sixty archers, to proceed overseas under Felton, and for tha t purpose to be at Southampton on i May or, at the latest, by mid-May. Local officials were ordered on 24 March to give them food and lodging on their journey.6 The terms of the agreement were later altered, no doubt because Felton had become seriously ill and was, in fact, on his deathbed.7 Veel and Passelowe were therefore ordered to join the earl of Buckingham without waiting for Felton and to go to Dartmouth i n Devon an d hol d themselve s in readines s to embark within three weeks of receiving two-thirds o f the pay due to them . However, if Buckingham and his troops should return from Brittany to England, they were to serve the king wherever he chose to send them, and Calai s was mentioned as their probable destination. I t i s plain that it was already doubtful whether the campaign in Brittany would continue. In the event Veel and Passelowe reached Dartmouth on 1 5 April in full strength and ready to cross the Channel. 8 But their services were not required , fo r the new king of France, Charle s VI, recognized the title of the duke of Brittany and thereby deprived the duke o f Buckingha m of an y reaso n t o remain . Hi s soldier s wer e already being transported home in the early spring of 1 3 81. Veel and Passelowe could therefore do no mor e than wait at Dartmouth fo r further instructions . Thes e came to them by a writ under the privy seal, ordering them to march their company to London to deal with 1. He was captured in 137 7 and addressed a petition from his prison in France to the knights o f the shire and the citizens and burgesses, 'estean s pour les communes de cest present parlement ' (probably i n 1380) , askin g the m t o reques t th e kin g t o hel p hi m (Public Recor d Office , Ancien t Petition , no. 5374) . He was ransomed i n 1380 . 2. Cf. Cal. Patent Rolls, 1)77-81, pp. 60 0 f., 60 4 (8-9 Feb . 1381) . 3. Ibid., p. 192 . 4 . Ibid., p. 71 ; Cal. Close Rolls, 1377-81, p. 253. 5. Exchequer, Various Account s (E. 101) , 68/8/194. 6. Cal. Close Rolls, 1377-81, p. 443 . 7 . He died on 2 Apr. 1381 . 8. The full story is told in a writ of privy seal, dated 7 Feb. 1388 , to the treasurer and barons of the exchequer: Exchequer, King' s Remembrancer, Brevi a Baronibus (E. 208), bundle 9, the file for ji Richar d II. §e e below, p. 297 .

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the insurrection of the common people in that city. We do not know when exactly that writ was issued, how long it took t o reach Dartmouth, or how long the soldiery took to cover the two hundred miles to London. But we do know that the troops were there some time before 2 6 June, an d o n tha t da y Vee l an d Passelowe , n o longe r needed in London, receive d an order from th e king, 'made to them by wor d o f mouth', to g o to Hampshir e and Wiltshire an d firmly suppress any signs of revolt i n those counties. 1 And there they remained for a considerable tim e before the company broke up and the soldiers were sent back to their homes. 2 A single document is not much to set against accepted beliefs bu t it has the merit of being first-hand evidence, completely dispassionate and intent on no more than setting down the facts. It at least raises a question and suggests that officia l record s can , bit by bit, buil d up a picture of the king that may not be familiar but that we will eventually have to accept . We turn now to th e second document . Various dates have been put forward for the departure of Richard from Ireland in 1399, based on the assertations of chroniclers, lik e Jean Creton, 3 who were not eye-witnesses. But surely their guesse s are rendered unnecessary by the evidence of a royal clerk, John Lowick, the receiver of the king' s chamber, who submitted his expenses to the exchequer for its careful scrutiny and financial audit. One of the items ran 'from the day when the late king departed wit h his army from Dublin t o England', and by way of corroboration John referre d th e auditors to th e account book of John Carp , the keeper of the wardrobe until 30 September 1399. There was no possibility that he could fool them and fiddle his expenses and we must accept his date as a simple authenticated fact, as authenticated as any historical fac t ca n be. But what is that dat e ? Historians hav e seen no reaso n to quer y 27 July.4 That i s the date 1. The formal commissions, dated 6 and 1 6 July 1381, are enrolled on the patent roll {Cal. Patent Rolls, 1381-8}, pp. 71 , 74). Cf. Andre " Reville, Le Soulevement des travaillettrs d'Angleterre e n 1381, ed . Ch . Petit-Dutailli s (Memoire s e t Document s public s pa r l a Societe d e Pficol e de s Chartes , 1898) , p . 278 , no . 191 . I t i s no t generall y recognized (ef. C . W. Oman, Th e Great Revolt of 1381 (ed. 1969) , p. 140 ) that dissensio n spread a s fa r awa y a s Cornwall . A s earl y as 3 July 138 1 a wri t ha d bee n sen t fro m Chelmsford, ordering an investigation. A jury stated that those indicted had heard of the insurrection i n Essex and Kent and had rebelled some time before 2 2 June. Thes e indictments wer e not delivere d to th e king' s benc h until 1 8 Feb. 139 0 (King's Bench Roll, no. 51 6 (Easter 1390) , m. 14 , crown). 2. The six-month contract ende d on 2 0 Aug. 1381 . The treasurer and baron s of th e exchequer were ordered on 7 Feb. 138 8 to audit accounts and pay what was due (below, p. 827). 3. Jean Creton , Histoire du roy d'Angleterre Richard, ed . Joh n Web b (Archaeologia, x x (1824), 295-423). Creton accompanied the king to Ireland in May 1399 and his evidence is accordingly valuable, but o n his own admission he had left Irelan d befor e the kin g departed an d could onl y guess at what the king was doing thereafter in South Wales. 4. This dat e is accepted in M . V. Clark e and V . H. Galbraith , "Th e Deposition o f Richard IF i n BuIL John Rylands Library, xiv (1930), 141 (the Dieulacres chronicle edite d by them stated (p . 172) that he was still in Ireland c. i Aug.) and by B, L. Manning i n

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supplied more than a hundred years ago by the editor of the ILulogium Historiarum when he referred in a brief footnote to Lowick's account as warrant for his statement that it was on that day that Richard left Ireland.1 Unfortunately no one troubled to track down the document in the Public Record Office.2 Had that been done, it would have been seen a t onc e tha t th e edito r ha d eithe r misrea d the manuscrip t or, which i s mor e likely , misrea d hi s proofs . Fo r wha t h e printe d a s 'xxvii' should read 'xvii'. In othe r words, the king set off for Wales, not o n 2 7 July but o n 1 7 July. W e must abandon such conjecture s as that 'the most probable date of Richard's departure from Irelan d is c. 24 July'3 and that it could not have taken place 'before 29 July'.4 With thes e ten extra days in hand we can revise the time-table of his operation s i n Wale s an d dismis s ou t o f han d th e storie s o f a hysterical an d panic-stricke n king , ridin g aimlessl y from plac e t o place between his arrival in South Wales and his surrender in Nort h Wales. With thi s fres h information w e may be permitted t o present our reconstructio n o f simply th e militar y events afte r th e kin g lef t Dublin o n 1 7 July an d becam e th e duk e o f Lancaster's captiv e a t Chester o n 1 6 August, th e tw o termina l date s of which w e can be quite certain. Richard is variously reported to have landed at Milford Haven o n 1 9 July5 and at Pembroke o n 22 July.6 Neither statemen t is b y a witness wh o wa s in th e king' s compan y but bot h ma y be nearly correct, for there is no reason why disembarkation should no t have take n plac e o n both side s th e harbourage . Th e landing s evi dently occurre d abou t 2 0 July, an d som e few days must have bee n occupied in landing a considerable arm y and its stores from a fleet of small ships , fas t an d slow , tha t coul d no t possibl y hav e arrive d together i n harbour. Th e roya l household move d o n to Haverfor d West,7 a few miles inland fro m Milfor d Have n whic h had been th e base from whic h th e king had made his first expedition t o Ireland in I394, 8 an d ther e we must suppos e tha t th e kin g ha d hi s head quarters fo r som e littl e time . Advise d apparentl y b y th e duk e o f Aumale, h e ha d divide d hi s arm y befor e leavin g Irelan d an d ha d Cambridge Medieval History, vii . 480 . Th e lates t discussio n i s t o b e foun d i n J . W . Sherborne, 'Richard IFs Return to Wales , July 1399' , Welsh History Review, vii (1973), 389-402. 1. Ed. F. S. Haydon (Rolls Series, 1858-63) , iii. p. Ixii, n. i, citing Enrolled Foreign Accounts, 1-6 Henry IV. 2. Now t o b e foun d i n Exchequer , Lor d Treasurer' s Remembrancer , Foreig n Accounts (E. 364) , no. 34 , m. jd. 3. Handbook o f British Chronology (2nd . ed. , 1961) , p. 36 . 4. E. J . Jones , 'A n Examinatio n o f th e Authorshi p o f The Deposition an d Death of Richard II attribute d to Creton' , Speculum, x v (1940), 463. Th e writer seek s t o identif y John Creton with John Trevor, bishop of St Asaph. 5. Adam o f Usk, Chronicon (ed. E . M . Thompson, 1904) , p. 27. 6. Traison et Mart d e Richard II (ed. B. Williams, Engl. Hist. Soc., 1846) , p. 41 . 7. Richard's Chamber ha d bee n there : see below p. 29 6, n. 2. 8. Foedera, vii. 785-90 .

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sent par t o f i t t o Conway , unde r th e comman d o t th e ear l o f Salisbury, som e day s befor e h e himsel f saile d wit h th e res t fro m Dublin. Salisbur y ha d instructions t o rais e mor e troop s i n Nort h Wales and Cheshire, while Aumale, who had accompanied the king, was dispatched on a like mission to Glamorgan with the bulk of the soldiers still under the king's command. Let us make it clear that this division o f Richard's arm y was not th e cra2 y scheme that has been imagined bu t a quit e sensibl e strategi c pla n t o mee t th e problem s with which Richard was confronted. Primary assumptions on his part were, first, that the keeper of the realm, his uncle the duke of York, was loyal and in command of loyal troops and would do his best to check Lancaster , and, secondly , tha t Aumal e was loyal an d t o b e trusted with the command of an army. The plan went wrong becaus e both th e duk e of York an d hi s son , Aumale , betrayed their king . But let us look a t the plan as Richard must surely have viewed it. 1 A proposal to concentrat e a n army in Cheshire wher e Richar d was popular, i n a count y fro m whic h h e ha d draw n hi s formidabl e archers, had a great dea l to commen d it. Anothe r force , sent east wards through Glamorga n t o menac e Lancaster's communications , was a threat tha t th e usurpe r could not disregard . An y hostile advance upo n Cheste r would almos t inevitably b e delaye d and Salis bury give n mor e tim e t o buil d u p a stron g force . A grea t dea l depended upon Aumale's skill and resolution. The plan had its risks: but wa s any other conceivable pla n without risk s ? Historians kno w that both York and Aumale turned traitor: Richard did not possess their hindsight. Maybe he should hav e know n Aumal e too well t o have trusted him , bu t h e had no reaso n t o suspec t Yor k wh o had been fo r man y years his faithfu l servan t in wa r an d peace and ha d served a s keeper of England during th e king's absence on previou s occasions. Had he suspected his uncle and his cousin his plans would have been very different . After Aumale' s despatc h to Glamorga n i t doe s not appea r likely that Richard had any considerable number of fighting men left wit h him, thoug h h e ha d i n hi s compan y hi s half-brother s Surre y an d Exeter, th e ear l o f Gloucester an d the bishop s o f Carlisle , Lincol n and S t Davids. I t i s desirable a t this point t o remar k that n o very definite plan s for furthe r actio n coul d b e formed until contac t ha d been mad e with th e duk e of York an d reliabl e news had been ob tained abou t Lancaster' s movement s an d progress . T o accus e Richard o f inaction whe n he was exercising the most ordinary prudence is foolish. Unknown, of course, to the king, Lancaster met the i. It is customary to disparage Richard's knowledge of the hard facts and the skills of warfare . Ye t the pupi l of Guichar d d'Angl e and Simo n Burle y wa s the onl y com mander in the fourteent h centur y wh o had an y appreciable militar y succes s i n Ireland and the only English commander wh o had any success i n any field of war since Poitiers. For a tribute t o his capacity a s a strategist and tactician se e J. F. Lydon, 'Richard II's Expeditions to Ireland * in Journal Rqya/ Soc. Antiquaries Ireland, xciii (1963), pp. 135-49 .

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duke o f Yor k a t Berkele y o n 2 7 July, whe n th e keepe r o f th e realm was persuaded into treaso n an d to thro w i n hi s lot wit h his nephew. Togethe r they marched upon Bristol where York exercise d the authority he had received from th e king to induce the constable to surrender the castle and with it William Scrope, earl of Wiltshire, John Bushy and Henry Gree n wh o had taken refug e there . Afte r a mock trial they were murdered a s a consequence o f their fidelity to King Richard. This butcher y took place on the twenty-ninth.1 It canno t hav e been long, thre e o r fou r day s at most, befor e re liable new s o f th e atrocit y reache d Richar d a t Haverford , an d h e could no w b e under fe w illusions. I f Yor k ha d turne d traitor , th e treachery of his son, Aumale, must have become most probable and the king mus t have realise d that , wit h Aumale , he had lost hal f his army. The only possible course left open to him was to join Salisbury as quickly as possible and to reach Cheshire where there was a prospect o f raising fres h troops . We must infer tha t well before the end of the first week of August Richard had made his decision. Leavin g any encumberin g baggage , including , i t mus t b e remarked , hi s treasure, a t Haverford, 2 h e rode as quickly a s possible t o Conwa y where Salisbur y had presumably established his base. He arrived a t his destinatio n b y 1 3 Augus t o r perhap s a littl e earlier : h e wa s certainly stationed at Conway by the fourteenth. 3 The length o f the journey has been estimated at 15 0 or 16 0 miles. 4 These ar e guesses, quite likely to be under-estimates, for a journey through unfamiliar country wit h loca l guide s speakin g an unfamiliar tongue doe s no t make for rapi d movement . Bu t Richar d move d a t muc h th e sam e pace as Lancaster who, takin g an easier route through well-know n country, wa s a t Bristo l o n 2 9 July an d a t Cheste r o n 9 August . Lancaster had with him a considerable bu t undisciplined army , while Richard was travelling a s light a s possible. At Conwa y Richard learned tha t Salisbury' s army had disperse d on a fals e rumou r tha t th e kin g wa s dead. 5 We ar e faced wit h th e puzzle that has confronted all historians: why did Richard not remain in Conwa y and , i f presse d to o closely , mak e hi s escap e b y sea ? Despair a t th e disloyalt y an d incapacit y al l aroun d him ; th e de pression o f a n unstabl e mind ; extrem e lassitude afte r unendurabl e strain: thes e ar e possibilities , bu t th e guesse s o f ignorance . O f 1. Usk, op . cit., p. 25 . 2. It should be noted that Lowick's account roll further discredit s Creton's story that the duke of Aumale an d the earl of Worcester had made off with the king's treasure an d been robbed of it by the Welsh. For Richard's jewels had remained i n Lowick's custody until he surrendered them a t Kenilworth Castle on 1 5 Sept. As for the treasure the king had brought with him to Wales, it was seized at Haverford on the duke of Lancaster's behalf (F . Palgrave , Antient Kalendars o f th e Exchequer, iii. 358) . 3. For Richard' s movement s in Nort h Wales, see Clarke an d Galbraith , op. cit., pp . 140 ff . 4. J. H. Ramsay, Genesis of Lancaster, p. 356, n. i; Clarke and Galbraith, op. cit., p. 141. j. Creton, op. cit., p. 71.

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Lancaster's military strength and the disposition of his troops we are told extremely little. We do not know whether he had troops astride Richard's line of retreat o r whethe r he had ship s at sea that might challenge an y attempt t o escap e from Conway . Thes e ar e obvious moves that any competent commander would take if it were possible. We may make many surmises , but we have very few facts. As things were, it would appear that negotiations were alone possible, but it is difficult to imagine any rational explanation for Richard's willingness to pu t himsel f i n Lancaster' s power. H e ha d presumabl y receive d assurances o f his personal safet y an d is reported to hav e made it a condition of his renunciation of authority that he should retain th e title an d 'status o f kin g whil e Lancaste r woul d hol d th e rein s o f government and in due course succeed to the throne.1 The wonder is that in this case Richard had not yet learned how devoid of scrupl e Lancaster was. H e was soon to be instructed. Document I Exchequer, King' s Remembrancer , Brevia Baronibus (E. 208) , Bundle 9, file for 1 1 Richard II . Richard pa r l a grac e d e Dieu ro y Dengleterre e t d e France e t seignu r Dirlande as tresorer e t baron s d e nostre escheqer, saluz. Moustrez nous ont no z chier s e t foial x Pier s d e Veel et Rober t Passelewe , chivalers , coment il s feurent demore z devers nous par une demy an par endenture Ian de nostre regne quart ovec certeins hommes darmes et archers de leur retenue limitez par mesme lendenture pur avoi r alez en nostre service e n la compaignie de Thomas d e Felton, chivaler , q i mort est, dever s nostr e uncle le due de Gloucestre, alor s nomez conte d e Bukyngham, et nostr e host adonqes esteantz es parties de dela pur afforcer mesme lost, preignant les ditz Piers et Robert pur elx mesmes chivalers gentz darme s et archer s de lour dite retenue gages de guerre acustumez et pur elx et les dites gentz darmes double regard d e guerre acustumez, commenceantz les dites gages et regard l e iour qe les ditz Piers e t Robert et lour dite retenue serroien t primerement venuz a la meer prestz pur eskiper en dit viage, sicome en la dite endenture fac e entre nous et les ditz Piers et Robert est contenuz plus au plein , e t q e par vertu e d e la dite endentur e le s ditz Pier s e t Rober t receurent d e no s denier s a l a receit e d e nostr e escheqe r mill e cen t e t sessante livres cynk soldz et sys deniers desterlings en partie du paiement des gages et regard avanditz , et qe ycelx deniers ensi receuz ils paierent a les ditz gentz de lour retenue a cause du dit viage, et qe par vertue de mesme lendenture et de noz lettres desouz nostre prive seal as ditz Piers et Robert ent directe s ils ovec lour dite retenue feuren t arraiez a la meer entour l a ville de Dertemuth' l e quinzisme iour daverille Ian susdit prestz pur fer e lour moustre et eskiper a perforner le dit viage, e t illoeqes attenderent e t demorerent ove c lou r dit e retenu e pa r u n certei n temp s pu r avoi r ale z avant en mesme le viage, et qe a la fyn dicel temps par vertue de nos lettres i. Monk of Evesham, Historia vitae et regniRifardi /J(ed . T. Hearne, 1729), pp. i j 7-60.

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a elx directes desou z nostre prive seal les dit z Piers et Rober t ove c lour dite retenue pristrent lour chemy n dever s nous a Londres par caus e del insurreccion de s communes esteantz alors illoeqes, et qe depuis quan t ils estoient retornez devers nous a Londres ils demoroient illoeqes en nostre compaignie tanqe au vyngt et sisme iour de Juyn prochein ensuant, et qe a ycel iour les ditz Piers et Robert par nostre commandement a elx fait de bouche pristrent lou r chemyn ove c lour dit e retenue vers les contees d e Suthampton' et Wiltes ' pur mettr e les paiis illoeqe s e n pees et quiet e et pur resister ove forte main a les communes si aucuns celles parties voroient lever o u assembler contre lour ligeance, et qe illoeqes ils demoroient pa r la dite cause per gran d temp s tanqe ils pristrent lour chemyn chescun vers sa meson propre sicome ils dient. Su r quoi les dites Piers e t Robert nous ont suppliez de comander daconter ovesqes elx du temps qils ovec mesme lour retenue estient ensi en nostre servic e par vertue d e noz dites lettres et de nostre commandement com e avant est dit. Par quoi nous veullantz ottroier a lour supplicacion en ce cas si avant come resonablement purrons, volons de lavis de nostre conseil et vous mandons qe, veues la dite endenture et noz lettres avandites, vous acontez ovec les ditz Piers et Robert par lour serement z d u temp s q e par vertu e d e noz dite s lettre s e t d e nostr e commandement a eux fait come dit est ils estient travaillantz et demorantz en nostre service ove c lou r dit e retenue e n la manere avandite, fesan t as ditz Piers e t Rober t du e allouance pu r mesm e le temps pu r eu x et lou r dite retenue de gages acustumez destre par nous paiez as gentz darme s et archers d e lour estatz qont travaillez en nostre service en nostre roiaum e Dengleterre tanqe a la dite somme par les ditz Piers et Robert ensi receue ou dedeinz . Don e sou z nostre prive seal a Westmoustier l e vii. iou r d e Feverer Ian de nostre regne unzis me. 1 Document II Exchequer, Lord Treasurer's Remembrancer , Foreign Account s (E. 364), roll 34 , m. jd. London. Compotus lohannis Lufwyk' , scutiferi , nupe r receptori s camer e domin i regis nupe r regi s Anglic secundi, de receptis, misis, custubus et expensis per ipsu m facti s supe r sustentacion e diversoru m famuloru m a c circ a cariacionem e t custodia m diversoru m iocaliu m predict ! nuper regi s i n Hibernia anno xxiii 2 euisdem nuper regis existentis per breve regis huius de private sigillo su o datum xviii die Novembris ann o secundo 3 thesaurario et baronibus huius scaccarii directum irrotulatum in memorandi s de termino sanct i Michaelis eodem anno rotulo xxv.to 4 In quo quidem breve inter cetera continetur quod , cum predictus Johannes Lufwyk' , scutifer , recepit i n dict a terr a Hiberni e centu m marca s sterlingoru m pe r manu s lohannis Herryng' , clerici Thome nuper comitis Kancie, 5 pro custubus et sustentacione diversoru m servientu m e t magnoru m equoru m predict ! nuper regi s i n dict a terr a Hiberni e pos t recessu m ipsius nuper regi s d e ibidem ultim o i n Angliam , qu e quide m summ a curri t i n demand a ad 1. 7 February 1388. 2. 1399. 3. 18 Nov. 1400. 4. Lord Treasurer's Remembrancer's Roll (E. 368), no. 17 2 (Michaelmas 1400), m. 25. 5. Thomas de Holand, died 7- 8 Jan. 1400.

RICHARD I I I N 1 3 8 1 AN D 139 9

scaccarium predictum super dictum lohannem Lufwyk', prou t rex intor^ matur, per quod breve rex mandavit prefatis thesaurario et baronibus quod computent cu m prefato lohanne per sacramentu m suum de custubu s et expensis per ipsum sic factis pr o sustentacion e servientum et magnorum equorum predictoru m ac eciam de custubu s et expensis per ipsum facti s circa custodia m alioru m iocaliu m e t reru m predict i nupe r regi s qu e extiterunt in custodia predicti lohannis in Hibernia post recessum predicti nuper regi s d e ibide m i n Angliam , faciend o eide m lohann i debita m allocacionem i n ha c part e pe r sacramentu m suu m predictu m tar n d e custubus, misis et expensis per ipsum factis et solutis pro causis supradictis pro tempore quo extiterunt in custodia su a in dicta terra Hibernie, super mare, et in regno Angli c quousque deliberat i fuerun t apu d castrum regis de Kyllyngworth ' a d opu s regi s usqu e a d dicta m summa m recept e ve l infra, videlicet , d e huiusmodi receptis, custubus et expensis ut infra. 1 Item reddit compotu m de Ixvi li. xiii s. iiii d. receptis de Thoma nuper duce Surr' et cornite Kancie per manus predicti lohannis Herryng , clerici eiusdem nupe r ducis , supe r cariagi o e t custodi a iocalium predictorum , sicut continetu r i n memorandi s de anno prim o inter record a d e termino sancti Michaelis ex parte remembratoris regis e t eciam in quoda m rotulo de particulis hie in thesauro liberate . Summa recepte - Ixv i li. xiii s. iiii d. Idem computa t i n custubu s e t expensi s quatuo r scutiferoru m e t xl . sagittariorum servientu m predicti nupe r regi s existentibu s et morantibus apud Dubliniam in Hibernia de prestito ipsius nuper regis tarn super salva custodia magnoru m equoru m qua m supe r salv a custodi a predictoru m iocalium ipsiu s nupe r regis , videlicet , a xvii ° di e lulii dict o ann o xxii i predicti nuper regis-quo die predictus nupe r re x cum exercitu suo recessit de Dublinia i n Angliam , sicu t continetu r i n libr o d e particulis compot i lohannis Carp , nupe r custodi s garderobe hospici i eiusde m nupe r regis, 2 de receptis, custubu s et expensi s in eode m hospicio facti s a b ultim o die Septembris anno xxiido predicti nuper regis usque ultimum diem Septembris proximo sequentis-usqu e xx x diem Augusti proximo sequentis , scilicet , per xlv. dies utroque die computato, quorum scutiferorum et sagittariorum nomina i n quoda m rotul o supe r hun c compotu m liberat e singillati m annotantur - liiii. li. per predictum brev e regis supra in titulo huius compoti annotatum et per sacramentum ipsius lohannis Lufwyk' , sicu t continetur in dicto rotulo de particulis. Et in consimilibus custubus et expensis duorum scutiferorum et xvi. valettorum servientu m predicti nuper regi s existentibus e t morantibu s supe r salv a custodi a dictoru m iocaliu m d e Dublinia versu s Anglia m usqu e castru m d e Killyngwort h i n Anglia , videlicet, a predicto xxx. die Augusti dicto anno xxiii, quo die recesserunt de Dublini a versu s Angliam , usqu e xv . die m Septembri s proxim o sequentis, qu o di e venerunt apu d Kyllingwort h cu m iocalibus predictis , scilicet, veniend o pe r xvi . dies, ultim o di e computat o e t no n primo , quorum scutiferoru m et valettoru m nomin a i n dict o rotul o singillati m annotantur - viii. li. per idem brevis regis et sacramentum ipsius lohannis , sicut continetu r ibidem . 1. In margine: Rec * denar'. 2. He cease d t o ac t o n 3 0 Sept . 139 9 an d wa s succeede d b y Baldwi n Raddingto n (E. 101/402/20 ; 403/10). No wardrob e boo k seem s to surviv e for 1399 .

300 R I C H A R

D I I I N 138 1 AN D 1399

Et i n diversi s custubu s pe r ipsu m facti s e t soluti s circ a frettagium , cariagium, batillagiu m e t portagiu m dictoru m iocaliu m i n dict a terr a Hibernie un a cu m alii s expensi s necessarii s supe r custodi a eorunde m iocalium ibidem deductorum xxviii li. iiii s. x d. pro diversis custubus per ipsum soluti s u t no n exceda t summa m recept e predict e iuxt a effectu m predicti brevis regis supra in titulo huius compoti annotatum - iiii li. xiii s. iiii d . pe r ide m brev e regi s e t sacramentu m predict i lohanni s sicu t continetur ibidem . Summa expensorum - Ixv i li. xiii s. iiii d. 1 E t equant i. In margins: custu s e t expense.

22

A FIFTEENTH-CENTUR Y LA W READING I N ENGLISH THE subscribe d document 1 seem s t o b e th e earlies t professiona l legal tex t i n English . Althoug h onl y th e firs t sectio n o f presumabl y a serie s o f lectures has been preserved , i t i s unique in that n o othe r medieval Readin g i n tha t languag e upo n a statut e ha s com e t o light.2 I t ca n b e dated withou t hesitatio n t o th e reig n o f Henry V I and therei n perhap s roun d abou t 1450 . Th e Readin g i s include d within a miscellaneou s collectio n o f documents , writte n o n pape r and intende d i n th e mai n t o provid e student s i n Londo n wit h examples o f th e kind s o f letter s an d deed s the y migh t b e require d to know : form s o f grant s an d bonds , indenture s an d acquittances , manumissions an d wills , wit h a fe w note s o n lega l terms . Th e last wil l i s date d Decembe r 145 1 an d th e las t exampl e o f a Stat e document belongs to 1456 . As for its original owner , we can only surmise that th e " Magister Leye, " name d a t th e en d (fo. 172 ) may be identified wit h th e " Roger Ley e " who was living in 143 2 in clos e contact wit h professiona l lawyers. 3 Bu t w e hav e n o clu e t o th e Reader o r th e plac e wher e hi s discours e wa s given , an d i n tha t respect our documen t is in the compan y of all other extant Readings given befor e 1450 . Al l w e can safel y sa y is tha t th e Reade r wa s a practising lawyer , chiefl y concerne d wit h givin g practica l advice , and tha t hi s use of such word s as " sikker " and " bigge " suggests that he was of north country origin. The Reade r chos e a s hi s subjec t th e Grea t Charte r o f 121 5 i n the versio n o f 122 5 whic h wa s confirme d b y Edwar d I i n 1297. 4 Indeed, h e assume d tha t th e Charte r belonge d t o tha t king' s reig n and h e alters hi s preamble b y substituting Edward I fo r Henr y III . The tex t depart s a t a numbe r o f othe r point s fro m th e wordin g of th e Great Charter , thoug h th e only serious erro r i s " filios "for "si nos, " whic h seem s t o hav e affecte d th e Reader' s exposition. 5 What i s o f immediat e interes t i s th e exegesi s o f chapte r 1 and th e view take n o f th e constitutiona l positio n o f th e kin g an d council . Legislation ha d onc e bee n th e outcom e o f deliberatio n betwee n the kin g an d hi s council , thoug h th e las t word , th e confirmation , had lai n wit h th e kin g a s "chie f o f hi s council. " Thu s th e kin g 12 Britis h Library, Royal 17 B XLVII, fo. 147-152b . Dr . J . H . Bake r assure s m e tha t h e know s n o othe r and , if suc h b e not'know n to 3him , it i s no t likel y t o b e know n t o anyone . Readings an d Moots a t th e Inns o f Court, ed . S . E . Thom e (Selde n Society , Vol. 71) , p. livn . * Statutes o f th e Realm, i. 114 . « Post, p. 577.

301

302

and hi s counci l ha d bee n responsibl e fo r th e Grea t Charter. 6 Bu t " nowadays "—that is in the fifteenth century—the king had become part an d parce l o f th e council , whic h wa s indispensable an d coul d not b e don e without . Otherwis e th e conten t o f th e Readin g i s no t very differen t fro m tha t o f othe r Reading s o n th e Grea t Charter , given in French at a later date. 7 For who m wa s thi s "English " Readin g intended ? Fo r on e of the fou r Inn s o f Cour t o r fo r on e o f th e lesse r Inn s o f Chancery , about whos e interna l activitie s w e kno w littl e o r nothing ? Latin , even a s read , ha d lon g bee n o n it s wa y out ; Si r John Cavendish , Chief Justic e o f th e King' s Bench , admitte d i n 138 1 tha t h e an d his friend s wer e mor e a t hom e wit h Frenc h tha n wit h Latin. 8 Bu t by 145 0 French itsel f ha d cease d t o b e th e mothe r tongu e o f man y young men 9 and , not knowing it in the home, they had to be taugh t it i n school. B y the middl e of the fifteent h centur y educated Englishmen ha d cease d t o us e Frenc h a s a mean s o f correspondenc e an d it wa s no longer the languag e used a t cour t or b y the gentle-born. 10 The las t citade l o f French , increasingl y bastar d a s i t became , wa s the law, bu t ou r documen t show s that it had been pierced . This glimps e o f th e teachin g o f la w i s valuabl e o n linguisti c grounds, fo r i t i s interestin g t o se e th e Englis h word s tha t wer e used t o expres s th e lega l concept s o f tha t time . On e reade r a t le&s t is gla d t o se e that communitas i s rendered, no t a s " community," still les s a s "commons, " bu t a s "commonalty. " MAGNA CART A " Edwardus Dei gracia rex AngJie, dominus Hibernie et dux Acquitanie, archiepiscopis, episcopis, abbatibus, prioribus, comitibus, baronibus, vicecomitibus, prepositis et omnibus ministris, ballivis et fidelibus presentem cartam inspecturis, salutem. Sciatis quod nos intuitu Dei et pro salute anime nostre et animarum antecessorum et successorum nostrorum, ad exaltacionem sancte ecclesie et emendacionem regni nostri spontanea voluntate nostra dedimus et concessimus archiepis6 7 8 9

Post, pp. 578 , 580. Ther e are no Readings on Magna Carta in Thome, op. at . Archaeologia, xi . 55. Th e emphasi s o n Englis h occur s early . A ma n indicte d i n th e king' s benc h in 132 6 " dicit i n anglica lingua quod clericus es t absque alia responsione facienda. Et quesitum est ab eo si velit out sciat loqui lingua latina sen gallica, Dicit quod ipse est anglicus et in Anglia natus et bene competit ei loqui lingua sua materna, et pe r aliam linguam noluit respondere." Afte r carefu l deliberatio n th e cour t adjudged hi m t o th e peine forte e t dure a s on e wh o ha d rejecte d th e commo n law of th e real m (Select Cases i n th e Court o f King's Bench (Selde n Society , vol . 74), iv. 10 163. ) Hele n Suggett , Th e us e o f French i n England i n th e Later Middle Ages, i n Trans. Royal Hist. Society, Fourt h Series , xxviii (1946), 61-83.

A Fifteenth-century La w Reading i n English 30

3

copis, episcopis, abbatibus, prioribus, comitibus et omnibus de regno nostro has libertates subscriptas tenendas in regno nostro Anglie imperpetuum." CAPITULO PRIMO . QUO D ECCLESI A ANGLICAN A LIBER A SI T "

In primis concessimus Deo et hoc presenti carta nostra confirmavimus pro nobis et heredibus nostris imperpetuum quod anglicana ecclesia libera sit et habeat omnia sua iura integra et libertates suas illesas. Concessimus eciam et dedimus omnibus liberis hominibus regni nostri pro nobis et heredibus nostris imperpetuum has libertates subscriptas, habendas et tenendas eis et heredibus suis de nobis et heredibus nostris imperpetuum. Bifore th e makyn g o f thi s statuet , tha t i s t o sei e th e grea t chartoure, ther e wa s certei n lawe s used , b y th e which e me n had e profit an d als o moch e harme . An d therfor e th e kyng , seyn g thi s mischief, ordeyne d th e gree t charter , wheri n i s contene d all e th e fruyt o f lawe s bifore used turnyn g t o th e peopl e profi t an d a l othe r put away . Ye t notwithstondyn g tha t i s calle d a chartere , i t i s a positif lawe , fo r i t wa s use d tha t wha t statue t tha t th e kyn g an d his counseill e made , i t wa s eve r se t i n th e kynge s comfermyng , s o that, the kyn g beyng chief o f his counseille, spak e i n his owen name and hi s counseillz , seiyn g * Concessimus e t ha c present i cart a etc. But now adaies, for that the kyng is intrinsicate within his counseill e and ma y no t d o wit h oute n hem , therefor e it i s writen undrenethe in thi s fourme : * Ordinatum est' . Ferthermor e th e statue t seit h ' Deo e t ecclesie' , tha t i s t o undrestond e tha t ther e b e ii . mane r grauntes, tha t i s t o sei e a genera l graunt e an d a specia l graunte . The genera l graunt e wa s use d i n old e tyme , tha t i s t o seie , i f y e sholde graunt e on y thin g t o on y hous e o f holychirche , y e wold e seie ' Deo et ecclesi e ve l communitati' . Bu t now adaies th e specia l graunt i s used , tha t i s to seie , i f th e kyn g wolde graunte on y thin g to holichirch e o r t o th e temporaltees , h e mos t pu t express e parols , scilicet ' tali ve l tali', a s i n caa s th e kyn g wolde graunt e a levyn g to on y hou s o f holichirche , h e mus t mak e a speciall e graunte , no t seiyng * Deo e t ecclesie' , bu t * tali loco' , and ye t h e mus t b e warr for an d yf i t be to any abbey, he may not seie ' conventui tali', but he sha l sei e ' abbati e t conventu i tali', bicaus e a l the godes o f the hous b e fastne d an d vestie d i n th e person e o f th e abbot . An d ye t the abbo t i s a morta l man , an d therfor e h e mus t mor e speciall y seie, ' abbati e t conventu i tal i e t successoribu s suis' , an d ells e his graunt i s voide . Bu t no t s o in th e temporal , fo r h e nedet h no t i n his graun t t o express e th e chie f o f th e towne , tha t i s t o sei e th e 11

I n margine.

304

mair o r bailie , fo r i n thei m stondet h no t th e goode s o f th e towne , but th e pollique12 rul e therof . Wherfor e h e may seie ' communitati tali', bicause th e chie f o f the town e i s encluded i n th e comunaltee . The statue t seiet h als o * quod anglican a ecclesi a liber a sit' , an thise worde s fallet h a figur e tha t i s calle d metonomia, for i t i s t o undrestande ' si persone sin t capaces. ' Tha t i s to seie , i f he b e soe borne h e sha l b e free , no t fulfillyn g no o manner e comaundemen t but hi m lust , excep t th e kyn g and th e hig h statuetes o f holichirche . But in caas he be not soe borne, s o that he is not ' persona capax' , yet fo r lov e the kyng wil ' quod anglican a ecclesi a liber a sit' , afte r the bondema n be made prees t hi s lord sha l no t call e him to d o noo service no t bilongyn g t o a preest , scilicet t o dik e an d delve . Bu t h e may coherc e hi m t o yeve him o f his goode and t o syng , rede and do almesdede fo r him , withou t on y hire , tha t i s t o undrestand e i f h e be '[not] 13 avaunsed . Fo r an d i f h e b e avaunsed , h e sha l no t call e him to do noo service, bicause he is more bounde to kepe his service and cur e tha n hi s lordes service , an d th e lor d sha l take noo n o f his goodes bu t i f h e purchas e ought , fo r i t i s t o suppos e propter libertatum ecclesie no t hi s goode s but th e goode s of holichirche duryn g his curaltee. The statue t rennet h f erthermore an d seith : ' Et quo d habea t omnia su a iur a Integra' , wherb y I undrestand e tha t * ius' ough t t o be construe d coram iudice. An d i n caa s tha t a thee f b e arayne d bifore a juge , an d i f h e tak e hi m t o hi s clergie , h e sha l b e pu t t o the boke . An d i f i t b e s o that th e ordinari e sei e ' he redet h wele ' and othe r me n abou t seie n nay , h e sha l no t g o fort h bu t i f th e justice accord e wit h th e ordinari e an d th e ordinari e with him . An d if i t b e s o tha t th e ordinari e b e no t present , h e sha l b e kept e ti l he comme , an d i f h e com e not , the r sha l go a contempt e 14 ayeins t the bisshope, * quare contemsit ius ecclesie', and lese his temporaltee s and the r ope n make hi s purgacioun. An d afterward , i f the ordinari e comme, h e sha l hav e hi m forth wit h him . Als o i t i s to undrestond e that, i f a ques t g o upou n a thief , and , afor e th e veredi t yoven , h e seith h e i s a clerk, tha n he i s a cler k attayn t an d shap e 1 5 th e fyn e of c.li' , and ye t th e ques t dampne s him, h e sha l g o to th e bisshopes prisoun an d his purgacioun sha l be by xxiiii. And if, after hi s dampnacioun, he seiet h he is a clerk, tha n he is convicted and the scap e 16 es for a cl . markes , an d h e sha l t o prisou n an d hi s purgacioun sha l be xi i o r xvi . But an d th e ques t sei e not giltee , h e sha l g o his weie 12

Presumabl y fo r " pollitique." * MS . omits . 14 MS . accontempte. 15 Th e obsolete for m o f " chape," indicating a penalty . « MS . sic. 1;

A Fifteenth-century La w Reading i n English 30

5

in both caas . Bu t afte r a purgaciou n a nothe r purgaciou n sha l b e demedachape." The statue t seit h als o ' et libertate s suas' . B y this i t i s to undre stonde tha t a liberte e sha l b e considere d a s wel e bifor e a jug e a s behynde, a s in ca s a ma n hav e slayn e a nothe r an d taket h greeth 18 of hol y churche , the chirch e shal kepe hi m xl. daies an d ther e sha l no ma n hi m tak e ou t an d the i may yeve him mete and drynke . But after th e xl. daies he shal chese whether he wille forswere the kynges lande o r elle s abid e i n th e chirche . An d i f h e forswer e th e kynge s lande, than sha l th e cronour e let e him haven, an d every bailly shalle brynge hi m sau f t o a nothe r bailleship e ti l h e com e t o th e haven . And i f h e abid e an d g o no t wit h th e firs t passag e h e sha l b e ded . And i f he abid e i n the chirch e h e shal b e mured an d no t take n out , and n o ma n sha l yev e him met e no r drynk e [on] 19 payn e o f dethe . Also y f h e g o ou t o f chirch e an d com e i n ayein , th e chirch e sha l him not kepe , bu t i f it b e for a new felonie. And thoug h the chirch e be polut e b y th e we y o f an y man , ye t h e sha l abid e ther e in , ut dicitur que[re] tamen. 20 The statue t seiet h als o ' Concessimus omnibu s liberis hominibus' . Here th e kyn g expresset h hi s graun t somwha t lik e th e specia l graunt, fo r an d h e had e seid e 'hominibus' , tha n bondme n wold e have be n fre e b y thi s word e 'libertates' ; therfor e th e seyn g tha t openly grauntet h 'liberi s hominibu s sui s ha s libertate s subscripta s et tenenda s imperpetuum' . An d b y th e equit e o f thi s sam e statue t bondemen shu l be fre e fo r t o su e any assiz e ayeinst on y other men , savyng ayen s thei r lords , an d i f a lor d graunt e hi s bondman t o su e assize [ayenst ] 2 1 a nother man propter hoc he is free. CAPITULO 11° . D E MOD O CAPIEND I RELEVIA .

Si quis comitum vel baronum nostrorum vel aliorum tenencium de nobis in capite per servicium militare mortuus fuerit, et cum decesserit heres eius plene etatis fuerit et relevium nobis debeat, hdbeat hereditatem suam per antiquum relevium, scilicet heres vel heredes comitis de comitatu integro per centum libras, heres vel heredes baronis de baronia integra per centum marcas, heres vel heredes militis de feodo militis per centum solidos, et qui minus habuerit minus det secundum consuetudinem feodorum. Bifore th e makyn g o f thi s statue t i t wa s used , wher e a s lorde s might no t hav e warde , mariag e o f barons etc. , th e which e th e kyng 17 18

MS . sic. i.e. " sanctuary." i» MS . omits. 20 Fo r thi s conjectur e cf . Thorne , op . at., p . Ixxx , lin e 19 ; also below , p . 577 , line 15 . 2* MS . omits .

306 graunted thei m tha t had e relee f a s th e statue t yevet h hem . And bicause th e kyn g i s grette r tha n on y othe r lorde , th e heir s tha t sholde b e i n hi s ward e an d wer e no t bicaus e o f ther e fu l ag e the i were constreyne d t o yev e mor e relie f tha n othe r lorde s heirs , s o that '[to] 22 som e o f thei m i t i s importabl e t o ber e th e relief . Th e kyng,23 by advise o f hi s counseille , [ayenst] 24 thi s mischief ordeyned that heir s tha t shold e b e in hi s warde, a s the statue t seith , ' Si quis etc. tenenciu m d e nobi s i n capit e pe r serviciu m militar e mortuu s fuerit etc.' , shold e yev e but ' secundum antiquum relevium' , a s the statuyt maket h mencioun , a baronrie , a cl . mar k an d s o forth . Bu t it i s to undrestand e ther e is o maner o f releef use d called heriot, and the herio t i s seid e i n ii . maners , tha t i s t o sei e herio t custum e an d heriot service . Herio t custom e i s therea s a ma n hat h an d holdet h a lordshipe wher e in dwelle n tenaunte s which fo r thei r dwellyn g have yeve t o hi m certeyne ren t b y yere, or elle s suytes . But herio t servic e is th e relee f a s th e statue t maket h mencioun , scilicet 'here s ve l heredes comiti s d e comitat u integr o pe r centu m libra s etc. ' Bu t bicause th e statue t seit h afore : * habeat hereditate m sua m pe r antiquum relevium' , her e ma y a motiou n ris e whethe r the children auncetours infeaff e thei m afor e thei r deth e an d whethe r the i sha l have their lyvelode ' per antiquum relevium '. And fo r th e declaraciou n o f thi s statue t i t i s t o se e th e statue t of Marleburgh , i n capitul o v to,25 i n thi s wis e begynnyng : ' De hii s autem qu i primogenitos et heredes suos ', that wil' quod non propter hoc amitta t custodia m suam' . Bu t i t sha l b e trie d ' per legio s homines' whethe r i t wer e don e b y we y o f collusiou n o r noon , a s the statue t declaret h pa r expresse paroles. Ferthermore, th e kyn g heede 26 ' ad valorem tenementi' seit h ' quod minu s habueri t minus det secundu m antiqua m consuetudine m feod i etc. ' CAPITULO 111 °

Si autem heres alicuius talium infra etatem fuerit, dominus eius non habeat custodiam illius nee terre sue antequam homagium ceperit. Et postquam tails heres fuerit in custodia, cum ad etatem pervenerit, scilicet xxl anni, habeat hereditatem suam sine relevlo et sine fine, ita quod si Ipse, dum infra etatem fuerit, fiat miles, nihilominus remaneat terra in custodia dominorum suorum usque ad terminum predictum. This statue t i s i n mane r dependyn g o f th e tothe r ' Si qui s comitum',27 wher e i t i s declare d wha t th e heir s o f ple n ag e hav e 22 MS . omits . 2 24 MS . omits . 25 Stat. Realm, i . 20 . 26 i.e. " regarding." 2

3

r

MS . seyng .

MS . comitatum.

A Fifteenth-century La w Reading i n English 30

7

to do . Her e i s tolde wha t hi s wardeyn e owet h t o hav e o f him , h e beyng withi n age , o r h e hav e th e custodi e o f hi m an d seiyin g i n this wise ' ante quam eius homagium ceperit'. But is to undrestonde there i s ii . mane r o f homage , tha t i s t o seie , homage d e fait an d homage auncestrelle. A s fo r th e firs t homage , th e statue t i s void e for a child e withi n age . H e ma y b e s o yong e tha t h e ma y no t d o as th e statuet 28 wold e h e did , * De homagi o faciendo' . Therfor e i t shal be undrestonde o f the first homage. Als o th e statue t will e ' Et postquam tali s heres' , ye t wha n h e comet h t o th e ag e of xxi . yer e he sha l hav e hi s lyvelod e withou t relee f o r fyne . Fo r wha n he was within ag e h e had e ward e an d mariage , an d bicaus e h e had e this e two h e ough t no t t o hav e relief . Therfor e th e statue t will e tha t h e have his lyvelode ' sine relevio et sine fine' . The statue t seiet h also , ' ita tame n quo d s i ipse'. By this parole s of thi s statue t i t is knowen, if he be made knyght withi n age , ' quod nihilominus remanea t terr a i n su a custodia. ' Bu t whethe r h e sha l have ward e o f hi s bod y it i s doubtee. Wherfor e i t i s seid e tha t i f i t be s o that h e b e mad e knygh t afor e th e det h o f hi s fadre, th e lor d shal no t hav e warde o f hi s body, but o f his landes. Bu t i f he be not , [the]29 lor d sha l hav e ward e o f hi s bod y an d als o o f hi s land e 'usque a d terminu m predictum' , tha t i s t o sei e th e ag e o f xxi . yers. CAPITULO IIIJ °

Gustos autem terre huiusmodi heredis, qui infra etatem fuerit t non capiat de terra heredis nisi racionabiles exitus et racionabilia servicia et racionabiles consuetudines et hoc [sine] 30 distructione31 et vasto hominum et rerum. Et si nos commiserimus custodiam alicuius talis terre vicecomiti vel alicui alii qui de exitibus terre illius nobis respondere debeat et ille distructionem vel vastum fecerit de custodia ab eo capiemus emendas et terra ilia commitatur duobus legalibus et discretis hominibus de feodo illo qui de exitibus terre illius nobis respondeant vel ei cui nos assignaverimus. Et si nos dederimus vel vendiderimus alicui custodiam alicuius talis terre et ille distructionem fecerit vel vastum, amittat illam custodiam et tradatur duobus legalibus et discretis hominibus 32 de feodo illo qui similiter nobis respondeant ut predictum est. This statue t tellet h an d shewet h what issue s an d profile s y e lor d sholde take o f the lande s and of that tha t longet h to the londes . An d 28 MS . statet . 2 MS . omits. MS. " districtione " and, later, " districcionem." 2 MS . inserts " et."

30 31 3

9 MS . omits .

308

first he seith 'nis i racionabile s exitus', whereby i t is to undrestond e that the lord ought not to 3S digge out stones o f the grounde, turnyng them t o hi s profit , a s thei m fo r t o selle . Bu t i f he bigge 3* a n hou s with th e sam e stony s on th e sam e grounde , s o that i t ma y tura e t o the childe s profit , o n th e sam e wise of castyng uppe o f th e erth e t o take ony gravylle and of al suche. Also th e statue t seit h * racionabiles consuetudines' , wherb y i t i s to undrestonde that thi s ' consuetudines' is called a custome servise , the whic h th e lor d sha l no t hav e bu t i f i t long e t o th e landes , a s to repe , moow e and sowe . Bu t an d i t long e t o th e person e o f th e childe o r t o hi s housholde , th e lor d sha l i t no t have , a s to carie, 35 wyne, ale, fisshe or salt. Also th e statue t seiet h * racionabilia servicia' , tha t i s to sei e that longe t o th e lande s an d no t t o th e person e o f th e childe . T o th e lande as to yev e a rose , a bow e o r ren t o r suete s t o th e court , an d due t o th e person e o f th e childe , tha t i s homage , feaute e an d escuage: thi s he shal not have. The statue t seit h 'sin e destructione 36 e t vast o hominu m e t rerum', b y th e whic h ma y b e undrestond e ii . thinges : wh o sha l brynge hi s acciou n cu m dicitur ' vasto'; a nothe r is , wha t tym e it sha l b e brough t cu m dicitur ' hominum e t rerum'. Fo r th e first I undrestond e there is two maner of gardens: o n is gardeyne d e droit and garden d e fait, an d tha t i s the less e o f th e tw o gardens . An d i f an acciou n shold e b e brough t ayeins t th e secund e o r th e first ? Fo r it mos t b e brought b y ii . perseverans , tha t on e beyng in ward e and that othe r a t fulage . Hi t sha l b e brough t i n i n th e nam e o f th e perseverans withi n age , bicaus e h e i s i n warde , an d h e an d ever y heir i n ward e sha l recove r damag e ayeins t hi m tha t i s th e garden , as th e Statue t o f Gloucestri e wil. 3T Als o tenaun t i n dowe r an d tenaunt beyn g in warde may brynge an accion of wast, not rehersyn g the statuet . Bu t tenaun t b y th e curtesi e o r tenaun t term e o f ly f shal no t bu t h e b e rehersyn g th e statuet . An d th e caus e i s for att e commyn law e provi s o f was t i t i s noon. Acciou n o f was t b y West minster ii. 38 wer e yove n t o tenaun t i n d o were an d t o tenaun t e n chevalerie39 bifor e on y statuet , bu t no t t o tenaun t b y curtesi e no r to th e tenaun t o f term e o f lyf , fo r th e statue t yovet h hi t thanne . Also i t i s t o know e tha t ther e b e seignu r an d tenaunt , an d bifor e the tenaun t i s in 40 awarde d was t thu s done , i t i s to s e whether a n 33

MS . "do." i.e. " build." ss i.e. " flesh." 36 MS . districtione. ST cc . 1 , 2 (Stat. Realm, i. 47) . 38 c . 1 4 (Stat. Realm, i. 81) . 39 MS . sic. Th e passag e i s manifestl y corrupt . *o MS . sic. 34

A Fifteenth-century La w Reading i n English 30

9

accioun o f was t ma y b e mayntene d ayeins t th e lor d o r noon . An d it i s seid e nay , for th e lor d ma y refuse th e ward e an d he wille . Bu t tenaunt term e o f yere s tha t had e non e profi t o f th e tenaunte s y f wast b e done in th e meane tyme of his entree in the tenementes , yet he shal answer e fo r th e was t fo r duryn g th e yere s h e i s tenaunt a terme de z anz. Fo r th e secund e 'hominum' , i t i s t o undrestand e that h e shal no t seie ' quod feci t vastu m hominum ' bu t ' exilium hominum'. Bu t in caas a garden manumiss e bondmen of the heire , it i s no t exilium but h e constreyn e hi m t o d o othe r custome s an d service, wher e by the law e 41 the maner , than h e ma y bryn g * quare peciit auxilium' . Als o the statuet seit h ' et rerum', and that i s but catalle an d principa l thinge s o f th e hous , a s pottes , panne s an d leedes. I t i s t o sei e no o acciou n o f wast , fo r i t i s no t a d hereditacionem. Therfor e som e me n hold e tha t acciou n o f deten u i s mayntenable ayeinst him, que[re] tamen. The statue t reherset h ferthemor e an d seit h 'e t f i nos 42 com iserimus custodiam' . B e this i t i s to undrestond e the kynge s profi t and not 43 t o th e heirs . Bu t wher e it i s so that th e kyn g comittet h the ward e to a nother ma n an d he do wast, he sha l les e th e lande s and th e warde and make a fyn e t o th e kyng, and the londes shal be yoven * duobus legalibus'. Also h e seiet h * Et s i vendiderimus' , th e kyn g done vel vende 44 the ward e an d th e lesse e d o wast , y e sha l los e th e ward e an d th e landes an d mak e no o fyne , fo r hi s begynnyng 45 i s lose enogh . Bu t the statue t o f Edward yovet h accioun t o th e heir. 46 Also the statuet wille ' Quod tradatur duobu s etc. qui respondeant, ut predictu m est etc.' CAPITULO v ° * 7 Custos autem quam diu custodiam terre habuerit sustentet domos, parcos, vivarios, 4* stagna, molendina et cetera ad terram illam pertinencia de exitibus terre eiusdem et reddat heredi cum ad plenam etatem pervenerit terram suam bene instauratam de carucis et omnibus aliis rebus ad minus in statu secundum quod illam recepit. Hec omnia observentur de custodiis archiepiscopatuum, episcopatuum, abbathiarum, prioratuum, ecclesiarum et dignitatum vacantium que ad nos pertinent excepto quod custodie huiusmodi vendi non debent.* 9 41

A lin e appears to hav e bee n omitte d b y the copyist . 42 MS . "filios "for " si nos. " 43 MS . repeats " and not. " *4 MS . vendi . 48 "beggaring? " 4 « Stat . Gloucester , c . 5 . 4T MS . omits . 48 MS . sic for " vivaria." *« MS . debet .

310 This statue t wi l tha t th e garde n * sustentet domes' , tha t i s t o undrestande tha t i f th e issue s an d profite s o f th e mane r b e abl e i t to susten e s o tha t th e lord e b e no t harme d therby . An d i f ther e be ii. maner s longyn g to a lordship e tha t on e i s able t o kep e i t sel f better tha n tha t other . Bu t an d there b e a mane r whert o longeth a milne50 bette r tha n th e maner , th e lor d ough t wit h th e excess e o f the milne to sustene the maner. The statue t seit h ferthermor e * Quod redda t hered i tota m terra m instauratum', it i s to undrestonde y f h e use theim, for and a ploug h longe thert o an d a peir e an d th e lor d us e it no t h e shal not yeld e i t * secundum quod illam recepit'. Also th e statue t seit h * Hec omni a observentur' . Hi t i s her e t o knowe ther e i s a priou r daty f removable , whe n th e coven t ches e a nother tha n o f th e coven t t o thei r priour , th e patrou n ma y hi m refuse. Als o the priou r o f a sell e longyng to th e chie f abbey , ayeinst whom a n acciou n ma y no t b e brought, but ayeins t th e chie f abbey . But a priou r electi f an d perpetua l i s wher e th e coven t chos e hi m with oute n thassen t o f th e patroun , s o tha t th e dethe 51 duryn g o f the priour , th e kyn g o r th e patrou n sha l hav e th e temperaltee s ti l a new e b e chose n an d ma y no t su e nethe r th e coven t no r th e custodie, fo r h e i s not sike r o f a notheri s chesyng . But th e gardyen ys siker ho w longe th e heir hat h t o his fu l age . Therfor e ' custodie huiusmodi vendi non debent'. CAPITULO vi° 5 2 Heredes maritantur absque disparagacione. Atte comun e lawe , afor e th e makyn g o f this statuet , i t wa s use d that th e gardeyn e havyn g warde s wold e mar y thei m a s the m liked , that i s t o seie , i f th e hei r comm e o f a knygh t o r squye r o f such e degree the i wold e theim mar y t o on e o f lower degree, s o that i t was a disparshyn g t o thei r blode . Th e kyn g an d hi s counseil , seyin g this mischief , ordeyne d tha t such e heir s shold e b e marie d s o tha t it wer e ' sine disparagacion e su i generis' . Neverthele s tha t statue t shal no t b e undrestonde of heirs that be n i n thei r aunceters kepyng, for i t i s suppose d tha t the i wi l i n no o wis e thei r blod e dispeire . Therfore i t is to undrestonde ' de domini s huiusmodi heredum ' a s the wi l o f th e statue t i s * Gustos aute m etc. ' But notwistondyn g this statuet , heirs tha t be n o f litel value is noo dispaire thei m to be wedded to other o f the sam e value, a s a squiers heir o f xl . li ' t o b e wedde d t o a burgei s o r t o a citezei n hei r o f xl . 50

i.e. " mill." « MS . dette . " MS. vij° .

A Fifteenth-century La w Reading i n English 31

1

li' etc . Bu t an d y e lord wedd e the hei r withi n xiiii . yere ag e so that the hei r o r his blode is dispaired, tha n sha l the lorde lese his lande s of th e hei r an d th e profile s also , a s wi l th e Statue t o f Mertone , chapitulo vii Y De domini s qu i maritaverunt'. " An d i f th e hei r be o f xiiii . yer e ag e o r more , s o tha t th e hei r consent e thereto , thanne seit h th e sam e statue t ' nulla subsequitu r pena' . Als o th e Statuet o f Mertone , ' De heredo' , v° , seit h tha t th e lord e pro f re him sufficien t manag e and he it refuse, the lord ' recuperet valore m maritagii', an d h e ma y bryn g o f Westminste r i . [that] 54 tellet h ' Quare intrusi t etc.' 5S Ye t th e hei r mal e ma y come i n an d sei e and pled e ho w that sh o was wedded bifore, so tha t shold e hav e lost his charge . Bu t sh e fmay] S6 neve r pled e tha t sh e was weded afore , for notwithstandyn g she may be wedded to him 'sine disparagacione sui generis'. CAPITULO VIJ ° "

Quod vidua post mortem mariti sui statim et sine deficultate 58 aliqua habeat maritagium et hereditatem suam nee aliquid debet pro dote sua vel maritagio suo vel hereditate sua quam hereditatem maritus suus et ipsa tenuerint simul die obitus sui mariti et maneat in capitali mesuagio mariti sui per xl. dies post obitum ipsius mariti infra quos dos sua ei assignetur nisi prius fuerit ei assignata ad hostium ecclesie vel nisi domus ilia fuerit castrum, et si de castro recesserit statim provideaturus S9 est ei domus competens in qua possit honeste morari quousque dos sua assignetur, secundum quod predictum est, et habeat racionabile estoverium interim de communi. Assignetur autem ei pro dote sua tercia pars tocius terre mariti sui que fuit sua in vita sua, nisi de minori dotata fuerit ad hostium ecclesie quando ipsam desponsavit. Nulla60 vidua distringatur ad s e maritandum [ dum] 6 1 vivere voluerit sine marito, ita tamen quod securitatem faciat quod se non maritabit sine assensu nostro, si de nobis tenuerit, vel sine assensu domini sui si de illo tenuerit. Atte commy n lawe , afor e th e makyn g o f th e statuet , wha t o f th e executours side , havyn g an d bought 62 t o dispos e th e cata l o f th e baroun, an d wha t o f th e hei r side , tha t ough t t o hav e th e heritage , 53 54 53 56 57

c . 6 (Stat. Realm, i . 3). MS . omits. c . 4 7 (Stat. Realm, i . 38) . MS . omits MS . omits. «• MS . sic. 59 MS . sic. 60 Thi s sentence , usuall y numbere d chapte r 8 , run s o n withou t a brea k i n th e MS. 81 MS . omits . 6 2 MS. sic.

312 the wyf e wa s put ou t o f this, and s o it wa s a grete mischief 63 ther e as a womman , that ha d wherb y she migh t hav e lyved, sholde, afte r the det h o f hi r husbonde , have 8* Kte l o r nought . Th e kyng 65 an d his counseil , seyn g thi s mischief , ordeyne d tha t she , afte r th e det h of he r husbond , shold e hav e 'maritagiu m suu m e t hereditate m suam', tha t i s t o seie , i f on y londe s be n yove n t o hi r i n fran c manage, afte r th e det h o f hi r husbon d sh e shal have it , an d also , if ought com e t o hi r b y discent , afte r hi s det h sh e sha l hav e it , s o that she shal not gyve for hir dowere nullo pro hereditate. [Cetera desunt] 63 I n margine: meschief . •* MS . had . 85 I n margine: remedie .

23

The Deposition of Richard II: Three Lancastrian Narratives T H E E V E N T S connected with the deposition of Richard II can be discerned only with difficulty throug h th e smoke-screen of untruth deliberately laid by Henry of Lancaster and hi s friends. Thi s article is concerned wit h the laying of that screen. It mus t b e emphasized , t o begi n with , tha t n o matchin g o f on e monasti c chronicle wit h anothe r i s o f muc h us e i n th e searc h fo r th e trut h whe n th e chroniclers merel y reproduc e suc h propagand a a s cam e thei r way . They ma y sometimes hav e mad e a n arbitrar y choic e betwee n on e se t o f falsehood s an d another, bu t the y wer e quit e incapabl e o f an y critica l examinatio n o f thes e falsehoods, i f only because they had n o access to the facts. I f some grains of truth are t o b e foun d i n any of them, i t is because eve n propaganda mus t have som e contact wit h realit y o r becaus e ther e wa s a loca l sourc e o f informatio n upo n some smal l point 1 o r becaus e a n independent , non-monastic , narrativ e wa s available.2 There have survived three contemporar y narrative s of Richard II 's depositio n that ar e independen t o f th e chroniclers : indeed , i t woul d see m that , wit h th e single exceptio n o f Adam o f Usk , the chronicler s wer e dependen t upo n on e o r other of these narratives . The only one well known to historians i s the so-called 'Record an d Process' , o f whic h a n imperfec t cop y wa s incorporate d i n th e

1 Like th e Dieulacre s Chronicle , ed . M . V . Clark e an d V . H . Galbrait h i n 'Th e depositio n o f Richard II', Bull. John Rylandi Libr., xiv (1930), 164-81 . 2 For the dependence o f the Monk of Evesham on Adam of Usk, see below, n. 23.

313

314 TH

E DEPOSITIO N O F RICHAR D I I

parliament rol l o f i Henr y IV. 3 Thi s narrativ e wa s firs t printe d b y Roge r Twysden i n hi s Decem Scriptores, publishe d i n 1652. * Twysden too k hi s tex t fro m the parliamen t roll , thoug h i t wa s correcte d a t on e significan t poin t b y a manuscript i n the Bodleian Library tha t ha d formerl y belonged t o Westminster Abbey.5 Th e editor s o f th e Rolls o f Parliament looke d n o farthe r tha n th e parliament rol l and, thoug h muc h discussed , the 'Record and Process ' has never been criticall y edited. The other tw o narratives differ i n so many particulars from the 'Recor d an d Process ' tha t clearl y the y canno t b e derive d fro m it . All three narratives, however , ar e largel y based upo n th e sam e material s an d wer e quit e obviously composed i n the interest of Henry of Lancaster, while the use made of them b y contemporary chronicler s show s tha t the y were pu t int o circulatio n a t much th e sam e time , withi n a yea r apparentl y a t most . Th e circulatio n o f discrepant storie s wit h a commo n purpos e i s very puzzling, an d th e discussion that follows i s an attempt t o solve the puzzle and t o weigh up th e merits, th e very dubious merits , o f eac h document . The y ar e take n i n wha t appear s t o b e th e order o f their composition, thoug h upo n tha t problem ther e ma y be at the end some uncertainty, and fo r convenience they are labelled A, B, C. Document A is a narrativ e in Latin , except fo r th e speeche s put i n the mout h of Henr y o f Lancaste r whic h ar e i n English . Th e tex t i s know n fro m tw o manuscripts i n th e Britis h Library : (i ) tw o leave s fro m a fifteenth-centur y miscellany (Stowe MS. 66) 6 and (ii ) a transcript mad e on 2 September 161 2 fro m a manuscrip t a t tha t tim e i n th e chapte r hous e o f Westministe r abbe y i n th e custody of Arthur Agarde, th e keeper o f the records (Harle y MS. 293 fos. 47-8).' Some contro l o n th e defectiv e readings o f thes e manuscript s i s afforded b y th e chronicle of the Monk of Evesham, who substantially reproduced the text, with a few adaptation s an d omissions. 8 The chapter hous e manuscript appear s t o be no longer in officia l custody . Th e transcrip t is well written bu t i t lacks the headings (to be found i n the Stowe manuscript) which are required t o make the text easily intelligible. Quite possibly these were marginal heading s in the original tha t may have become illegibl e or were perhaps simpl y omitted by the copyist, who seems to have been a rather ignorant clerk . But unless he utterly misrepresents what was before him , th e chapter hous e tex t must have been defective. Since document C, the 'Record and Process' , was evidently based upon A, it is useful i n restoring th e text of A in a few places. A corrected tex t of A is printed belo w which we believe to be very near to the lost original. As transmitted , documen t A has no titl e or heading . I t begins with Richard's resignation, followe d by his subscription an d a lis t of witnesses not t o be found in documen t C . Bot h subscriptio n an d witnesse s appea r t o hav e bee n interpolated, a s i s show n b y th e sentence s tha t follow , whic h ar e heade d 'Protestacio regi s Ricard i ant e resignacionem' . Evidentl y th e protestacio wa s 5 Rotuli Parliamentorum, iii . 4153 : 'l e Recor d e t Proce s en t fait z e t enrollez - e n ces t Roll e d u Parlement'. This is the document referre d t o in this article as C. As will be shown, the inference is that the parliamen t rol l o f i Henr y I V was no t mad e u p unti l som e tim e afte r th e event s professedly recorded. *Historiae Anglicanae Scriptores X (hereafte r cite d a s Decem Scriptores}, ed . R . Twysde n (1652) , cols . 2743-62. 5 Ibid., Variantes Lectiones (given after th e texts) . This manuscript, Bodleian Library, Oxford, MS. Bodley 596, is described i n Chronicles of London, ed. C . L. Kingsford (Oxford , 1905) , p. 292. 6 The Stow e document is followed by two pieces of Latin verse and the n by a list of psalms suitable for various occasions. 7 H. G . Wrigh t firs t dre w attentio n t o th e manuscript s i n Bull. John Rylands Libr., xxiii (1939) , 151-658 Historia Vitae et Regni Ricardi Secundi, ed. T . Hearne (1729) , pp. 157-60 .

THE D E P O S I T I O N O F R I C H A R D I I 31

5

intended t o qualif y th e term s o f th e for m o f resignatio n an d shoul d follo w the resignatio n withou t a break , an d i f ther e were , i n fact , witnesse s t o Richard's resignatio n the y should appea r after , an d no t before , th e protestacio. The interpolation ma y not be due to the compiler of document A, who may have found i t already in the text of Richard's resignation that came into his hands, bu t at some stage in the descent the text must have been altered. Otherwis e th e text does no t appea r ope n t o objection , subjec t to th e very large qualificatio n that neither th e resignatio n no r th e protestacio can conceivably have been uttere d b y Richard in the form given. Both, and i n particular th e resignation, ar e evidently the work of a lawyer. It i s possible tha t th e resignation, a s it stands, was forced upon Richard and tha t he signed it. If so, it is odd that so convincing a document was not produced in parliament. As a comparison of the texts shows, document A is closely related t o document C. It had also becom e accessibl e t o chroniclers. We may go further and say that, if w e tak e particula r not e o f wha t documen t A contain s tha t i s omitte d i n document C , then i t is apparent that documen t A was first put int o circulation. Its circulatio n seems , however , t o hav e bee n restricted , th e onl y chronicle r known t o hav e made us e of it being apparently th e Monk of Evesham , though there ar e indication s that i t was available at St . Albans. 9 I t i s possible tha t th e terms o f Richard' s protestacio—the wor d mean s 'declaration ' an d ha s no t th e sense of our 'protestation'—wer e found objectionable , sinc e they imply that he intended to remain at least titular king, while delegating the conduct of affairs t o others and securin g the right of succession t o Henr y of Lancaster, an d tha t for this reason i t was decided t o withdraw the document before it had bee n widely distributed. In an y case the protestacio in its full for m does no t appea r elsewher e than in document A. Document B i s a narrativ e wholl y i n French . I t i s to b e foun d i n onl y on e manuscript an d i t is printed belo w fo r th e first time. I t begin s th e stor y o n 28 September 139 9 with a meeting of 'the great council of England' from whic h a deputation i s sent to the king. This deputation i s carefully balanced an d consist s of two bishops, two earls (who were the constable and th e marshal), two barons, two knights, two doctors of law and two notaries. It should b e noted tha t one of the barons i s named Lor d Despenser , who is said to have been formerl y earl of Gloucester. Since the earl's degradation di d not tak e place until the following 3 November,10 the manner i n which he is described shows that the narrative could not hav e been draw n up before that date, and i t was presumably written a goo d while afte r it , whe n th e recollectio n o f th e write r was sufficientl y confuse d t o make it possible for him to suppose that the earl's degradatio n ha d take n place before 2 8 September. Another mistake in th e nam e of one o f the notaries who plays a fairly prominent part in the narrative points the same way. We may have here th e explanatio n o f the writer's failur e to giv e the name s of the chancello r and the treasurer in office o n 30 September, who are also of some prominence in his narrative, thoug h he gives the names of the constable and of the marshal and also mentions that William Scrope (who had died on 30 June 1399 ) was formerly treasurer. Th e chancello r o n 3 0 Septembe r wa s John Scarle , wh o ha d bee n appointed o n 5 September , an d th e treasure r Joh n Norbury , wh o ha d bee n 9 Cf. Annales Ricardi Secundi in J. d e Trokelowe, Chronica et Annales, ed. H . T. Riley (Rolls Ser., 1866) , pp. 256 , 284 ; T. Walsingham , Historic Anglicana, ed. H . T . Rile y (2 vols., Roll s Ser., 1863-4) , » • 234. Reference to these passages is made in Wright, pp. 152 , 154. 10 Handbook o f British Chronology, ed. F . M. Powicke and E . B. Fryde (2nd edn, 1961) , p. 430 .

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appointed o n 3 September . The y wer e Henry' s nominee s and , a s the narrativ e says withou t mentionin g thei r names , the y wer e re-appointe d b y hi m o n hi s accession. Bu t i f th e narrativ e wer e writte n som e month s afte r th e event , th e writer migh t well hav e bee n uncertai n a s t o th e identit y of th e holder s o f th e offices i n September . Th e change s consequen t upo n Henry' s seizur e of powe r must hav e bee n confusing . Neithe r Scarl e no t Norbur y wa s a ver y eminen t person an d neithe r hel d offic e fo r long , Scarl e until 9 March 140 1 and Norbur y until 31 May of the same year. Though th e writer might have been uncertain as to the circumstances o f thei r appointment , an y uncertaint y o f thi s sor t doe s no t bear upo n th e trut h o r otherwis e o f th e narrative , bu t i t serve s t o confir m th e impression we have drawn from hi s obvious errors that the facts were not fres h i n the writer's min d an d tha t th e documen t i s not strictl y contemporar y with th e events. We may doubt whether he was an eye-witness or near the centre of affairs. Document B can, however, hardly have been put into circulation later than the year 1400 : probably it should be dated abou t the middle of that year. The reason for thi s vie w i s tha t th e narrativ e cam e int o th e hand s o f th e autho r o f th e continuation o f th e Eulogium Historiarum, who give s in th e appropriat e place i n the year 139 9 a Lati n summary o f it and, thoug h h e interpolated a sentence o r two o f hi s own , i t i s evident tha t thi s was the sol e sourc e o f his account o f th e deposition.11 H e show s n o knowledg e o f documen t C , whic h becam e readil y accessible to other chronicler s and ca n hardly have been inaccessible to him. We infer tha t he had already written his account when narrative C was circulated and that he was content to let it stand. Bu t narrative C was written in time for the clerk responsible t o includ e it in th e parliamen t rol l o f i Henr y IV , and thoug h thi s roll ma y hav e bee n complete d wel l afte r tha t parliamen t wa s dissolve d o n 1 9 November 1399 , i t i s unlikel y t o hav e bee n pu t togethe r afte r th e followin g parliament me t i n January i40i. 12 I t seem s therefore tha t both narrativ e B and narrative C were written in 140 0 and, i f B is attributed to the summer of that year and C to the autumn, while these dates may be a little out, it is probable tha t this is the correct order in which they were composed. The tw o document s hav e numerous point s o f conflict. Th e man y difference s between them need no t b e cited. It will suffice her e to set down some difference s in the dramatis personae. Firstly the names of those said to have waited on th e king on the morning o f 39 September may be listed.13

BC archbishop of York archbisho bishop of Hereford bisho earl of Northumberland ear earl of Westmorland ear prior of Christchurch, Canterbury prio Lord Despenser Lord Abergavenny Thomas Gray, knight Thoma 11

p of York p of Hereford l of Northumberland l of Westmorland abbot of Westminster r of Christchurch, Canterbury Hugh, Lord Burnell Thomas, Lord Berkeley s Gray, knight

Eulogium Historiarum, ed. F . S. Haydon (3 vols., Rolls Ser., 1858-63), iii. 382-4. The roll of the previous parliament would be presumably available for consultation. In 139 9 tne production o f th e rol l of the previous parliament (of 21 Richar d II) was requested b y the Common s (Chronicles o f London, p. 56). IS For the text in C see DecemScriptores, col. 2743 ; Rot. Part., iii. 416. 12

THE D E P O S I T I O N O F R I C H A R D I I 31

Thomas Erpingham , knight Thoma Thomas Stow, doctor Thoma John Burbache, doctor Joh Denis Lopham, notar y Deni John Feriby, notary Willia

7

s Erpingham , knight s Stow, docto r n Burbache, doctor s Lopham m Feriby William Thirning, justice John Markham, justice

Next, th e name s o f th e procuratio n sen t t o Richar d t o renounc e th e lieg e homage o f his subjects may be listed. 14 C

B

bishop of St. Asaph bisho earl of Westmorland abbot o f Glastonbury abbo Lord Despenser ear Thomas Erpingha m Thoma John Burbache

p of St. Asaph Thomas, Lor d Berkeley t of Glastonbury l of Gloucester s Erpingha m Thomas Gray William Thirning

Lord Despense r an d th e ear l o f Glouceste r are , o f course, identical : i t is to b e noted, however , tha t th e autho r o f documen t C did no t fal l int o th e erro r of antedating the act of degradation, thoug h he fell into other errors. It is not necessary, however, to seek at this point to determine which document is the more correct , bu t t o show that, although th e two narratives hav e much in common, the y are independen t compositions . Fa r more detailed informatio n is needed tha n is as yet available to explain the substitution of some (but not many) names for others . Document C , th e 'Recor d an d Process' , i s to o wel l know n t o nee d a description, thoug h we may recall that, as contrasted wit h document B , it record s nothing o f th e event s o f 2 8 September . I t seem s eviden t tha t i t wa s the mos t widely distribute d o f th e thre e narrative s an d presumabl y th e latest , a s i t is the most elaborate , o f th e three . Copie s ca n b e trace d t o Westminste r abbey , St . Albans, Evesha m an d elsewhere. 15 A n Englis h versio n appear s t o hav e bee n circulated an d thi s wa s incorporated o r adapte d i n varian t form s b y Londo n chroniclers i n thei r account s o f th e event s o f 1399. 16 I t i s perhap s wort h emphasizing tha t th e cop y i n th e parliamen t rol l o f i Henr y I V is defective. I t omits, fo r example , th e claus e i n Richard' s renunciatio n savin g his obi t land s that ha d bee n grante d t o Westminste r abbey. 17 Thi s omissio n canno t b e a n attempt a t falsificatio n sinc e the gran t wa s respected b y Henr y IV. 18 Elsewhere 14

Decem Scriptores, col. 2756 ; Rot. Part., in. 422. H. G . Richardson, 'Richar d II's last parliament', Eng. Hist. Rev., Hi (1937), 40-1. 16 Great Chronicle o f London, ed. A . H. Thomas and I . D . Thornley (1938) , p. 404 . See pp. 51-7 2 fo r an English rendering o f the 'Record and Process'. 17 This clause is to be found in Document A. "H. F . Westlake , Westminster Abbey (s vols. , 1923) , ii . 472 . C f als o Calendar o f Charter Rolls 1341-1417, pp . 375-80 ; Calendar o f Close Rolls 1399-1403, p. 499 ; Col. Close Rolls 1409-13, pp. 277, 37». 15

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corruption i s clearly due t o th e incompetenc e o f a copyis t at som e poin t i n th e chain of transmission.19 Attention ha s alread y bee n calle d t o divergencie s betwee n documen t C and documents A and B . There ar e significan t difference s als o betwee n documen t C and th e chronicl e o f Adam o f Usk. 20 I n al l tha t concern s Henr y o f Lancaster's return an d th e earl y year s o f hi s reig n Ada m o f Us k command s peculia r authority. As a confidant of Archbishop Arunde l h e was very near th e centre o f things, quit e literall y near, nea r enoug h t o pic k up on e o f the gol d noble s tha t Henry let fall when he made his offertory a t the coronation.21 The general factual accuracy o f Adam' s wor k appear s t o b e du e t o hi s practice , whic h seem s undeniable, o f keepin g a recor d o f event s i n whic h h e participated , an d hi s chronicle wa s presumabl y writte n u p fro m hi s notes , aide d doubtles s b y hi s memory.22 This would seem evident when we come to the year 1399 . There i s no ground fo r supposin g that , eve n i f h e ha d acces s t o th e narrative s the n i n circulation, h e ha d nee d t o rel y upo n the m an d w e need no t hesitat e t o accep t Adam's account of the deposition as independent o f them.23 The only item which needs t o b e single d ou t her e i s his lis t of those who waited upon th e king on 29 September,24 i n orde r tha t i t may be compare d wit h the list s from document s B and C set out above . archbishop of York \ propartecleri bishop of Hereford/^ earl of Northumberland! pr o parte dominorum temporalium earl of Westmorland / superioru m abbot of Westminster prior of Christchurch, Canterbury) P ro mfcnonbus prelatis Lord de Berkeley \ LorddeBurnel / pr o barombus Mr. Thomas Stow\ JohnBurbache / pr o plebeis clen Thomas Gray, knight \ ro Thomas Erpingham, knight] P «>mmunitate regm Adam's list agrees wit h document C , except tha t he omits the notaries and , what is more significant , the tw o justices, William Thirning an d John Markham . As regards th e notaries , ther e ar e som e comment s i t seems desirabl e t o make. Fo r the second notary , documen t B gives th e name of John Ferib y an d documen t C the nam e o f Willia m Feriby . A John Ferib y wa s a househol d cler k an d fairl y prominent i n th e servic e of Henry IV ; but th e man intende d i s almost certainly William Feriby , the protonotary i n th e chancery, wh o became chancello r t o th e future Henr y V.25 Document B attributes to this notary the reading i n parliamen t 19

Rot. Parl., iii. 423, no. 57 ; cf. Chronicles of London, p. \f>; Annales Ricardi Secundi, p. 282 . Chronicon Adae de Usk, 1377-1421, ed. E . M. Thompson (1904) , pp. 31-2 . 21 Ibid., p. 119 . 22 Cf. C. L. Kingsford, English Historical Literature in the i^th Century (Oxford , 1913) , pp. 32-4 . 23 That Adam was an eye-witnes s of the 139 9 parliament, as he was of the 139 7 parliament, admits of no doubt. Maunde Thompson, after asserting that Adam borrowed his narrative for 139 7 from th e Monk of Evesham , in effect withdre w that assertion (Usk, Chronicon, pp. xxxvi, i52n.) . As he indicates in hi s notes , th e Evesha m tex t i s inferio r and , i n on e place , unintelligible. Th e borrowin g seems clearly to have been the other way. 24 Usk, Chronicon, pp. 31-2 . 25 For particular s of John Feriby , see n . 83 ; for William , se e Biographical Register o f the University o f Oxford t o A.D. 1500, comp. A. B. Emden (3 vols., Oxford, 1957-9) , ii. 678-9. There were several me n of the name of William Feriby and the identity of the man so named in document C has been a matter of some speculation (Clarke and Galbraith , pp. 149-51). 20

THE D E P O S I T I O N O F R I C H A R D I I 31

9

of th e charge s agains t Richard, a duty which would be appropriate t o a senio r chancery clerk . The justices present a proble m o f another kind . No t onl y Adam of Us k but document B omits all mention o f justices. Neithe r document B nor Ada m has a word t o sa y on th e part alleged t o hav e been playe d by Thirning.26 This would indeed be a very remarkable omissio n if, in truth, Thirning played any part at all in Richard' s deposition , muc h mor e if he playe d the prominen t par t ascribe d to him in document C . Perhaps the most appropriate commen t may be to recall some word s o f Edwar d Foss , who , b e i t noted , accepte d th e authorit y o f th e 'Record and Process'. 27 When King Richard had resume d his royal power, and ha d contrived in his twenty-first year to summon a parliament read y to do his bidding, the legality of the attainder of the judges te n years before was discussed by both houses , and th e legal and judicial officer s were called upon to state what they thought of the answers of their predecessors fo r which they had bee n condemned . Chie f Justice Thirning replied , somewha t evasively, that 'the declaration of treason not yet declared belonged t o the parliament; but that had he been a lord o f parliament, i f he had bee n aske d he should have answered i n the same manner.' All th e proceeding s o f th e elevent h yea r wer e thereupo n o f cours e repealed , an d th e surviving sufferers recalle d from banishment. Recollecting that these enactments o f 21 Richard II were all annulled within two years in th e firs t parliamen t o f Henr y IV , i t seem s somewha t extraordinary tha t Si r William Thirning..., afte r givin g suc h a n opinion , shoul d hav e bee n selecte d a s on e o f th e commissioners t o receiv e Richard's resignation o f the crown, an d shoul d hav e been pu t forward s o prominently , a s th e spokesma n o f th e parliament , i n pronouncin g hi s deposition.

The difficulty, o f course, vanishes if, as seems highly probable, the part played by Thirning i s imaginary , th e inventio n o f a propagandist . Fo r i t wil l no t hav e escaped notice that in document B there is no suggestion that anyone of standing or authorit y in Englis h la w took part i n the proceedings, whil e in documen t A the name s give n as witnesses to Richard' s resignation appea r t o b e exclusively those o f partisans of Henry of Lancaster. I t ma y well have seemed necessar y to assert tha t th e Englis h judiciary did mor e than acquiesc e in the revolution an d that the y approved. An d just as th e autho r o f documen t B was careful t o not e that the Lord s Appellant of 139 7 approved o f the proceedings o f 30 Septembe r 1399. s o th e autho r o f documen t C emphasize d th e approva l allege d t o hav e been bestowed by Thirning, for he too had been prominent in the proceedings of 1397. Thirning, it is true, did play a part in Henry IV's first parliament, but i t was as the organum vocis of the lord steward. 28 For th e man y othe r discrepancie s between document s B and C we have n o explanation t o offer excep t that they are the work of propagandists inventing and writing independentl y o f on e another . Obviously , wher e documen t C i s supported b y Adam of Usk, his testimony tells in its favour. On th e other hand it is noteworthy that the discourse of the archbishop of York, which is vouched for by Ada m o f Us k a s well as b y documen t B , i s omitted fro m documen t C . Bu t both document s ar e highl y suspect, no t onl y where the y diffe r bu t wher e they accord. I n th e absenc e of independent corroboration , i t is hazardous t o accept their statements. A final comment ma y be made. Th e identificatio n of these documents as the " Usk, Chronicon, pp. 31-3 . " E. Foss, The Judgeso f England (9 vols., 1848-64) , iv. sio. 3t Chronicles o f London, p. 59 ; Annales Henrici Quarti inTrokelowe, Chronicaet Annales, pp. 314-15 . See the comment in L . W. V. Harcourt./fu Grace the Steward and Trial of Peers (i907), pp. 371 , 378.

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chroniclers' source s i s a grea t gain . Nothin g is more futil e tha n th e attemp t t o wring the truth from thei r narratives, based as they are upon gossip , news-letters and propaganda . When , as here, w e can get back to the 'sources of the sources' , we can with great relief brush these chroniclers aside: they have nothing material to tel l us . No t tha t any of our thre e document s ca n be accepte d a s trustworthy. This i s quit e unlikely . The y al l touc h th e trut h lightl y a t sufficien t point s t o convince the credulous, and the y did thei r work, as civic and monastic chronicles testify. Th e tw o longe r an d circumstantia l accounts ar e inconsistent , not onl y with on e anothe r bu t wit h well-established facts. I t i s impossible in our presen t state of knowledge to be sure about th e truth which lies behind the m and which they were, indeed, designed to hide. But as further informatio n comes to light to make possibl e a reconstructio n o f th e stor y o f Kin g Richard' s resignation an d deposition, i t i s likel y tha t thes e thre e document s wil l b e foun d t o reflec t th e changing attitudes during the negotiations with the king. The duke of Lancaster's ambitions grew as the king's resolve was seen to weaken. A regency came to have no longe r an y appea l t o Lancaste r an d depositio n becam e hi s aim . Bu t deposition raise d th e awkwar d poin t whethe r th e Lord' s Anointe d coul d b e removed at all and i t certainly aroused oppositio n from th e earl of Northumberland, th e bisho p o f Carlisl e and others . Henc e th e eventual emphasis upon th e prior need , that is the voluntary resignation by the king of his royal authority.

Document A i9

APPENDIX

In De i nomine , Amen . Eg o Ricardus , De i graci a re x Angli c e t Franci e e t dominu s Hibernie, omne s dictoru m regnoru m e t dominioru m archiepiscopos , episcopo s e t alios quoscumque ecclesiaru m seculariu m ve l regulariu m prelates , cuiuscumqu e dignitatis , gradus, status seu condicionis existant,30 duces et31 marchiones, comites , barones, milites, vassalos e t valvasore s et legio s homine s meo s quoscumque , ecclesiastico s vel seculares , quocumque nomin e censeantur, a iuramento fidelitatis et homagii e t aliis quibuscumqu e mihi facti s omniqu e vincul o ligiancie et regalie a c dominii quibus mihi 32 obligati fuerant vel sin t ve l alia s quomodolibe t astrict i absolvo , e t eo s e t eoru m heijede s e t successore s imperpetuum a b eisdem obligacionibus et iuramentis et aliis quibuscumque relaxo, liber o et quiet o e t libero s e t 3 s solutos , quieto s e t immunes , quantu m a d persona m mea m attinet,34 dimitt o a d omne m iuri s effectum 35 qu i e x premissi s sequ i poteri t se u aliqu o premissorum omniqu e regie 36 dignitat i e t magestat i e t coron e necno n domini o e t potestati dictorum regnoru m e t dominiorum aliisqu e dominiis et possessionibus meis seu mihi quomodolibet competentibu s quibuscumque , quocumqu e nomine censeantur, infra regna e t domini a predict a e t alibi ubilibet constitutis 37 salvis terris et possessionibus pe r me pro obit u meo impensis et emptis38 omnique iur i et colori iuri s ac titulo possessioni et dominio qu e unquam habui , habeo vel quovismodo39 habere potero in eisdem seu eorum aliquo ve l ad 40 e a cu m sui s iuribu s e t pertinencii s universi s se u dependentibu s qualitercumque a b eisde m seu 41 eoru m aliqu o necnon regimini , gubernacion i a c 29

This is reconstructed from Britis h Library, Stow e MS. 66 (hereafter cite d as S); ibid., Harley MS. 293 fos. 47- 8 (H); th e Evesha m Chronicle , Historia Vitae Ricardi II , pp . 157-6 0 (E) ; and documen t C, Rotuli Parliamentorum, iii. 4153 (RP). 30 1 S, H, existens; RP, existant 3 RP, que 32 S, H, omit. " RP omits et liberos et 34 5 S, H, omit. 3 S, H, affectum 36 3 7 S, H, omit . S, H, constitute 9 " S, RP omit salvis terris.. . emptis 3 S omits. 40 1 H omits. 4 H, RP , vel

THE D E P O S I T I O N O F R I C H A R D I I 32 42

1 s

administration! regnorum e t dominiorum huiusmodi omnibus et omnino de mero* et mixto imperi o a c iurisdiccion i in eisde m regni s e t dominii s mih i competentibu s se u competituris nominiqu e e t honor i ac 44 regali e e t celsitudin i regiis , pure , sponte , simpliciter e t absolute , melioribus 45 modo, vi a et form a quibu s potero 46 i n hii s scriptis renuncio e t e a in totu m resign o ac re et verbo dimitt o et in 47 eisde m ced o e t a b eisde m recedo imperpetuum , salvis successoribus meis48 regibus Anglic in regnis et 49 dominiis et ceteris omnibu s premissi s imperpetuum iuribu s in eisdem se u eorum aliqu o competen tibus e t competituri s quibuscumqu e mequ e a d regime n e t gubernacione m dictoru m regnorum e t dominiorum 50 cu m sui s pertinenciis universis fateor, recognosco, reput o e t veraciter ex certa sciencia iudico fuisse et esse insufficientem penitu s et inutilem ac propter mea demerit a notori a no n immerit o deponendum, e t iuro a d he c sancta Dei 51 evangelia per m e corporalite r tact a quo d nunqua m premissi s renunciacioni, resignacioni , dimis sioni e t cessioni 52 contraveniam 53 se u ea quomodolibe t inpugnabo , fact o vel verbo, pe r me ve l per 54 aliu m se u alios contravenir i vel inpugnari permittam , quantu m i n m e est , publice55 ve l occulte , sed 56 easde m renunciacionem , resignacionem, 57 dimissione m e t cessionem imperpetuum ratas et gratas habebo e t firmiter tenebo e t observabo in toto et in omn i sua 58 parte sicu t me Deus adiuvet59 et hec sancta Dei evangelia. Et ego Ricardus [rex] predictus me subscribe 60 presentibus [viris venerabilibus] Henrico [duce ] Lancastrie, reverendo patr i Thom a Cantuariensi , Ricard o Eboracensi , [lohann e episcop o Herefordensi], a c nobilibus viris comitibus Henrico Northumbrie et Radulpho Westmerlandie, Thom a Arunde l [a c dominis Thoma] d e Berkele y et Willelm o Beauchamp 61 d e Bergevene, Hugon e de Burnel , Willelmo de Ros , Henrico [de ] Bellomonte, Willelmo de Williby, baronibus , domini s Thoma Gray, 62 Thom a Erpingham, 63 Thoma Remeston', 64 Willelmo Fulthorp, 65 Hugon e Watterton', 66 militibus , Willelm o Lucas, 67 lohann e Norbury,68 Edwardo Beauchamp,69 Radulpho Braylesford,70 armigeris. 71 42

S H omit s ac administration!; R P reads ad 4 RP reads omnibusque et omnimodis mero 5 "H,et 4 S, meliori *6RP,poterit " S, H, omit. 48 9 S, in eis * H omits . 50 1 S omits et dominiorum 5 RP omits . 52 H ha s renunciacioni. . . cessioni in different order; S omits dimissioni 53 H has unintelligible blunder. 54 RP omits. " H, private 56 H, scilicet " S omits. 58 RP, sui; H, tT i qualibet sui parte 59 S,RP,me Deus 60 RP reads Ego Ricardus rex antedictus propria manu me subscribe; H omits . 61 For whom se e Usk, Chronicon, p. 30. 62 A knight, lord of Wark, constabl e o f Norham castle , 1396 ; subsequently employe d i n the Nort h under Henry I V (J. H. Wylie , History o f England under Henry IV (4 vols., 1884-98) , ii. 58-9 &: n., 273). 63 He wa s with Henr y I V i n Pari s i n 139 9 an d crosse d t o Englan d wit h hi m (Dictionary o f National Biography, Supplement). 64 Thomas Rempsto n wa s in Henr y IV' s service when ear l o f Derby (Wylie , iv. 183-4). He was with him i n Paris in 139 9 and crosse d to Englan d wit h him, becoming constabl e of the Tower i Oct . 139 9 (Col. Pat. Rolls 1399-1401, p. 264). 65 He was a son o f Roge r Fulthorp , justice o f the Commo n Benc h an d als o justice i n the duchy of Lancaster (John o f Gaunt's Register, 1379-83, ed. E . C. Lodg e an d R . Somerville (Camden 3r d ser. , Ivi , Ivii, 1937) , i . 100 , 200 , ii . 416) . Henr y I V appointe d hi m t o th e cour t o f constabl e an d marsha l (Harcourt, pp . 400-2) . As under-constable he appears normally t o have presided over the court (Year Book, Michaelmas , 1 3 Henry IV , no. 10 ; repr. in Harcourt, pp. 365-6) , and i t was apparently i n this capacity tha t he sentenced Archbisho p Scrop e in 140 5 (Rot. Part., iii. 633; M. H. Keen , 'Treason trial s under th e la w of arms', Trans. Royal Hist. Soc., 5th ser. , xii (1962), 87 n. i) . The popular notions o f this trial ar e derive d fro m Thoma s Gascoigne , Loci e Libro Veritatum, ed . J. E . Thorold Roger s (Oxford , 1881), pp . 225-9 , b y wa y of th e hagiograph y o f Clemen t Maidston e i n H . Wharton , Anglia Sacra (2 vols., 1691) , ii. 370. The actual facts are set out i n Harcourt, pp. 272-6 . 66 Hugh Waterto n wa s an esquir e i n John o f Gaunt's househol d an d treasure r t o Henr y I V when earl o f Derby (John o f Gaunt's Register, i, pp. xl , 40, 68, ii . 194 , 308). He accompanied him t o Prussi a as master o f hors e (Wylie , iv . i43n ) an d wa s an executo r o f John o f Gaunt' s wil l (S . Armitage-Smith, John of Gaunt (1904), p. 430). 67 A knight, not identifie d with certainty.

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Protestacio regis Ricardi ante resignacionem 12 Premissa protestation e quo d nolui t ne e intendeba t renunciar e carecteribu s anim e su e impressis a sacr a unccione . Ite m quo d reservavi t redditus , terra s et tenementa per ipsu m empta e t perquisit a d e domin o Ricard o Scrop e pr o obit u su o e t alioru m apu d Westmonasterium faciend o e t i n us u etc . Ite m volui t e t declaravi t quo d renunciavi t regimen regni , it a quod , quantu m i n e o fuerat , dominu s Henricus , du x Lancastrie , proximo sibi succederet in regno. Post resignacionem publicatam in parliamento surrexit Henricus Lancastrie et dixit ist a verba: In th e nam e o f the Father, of the Sone and th e Holy Cost I Henry o f Lancastre chalange this reme of Inglond an d th e croune with all the membres and all the appurtenance as that I am descendit b e right lin e of the blod comyng fro the good lor d kyn g Henry thri d and thorowg h th e rizt that God o f His grace ath sen d me with the help of my kin73 and m y frendes t o recover it, the whych reme was in poynt to ben undoo fo r defaute of governance an d undoyin g of the good lawes. 74 Post eleccionem Henricus Lancastrie habuit ista verba populo Sires, I than k Go d an d zo u spiritue l an d tempore l an d al l th e state s o f thi s lon d an d d o yo u t o wytten that hit is nozt my wyll that any man then k that be way of conquest I wald disherite any man o f his heritage, franches e o r oudre rizt that him ozt to have ne put him out of that he hath and hath had be th e goo d lawe s and custome s o f th e rem e except e thoe s persone s tha t ha n b e azayn e th e goo d purpose and comen profit75 of the reme. Document B: Corpus Christi College, Cambridge, MS. 59/05. 2jov-2ji'

16

LA MANER E D E L A RENONCIACION E DE L RO Y RICHAR D D E S A CORON E ET D E L A ELECCION E DE L RO Y HENR I L E QUART E PUI S L E CONQUEST S

ETC.

Primerement, l e dymeng e l e vey l d e seyn t Miche l apres mange r furen t envoyes , pa r l a sent d e tou t [le ] graun t consay l d'Engleterre , a l ro y Richard , tan k a la Tour de Londres , 1'erchevesque d e Everwyk , 1'evesqu e d e Herford , evesqes, 77 le s counte z d e Northumbir land et Westmerland pur countez , le seignur de Spencer (nadegeris counte de Gloucestre), le seignu r d e Bergeben e pu r barouns , mounsir e Thoma s Gray 78 e t mounsir e Thoma s 68 He wa s in Henr y IV' s service when ear l o f Derb y (Wylie, iv. 173 , 177 , 184). He wa s with him i n Paris in 139 9 and crossed t o Englan d with him (Annales Ricardi Secundi, p. 242) . Henry appointed hi m treasurer 3 Sept. 139 9 (Cal. Pat. Rolls 1396-9, p. 595) , an offic e i n which he was confirmed 3 0 Sept . (Cal. Pat. Rolls 1399-1401, p. 8). 69 He wa s a n esquir e o f John o f Gaun t an d i n receip t o f a n annuit y fro m hi m (John o f Gaunt's Register, i. 11 , 194 , ii. 253). 70 Ralf Brailesford wa s granted an annuit y by Henry I V 31 Oct. 139 9 (Cal. Close Rolls 1399-1402, p.

12).

71

The lis t of witnesses is rendered very corruptly i n S and H and ha s been corrected by E. H omit s the headin g and ha s man y blunders in the tex t of the protestacio. Cf. Historia Vitae Ricardi Secundi, p. 159 . 73 S, king 74 S, law. 75 S reads good comen profit; H read s common good 76 Printed b y courtes y o f th e Maste r an d Fellow s o f Corpu s Christ i College , Cambridge . Thi s document i s containe d i n a miscellaneou s collectio n o f historica l an d lega l documents , writte n possibly a t Wes t Langde n abbey , fo r th e mos t par t i n th e 14t h centur y bu t wit h late r addition s ( A Descnptive Catalogue o f th e Manuscripts o f Corpus Christi College, Cambridge, comp . M . R.Jame s ( 2 vols., Cambridge, 1909-12) , p . 122) . It is an imperfect transcrip t o f the original an d ha s many mistakes and incorrect readings . Mistake s in prope r name s ca n b e correcte d fro m othe r sources : elsewher e they can b e correcte d b y th e sens e required . Incorrec t reading s o f th e manuscrip t ar e give n i n th e footnotes. Th e tex t ha s been divide d into paragraphs an d punctuated ; capitals and th e letters j, u , v have been employe d according t o modern usag e and accents supplied to assist the reader. 77 MS.: ovesques 78 See above n. 62. 72

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3

Erpyngham 79 pur chevalers , mestre Thomas Stowe, 80 mestre Johan Burbache, 81 doctours, et mestr e Deny s Lopham, 82 et mestr e Johan Feriby " notariis , pu r savoir , depart l a dite consail, d e di t ro y s'i l voudroi t renounce r tou t l e droi t q'i l avoi t e n l a coroun e d'Engleterre ov e les apportenaunz , com e i l avoi t promis a eu x avaun t ces hoeures. E t le roy respond y e t dis t q'i l covien t a l y primeremen t d e vee r e n escript z l a maner e d e l a renonciacione e t qi ly doit renouncer. E t sur ceo ils deliverent a luy une bille, 84 en l a quele fuist compri s coment i l duist renoncier tou t le droit q'il avoit en la corone d'Engleterre et en le s appurtenantcz a ycele, c'est assavoir en les realmes d'Engleterre , Fraunce , Irlan d et Escoce, et en le s duches de Gyen e et Normandie, e t en les countes de Pontif , et en la ville de Caleys et en toutz les autres chastelx, garnisons et villez queux i l avoit a present o u duist avoir de droit, depar t d e la mere e t depart d e ceo et en chescune parcelle d'ycele , pur luy et sez heirs a toutz jours. E t il respondy et dist q'il voudroit de ceo ly aviser tanque a matyn proschein ensuant. Et su r ce o e n l e fest e d e sein t Michel , a l oeur e d e neo f d e l a clokk e devaunt manger, vendroient a l a Tour mesme s le s seignurs, e t ovesqu e eu x l e priou r d e Crischerch e d e Cauntirbirs,85 e t lu y demanderen t s'i l fuis t plenermen t avise e d e sou n respoun s su r 1'avauntdite bille. 86 E t i l respond y brefmen t q'i l n e ferroi t e n null e manere ; e t fuis t graundement coruce e et dist q'il voudroi t bie n avisee coment i l resignerait87 la corone e t qi. Me s apres , quan t i l fuist autremen t avise e sur certeine s resons , queu x furen t l a a luy mostrez par le s distes seignurs, il disoit: 'Faite z venir cy moun cher cosyn de Lankastre, et jeo a luy renoncera volunters , sur certeines condicions queux jeo lu y declarera'. Et su r ce o mesm e l e feste , apre s manger , l e du k d e Lankastre , l e count e d e Northumbirland, l e coun t d e Westmerland , e t plusour s autre z barouns , chivaler s e t esquiers a graunt nombre, chivacheren t parmy Chepe desques a la Tour, o u furent preste s a mesm e l e temp s 1'erchevesqu e d e Cauntirbirs , 1'erchevesqu e d e Everwik , 1'evesqu e d e Herford, 1'abb e d e Westmostier, 88 l e priou r d e Chrischerch e d e Cantirbirs , ov e autres clerkis espirituelz, ou fuis t demand e de roy s'il voloit volunters renoncier tou t le droit q'i l avoit en la corone d'Engleterr e ov e les appurtenauntz, en la forme compris e n la bille89 a luy deliverez de sa renonciacione. A qi le roy respondy et dist q'il ferroit volontiers a oeps son che r cosy n le duk d e Lankastre , sur certeines condicions queux i l expressereit.90 A qi fuist dis t par eu x qe ceo ne serra my e fait, me s simplement sancz ascun condicione. E t sur ceo l e ro y mesme s pris t 1'avauntdit e bille91 e t l a lisoi t ov e bon e chier , distinctemen t et overtement, e t issin t resign a i l al du k d e Lankastr e tout l e droi t q'i l avoi t e n l a corone d'Engleterre ove les appurtenauntz, et toutz autres terres, forspris les92 terre s et tenementz queulx i l avoi t d e purcha s d e Roge r Waldene 93 e t mounsir e Willia m Scrope, nadgari s 79

See above n. 63. MS.: Stawe. Thoma s Stowe , a D.C.L . o f Oxford , occasionall y serve d unde r Richar d I I a s a member of the court of constable and marsha l (Biographical Register of Oxford, Hi . 1794-5). "John Burbache , a D.C.L . o f Oxford , occasionall y serve d unde r Richar d I I a s a member o f the court of constable and marsha l (Biographical Register of Oxford, i . 305-6). 82 MS.: Lepham. Deni s Lopham was a cano n lawyer , practising i n Londo n (Calendar o f Wills proved and enrolled in the Court ofHusting, London, A.D. i2$8-A.D. 1688, ed. R . R. Sharpe (2 vols., 1889-90) , ii. 212, 262 ; Calendar o f Letter-Books . . . of the City o f London: Letter-Book H , ed . R . R . Sharpe (1907), p . 84 ; Cal. Pat. Rolls 1396-9, passim). 83 MS.: Ferby. John Ferib y was clerk o f th e househol d unde r Henr y I V and under-treasure r of St. Peter's, York (Cal. Pat. Rolls 1399-1401, pp. 172 , 355; Cal. Pat. Rolls 1401-5, pp. 34 , 285 , 327 ; Cal. P Rolls 1405-8, pp. 223 , 291 , 395; Cal. Close Rolls 1405-9, p. 487 ; Cal. Close Rolls 1409-13, p. 170) . "MS.: bulle 85 Thomas Chillendon. M MS.: bulle 87 MS.: resignera 88 William Colchester. 89 MS.: bulle 90 MS.:expresserent 91 MS.: bulle 92 MS.:/* 9S The intrusive archbishop of Canterbury, displaced by the returning Thomas Arundel. 80

324 TH

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tresorer d'Engleterre, pu r done r a l abbey e d e Westmostie r pu r so n anniversari e annuelement pu r s'alm e a garder , l a quel e lu y fuis t graunt e devaun t tout z le s seignurs avauntditz. E t su r ce o furen t entre s d e recor d certeine s testmoignes , c'es t assavoi r 1'erchevesque d e Everwik , 1'evesqu e de Herford , evesques , le counte d e Northumbirland, le count de Westmerland, countz, le seignur Despencer avauntdit, le seignur de Bargevene, barons, l e priou r d e Crischerch e d e Cauntirbirs , 1'abb e d e Westmostie r pu r abbes , mounsire Thomas Gray , mounsire Thoma s Erpingham , chivalers , mestre Thomas Stowe, mestre Johan Burbache , doctours , e t mestre Deny s Lopham 95 e t mestre Johan Feriby, 96 notories, requi s su r c e de fair e u n instrument . E t issin t l a prime r somon s d e parlemen t discontinua.97 Et puis le marsdy, a oeure d e neof de la clokke, vient le duk de Lankastre a Westmostier. Et encountre lu y viendrent ove processione solempnemen t 1'abb e de mesme la lieu et toutz sez moignes, bien revestus, 98 tanque a la porte de la cymyterie, et comenceront u n respon s Honor, virtus etc." E t pui s i l al a e n 1'esglis e e t oi a un e mess e d e l e Sein t Espirit, 100 solempnement101 chauntez 102 d e tout z 1'erchevesque s e t evesque s l a solempnemen t revestuz.103 Et puis, apres l a messe fyny, i l vient en la graunt sale de Westmostier, parentr e xii. e t un d e la clokke, et devaunt luy mounsire Thoma s Erpingham , portaunt sou n espee bien e t richemen t arraie d e perreie , a quel temp s l a fuis t c y graun t nombr e d e gent z qu e tout l a sale fuist replen y et la court dehor s bie n pres . E t en l a sale fuist un e bel e see, bie n arraie ove draps d'ore, come affiert pu r u n roy. Quant le duk d e Lancastre fuist venu e dedens les barres de l lieu qu i fuis t ordin e pur l e parlement, il sea en le lieu de parlement que sou n piere , com duk de Lankastre, a s autres parlementz avaunt ces hoeures tenuz , luy seast, c'est assavoir jouste 1'evesqu e de Karlil . Et furent l a adonques bie n pre s tout z les evesques d'Engleterre e t issint de countz et d'autre s seignurs d e parlement , s i bien le s appellauntz104 come de s autres seignurs , en lou r cour s de parlemen t seauntz . E t donque 1'erchevesqu e d e Everwy k comence a un e collacione , et prist su r s a tem e Posuit verba sua i n o s meum etc.,* 05 e n l a quel e i l declar a l a caus e de l a renonciacione l e ro y Richar d e t comen t i l l e fist . E t quan t ce o fuis t fyny , mestr e Johan Burbache106 lisoit la renonciacione qe le roy Richar d avoi t fait , e t sur mesme l a bille qe le roy mesmes ceo fist. Et quant ceo fuist fyny , fuis t demand e generalment pa r 1'erchevesqu e de Caunterbir s d e tout z les seignurs, s i bien espirituel x come temporelx , e t d e tout z les autres comunes l a assemblez, s'il s agreront a ycele, le s queux crieren t parmy tout la sale, en haute vois: 'Oy; oy; oy'. E t apres mestre Johan Feriby, 107 notorie, lisoit en escriptz toutz les pointz queux furent cause de sa deposicione, le s queux il avoit fait en countre l a corone

94

The earl of Wiltshire, who had die d on 30 July 1399 . MS.:Lepham 96 MS.: Per by 97 MS.: discontinue 98 MS.: revercez "The responsor y fo r Trinit y Sunday , beginning 'Honor , virtu s et potesta s e t imperium' . I t was sung at th e crown-wearin g of Richard I i n 119 4 an d wa s probably traditiona l at Westminster abbey when a kin g wa s receive d ther e ceremoniousl y (H . G . Richardson , 'Th e coronatio n i n medieva l England: the evolution of the office an d th e oath', Traditio, xvi (1960), 130 , 198). }00 MS.:Espir 101 MS.: solempement lo *MS.:chauntz l03 MS.:revera 104 The Appellant s of 1397 . Of thes e William Scrope, ear l o f Wiltshire, was dead an d th e ear l o f Nottingham (duk e of Norfolk) was in exile and seem s actually to have died at Venice on 22 Sept. 1399 . Presumably the others wer e in their places. They were—to give them thei r higher titles—th e dukes of Albemarle (formerl y ear l o f Rutland) , Exete r (ear l o f Huntingdon) , Surre y (ear l o f Kent) , th e marquess of Dorset (earl of Somerset), the earls of Gloucester (Despenser ) and Salisbury. 105 f^ot j n documen t C but i n Usk , Chronicon, p. 32 , where the tex t is cited as 'Posui verba mea in os tuum' (Isa. 51: 16). 106 He i s the 'alius ' of the 'Recor d and Process ' (Rot. Parl., iii. 4170, 1 . 5) . 107 MS.: Ferby. H e i s no t name d i n th e 'Recor d an d Process' , whic h als o state s tha t no t al l th e articles were read but onl y the 'maxima pars articulorum' (Rot. Parl., iii. 437b, 1 . 28) . 9i

THE D E P O S I T I O N O F R I C H A R D I I 32

5

de sa roial mageste et son sermen t e t encountre l e ley de la terre, et auxi de les vengeables mortez e t exilement z e t jugementz rendu z de se z seignurs et piere s d e l a roialme , sanc z assent d e lou r piere s o u pa r du e process e d e ley , et d'autre z plusours pointz , e t aux i d e soun testament 108 qu'il avoit fait quan t i l fuist e n aler envers Irland, qu'i l fuis t purpos e et ordeine a graun t damag e d e la roialme. E t puis 1'erchevesque d e Cantirbir s demanda d e tout l e people s'il s voloient assentier a l a dit e deposicione pu r le s causez suisditz, queu x disoient en haut e vois, parmy tout la sale: 'Oy ; oy ; oy'. E t apres fuis t demand e pa r l e dit 1'erchivesque de tout le people s'il s voudroient assentier de faire une procuracie as certeins gentz pu r susrendr e tout z lou r homage z lige s i di t ro y Richar d e t lu y deposir , queu x disoient e n haut e vois, parmy tou t la sale: 'Oy ; oy; oy'. E t sur ceo furent ordine z la en la procuracie 1'esvesqu e d e sein t Assa, le count de Westmerland, 1'abbe de Glastingbery , le seignur Despencer , mounsir e Thomas Erpingham et mestre Johan Burbache, doctour, e n noun d e tout z les estates de la roialme, pur susrendr e lou r homage s lige s et ly deposir e n la manere suisdit , la quele procuracie 1'evesqu e de seint Assa la overtement lisoit . Et issint fuist l a corone voide. Et donque soy leva le duk d e Lankastre , et luy croisa e n l a front e t sur l e pis, et lysa e n graunt voi s une bille , e n l a quel e fuis t compri s comen t i l clama l a roialme d'Engleterr e pur certeine s causes, et come proschein hei r mal et plus digne de sank a le bon ro y Henri le tierce, fitz a roy Johan, et declara par mesm e la bille tout e la pee de gree et fist issint lineal discen t d e di t ro y Henr i tanqu e a luy. 109 E t su r ce o l e tresore r d'Engleterre 110 demanda severalmen t de toutz les seignurs espirituelx s'ils voudrent assentir que le duk de Lankastre serroi t roy , e t chescu n d e eu x pa r so y assenta . E t donqu e l e coun t d e Northumbirland demand a severalmen t d e tout z le s seignur s temporel x s'il s voudren t assentir a mesme l a demande, queu x assenteren t come le s autrez severalment. Et donqu e le duk d e Lancastre, scean t par tou t l e temps, disoit: 111 'Seignurs espirituelx et temporelx queux c y sount assembles, nou s vous prions que vous ne ditez ceux paroles par bouche et nemye d e coer , me s pa r bouch e e t d e coer . Nepurquan t mesqu e ascun s d e vou s n'assenterent mye de coer, jeo n'a y mye nule merveile'. Et sur ceo toute disoient: 'Oy; oy; oy'. Et sur ceo leverent 1'erchevesque de Cauntirbirs et 1'erchevesque de Everwik, et auxi le duk d e Everwik, et baiserent se s mains et luy amesnerent tanqu e a la see. Et quaunt il vient a la see, il luy mist sur se s geneils et fist soun prier, e t quant il luy avoir fait, i l croisa l a see et l a dos d e l a see , e t fuis t my s pa r eu x e n l a dite se e come roy , a graun t joie d e tou t la people, criant z parmy tout la sale et dehors. Et donqu e comence a 1'erchevesqu e d e Cauntirbir s une collacione , et prist pur s a teme Virfortis dominabitur populo etc., en la quele il declara comen t un ro y vivera et luy governera sa gentz et sa roialme, e t quoi appen t al governaile d'un roy. 112 Et apres la dite collacione fyny, lls l e chaunceler d'Engleterre 114 susrendy soun seal a dit roy Henri, et le tresorer soun office, e t le constable d'Engleterre , c'es t assaver le count d e Northumbirland , soun maas , et l e marischal , l e coun t d e Westmerland , sou n bastone : e t l e dit ro y tantos t rebaill e a checun d e eu x sou n offic e e t sou n charge , com e se z officez 115 d e novelemen t faitz . E t donque 1'erchevesqu e d e Cantirbir s prononci a comen t l e ro y serroi t coron e a Westmostier, ov e solempnemen t com e appent , l e lund y estean t la fest e d e sein t Edward. l

°*MS.:testment This differs fro m th e 'Record and Process ' (Rot Pari, iii. 4asa). John Norbury , appointed 3 Sept. 1399 : see above n. 68. The passage differs fro m th e 'Record and Process'. 111 This is not i n the 'Record and Process ' (Rot. Parl., iii. 423) . 112 What purports to be this discourse is in document C (Decem Scriptores, col. 2758; Rot. Parl., iii. 423a), wher e th e tex t i s cite d a s 'Vi r dominabitur populo' . Ada m o f Us k render s th e tex t 'Vir dominabitur eis' (Chronicon, p. 32) . The tex t is an adaptatio n of i Kgs . 9 : 1 7 , 'Ecce vir quern dixeram tibi; iste dominabitur populo meo'. 113 What follow s particularize s th e genera l statemen t i n th e 'Recor d an d Process ' (Rot. Parl., iii. 423°)114 John Scarle , appointe d 5 Sept. 139 9 (Foss, iv . 177 ; T. D . Hardy , Catalogue o f Lords Chancellors, Keepers o f th e Great Seal, Masters o f the Rolls an d Principal Officers o f the High Court o f Chancery (1843)). H e was confirmed i n office 3 0 Sept. 1399 (Col. Pat. Rolls 1399-1401, p. 131) . 115 MS.:o$a 109

110

326 TH

E DEPOSITIO N O F RICHAR D I I

Et puis , d e comandemen t d e dit roy , mesm e 1'erchevesque overtement l a resomenera l e dit parlemen t encountr e proschei n lund y adonque s ensuant. 116 E t s i fini s l e jour . E t donques leveren t le z seignurs , a que l temp s y fuis t parentr e trei s e t quatr e d e l a clokk e apres manger.117 116 117

6 Oct., a s in the 'Record and Process'. This i s not i n the 'Recor d and Process ' (Rot. Parl., Hi. 423!}).

TRANSLATION THE MANNER OF THE RENUNCIA TION B Y KING RICHARD OF HIS CROWN AND OF THE ELECTION OF KING HENR Y, THE FO UR TH SINCE THE CONQUEST ETC. In th e firs t place , o n Sunday , th e ev e o f Michaelma s [2 8 September 1399 ] afte r dinner , b y th e agreemen t o f th e whol e o f th e great counci l o f England , ther e wer e sen t t o Kin g Richard , unt o th e Tower o f London, th e archbisho p o f York, th e bisho p o f Hereford, [fo r the] bishops , th e earl s o f Northumberlan d an d Westmorlan d fo r th e earls, th e Lor d Despenser (formerl y ear l o f Gloucester) , ,the lor d o f Abergavenny for the barons , Sir Thoma s Gra y and Sir Thoma s Erpingham fo r th e knights , maste r Thoma s Stowe , maste r Joh n Burbache, doctors , an d maste r Deni s Lopham an d master John Feriby , notaries, t o ascertai n fro m th e sai d king , o n behal f o f the sai d council , whether h e woul d renounc e al l th e right tha t h e ha d i n th e crow n of England wit h it s appurtenances , a s h e ha d formerl y promise d them . And th e kin g replie d an d sai d tha t i t wa s only righ t tha t he should see the for m o f renunciatio n i n writin g and kno w i n whos e favou r h e wa s to resign . An d thereupo n the y hande d t o hi m a bil l i n whic h wa s contained th e for m i n whic h h e wa s to renounc e al l the righ t tha t h e had i n th e crow n of England and its appurtenances, that i s to sa y in th e kingdoms of England , France, Irelan d an d Scotlan d an d i n the duchie s of Guienn e an d Normand y and in the countie s [sic] o f Ponthieu an d in the tow n o f Calais an d i n al l th e othe r castles , fortifie d place s an d towns whic h h e ha d a t presen t o r ough t rightl y t o have, on this side of the se a and th e other , an d i n ever y parce l o f th e same , for him an d his heirs fo r ever . An d h e answere d an d sai d tha t h e woul d conside r th e matter unti l th e following morning.

THE DEPOSITIO N O F RICHAR D I I 32 7 And accordingl y o n Michaelma s day [2 9 September] , a t th e hou r of nin e b y th e cloc k befor e dinner , ther e wen t t o th e Towe r th e same lords an d wit h the m th e prio r o f Christchurch o f Canterbury, and the y asked th e kin g whethe r h e ha d full y considere d hi s reply regarding the aforesaid bill . An d h e replie d curtly tha t h e would in no wise do it; and he wa s greatly angere d an d sai d tha t h e woul d hav e to consider well in what manne r h e woul d resig n th e crow n an d t o whom . Bu t subsequently, whe n h e had furthe r considere d certai n argument s whic h were ther e pu t t o hi m by the sai d lords, he said, 'Let my dear cousin of Lancaster com e here , an d I wil l willingl y renounc e i n hi s favou r o n certain condition s whic h I will declare to him'. And accordingl y o n th e sam e da y afte r dinne r th e duk e o f Lancaster, th e ear l o f Northumberland , th e ear l o f Westmorlan d and several othe r barons , knight s an d a grea t numbe r o f esquire s rod e through Chep e a s fa r a s th e Tower , wher e ther e wer e alread y presen t the archbisho p o f Canterbury , th e archbisho p o f York, th e bisho p o f Hereford, th e abbo t o f Westminster , th e prio r o f Christchurc h o f Canterbury, wit h othe r spiritua l clerks . An d ther e th e kin g was asked whether h e woul d voluntaril y resig n al l th e righ t tha t h e ha d i n th e crown o f England , with it s appurtenances, in the for m containe d i n the bill o f renunciatio n hande d t o him . T o thi s th e kin g replie d an d sai d that h e woul d d o s o willingly in favou r o f hi s dea r cousin, the duk e of Lancaster, subjec t t o certai n condition s whic h h e woul d declare . I n reply the y tol d hi m that i t coul d no t b e don e i n this way, but simpl y and withou t an y conditions . An d accordingl y th e kin g too k th e aforesaid bil l i n hi s ow n hands an d rea d it with good cheer , clearl y and publicly, an d i n thi s way he resigned in favour o f the duk e of Lancaster all th e righ t tha t h e ha d i n th e crow n o f Englan d wit h it s appurtenances, an d i n al l othe r land s except th e land s and tenement s which h e ha d acquire d b y purchase fro m Roge r Walden and Sir William Scrope, formerl y treasure r o f England, to giv e to Westminster Abbey t o keep hi s anniversar y ever y year fo r his soul's sake, and this was granted to hi m before all the aforesaid lords. And to thi s [th e names of] certai n witnesses wer e take n dow n fo r record , tha t i s to say , the archbisho p of York, th e bisho p o f Herefor d [fo r the ] bishops , th e ear l o f Northumberland, th e ear l o f Westmorlan d [fo r the ] earls , th e lor d Despenser aforesaid , th e lor d o f Abergavenn y [fo r the ] barons , th e prior o f Christchurc h o f Canterbury , th e abbo t o f Westminster, for th e abbots, Si r Thoma s Gray , Si r Thoma s Erpingham , knights , maste r Thomas Stowe , maste r Joh n Burbache , doctors , an d maste r Deni s

328 TH E DEPOSITIO N O F RICHAR D I I Lopham an d maste r Joh n Feriby , notaries , [wh o were ] require d t o draw u p a n instrument o f the proceedings . An d s o the firs t summon s of the parliamen t wa s discharged. And the n o n th e Tuesda y [3 0 September] , a t th e hou r o f nin e by the clock , th e duk e o f Lancaste r cam e to Westminster. And there cam e to mee t hi m a t th e gat e o f th e churchyar d i n solem n processio n th e abbot o f tha t plac e an d all his monks in their fines t vestment s and the y began [t o chant ] a responsory, 'Honor , virtus' etc. An d then h e entered the churc h an d hear d a mass of the Hol y Spiri t solemnl y chanted b y all the archbishop s an d bishop s ther e i n ceremonia l vestments . An d then , when th e mas s wa s ended, h e cam e into th e grea t hal l a t Westminste r between twelv e an d on e b y th e clock , an d befor e hi m Si r Thoma s Erpingham bor e hi s sword , finel y an d richl y se t wit h stones . B y thi s time ther e wa s assembled a great number of people, s o that th e hal l was full an d th e courtyar d outsid e nearl y so . And i n the hal l there wa s a fai r seat, wel l draped with gold cloth, suc h as befitted a king. When th e duk e o f Lancaste r ha d com e withi n th e ba r o f th e plac e that wa s appointed fo r th e parliament , h e sa t i n th e sea t in parliament where hi s father , a s duk e o f Lancaster , ha d sa t i n othe r parliament s previously held , tha t i s to sa y next t o th e bisho p o f Carlisle. And ther e were then assemble d nearly al l the bishop s o f England and likewise earls and othe r lord s o f parliament , a s wel l th e appellant s a s othe r lords , seated i n thei r du e orde r o f parliament . An d the n th e archbisho p o f York bega n a discours e an d too k fo r hi s tex t 'H e pu t hi s word s i n my mouth' etc. , wherei n h e declare d th e reaso n fo r th e resignatio n tha t King Richar d ha d mad e an d ho w h e ha d don e it . An d whe n thi s was ended, maste r Joh n Burbach e rea d th e renunciatio n tha t Kin g Richard had mad e fro m th e ver y bil l tha t th e kin g ha d himsel f rea d it . An d when thi s wa s ended, th e archbisho p o f Canterbur y aske d al l the lord s generally, bot h spiritua l an d temporal , an d als o al l the common s ther e assembled whethe r the y wer e i n agreement , an d al l crie d alou d throughout th e hall , 'Aye ; aye ; aye' . An d nex t maste r Joh n Feriby , notary, rea d fro m a writing al l the article s whic h wer e th e occasio n of the king' s depositio n an d whic h h e ha d don e contrar y t o th e crown of his roya l majest y an d hi s oat h an d th e la w o f th e land , an d als o th e deaths an d exiles, calling for vengeance, and the judgements which were passed upo n th e lord s and peers o f the real m without th e assen t of thei r peers o r du e proces s o f law , an d severa l othe r articles , an d on e concerning th e testamen t h e ha d mad e whe n h e wa s about t o g o t o Ireland, which he had devise d and ordaine d t o th e grea t prejudice of th e

THE DEPOSITIO N O F RICHAR D I I 32 9 realm. An d the n th e archbisho p o f Canterbury aske d all the people if it was their wish to assen t to the said deposition o n the aforesaid grounds , and throughou t th e hal l they crie d in a loud voice, 'Aye ; aye; aye'. And then al l th e peopl e wer e aske d b y th e sai d archbisho p whethe r i t was their wis h t o appoin t certai n me n a s proctor s t o withdra w th e lieg e homage o f the m al l fro m th e sai d King Richard an d to depos e him, and throughout th e hal l the y crie d i n a lou d voice , 'Aye ; aye ; aye' . And thereupon ther e wer e appointe d t o th e procuratio n th e bisho p o f St . Asaph, th e ear l o f Westmorland , th e abbo t o f Glastonbury , th e lor d Despenser, Si r Thomas Erpingha m an d maste r Joh n Burbache , doctor , in th e nam e o f al l th e estate s o f th e realm , t o withdra w thei r lieg e homage an d t o depos e th e king in the manner aforesaid, and the bisho p of St . Asap h rea d ou t publicl y [th e term s of ] th e procuration . An d in this way the crow n was vacant. And the n th e duk e o f Lancaste r arose and crossed himself upon his forehead an d hi s breas t an d i n a loud voic e rea d a bill in which was set out ho w h e claime d th e real m of England for certai n reason s and as the nearest mal e hei r an d mos t worth y o f th e bloo d o f th e goo d Kin g Henry III , so n o f Kin g John . An d b y th e sai d bil l h e se t ou t hi s ful l pedigree an d thu s establishe d hi s linea l descen t fro m th e sai d Kin g Henry. An d thereupo n th e treasure r o f Englan d aske d al l th e lord s spiritual individuall y whethe r i t wa s their wis h to assen t to th e duke of Lancaster's becomin g king, an d eac h of them assente d for himself. And then th e ear l o f Northumberlan d aske d al l th e lord s tempora l individually whethe r i t wa s their wis h t o assen t t o th e sam e demand and, lik e th e others , the y assente d individually . And the n th e duk e o f Lancaster, remainin g seate d throughout , said , 'Lord s spiritua l an d temporal wh o ar e assemble d here , w e pray yo u no t t o sa y such word s with you r lip s an d no t wit h you r heart , bu t wit h lip s an d heart . Nevertheless, i f an y o f yo u d o no t assen t wit h you r heart , I a m no t astonished.' An d thereupo n al l said, 'Aye; aye; aye'. And thereupon th e archbishop o f Canterbur y an d th e archbisho p o f Yor k arose , an d als o the duk e o f York , an d kisse d th e duke' s han d an d le d him to the seat . And whe n h e cam e t o th e seat , h e fel l upo n hi s knees and prayed, and when h e ha d don e so , he mad e th e sig n o f th e cros s upon th e sea t and the bac k o f th e sea t an d wa s placed by the m o n the sea t as king, to th e great joy o f al l the people , shoutin g i n all parts o f the hal l and outside . And the n th e archbisho p o f Canterbury bega n a discourse an d took as his text, ' A stron g ma n shal l b e lor d ove r th e people ' etc. , i n whic h he se t fort h ho w a kin g shoul d liv e an d rul e hi s peopl e an d hi s realm

330 TH E DEPOSITIO N O F RICHAR D I I and wha t ar e th e attribute s o f roya l governance . An d whe n th e discourse wa s ended, th e chancello r o f Englan d surrendere d hi s seal t o the sai d Kin g Henry, an d th e treasure r hi s office , an d th e constabl e of England, tha t i s to sa y the ear l o f Northumberland , his mace, an d th e marshal, [namely ] th e ear l of Westmorland, his staff. An d th e sai d king at onc e reinstate d eac h o f the m i n hi s offic e an d hi s duties , a s office s newly create d b y him . An d the n th e archbishd p o f Canterbur y announced tha t th e kin g woul d b e crowne d a t Westminster , wit h appropriate ceremonial , o n Monda y th e feas t o f St . Edwar d [1 3 October]. An d then , b y comman d o f th e sai d king , th e sam e archbishop publicl y resummone d th e sai d parliamen t fo r th e Monday next followin g [ 6 October] . An d s o [th e busines s of ] th e da y ended . And the n th e lord s rose , th e tim e being betwee n three an d four by th e clock afte r dinner .

24 MODUS TENENDIPARLIAMENTUM: IRISH OR ENGLISH? Much tha t i s entertainin g coul d b e said abou t th e myria d association s foisted upo n th e Modus an d w e mention bu t a few of them i n order t o provide a backgroun d fo r wha t w e have to say . Le t u s begi n wit h th e most distinguishe d name , tha t o f Willia m Stubbs . N o on e exhibit s better tha n h e th e difficult y o f givin g historicit y t o th e tract , o f matching it s statement s wit h contemporar y records . H e include d th e Modus i n his Select Charters. It came , he said, as a 'fitting appendix ' t o the serie s o f document s h e ha d selecte d t o illustrat e th e evolutio n o f the Englis h constitutio n fro m it s beginning s t o th e reig n o f Edward I . He declare d i t 't o b e a fairl y credibl e accoun t o f parliamen t unde r Edward II'. 1 Thi s wa s i n 187 0 whe n th e firs t editio n o f th e Select Charters appeared . Soo n doubt s bega n to assai l him. In 1874 , when th e second editio n appeared , th e Modus wa s ascribed t o 'th e middle of the fourteenth century ' an d terme d ' a somewha t idea l descriptio n o f th e constitution o f parliament'. 2 Thes e word s stoo d unchange d i n th e eighth editio n o f 1894. 3 Bu t hi s view s o n th e subjec t becam e successively an d apparentl y simultaneousl y ver y different . I n 1875 , when th e secon d volum e of th e Constitutional History wa s published, Stubbs's opinio n wa s that the Modus, 'i f it describe d anything that ever existed, mus t b e understood t o describ e th e stat e o f parliamen t unde r Richard II'. 4 An d Stubb s o f th e Constitutional History contradicte d Stubbs o f th e Select Charters b y bein g consistentl y i n favour o f a later date. I n th e lates t editio n o f the secon d volum e he says , 'that curiou s sketch o f a parliamentary constitutio n canno t hav e been drawn up until a perio d muc h later tha n tha t o n whic h w e ar e no w employe d (sc. Edward I' s reign ) an d seem s t o describ e a n idea l o f th e write r rathe r than an y conditio n o f thing s tha t eve r really existed', 5 an d he makes it 1 Select Charters (187Q), p. 492. 2 Ibid . (1874), p. 502. 3 I n th e nint h edition, for whic h H. W. C. Davis was responsible, the dat e was given as 'towards the end of the fourteenth century ' (p. 500). 4 Constitutional History (1875) , ii, 593. 5 Ibid . (1896), ii, 266.

331

332 MODU S TENENDI PARLIAMENTU M clear tha t h e believe d th e Modus t o hav e been writte n 'a t th e clos e of the fourteent h century'. 6 T o Stubb s o f th e Select Charters th e Modus was 'frequentl y misleading'; 7 t o Stubb s of the Constitutional History i t was of 'prove d worthlessness'. 8 Scholars o f th e calibr e o f Ludwi g Reiss 9 an d Charle s Bemont 10 independently argue d i n suppor t o f th e vie w tha t th e Modus wa s attributable t o th e reig n o f Richar d II , an d J. H . Roun d expresse d hi s agreement wit h Bemont , believin g 'that th e Modus — at any rate in th e form tha t ha s reache d u s — dates fro m th e constitutiona l crisi s o f 1386'.n O n th e othe r han d J . F . Baldwi n though t tha t th e passag e relating t o th e counci l 'bear s th e stam p o f th e earlie r par t o f th e century' and tha t 'n o on e would be likely to refer t o the council in this manner durin g the reig n o f Richard IF.12 A . F. Pollard's students, Miss Hodnett an d Mis s White, favoured 'a n earlie r date , possibl y a s early as the reig n o f Edwar d IF. 13 T . F . Tou t wa s inclined i n 192 6 t o ascrib the Modus t o Richar d II' s reign, 14 bu t b y 192 8 he seem s t o hav e revised hi s opinio n an d though t tha t 'i t ma y wel l be a n idealizatio n of parliament an y tim e aftq r 1341' , althoug h h e rathe r leane d t o th e opinion 'tha t i t wa s drawn up, no t befor e 134 0 but probabl y no t long afterwards'.15 Th e positiv e an d forthrigh t ascriptio n o f th e Modus t o the reig n o f Edwar d I I bega n i n 193 4 when W . A. Morri s sough t t o demonstrate tha t th e dat e o f compositio n coul d b e definitel y fixe d a s in th e summe r o f 1321. 16 I n th e opinio n o f M . V. Clark e the Modus not onl y thre w ligh t upo n th e politic s o f Edwar d II' s reign bu t ha d considerable influenc e upon the events leading to that king's depositio n in 1327. 17 Moreover , i t wa s know n i n Ireland , sh e believed , i n th e closing year s o f Edwar d Ill's reign: 'th e attendance o f proctors, baron y by tenure , an d th e consen t o f th e Common s t o taxatio n .. . as part o f Irish constitutiona l practic e .. . can be traced directl y t o the Modus, and the conclusio n ca n hardly b e avoided tha t each took its origin fro m th e document itself'. 18 V . H. Galbrait h conflate d th e view s of Morri s and Clarke and, while sh e was bold enoug h t o dat e th e compositio n o f th e Modus t o 1322 , h e went further and identified the author a s a veritable 6 Ibid. , p. 625. 7 Thes e words do not appea r in the first edition . 8 Constitu tional History, iii, 445. 9 Geschichte des Wahlrechts zum englischen Parlament, pp. 114-15 . 10 Melanges Mien Havet, pp. 477-80. 11 Commune of London, p. 318. 12 Th e King's Council, p. 70n., referring to ch. 9 of Al (below , p. 354). 13 E.H.R., xxxiv (1919), 209-24 . 14 Melanges Henri Pirenne, ii, 561. 15 Chapters i n Mediaeval Administrative History, iii, 139n. 16 E.H.R.,xlix (1934) , 420. 17 Medieval Representation an d Consent (1936), p. 173. 18 Ibid. , p. 121.

MODUS TENEND I PARLIAMENTU M 33 3 expert i n parliamentar y procedur e an d identifie d hi m wit h a chancery clerk, Willia m Airmyn. 19 J . S . Roskel l see s th e Modus a s a politica l pamphlet unde r Edwar d II , designe d t o obtai n th e refor m o f parliamentary election s b y securin g th e rea l participatio n o f th e loca l clergy, an d h e preferre d a s autho r a n excheque r clerk , Willia m Maldon.20 Th e lates t theorizin g dismisse s an y ide a o f th e Modus a s political pamphleteerin g an d see s it a s a 'par t o f th e corpus of the law' with ' a purel y lega l an d procedura l role'. 21 I n suc h circumstance s we may perhap s b e permitte d modestl y t o join th e rank s of thos e whos e contradictory guesse s see m t o hav e convince d n o on e but themselves . For w e contend tha t the Modus wa s yet t o be written when Edward H's great-grandson ascende d th e thron e an d that w e have to deal with what H. W . C. Davi s terme d a jeu d'esprit, though , i f w e ar e t o resor t t o French, perhap s th e mo t juste i s blague. Still , i f th e Modus b e d e blague, i t remain s th e busines s o f th e historia n t o inquir e wha t th e purpose o f the blaguer was. The Irish Modus Let us begin by describing the two manuscripts upon which we depend principally fo r th e tex t o f th e Iris h Modus, represente d a s I : w e designate them as Id and Ip. Id Id wa s printe d b y Anthon y Dopping , bisho p o f Meath , i n 1692 . H e gives a n accoun t o f hi s manuscrip t i n hi s preface . I t ha d bee n bequeathed t o hi m b y Si r William Domville, but fortunatel y a copy of the manuscrip t ha d been made in 167 6 before it passed to Dopping and this cop y i s now Additiona l MS . 33505 i n the British Library. The tex t is imperfect , bu t ther e i s n o reaso n t o suppos e tha t Dopping' s manuscript presente d anythin g better : hi s printe d text , moreover , contains man y erroneou s reading s o r misprints. 22 W e have, therefore , preferred th e manuscrip t copy , whic h preserve s th e rubric s o r chapter-headings to the number of twenty: these correspond sufficiently closel y t o thos e o f Al , ou r principa l tex t o f th e Englis h Modus, t o show that they ar e derived from a common original . 19 Journal o f th e Warburg an d Courtauld Institutes, xvi (1953) , 92-3 . We note tha t h e satisfied himself (p. 84) that he had put th e date of the Modus 'beyon d further doubt' .

20 Bull.

John Rylands Library, 50 (1968), 41142.

21 N . Pronay and J. Taylor in /. H. R. Bull., xlvii (1974), 11-12. 22 Modus TenendiParliamentum (1692 : new ed., 1772). For another transcript see/?. /. A. Proc., xxxvi C. (1923), 256-64. A mutilated copy , containin g onl y chs . 12-22, of the Iris h Modus i s to be found i n Chetham's Library, Manchester (MS 27909, p. 386) .

334 MODU

S TENEND I PARLIAMENTU M

IP Ip i s the tex t exemplifie d in 141 9 under the Irish great seal when it was in th e possessio n o f Si r Christopher Preston. 23 H e was to b e trie d fo r sedition i n Englan d an d fel t i t necessar y t o sho w indubitabl y tha t th e documents foun d on him had no treasonable content. The order of the chapters i s the sam e as in Id , bu t Preston' s cop y wa s later — at least in origin — than tha t whic h came into Domville's possession. Thi s is shown by a compariso n o f chapte r 1 0 in th e tw o versions . It wil l be seen tha t in I p thi s chapte r ha s bee n shortene d an d it s sens e altered. 24 I d assumes tha t no t onl y th e kin g bu t th e justicia r wil l b e presen t i n parliament, an d als o th e fou r archbishop s i n Ireland . But I p omit s any mention o f th e justiciar an d als o of the archbisho p o f Armagh. We can, we suggest , explai n the absenc e of the justiciar , sinc e tha t offic e was vacant durin g Richar d IP s visi t i n 1394-5. 25 No r wa s any parliamen t contemplated i n th e provinc e o f Armag h durin g that visit, 26 an d th e archbishop ha d bee n excuse d unde r Edwar d II I fro m persona l attendance a t parliament s withi n th e city , dioces e an d provinc e o f Dublin.27 W e ca n b e reasonabl y certai n that , eve n whe n th e kin g presided, th e archbisho p woul d b e represente d b y proctor s a t a parliament held in Dublin.28 The inference seems to be that Ip is a later recension o f th e Modus tha n I d an d tha t i t wa s not writte n befor e 1395.

The English Modus The manuscript s o f th e Englis h Modus fal l int o fou r easil y distinguishable groups . Al (i) Vespasia n B.VII , a collectio n c f statutes , contain s a t foli o 9 , i n a handwriting indistinguishabl e fro m th e res t o f th e text , a table o f th e dates o f th e commencemen t o f the reigns from Henr y III to Richar d II , 23 Th e exemplificatio n wa s formerly i n the possession of Lord Chancello r Ellesmere (H. M. C . rep. 9 , app . VII , p . 129) . I n 195 2 w e examined th e instrumen t itsel f a t th e Huntington Library in San Marino, where i t is numbered EL 1699 . 24 Fo r convenience see Clarke, Medieval Representation, p. 38 7 and n. 25 R . I.A.Proc.,xxxviC. (1923), 231 . 26 Drogheda , whic h i s within th e provinc e o f Armagh , wa s not infrequentl y selecte d in the fifteent h centur y a s the plac e of meeting of parliaments and great councils, but n o instance is known t o u s in th e fourteent h centur y (Richardso n an d Sayles, Ir. Parl. in Middle Ages (2n d ed), pp . 33447). 27 Rymer , Foedera, iii , 248 . 28 Despit e effort s t o hea l th e controvers y ove r cross-bearing , i t stil l continued, and the archbishop exercise d hi s righ t t o sen d proctor s (R . I . A . Proc., xxi x C . (1911 ) 229-49 ; Archbishop Usher, Works, ed. C. R. Elrington, I. app. vi) .

MODUS TENEND I PARLIAMENTU M 33 5 ending 'Ite m dat a regi s Ricard i mutat a fui t xxi . di e Junii , scilice t i n crastino sanct i Edward i regi s e t martyri s etc. ' Evidentl y thes e word s could no t hav e been writte n befor e 1377 . Furthermore , i t contain s a t folio 92 , amon g other form s o f oath , that prescribed fo r justices of th e peace i n th e year 1380. 29 I t is plain therefore that neither Vespasia n B. VII no r an y exempla r befor e th e scrib e coul d b e earlie r tha n 1380 . S o far the n a s this, th e earlies t survivin g manuscript is concerned, ther e is no evidenc e fo r a n earlie r dat e fo r th e Modus (whic h i s transcribed o n folio 10 0 and those suceeding ) than th e reign of Richard II . (ii) Oriel Colleg e MS. 46 i s the nex t earlies t i n dat e t o contai n th e A l version o f th e Modus', 30 an d i t i s a n exampl e o f ho w miscellaneou s collections gre w and how dangerou s it ma y be to draw inferences fro m the accidenta l collocatio n o f document s o f very differen t antecedents . It i s a collection o f statute s transcribe d i n th e reig n o f Edward I (folio 109), t o whic h ther e wa s prefixe d a collectio n o f Anglo-Saxo n laws , Glanville an d s o forth , an d t o whic h ther e ha d bee n adde d par t o f a register o f writs. 31 O n som e folio s lef t blan k i n th e middl e o f thi s volume (i.e . 102-104b ) th e Modus wa s copie d som e tim e i n th e fifteenth century , an d a t th e sam e tim e ther e wa s transcribe d a n account o f th e meetin g betwee n Richar d I I an d Charle s VI in 1396. 32 Al gav e ris e t o tw o version s whic h w e distinguis h a s A2 an d Bl . A2 Additional MS . 24079, th e earlies t manuscrip t to contain th e Modus i n the A 2 version, come s fro m th e firs t hal f o f th e fifteent h centur y an d appears t o b e a quire detache d fro m a volume of the same type as Nero C.I an d Lansdown e MS. 522: bot h ar e late fifteenth-centur y copie s of the 'Nov a Statuta' , t o whic h the Modus ha d been prefixed, an d both of 29 Rot. Part., iii, 85 . Ther e i s no reaso n t o doub t tha t thi s oat h was , as stated i n th e parliament roll , drafte d 'pa r 1'advi s du consei l le roi' o n thi s occasio n an d was not take n ove r from an y pre-existin g source . Cf . B . H. Putnam, Enforcement o f th e Statutes o f Labourers, pp. 40-3. 30 Th e statemen t i n E . H . R. , Ixxxii i (1968) , 676 , i s erroneous: Oriel M S 46 has th e reading res, not rex, as plain as plain can be. Furthermore, this MS does not omi t the chapter on the citizen s because it was regarded as 'inadequate'. All that has happened i s that th e clerk's eye slipped fro m peritos i n c . 5 t o peritos i n c . 7 : nothin g mor e tha n pococurantis m an d homoeoteleuton ar e involved. 31 Liebermann , Uber di e Leges Anglorum saeculaxiii. ineunti Londoniis cottectae, pp. viii, 87-90 , 102-04 ; Richardson and Sayles , Th e Early Statutes, p. 47n; Sayles, King's Bench, i, cxxviii. 32 B . L. , Juliu s B . I V i s a fifteenth-centur y manuscript , mainl y concerne d wit h th e Cinque Ports , into which Al has been transcribed : there is no relation betwee n thi s and the two earlier collections . A conflate version , base d upo n a n A manuscript, was published b y Clarke , op. cit. , pp . 374-84 : th e mai n sourc e i s Vespasian B . VII but th e reading s adopted ar e quit e arbitrary an d i t i s in no sens e a critical text an d there are unfortunate misreadings or misprints .

336 MODU S TENEND I PARLIAMENTU M them, w e may remark , were furnishe d with blan k sheet s o n whic h th e owner could hav e copie d an y ne w legislation o r othe r memorand a he thought useful. 33 I n A 2 th e chapter s follo w th e sam e order as Al an d the tex t i s substantially th e same, but t o chapte r 6 an addition is made. The last word s o f th e chapte r se t ou t th e customar y wage s of th e tw o knights o f th e shir e a s a su m no t exceedin g on e mar k a day : th e addition read s 'e t nun c pe r die m viii . solidos , videlice t pr o quolibe t eorum quatuo r solidos' . Thi s i s a n obviou s glos s tha t ha s bee n incorporated i n th e text . I t i s not foun d i n B1. Conversely none of th e textual variant s o f B l ar e foun d i n A2 . I t seem s probabl e therefor e that, befor e th e acciden t happene d tha t gav e u s B1 as we know it — an accident w e describ e i n th e nex t paragraph s — Al ha d bee n corrupte d and it was this corrupt A l tex t tha t suffere d th e accident. Bl Petyt MS . 511 .vi. in th e Inne r Templ e Librar y i s another collectio n of statutes writte n lat e i n th e fifteent h century . Th e Modus, i n th e B l version, i s the firs t item in the collectio n (folio s 3-7). This manuscript is the earlies t containin g thi s versio n o f th e Modus tha t w e have found. The origina l o f B l was , however , earlie r tha n B2 . I t was , moreover , from B l tha t th e French translatio n o f the Modus wa s made,34 an d one at leas t o f th e survivin g manuscripts o f thi s translatio n i s considerably earlier than the Petyt manuscript. 35 For a good man y years now it has been recognized that th e texts of the Englis h Modus fal l int o tw o main classes, designated A and B, which differed i n th e orde r o f th e chapters. 36 Le t u s subjec t th e primitiv e A text (ou r Al ) an d th e primitiv e B tex t (ou r Bl ) t o a n arithmetica l analysis. Th e tw o text s eac h compris e a proem an d twenty-seve n chapters, an d a comparison show s tha t eac h fall s into four sections bu t differently arranged . Th e lengt h o f eac h sectio n ca n b e estimate d wit h sufficient precisio n b y countin g th e lines of print give n to each of them in th e Select Charters. 31 Excludin g headings , th e middl e sections , which ar e reverse d i n th e tw o texts , ar e o f approximatel y th e sam e 33 Below , p. 358 . 34 Below , p. 351 . 35 Below , p. 352, n. 87. 36 Thi s was established b y Mis s Hodnett an d Mis s White (above , p. 332) . The y did no t pursue their inquiries far enough to ascertain the reason for the difference . 37 Thi s tex t i s a reprin t o f Hardy' s text, which i s a conflation o f A l an d B2 , but fo r statistical purpose s the difference s ar e inconsiderable. Befor e countin g w e must adapt the text printed b y Hard y an d Stubb s t o tha t o f B l b y transferrin g th e chapte r De Gradibus Parium from th e middl e t o th e en d o f th e tract , th e positio n i t occupie s i n bot h th e A famil y o f manuscripts an d th e B family: se e above , p . 354 . W e number th e chapter s o f th e A text fo r convenience in accordance with the tabulation in Clarke, op. cit., 374-84.

MODUS TENEND I PARLIAMENTU M 337 length, whil e th e firs t an d fourt h sections , whic h occup y th e sam e positions i n Al an d Bl , ar e slightly shorter . No w le t u s assum e — and we shal l justif y th e assumptio n — that th e Modus wa s writte n o n a doubled shee t o f parchment , folde d perpendicularly s o as to giv e four leaves or eight pages — in modern parlance, a quarto sheet. Th e firs t leaf of th e quart o shee t i s filled wit h the firs t section , beginning with a title (which explain s wh y ther e ar e fewe r printe d lines ) an d endin g wit h chapter 8 . Th e nex t leaf , that i s the inne r lea f o f thi s quart o sheet , i s used fo r chapter s 9-15 . The third leaf (the secon d inner leaf) is used for chapters 16-20 . Th e las t lea f o f th e quart o i s left fo r chapter s 21-27 : these seven chapters tak e up only ninety-eigh t line s of print, s o that it is easy t o deduc e tha t a spac e wa s lef t a t th e botto m o f th e las t page , where indee d w e would expect t o fin d one . Suppos e now that th e tw o halves o f th e quart o shee t becom e detached and, when the inner half is replaced, i t i s accidentall y turne d insid e ou t befor e bein g restitched . The orde r o f th e page s 1.2.3.4.5.6.7.8 . the n becam e 1.2.5.6.3.4.7.8 , and th e or&e r o f th e chapter s i s 1-8 , 16-20 , 9-15 , 21-27 . I n thi s orde r the page s were copied an d thu s the Al tex t gav e rise to th e B family of manuscripts. Th e orde r o f Bl , arrive d a t i n thi s way , is precisely th e order o f th e Pety t manuscrip t o f th e Modus an d o f the French versio n printed b y Hardy . Othe r example s o f thi s kin d o f acciden t ar e known,38 an d n o othe r explanatio n wil l account s o satisfactorily an d so simply fo r th e tw o main texts of the Modus. W e submit that it is the perfect explanation . I f confirmatio n i s required, it is to b e found in th e otherwise inexplicabl e fac t tha t chapte r 1 0 o f Al state s that th e dutie s of th e clerk s o f parliamen t wil l b e treate d i n mor e detai l late r (specialius post), tha t i s i n chapter s 1 5 an d 16 , whil e i n th e B l tex t chapters 1 5 an d 1 6 preced e chapter 10 . Plainly the orde r of that tex t is not the primitive order. B2 The group s o f manuscript s containing th e B 2 version o f the Modus are of a ver y differen t characte r fro m thos e w e hav e alread y described . They ar e no t lega l collection s bu t deriv e fro m a collectio n o f documents assembled , a s we may believ e wit h reasonabl e certainty, o n behalf o f th e hous e o f Mowbray . The earlies t manuscrip t of this group appears t o b e Ner o D . VI , whic h consist s o f tw o parts : th e firs t an d longer sectio n (t o foli o 64 ) contain s copie s o f fourteenth-centur y 38 Fo r a simila r cas e o f transpositio n se e W. A. Pantin, Chapters o f th e English Black Monks, ii, 184 .

338 MODU S TENEND I PARLIAMENTU M diplomatic instrument s (treatie s wit h France , Spai n an d Scotlan d an d the cessio n o f Aquitain e t o th e Blac k Prince) , an d th e secon d sectio n (folios 65-94 ) contain s document s bearing directly o r indirectly o n th e office o f th e Marshal , including among them th e Modus. I t i s possible that thi s collection wa s made on behalf o f Thoma s Mowbray, the duke of Norfol k who was exile d in 139 8 and die d at Venic e the following year, bu t it would see m more probable tha t the pieces were assembled a little afte r 140 0 i n th e interes t o f hi s so n Thomas , titula r Earl Marshal under Henr y IV , wit h a vie w t o assertin g hi s claim s t o th e dignit y against th e ear l o f Westmorland , claims tha t wer e afterward s made more effectiv e b y th e secon d son , Joh n Mowbray. 39 I t i s a t leas t remarkable tha t o n a flylea f ther e has been written a list of the lords of Mowbray whic h originall y ende d wit h th e nam e of Thoma s Mowbray the younger . Anothe r han d ha s adde d th e name s o f Joh n Mowbray, who marrie d Katherine , daughte r o f th e ear l o f Westmoreland, and o f John, thei r son. This list at least confirms the obvious inference that th e book originall y belonged to th e Mowbrays. Several closely related manuscripts exist, some with the orde r of th e two section s o f Ner o D . VI reversed, th e earlies t bein g apparentl y M S Latin 604 9 i n th e Bibliothequ e Nationale , written no t muc h later than Nero D . V I (thoug h no t s o fin e o r s o carefull y written : th e text s ar e practically verbatim, error s an d all , and th e rubric s ar e identical), an d Additional M S 3209 7 ( a beautifu l productio n o f th e fifteent h century,40 t o whic h Tiberiu s E . VIII , folios 35b-39b , i s related), and some lik e Vitelliu s C. IV, which is of much the sam e date and preserves the orde r o f Nero D. VI, of which it may be a copy. The relationship of these manuscript s is , however , complicate d an d ther e ar e grounds for believing tha t th e earlies t ar e not copie s o f on e another but rathe r of a collection o f pamphlets , fro m whic h differen t transcriber s di d no t always take th e same items. In the cours e o f transcription o f the B1 text, the origina l chapter 27 De Gradibus Parium — which come s incongruously a t th e en d o f text s of bot h th e A l an d B l familie s — was brought int o th e middl e of th e tract. The scribe , w e take it , followe d instructions t o chang e the orde r of th e chapter s a s indicated i n th e margi n of th e cop y befor e him , an indication tha t presumabl y had no t previousl y bee n mad e o r had been overlooked. I n thi s wa y ther e wa s evolve d th e familia r B 2 text , tha t printed b y D'Achery and, conflated with Al, by Hardy and Stubbs. 39 Below , p. 359 . 40 Thi s formerly belonge d t o th e Townele y famil y and i s described i n H. M. C. rep. 4., app., p. 411, a s of the reign of Richard II .

MODUS TENEND I PARLIAMENTU M 33 9 The relatio n o f th e thre e text s Al , B l an d B 2 i s show n diagrammatically i n th e followin g table, whic h ma y assist the reader t o follow the argument. The chapters are given the numbers appropriate t o the Al text .

Bl

Al

1

1

2 3 4 5 6 7 8

2 3 4 5 6 7 8

9 10 11 12 13 14 15 16 17 18 19 20

21 22 23 24 25 26 27

Equivalent t o 101 line s of prin t

106 line s of prin t

108 line s of prin t

98 line s of prin t

16 17 18 19 20

9 10 11 12 13 14 15 21 22 23 24 25 26 27

Equivalent t o 101 line s of prin t

108 line s of prin t

106 line s of prin t

98 line s of prin t

B2 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 16 17 18 19 20 27

9 10 11 12 13 14 15 21 22 23 24 25 26

340 MODU S TENEND I PARLIAMENTU M Our examinatio n an d classificatio n o f th e text s ha s greatl y simplified an y proble m th e English Modus may seem to have presented . Since A l i s th e paren t o f al l variant s o f th e Englis h Modus, w e need consider onl y thi s tex t i n discussing origin and date, and we can discard as irrevelant and misconceived an y argument that the chang e in order of chapters wa s made deliberatel y an d 'gave new significance to th e whole document',4 x an d that 'i t is impossible to suppos e that th e several texts were descende d fro m a commo n archetype'. 42 W e nee d mak e fe w further comments . Th e tex t o f A 2 wil l not detai n us , fo r i t i s clearly derivative. Th e text s o f B l an d B 2 deman d a little more comment. We must emphasiz e tha t th e B 2 tex t i s certainl y tw o an d possibl y — w e would say almos t certainl y — more remove s from the origina l Modus and tha t i n th e fina l stag e o f it s evolutio n i t ha d bee n edite d b y a redactor wh o ha d a B l tex t befor e hi m and made som e questionabl e amendments and , a s w e hav e seen , slightl y change d th e orde r o f th e chapters. Th e primar y difference , however , between a n A tex t an d a B text lie s i n the mechanical dislocatio n we have described an d not i n any deliberate recastin g of th e chapters . Ther e ar e minor variants, but thes e variants ma y fo r th e mos t par t hav e existe d befor e a n acciden t converted th e A l tex t int o th e B l text . It wa s an accident, too , tha t made th e B 2 tex t rathe r tha n th e A l tex t familia r t o generation s of students. Behin d Si r Thoma s Hardy' s choic e o f a manuscrip t o f thi s family a s a basi s fo r hi s editio n ther e lie s a curiou s story . Champollion-Figeac informe d th e secretar y o f th e ol d Recor d Commission tha t 'ther e ha s been discovered in the Bibliotheque du Roi at Pari s a manuscript o f the Modus Tenendi Parliamentum as ancient as the thirteenth century' . A copy was procured an d already set up in type when i t wa s discovered tha t Do m Jea n Du e D'Acher y ha d printe d i t many year s earlier. 43 However , the expens e o f printin g havin g bee n incurred, i t was thought wel l to have 250 copies worked off, and so this text, wit h a n introduction an d notes by Hardy, cam e ultimately t o b e published i n a limite d edition. 44 Th e choic e o f th e basi c text , influenced b y a mistaken view of the antiquit y o f the manuscript , was a bad one , an d Hardy , thoug h h e brough t togethe r a good dea l of useful information, made no critical stud y o f the manuscripts available to him . Curiously enoug h h e recognize d tha t th e reading s of th e A l tex t wer e superior t o thos e o f B 2 an d fo r som e chapter s h e substitute d th e former. Bu t th e compariso n h e evidentl y mad e taugh t hi m nothin g of 41 Clarke , op. cit., p . 350 . 42 Ibid. , p. 352 . 43 Spicilegium, xii, 557ff. 44 Hardy , Modus, p. xxxi. The manuscript i s now MS Latin 6049 (see above, p. 338) .

MODUS TENEND I PARLIAMENTU M 34 1 the sequenc e o f th e texts . Stubb s reprinte d Hardy' s tex t wit h n o suspicion tha t i t wa s uncritical and , through his inclusion o f this text in the Select Charters, i t cam e t o b e accepte d a s authoritative . N o on e since then ha s published a critical an d acceptable text. We hav e examine d al l thes e an d othe r manuscript s o f th e Modus. Many mor e exist , ofte n in unexpected places , but n o other manuscript s known t o u s appea r t o b e o f majo r consequence . Ther e i s no en d t o copies tha t prov e t o b e worthless an d it may be noted tha t Frenc h and English translation s ar e mostl y base d o n eithe r B l o r B2 . W e can a t least fee l som e confidenc e tha t n o manuscrip t containin g th e Modus exists that is older tha n th e closing years of the fourteent h century . It wil l clarif y th e argumen t i f we , agai n diagrammatically , exhibi t the relationshi p betwee n th e texts . A s we have noted, n o cop y o f th e original Iris h Modus i s known t o exis t an d we are dependent therefor e upon tw o varian t version s of it. And these variant versions come from a derivative tex t an d no t fro m th e original , sinc e a comparison wit h th e English versio n show s that th e paren t o f thes e tw o varian t text s was a shortened an d defectiv e derivativ e o f tha t original . Al l reader s wil l recognize, o n examinin g the paralle l texts of I and Al, that th e latter is derived fro m a text tha t ha d muc h i n commo n with the former. It wil l be notice d tha t defect s i n I ca n sometime s b e supplie d fro m th e corresponding passag e in Al. Thus in chapter 9 of I eight word s that are necessary t o make sense and are missing fro m th e firs t thre e lines can be restored fro m chapte r 1 3 of Al: i.e . 'potes t tener e camera m sua m it a quod no n iaceat ' (both surviving versions are corrupt). Thi s brings us to the furthe r conclusio n tha t th e tw o varian t manuscripts Id and Ip were derived fro m a parent tha t wa s itself defective at this point. N o copy of this tex t i s know n an d w e hav e designate d i t a s L . An d ther e wa s missing from L a table o f fines leviable upon absentee s from parliament , which i s found i n chapte r 9 of A l an d which , a s we shall explain, ha s no relevanc e t o Englis h condition s bu t wa s a characteristic o f the Irish parliament: suc h a table woul d see m to have been originally inserted in the chapte r o f th e origina l Iris h Modus (designate d M ) an d i s represented b y chapte r 1 1 o f I , whic h appear s t o b e a much shortene d version o f th e original . A goo d ide a o f th e content s o f M ma y b e obtained b y comparin g th e tex t o f I wit h th e tex t o f Al an d ascribing to M the obviously Iris h matter i n Al tha t is missing from I . The relatio n o f th e severa l texts is shown in the followin g pedigree, in which

342 M L Id Ip

MODUS TENEND I PARLIAMENTU M = Th e origina l Iris h A l= Modus. th = Th e los t ancesto r o f A 2= Id an d Ip . derive = Th e Iris h tex t printe d B l= by Dopping . derive = A late r varian t o f I i n F = an exemplificatio n o f Bl 1419. B 2=

Th e earlies t versio n o f e Englis h text . A derivativ e tex t d fro m Al . A dislocate d tex t d fro m Al . A Frenc h translatio n o f . A n edite d versio n of Bl , printed b y D'Achery , Hardy an d Stubbs .

The broke n lin e betwee n M and L indicates that tw o or more modifie d texts probably lay between the origina l and L. We tur n no w t o th e demonstratio n tha t A l i s derive d fro m a n ancestor of I and tha t in thi s way we can account for the larg e amount of matte r tha t th e tw o text s have in common . Ou r contentio n i s that there ar e s o man y allusion s t o matter s characteristi c o f th e Iris h parliament, bu t unknow n t o th e English parliament o f history, tha t th e only possibl e inferenc e is that a n Iris h sourc e lie s behin d Al . We have already remarke d tha t chapte r 9 of Al contain s a table of fines leviable upon absentee s fro m parliament : £100 upon a county; 100 marks upon the Cinqu e Ports; 10 0 marks upon a baron an d £10 0 upo n an earl and like amount s upon thei r peers ; 10 0 marks upon an archdeaconry; £100 upon a n archbishop ; 10 0 mark s upo n bishop s an d othe r prelate s holding a barony . The firs t poin t to mak e is that , if fine s had bee n inflicted i n England for absence from parliament , they woul d inevitably have lef t ampl e mark s upo n th e voluminou s Englis h record s o f th e fourteenth century . Absenteeis m an d unpunctualit y migh t an d di d arouse th e king' s displeasure. Threats agains t absentees were made fro m

MODUS TENEND I PARLIAMENTU M 34 3 time t o tim e irrespectiv e o f 'estate' , a s i n 131 2 whe n knight s an d burgesses wh o faile d t o retur n afte r a month's recess were to be placed 'sub pen a qu a decet'.45 I n 131 6 the names of absentees without excus e or proctor s wer e t o b e reporte d t o th e kin g s o tha t h e could tak e appropriate action. 46 I n 134 4 th e kin g aske d th e archbisho p o f Canterbury t o d o t o absentee s fro m convocatio n wha t i t behove d hi m to do , an d th e kin g woul d d o th e sam e regardin g parliament.What happened t o absentee s fro m convocation ? Wha t happened t o absentee s from parliament ? W e mus t answe r 'nothin g i n particular' . W e ar e certainly no t justified in deducing that ther e is a dark reference to fines, whether upo n a n unknow n scale o r upo n n o scal e at all . We know, of course, leav e wa s sometime s sough t whe n magnate s desire d t o b e absent, an d tha t electe d representative s wer e mainprised , apparently a s some kind o f guarante e tha t the y woul d b e present . An d wilful failure to obe y a roya l summon s t o parliament 48 o r council 49 o r anywhere else migh t lea d t o proceeding s agains t th e offender . Wha t w e do no t know i s tha t anythin g wa s t o b e feare d othe r tha n th e king' s displeasure. N o trac e o f payment s o f fines , n o trac e o f remissio n o f such payments , ha s eve r bee n brough t t o light . Ther e seem s to b e n o possibility tha t evidenc e exist s whic h ha s not bee n found : th e record s of th e excheque r an d th e king' s benc h hav e been rea d an d re-rea d b y those mos t likel y t o not e incident s o f this kind an d no referenc e to a fine fo r absenc e ha s bee n remarked . No t onl y i s this so , bu t n o suggestion tha t suc h fine s migh t b e inflicte d was , so fa r a s we know, made unti l 1382. 50 Nothing , however , seem s t o hav e resulte d and , when th e suggestio n wa s mad e agai n i n 1454 , thi s wa s limited t o th e lords, an d i t i s plai n tha t ther e wa s at thi s dat e n o regula r syste m o f amercement an d n o establishe d scal e o f fine s fo r absenc e fro m th e English parliament. 5 x But whe n w e turn t o Ireland , despit e th e very fragmentary state of the records , w e fin d a plethor a o f case s pointin g t o a n establishe d practice o f amercemen t fo r failur e t o atten d parliament , a practic e going bac k a t leas t t o th e earl y day s of Edwar d I an d continuin g until the reig n of Henry VI.5 2 Fo r instance, there is a threat tha t barons who 45 Parl. Writs, II, ii, app. 53 , no. 5. 46 Rot. Parl., i, 350 . 47 Ibid. , ii, 146 . 48 R . Hist. Soc. Trans., Fourth Series , v (1922) , 59: th e departur e fro m parliamen t of the bishop of Winchester i n 132 8 withou t leave. 49 Sayles , King's Bench, vi, 62, 80. 50 Rot. Parl., iii, l24;Statutes of th e Realm, ii, 25. 51 Rot. Parl., v, 248. Th e scale then proposed - £10 0 fo r an archbishop or duke, 100 marks fo r a bishop or earl, £40 fo r an abbot or baron — is too muc h like the scal e of the English Modus t o be independent of it, but i t was surely the Modus tha t suggeste d the scale. 52 Richardso n and Sayles, Ir. Parl. in Middle Ages,, pp. 137-44.

344 MODU S TENEND I PARLIAMENTU M do no t atten d a great counci l called for 2 5 February 137 2 will be liable to a penalt y o f 10 0 marks . Durin g th e nex t te n year s w e fin d amercements o f £10 0 impose d o n a n ear l a s well a s on a n archbishop , and o f 10 0 mark s o n severa l bishops , fo r absenc e fro m parliament , although n o baro n seem s t o hav e bee n amerce d i n sum s approaching 100 marks , the usual penalty seemingl y being 10 0 shillings. But in 137 8 the count y o f Meat h wa s amerced 10 0 marks because an elected knigh t absented himsel f fro m parliament . Th e evidenc e shows plainly enoug h that, whil e ther e ar e instance s o f fine s o f £10 0 an d 10 0 marks , ther e was n o fixe d scal e an d tha t th e fin e depende d upo n th e discretio n o f the counci l i n parliament , th e prelate s an d th e magnate s bein g consulted i n assessin g the amount. 53 Bu t though fine s o f £100 an d 10 0 marks were exceptional, thei r severity would naturally cause them t o be remembered. Afte r 138 2 fine s see m t o hav e been les s ofte n imposed , but thei r memor y wa s kept aliv e by th e excheque r which , eve n i n th e fifteenth century , wa s stil l endeavourin g to recove r penaltie s incurre d under Edwar d III. 54 O n this evidenc e alone there i s a presumption tha t the assertion s i n th e Englis h Modus ar e base d upo n th e practic e i n Ireland an d no t upo n tha t i n England . I t ma y be significant tha t th e Irish practic e wa s brought t o th e notic e o f Richard II who in December 1394 pardone d thre e separat e fine s o f 10 0 marks to whic h th e bisho p of Emly had rendered himself liabl e for his failure to atten d parliament s in 1378 , 138 0 an d 1387. 55 I f th e Modus wa s not know n in the circles around th e king , i t is easy t o imagine the interest that might be arouse d and th e enquiries tha t might be made not onl y into the manner but als o the amoun t o f th e fine s inflicte d fo r thi s offence . Maybe it was in thi s way tha t th e Modus becam e know n i n England : bu t howeve r tha t particular questio n ma y b e decided , w e canno t avoi d th e conclusio n that th e penaltie s w e fin d i n th e Englis h Modus ar e Iris h i n origin , although neithe r o f th e survivin g texts o f th e Iris h Modus contain s a table of fines. The reference in the English Modus t o th e Cinque Ports is plainly a n interpolation 56 an d ther e ma y hav e bee n othe r deviation s which w e cannot distinguish . Wha t seems, however , incontrovertible i s 53 N . L. I., MS 3(Harris Collectanea), 276 - Iris h close roll, 51 Edw. Ill , no. 88;Rot. P. C. Hib., i . 43. 54 Richardso n and Sayles, op. cit., p . 141 . 55 Memorand a Roll , 18-1 9 Rich . II, m. 30d (from P . R. O. I., Ferguson Collection, II. p. 88d). 56 W e ma y perhap s b e allowe d t o conjecture . Th e man y an d powerfu l franchise s i n Ireland ha d no t thei r counterpar t i n England an d th e reference t o 'each steward of a franchise ' in ch . 4 o f th e Iris h tex t ma y have cause d th e Englis h adapto r t o thin k o f th e Libert y o f th e Cinque Ports as an equivalent. And did the territoria l bases in I. for the parliamentary summon s of a n earl a s 20 fee s an d o f a baron a s 13 }fee s sugges t th e unhistorical payment in A of 20 shillings to the Port Barons and 13 \ shilling s to the knights of the shire?

MODUS TENEND I PARLIAMENTU M 34 5 that suc h equation s a s ear l an d archbisho p = £10 0 an d bisho p an d baron = 10 0 marks are derived from Iris h practice which left it s imprint on the Irish Modus. We tur n nex t t o chapter 2 3 of Al an d the corresponding chapte r 1 5 of I whic h dea l wit h parliamentar y grants . What , w e ask , ar e w e t o make o f th e statement s i n th e Englis h Modus tha t tw o knight s o f th e shire hav e mor e sa y i n parliamen t i n grantin g o r refusin g aid s to th e king tha n th e greates t ear l in England an d that , similarly , th e proctor s of th e clerg y fro m on e diocese , i f the y agree , have more sa y than th e bishop himself ? Whe n wa s taxatio n a particula r concer n o f Englis h earls, an d whe n di d th e Englis h clerg y gran t aid s i n th e Englis h parliament a s distinc t fro m thei r ow n ecclesiatica l assemblie s meetin g during o r ou t o f parliament ? Bu t th e correspondin g statement s i n th e Irish Modus hav e a meaning. For i n Irelan d th e syste m of taxation was one o f count y quotas , settle d b y bargainin g i n parliament. A tax migh t be levie d upo n onl y a grou p o f countie s o r b e limite d t o a singl e county,57 an d Iris h earl s ha d palatin e jurisdiction . T o asser t tha t th e authority o f th e knight s o f th e shir e wa s mor e importan t i n thei r county tha n th e authorit y o f a n ear l i s intelligible . W e notice , fo r example, tha t i n 135 8 th e ear l o f Kildar e an d th e commonalt y o f Kildare agree d t o pa y a subsidy fo r th e purpos e o f loca l defence . The passage i n th e Englis h Modus i s a blunderin g an d unintelligen t application t o Englan d o f a tex t tha t ha d relevanc e onl y i n Iris h conditions. Again , i n Ireland , eve r sinc e th e las t year s o f Edwar d III , ecclesiastical subsidie s migh t b e discussed , no t i n convocatio n bu t i n diocesan assemblies , an d a singl e clerica l procto r b e summone d o n behalf o f bot h bisho p an d lower clerg y t o parliamen t to expres s thei r assent t o taxation , an d parliamentar y subsidie s wer e levie d o n clerg y and lait y alike , wh o the n apportione d th e count y quota s betwee n them.58 Bu t wha t ar e w e t o mak e o f th e parallel clause applied t o England? Wha t evidence i s there that clerical subsidie s wer e discussed i n dioceses i n th e reig n o f Edward II?5 9 I t i s certainly out o f the questio n under Richar d I I whe n clerica l proctor s discusse d clerica l subsidie s in convocation, no t i n parliament . Wha t i s nonsense in the English Modus is sense i n th e Iris h Modus. Could we ask for better evidenc e of an Irish origin? Other long-standin g difficultie s i n th e tex t disappea r i f i t i s recognized tha t th e autho r o f the origina l Modus ha d Irelan d i n mind . 57 Richardso n an d Sayles, op. cit., pp . 111-18. 58 Ibid. , pp. 78-80 . See J. F. Lydon , 'Th e Iris h Church and Taxation in the Fourteent h Century' in Irish Eccles. Record (1965) , pp. 158-65 . 59 Fo r a recen t discussio n o f this point by J . H. Denton, se e /. H . R. Bull., li (1978), 72-8.

346 MODU S TENEND I PARLIAMENTU M The absenc e o f an y referenc e t o a highe r dignit y tha n ear l ha s bee n advanced a s an argumen t fo r givin g an earl y dat e t o th e Modus, o n th e ground tha t th e firs t creatio n o f a n Englis h duk e wa s in 1337 , an d a n English autho r coul d hardl y hav e bee n ignorant o f the existenc e of this rank. A simila r argumen t ha s bee n base d upo n th e institutio n o f th e title o f marques s i n 1385. 60 Bu t wha t bearin g hav e suc h argument s upon a n Iris h Modus! Ther e neve r wa s a highe r dignit y tha n a n earl in an Iris h parliament . I t i s tru e tha t Rober t d e Vere , ear l o f Oxford , received th e titl e o f marques s of Dubli n i n th e Michaelma s parliament of 138 5 o n th e occasio n o f the gran t to him of the land and lordship of Ireland fo r life. 61 Bu t hi s position the n becam e exactly similar to tha t of th e lord Edward when Ireland wa s granted to him during the lifetim e of Henr y II I an d to tha t o f the Black Prince and, subsequently, of Joh n of Gaun t i n Gascony : sav e for th e righ t o f appea l t o th e kin g himself, de Ver e wa s entitle d t o exercis e roya l powe r i n Ireland . Al l letter s under th e grea t seal , all writs, were to ru n in his name.62 T o add to his dignity h e wa s created duk e o f Irelan d i n 1386 , hi s relation t o the king remaining a s before. 63 I f d e Ver e ha d se t foo t i n Irelan d whil e h e enjoyed thes e grant s h e woul d himsel f hav e hel d an y parliament s tha t were summoned. 64 Bu t i n n o conceivabl e circumstanc e coul d duke s and marquesse s b e include d amon g th e magnate s attendin g th e Iris h parliament i n th e middl e ages. If a marquess or a duke had an y place in that parliamen t a t an y tim e befor e th e seventeent h century , it wa s in the plac e o f th e king . Sinc e neithe r th e marques s o f Dubli n no r th e duke o f Irelan d eve r set foot i n the land , there was no reason a t al l why any medieva l writer o n th e Iris h parliamen t should speak of any higher dignities tha n thos e o f earl s an d barons . Accordingly , th e adaptor wh o produced th e Englis h Modus di d no t introduc e duke s an d marquesse s into his version, but n o argument can be based on their omission . Again, wh y doe s th e Englis h Modus i n chapte r 1 5 mentio n 'tw o principal clerk s o f parliament' ? I t i s certain tha t ther e wer e never tw o such clerk s o f th e Englis h parliament . A stead y strea m o f informatio n from th e reig n o f Edwar d I onwards has come down to u s and nowhere is ther e an y suggestio n tha t mor e tha n on e 'principa l clerk ' o f parliament wa s appointed. 65 I n Ireland , however , there i s more than a 60 Hardy , Modus, pp. viii, xxviii. 61 Rot. Part., iii, 209-10; Lords Report o n the Dignity of a Peer, v. 76-9 . 62 Rot. P . C. Hib., i , 130-7; Rymer, Foedera, vii , 577; C. C. R., 1385-1389, p. 388 . 63 Lords Report, v. 79-80. 64 Cf . this formula fro m th e Clos e Roll o f 1 0 Rich. II: 'Memorandu m quod in quodam consilio domin i Marchioni s tent o apu d Try m xviii , die lulii anno present i i n presencia fratri s Ricardi White .. . justiciarii Hibernie ... et aliorum de consilio domini Marchionis i n Hibernia (N. L. I., Harris Collectanea, iv, 19) . 65 E . H. R., xlvi (1931), 532ff., 537ff.; xlvii (1932), 194f., 377f .

MODUS TENEND I PARLIAMENTU M 34 7 hint that , fo r a time at leas t in the later fourteenth century, ther e were two. I n 137 4 ther e wer e certainl y tw o chancer y clerks , Rober t o f Sutton an d Thoma s o f Everdon , wh o serve d a s joint clerk s o f th e council. I n 138 2 on e of them, Thomas of Everdon, who had acted in all the Iris h parliament s o f Richard IPs reign 'tanquam unus clericorum nostrorum dictoru m parliamentorum' , wa s given a special gran t fo r his services.67 Hi s descriptio n implie s that ther e ha d bee n mor e tha n on e 'principal clerk ' o f th e Iris h parliamen t a t thi s time , althoug h subsequently ther e was , as in England, only one. 68 Th e conclusion w e draw i s that a temporary arrangement for the employment of two joint clerks t o th e Iris h parliament, 69 a n arrangemen t neve r know n i n England, was reflected i n th e primar y Irish Modus (M) and so passed t o the English Modus. Th e surviving Irish texts mention one principal clerk only. I t i s certain , however , tha t th e Englis h adapto r coul d no t hav e obtained an y suggestio n o f th e kin d fro m Englis h parliamentar y practice. Incidentall y w e hav e her e confirmatio n o f th e dat e w e shall assign to the original Irish Modus. Finally, le t u s commen t upon th e capitalis iusticiarius Anglie wh o figures i n chapter s 11 , 1 3 an d 1 4 o f th e Englis h Modus. O n hi s firs t appearance i t wa s felt necessar y t o explai n who thi s dignitar y was : 'he who hel d plea s coram rege\ i n othe r word s th e chie f justice o f th e king's bench . 'Chie f justiciar' had a very different significanc e in Ireland and w e have explained tha t th e tw o version s of chapte r 1 0 in the Iris h Modus, i n whic h th e chie f justicia r i s concerned , reflec t historica l events.70 Th e correspondin g chapte r i n th e origina l Modus wa s th e parent o f chapte r 1 4 of the English Modus, just as chapters 1 4 and 9 of I correspon d t o chapter s 1 1 and 1 3 of Al, and it is our contention tha t the chie f justiciar woul d not figur e i n th e Englis h Modus unles s he had been borrowe d fro m Ireland . In tha t countr y thi s dignitar y had bee n well know n sinc e th e thirteent h century . I n imitatio n o f th e Englis h practice unde r th e Angevi n king s th e titl e o f justicia r ha d bee n 66 Rot. P . C . Hib., i , 85 , no . 13 : Rober t o f Sutto n an d Thoma s o f Everdo n 'a d deserviendum in cancellaria coram prefato consilio simul et semel onerati extiterint'. 67 P . R. O., E. 101/241/3 , no. 153 . Th e only survivin g Irish Counci l rol l of this period passes fro m business transacte d i n council t o business transacted i n parliament withou t brea k o r mark o f distinctio n (Graves , Roll o f King's Council in Ireland, pp. 124-32) . The inferenc e i s that th e sam e clerks wer e responsible, jus t a s Gilbert o f Rothbury, for example, had been both clerk o f council an d clerk o f parliament unde r Edward I. 68 Stat. Ire., Henry VI,, pp. 6,110;Stat. Ire. Edward IV, 538 . 69 Th e arrangemen t recorde d i n 138 2 seem s obviousl y t o b e exceptiona l an d wa s possibly persona l t o Everdon . H e was still acting as clerk o f the council in the late 1380s (P. R. O.,E. 101/247/1/1) . 70 Above , p. 334 .

348 MODU S TENEND I PARLIAMENTU M conferred o n th e representativ e i n Irelan d o f a n absen t king; 71 bu t b y the 1380 s th e titl e o f 'chie f justicia r o f Ireland ' wa s becomin g a memory 72 an d eve n th e shortene d for m 'justicia r o f Ireland ' wa s passing ou t o f use . I t ha d bee n supersede d b y th e titl e o f king' s lieutenant. Th e earliest chie f governors of Ireland to b e called the king's lieutenant wer e Gavasto n (1308) , Roge r Mortime r (1317) , William de Burgh, ear l of Ulster (1331), Lionel, ear l of Ulster and duke of Clarence (1361 an d 1364 ) an d Willia m o f Windso r (1369) , bu t unti l 137 9 th e more usua l titl e wa s still justiciar. With Edmund Mortimer's appearance in 137 9 th e titl e o f lieutenan t becam e customary , thoug h justiciar s were appointe d b y th e kin g i n 1389 , 139 2 an d 1422. 73 Th e titl e of justiciar wa s now usuall y given t o th e magnat e who wa s elected t o ac t as chie f governo r whe n th e lieutenan t ha d vacate d offic e an d hi s successor ha d no t ye t bee n appointe d b y th e kin g o r ha d no t ye t reached Ireland. 74 Th e emphasi s upo n a chie f justicia r wa s perfectly appropriate i n a trac t o n th e Iris h parliament , thoug h i t shoul d b e observed that , a s the trac t wa s based upo n a n instructio n fro m Henr y II, i t i s the king , not th e justiciar, wh o figures throughout, a s indeed he does in all Irish officia l documents . But wh y th e emphasi s upo n th e chie f justice of the king's bench in the Englis h version? Ther e i s nothing t o sugges t that th e adaptor o f the Modus t o th e Englis h parliamen t kne w anythin g o f th e histor y o f th e justiciarship i n England . Actuall y th e las t 'justicia r o f England ' ha d been Hug h Despense r wh o perishe d a t Evesha m in 1265 . Already ther e had bee n constitute d i n fact , i f not ye t i n name , a chief justic e o f th e king's bench 75 an d a chie f justic e o f th e commo n bench; 76 bu t o f a 'justiciar o f England ' nothin g mor e i s heard . Loo k wher e w e will, we can fin d n o us e of the ter m 'chie f justiciar o f England' in the thirteenth century afte r 126 5 o r i n th e fourteent h century . I t appear s agai n i n official usag e fo r th e firs t time , a s far a s we ar e aware , o n 3 1 Januar y 1408 i n tw o deeds , grantin g th e advowso n o f a chantr y an d th e presentation o f it s chaplain s t o Si r Richar d Bedma n an d t o Willia m Gascoigne, 'capitali s justiciarius Anglie'.7 7 Now , William Gascoigne was the chie f justic e o f th e king' s benc h an d t o cal l him 'chie f justice o f England' was a new departure . But , as we have seen, the Englis h Modus 71 Richardso n an d Sayles, Admin. Ire., pp. 8-13. 72 W e have no t trace d th e us e of thi s title in th e record s beyon d th e 1340 s (P. R. O. , C.49/8/27; S. C. 8, no. 15311) . For the orde r o f preference, placin g chancello r befor e justiciar, see the Iris h petition o f 135 0 i n Sayles , Documents o n the Affairs o f Ireland before th e King's Council, no. 210 . 73 Richardso n an d Sayles, op. cit., pp . 11-13; R. I. A. Proc., xxxvi C. (1923), 223-34 . 74 Richardso n an d Sayles, op . cit., p. 13 . 75 P . R. O., C. 62, no. 71 (23 Edw. I), m. 2: capitalis iusticiarius noster ad placita nostra coram nobis audienda e t terminanda assignatus. 76 Ibid . C. 62, no. 49 ( 1 Edw. I), m. 4; no. 58 (10 Edw. I), m. 5; no. 62 (14 Edw. I), m. 3: capitalis iusticiarius noster i n banco. 77 P . R . O. , K . B . 27 , no . 58 7 (Hilar y 1408) , m . 33 . Another instanc e occur s i n th e Hilary term o f 1414 (K . B. 27, no. 611, m. 7, crown).

MODUS TENEND I PARLIAMENTU M 34 9 78 had alread y appeare d i n volumes of statutes wher e any lawyer would look fo r hi s law. An d it was, we suggest, on the authorit y o f the Modus that th e titl e o f chie f justic e o f Englan d wa s conferred , somewha t irregularly, upo n th e chie f justic e o f th e king' s benc h unde r Henry IV. We certainl y fin d it har d to believ e tha t the Modus was writte n in Edward II' s reig n by one who wit h propheti c powe r bestowe d a titl e upon th e chie f justice o f th e king' s benc h that he would not have until the fifteent h century . Similarly , w e may add , wit h incredibl e foresigh t he gave county statu s to th e cit y o f York (chapte r 6 ) which it was not to enjoy until the closing years of Richard IPs reign. We ar e not , however , concerne d her e wit h th e influenc e that th e English Modus may have had upon lawyers. Some pages back we set ou t to prov e ou r contentio n tha t th e onl y possibl e inferenc e fro m a comparison o f th e Iris h an d Englis h text s i s tha t a n Iris h sourc e lie s behind th e Englis h Modus, no t indee d th e Iris h tex t tha t survive s but the ultimat e parent o f that text. This proof w e have, we trust, achieved . Each ite m o f evidence , take n separately , migh t perhap s b e explaine d away: bu t th e item s ar e no t t o b e take n singl y o r i n isolation. Thei r concurrence canno t b e accidental: their cumulativ e forc e is irresistible. Nor ar e thes e Iris h characteristic s th e sol e criterion . Whe n w e come to examine th e Englis h Modus — and Al stand s out a s the bes t amon g the four text s tha t hav e com e down t o u s — we shal l find that , i n contras t to the Irish Modus (thoug h thi s is but a derivative, contracted text) , it is disorderly an d grammaticall y defective . Before , however, w e begin ou r scrutiny o f th e Englis h Modus w e ma y ad d a fe w paragraph s fo r th e sake of completeness . There i s internal evidenc e which enable s us t o giv e an approximate date t o th e Iris h Modus. I t is towards the end of Edward Ill's reign tha t a limited peerag e begin s t o emerge in Ireland an d that the peers acquir e the functio n of hearing and determining petitions. Abou t th e same time the common s — in th e sens e o f electe d representative s o f shires , franchises, citie s an d borough s — have attained a n establishe d plac e i n the Iris h parliament. The proctors o f the clergy are in parliament by th e 1370s.79 A dat e abou t 138 0 i s reconcilabl e wit h th e vocabular y an d assumptions o f th e Iris h Modus. Ar e ther e the n som e historical event s of this period tha t hav e left thei r mark upon the tract ? Let u s turn t o chapte r 12 A of I and the corresponding chapter 19 A of Al . I n th e forme r w e shall read, 'Et si t parliamentum in aperto loc o semper'; in the latter , "Parliamentu m debe t tener i loco publico e t non in privat o ne e in occult o loco' . We know o f n o inciden t i n th e histor y of th e medieva l parliamen t i n Englan d tha t coul d hav e suggested thi s 78 Above , p. 335 . 79 Richardso n and Sayles, Ir. Part, in Middle Ages, pp . 78-80,119-20,130-5 , 223-34.

350 MODU S TENEND I PARLIAMENTU M admonition. I n Ireland , however , ther e i s a n inciden t i n recen t parliamentary histor y o f whic h th e admonitio n look s lik e a reminiscence. I n 137 1 a great council was held at Ballydoyle, where th e only buildin g availabl e for suc h a gathering wa s a small chapel an d n o lodgings wer e t o b e ha d nearby. 80 I n th e earl y 1380s , wher e w e place the compositio n o f th e origina l Iris h Modus, thi s incident , an d th e resentment i t caused, must have been a vivid memory. Again, no t th e leas t curiou s o f th e chapter s i n th e Modus i s that which insist s upo n th e presenc e o f th e kin g i n parliament , admittin g only th e excus e o f ill-healt h an d providin g elaboratel y fo r th e investigation o f th e excus e very muc h a s an essoi n o f bed-sicknes s was investigated b y a cour t o f law. 81 Now , i n Jun e 138 2 th e lieutenant , Roger of Mortimer, as yet a child, had been unable to atten d parliamen t in person , detained , i t wa s alleged , b y sickness . Prelates , lord s an d commons proteste d tha t fro m tim e ou t o f mind , eve r sinc e th e Conquest o f Ireland , no parliament had been known to be held withou t the persona l attendanc e o f the chief governor . An d though the y agreed , in th e circumstances , t o overloo k th e irregularity, they wer e concerned that i t shoul d no t b e drawn int o a precedent, an d at their request thei r protest wa s solemnl y enrolle d an d exemplifie d i n th e chancer y an d recorded i n the king's bench. 82 Doe s this incident not see m to be in the mind o f th e write r o f th e Modus'? I s not th e suggestio n that , sinc e the king's representativ e i s boun d t o atten d parliament , th e kin g i s als o bound? I s thi s no t on e o f th e point s a t whic h th e apologu e make s contact wit h reality ? An d i s no t th e write r likel y t o hav e borrowe d from th e protes t th e ide a tha t thi s rule went back to the time of Henry II? We submi t tha t th e evidenc e i s sufficen t t o enabl e u s to dat e th e composition o f th e Iris h Modus i n th e 1380s , no t befor e the middle of 1382 an d no t lon g thereafter . Bu t i f w e may b e reasonably sur e of the date, w e cannot b e sur e o f th e purpos e o f th e Modus. Th e fabulist has wrapped hi s meanin g up s o well that the modern historian, wit h but a n imperfect knowledg e o f Iris h politic s unde r Richard II, cannot begi n to guess th e riddle . S o fa r a s we ca n tell , th e interes t o f no political party was served b y it . W e doubt whether , eve n in th e author' s ow n age, the riddle was easily guessed or whether men bothered t o guess it. Althoug h a numbe r o f copie s wer e made, 83 ther e i s nothing t o sugges t tha t th e 80 Ibid. , pp. 104-05,190 n. 81 Ch . 9 of land ch. 13 of A. 82 Richardso n an d Sayles, Parl. and Councils ofMed. Ire., pp. 120-2. 83 Fo r th e Doppin g an d Preston text s and their ancestors an d other texts, see above, pp . 333-4. A tex t seem s t o hav e bee n know n i n th e sixteent h centur y t o Archbisho p Ale n (Cal. Archbishop Alen's Register, p . 300 ) an d i t wa s modified, lik e th e Presto n text , t o sui t th e conditions of his own time.

MODUS TENEND I PARLIAMENTU M 35 1 Modus wa s regarded very seriously. If in late fourteenth-century Ireland it was intended a s a political squib , it proved a damp one. One matte r upo n whic h w e must commen t is the contentio n tha t the Iris h Modus i s derive d fro m a Frenc h translatio n o f th e Englis h Modus.84 W e do so merely because it has been treated seriously and has received suppor t i n academi c circles, 85 an d w e woul d no t hav e i t thought tha t w e had overlooked a serious contribution t o the discussion of th e proble m of the Modus. I n fact , th e argument s advanced in favou r of thi s contentio n def y th e principle s of textua l criticism . Let u s not e in th e firs t plac e that the text th e translator had before him chanced to be th e on e that w e designate B1: the relation o f this text t o other text s will b e foun d show n i n th e pedigre e o n a previou s page. 86 I f thi s pedigree i s correctly drawn , it i s obvious that B 1 cannot have been the source o f I . Ther e i s n o nee d fo r a lon g argumen t here , sinc e th e assertion tha t B 1 wa s the sourc e o f I ca n b e dispose d o f by the simple process o f tracin g th e modificatio n o f passage s in tw o chapter s o f I through Al an d Bl t o F. 87 Chapter 1 0 of I , heade d Sessiones in Parliamento, is represented by chapter 1 4 o f Al , D e Locis e t Sessionibus i n Parliamento. In B l th e chapter ha s been shortened and re-arranged. Here are the firs t fe w lines: Primo, ut predictu m est , sedebi t re x in medi o loc o maiori s band et ex parte eiu s dextr a sedebi t archiepiscopu s Cantuariensi s et e x parte eiu s sinistra archiepiscopus Eboracensis .

These line s presented n o difficult y t o th e translator . Bu t th e nex t few lines wer e a meaningless jumble, though h e mad e the bes t h e coul d of them. Here are the Latin and the French : Et pos t illo s seriati m episcopi, abbates , priores, line sempe r tal i [blank ] inter predicto s gradu s et eoru m loc a quod nullu s sedea t nis i inte r suo s pares .. . et apre s eu x ordeignemen t evesques , abbe's , priours, toute voie par tiele line parentr e le s degre s suisdit z e t lour s lieu x q e null e serr a sino n parentre se s piers...

The translato r seem s t o hav e though t tha t th e Lati n mean t that eac h grade o r degre e sa t b y themselve s with a space left betwee n on e grade

84 Garke , Medieval Representation an d Consent, pp . 87-90 . 85 Galbrait h (above , n. 19 ) supposes (p.97 ) that th e Iris h Modus wa s based on a B text and tha t th e Frenc h translatio n served as an intermediary: "The Irish compiler , misled b y .. . the French text.' 86 Above , p. 342 . 87 Fo r th e manuscript s o f th e text s (excep t F ) se e above , pp . 334ff . Fo r a n earl y

352 MODU S TENEND I PARLIAMENTU M and anothe r an d h e di d hi s bes t t o suppl y a litera l translation . Thi s appears t o hav e been als o the interpretatio n o f the passage by whoever was responsible for B2, but he saw that change s were necessary to make the Lati n grammatica l and fairl y intelligible . So he substitute d statim for seriatim, extende d line t o linealiter, and inserted modo i n the blank left i n Bl.8 8 But , unless it had happened, one would not hav e supposed it possibl e tha t anyon e coul d have believed that , fro m th e French lines we have quoted, these Latin lines had been derived: Deinde ver o a dextri s episcopi , abbates , priore s i n secund a formul a secundum ordinem , a sinistri s i n formul a comites , barone s e t eoru m pares secundum ordinem.

This is the reading of I. The nex t exampl e i s perhap s eve n mor e striking . W e retur n t o chapter 1 2 of j an d chapte r 1 9 o f Al, but here , fo r th e sak e o f easy comparison, w e may give the significant words. First those o f Al: ...qua hor a re x parliamentu m tenetu r interess e e t omne s pare s regni . Parliamentum debe t tener i loco publico et non in private nee in occult o loco.

ThenBl: ...et omne s pares regni parliamentum deben t tener e in occulto loco.. . (it wil l b e notice d tha t B l ha s 'debent ' fo r 'debet ' and , i n orde r t o provide a subjec t fo r a now plura l verb, the last words of the preceding sentence have been used.) Next F, which has no option bu t to accept this nonsense: ...toutz le s pier s d u royalm e e t devoien t tenir e l e parlemen t e n lie u appart ... 89

Now I: ...rex cu m gradibu s parliament i debe t ess e i n parliament o ...E t si t parliamento in aperto loco semper. fifteenth-century versio n o f F , base d o n Bl , se e Hardy's editio n i n Arch. Jn., xi x (1862) , 266-74, an d above , p . 336 . We may note amon g other manuscript s of F the Harleian MS 305 as being easily accessible . 88 A s in the text in the Select Charters. 89 Hard y rea d 'appert ' bu t ther e i s no doub t tha t th e tru e readin g i s 'appart ' or , i n modern spellin g 'a part'. This has the opposite meanin g of the Latin 'apperto' .

MODUS TENEND I PARLIAMENTU M 35 3 We may perhaps add the absur d reading of B2, since it shows how much difficulty contemporarie s had to understand the text o f B1: ...omnes pares parliament! debent teneri occulto loco ... We refrain fro m furthe r commen t o n ho w I coul d hav e been base d o n F90

Having argue d the priority o f the Irish Modus to the English Modus, we tur n t o narrate the singular transformations that befel l th e latter. To begin with , w e should loo k agai n a t th e treatmen t tha t th e adapto r of the Iris h tex t t o th e Englis h parliamen t gav e to hi s model. Thoug h w e have alread y describe d th e Englis h Modus i n general terms, we think i t will b e instructiv e t o depic t it s relatio n t o th e Iris h Modus i n a tabl e which give s i n on e colum n th e exac t sequenc e o f th e chapter s o f th e Irish versio n and i n th e nex t th e correspondin g chapters of the English version. Almos t a t a glanc e th e reade r wil l gras p i n som e detai l th e unmeaning disorde r i n whic h th e adapto r lef t hi s versio n o f I . Th e chapter number s ar e thos e w e have given to th e critica l text s w e have established. Th e title s i n I ar e take n from Additiona l MS 33505 excep t where they ar e given in square brackets. IRISH (I ) ENGLIS

H (Al)

PROEM PROE 1 SUMMONICI

M

O1

D

2 SUMMONICI O2 CLERICORUM

D

2A [PROCURATORE S 2 CLERICORUM] CLERICORUM

A [PROCURATORE S ]

3 SUMMONICI 4 MILITE

O LAICORUM 3

S COMITATUU M 4

D

E SUMMONICIONE PARLIAMENTI E CLER O

E LAICI S

1 D E BARONIBU S PORTUUM 5 J MILITE S COMITATUU M

90 I n vie w o f what w e have already said , it would be a work of supererogation t o dea l a t length with th e philologica l arguments tabulate d in Clarke, op. cit., pp. 91-5. Al l depends upon the choic e o f passages . W e commen t o n onl y on e phras e whic h ha s cause d difficulty : th e English (c . 26 ) caput, principium e t finis parliamenti; th e Frenc h chief de parlement, commenceour e t fyne d e parlement; th e Iris h (c . 8 ) caput, commensor e t fini s parliaments. Now, 'commensor ' is cognate wit h 'commensus ' from 'commetior', and the whole phras e means 'the king is the beginnin g (caput), th e measur e an d th e en d o f parliament' . The English write r was baffle d an d substitute d 'principium' , whic h merel y double s 'caput' . Th e Frenc h the n turned 'principium ' int o 'commenceour' . I f I wa s based o n F , woul d th e translato r render a good Frenc h wor d 'commenceour ' into Lati n a s 'commensor'? Th e similarity in pronunciation is fortuitous.

MODUS TENEND I PARLIAMENTU M

354

5 CIVE

S E T BURGENSE S

6 PRINCIPAL

S CLERICU S

6 \DE CIVIBU S 7 J D E BURGENSIBU S 8D E MOD O PARLIAMENT I 15 D

E PRINCIPALIBU S CLERICIS PARLIAMENT I

7 CLERIC

I PARLIAMENT !

16 D E QUINQU E CLERICI S PARLIAMENT I 20] ' D E HOSTIARIIS PARLIAMENT I 21 V D E CLAMATOR E J PARLIAMENT I

8 GRADU

S PARLIAMENT I

26 D

9D

E PRESENCI A REGI S E ABSENCIA EIU S

10 SESSIONE SI N PARLIAMENTO 11 AMERCIAMENT ABSENCIUM

14 D A

12 DIE S E T HOR A PARLIAMENTI 12A [LOCU

S PARLIAMENTI ]

13 ORD O DELIBERAND I PARLIAMENTUM 13A [DELIBERACI O PETICIONUM] 14 INCEPCI

E GRADIBU S PARIUM PARLIAMENTI 13 D E ABSENCI A REGI S I N PARLIAMENTO

O PARLIAMENT I

9D 19 D

E LOCI S E T SESSIONIBU S IN PARLIAMENT O E INCHOACION E PARLIAMENTI E DIEBU S E T HORI S A D PARLIAMENTUM

19A [LOCU 18 D

S PARLIAMENTI ]

E ORDIN E DELIBERAND I NEGOCIA PARLIAMENT I

9 A [DELIBERACI O PETICIONUM] 10 D

E PREDICACION E A D PARLIAMENTU M

14A [D E PRONUNCIACIONE ]

11 D

E PRONUNCIACION E PRO PARLIAMENT O

14B [D

12 D

E LOQUEL A REGI S POS T PRONUNCIACIONEM

15 D

E LOQUEL A REGIS ]

E ADIUTORII S POSTULANDIS

23 D

E AUXILII S REGI S

ISA [D E STACIONIBU S LOQUENCIUM]

22 D

E STACIONIBU S LOQUENCIU M IN PARLIAMENT O

16 IUDICIU

17 D

E CASIBU S E T IUDICH S DIFFICILIBUS

25 D

E TRANSCRIPTI S RECORDORU M E T PROCESSUUM I N PARLIAMENT O

M CASU S DUBI I

17 TRANSCRIPTU 18 D

M

E FIN E PARLIAMENT I

18A DEPARTICI O PARLIAMENTI

24. ^ D E DEPARTICION E PARLIAMENT I 24AJ

MODUS TENEND I PARLIAMENTU M 35 5 The disorde r aros e in part perhaps fro m th e desire of the adapto r t o expand hi s model. The Iris h Modus coul d contai n nothin g parallel to a chapter o n th e representatio n o f th e Cinqu e Ports , s o th e adapto r divided th e shor t chapte r 4 t o accommodat e them . Again, th e shor t chapter 5 wa s expanded b y hi m int o tw o chapter s dealin g separatel y with citizen s an d burgesses . Th e brie f referenc e in chapte r 7 to usher s and crier s i s likewis e expande d int o th e tw o chapter s 2 0 an d 21 . We assume tha t chapter s 4 , 5 an d 7 o f I represen t sufficientl y wel l th e related chapter s of the origina l Irish Modus; but, as we have explained, I is a shortened for m o f th e origina l and a direct comparison between all the paralle l chapter s o f I an d A l woul d no t fairl y illustrat e th e adaptor's method. Chapter 1 5 of A1, for example, must, for reasons we have given , be nearer the origina l Modus tha n the shorter chapte r 6 of I. Nevertheless a comparison o f the text s will, we think, confirm our view that ther e ha s been considerabl e expansion. Adaptation an d expansion, it mus t b e evident , wa s precede d b y dissectio n o f th e model , presumably wit h a view to a re-arrangement of the matter. Whether this dissection wa s provisiona l onl y o r merel y inept , i t wa s destructive of sense an d order . Dissectio n an d fittin g togethe r — we canno t cal l i t re-arrangement — is convenientl y illustrate d b y th e fou r fina l chapter s 24, 24A , 2 5 an d 2 6 o f Al , whic h correspon d t o chapter s 18 , ISA , 17 and 8 o f I . Indeed , whe n w e scrutiniz e th e Englis h versio n th e outstanding fac t i s tha t th e tw o chapter s 2 4 an d 2 5 hav e bee n dislocated. The y mus t b e transposed . B y this chang e the trac t ends , as surely mus t hav e bee n intended , wit h th e dissolutio n o f parliament . Yet, though by a re-arrangement so that chapter 2 6 becomes chapter 1 4 of th e B 2 versio n an d chapter s 2 4 an d 2 5 chang e places , a certai n logical orde r ca n b e achieved , th e tex t i s still i n a sad state an d can be made intelligibl e onl y b y violence . Thu s th e concludin g sentenc e o f chapter 2 5 o f th e Englis h Modus, 'Parliamentu m tenebitu r i n quo loc o regni reg i placuerit' , i s plainl y i n th e wron g place. Ho w di d thi s erro r arise? Apparentl y th e write r o f th e Englis h Modus ha d befor e hi m a text whic h did not sho w any division into paragraphs and in the process of invertin g th e orde r o f th e las t tw o chapter s h e mad e the divisio n at the wron g place . Th e resul t wa s tha t th e sentenc e whic h shoul d have begun th e chapte r D e particione parliamenti no w hung absurdly at th e end o f D e transcriptis recordorum. I f w e tur n t o th e Iris h Modus w e shall fin d tha t no t onl y the corresponding paragraphs follow the logical order bu t als o tha t th e misplace d sentenc e i s i n it s prope r place . We have a plain grammatica l statement, th e sens e o f whic h is obvious, and the concludin g words are 'Nos damus parliamento licenciam dissolvi. Et sic finitu r parliamentum' . Now doubtless thos e wh o maintai n that th e

356 MODU S TENENDI PARLIAMENTU M Irish Modus wa s derive d fro m th e Englis h Modus would , i f thei r attention ha d bee n draw n t o thi s difficulty , hav e resolve d i t b y postulating a n acute Irish clerk who brought orde r and clarity, logic and cohesion, t o th e puzzl e that th e muddle-heade d English author had set him. Bu t th e proble m canno t b e resolve d that eas y way. It is plain tha t chapter 24 A o f th e Englis h Modus i s hopelessl y corrupt . N o on e ha s been abl e t o constru e it . Furthermore , w e are bound t o as k ourselves 'What i s a claus e i n th e firs t perso n plura l and th e futur e tense doin g dangling a t th e en d of this chapter an d who is the suppresse d subject of the clause? ' Th e contex t give s n o answer : simpl y 'Parliamentu m nostrum licenciabimus' . Bu t th e Iris h Modus supplie s it in these words: 'And the n th e chancello r o r som e othe r appointe d b y th e kin g an d parliament shoul d sa y i n a lou d voice : W e give parliamen t leav e t o dissolve.' I f w e must g o t o th e Iris h Modus fo r the correc t orde r of th e chapters an d t o suppl y th e deficiencie s of the English Modus, t o obtai n sense ou t o f nonsens e an d restor e gramma r where gramma r i s fa r t o seek, i s th e inferenc e not paten t tha t th e Englis h text i s derived fro m the Irish text an d not th e other wa y round? All tha t ha s com e dow n to u s in the English Modus is an unfinished and clums y draft , an d w e deduc e tha t th e compile r abandone d i t because h e wa s dissatisfie d wit h hi s wor k o r discourage d fro m proceeding wit h it . Bu t more tha n th e composition an d the grammar is in question . Th e peer s o f th e Iris h Modus ar e the magnate s and thei r position i s contraste d wit h tha t o f th e othe r 'grades ' attendin g parliament. Th e peer s represen t n o on e but themselves : they ar e judges and ar e seate d excep t whe n they ar e speaking . The commons are there for th e purpos e o f petitionin g an d grantin g supply: the y stand. 91 Th e peers conside r matter s o f difficulty an d only if there i s need for further advice ar e th e othe r grade s consulted . Al l thi s i s straightforwar d and intelligible an d in harmony with the history o f the Irish parliament. But the write r o f th e English Modus manipulates. Although the Irish Modus knows nothin g o f th e grea t officer s o f the household, the most striking addition t o th e Englis h Modus i s the introductio n o f thes e officer s o f state, particularl y th e steward , to a n importan t plac e in parliament . If we compar e chapter s 13 , 1 4 an d 1 7 o f th e Englis h versio n wit h th e corresponding chapter s 9 , 1 0 an d 1 6 o f th e Iris h Modus, i t wil l b e noticed tha t i n chapte r 1 3 senescallus ha s bee n substitute d fo r comes terre,92 tha t i n chapte r 1 4 senescallus has been introduce d wher e th e 91 Galbraith' s dependenc e o n defectiv e printe d text s has prevented hi m fro m realizin g that th e las t line o f ch . 1 5 of I , whic h h e accept s as 'communes vero sun t querente s e t auxilii concessores ve l negatores' , shoul d rea d 'commune s ver o sun t querente s e t necessitatibu s subvenientes, e t stabunt' , thu s supplyin g th e necessar y antithesi s t o th e lord s wh o sit . Hi s consequent argument (p . 98) loses its force.

MODUS TENEND I PARLIAMENTU M 35 7 Irish Modus ha s no correspondin g words, and tha t i n chapte r 1 7 ther e has been brough t i n a comes senescallus, a comes constabularius an d a comes marescallus, whose duty it is in certain circumstance s to choose a committee o f twenty-fiv e to control th e king, a committee that appears in th e Iris h Modus. Thi s mus t hav e ha d a purpose . W e have alread y pointed ou t tha t ther e i s n o trac e o f th e Modus i n an y know n manuscript befor e th e reig n o f Richar d II . O n hi s accessio n politica l power la y i n th e hand s o f th e Officer s o f State . Thi s wa s quit e unprecedented, fo r thoug h previousl y they ha d grea t dignity , they had not sough t th e contro l o f the destinie s o f the state . A situation aros e which coul d no t endur e withou t endangerin g political stability . Th e doctrine o f co-operatio n betwee n king s an d barons , a s envisage d b y Bracton, develope d int o a doctrin e o f balancin g powers in th e polity , and th e Officer s o f Stat e ar e being placed on somethin g like equalit y with th e king . W e know fro m othe r evidence that efforts were made to exalt Joh n o f Gaun t an d hi s son , Henr y o f Lancaster , b y mean s of fabricated documents , an d i n th e English version of the Modus we have one o f thos e attempts. 9 3 Bu t tha t th e Iris h Modus shoul d hav e been derived fro m th e English , Modus an d i n th e proces s al l trac e o f th e Household Officer s shoul d hav e been neatl y remove d seems to borde r on the incredible. But whe n was this manipulatio n done ? W e have suggested tha t th e Irish Modus wa s compose d no t lon g after th e middl e of 1382 . I f thi s were so , i t wa s obviously i n existenc e when the firs t crisi s o f Richar d IPs reig n develope d i n 138 7 an d 1388 , whe n restrictions wer e placed upon th e king and when the Officer s o f State assumed a political role in parliament hostil e t o th e king . An d thoug h th e conflic t betwee n th e king an d hi s uncle s wa s outwardl y appease d in 1390 , i t continued t o smoulder, t o burst into flames in 1398 . The old issues were lying latent, unresolved, an d Henr y o f Lancaster' s ambition s ha d quickene d wit h John o f Gaunt' s advancin g years. But if we ask when it was most likely that th e Irish Modus would come to the attention o f English politicians, royalists an d dissident s alike , the answe r seems to b e 'on th e occasio n of Richar d IP s expeditio n t o Irelan d i n 1394-5 ' whe n h e wa s accompanied b y bot h friend s an d foes . Bu t whil e w e cannot exclud e the possibilit y tha t th e compositio n o f th e Englis h version of th e Irish 92 Tha t is, the earl within whos e land the parliament is held. 93 W e cannot discus s her e th e trac t o n the Steward . I t ha s been attribute d t o the reign of Edwar d II , thoug h n o one at that tim e would have been s o ignorant a s to suppose either tha t Edward I I was the so n of Henr y II I o r that Peter Gavesto n was murdered under Edward I . The tract doe s no t appea r i n an y manuscrip t writte n befor e Richar d I I 's reig n an d i t i s no t impossible tha t this propagandist pamphle t wa s produced afte r the botched versio n of the Iris h Modus wa s discarded as ineffective fo r its purpose. Indeed, there is a slight indication that both came from th e sam e pen.

358 MODU S TENEND I PARLIAMENTU M Modus wa s undertake n a s lat e a s 1395 , w e ar e incline d t o a n earlier date. On e argumen t weigh s wit h us . Th e transformation s suffere d b y the Englis h Modus t o conver t th e A l tex t t o th e B 2 tex t are , w e suggest, unlikel y t o hav e bee n accomplishe d speedil y an d mor e probably too k plac e over a period o f years rather tha n months until th e B2 tex t wa s apparently available to th e Mowbrays in the early fifteent h century. The Modus mus t not b e studie d i n isolatio n fro m th e group s wit h which i t ha s descended . The collection s with which it i s associated are as divers e a s th e 'Antiqu a Statuta' , th e 'Nov a Statuta' , document s relating t o th e Cinqu e Ports, an d diplomati c document s relating to the house o f Mowbray . We shoul d perhap s a t thi s poin t sa y somethin g about th e manuscrip t collections o f th e statute s as they evolve d in the later fourteent h century , fo r erroneou s inference s have been draw n by those wh o hav e not realize d tha t the y ha d i n thei r hand s merely the first volum e of tw o writte n in th e fifteent h century. 94 Th e collections are divide d conventionally into three parts: the old statutes; 'statute s of uncertain date' , t o adop t a convenient but comparatively modern title; the ne w statutes . Thes e division s are preserved in th e printe d Statutes of th e Realm, an d i t i s no t necessar y t o loo k beyon d th e firs t tw o volumes o f tha t serie s t o obtai n a ver y goo d ide a o f wha t th e manuscript collection s looke d lik e tha t wer e written under Richar d I I and i n subsequen t years. The firs t par t include d the statute s of Henry III, Edwar d I an d Edwar d I I — these wer e th e Antiqua o r Vetera Statuta, representing authoritativ e legislatio n fro m above ; th e secon d part included , besides true legislation that th e collectors of statutes had been unable to assign to any particular king or year, legal tracts, rules of court an d legal miscellanea; the thir d par t containe d th e Nova Statuta, beginning with Edwar d III whe n legislation was for the most part fro m below an d base d upo n petition s presente d b y th e common s i n parliament. I t i s evident that , whil e the firs t par t migh t vary a little in content b y additio n o r subtraction , i t was , i n principle , o f fixe d composition, since it was restricted to the legislation of three kings. The second par t wa s a convenien t receptacl e fo r anythin g tha t a lawye r might wis h to preserv e that coul d not b e assigne d to eithe r the first o r 94 Cf . p. 359 . 95 Th e chapter o f the Modus relatin g t o penaltie s for absenteeis m fro m parliamen t (A , c.9) ha s bee n sandwiche d betwee n th e statute s o f Edwar d II I an d thos e of Richard II in a mid-fifteenth-century collectio n (Harvard Law Library, Treasure Roo m MS 20, f. 39b) . 96 S o much a matter o f cours e was it to add new matter t o part two and part thre e tha t blank leave s migh t be inserted a t th e en d of eac h par t before binding. Manuscripts exist which combine al l three part s wit h blan k leave s never filled with writing (e.g. B . L., Harleian MS 867, which doe s not contai n the Modus o r any o f the associate d tracts ) and singl e volume s o f thi s kind, containin g onl y on e part, ar e no t uncommo n (e.g. B . L., Nero C. I an d Lansdown e MS 522).

MODUS TENEND I PARLIAMENTU M 35 9 95 the thir d part: its contents vary from manuscrip t to manuscript. The third par t wa s obviously designe d to gro w with advancing years,9 6 an d the legislatio n o f later king s was continually bein g added to volumes of statutes unti l manuscript s gave way to print. The first and second parts are almos t invariabl e companion s an d fo r convenienc e might be made into a volum e separat e fro m par t three . Thi s i s a matte r o f som e importance because , thoug h a volum e o f th e statute s ma y contai n nothing expressl y date d beyon d th e reig n o f Edward II, n o inference must b e draw n fro m thi s fac t a s t o th e dat e o f an y undate d ite m included i n part two . Thu s Vespasia n B. VII, containing a copy o f th e Antiqua Statuta, to whic h there are appended the Modus an d the tracts of th e Stewar d and th e Marshal , was not writte n until th e ver y end of the fourteenth century. 9 7 The Modus i s not, however, associated onl y with legal collections. It appears i n th e secon d sectio n o f th e Mowbra y documents in Nero D. VI, whic h begin s wit h th e coronatio n claim s made i n 137 7 an d th e order o f th e coronatio n o f Richar d I I an d continue s wit h th e Modus, the cronica bona (largely concerned with coronations and ending with a notice o f tha t o f Richar d II) , th e Modus faciendi duellum coram rege, the charte r o f 1 2 Januar y 138 6 grantin g th e offic e o f Marsha l t o Thomas Mowbray , a statemen t o f th e claim s mad e b y Thoma s o f Brotherton i n respec t o f tha t office , followe d b y a trac t entitle d Officium marescalH tempore pads, extract s fro m th e Re d Boo k o f th e Exchequer o n th e sam e subject , th e trac t o n th e Marshal , th e ordinances o f wa r an d th e orde r o f battl e o n th e occasio n o f Richar d II .s expedition agains t Scotlan d i n 1385 . B y other, but no t muc h later, hands there have been adde d a brief trac t D e exequiis regalibus and an account of Edward I's campaign against Scotland in 1296 . When w e summariz e the evidenc e of survivin g manuscript s we see that A l i s foun d associate d wit h th e tract s o n th e Stewar d an d th e Marshal o r independentl y o f them ; A2 with th e trac t o n th e Steward; Bl independentl y o f eithe r o f thes e tracts ; B 2 wit h th e trac t o n th e Steward, th e Marsha l and th e trac t o n th e duel , emanatin g from th e Constable an d definitel y databl e a s 1385-6 . I t follow s that al l fou r tracts mus t hav e existe d i n separat e form , althoug h connnecte d a t certain stage s o f thei r history . An d thi s associatio n ca n hardl y hav e been th e resul t o f mer e chance an d w e suggest that al l four ma y have had thei r origi n i n simila r circumstance s an d bee n writte n abou t th e same time. Th e poin t o f practical importance is that th e English Modus is associated wit h tracts which we can with a high degree of probability , 97 Cf

. Clarke, op. cit., p . 360 .

360 MODU S TENEND I PARLIAMENTU M and a t leas t i n on e cas e with certainty , ascrib e t o th e reig n o f Richard II. Let u s su m up. Th e transmissio n o f th e tex t o f th e Modus fro m a form o f I to Al , thence t o A2 and, in another line , through B l t o B2 is clearly demonstrable , an d n o othe r sequenc e ca n explai n the obviou s relations betwee n th e versions . A comparison o f the form, composition and substanc e o f th e text s o f I an d A l i s s o favourabl e t o th e Iris h Modus tha t i t mus t b e conclusive . Th e Iris h Modus la y behin d th e English Modus: th e Englis h Modus i s the derivativ e text . Ther e ar e n o grounds fo r placin g an y o f thes e version s earlie r tha n th e reig n o f Richard II , an d th e internal evidenc e is strongly in favour o f attributin g I t o th e earl y years of that reign . But we may add these few words. The Irish Modus stand s muc h neare r t o th e trut h tha n th e Englis h Modus, but i t does not tel l the whole truth o r nothing bu t the truth. Still, when we hav e s o little , i t i s valuabl e fo r wha t i t suggest s abou t th e Iris h parliament, s o lon g a s w e us e i t wit h discretion . Th e Englis h Modus stands i n a n altogethe r differen t category , an d tha t categor y i s th e political pamphleteerin g o f th e reig n o f Richar d II . It shoul d lie within the sam e covers as the tract s with which it is associated and from whic h it shoul d neve r be dissociated . W e must, however , be carefu l t o realize where th e merit s o f thes e tract s lie . The y cas t a s little ligh t o n th e evolution o f th e grea t Officer s o f Stat e a s th e Modus tenendi parliamentum doe s on the evolution o f parliament. But, like it and with it, they ma y tel l u s somethin g o f th e idea s an d aim s o f th e leadin g opponents o f Richar d II , an d th e histor y the y wil l illumin e is that o f the reign in which they wer e written.98 98 Th e late H . G. Richardson an d the presen t write r collaborate d i n th e mid-1930 s i n establishing th e tex t o f th e Iris h Modus an d it s derivativ e English version. But during and afte r the wa r w e wer e diverte d t o othe r interest s an d wer e content thereafte r simpl y t o stat e ou r general conclusions . W e were rebuked , no t withou t reason , fo r expressin g ou r view s without providing justification fo r them. This reproach i s now removed.

INDEX [Contractions: archbp . fo r archbishop ; bp. fo r bishop ; bro. for brother ; co. fo r county; dau. for daughter; kg. for king ; qn. for queen; t for died] Arnold, Henry, 265 Arundel, Richar d fit z Alan , earl of (f!376), 57 -,-,-(f!397),280 -, Thoma s fit z Alan , ear l o f (fl415), 321 Ashburnham, Bartholome w of , 82 , 8 3 an d n.,84 Ashwell, co. Leic., 39, 50, 52-3 Askeaton, co. Limerick, 179, 258 Astwick, John, 40n., 46, 52 Athassall, co. Tipperary, 246 Athenecrogha [unidentified] , Ireland , 25 2 Athy, John de, 216f . Attainder, 89 Aumale, Edward of York , duk e of (fl415) , 294f., 296 and n.

Abergavenny, Willia m Beauchamp , Lord , 316, 321f. , 324, 326f . Adam, John, 11 2 Adare, co. Limerick, 248 Agarde, Arthur, 278 and n., 314 Alan, Steward o f Scotland, 274 See Jame s Aldham, Francis of , 82ff . Alexander II, kg. of Scotland, 13 0 -, charte r of , 129f. -.council of, 130 Aliland, Gilbert, 46, 50f . Allen, Nicholas, bp. o f Meath, 119 Allington, Henry of, 46, 5 Of. Almshouse, 68 Amory, Roger de, 82 and n., 85 Amyas, William, 33n., 44n. Annaghdown, Irish dioces e of, 10 3 Anne, qn. See Richard I I Arbitration i n lawsuits, 14 8 Ardagh, co. Limerick, 254 , 256, 258 Ardee, co. Louth, 270 -, Benedic t of , 105 Ardfmnan, co. Tipperary, 258 Ardmayle, co. Tipperary, 24 6 Aristarchus, 12 Armagh, co. Armagh, 124 —, 'Saxon quarter' in, 12 4 -, rental s in, 127 —, theological studies at, 12 4 -, archbp. of, 126 -, - , vicar s general of, 109ff., llln. , 114 —, — , chamber a t Dromiskin , 12 1 -, - , hous e at Termonfeckin, 12 7 -, - , register s of , 100 and n., lOln., 125ff. -, - , - , original s of, 128 -, - , - , - , microfilmed , photostate d and typed, 128 - , — , - , transcripts of , 128 -,-,-, contents of, 126f. See Mey; Prene -, archdeaco n of, 100, 109 and n., Ill, 126 -, - , cour t book of , 126 -, cano n of, 109,113

Baddow, co. Essex, 24f. Badlesmere, Bartholomew , 82f. , 8 4 an d n . -.Giles, 253 Bakewell, Roger of, 6 1 Balisallagh, co. Cork, 258 Ballagh, co. Tipperary, 25 7 Ballybrennan, co. Limerick, 258 Ballydoyle, co . Tipperary , grea t counci l at , 350 Barry, Adam, 254 -, David , 254-6 -, - , Davi d son of, 254 -, - , Joh n son of, 256 -,John,253 —, -, Joh n son of, 253 -.Nicholas, 254 -, Robert , 258 -.William, 250, 256 -, - , Ada m son of, 256 Barton Regis, co. Glouc., 86 Basset, Ralph, 83 -, William, 61 Bassingbourne, Nicholas of, 18ff . Bastardy, ix Beargy, Philip, 96f . Beauchamp, Edward , 321 , 322n . See Abergavenny

361

362 Beaufo See Bellafogo Beaulieu, co . Louth, 11 3 Beaumont, Henry, 85 -, John, 57,6 0 Becket, John, 97 Bede, the Venerable, 3 Bedman, Richard, 348 Belfast, co. Antrim, 125 Bellafogo, Beaufo , James de, 246 Bellamonte, Henry de, 321 Benefices, i n gif t o f chancellor , 10 7 an d n. , Ill, 116n . Bereford, Edmund, 11 3 Berkeley, co. Glouc., 296 -, Thomas , 73n . -,-,Lord, 316ff.,32 1 Bermingham, John de , 274 —, master Raymond , 10 5 -, Willia m de, 242, 247, 249f. -, - , Walte r son of, 250 and n. —, See Lout h Bernard of Clairvaux, 124 Berwick, Thomas of, 46, 50f . Beth, maste r Nicholas , 106n. , 11 0 an d n. , 112 Bill, legal procedure by, 230ff . -, o f Middlesex, 233f. Bindo the Lombard, 214f., 217f . Black, J. B., 134 Bloch, Marc, 16 Bohun See Hereford Bois, William du, 13 1 Bole, John, 32 , 46, 50f . Bolingbroke, Andre w of , 67ff. , 71f. , 74ff . Boroughbridge, co . Yorks., 81, 84f., 230 Braganstown, co. Louth, 105n . Brailesford, Ralph , 321 , 322n . Bret, William le, 265 Brimpsfield See Giffar d Brindley, James, 11 Bristol, co. Glouc., 73 and n., 83, 296 -, Gildhal l at, 73n. -, - , rio t in, 73n. Bristowe, William, 96 Brittany, campaig n in, 292 Brocton, Adam , 97 Brown, Nicholas, 265 Bruce, Robert, Lor d of Annandale, 24ff. -, — , claiman t t o th e Scottish throne , 23ff . -,-,-, Christian wif e of, 24f. -,-,-, second marriage of, 24 -, -, -, -, dat e of, 24ff. -, - , ear l of Carrick, 24 and n., 25 -, - , kg . of Scotland, 24n., 125 , 212 , 267 , 269, 272f.

-, - , Edwar d bro . of , 125 , 212 , 214 , 215 and n., 217, 240 , 267f . -, - , - , campaign s in Ireland, 270-7 4 - , - , — , — , consequences of , 275 Buckingham, Thomas of Woodstock, earl of , 292,297 Bullet, Bulietti , Nicholas , o f Florence , 5 7 and n., 58ff. Bunratty, co. Clare, castle of, 241, 248 , 250 Burbache, Dr. John, 317f., 323- 9 Burghersh, Burghasshe , Bartholome w de, 59 Burgh, Richard de , ear l o f Ulster, 212, 214 , 268,270 -, -, dau. of, married Robert Bruce , 268 -, -, William bro. of, 213 -, Walter de, 247, 250 Burnell, Hugh, 316, 319 , 32 1 Burnet, Gilbert, 4 Burton-on-Trent, co. Staff., 84 Bushy,John,296 But, William, 46, 50f. Butiler, Francis le, 60 Butler, Thomas, 242 Byford, John of , 256 Calais, France, 29 2 Callan, co. Kilkenny, 256 , 257n . Cambridge, Nicholas of, 7 8 Cannibalism, 27 3 Canon law , over-ruled b y loca l custom , 148 Canterbury, co. Kent, city of, ix, 83-4 -, - , territoria l jurisdiction of, ix -, archbp . of, 318, 321 , 323 and n., 324-30 -, — , discours e of , in parliament, 325 , 329 -, St . Augustine's of , ix -, - , territoria l jurisdiction of, ix -, Christchurch , prio r of , 316, 318 , 323-4 , 327 Cantlow, Maurice, 254, 25 8 Cantwell, Robert, 25 7 -, - , Rober t so n of, 257 Carew, Philip, 25 5 -,—, Raymond so n of, 255 Carlingford, co. Louth, 93, 96 -, Dominica n church , 93 -, -, prior of, 97 -, -, cano n of, 96f. -, St . Mary's church, 96 -, bailiff s of, 97 Carlisle, bp. of, 320, 324 Carlow, co. Carlow, castle of, 90 Carp, John, 293,29 9 Carrick, co. Tipperary, 257 -, Dunca n of , 217 -, Joh n of, 217

363

Carrickfergus, co. Antrim, 125 -, siege of, 212 ff.,271f . -, - , truc e during, 215, 272 -, capitulatio n of, 214 Cashel, co. Tipperary, 257, 265 -, syno d of, 102 Castleconnell, co. Limerick, 240 , Castlegrace, Gracecastle, co. Tipperary , 24 4 Castleisland, Castl e Island , co . Kerry , 252 , 255f., 258 Castleknock, co. Dublin, 115n. Castlelyons, co. Cork, 254 -, Carmelit e church in, 254 Catherine, qn., widow of Henry V, 285 -, - , marriag e to Owen Tudor, 285 -, -, -, childre n by, 285n. Caunton, David de, 255 -, Pete r de, 256 —, — , Gerald so n of , 25 6 -, - , - , Joh n son of, 256 -, Rober t de, 242, 245,255 -, - , Georg e son of, 255 -, Willia m de, 255 -, - , Davi d son of, 255 -, - , Joh n son of, 255 -, — , Robert son of, 255 Cavendish, John, 302 Chanceries, local, 6 3 —, -, fictitious , 64 Chantry, 68-9, 75 Chapelle, Philip de la, 25 3f. Chancery, medieval, 1 7 -, - , household s of, 17 - Se e Chanceries Charter, of Henry II to York, 76 Chester, Richard of, 253 Chief justiciar, of England, 347ff . -, o f Ireland, 347 Chigwell, Hamon of, 8 3 Chiriton, Walter, 30-3, 37n., 38f., 40 and n., 41 and n., 42, 43n., 45f., 48, 52ff . Church i n Ireland , earl y monasti c organisation, lOlf. , 123,126 -, -, mission s of, 123 -, - , literar y scholarshi p of, 123 —, — , erenaghs of, 10 1 an d n . —, — , coarbs in, 10 4 an d n . —, - , displace d b y episcopa l system , 102 , 124,126 -, parishe s in, 102 -, - , divisio n of revenues in, 102, 10 3 an d n. -, - , rector s and vicars in, 103 and ns.

-, surviva l of Irish practices in, 125 Churches, responsibility fo r repai r of, 104n . Cinque Ports, 335n., 344 and n., 355 Civil law, 148 Clare, Elizabeth de, 82n. Clarendon, Edward Hyde, earl of, 4 Clevedon, John of, 86n . Clifford, Roger , 87n. Clonglasse See Kinglass Clonkeen, co. Limerick, 258 Clonmel, co. Tipperary, 251, 256ff . Clonnalanewan [unidentified] , Ireland , 25 7 Clontead, co. Cork, 258 Cloyne, co. Cork, 253 Coarbs See Church in Ireland Cobham, Henry of, 83-4 Cocketseal, 31, 34n. -, contemporar y description of, ix Cody, Lercedekene, Raymond, 246 Coign and livery, 90, 240f . -, denounce d in parliament, 241 Coke, Sir Edward, 140, 220f. Cokheved, Hugh, 46, 220f. Cokside, Robert, 46, 5Of . Coleraine, co. Derry, 125, 21 4 and n., 217 , 270f. Common law, 147f. -, subordinate in practice to customary law, 148 Common pleas, meaning of, 221f . -, distinguishe d fro m crow n pleas, 222 -, cour t of, 222-226 Comsy, Compsey, co. Tipperary, 250 Conduit, Reginald, 36,44n., 46,5 Of. Connello, co. Limerick, 258 Conspiracy, 67,68 and n. -, oat h in, 67f. -, definition of, 67 -, wri t of, 67 Conway, co. Caernarvon, 295ff. Cook, Richard, 112 -, — , John son of, 112 -.William, 112 Copernicus, Nicolas, 12 Corragh Bothir, co. Cork, 258 Coterill, John, 253,258 Credit, dealing in, 56-61 Cressingham, Hugh of, 25 Crokedayk, Adam of, 24n., 25 -, Joh n of, 25 Crony, Richard, 12In. Croom, co. Limerick See Richard Council, king's, plea before, 59f.

364 -, - , ne w chamber of , 31, 38 County courts , Kilkenny,' 265 -, Tipperary , 265 -, Waterford , 265 -, sheriff s of, 265 -, coroner s of, 265 Courcy, John de, 125 Court of Steward and Marshal, 22 7f. - Se e Oxford Cuchulain, 123 Currans, co. Kerry, 252 Cusack, John de , 274 Customary law , precedence o f commo n law and canon law, 148 Dalderby, Robert, 46, 50f. Darcy, Roger, 253 Darel, John, 105 —, — , John so n of, 106n. Dartmouth, co . Devon, 292f., 297 David, John so n of, 70 Deivilla, Gocelin de, 87 Desmond, Maurice fitz Thomas , firs t earl of , 239-63 -, indictment s against , 240, 264 —, annulment o f outlawry of, 239, 260f. -, plo t t o become kg . of Ireland, 240, 242, 248 -, - , Englis h an d Iris h supporter s of , 205ff., 226 , 241f. -, - , -, oat h of, 242 -, - , correspondenc e wit h kgs . of Franc e and Scotland, 25 5 —, -, messenger s to pope, 255 -, lands of, 258 —, Justiciar o f Ireland, 261-3 Desmond, Mauric e fitz Thoma s fit z Gerald , ninth earl of, 93 Despenser, Hugh, 85 Donohill, co. Tipperary, 246f . -, baro n of, 265 Donore, co. Louth, 113,119 Dononir [unidentified] , ? co . Tipperary , 258 Dordrecht, Netherlands, 34 and n. Dowdall, Stephen, 9 6 Downpatrick, co. Down, 125 -, abbe y of, 125 Draenteyn, William, 255 Dray ton, Thomas of, 46, 50f. Drogheda, co . Louth , 109 , 113, 120, 213f , 216, 240n. , 271, 334n. -, St . Peter's, church of , llOn., 112 and n., 114 —, — , vicar of, 11 3

-, Carmelit e hous e at, 112 -, mayo r and bailiffs of, 113,119 and n. -, pirac y at, 12 7 Dromiskin, co. Louth, llOn. , 115 —, chamber of archbp. of Armagh in, 12 1 Dublin, co . Dublin, St. Audoen's churc h in, 115,118,120 -, - , chaplain s (named), 115 and n., 116 -, St . Patrick's churc h in, 245 -, - , dea n of, 100, 115 and n., 120 —, -, vicar s choral of, 121 -, - , preben d of, 115 -, Dominica n church in, 261 -, archbps . of, 12 6 -,-, Official of , 119f . -, synoda l canons of, 116,120 -, resistanc e to Edward Bruce, 273 -, Rober t d e Vere, Marques s of, 344 and n. Ducres, William des, 255 —, -, Joh n son of, 255 Duel, tract on, 359 —, — , associated with Constable, 35 9 Duff, Simon , 24 8 Dugdale, William, 4 Dun, Thomas, 214-8, 271 Dundalk, co . Louth, 93, 95, 110 , 115, 240 and n., 270, 273 -, 'Blac k Rath' in, 93 -, bailiff s of, 93 Dundrum, co. Down, 125 Dungarvan, co. Waterford, 251 and n. Dyer, John, 11 3 Dysart, co. Meath, 103n. Edward HI , commercia l polic y of , 2 7 an d n., 28 Edward, Robert, 105 Eleanor, qn. ( f 1290), ix -, mss . bought in Paris for, ix Elstow, William of, 112,114f . Eltham, co. Kent, 279 Ely, co. Offaly, 25 7 -,John,265 English, use of, 302n . 'English Company', 28-55 -, founded by William Pole, 3 7 -, - , term s of oath to, 39f., 49f. Equity, 232f . Erenaghs See Church in Ireland Erpingham, Thomas, 317f., 321f., 324-9 Everdon, Thomas of, 347 and ns. Excommunication, x Famine in Europe, 273 Faughart, co . Louth , battl e of , 217, 240n.,

365 267, 274f . Felton, Thomas, 292 and n., 297 Feriby, master John , 317f., 323f., 326, 328 -, William, 317f. Fermoy, co. Cork, abbot of, 255 Fitz David, Henry, 246 -,John, 246 Fitz Gilbert, Thomas, 24If., 246f. Fitz John, Thomas, 253,255f. Fitz Matthew, Robert, 241, 247 Fitz Maurice, John, 248 Fitz Nicholas, Maurice, 252 -, William, 251 Fitz Philip, Maurice, 24If. Fitz Thomas, Maurice, 244 Fleet prison See London; Wigan Fleming, Henry le, 265 Flood, Henry, 156,166,172 Florence See Bullet France, Anatole , 1 2 Franklin, Benjamin, 16 French, use of, 302 Frisby, Richard of, 260 Fulthorp, William, 321 and n. Gateway, Richard, 46, 50f. Galway, Irish diocese of , 10 3 Gamblesby, co. Cumb., 24 Gascoigne, William, 348 Gaveston, Peter, 3 5 7n. Germyne, William, 97 Gernon, Adam, 113 -, Henry , 96 -, James, 114f., 117 -, John , 96 -.Matthew, 112 -, - , Jame s son of, 112 -, Roger , 96 —, master Stephen, 10 9 Gernonstown, co. Louth, 96 Gibbon, Edward, 4f. Giffard, John , of Brimpsfield, 81, 85 Gild at York, officers of , 68-70, 7 7 —, members of (named), 7 4 -, - , oat h of, 70f., 75 -,-, profit of, 71 -, secre t meeting s of, 70 -, ordinance s an d statutes of, 69, 76 -, influenc e in local government , 70ff., 75, 78 -, dissolutio n of , 60ff. -, -, fines on, 79f. -,-,-, security for , 79f. Gilds Se e Lichfield ; Maidenhead; Stratford ;

Wisbech

Glamore, Glanworth, co. Cork, 254, 256 Glassanby, co. Cumb., 24 Glastonbury, co . Somerset , abbo t of , 317 , 325,329 Glenarm, co. Antrim, 125 Gloucester, co. Glouc., 82 -, Thoma s of Woodstock, duke of, 280 -, Thoma s le Despenser, earl of, 315-7, 322 , 324ff., 32 9 Goldbetere, Henry, 46,50f. Gouke, Thomas, 46,50f. Grace, Nicholas, 97 Gracecastie See Castlegrace Graces in Latin, for blessing of food, 128 Grant, William, 25 8 Grattan, Henry, 151,159 Gray, Thomas, 316ff., 321, 323f. , 326f. Green, Henry, 296 Grimston, Robert of , 70 Great Charter, 301-12 -, attribute d t o Edward I, 301 -, expositio n of , 302-12 Great Council of England, 315 Grenville, George, 15 2f. Greyabbey, co. Down, 125 Gyffyn, Roger , 217f. Haddesor, Thomas, 12 In. Hadsore, James, 96 Haket, William, 256 Hale, Henry, 265 Hamilton, William, 19 Hammond, Thomas, 39ff., 50,52f. Hanaper, clerk of, 56 Harclay, Andrew de, 82f. Hardegray, Roger, 46,5 Of. Harmston, Richard, 241 Hart, Walter, 97 Hartlepool, co. Durham, ix Hastings, John of, 83n. Haverford West , co. Pembroke , 294 , 296n . Hereford, Adam Orleton, bp. of, 87 -, Joh n Trefnant , bp . of, 316, 318 , 321f. , 324, 326f. —, Humphre y de Bohun , earl of , 8 4 an d n . Heresy, 282 -, penaltie s for, 282f. Herring, John, 298f. History, writing of, 1-1 6 -, - , purpos e of, If., 14 -, a s a science, 2,5-7,10-16 -, an d antiquarianism, 3f., 8 -, assumptions of, 5f. -, a s erudition, 7f. , 10 -, source s of, 8-10,65

366 —, interpretation in , 1 1 -, imaginatio n in, 11 -, ar t of communication in , 12-1 4 —, bias in, 14f . Hoddam, co. Dumfries, 38 7 Holywood, William , 96 Hornby, Thomas of, 71- 3 Hough ton, master Adam, 117 and n. Huntingdon, Willia m of Clynton, ear l of, 57 Hurling, game of, 12 7 Huse, Nicholas, 258 Husee, John, 119n . Ifield, John of , 84 Inchiquin, co. Cork, 253f. Indictment, i x Inns of Court, 234, 302 -ofChancery, 302 Ireby, co. Cumb., 24 Ireland, franchises of, 10 0 -, - , ple a rolls of, 100 —, assessment o f churches in, lOOn . -, arm y inspection in, 127 -, Rober t de Vere, duke of, 346 -, Joh n of, 105f., 108n . Irishtown, co. Kilkenny, 265 Isembart, romance of, ix Isertkieran, co. Tipperary, 256 Iveagh, Upper, co. Down, 91 James, Steward o f Scotland, 268 —, — , bro.-in-law of earl of Ulster , 26 8 -, - See Alan Jewelry, royal: sent to Flanders, ix -, - , take n to Dublin, 298ff . Joefne, Philip le, 248 John, kg., baths taken by, 278 Jury, juries: censured by court, ix —, examined individually by court, i x -, exhaustivel y questione d by court, ix —, admit ignorance, x —, — , seek evidence from stranger , x -, -, -, in English, x —, seek direction from court , x — , see k additiona l informatio n an d supplementation, x -, compositio n o f special, 69, 76f. Justices in eyre, 24f., 67, 229f. — of peace, oath of, 33 5 and n . - o f trailbaston, 67, 229 Justiciar, origin of office of , 223f . - o f Ireland, 245f., 248, 257-60 , 263 Kamoiz, Ralph de, 83n . Kells, co. Meath, synod of , 102

Kelstern, Walter of, 46, 50f . King's Bench, chief justice of , terme d Chief Justice o f England, 348f. Kenilworth, co. Warw., castle of, 296n., 299 Kent, Edmun d o f Woodstock , ear l of , 8 3 and n. -, Thoma s de Holand, earl of, 298f. Keppok, John, 11 0 and n. Kems, Irish, 24 1 -, - , style d 'MacThomas' s Rout', 241 Kerry, Nicholas, 256 -, - , Joh n son of, 256 Kildare, Geral d fit z Mauric e fit z Gerald , eighth earl of, 89ff., 97,12 6 -, attainde r of , 89, 92 -, bro . of, 90 -, Thoma s fitz Joh n fitz Gerald, second earl of, 242f . Kilfeacle, co. Tipperary, 25 8 Kilhimegan, co. Tipperary, 257 Kilkenny, co. Kilkenny, 242, 245, 249 Killyleagh, co. Down, 125 Kilmore, co. Down, 104n. Kilsheelan, co. Tipperary, 256ff . Kilworth, co. Cork, 255 Kinglass, Clongasse, co. Limerick, 258 King's Bench, court of, 224ff . -,-, lat e developmen t o f crimina l jurisdiction of , 228ff . King's Council , i n fifteent h century , 302n . King's attorney, 56f. King's serjeant-at-law, 234 Kingston, Adam of, 112,115 and n., 120 Kingswood, co. Waterford, 257 Kinton, master Simon, 10 6 and n. Knolles, Robert, 291 Kynton, William, 96 Kyteler, Alice, 243 Lackeen, co . Cork, 258 Lacy famil y i n Ireland , charge d wit h treason, 215n . Laghare, co. Cork, 254 Lancaster, Thomas , ear l of , 82 , 8 4 an d ns. , 85 and n., 86, 230 -, Joh n of Gaunt, duke of, 327f., 357 -, Henr y o f Bolingbroke , duk e of , 296f. , 314f., 318, 320f. , 323ff., 357 -, — , seat of, in parliament, 328 -, - , clai m to throne state d i n parliament, 325,329 -, - , announcemen t i n parliamen t o f coronation of , 330 Lang, Richard, 119n. Langton, John, 19

Lassan, John , 26 5 Laundrey, Henry , 24 5 -, Thomas , 253 Law Reading, in English, 301-12 Lawless, master Stephen de , 255 Ledred, Richard , bp . o f Ossory , 103n. , 242f. Lees, Thomas de, 246 Leitrim, co. Cork, 255 Leppington, Ralph of, 105n . Lercedekene See Cody Letters patent, eaten by pet doe, ix Leye, master Roger , 301 Lichfield, co. Staff., gild at, 73n . Life imprisonment, 6 1 Limerick, co. Limerick, 240 , 246 , 248f . Linet, John, 252 Liscarroll, co. Cork, 257f . Lismore, John Leynagh, bp. of, 258 Littleton, Thomas, 220 London, 50, 53 -, Candlewic k Street ward, 60f . -, Cheapside , 327 -, Flee t prison, 42,43n., 60,6In. -, Langbourn e ward, 60f. —, St. Martins-le-Grand, 61 -, St . Paul's, 86 -, Towe r of, 83, 326f. —, — , escape from, 8 5 Logan, William de, 217 Lopham, master Denis, 317, 323f., 326ff. Lords Appellant, 32 8 Lords Lieutenant o f Ireland, 34 8 Louth, Joh n Bermingham , earl of, 10 5 and ns., 242ff. Lovel, Richard, 82f. Lowick, John, 293f., 298f . Lowther, Thomas of, 265 Lucas, Adam, 40n., 46, 52, 321 Ludlow, WiUiam, 40n., 46, 52 Lust, Robert, 105n . Lyndwood, William, 141 Mabillon, Jean, 5 McCarthy, Cormack, 257 -, Denis , 256 -, - , Deni s son of, 256 -, Dermot , 241,256 -, - , Geral d son of, 256 McCogan, 245 McDermot, Dermot, 252 -, - , Fyny n son of, 252 -, Donough , 256 McGerrach, Thomas, 113 McGillereyne, Thomas, 97

367 McGillerowy, Bernard, 97 McKffl, co. Cork, cantred of , 253, 255 Macnamara, 247, 250 McRory, Gregory, 245 MacThomas's Rout , 241 , 251 , 255f . Se e Kerns Madox, Thomas, 4f. Maitland, F. W., 12f., 141,144,146f. Malenfaunt, Nicholas, 254 -, - , Phili p son of, 254 Mallow, Moialvy, co. Cork, 246 Magennis, Hug h (alias Odo) , 91 , 94 , 96f. , 126 Maidenhead, co. Berk., gild at, 73n . Maker, Geoffrey, 265 Makeyawne, Maurice, 97 -, Rory , 97 Malachy, St., 12 4 Mandeville, Henry, 211, 250n . -.Thomas, 213,253 -.Walter, 253,256 -, - , Thoma s son of, 256 Manfieldstown, co. Louth, 114,12 0 March, Joa n o f Mortimer, countes s of , 11 3 See Mortimer Markham, John, 317f . Marshal, tract on, 359 Maryman, Christopher, 9 7 Maupas, John, 274 Mayor, riva l meeting s a t Bristo l t o elect , 72n., 73 and n. Meath, liberty of, 113n . -, see of, registers of, 119 -, - , bps . of. See Allen; St. Leger; St. Paul Meek, Robert le, 71, 73f. Melchbourne, Richard, 3In., 40n. -, Roger , 50 -, Thomas, 46, 52 -, William , 31 , 40 and n., 41, 45f., 52, 54 Mendel, Gregor Johann, 14 Melton, Philip, 105,106n . Mercer, master William of, 11 0 Merchant compan y Se e 'Englis h Company ' Merchants, taxation of , 29 -, o f Italy, 33 -, o f the Hanse, 33 Merton, John of, 105f . Mey, John , archbp . o f Armagh , register of , 128 Middlesex, coroner of, ix Milford Haven, co. Pembroke, 294 Modus tenendiparliamentum, 33 Iff. -.historicity of, 33Iff. -, Iris h texts of, 333f, 34If. -, - , approximat e date of, 349f.

368 -, Englis h texts of, 334ff, 34Iff . -, - , tw o main classes of, 336 —, - , - , create d b y mechanical dislocation , 337 —, - , derive d fro m Iris h source, 342ff., 349 -, - , Frenc h translation of, 351, 352 and n. — , - , — , not origin of Irish text, 35 If. -, -Jumble d disorder of , 353ff. -, - , Richar d II' s Officer s o f Stat e introduced into, 356f . -, - , - , fo r sake of propaganda, 357 -, - , approximat e dat e of, 357f. Moialvy See Mallow Monastic chronicle s a s vehicle s fo r propaganda, 277 Montford, Henry de, 82, 83 and n., 86 Monk of Evesham, 315 Moray, Thomas Randolph, earl of, 270 Mortimer, Roger , firs t earl of March, 85 and n., 215 and n. -, - , fourt h earl of March, 350 Moytebir, co. Tipperary, 244 Mumbray, John, 87 Muskerry, co. Cork, 254 Nassho, Hugh de, 255 Nenagh, co. Tipperary, castle of, 257 New Forest, co. Hants., 279 Newcastle-on-Tyne, co. Northumb., 72n. —, Newgate in, 72n . —, St. Nicholas's church in, 72n. Newcastle Connell, co. Limerick, 253 Newton, Isaac, 11,14 Newtownards, co. Down, 125 Niall of the Nine Hostages, 12 3 Norbury, John , 315f. , 321 , 322n., 32 5 and n. Norfolk, dukes of, 33 8 Northumberland, Henr y d e Percy , ear l of , 316, 318 , 320ff, 329f . Norwell, Northwell, William, 57 Notary, apostolic , 39 , 41, 50 , 112,11 5 and n. -, - , instrumen t in extenso of, 48f. Nugent, Richard, 96 O'Brien, Brian , 24Iff., 245ff. , 249f. , 257 -, Connor , 252 -, Willia m Carragh, 241 O'Connor o f Kerry, 258 O'Culean, master Isaac, 109, 113f., 120 O'Hanlon, Malachy, 90, 93ff., 126 -, - , so n of, 94, 97 O'Neill, Donnell, of Tirowen, 270 Olethan, co. Cork, 254f .

Omurregane, Hugh, 97 -, Rory , 97 Ordinances of 1311,86 Orior, co. Armagh, 91 Oronowe, Eneas, 97 Ormond, James Butler, earl of (f!338), 242 -, James , 89f., 91n., 93 and n., 96f. Ossory, Irish bishopric of , 103n., 242 See Ledred Oxford, co . Oxford , chancellor' s cour t at , 148 -, hall s of residence, 2 In. -, Rober t de Vere, earl of, 346 Parliament of England, history of , 14f. -, clerk s of, 346f. -, recor d mad e in, 84f. -, rolls of, 84,314, 316 -, absenc e from, 342f. -, presenc e of king in, 350 -, grant s in, 345 -, present-da y problem of, 15 Parliament of Ireland, clerks of, 346f . -, peer s in, 346 -, presenc e of the king's lieutenant in , 350 -, fine s for absence from, 342f . -, attainde r in, 89f., 92 -, taxatio n in, 345 Parliament o f Irelan d i n 1776-1782 , 15Iff . -, name s o f member s o f Lowe r House , 15 Iff. -,-, contemporar y sketches of, 15 Iff. -, - , -, autho r of, 153f. —, — , — , purpose of, 15 5 -, name s o f member s o f Uppe r House , 197ff. -, - , contemporar y sketche s of, 197ff. -, jobber y and corruption in, 155f. Parliamentary bill, 285, 288f . —, statute based on , 28 5 -, - , entere d on parliament roll, 287f. -, - , no t entered on statute roll, 286 -, - , no t submitted to commons, 287f. Passelewe, Passelowe, Edmund de, 84 -, Robert , 292f., 291 f. Patrick, St., 123 Patronage, ix Payle, Walter, 32n. Payn, Richard, 119n. Paynaunt, William, 252 Peasants' Revol t of 1381 , in cos. Hants, and Wilts., 297 -, sprea d to Cornwall, 293n. Pecche, John, 83 Peerage, Iris h Se e Parliamen t o f Irelan d i n

369 1776-1782 Pembroke, co. Pembroke, 294 -, Richard Strongbow, earl of, 152 -, - , sea l of, 152 Penrith, Robert of , 46,50f. Picard, John, 105f . Piel, John, 32n . Plunket, Patrick, 95f . Pole, Willia m d e la , 28 , 36f. , 3 8 an d n. , 39ff., 44 and n., 45 and n., 46,48ff. Pomeroy, co. Cork, 241 Power, Arnold, 243f . -, Eustace , 258 -,John, 265 Poynings, Edward, 89ff, 9 5 Prendergast, Philip, 258 Prene, John, archbp . of Armagh, register of , 128 Prest, Walter, 39,40n., 46, 50, 52 Preston, Christopher , 33 4 Prophet, John , 280 Prynne, William, 4f., 140 Public Records of England, 8f., 278f . Pulteny, John, 36 Purcell, Robert, 26 5 Pynsson, Robert, 46, 50f. Quickschyll, Thomas, 115 -, Olive , nurse of, 115 Rath [unidentified] , ? co. Cork, 245 Rathcormac, co. Cork, 254, 256 Rempston, Thomas, 321 and n. Renan, Ernest, 16,143f . Rensenyn, Ulster, 218 Rhincrew See Ryncro Richard II , Lancastrian propagand a against, 277,291 -, allege d laziness, 279 -, allege d absenc e fro m counci l meetings , 280 -, practicalit y o f foreign policy, 28If. -, militar y abilities, 294, 295 and n. -, religiou s orthodoxy, 282 -, humanity , 282 and n. -, Ann e wife of, 279 -, dat e o f retur n fro m Irelan d i n 1399 , 293f. -, deposition , 313-2 6 -, - , contemporar y narratives of, 313ff. -, bil l o f renunciation o f throne by, 326f . -, -, accepted , 327 —, — , read in parliament, 32 8 —, articles against , read i n parliament, 328f . Richard, master, rector of Croom, 251

Richardstown, co. Louth, 96 Roche, David, 241 -, Eustace, 241 -, Gerald , 241, 246 Rodney, Richard of, 83 Rokeby, Thomas, 107ns. Romney marsh, co. Kent, 148 Roo, Robert le, 86 Ros, William de, 321 Rothbury, Gilbert of , 347n. Rotherham, Willia m of , 33n. , 40n. , 44n. , 46,52 Royal Marriages Act of 1428, 285-8 9 Rule, Godkin de la, 60 Rutherford, Lord, 12 Ryncro, Rhincrew, co. Cork, 255f. St. Asaph , Joh n Trevor , bp . of , 317 , 325 , 329 St. Brigid, Sancta Brigida, John de, 265 St. Leger, master William of, 112,117n. -, Willia m of, bp. of Meath, 119 and n. St. Paul , Joh n of , archbp . o f Dublin , 10 7 and n., 108n . -, Willia m of, bp. of Meath, 119 and n. Salisbury, John d e Montague, earl of, 295f . Saltby, Richard of, 37n. Sampford, Roger, 112 and n. Savage, Henry, 97 -, Ralph , 83f. Scarle, John, 315f., 325 and n. Schopenhanger, John de, 83n. Scone, co. Perth, abbey of, 129 -, - , canon s of, 130 -, - , delapidate d stat e of, 130 -, - , - , heart h tax to repair, 130 Scrope, Geoffrey, 82f. , 86f . -, Henry , 87 -.William, 315f. Sedgrave, Christopher, 97 Selby, co. Yorks., abbot of, ix Shillington, Robert of, 46, 50f . Ship ton, Thomas of, 70 Shorne, Walter, 83 Simnel, Lambert, 91 Skyne, Dermot, 256 Simon See Stabannon Somerford, Gerald, 265 Southampton, co. Hants., 292 Spigurnel, Henry, 86n. Stabannon, co. Louth, 96 -, St . Nicholas's church , 100,103n., 104 -, - , histor y of, 105 -, - , rector s of, 105 —, — , Simon vicar of, 10 5

370 —, - , rival appointments b y chancellor an d king to, 108ff . —, - , petitio n t o king and council on , 117 —, — , used as granary, 10 6 Stakboll, Peter, 97 Stanton, Robert of, 254 Statute, Statutes , manuscrip t collections of , 355f., 358 -, king' s right to alter and revoke, 86 -, o f Gloucester, 308 -, o f Marlborough, 306 -, ofMerton , 311 -, o f York, 86f . - Se e Treason Steward, tract on, 357n., 359 Stowe, maste r Thomas , 317f. , 323f. , 326f . Stratford, co. Warw., gild at, 73n . —, Ralph, bp. of London, 117 and n . Strode, John, 107ff. , 12 1 Stubbs, William, 146f., 331, 33 4 —, pre-conceptions, 136ff., 14 6 -, - , o n parliament, 138f . -, - , o n medieval church, 140ff . —, teleological approach to history, 13 6 -, indifferenc e t o contemporar y science , 136,143f., 146 Stuffm, Robert , 46, 50f. Sutton, Robert of, 347 and n. Swanland, Thomas, 30f. , 33, 37n., 38,40n., 41 and n., 42, 45f., 48, 52ff. Swavesey, co. Camb., 105 Swinnerton, Roger of, 83 Taff, Christopher, 97 Talon, William, 119n. Taverner, John, 73n . Taxation, 28f., 345 Telling, John , 10 6 and n., 107ff. , 118 , 12 0 Termoncayncomayn, Termonmaguirk , co . Tyrone, 108n . Termonfeckin, co. Louth, 112n., 127 See Armagh Terry, C.S.,133f Thirning, William, 317ff. Thomond, Ireland, 2 5 2f. Thoresby, John, 117 and n. Thorp, William of, 61 Thrapston, Henry of, 214ff., 271f . Thurles, co. Tipperary, 257 Tidesbury, Robert of, 112 Tideswell, Henry , 39 , 4 0 an d n., 41, 44ff. , 50, 52ff., 55 Tilly, Henry, 83 , 86 and n. Tintagel, Thomas, 253 Tipperary, co . Tipperary, 246 , 251

Tirewhit See Tyrwhit t Tirowen See O'Neil l Tissington, John of, 55 Tobin, John, 250 Tottenham, co. Midd., 24f. Tralee, co. Kerry, 260 -, Dominica n friary at , 261 Travers, Robert, 257 Treason, in 1322, 81-8 8 -, Statut e of, 286 and n. Trevelyan, G. M., 12 Trim, co. Meath, 113,121 -, franchis e of, 118 -, - , stewar d of, 113,118f. -, — , plea rolls of, 119 -, treasur y at, 125 -, Dominica n friary at , 121 Tudor, Owen, 285 ff. -, tria l of, 286 and n. -; See Catherine Turgis, Peter, 68,71, 75f. Tutbury, co. Staff., 82 Twysden, Roger, 314, 31 6 Tyes, Henry, 82, 83 and n., 84 Tyrel, Hugh, 105n . Tyrwhitt, Tirewhit, 46, 50f. Ulster, 90, 240, 247 -, histor y of, 123ff. -, plantatio n of , in John's reign, 268 -, separatis t governmen t of, 125, 268 -, Scottis h invasio n of, 125 -, nativ e Irish in, 90, 125, 127 -, Anglo-Iris h families in, 127 -, school s in, 127f. -, los t records of, 125 Ulseby, Hug h de, 40 and n., 4If., 45f. , 52, 54 Usk.Adamof, 313, 318f . Veel, Peter de , 292f., 297f . Vere, Rober t de . Se e Dublin ; Ireland ; Oxford Vicarages, creation of , 10 2 and n., 103 Villeins, harassment of lord by, ix Voltaire [Francois-Mari e Arouet], 14 Volunteer Movement in Ireland, 15 3 Waldeshef, John, 83 Walsingham, Thomas of, 277 and n., 291 Walton, Robert of, 71 Walworth, William, 291 Warbeck, Perkin, 91 Wardrobe, keeper of, 57 -, - , sea l of, 57

-, - , -, forger y of, 57, 58n. -bills, 51-61 Warfare, medieval, 269f. , 274 Waterford, co. Waterford, 265 Waterton, Hugh, 321 and n. Welton, Gilbert , bp . o f Carlisle, 11 7 and n . Wendlebury, Wendlingburgh , Gilbert , 30f. , 33, 38 and n., 42,45f., 48, 52, 55 Wesenham, John, 37n . -, Simon , 37n. Westminster, co . Midd. , abbot of , 316, 318 , 323f., 327 -, Grea t Hall of, 324 Westmorland, Ralp h d e Neville , ear l of , 316ff., 321ff. , 32 5 and n., 326f., 329f., 338 Weston, John of , 82 White, Geoffrey, 9 7 -, Patrick , 96 -, Peter , 97 -, Richard , 104n. , 346n. -, William , 97 Wigan, John, 60, 61n . William I, kg. of Scotland, 131 Willeby, William de, 32 1 Willington, Henry of, 82, 83 and n., 86 Wiltshire, William Scrope, earl of, 296, 323f . Windsor, co. Berks., 83 Wisbech, co. Camb., gild at, 73n. Wisham, John de, 83 Wilsthorpe, Wolssthorpe , Roge r of , 4 0 an d

371 n., 46, 50, 52 Wool, trade, 29ff. , 34ff. , 58n . -, staple , 34 -, taxatio n on , 29, 30 and n., 31,33,45ff . -, confiscatio n of , 34ff. Writtie, co. Essex, 24f . Writs, judicial, 5 6 -, - , sealin g of, 56 — of prohibition, 14 8

Yafford, Thomas of, 46,50f. Yarmouth, Walter of, 56ff. , 5 9 and n., 60f . -, busines s premises in London, 59 Ydyard, Peter, 86 Yafford, Thoma s of, 46, 5 Of. Yonge, master Thomas, 117 York, co. Yorks., almhouse at, 68 -, Ous e Bridge, 68, 75 -, - , counci l chamber on, 73 -, St . Leonard's, 70 -, St . Mary's, 70 -, St . Peter's, 70 -, St . William's chapel, 68, 75 -, Richar d l e Scrope , archbp . of , 316 , 318f., 321ff. -, — , sermon of, in parliament, 324 , 328 -, Edmun d of Langley, duke of, 280, 295f. , 325 - Se e Charter; Gild at York Youghal, co. Cork, 245, 256, 259