Teaching and Learning English Worldwide

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Teaching and Learning English Worldwide Multilingual Matters (Series) Britton, James N. Multilingual Matters 1853590649 9781853590641 9780585225876 English English philology--Study and teaching--History--20th century, English philology--Study and teaching. 1990 PE65.T38 1990eb 428/.007 English philology--Study and teaching--History--20th century, English philology--Study and teaching.

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Teaching and Learning English Worldwide

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Multilingual Matters Age in Second Language Acquisition BIRGIT HARLEY Bicultural and Trilingual Education MICHAEL BYRAM and JOHAN LEMAN (eds) Cultural Studies in Foreign Language Education MICHAEL BYRAM Current Trends in European Second Language Acquisition Research HANS W. DECHERT (ed.) Dialect and Education: Some European Perspectives J. CHESHIRE, V. EDWARDS, H. MÜNSTERMANN and B. WELTENS (eds) English in Wales: Diversity, Conflict and Change N. COUPLAND and A. THOMAS (ed.) Introspection in Second Language Research C.FÆRCH and G. KASPER (eds) Key Issues in Bilingualism and Bilingual Education COLIN BAKER Language Acquisition: The Age Factor D.M. SINGLETON Language Distribution Issues in Bilingual Schooling R. JACOBSON and C. FALTIS (eds) Language in Education in Africa CASMIR M. RUBAGUMYA (ed.) Language Planning and Education in Australasia and the South Pacific R.B. BALDAUF and A. LUKE (eds) Learner Language and Language Learning C. FÆRCH, K. HAASTRUP and R. PHILLIPSON Marriage Across Frontiers A. BARBARA Methods in Dialectology ALAN R. THOMAS (ed.) The Moving Experience: A Practical Guide to Psychological Survival GAIL MELTZER and ELAINE GRAND JEAN Raising Children Bilingually: The Pre-School Years LENORE ARNBERG The Role of the First Language in Second Language Learning HÅKAN RINGBOM Schooling in a Plural Canada JOHN R. MALLEA Second Language Acquisition/Foreign Language Learning B. VanPATTEN and J.F. LEE (eds) Story as Vehicle EDIE GARVIE Please contact us for the latest book information: Multilingual Matters, Bank House, 8a Hill Road, Clevedon, Avon BS21 7HH, England.

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Teaching and Learning English Worldwide Edited by James Britton, Robert E. Shafer and Ken Watson

MULTILINGUAL MATTERS LTD Clevedon · Philadelphia

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MORLEY B5355-IV 1.05.90 K02 MultilingualMatters [00.0] L01 15:03 Library of Congress Cataloging in Publication Data Teaching and Learning English Worldwide/Edited by James Britton, Robert E. Shafer and Ken Watson on behalf of the International Federation for the Teaching of English. p. cm. Includes bibliographic references. 1. English philology Study and teaching History 20th century. 2. English philology Study and teaching. I. Britton, James N. II. Shafer, Robert Eugene, 1925-, III. Watson, Ken. IV. International Federation for the Teaching of English. PE65.T38 1989 428'.007 dc20 British Library Cataloguing in Publication Data Teaching and Learning English Worldwide. 1. Schools. Curriculum subjects: English language. Teaching. Sociopolitical aspects. I. Britton, James, 1908 May 18-. II Shafer, Robert E. III. Watson, Ken. 420'.7'1 ISBN 1-85359-065-7 ISBN 1-85359-064-9 (pbk) Multilingual Matters Ltd Bank House, 8a Hill Road, Clevedon, Avon BS21 7HH, England & 1900 Frost Road, Suite 101 Bristol, PA 19007 USA Copyright © 1990 James Britton, Robert E. Shafer, Ken Watson and the authors of individual chapters. All rights reserved. No part of this work may be reproduced in any form or by any means without permission in writing from the publisher. Index compiled by Meg Davies (Society of Indexers). Typeset by Morley Harris Typesetting, Bristol. Printed and bound in Great Britain by WBC Print Ltd, Bristol.

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Page v Contents Foreword The Editors

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Introduction James Britton

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1 The Teaching of English in England, 1945-1986: Politics and Practice Tony Burgess and Nancy Martin

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2 The Growth of Accountability and the Accountability of Growth: Secondary School English Teaching in Post-War Scotland David Northcroft

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3 The Teaching of English in Ireland John Killeen and Tom Mullins

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4 The Swinging Pendulum: Teaching English in the USA, 19451987 John S. Simmons, Robert E. Sharer and Linda K. Shadiow

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5 Teaching English Language Arts in Canada: 1965-1985 Sam Robinson, Laurence Walker, Nan Johnson and Trevor Gambell

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6 Teaching English in Australia: A Personal View Diana Davis and Ken Watson

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7 The Teaching of English in New Zealand Schools Vince Catherwood, Elody Rathgen and Russell Aitken

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8 'The most important agent of civilisation': Teaching English in the West Indies, 1838-1986 200 Kathleen Drayton 9 English and the Teaching of English Literature in South Africa Hilary Janks and Jonathan Paton

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10 A Language for the People: A History of English Language Teaching in Singapore Chua Seok Hong

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Page vi 11 English Language Teaching in the Philippines: A Succession of Movements Bonifacio P. Sibayan and Andrew B. Gonzalez

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12 The Teaching of English in India, 1945-1985S. K. Das

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13 The Teaching of English in Indonesia S. Takdir Alisjahbana

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Comparative Data on the Thirteen Countries

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Notes on Contributors

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Index

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Foreword There are few international studies of English teaching although the place of the English language as an international lingua franca is well established. There are even fewer historical studies of English teaching and none that we know of in international or comparative settings which is what this volume purports to be. What we have done under the aegis of the International Federation for the Teaching of English is to find authors or author teams in various countries where English is a mother tongue language or a significant second, or in some cases, third language. We asked these authors to write a history of the teaching of English in their respective countries between 1945 and the present. In several instances they began their accounts considerably earlier than 1945 to provide necessary background. Unfortunately, we were not able to be inclusive in this effort because of the limitations of time, space and energy and also because the social and political events of the last several centuries have resulted in the spread of English into so many different countries that several volumes would be required to tell the complete story. Essentially, the authors of the various chapters have concentrated on the place of English in a particular society and have attempted to describe how English exists in the social and political context of that society and how it has been shaped as a school subject and/or the language of instruction within that context. We were fortunate to be able to find authors in thirteen countries who are familiar with the recent history of English teaching in their respective countries and who, in all cases, are themselves significant contributors to that history. Being so, they write with a strongly held point-of-view about the significance of English as a school subject and its place in the social milieu. The editors acknowledge their debt to Professor Ian Pringle of Carton University in Ottawa, Canada, who led the Fourth International Conference on the Teaching of English in May of 1986 and who placed us in contact with many of our authors at that conference. A word of thanks is also due to the members of the Executive Committee of the International Federation for the Teaching of English who have encouraged us and supported our work. We are pleased to note that all royalties from the sale of this volume will help to support future AFT projects. Lastly, we thank

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our authors who have cheerfully put up with our occasional misunderstandings of the dynamics of English teaching in their complex societies and who have been both gracious and understanding about delays in publication brought about by the various commitments of their editors. THE EDITORS

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Introduction James Briton I think the experience of reading the chapters in this book might be described as kaleidoscopic. There are many common themes, topics that recur chapter after chapter; the effect of examinations; the problem of set-books for reading; censorship; the literary canon and innovations that depart from it; nationality as a criterion for choosing authors; meeting multicultural needs and demands; dialects are they a problem? 'new grammars' what do they offer us? and so on. The kaleidoscope suggests itself because in any chapter a number of these items is likely to enter into varying relationships, constitute fresh configurations. A twist to the instrument and a fresh pattern appears. I find it fascinating to read for indications of the wider context social, political, historical, ideological that promises to explain why the items take up that particular configuration. One factor explicit in some chapters, disguised in others is the economic recession that made the 1970s in many parts of the world an 'age of anxiety'. An open mind is the first casualty when anxiety threatens us, and for some reason educational provision what goes on in schools seems to come early under scrutiny when anxiety attacks a nation's public opinion. Of course, national policies will reflect a range of differing reactions to crisis conditions national policies at least broadly representing the political parties in power. Cuts in educational spending may, for example, have reduced the resources for teaching in USA, Australia, New Zealand and the United Kingdom but by no means equally; the severity of the cuts and the resulting disablement would vary enormously. Anxiety has other even more damaging effects a loss of confidence in the educational service and a lowering of morale in the teaching profession. Many of the chapters refer to contrasting states of affairs in this respect; generally speaking 'professionalism' and high morale and efficient operating are seen as representing existing gains and pointing the way ahead; authoritarian control, top-down administration central control of the

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curriculum in particular are seen as reactionary, a brake on progress and a state of affairs we have worked to leave behind. Essentially, the contrast is between an educational regime of trust and one of surveillance. To claim this is to recognise that the chapters of this book cannot be taken as reflecting all that goes on in the English classes of the nations represented. The average classroom, the average school in the average school district or local authority would no doubt be less affected by change in current directions, nearer to yesterday's norms, less conscious of its own direction, the rationale underlying its practices. What these chapters represent, we believe, is a distillation of the best practices a substantial consensus, a caucus, perhaps, that marks the way ahead. After all, the initiative came from people already associated, already committed to a general philosophical position one that owes its survival to the impetus provided by the Dartmouth Seminar of 1966 and the years of international co-operation that have resulted, and the one that is today embodied in the voluntary associations of the English teachers that constitute the International Federation for the Teaching of English. I have referred to the 'survival' of this conception because the enlightened (or 'progressive' where that is not a dirty word) view of education had its origins long before Dartmouth. I do not believe it is part of any bandwagon or fashion cycle or pendulum swing, but a slowly growing movement with philosophical roots way back in the past and pragmatic roots deep in the intuitive wisdom of generations of successful teachers. I think we need to make it clear that a commitment to the classroom teacher's power of decision in curriculum and associated matters is not the outcome of a bogus professionalism a policy of 'teacher knows best' but derives from an increasingly accurate analysis of the processes of teaching and learning. When it is recognised that effective teaching is not a unidirectional activity but the outcome of teacher/student interaction and, even more importantly, that learning is an effect of community rather than a mere reciprocal response to instruction; then it is manifest that the course of classroom events cannot be laid down by any external agency. Students, parents, society in general, must rely upon a classroom teacher's theoretical sophistication, the adequacy of the rationale by which he functions and his ability to put that theory into practice. It is a sad part of the story this book has to tell that alongside historical reviews reflecting earlier failures to recognize the truth of this analysis, we have to report a number of recent attacks on teacher professionalism and the dismantling of some of the institutions that had served to support and develop it.

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A major source of variation in the teaching of English from country to country is, of course, the context of other languages in which it operates. Early attempts to extend the use of Irish Celtic as a mother tongue in the Irish Republic confronting a more recent recognition of the educational importance of a mother tongue, whether English or Irish, present, for example, a fascinating story, and one that is reflected to some extent in many other chapters. When we turn to the South African chapter, we have to abandon the kaleidoscope notion with which I began this introduction: the problems in South Africa are by no means a recombining of elements familiar in other configurations in other countries. I read that chapter with a growing sense of the courage required to pursue our common notions in so hostile an environment, and a growing sense that their account runs the risk of trivializing the problems and concerns that feature in our other countries, our other chapters. We can only hope that international concern and a degree of international consensus on English teaching may in some way, at some stage, provide support for their cause. It is interesting to notice where efforts have been and are being made to recognize and exploit the richness that linguistic and cultural variation can bring to an educational setting. It would be difficult to find a more dramatic example than the educational campaigns that formed a part of the Civil Rights Movement under Kennedy and Johnson in the United States. More recent activity is described in the Canadian chapter with its accounts of French immersion programmes and programmes for Indian and Mete education; and today in New Zealand determined efforts are being made to include Maori elements in the national image and resulting educational provision. Racial and regional differences provide a complex picture of West Indian education, but perhaps the dominant feature there might be called the 'birth of a language' the emergence of the novel in West Indian English and the effect of that phenomenon on the status of creole dialect its growing acceptance as a language in its own right. It is not in the least surprising that leaders of black opinion in South Africa are foreseeing a similar development for the English dialects of the black townships. Questions of national identity enter also into the field of literature teaching. The conception of 'literature in the English language' as a viable category seems to operate principally in the United Kingdom at the pre-college level; the United States has a long-established pattern that distinguishes between English and American authors and allots a place for both in the high school curriculum; and the chapters describing literature courses in Canada, Australia, New Zealand, the Caribbean all these make reference to a growing concern to establish studies in national and

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sometimes regional literature. The demand is most insistent, I believe, where the effects of British imperialism have not been forgotten where the language of the colonists operated as a form of oppression. ('There are many reasons', writes Kneehole, the black South African, 'why English cannot be considered an innocent language.') I believe the material that is collected in this volume could best be regarded as documentation of the processes of change in English teaching. Fascinating questions are raised from its pages: what factors, for example are favorable to change and what factors defend the status quo? Are there watersheds and if there are, how do they come about? Do we progress by creating and resolving polar oppositions either at the classroom level or by scholarly analysis and research? Does 'outrageous fortune' play a part positively sometimes as well as negatively? Does the ebb and flow of bandwagon ideas leave any long-term effects or merely serve to distort the progress of orderly advance? Binary oppositions certainly abound in these accounts usually, though not always, clearly marked for value in accordance with the writer's opinion. Vocational education is seen as opposing sometimes 'liberal' and sometimes 'academic' educational ideals; response to literary works is seen as competing with biographical, historical and critical approaches; new grammars compete for time on the agenda that others would give to experience in writingand-reading. In Canada and the United States a 'whole language' movement confronts teachers who believe education focuses upon knowledge about cultural matters. The author of the Scottish chapter, David Northernmost, poses an opposition between growth, as a broad and optimistic educational analogy, and accountability, 'the external consideration that has increasingly come to haunt' its practitioners and there are echoes of this confrontation in various forms in other chapters. We set out, in fact, to document the teaching of English, but inevitably a good deal of time is spent in describing modes of assessment or evaluation and it must be admitted that no account would have been responsibly complete without information on this aspect. The trend, where circumstances are most favorable, is to move away from traditional modes of assessment written papers externally set and marked in the direction of internal assessment of course work; a procedure that would reflect and support the teaching programme rather than dictate its terms. Modes of assessment have certainly operated in the past as change agents, but they are an unacceptable channel in so far as they represent 'remote control' of curriculum matters and in that their specifications will tend to undervalue aspects of learning that are more difficult or more expensive to measure. Although there are fairly frequent brief references to educational

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research in these chapters, it certainly cannot be said to play a major role ideas deriving from it, for example, are not developed in any detail. Perhaps the most interesting tendency is a recent move in the direction of classroom observation the 'teacher as researcher' a move that should have the effect of enhancing or enriching a teacher's role, provided research is conceived as a mode of discovery (with widely varying applications, or 'ranges of convenience') rather than as an instrument of proof. Certainly, the point has been forcibly made more than once in this book that it is only where teachers themselves are involved in research design and execution that the insights generated are likely to be carried effectively into practice. Doubtless the most startling omission in this account of English teaching, world-wide, is reflected in the extreme paucity of references to dramatic improvisation. It is my own opinion that despite excellent work often achieved by drama specialists, the limitations usually imposed by the timetable assigned to a 'specialist' (whether art teacher, drama teacher, music teacher or anyone else) does mean that improvisation can rarely be more than icing on the cake and meanwhile dramatic methods in the English lesson, a rich potential during the years when I was a teacher, seem to have been largely eclipsed. <><><><><><><><><><><><> It is, I believe, a notorious fact that an English teacher's resources are spread very thin and, while much the same is true for the teacher of a large class in an elementary school, that teacher is spared the multiple class-load of a rotary teacher. For rotary teachers, I believe it becomes necessary to establish routines and a saving of energy to stick to them; with a good teacher they will be useful routines, but none the less resistant to spontaneous modification. In my early years as a teacher, I certainly found that, while I recognized the need to re-plan, to make changes, I could not expect to change every programme each year; what I had to do was to carry on as usual in most classes while initiating a new programme in one or two selected classes. Which programmes to revise? clearly that was a matter of paying attention to pupil responses listening to pupil comments and 'reading' their behavior. With experience I think we become more open to change, less dependent on established classroom patterns. But there is no doubt that the climate of opinion in the school is a major factor; in a school where shop talk in the staff room is frowned on, where theories are despised and serious reading is a thing of the past the solitary teacher-asresearcher can hardly

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expect to survive. A school that regards professional development for its teachers as a key part of its responsibilities, and where consultation time forms part of the school day, providing a forum for the discussion of new ideas and the joint planning of new procedures all that, rare though it may be 'on the ground' constitutes the way forward for English teaching. But that is not all; it would be inappropriate to introduce this history without referring finally to the kind of support for teachers afforded by the Associations for the Teaching of English. In countries like Australia and Canada, covering vast areas and scattered centares of activity, the need is paramount and the chapters that follow will tell of the gains and the difficulties to be surmounted. Other chapters report an urgent need for a national voice for English teachers perhaps even a need to keep alive whatever remnants of professionalism survive. And everywhere, regardless of local circumstances, the importance of a framework of support for English teachers in search of a more adequate conception and more efficient means of carrying out their role in tomorrow's world.

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1 The Teaching Of English In England, 1945-1986: Politics And Practice Tony Burgess and Nancy Martin Introduction If developments in English are to be seen within their context, it is necessary to appreciate something of the administrative framework of education in the United Kingdom which has been in place for most of the post-war period but which is currently undergoing major change. Under this, national direction for the system has been derived from a department of state (the Department of Education and Science the DES formerly the Ministry of Education). But responsibility for provision and for day to day administration has been through elected local government authorities, who have education as one among a number of local government functions, including, for example, housing, social services and recreation. There are currently 109 of these local authorities and their educational (and other) arrangements have been financed partly through local taxes (rates) and partly through the centrally allocated rate support grant, which is annually set by government. The schools thus locally provided have been directed by Head Teachers, who are responsible to the Education Committee of their Local Education Authority (LEA), to a governing body and less directly to parents. The system, then, has been one with three tiers and with much devolution of responsibility. While a framework of national education acts guarantees provision between the ages of 5 and 16, the DES, in framing more immediate educational policy, has had necessarily to work through LEAs; and these LEAs have had in practice fairly considerable powers. Curriculum, to come to a matter more directly relevant to English, has been technically in the charge of governors, implying responsibility at school

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level. However, in such a system teachers also can have considerable influence over what is taught, though such influence has been subject to strong checks and balances, especially those of national and local inspectorates and of a public examination system providing qualifications at the ages of 16 and 18. With powers thus separated, with considerable autonomy at different levels, the system has been one in which, for much of the post-war period, local initiatives have been possible; and grass root movements at school or professional level have come to have wider influence. English during these years undoubtedly owes something to this separation of powers. The new traditions of the subject have grown hand in hand with a developing sense of professional competence and responsibility. The account anticipates sharp changes, some introduced and some contemplated in the immediate future, which have emerged in more recent times. As public spending has come to be seen on the political right as the enemy of economic growth rather than its infrastructure, political pressures have multiplied against egalitarian directions in public education and against the relative autonomy of teachers and the education service. For much of the period the educational system in the UK would by comparison with other systems be classified as decentralized. By the late 1980s, a new education act introduced by the current secretary of state has made it clear that the future will lie with far greater centralization. This history of initial teacher autonomy and mounting political pressure for greater centralization is one to which we shall need to return. Forty years is not far from the working life of a teacher. We hope that it may be of interest if we pause for one more moment, on the threshold of the more specific story which we have to tell, to ask how it would have looked to him or her, a young entrant to the profession, in 1945? She would have set out on the crest of hopes for change. In schools, a major re-ordering was in hand, as the Butler Act abolished the old, all-through elementary schools and instituted universal secondary schooling. Major boundaries were being freshly drawn, even if much remained. Today, approaching retirement, she would be hard put to avoid noting the emergence of a very different climate. Teachers' unions, in the last few years, have been involved in a protracted struggle over conditions of service. Since the late 1960s there has been a continuous stream of pamphleteering from the political and educational right criticizing public education. Even before the present bill, central government direction of curriculum had been increasing rapidly and whole areas of educational provision are now funded, with direct control, from the department of employment rather than through educational expenditure.

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We think that the story goes like this. Through to the beginnings of the 1960s, a new progressive framework was being constructed in which the central elements were comprehensive schooling, an altered examination system, the emergence of new subject teaching associations and the steady accumulation of agreed lines of a common English teaching practice. How deeply this was founded is hard to tell. It is possible to overestimate the depth and the degree of agreement but also to underestimate the durability. The 1960s and early 1970s look like years of consolidation of this framework as well as of development and innovation. A central element in this was the emergence of the Schools Council with something like general acceptance of a role for professional, teacher responsibility in curriculum and examinations reform. A decisive break in this period is marked by a speech given by Cablegram in 1976, at Ruin College, which initiated the so-called 'Great Debate' in British education. The present act, however, envisages a degree of centralized direction of curriculum and assessment which goes well beyond the themes of that debate and indeed beyond any recent policy statements. The ground for this change of direction was prepared by a hard-hitting attack on the educational changes of the 1950s and 1960s. It was mounted when a Labor Government was in power by a small but influential group of University teachers, writers, heads of grammar schools and a leading Conservative Member of Parliament. This attack foreshadowed most of the directions which have dominated the educational climate of the 1980s. It was published in a series of pamphlets (1969-71) self-named 'The Black Papers'. These set out to show that the egalitarian aims of the post-war Education Acts and Government Reports had ruined the schools and destroyed the existing high standards set by the selective grammar schools. Comprehensive schools had failed, they claimed, and the opening up of the curricula of schools and universities would lead to lower standards. Titles of some of the articles reveal both their own standpoint and that which they were attacking: for instance, 'The Egalitarian Threat', 'Pernicious Participation', 'Comprehensive Disaster', 'In Praise of Examinations'. They concluded by reasserting the importance of competition, as an educational aim, and of selection for schools for the ablest pupils. The Black Papers were at the time a unique phenomenon in the history of education. They were in no way a contribution to theoretical debate; they were a direct attack on the educational policies of post-war Governments in their attempts to develop equal opportunities for all, and were organized as a political campaign. Copies were sent to all Members of Parliament and buyers were urged to purchase ten extra copies and distribute them. When a Conservative Government was elected in 1970 they ceased publication, but

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have had their successors in pamphlets published by the Centare for Policy Studies, a right wing think tank formed by Margaret Thatcher and Ketch Joseph in 1974. It is illuminating to see what has happened to the charges made by these papers and to the directions they advocated and to the tradition of influence from the right which they initiated. While the growing pains of the new comprehensive schools were manifold, an alternative view held that time was needed for teachers who had been socialized in selective schools to accommodate to the very different professional needs of common schools; these problems were regarded by the contributors to 'The Black Papers' not as growing pains but as outright failure and a strong case for putting the clock back. One has to ask how it was possible for the charges to be made to stick and for the winds of change to blow in a contrary direction. How much is it possible to see behind the facade of public clamor about the 'ills' of education? Why did a Labor leader give the coup de grace to a gradually emerging professional influence in education and to the egalitarian consensus in favour of a strong public education system which has emerged in postwar years? With hindsight, much may be attributed to political expediency a diversionary tactic to distract attention from the gathering economic recession and an attempt to draw the sting from a more fundamental attack on the whole British welfare state. Be that as it may, with the coming to power of the Thatcher Government in 1979, the stage had been set for an all-out attempt to take control of education from the local authorities and to curb, beyond recovery, the influence of teachers. It is within this broader history, then, that English has developed in post-war years; and to this, our more specific story, we turn. 1945-1960 It now seems extraordinary that English teachers had no common voice until the National Association for the Teaching of English was founded in the early 1960s. Science and Mathematics had had powerful associations for some years whereas only small associations with limited objectives and influence existed for English teachers in the 1940s. In 1947 the London Association for the Teaching of English, led by James Britton and Nancy Martin, was founded to provide a forum for London teachers, and between that date and the 1960s it steadily grew in influence. Its mode of working through study groups which reported to the Association as a whole (or were published) created a working democratic model which was influential when the National Association was founded in 1963. The London Association's first debates were concerned with aspects of

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assessment where they touched classroom practice, in particular the influx of comprehension tests. Intelligence testing was on the way out as a means of sorting pupils into categories of ability administratively necessary within a system of selective schools. It disappeared with the coming of the common school, yet within these new large comprehensive schools some way of organising students which met their differing capacities and needs had to be found. It began to look as if comprehension tests (as indicators of reading ability) were all set to replace intelligence tests as a sorting agency which would recreate the selective system within the comprehensive schools and, in doing so, would set up 'Comprehension' as a new subject in the curriculum. The new Association challenged this trend (blown large by text book writers and publishers) by its first venture into the professional arena. This was a three-year comparison of the effects of class time spent doing comprehension versus straight reading of whole books. The findings, clearly in favour of books in all seven experimental schools, were influential in keeping comprehension as part of the ordinary process of reading. This was a micro-operation within a single subject field, but it was significant both in its own right, and as a first excursion into professional work bringing individual English teachers into a wider arena. As the 1950s wore on the pace of change accelerated. After free secondary education for all and the development of common schools, arguments came to centre on raising the school leaving age to 16. This put issues of assessment in the forefront of debate. Now the two thirds of the school population which had hitherto left without qualifying by an examination had to be catered for. The Secondary Schools Examinations Council was charged with establishing an examination available for all before this the public examination system had only catered for the one third of the school population which was in Grammar schools. What was now planned was an examination which would record students' achievements however meagre rather than put them above or below a pass line. The then Secretary of State for Education and the Secondary Schools Examinations Council were quite clear that the new examination should be the servant not the master of the schools and to this end 'effective teacher control of syllabus content, examination papers and examining techniques is the rock on which the CSE system will stand' (HMSO, 1963), and, indeed, the teachers' influence was clear in the liberalising directions of the new Certificate of Secondary Education when it came (1966). For English teachers it meant papers which did not separate language and literature as examination subjects; it meant a focus on reading and on continuous writing; it meant a choice of type of examination which could include coursework. For the first time examinations could be an aid to teaching

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rather than a dead hand. Opposition came from some of the older examination boards because the new Certificate remained a poor relation of the established GCE (General Certificate of Education). Most schools opted for the old examination because it was deemed to carry more weight as a qualification: educational arguments about the relative effects of the two examinations proved of little account. Debate about modes of assessment went hand in hand with discussion about the content of the curriculum. Here various influences had been at work for some years. A progressive movement coming from private schools and the education of younger children argued for the importance of creative activities art, writing, drama, stories. What had been a matter of speculation, experiment and debate in the private sector gradually seeped into public education. One result of this growing focus on the general value of creative work was a profound change of attitude towards children's writing. It was now beginning to be seen as an expression of real experience, not merely an exercise of a skill. Dora Pym and Marjorie Hourd in their writings in the late 1940s and early 1950s were influential in changing people's notions about writing; writings which were expressions of real experience needed to be valued differently from mere exercises (Pym, 1956; Hourd, 1949). The gradual effect of this change of concept is, perhaps, only now in the 1980s coming to fruition in changes in students' views of their own capacities. The dominant figure in the late 1940s and early 1950s was F.R. Leavis at Cambridge. Denys Thompson at Yeovil school, supported by Leavis, founded The Use of English journal, and he and Leavis were extremely influential in developing a movement of devoted teachers of English whose beliefs lay in the regenerating power of good literature. Leavis and his associates were unusual in that they analysed the social contexts of education and pressed the role of literature by contrasting the culture of a mass civilisation with a minority culture which they saw as a defence against a corrupt society. But they valued it as a minority culture for a select minority for only those who could read and appreciate the best that had been written. One of Leavis's associates, David Holbrook, took their views more widely to include pupils in secondary modern schools and based his literary canon on ballads and popular literature of the past (of quality); in effect, just another form of elitism with a different kind of school population (Holbrook, 1961). It was this deep-rooted elitism which caused many good teachers to move away from the narrow canon of literature which Leavis propounded. This revolt of many English teachers against this elitist view was the beginning of the opposition to the dominance of literary criticism in school literature teaching, and of the 'Great Tradition' as the only source of

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books to read in the new common schools. Here, with reading levels ranging from illiterate to University entrance, there had to be debate about what texts should and could be read; and arising from this came questions about what should count as literature. This was not just a matter of finding alternative texts, though this is how it appeared to many teachers faced with how to get their wide-ranging classes reading. In the past, what counted as literature had been in practice determined by the books chosen by the examiners, and the examinees were the students who would become future teachers and administrators. Now the teachers themselves had become to a large extent the examiners, and their constituency was the total population with all its immense variations. In this context of confusion, it seems relevant to recall some of those questions and discussions which sank away out of thought did not find a place on the agenda for action. The Crowther and Newsome Reports raised questions about the need for new forms of education for the new masses for whom education was now being provided (15-18 years and subsequently) (HMSO, 1959; HMSO, 1963). General issues were discussed about what account was being taken of working class culture. Might working class children have modes of perception and capacities that were not being met by educational procedures that were dominantly middle class? In the field of English, questions were asked about what literature should be chosen, and was literature itself a middle class product? Were teachers themselves socialised into the middle class with its distinctive values and therefore at odds with the majority of their pupils? To what extent could a national culture be said to exist, and to be part of the school horizon? These debates have disappeared, or gone underground. They may have touched too closely on social values in an upwardly mobile society, but, in any case, most discussions of a theoretical or speculative nature have gone to ground under the myopic influence of a focus on what is directly practical and supposedly basic. In the matter of what books to read, pragmatic solutions were found in books by contemporary writers with a focus on working class lives. Grammar teaching came under review from two aspects. First, studies were published which showed (once again) that knowledge of school grammar (parts of speech and clause analysis) could not be shown to have any effect on writing. As an emphasis developed on giving priority to experience of writing rather than study of language, so grammar teaching began to fade away in all but a few schools. Second, the growth of 'new grammars' coming chiefly from the USA seemed to open doors to a proper understanding of the functions of language in society, and to provide a tool for opposing the deadening effect of the weekly grammar lesson based on

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archaic notions of grammar and rhetoric. A further result of the work on new grammars and linguistics was a move in favour of including linguistics in courses for teachers. This direction has steadily gained momentum, though it did not halt the decline of grammar teaching in schools. In matters of curriculum, the struggle between State and teachers for control was not at this time openly joined. Decisions rested largely with the Examination Boards and the teachers, with some advisory interventions from Her Majesty's Inspectors. The changes noted above have been selected for the way they touched the lives of teachers in the 1950s as classroom issues, but behind the practical debates was developing a sense of theoretical rationale derived chiefly from humanist philosophy with some input from psychology. Current discussion couched these ideas in such terms as 'language and inner representation', 'language and thought', 'language and discovery'. These phrases pinpoint the notion that language has a wider dimension than the mastery of correct forms and had implications that extended to other subjects and to learning in its most general sense. This change in the concept of language in its social and intellectual functions is, we suggest, the most significant change in the post-war years, and it is not yet adequately understood. Mastery of skill is still seen by many as the aim of language work. Even the Bullock Report (apart from James Britton's contributions, and in spite of the title 'A Language for Life') saw the purpose of English as being the acquisition of language. Full stop. It puts little explicit focus on language to do things with. This is implied, of course, but it does not raise any kind of flag to announce the implications and potential contained in the central concepts. Given these, the purposes of English teaching can now be not just the achievement of good writing, or good reading or good spelling but the mastery of an intellectual tool which may enable its users to reflect upon them, and also to investigate and reflect upon the outer social world. These ideas could not be assimilated quickly, and in any case, all the traditional practices of English teaching operated against them. Teachers had to move from teaching subject English with its focus on literature to consider all the uses of language which school students engage in and how to develop these for real purposes. Proficiency is no longer an adequate aim. Thus for English teachers the move was a double one: out of subject English and over to language in all subjects, and, second, from acquiring an abstract competence towards continually purposive language activity. There are, of course, many other kinds of change needed before the possibilities of this changed concept of language can be implemented in its full power. In 1954 appeared a booklet from the Ministry of Education called Language: Some Suggestions for Teachers of English and Others (HMSO,

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1954). This was the first official post-war document about English teaching. No other of comparable range appeared until the Bullock Report, 20 years later. What is interesting about the 1954 booklet is that it provides a theoretical rationale based on current knowledge about language and its place in the world. Moreover, it concerns itself with the importance of the mother tongue in all learning. In this it breaks entirely new ground both in its official policy and in general understanding about language. With its powerful theoretical base, the document could have been the starting point for advice to teachers which would have opened up possibilities for quite different kinds of work in English and given rise to new forms of writing, and offered new opportunities for students to understand and use the power of language as a tool of all learning; but the authors did nothing of this. In their advice to English teachers they failed to explore the implications of the rationale they had articulated. Instead they presented traditional approaches as before. The booklet, Language, epitomised the way in which forces for change arising from new knowledge conflict with the conservatism of traditional practice. Moreover, institutions themselves are by nature conservative, and the pressures of school management systems cause all routines from timetables to hierarchies of command to operate against change. The resolution of this conflict can only be through the growth of teacher professionalism and the active participation of teachers in decisions of all sorts. This began to happen in the 1960s but it had not developed strongly enough as the history of the last of our three periods will show. 1960-1970 Uniquely, research became in the 1960s a first and even a predominant concern. Less than a year after the formation of the National Association for the Teaching of English (NATE) in 1963, the Schools Council was set up to 'carry out research and development work on curricula, teaching methods and examinations in primary and secondary schools'. This sometimes underestimated and now disbanded body was unusual in many ways. It brought under one roof responsibility for examinations and for curriculum, replacing the former Secondary Schools Examinations Committee. It was an independent body. All sectors of the educational field were represented on it, with school teachers forming a majority of its members. It had a brief, not just for co-ordination, but for research and development for change. The new Certificate of Secondary Education, which it was one of the

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Council's earliest responsibilities to introduce, in due course bore witness to the wisdom of co-ordinating examinations with curriculum. As we noted above, the certificate was innovative and has been decisively preferred to 'O' levels, in professional opinion. Also without earlier parallel was the brief for development of curriculum. With the exception of this period in the 1960s the history of national attention to the curriculum has been substantially one of limitation and control. Initiating through the Council a period of curriculum development marked a decisive shift in attitude both to curriculum and to professional responsibility in curriculum matters. Above all, the commitment of funding for research in curriculum was a major and quite new step. Educational research in the UK has had different sources of development. Sponsored by the Department of Education and Science, it has tended to be policy orientated. In universities, it may have addressed more fundamental questions, but its history has reflected the low status attaching to the study of education. By the 1960s, there were distinguished bodies of work in child psychology and in the history of education. But some newer academic disciplines, sociology and linguistics especially, were still struggling to find a place in universities and were no more than on the threshold of making a contribution to education. English teaching, as we have seen, drew its theorisation principally from extensions of critical work and of literary study and from its own professional debates, while keeping in touch with thinking in linguistics and psychology. There had been at this stage mere glimmerings of possibilities for curriculum orientated research; work in Science education which had been funded by the Nuffield Foundation, talk of a new Mathematics. Against such a background, the Schools Council offered new opportunities. By 1965, the Council had recognised the need for 'a major initiative in the field of English teaching' and had produced its working paper 3: 'English a programme for research and development in English teaching' (HMSO, 1965). Following this, in 1966, several new researches were initiated. Some others were taken over from other funding bodies. This list marks out, in effect, a new field of language and literature in education. There was to be an investigation of relations between linguistics and English teaching, work which had already been begun by the linguist, Michael Halliday, and which was transferred from Nuffield to Schools Council funding. Oracy was to be studied by Andrew Wilkinson, in Birmingham, also continuing work originally funded by Gulbenkian. A project On writing, 'The Development of Writing Abilities, 11-18', was set up by James Britton, in London, with his associates, Harold Rosen, Bernard Newsome, Denis Griffiths, Alex McLeod and (the present writers) Nancy Martin and Tony Burgess. A survey of approaches to English was to be

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undertaken by Bill Mittins, in Newcastle. Meanwhile, themes in teaching literature were taken up by Frank Whitehead, in Sheffield, who was to pay special attention to patterns of reading, and by Douglas Barnes, at Leeds, who, in a project to be developed in conjunction with NATE, set out to look at 'Children as Readers'. (Publishing details of these projects are given in the bibliography at the end of the chapter.) The Council also took some steps towards developing the teaching of English as a second language. June Derrick was invited to enquire into the 'Teaching of English to Immigrants', an enquiry whose title is indicative of the ways in which questions of English second language teaching and of minority languages were first perceived. In due course, a full project, SCOPE, was initiated. This was directed by June Derrick, with colleagues Josie Levine and Hilary Hester. It was to play an important role in disseminating information about UK's new populations and in developing a distinctive practice in the teaching of English as a Second (rather than Foreign) language. There was relatively little co-ordination at this stage between the English (mother tongue) projects just described and the work of the SCOPE team. Greater co-ordination in the teaching of English as a first and a second language has developed later (Derrick, 1966). Some aims in the original Schools Council Working Paper 3 were never fulfilled. There was the intention, for example, of a major, unifying investigation into development in communications which never materialised. The Council's research review, which identifies where work is needed, makes no reference to American work in psycholinguistics and sociolinguistics, a substantial omission, even at this early stage. Aside from references to the work of Basil Bernstein, then just beginning to make a considerable impact, there was little evidence of sociological (or social) awareness of language and literature. Such choices have been important. The influence of these years has been decisive for later generations and at no other time in the history of English teaching has such a range of fundamental research been so actively prosecuted. The movement towards a common schooling which had arisen in the 1950s was adopted as national policy during the Wilson administrations of the 1960s. Thereafter, schooling was remade from within. The few, pioneering and contested experiments of the early 1950s were successively joined by new schools, later constructions built to accommodate the rising post-war birth rate, and by amalgamations between former grammar and secondary modern schools resulting in fully comprehensive institutions. Coupled with these changes at secondary level, widespread experimentation took place with different patterns of schooling at local level and there

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were developments in primary and further education of an equally radical and pioneering kind. For English teachers, one consequence was that the emerging directions of English practice were rarely seen just as a matter of new initiatives in the subject. They formed part of the experience of wider social change. Supported by a climate of opinion in favour of educational change, teachers sought in all parts of the system to create different institutions, to find routes beyond the continuities of class which had still been inscribed in the Butler Act. Correspondingly, the practical concerns of English teaching which became current in this context English content, language, literature, materials, de-streaming, mixed ability teaching, integrated studies, thematic organisation represented much more than a search for 'new methods in the subject', more than a mere 'technology'. Within a commitment to public education and to comprehensive schooling, they were concerns which were made urgent by the need to shape institutions afresh and to make an impact on different local settings. The Walworth school fourth year English course, published by John Dixon, Leslie Stratta and Simon Clements as Reflections in 1963, exemplifies such processes. Walworth was one of the earliest comprehensive schools, with a celebrated, battling, first head teacher, serving a white, working class community in South East London. Finding existing text books inappropriate, the English department invented their own new course, seeking to give currency to pupils' experience and including in this experience of the world, of political, social and humanitarian issues. Reflections ' success changed educational publishing. The course books which followed in its trail, together with the changed anthologies of poetry and prose, all owed to Reflections their publishers' sense of a new and different market. Reflections was a first breakthrough for the new English, but in its specific origins it also bears witness to those lived processes of local change which were, differently, the experience of all teachers at this time (Clements, Dixon & Stratta, 1963). Alongside Reflections, other work in English continued themes which had been begun in the 1950s, stimulated freshly by a climate supportive of curriculum development and research. The work of Dora Pym and Marjorie Hourd in writing was continued in books such as Robert Druce's Eye of Innocence or Alec Clegg's The Excitement of Writing (Druce, 1965; Clegg, 1964). Accompanying Andrew Wilkinson's work on oracy, an influential set of essays on Talking and Writing was edited by James Britton, in which a number of accounts of new practice were included (Britton, 1967). Among a number of works on the teaching of literature, Bolt and Gard's Teaching Fiction in Schools argued strongly for continuity with the traditions of

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Leavis and Richards (Bolt & Gard, 1970). Two more general books about English teaching were widely influential: J. Patrick Creber's Sense and Sensitivity (Creber, 1965) and Frank Whitehead's The Disappearing Dais (Whitehead, 1966). Both caught in different ways significant truths about the English teaching which was replacing the practices of the former grammar schools. The new National Association for the Teaching of English had played its part in these events. The Association had had an active role in forming the Schools Council research agenda. The negotiations were conducted by Frank Whitehead, NATE's second chairperson. The style of the association's way of working was established from the first: a journal, a pattern of annual conferences, working groups and an officer of studies, subcommittees to coordinate work at different age levels, an emphasis on the contribution of local branches. In more than 20 years of its existence, NATE has had very little by way of full-time or seconded secretariat. At its best, NATE has stood for a commitment to a rationale in English teaching, explored, constructed and led by teachers in study groups, meetings of local associations, conferences and in the pages of the journal. If it has been able to maintain this emphasis, much is due to the work of these years in forming the association and in developing its distinctive style of operating. The 1960s saw the beginning of funding for experimental work in curriculum, and of the conferences and publishing that this led to. They also saw the beginning of Anglo-American co-operation in the field of English. The month-long Dartmouth seminar, sponsored by both countries, was reported in two books: in the US, H.J. Muller's (1967) The Uses of English aimed at a public readership, and John Dixon's (1967) Growth Through English addressed to the teaching profession. In the UK, the rationale made available through the latter has been widely influential though it has not gone unchallenged. The Dartmouth seminar was not directly responsible for establishing a body of ideas: its importance lies in its being the first step towards a continuing international dialogue through conferences and a small permanent organisation the International Federation for the Teaching of English and more directly, in the fact that many influential thinkers attended the conference and subsequently contributed to the very varied re-thinking of 'subject English' which was current at the time. So far, we have stressed the wide range of political and educational energies drawn together in the early 1960s. Teachers were allocated a role in developing curriculum and examinations. In the new comprehensive schools, it seemed that there might be support for seeking to reconcile egalitarian commitments with a positive role for education in contributing to economic growth. The formation of NATE gave to English teachers a

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national forum. The new Schools Council offered opportunities for research and for developing new work. We want now to give more detailed attention to two of the lines of work developed at this time: those of James Britton and Michael Halliday. In selecting these for emphasis, we hope that we will not be thought to be undervaluing others. Our purpose is to illustrate characteristic and different tendencies in the theoretical work deriving from this period. Britton asked philosophical and developmental rather than critical questions about literature and his central questions are those within an epistemological orientation to be found also in Cassirer and Langer. These ask what is distinctive about the nature of art and literature within the kinds of knowledge open to human beings, hence (also) how are human beings able to know things and what is distinctive about literature as a form of human knowing. The ancestry of such questions is in Kantian and neo-Kantian tradition. Posed freshly by Britton, they challenged many assumptions about the teaching of both language and literature which were current and provided the shape of a rationale for English which has been powerfully influential. One effect of such questions is to interrupt versions of literary study in which an equation is made between reading literature and critical reading and therefore to question the version of this in the Richards/Leavis tradition. Another is to locate the rationale for language work, not in language development as such, but in language's contribution to the formation of mind. Britton made salient for the conceptualisation of English teaching and the theoretical orchestration of different kinds of English work a discussion of human mind. The notion of Spectator role (originating earlier and developed differently by D.W. Harding), gave to the English teacher one half of the work in the development of mind and by extension sees the rest of human knowledge as but collectively and correspondingly equal in importance knowing in the participant role. If there is a problem in such an account of the mind and its different realms of knowledge it is not that of underestimating the importance of literature. Far from being merely idiosyncratic, some such emphasis on the 'spectator' nature of art and literature is, on the contrary, within a mainstream of aesthetic tradition and is paralleled by similar accounts by D.W. Harding and Louise Rosenblatt in literary criticism and by Oakeshott and Langer among contemporary philosophers. In Britton's work the notion is given a specifically educational emphasis. It serves to foreground a distinctive set of questions which are important both for teaching and for explanatory theory. For example: what is distinctive about literature, what is characteristic of our manner of reading literary works, what is common to the processes of reading and writing

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literature, how is reading related to evaluation and criticism. Also, because literature is explained within an account of thinking and knowing, within a 'role' taken up by mind, product is not separated from process, indeed the relation between them is offered as the central matter to understand. The creation of a literary work was seen by Britton as on a continuum with other reflective activities (gossip, going over experience) which are 'like literature' in nature but which do not necessarily issue in public and created form. It is this aspect of the way in which Britton has employed the notion of Spectator role which has seemed to some most questionable, as if he were regarding gossip and art as equivalent or seeking to undermine claims for the value to be gained from reading literature. However, to seek to establish a connection between art and other manifestations of mind is certainly not without precedent within the tradition of this form of explanation. Even more to the point, perhaps, an explanation of this sort seems a productive first step for thinking educationally about literature. The link which was made by Britton between language and literature should be understood against the background of this concern for the bases for human mind and for human knowledge. Literature is considered in Britton's theoretical work as part of what human beings have derived from the capacities which they have been afforded through language. It is not represented just as one particular language use. We stress the generality of the account, because terms like 'language' and 'use' are difficult and ambiguous and because the general position needs to be grasped if the subordinate concepts are to be understood. Britton does not mean just that (e.g.) poets use language, trivially true though that may be. Nor does he mean just that literature represents a use of language developed in our culture, which is only half a truth and is certainly reductive. Such versions of the connection between language and literature miss the orientation of the theoretical problem which Britton was confronting. Rather, the problem of the connection is posed by Britton at an epistemological level, and, following Cassirer and Langer, he finds the key to its solution in the human capacity for symbol. Symbol, in Britton's thought, forms the basis for human knowing and the capacity for symbolising is especially characteristic of the human mind. Language is the most developed form of symbolising. Participant and Spectator are differentiated roles which may be taken toward experience. Thus, language and literature are both connected and differentiated within a more fundamental theory of human development. But it might be best to understand Britton's theory of language as one version of an account which has been deeply influenced by an understanding of the power of literature. In the theorisation of English work in post-war years, a crucial division

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seems to us to lie between an approach to language from linguistics, in which system is stressed and in which literature is regarded as a special form of language use, and an approach to language which arises from a recognition of language's role in construing experience, and which leads to an account of both language and literature in which it is role, rather than system, which is made central. Britton's work gave an impetus to the definition of English as a subject which sought to heal existing divisions and also allowed connections to be made with the new work in psychology and linguistics. English was established by it as anti-behavioural in its psychology, concerned with the role of language and literature in children's development and seeking to harmonise in practice the potential divisions in the subject between language use and language study. Above all, for us, the developmental emphasis has been crucial. Through it, generations of teachers have approached English not just as a subject but as a set of processes in children's learning, focusing less on the abstract questions of what is to be taught than on the capacities which children have and on how teachers can help these to be realised. Britton helped English teachers to be advocates rather than authorities and the cast of mind has been distinctive. An alternative project to Britton's was that of Michael Halliday. Concerned equally with linguistics and with English teaching, Halliday's work is comparable to Britton's in scale, though different in direction. There are some moves in common (for example, an emphasis on functional variety in language). However, their projects are essentially different, emerging at different, even rival, points on the compass of different moves open to those seeking to develop work in English in the early 1960s. Halliday's work arises from a history which is as much within linguistics as within English teaching. His work may be seen as part of the movement to establish contemporary studies of language in the universities during the 1950s and 1960s as a discipline, sometimes uneasily accommodated within English departments, sometimes in a separate department of Linguistics, to accompany literature in English studies. In acknowledged orientation and in occupying the post of Professor of General Linguistics at University College, London, Halliday continued and developed an established Firthian tradition of thought about language. He was also among the leaders of a new concern for applied linguistics and for the involvement of linguistics in education. For the decade between 1961 and 1971, Halliday's interests in linguistics and the teaching of English were closely intertwined through the Programme in Linguistics and English Teaching, sponsored at different

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times by the Schools Council and by the Nuffield Foundation. Subsequently, this work has been continued in successive volumes written for teachers, some by Halliday himself, published in the Explorations in Language series (Arnold) and edited by his former collaborators, Peter Doughty and Geoffrey Thornton. Halliday's theoretical interests in language have been concerned equally with phonology and with more general linguistics and it is the latter which have been especially influential both in the intellectual climate surrounding English teaching and specifically in the perspectives made available to teachers through Schools Council and Nuffield programmes. Here we stress points which have been distinctive in Halliday's general linguistics since it is his influence at this theoretical, rather than applied, level of understanding which, despite the development of language study materials for schools, has been most important for the development of English teaching practice. As it has developed, Halliday's work has sought to link structural choices within grammar to function and to an underlying account of language as a social semiotic. The systemic grammar, developed by Halliday, rests on a social theory of language. As a commentator from within language teaching, William Currie, writes in the early 1970s: 'Fundamentally, a systemic grammar is concerned with the networks of systems, or choice options, which could be said to underlie an utterance. On the one hand we have an observed text (or a text which could have been spoken appropriately by a native speaker) and on the other we have a rationalisation of what might be said to be its underlying grammar in terms of the path through grammar systems such as transitivity, mood or theme by which the utterance is realised. When we look at a written text, or listen to a spoken one examining its surface structure as it were, (which is one stratum of text) we have observable series of elements. We could bracket these elements, label them at will. For example we could note ''noun + verb + noun" in a clause. But at a deeper level we could discover relationships, dependencies and the functionally important bonds between elements which encode speaker meaning and attitude. All of these relationships, deep down in the grammar, are in systems of choices available to the user. Taken far enough, this can become a sociolinguistic operation. Under an observed utterance lie networks of choices the grammar systems of the language; behind or prior to these we might describe the network of relationships which exist in society which in turn give rise to the need to steer an utterance through appropriate channels of dependencies to

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be realised at the surface as a meaningful, effective sentence, clause, phrase, etc. . . .' (Currie, 1973) Whatever the technicalities of the grammar (and it has since been developed into a fully articulated apparatus by Halliday himself and by other linguists in this tradition: Hudson, 1971; Berry, 1975), the importance of this position must be seen against the background of the post-Bloomfieldian developments in theoretical linguistics in the 1950s and 1960s. Halliday's retention of the Firthian stress on language-in-context and on the relevance to analysis of non-language features of the context of situation was anti-behaviourist in its resistance to reducing language to discrete elements, abstracted from situation and from use an emphasis which was shared, as we have seen, by Britton and his collaborators. Distinctively, the stress on the social nature of language served also as a check on the idealism of Chomskyan emphases, in which competence had been separated from performance and the structures underlying language located not in society but in mind, an idealism which was powerfully influential in the 1960s on both sides of the Atlantic. Thus, the stress on 'Language as a Social Semiotic ',the title of a volume of essays collected by Halliday in the mid 1970s, was present in the first outlines of systemic grammar and it has been a stress which has grown more pronounced, with the emergence of other sociolinguistic critiques of Chomskyan versions of competence and perhaps also in connection with the (mutual) influence of Basil Bernstein's work on language and cultural codes. Without following Halliday's writings in anything like their entirety, it is enough to note here the social orientation of the theory but also the relatively formal and schematic way in which society is introduced as a level in analysis. This formality at the sociological and historical level, though we cannot here develop the point, also underlies the account of functions and, further, of registers, two of the analyses contributed by Halliday which have been most influential in educational thinking. While we have emphasised so far Halliday's contributions to the general theory of language and hence, indirectly, to the emergence in the 1960s of functional approaches to language and to English teaching, we must note also the more specific contributions which have been made by the project in Linguistics and English Teaching and by Halliday's collaborators in this. A list will have to suffice. Within this project an innovatory approach to initial teaching of reading was developed (Breakthrough to Literacy) and also materials directed towards language study in school and college (Language in Use). (See MacKay et al., 1970; Doughty et al., 1972b.) Subsequently, as noted, Peter Doughty and Geoffrey Thornton have continued to make available to teachers linguistic perspectives on language

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in education and in this they have been joined by further generations of linguists, among whom might be included David Crystal, Pam Czierniewska and Michael Stubbs (see Doughty et al., 1972a; Crystal, 1976; Gannon & Czierniewska, 1980; Stubbs, 1987). In our view, the development of these theoretical projects in the 1960s was of crucial importance for English teaching. Of course, they did not settle matters for ever and left questions for the future. But the effect of this sustained period of thinking about issues in language in education theorised the work of teachers in the only sense which matters. Teachers' practice became a theoretical practice for a significant number, and classrooms the site for critical questions of value and theory. It was a development which was supported by the relations between teachers which were established through NATE, through Schools Council curriculum projects and through the traditions already established among English teachers by the pioneering work of the Use of English groups. Perhaps, also, language as a centre of attention, rather than a particular curriculum content, entailed a wide ranging and distinctive theoretical orientation. Whatever the reasons, and with all allowances made for over-emphasis and doubts about the extent of permeation, it is right to look back on the 1960s as a period of rich development for English teaching in which the work of a post-war generation of teachers and educators came properly of age. As the 1960s gave way to the 1970s, the wider political context of education changed. Poverty had been 'rediscovered', as Coates and Silburn put it, writing of the Forgotten Englishmen in 1968 (Coates & Silburn, 1968). They had in mind their own study of a Nottingham housing estate, together with the reports of Peter Townsend's Child Poverty Action Group, the Plowden Report's arguments about social deprivation and educational priority and the critical commentary by sociologists on the actual achievements in ending inequality of the welfare state. As well as social criticism, which now emerged more publicly, two other considerations made an impact in the closing years of the decade. There were already signs of economic recession. And, in 1968, many western countries experienced movements which made a revolutionary challenge to existing governments. Balanced against the action and arguments developing on the left there seemed new urgencies for retrenchment, reduction of public expenditure and social control. A new Conservative government was returned in 1970. NATE held its conference on the 'Language of Failure' against this background. At the same time, a critique developed of deprivationist versions of the culture of poverty on both sides of the Atlantic. Theories of language deprivation, 'blaming the victim', had been central in the compensatory programmes of both the US and the UK. These were identified for

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criticism by the sociolinguists William Labov and Roger Shuy in the US and by Harold Rosen, a colleague of James Britton's and Nancy Martin's at the London Institute of Education, in UK (Labov, 1972; Rosen, 1972). These critiques helped to dismantle the optimism of the earlier, gradualist consensus of the 1960s. They also contributed to a new appreciation of linguistic and cultural diversity in both countries, which was to emerge more fully in the 1970s. The consensus was being dismantled, anyway, not from a sharper sense of inequality but from a different pressure from the right to abandon commitment to a comprehensive system. More fundamentally still, the whole set of post-war assumptions and policies about the welfare state was being rethought. The publication of one more important collection of ideas fittingly spans the 1960s and the 1970s. Language, the Learner and the School (Barnes et al., 1969) reflected much that had been achieved and at the same time indicated directions in which the new perspectives in English teaching might develop. The book arose from a conference of the local London Association for the Teaching of English. Included in it were analyses of classroom talk by Douglas Barnes and James Britton. In a final section, Harold Rosen, reporting the ideas which had inspired the conference, puts the case for language as an aspect of learning across the curriculum as a whole. This powerful idea was to become a key conception for the future and reflects the confidence which had been established among English teachers in the 1960s (Barnes et al., 1969). But by then battle of a different kind was being joined. The new Conservative government included in its political composition strands of opinion very different from the earlier consensual politics of Edward Boyle, strands which had already been made apparent by the Black Papers. An international conference of English teachers in 1971 questioned the political commitment of its leadership but in this the questions which were raised were only half the matter. English teaching had grown within a commitment to comprehensive education and at a time of expansionist policies for education. What was needed now was analysis of the new urgencies which were emerging on the educational and political right and nobody foresaw the strength of the reaction. The 1970s And Beyond The 1950s and 1960s may have belonged to the educators, but in the 1970s the initiative passed decisively to the politicians. Increasingly, the legacy of hope in the new, comprehensive education service of post-war

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years has been remade from the political and educational right. Behind such remaking has lain the impact of economic recession and fears of a longer term decline in Britain's economy. One response has been a concern for vocational and technical education but, also, influencing the form taken by such response, there have re-emerged interests in re-introducing tripartitism and dividedness. Attention to curriculum, to examinations and to vocational training have been used as means of increasing control and direction from central government while at the same time bringing education into line with a market economic strategy. In the achievement of these wider objectives it has been necessary to curb the powers of teachers and to dismantle the professional consensus committed to comprehensive schooling and to educational expansion. Despite the achievement of a major statement about English teaching in the Bullock Report, much effort has had to be expended in defending, not developing, the principles established in earlier years and, in general, teachers have been on the defensive. In English teaching, the substantial achievement was the Bullock Report (1975), which, in its central positions, embodied much of the work of Britton, of linguists such as Halliday, and of the confidence won in everyday classroom teaching. Whatever the strengths of this Report, the circumstances of its commissioning and the fate of its actual outcomes illustrate the conflicts and impossibilities which have surrounded educational work throughout the period. Initiated amidst a concern about standards of literacy which had been orchestrated by the Black Papers in the late 1960s and early 1970s, the generous and balanced positions taken towards a 'Language for Life' represented a substantial reversal for opinion on the right. The ministerial expectations about the report's outcomes had undoubtedly been for a sharply critical mandate. Instead, reading was related in the Report to the total view about language development which was widely current among English teachers and the fears for falling standards were shown to have no basis in evidence. Equally, the wider vision of language in education which had issued in the publication of Language, the Learner and the School and in attention to language across the curriculum was made central and given firm backing. Following publication of the Bullock Report, an agenda might have been set for a generation of English teaching. This is not to imply that the Report was without weaknesses or inconsistencies or compromises on matters of importance. There were plenty. But there was also a central vision of the role of language and literature in education which commanded wide assent among opinion committed to an undivided, common system of education for the majority. With its acceptance of cultural and linguistic variety, the Report had the potential to inform public opinion and to make

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current a practice in schools capable of transcending the disabling prestige attaching to narrow and class based versions of Standard English. But in fact the political and financial support were not forthcoming. The Report shared the same fate as other liberal reports in the period; the most recent example would be the Swarm Report on multicultural Britain (HMSO, 1984). No action was taken on its principal recommendations and its central themes were simply ignored. In the silence, memories faded and time made possible a return to the same strategies of engineering a crisis of confidence in educational standards with the same intentions of consolidating a mandate for stronger centralised intervention. Such intervention has been most explicit and most sharp recently, in the Thatcher years, but the dismantling of the educational consensus of the 1950s and 1960s had been begun long before. We have mentioned the Black Papers at the end of the 1960s as the most obvious markers of the growth of a new Tory populism. They advanced no new arguments. Their significance is in their illustration of the ease with which it has proved possible to create a climate from outside education in order that measures can be introduced which would otherwise be perceived as sectional and divisive. It was the move towards comprehensive education which was the principal target of the Black Paper writers. Other targets have followed progressivism, the teaching of grammar, standard English, Humanities, anti-racist education until, in more recent publications, not just a section of teachers (teachers of English, mainly) but a whole educational establishment including inner city local authorities, teacher trainers and the national inspectorate are presented as subverted by a common consensus (Marenbon, 1987). Such ideological warfare has not been trivial, since it has created a climate in which a national consolidation of the achievements of the 1960s has been ruled out and an alternative and in our view divisive framework substituted for the future. Despite such unhelpful movements at policy levels, there has continued to be work in English which has attended to fundamental understandings and principles in the subject. Britton's work was most widely disseminated in the 1970s with the publication of Language and Learning (1970) and the completion of the research into the development of writing abilities. This work was then developed by the project 'Writing across the Curriculum', directed by Nancy Martin, with colleagues Pat D'Arcy, Peter Medway, Brian Newton and Harold Smith (Martin et al., 1976). Halliday's work has been extended by the course Language in Use and by his further writing on language functions and on language development. Subsequently, his work has taken him away from the UK. However, the influence from linguistics has continued and increased, following his early lead.

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More generally, themes which were initiated in the 1960s reached fruition later. Principal focuses have been on different uses of language, on process in talking, listening, comprehension, reading and writing and on teaching literature. Some major contributions have been made here. As well, the whole field of language and literature in education has been elaborated under the influence of international developments in linguistics, anthropology, sociology and in cultural and linguistic theory. While we cannot review here this whole field, we give some necessarily selective indications. A number of enquiries have been linked by the aim of identifying a coherent and conceptually powerful scheme of language uses. One hope in this has been to provide a co-ordinating rationale for English work, based on an understanding of the range of different kinds of discourse. Another has been for a tool in describing and promoting language development. These were concerns which were central to the research programme announced by the Schools Council in its early years and to the Dartmouth Seminar. The influence of Growth through English, a first attempt, has already been mentioned (Dixon, 1967). Further attempts at describing language uses were made in the late 1960s and early 1970s. James Britton's account of the expressive function and of its relation to the transactional and poetic was influenced by Roman Jakobson but was distinctively reformulated in terms of the participant and spectator roles (Britton et al., 1975). The account has been widely taken up in considering writing and language more generally and was a powerful influence on the Bullock Committee. Michael Halliday's parallel account of functions has especially influenced work on children's early language (Halliday, 1973, 1975). In particular, it was applied by Joan Tough in a scheme for promoting language development (Tough, 1977). More recently, a further set of categories has been proposed by Andrew Wilkinson, arising from his more recent work and concerned with the reflection in writing of children's cognitive, affective, moral and stylistic development (Wilkinson, 1987 a + b). Sociolinguistic interest in (diatypic) language variety has supported the intentions in these accounts. As will be clear, progress has been in the development of a number of alternatives rather than in the consolidation of any one scheme or approach. But the accounts have helped to generate practice of different kinds and they have served different purposes. While their future articulation is important, there is no doubt that the field is one in which major gains have been made since the 1950s. Some sense of range and connection in use has been a necessary complement to the accompanying interest in language processes. Awareness of the role of talk in learning has been a key understanding

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in more recent English practice in post-war years. It has led to changes of emphasis in classrooms and has united work at primary, secondary and tertiary levels. It is an awareness which has reflected in part new concentrations in linguistics on spoken before written language. But there have also been educationally oriented formulations. Andrew Wilkinson's work on oracy, begun in the early 1960s, introduced to a wider audience a number of new understandings in linguistics and in the 1970s moved into an applied phase (Wilkinson, 1971). Douglas Barnes's delicate analyses of classroom talk have sustained a generation of English teachers (Barnes, 1976). Taken up, outside the English teaching community, by sociologists interested in classroom interaction, they have also been influential more widely. As well, understandings drawn from psycholinguistics and from studies of language development have entered and supported studies of spoken language. It is some measure of the force of this work that oracy has remained a lively theme into the 1980s. New work is currently under way. The teaching of reading has also been influenced by concentrations on meaning and on active cognition in psycholinguistics and by the work of Don Holdaway and Marie Clay (Holdaway, 1979; Clay, 1972). There has been a long history of attention to the teaching of reading in the UK and the work of Joyce Morris and Elizabeth Goodacre is among the best known (see Morris, 1966; Goodacre, 1967). Within English teaching, Margaret Spencer Meek has played a crucial role in promoting more recent understandings. Her work has drawn on the approaches of Frank Smith and of Ken and Yetta Goodman and has helped to make the work of these theorists available in the UK. Reading figured less strongly than other concerns in the early formulations of language across the curriculum, partly a reflection of the secondary orientation of this early work. Margaret Spencer Meek's focus on 'Achieving Literacy' has bridged the interests of primary and secondary teachers and helped to integrate reading into the concerns of language in education more generally (Meek et al., 1977, 1983). An aspect of this enhanced understanding of reading has been a concern to connect reading adequately to the teaching of literature. Here again, different traditions in primary and secondary education have tended to divide understandings which should, logically, be held together. There has been a vigorous growth of work both at this point of intersection between reading and literature teaching and from a more literary perspective. As well as Margaret Spencer Meek's The Cool Web, we should mention Geoff Fox and Michael Benton's work on children's literature and on teaching literature more generally (Fox & Benton, 1985). Arising from an interest in 16-19 education, John Dixon has been concerned with literary response and with ways of writing about literature. In her book Eccentric

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Propositions, Jane Miller has edited a set of accounts of teaching literature at all levels which gives a wide range of examples of contemporary practice (Miller, 1984). In writing, there have been a number of newer accounts offering extensions or alternatives to Britton's Schools Council Project which was mentioned earlier. Andrew Wilkinson's 'Crediton Project' proposed a set of categories of general development and applied these to writing, as we have noted (Wilkinson, 1987a). There have been useful shorter books about writing by Geoffrey Thornton and by Robert Protherough (Thornton, 1980; Protherough, 1983). Alex McLeod and his collaborators have worked in classrooms, with a theory of critical literacy, and paid particular attention to collaborative drafting (McLeod et al., 1983). Myra Barrs, at the Centre for Language in Primary Education, London, has been developing work at primary level (Barrs, 1988). We should mention, too, the interest in writing which has been emerging among descriptive linguists. Catherine Perera's work has offered a useful complement to the concentrations which have been prevalent in English teaching (Perera, 1984). Some important contributions have been made in work which has looked at language at primary, secondary and tertiary levels. At primary, Connie and Harold Rosen's explorations of good practice, for a Schools Council Project, is still widely read for its sensitive documentation and powerful commentary (Rosen & Rosen, 1973). It is interesting to set this alongside Michael Armstrong's fascinating accounts of children learning in his Closely Observed Children (Armstrong, 1980). At secondary level, Peter Medway has reached teachers everywhere with his account of an innovative course intended to help young learners achieve autonomy, Finding a Language (Medway, 1980). Useful and stimulating books for English teachers have been written by Anthony Adams, Derrick Sharp and David Jackson though such a catch-all comment does them less than justice (Adams, 1974; Sharp, 1980; Jackson, 1987). Mike Torbe has continued to promote good practices in language across the curriculum in his work in Coventry and in his writing (Torbe, 1980, Torbe & Medway, 1981). Recently Dorothy and Douglas Barnes have researched different traditions in English teaching and presented a trenchant account of contemporary practice (Barnes & Barnes, 1984). At tertiary level, John Dixon's report of another Schools Council Project, 'English 16-19', usefully tackles relations between courses in Sixth Forms and those in Polytechnics. The central concerns of researchers in English in post-war years have been with universal understandings about language. They have paid particular attention to developing a general picture of language and learning and of language processes. Cultural and linguistic differences have been second-

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ary considerations. It was a further step to put difference, cultural conflict, diversity of linguistic repertoires at the centre of the picture. For many English teachers, during the 1970s, there took place a profound intellectual shift. This was towards an explicit recognition of linguistic and cultural diversity as at the heart of English teaching, not just an additional consideration or a modification required in areas with high concentrations of minority populations. During the 1970s, it became clear that adjustment was required to a curriculum which had been conceived within assumptions of cultural and linguistic homogeneity. It was necessary to scrutinise instruction and materials for linguistic and ethnocentric bias. Increased provision for community language instruction and for the teaching of English as a second language was also needed. As well, the position of vernaculars and dialects in relation to standard English, questions of gender and social class, of cultural and linguistic difference, suggested the need for a fundamental realignment both of practice and of English teaching's traditional theoretical concerns. Where schools and colleges re-thought English in terms of linguistic and cultural diversity, there were new connections to be made between English, the teaching of English as a second language and the teaching of modern languages. These were made more easily possible as modern languages was redefined to include not just a few specially placed European languages (French, German, Spanish) but a range of other languages (Arabic, Hindi, Gujerati, Urdu, Greek, Turkish) now spoken in the UK as well as in their countries of origin. A new content to language awareness as an educational factor became possible against this background. There were implications for revising public examining, especially with regard to the numbers of languages offered for accreditation (Rosen & Burgess, 1980). English second language teaching has had increased attention and there have been growing attempts to co-ordinate traditions in this and in English as a mother tongue. ESL provision has had its own distinctive course of development during the period, as we have noted at intervals in this account. It is a form of provision which has been shaped by special factors in the UK: the arrival of new bilingual communities in the 1950s and 1960s and the reorientation of relatively longstanding traditions of teaching English as a foreign language which was then required. Reviewing the course of development of ESL provision, it is perhaps fair to say that there has been a tendency to think for too long of ESL arrangements as merely temporary (Brumfit et al., 1985; Levine, 1981). The characteristic form of provision in the late 1960s and early 1970s

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was through language centres, locally provided. In-school and in-class support increased as this was perceived to be necessary and as the definition of the role of English Second language teaching changed: as earlier, assimilationist assumptions of a short period of adjustment were replaced by a recognition of continuing need for ESL instruction. But, though much increased, provision is still too ad hoc in nature. In-school support tends to be funded separately through Home Office Section 11 grants rather than being a main item on education budgets and is especially vulnerable to cutback. Policy at national level is still short of the realignment in curriculum which is needed. Developments are furthest ahead locally, in urban areas with strong concentrations of bilingual speakers and with local governments committed to improving provision. Within English teaching, Harold Rosen has been among those who have played a significant part in posing the new considerations of diversity. His work has continually been near the frontier of developments in English. As an English teacher at Walworth School in the 1950s he helped to create that tradition which emerged later in Reflections. His work on writing in the 1960s contributed to the new appreciation of variety and he helped to promote one of English teaching's most powerful, post-war conceptions: the aim of a language policy across the curriculum. In the 1970s, his pioneering rejection of deprivationist positions led to the formulation of a new requirement for language policies. This was that they be conceptualised in the light of the specific linguistic and cultural configurations of different areas. Influenced by the work of William Labov, his concentration on the 'language of inner city schools' brought together interests in dialect, bilingualism and social class. The informal research project of that name has reached teachers in many parts of the UK who have been concerned with thinking anew the responsibilities of English teaching in a multicultural society. One more word by way of closure. We have suggested here, we hope, the richness of a continuing tradition. English teaching, since the war, has achieved substantial consensus as to many of its most important themes and significant work has been developed around them. Varying emphases on language or literature are sometimes presented as evidence of division. In fact, as we have suggested, more significant tensions have seemed to us to exist between traditions setting out to theorise language while remaining deeply influenced by the study of literature and traditions, partly derived from applied linguistics or from English foreign or second language teaching, where attention to literature has been less central, though not absent. We have commented on this division in writing about the theoretical projects of the 1960s. In practice, among those teaching English in schools,

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it is not the importance of literature which is likely to be most contentious, we suspect. The manner of attention to language, the extent of language study, the teaching of grammar still form the issues where gaps and divisions exist. Despite the findings of the recent Kingman Committee (HMSO, 1988) such issues are unlikely to be settled simply, while their importance remains to their present extent symbolic of wider ideological positions and as embedded in different forms of first degree and English teaching qualification. The failure to act adequately on the findings of the Bullock Report has forfeited more than a decade in which English teaching practice might have been further consolidated. The current attempt by government to remodel the education service by statute (The Education Act, 1988) would require an article in itself to deal with. Here, we can only comment, as far as English is concerned, that a form of intervention which has been so narrowly and sectionally conceived cannot command confidence for the future even if, in practice, English teaching and professional dialogue will no doubt find ways of surviving in the changed circumstances which are coming into being. The new, national curriculum has been conceived without any attempt to grasp the multicultural and multilingual nature of British society. Its core subjects have been linked to a view of testing which is in origin more concerned with supplying a means of guaranteeing accountability of schools and teachers than appropriateness to subject content or pupil development, though there are some signs of modifying this position. Curriculum issues in the public sector have been made subordinate to reorganising the financing of education and to providing for the possibility of a layer of opted-out schools equivalent to those formerly financed by direct grant. Powers have been centralised in the Secretary of State, professional opinion caricatured and bypassed and its role reduced. In this, the government has just been wrong about the means to gaining assent for a common curriculum, about its privileging of private education, about teachers and about the omniscience of the market as a means for developing quality in education. But English teaching has strengths on which to draw while facing an uncertain future. One clear gain in the period which we have been reviewing has been the development of the General Certificate of Secondary Education (GCSE) the common examination at 16+ which has replaced the formerly divided system of General Certificate of Education (GCE) and Certificate of Secondary Education (CSE). As we have commented earlier, change in the public system of examining began in the immediate post-war period with adjustments to the pre-war certificates and issued in the single subject examinations of 'O' and 'A' level. These were intended for some 20 and 10% of the population respectively. The Certificate of Secondary Education

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followed in 1966. This introduced the two tier system of public examinations, mistrusted by the public and disliked by teachers. The new General Certificate of Secondary Education, an outcome which represents one of the more curious about-turns of right wing policy and one which has been strongly influenced by teachers, is one important earnest in the years ahead. A second clear benefit has been the development of teachers' centres and, more generally, of teacher focused projects and explorations. We should note that accompanying this, the role of the universities has become more federated, a strand among a range of influences, partly because funding for curriculum research has been successively reduced following the demise of the Schools Council. The decline in research represents a serious retreat which needs to be engaged but at education authority level there have been gains as well as losses. Now English advisers in more than 70 of the 100 or so local authorities have responsibility for development of work in English. The English Centre, in London, has reached teachers everywhere with the quality of its teacher produced materials and of its 'English Magazine'. While unusual in the scope and quality of its work, it serves as one example of what is possible at local level. Neither a consensus among English teachers, nor a transformation of the public examination system, nor a network of local advisers and teachers' centres may have been envisaged quite in their precise form 40 years ago, the date selected for the beginning of the present story. But they are evidence of advances made through the energies which have been offered in UK's decentralised education system in post-war years. In the more centralised system which is presently coming into being, those energies will be manifestly crucial in the classrooms, local areas and professional debates which constitute the real business of teaching and learning and there is every reason to believe that they will survive and prevail. Bibliography ADAMS, ANTHONY 1974, Every English Teacher. Oxford: Oxford University Press. ARMSTRONG, MICHAEL 1980, Closely Observed Children. London: Writers and Readers. BARNES, D. 1976, From Communication to Curriculum. Harmondsworth: Penguin. BARNES, DOROTHY and BARNES, DOUGLAS 1984, Versions of English. London: Heinemann Educational Books. BARNES, D., BRITTON, J. and ROSEN, H. 1969, Language, the Learner and the School. London: Penguin. BARRS, M. 1988, Drawing a Story. In N. MARTIN & M. LIGHTFOOT (eds), The Word for Teaching is Learning. London: Heinemann. BERRY, M. 1975, Introduction to Systemic Linguistics, Vol I: Structures and Systems. Oxford: Batsford.

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BOLT, S. and CARD, R. 1970, Teaching Fiction in Schools. London: Hutchinson. BRITTON, J. (ed.) 1967, Talking and Writing. London: Methuen. 1970, Language and Learning. London: Allen Lane. 1982, Prospect and Retrospect: Selected Essays of James Britton (ed. G. Pradl). London: Heinemann. BRITTON, J., BURGESS, T., MARTIN, N., MCLEOD, A. and ROSEN, H. 1975, The Development of Writing Abilities, 11-18. London: Macmillan. BRUMFIT, C., ELLIS, R. and LEVINE, J. 1985, ESL in the UK: Educational & Linguistic Perspectives. ELT document 121. Oxford: Pergamon. CLAY, M. 1972, The Early Detection of Reading Difficulties. London: Heinemann. CLEGG, A. 1964, The Excitement of Writing. London: Chatto & Windus. CLEMENTS, S., DIXON, J. and STRATTA, L. (eds) 1963, Reflections: An English Course for Students. Oxford: O.U.P. COATES, K., and SILBURN, R. 1968, Poverty: the Forgotten Englishmen. London: Penguin. CREBER, J. P. 1965, Sense and Sensitivity. London: U.L.P. CRYSTAL, D. 1976, Child Language, Learning & Linguistics. London: Arnold. CURRIE, W. 1973, New Directions in Teaching English Language. London: Longman. DERRICK, J. 1966, Teaching English to Immigrants. London: Longman. DIXON, J. 1967, Growth through English. Oxford: OUP. DIXON, JOHN 1979, Education 16-49. Basingstoke: Macmillan Education. DOUGHTY, P., PEARCE, J., THORNTON, G. 1972a, Exploring Language. London: Arnold. 1972b, Language in Use. London: Arnold. DRUCE, R. 1965, Eye of Innocence. London: Brockhampton. FOX, G. and BENTON, M. 1985, Teaching Literature, Nine to Fourteen. Oxford: OUP. GANNON, P. and CZIERNIEWSKA, P. 1980, Using Linguistics, An Educational Focus. London: Arnold. GOODACRE, E.J. 1967, Reading in Infant Classes. London: NFER. HALLIDAY, M. 1973, Explorations in the Functions of Language. London: Arnold. 1975, Learning How to Mean. London: Arnold. 1987, Language as Social Semiotic. London: Arnold. 1985, An Introduction to Functional Grammar. London: Arnold. HALLIDAY, M., MCINTOSH, A. and STEVENS, P., 1964, The Linguistic Sciences and Language Teaching. London: Arnold. HOLBROOK, D. 1961, English for Maturity. Cambridge: CUP. HOLDAWAY, D. 1979, Foundations of Literacy. Sydney: Ashton Scholastic. HOURD, M. 1949, The Education of the Poetic Spirit. London: Heinemann. HUDSON, R. 1971, English Complex Sentences: An Introduction to Systemic Grammar. Amsterdam: North Holland. JACKSON, DAVID 1987, Continuity in Secondary English. London: Methuen. LABOV, W. 1972, Language in the Inner City: Studies in the Black English Vernacular. Philadelphia: University of Philadelphia Press. LEVINE, J. 1981, Developing Pedagogies in Multilingual Classrooms, English Education, 13, 3. MACKAY, D., THOMPSON, B. and SCHANS, P. 1970, Breakthrough to Literacy. London: Longman/Schools Council.

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MARENBON, J. 1987, English Our English. London: Centre for Policy Studies. MARTIN, N. 1983, Mostly about Writing. New Jersey: Heinemann. MARTIN, N., D'ARCY, P., NEWTON, B. and PARKER, R. 1976, Writing & Learning Across the Curriculum. London: Ward Lock. MCLEOD, A., HARDCASTLE J., MELLOR, B., RICHMOND, J. and SAVVA, H. 1983, Growth, community & control in secondary school writers. In B. KROLL & G. Wells (eds), Explorations in the Development of Writing. Chichester: Wiley & Sons. MEDWAY, PETER 1980, Finding a Language. London: Writers and Readers. MEEK, M., WARLOW, A. and BARTON, G. (eds) 1977, The Cool Web. Oxford: The Bodley Head. MEEK, M., ARMSTRONG, S., AUSTERFIELD, V., GRAHAM, J. and PLACKETT, E. 1983, Achieving Literacy. London: Routledge & Kegan Paul. MILLER, J. (ed.) 1984, Eccentric Propositions. London: Routledge & Kegan Paul. MORRIS, J.M. 1966, Standards in Reading. London: NFER. MULLER, H.J. 1967, The Uses of English. New York: Holt, Rinehart & Winston. PERERA, K. 1984, Children's Writing and Reading. Oxford: Blackwell. PROTHEROUGH, R. 1983, Encouraging Writing. London: Methuen. PYM, D. 1956, Free Writing. London: ULP. ROSEN, C. and ROSEN, H. 1973, The Language of Primary School Children. London: Penguin. ROSEN, H. 1972, Language & Class. Bristol: Falling Wall Press. ROSEN, H. and BURGESS, T. 1980, The Languages & Dialects of London Schoolchildren. London: Ward Lock. SHARP, DERRICK 1980, English at School: The Wood and the Trees. Oxford: Pergamon. STUBBS, M. 1987, Educational Linguistics. Oxford: Blackwell. THORNTON, G. 1980, Teaching Writing. London: Arnold. TORBE, MIKE (ed.) 1980, Language Policies in Action. London: Ward Lock. TORBE, MIKE and MEDWAY, PETER 1981, The Climate for Learning. London: Ward Lock Educational. TOUGH, J. 1977, Tire Development of Meaning. London: Allen & Unwin. WHITEHEAD, F. 1966, Tire Disappearing Dais. London: Chatto. WHITEHEAD, F., COPLY, A.C. and MADDREN, W. 1974, Children's Reading Interests. London: The Schools Council. WILKINSON, A. 1968, The Implications of Oracy, Educational Review 20 (2). 1971, The Foundations of Language. Oxford: OUP. 1987a, The Writing of Writing. Milton Keynes: Open University Press. 1987b, The Quality of Language, English in Education 21 (2). Reports 1954: Language, HMSO. 1959: 15-18 (The Crowther Report), HMSO. 1963: Secondary Schools Examination Council: Final Report, HMSO. 1964: Half our Future (The Newsome Report), HMSO. 1965: Working Paper No.3: English: Schools Council, HMSO. 1975: A Language for Life (The Bullock Report), HMSO.

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1984: Education for All (The Swann Report), HMSO. 1985: English 5-16, HMSO. 1988: Report of the Committee of Inquiry into the Teaching of English Language (The Kingman Report), HMSO.

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2 The Growth Of Accountability And The Accountability Of Growth: Secondary School English Teaching In Post-War Scotland David Northcroft 1945-65: Tradition And The Rhetoric Of Change The 1947 'Report of the Advisory Council on Education in Scotland on Secondary Education' is a notable document. Three-and-a-half years of enquiry, 155 witnesses and 884 clauses of exposition culminate in the grand recommendation of a pattern of education for the country's 12 to 18-year-olds whose actualisation is only now, 40 years later, taking place and that with practical difficulty and in an atmosphere of professional uncertainty and industrial unrest. But here, barely 18 months after VE Day, was a public report that totally committed itself to the ideal of full secondary school courses for all, courses dedicated to the furtherance of individual achievement as evaluated by a system of internal assessment. A network of common 'omnibus' schools, it urged, should replace the contemporary divisive arrangement of pupils into the 'senior' and 'junior' establishments which meant that the great majority were being condemned to a brief two or three years in the latter where, since they were excluded from national certification, there could be no assurance of any coherently structured courses nor recognised record of attainment to attest to any personal progress that might have been made. 1 English, according to the Report, was to occupy a very special place in

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its progressive new scheme of things: it was roundly declared to be not only the most important single subject in the curriculum but the very force whose humanising power could infuse the pupil's secondary school career with a sense of meaningful personal experience and so ensure his development into the articulate assured citizenship required by the post-war world. It was recognised, however, that to carry this effect, the school subject would have to be reformed away from a practice that had hitherto been preoccupied with a narrowly academic concern for stylised essay writing, latinate grammar exercises and a note-derived scholasticism in literature. It was a regenerated English, in which pupils could write about their own experiences, develop the power of speech and read within its rich literature about matters of individual concern, that would provide the basis for the new secondary courses. In this way the 1947 Report established a view of the subject as a 'field of human endeavour rather than a body of ordered knowledge' (para 128), a dedication to the growth of personal language as vitalised by the nourishing force of literature that Scotland's English teachers have been striving to give practical classroom expression to ever since. The SAC Report was enlightened, vigorous and eloquent; it was greeted with enthusiasm and it met with widespread acclaim. It was also totally ignored by the one body which then and always mattered the central authority of the Scottish Education Department. The 1947 document was to have no visible effect on either the structure or the conduct of an English teaching which was left to continue the way it had found it for the next 20 years. This disparity between the Report's message and the executive's indifference to its implementation tells us much about the reality of English teaching in Scotland and its post-war struggle towards the enactment of a common course founded on the enabling power of language and committed to the development of the individual child. Several forces combine to make up that reality, some distinctively Scottish but others representative, albeit in a heightened form, of the conditions which English teachers have had to encounter elsewhere during the last four decades. Although bound politically and economically to England and Wales within the United Kingdom, Scotland has always maintained a separate educational, as well as legal and Church (and football), system so that its schools are set in a surrounding landscape of self-consciously Scottish culture and values, the most honoured feature of which, historically, has been an upholding of the principle of equality of opportunity for all. This ideal is most vividly dramatised in the image of the lad o'pairts, the humble village boy who from whatever so lowly a station and however remote a croft could, given wit and determination, rise up to

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gain the schooling that would enable him to graduate in a University system that prided itself on being open to all duly qualified entrants after which he could prosper in the legal system, enter business, serve his country as Governor of a Canadian province or even return to his native heath as village dominie or schoolmaster. 2 Such a picture has, of course, the quality of a myth but if so it has proved to be a compelling one, sufficiently potent to shape national action and to be inferred in the individual careers of many of those who became influential in Scottish education and thus able to help it perpetuate these values of competitive egalitarianism. It was out of such peat-like soil that, as scrutiny of its membership and selection of witnesses reveals, the 1947 Report sprang, although its advocacy of education for personal fulfilment rather than external success does represent modification rather than a straight continuation of a tradition which had up till then preferred to put individualism to the test of a monolithic examination system. It was, indeed, exactly this liberalising impulse, infused no doubt with a generous spirit of post-war reconstructionalism, that weakened the Report's grip on the actualities. Its advocacy, for example, of the common 'omnibus' school for all the nation's pupils represented an idealisation of the existing system in that it was derived from the small town parochial school to be found everywhere in Scotland except in the urban Lowlands where 80% of the population actually happened to live. There schools were divided into the academic 'senior' and the non-academic 'junior' secondaries to which selection was made via a 'control' examination and a system of IQ testing in which Scotland was indeed something of a pioneer.3 Similarly, the enthusiasm for individualised internal assessment could be seen as a profound challenge to a system in which the external examination was valued as the essential guarantee of academic worth. 'Equality' in Scotland, in fact, existed only at the point of entry; 'opportunity' for all really meant for all but the gifted minority the chance to fail. It was the Report's bold radicalism on such crucial issues that would condemn it to a magnificent futility rousingly received by a profession awaiting liberation, indefinitely shelved by the SED as it simply got on with the real Scottish business of inspecting, testing and grading while the enthusiasms of 1947 eventually talked themselves out during that long, unchanging decade, the 1950s.4 The ambivalent reception accorded the 1947 Report showed that effective change in subject teaching would have to wait upon the reform of the structures of a school and examination system that firmly circumscribed the profession's freedom of manoeuvre. To bring that about it would never be enough to convert the teaching majority, especially in a country whose

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educational administration was and is so authoritarian in concept and centralist in operation. Scotland is, after all, a small country with a population little more than one half of the London conurbation's. At its base in Edinburgh, the Scottish Education Department can be held immediately responsive to the dictates of the Secretary of State for Scotland and from it, through its corps of Inspectors of Schools (the HMIs), it is able to command an intimate and logically connected system of local county or since the 1975 local government reforms regional and district Directors of Education who preside over the relatively small number of secondary schools (at present a total of less than 450 throughout Scotland) in their areas. Provision for teacher education is also on a correspondingly small scale, being centred on a handful of Colleges of Education whose perceived function at the time of the 1947 Report was accurately summed up in their designation as 'Training Centres', licenced to serve the needs of teacher production rather than to act as centres of curriculum initiative and development. There were in 1947, in fact, no alternative centres of professional interest through which to challenge or to enrich the directives that came from the centre. If as happened the SED decided to ignore the report of an Advisory Council as too progressive or impracticable then there was no other agency in English teaching no professional journal or teachers' organisation, no centre of subject-teaching research or tradition of in-service activity - to campaign for or to experiment with its ideas. The Secondary 'Advisory' Council was revealed as simply that it might well stand as a fine expression of a post-war desire to extend the best of the Scottish individual tradition in education, but it was divorced from any political structure that could give its recommendations effect. While the role of centrist authority has always been crucial in determining the possibilities open to Scottish teachers, it should be realised that what we are witnessing in the immediate post-war years is not so much totalitarian repression as organised inertia. The really remarkable thing about the country's English teaching from the 1930s right up into the 1960s is its sameness. The Inspectorate charged with the welfare of the subject were few in number, tended to be trained in the classics rather than English, and operated a system of ad hoc advice to one school at a time rather than of national investigation; they were content to interpret their remit as the maintenance of standards and the orderly conduct of the status quo. More important than anything they cared to say directly about the subject was the country's one external examination there being no independent examination boards north of the border which the HMI's both administered and marked. This, the 'Leaving Certificate' English paper, was designed for the

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senior secondary 17-year-old pupil only, and confronted him with an unvarying format of essay interpretation passage plus analytical questions language exercises literature questions on a range of named classic texts. But from within what could become a comfortably unchanging regimen the individual teacher who had at secondary level to hold a university degree in the subject and was thus highly educated if not well trained could take some freedom to, for example, teach the literary version of his subject that his university career had grounded him in, and to do so, in many memorable cases, with idiosyncratic verve and commitment. What was lacking in the Scotland of 1947 was not so much a simple freedom from authority as an imaginative and energetic exercise of it sufficient to bind together the individual efforts of its all-graduate English teachers and to work out the classroom methodology by which to give them effective shape. In a small country, perhaps, the enactment of liberal ideas can best come about through the enlightened use of the authority vested in a tightly integrated system, but an authority sufficiently broadened by the representation within it of teaching, and of research and development interests, to evoke a wide response and to generate the necessary ideas. This last point has since proved to be especially important: a review of all those factors, that have continued to obstruct Scottish progress towards the final institution of a humanely child-centred version of English teaching, indicates that it is not simply the restrictions of political power that have been significant; there has also been an abiding uncertainty among the profession as to how to go about such a task. And this, in its turn, has reflected the difficulty English teachers have had and perhaps not just in Scotland in defining either the aims or the methodology of their subject in compellingly precise and practical terms so as to satisfy their public and to ensure the effectiveness of their own practice. Once again, the 1947 Report acts as an informative trailer for what was to come, for while its vision is imposing, it manages to say little, all too little, about the teaching approaches necessary for its actualisation. To find root in a hard educational climate, proposals for an English teaching founded on individual development and guided by sensitive internal assessment must be able to furnish convincing demonstration of the means by which practitioners can turn away from the prevailing tradition of uniform subject-transmission towards classroom methods that will indeed draw upon the resources of the pupil and engage him in a learning experience that is at once personally meaningful, progressively self-realising and clearly effective in traditional literacy-producing terms. In this respect, however, the Report can only fall back on a series of

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suggestions that merely liberalise at the edges: its hope is that by dropping abstract grammar, by modernising texts and by breaking the classroom silence with lessons in speech skills, all pupils rather than the 'bookish' minority will be able to enjoy their English lessons as a personal satisfaction the source of which is still seen to lie within the subject itself rather than anything the pupil can bring to it. Any sense of an interaction between the two is effectively denied by the Report's suspicion of the contemporary pupil's culture (as 'debased by vulgarisms and corrupted by Hollywood') and most damagingly by its rejection of his own language, which it invites teachers to declare war on as an 'oppressive mass of merely debased and incorrect speech' (paras 277 and 282). It is words such as these that reveal the 1947 Report to be ultimately a somewhat datedly patrician document whose adherence to a tradition of populace-improvement cuts itself off from any possibility of working out the effectively pupil-directed methodology, informed by an understanding of the relevance of the child's own experience and the vitality of his language, appropriate to its progressive intentions. If 'progressive' is indeed what they truly were, for in the end it is difficult to see the Report as anything but civic in its orientation, not so much concerned with the individual himself as the befitting of him for citizenship of the 'free and well-ordered state'. 5 Certainly a document which exhorts its teachers to improve their practice by correcting the inevitably coarse speech of the pupil in 'a gracious and kindly' manner and which can talk quite so unselfconsciously of a need to conduct even the lowliest of their charges into 'the forecourts of the palace of literature' must be, despite the intrinsic decency of its desire to update an old tradition, bemused by the problem of how to engage the demotic energies of the masses in the enterprise of acquiring Standard English and of benefiting from the great 'storehouse of human experience' (para 318) that is deposited in its classic literature. 1965-75: Bulletins, Projects And Personal Growth It was not until the late 1960s that English teachers in Scotland began to develop the capacity to undertake the rigorous self-scrutiny of structure and of method necessary for real progress to be made towards the individualcentred English whose eloquent advocacy they had so admired in 1947. It was change in the educational milieu as a whole that forced the issue: the coming to power in Britain of a socialist government in 1964 precipitated a rapid move towards the institution of a 'comprehensive' school education by which to replace the old secondary divisions, that demanded everywhere

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a radical rethinking of the curriculum and the relationships within it between system and pupil. This major reform was accompanied by a spirit of buoyant enthusiasm, a willingness to innovate that was assisted by a pumping into education of money at a higher flow than ever offered before or since. Evidence of expansionism was dramatic: the school population was multiplying as the post-war birth bulge came to maturity, while there was growing, in any case, a popular demand for extended opportunity to gain the qualifications that were seen as necessary to the further acquisition of the higher living standard now expected by all. And to serve these needs, new universities and colleges were chartered so as to recruit fresh energies into a teaching profession where a general loosening of promoted places could now hold out the prospect of early arrival at positions of curriculum power. The need to respond to the complexities of a rapidly growing system persuaded the SED that there would have to be a devolution of its powers, that the traditional, personalised authority of St. Andrews House, Edinburgh, would have to broaden the base of its operation and to seek out professional advice on how to proceed with the new structures and the new courses that were now required. The result was that within a year of the promulgation of Circular 600 enforcing local authorities to draw up plans for comprehensivisation of schools, the Secretary of State established in 1966 a Central Committee on the curriculum as an advisory body in which school representatives could join Departmental officers in counselling him on curricular matters. Other changes that occurred in this period were in tune with this move towards the enhancement of a responsible professionalism among teachers the old Teacher Training Colleges were reconstituted as semi-autonomous Colleges of Education with added freedom to undertake research and in-service initiatives, while a General Teaching Council for teachers was established so as to allow them to have a major say in the control over entrance into the profession. And in the regions local authorities were beginning to appoint subject 'advisers' to ensure that everywhere teachers were kept in touch with new educational developments. Out of all these reforms it was, perhaps, the institution of a Central Committee that was to be decisive in initiating necessary change. The 'CCC' was not one body so much as an organisation of interconnected committees which, through a range of subject specialist panels and local offspring groups, offered a coherent strategy by which to involve a very broad spread of teachers in the national formulation of new syllabus ideas. Certainly the English panel acted energetically towards this end: it not only set up study groups and published papers on its own account but also instituted in

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Edinburgh the Centre of Information for the Teaching of English to which all English teachers were granted consultational access. It was from this Centre that Scottish teachers were at last given their own English journal as the CITE Newsletters of the early years (the late 1960s) quickly grew into Teaching English, which, under the enlightened editorship of Sydney Smyth, was to attract a range of lively writing and to establish a thoroughgoing review policy that has, since that time, been most influential in giving individual teachers a real sense of belonging to a genuinely professional discipline. The Panel also sponsored various in-service courses, including some very high-profile 'National Courses' designed to introduce an international or at least an England and Wales dimension into the Scottish scene. Most significant of all, however, was the rapid promotion of a multitude of 'Local Development Committees' throughout the land so as to give practically every English teacher in it the chance to contribute to the working out of practical reforms based on ideas coming from the centre. The Scottish system was, however, still small enough for the impact of individual personality, especially from those within an SED Inspectorate that still continued to hold overseeing power, to be felt and here it was fortunate that men of real quality and drive were now coming onto its English operations, most notably HMI's Andrew Chirnside and William Gatherer, the chairman of the first Central Committee English Panel. It was under the latter's vigorous leadership that right from its inception in 1966 the task was undertaken of carrying through nothing less than a complete reform of English practice and to do this by giving its teachers a sense of professional identity and purpose they had hitherto lacked. With dissatisfaction in what quickly came to be termed the 'old' prevalent English of fragmented exercises, stylised academic activity and impersonal language routines, the Panel embarked on a five year publishing plan that was carried through by a series of 'Bulletins' covering all aspects of secondary school work from Literature to Language and inclusive of common course work for 12- and 13-yearolds, as well as suitable activity for the 'early' school leaver (the School Leaving Age was raised to 16 during this period). Between 1967 and 1972 five such papers appeared, 6 each one of which was remarkably consistent in its promulgation of the new pupil-centred philosophy and quite confident in its ability to act as authoritatively seminal texts for in-service and Local Development work. Much hope was invested in the new Bulletin-led English as the effective strategy by which to bring about the long awaited classroom changes. Articles and papers of this time talk of what was happening in explicitly historical terms: one of the leading protagonists of the 1960s movement,

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Chief Inspector of Schools Chirnside, was quite emphatic in the contrast he could draw between the 'barren, spartan' 1940s and 1950s and the 'flowering' 1960s in which English teachers were being excitingly confronted with 'Nothing less than the review, reappraisal and. . . . .dismantlement and refurbishing of the subject by which they had lived and the methodology by which they had plied their craft'(Chirnside, 1973). The proposed 'methodology' was squarely based on the notion of pupil involvement: literary texts and language topics were to be selected on grounds of their 'relevance' (key word) to the contemporary child; all the various activities that would make up a renewed English course now widened to include personal writing, talk, media material and 'real-live' social register were to be dynamically organised into centres of interest, or 'projects', 'units' and 'thematic studies', in which pupils could fulfil their imaginative, curious and thoroughly modern selves in the creating of naturalistic dramas such as, for the Secondary 1, Secondary 2 and the young School Leaver, the 'Street Accident' or the 'Devastation of the Highland Village by the Bursting of the Hydro-Electric Dam' (letter-writing, newspaper reports, TV interviews and map-sketching); or, once into the upper school, they could set to with satisfying investigations into 'Love and Marriage'; 'Drug Abuse' and 'Colour Prejudice' among other issues-of-thetime (quality journalism, referential writing, Wole Soyinka, assorted twentieth-century poems and Shakespeare's 'Othello'). By the mid-1970s, however, it was becoming clear that however real the advances towards it were, the results were falling short of a pupil-centred revolution in English teaching. Despite the vigorous lead given from the centre, despite the by now extensive infrastructure of advisers, College of Education Staff, Inspectors of Schools with counselling rather than purely monitorial roles, of Central Committees and Local Development Councils, evidence was coming through that the actual teaching in the schools remained obstinately didactic, desks-in-rows and text-book dominated. An Inspectors' Report on the causes of learning difficulty, 7 for example, showed that the new methods had not really changed the individual child's perception of a curriculum that was still teachingrather than learner-centred, while investigation of the specific effect of the Bulletins on classroom practice concluded that in many cases these methods had not even been tried at all (Cunningham, 1976). The new movement had not, in fact, succeeded in dealing with the reasons that had rendered futile the Secondary Advisory Committee's work 20 years previously. Not at the root, anyway, for while the Bulletin's thinking had become more determinedly pupil-centred, its hold on the reality of the Scottish situation was far from complete. For teachers the real

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source of curriculum power remained the national examination system and as long as it continued to operate exclusively through monolithic external examinations aimed only despite the introduction in 1962 of a fourth year 'Ordinary' grade to supplement the traditional fifth year Higher Leaving Certificate at the 'top' 30%, teachers were going to feel little allegiance to the notion of 'common' courses in which the individual pupil or the innovative school-made syllabus must still struggle to find worthwile tangible recognition. And as retrospect began to take over, it was also becoming clearer that the new structure of 'centre' and 'local' committees was not really the exercise in participatory curricular democracy that had been intended. For many, a system in which the centre made all the pronouncements, and thus left the peripheral many to make the practical response, merely confirmed the traditional authoritarianism of the SED; for others the cutting off of teachers from the real Central Committee decision-making and the absence of any programme of evaluative research into the effectiveness of the 'new' methods underlined the endogenous gap between theory and practice in the Scottish educational world (those who can, teach those who can't, write about it). This failure to engage the energies of what was, after all, a highly qualified all-graduate secondary teaching force in the complex problem of making the new approaches work points to the real shortcomings of the 1960s movement. For the methodology as outlined in the Bulletins was scarcely detailed or incisive enough to show these teachers how to create change at the level where it really mattered the individual pupil's experience of 'English'. An excessive confidence had been placed in the potency of planning and selection, in the ability of 'relevant' materials organised into project-shaped sequences, to open up an awareness of the life-communicating properties of literature and language. But too often the 'relevance' represented an adult's perception of the matter and led to a teaching pattern in which 'significance' was seen to be in proportion to the subject's capacity for yielding lines of enquiry to be pursued according to teacher-made schemes of work. And, frequently, the centres of interest themselves proved to be little more than an ingenious reshuffling of all the old reading and writing obligations into 6-week packs of Hiroshima Childhoods, Imaginary Communities and Long Distance Lonelinesses. At the heart of the relevance problem was the issue of language. By the mid-1970s it was becoming evident that the Scottish attempt to make the English syllabus personally meaningful was being conducted at the level of topic rather than language. It was not that the Bulletins had ignored the latter indeed under the influence of HMI Gatherer, a noted authority in

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the field of linguistics, that could scarcely be the case but rather that their interests had taken the direction of seeing language as a form of human behaviour in the social sense, to be practised by an invocation of typical everyday contexts hence all that project-work. But this had given rise to an approach which externalised speech and writing into a series of rules-obeying products, the acquisition of which was to be gained through analytical imitation. The understanding of language as a personal process in which the individual makes meaning out of experience by exploring and reshaping it in his own words received at this time little consideration, as did the need for a corresponding methodology that, based on the introduction of the child's own experiencing into the classroom, might have led to the provision of opportunity to utilise his own expressive forms of speech and thus for example to collaborate with others in informal group work or to engage in intimately personal writing in order to make a classroom topic his own. Elsewhere, but most accessibly in England, work was going ahead in this field, but despite the excellent efforts of a lone figure such as Bill Jackson (1973-74) of Hamilton College of Education the arguments relating learning to personal language were slow to penetrate north of the border. It appeared that the newly designed structures of curriculum development were proving to be too tightly controlled, too inward-looking to accommodate fresh thinking or individual initiatives and a limited system of educational research too much the servant of the system to engage the energies of its English teachers in the solving of real learning problems in their own classrooms. The result was that the very ideas, by which their sought-for individual-centred curriculum might have been created, trickled into Scotland too late and too diffuse to catch the wave of institutional reform that began with the moves towards comprehensive education in 1965 only months before the year when their international colleagues at the Dartmouth, USA, Conference were being excited by the possibilities of an English curriculum based on personal growth. 1975-85: Certification For All And The Standardisation Of Growth In the last several years Scotland's secondary school English teachers have found themselves caught up in an onrush of change that has proved to be different from that of the 1960s, not only in volume but also in the controlling of its direction. Although the SED had taken the initiative for reform in that decade, the exercise of its authority had been restricted to the establishing of those conditions that would enable the profession itself,

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through the new supporting agencies of the Central Committee and its many Local Development Committees, to make its own interpretations of the subject's purpose and practice. More recent changes have differed in that they have proceeded from a general view of, and scheme for, the Curriculum as a whole, one that has sought to align English along with other 'core' subjects against wider social and individual pupil needs. Their origins are, however, to be found in the 1960s and their expansionist circumstances, for by the mid-1970s it was emerging that the liberalisation of traditional courses that had been permitted then was not going to be sufficient to satisfy the new demands now being made upon secondary schools. The universal establishment of comprehensive education and the complementary raising of the school leaving age to 16 were creating intolerable pressures on the existing national assessment system. Many thousands of late adolescent pupils were discovering that they had been forced to stay on at school to take courses which, in what they considered to be a meaningful sense, did not actually exist since official recognition and in the Scottish tradition that has always meant national certification was still only being given to the narrowly academic Scottish Certificate 'O' Grade and Higher syllabuses, and these were proving to be totally unsuitable for the many who were now being hopefully and hopelessly thrust into them. Accordingly, it was the Scottish Examination Board that in 1973 took the initiative by asking the Secretary of State to make enquiry into the assessment provision for senior pupils, with the result that he appointed the 'Munn Committee' in co-operation with the Central Committee, to enquire into matters of curriculum design and organisation and, with the Examination Board, the 'Dunning Committee' to report on assessment and certificate arrangements for the final two years of the secondary school (14-16 age group) a complementary distribution of responsibility which ensured that any proposals for syllabus reform had to be tied to the nationally controlled examination system, which thus continued to have the decisive influence. Indeed, we can view the whole of the Munn and Dunning machinery as not only an expression of Government concern but also of central power: the establishment of the twin national commissions, the making of representations and the central accumulation of evidence, the procedure of Enquiry, Report and Pronouncement, shaped itself into a characteristically Scottish ritual choreographed so as to culminate in the climactic declaration by the Secretary of State. When they were published in 1977 (SED, 1977a & b), the two reports read in such an interdependent fashion that they automatically became

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'Munn-and-Dunning', a curriculum-and-assessment double act that clearly expressed the centrist predilection for a clear national framework by which to articulate and keep under control any changing academic-social concerns. Thus, they proposed, courses should be constructed along well-set subject lines though now legitimated through an epistemologically respectable designation into 'Modes of knowing and interpreting experience' to be offered on a core plus options basis, the latter to occupy no more than minority time. There were to be three syllabus levels 'Credit', 'General' and 'Foundation' to provide for the differentiation of ability across the whole cohort, each one of which was to be nationally assessed and officially certificated. Several years of feasibility study and working party elaboration have since ensued to give us a final course 'Arrangements' that were Secretary of State approved for commencement in Session 1984/85 as the aptly named 'Standard Grade' Syllabus (SED, 1982). This directed that the final two years of compulsory schooling (ages 1416) were to be controlled by sets of 'National Guidelines' that would act as an imperative definition for each subject, of course components and pupil targets of performance, in terms of objectives and levels of competence as set out on a standardised 7-point scale of achievement. Each pupil could now expect to leave school with an individual profile that would constitute a record of course work and attainment but which would also be rationalised into one global grade to be computed through the aggregation of criteria scores. Although the Arrangements were not to be prescriptively detailed at the level of content, in order to allow schools to make up their own implementations according to outline aims-and-objectives, appropriate teacher practice was shaped by an extensive programme of in-service work which during the initial stages was directed by specially appointed 'Field Curriculum Development Officers' and secured by a system of school syllabus moderation answerable to the Examination Board. However, several years of feasibility study lie between the 1977 Reports and these first subject proposals, years in which practical investigatory help was also to be offered through the findings of the 27 research projects that were centrally funded in order to address relevant innovative problems such as the operation of criterion-referencing in assessment and, in English, the teaching of talk, writing and reading skills (SED, 1980). More importantly still, subject teachers were permitted to play a part in their development, albeit under the monitorship of the Secretary of State's HMIs and filtered through 'Joint (Examination Board-Central Committee) Working Parties'. In the early period the HMIs who were entrusted with the devising of the original Guidelines went into partnership with a specially

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selected range of 'pilot' schools so as to base later prescriptions on consultation and existing good practice. The kind of English that has emerged from the national requirement to produce a curriculum sufficiently clear in operation and rigorous in objectification, to act as nationally assessment-worthy, practical evidence producing courses for the whole range of the contemporary school population, has therefore come to be tempered in part by the ideas inherited by teachers from the 1960s. The final version of the English Arrangements (SEB, 1987) does represent a genuine attempt to use aims-and-objectives planning to recommend a rounded view of the subject in which personal 'growth and enrichment' stand alongside the obligations of 'competence', thus ensuring a continuing role for literature as well as acknowledging the place of socially useful skills. Similarly, its advocacy of the balanced, inclusive syllabus opens the way for a welcome broadening of activity to extend official status to at last 'talk' and 'listening'. The Arrangements use their necessary categorising to serve liberal intention in other ways as well: their definition of syllabus activity is left at the level of broad language behaviour rather than taken down to specific items, thus giving individual schools the freedom to make their own selection of materials and topics: these language areas are certainly formulated into outcomes but outcomes that are to be derived from the pupil's attempts to fulfil 'purposes', a strategy that opens the way to a teaching-and-learning approach based on formative, in-course assessment acting as meaningful preparation for the external evaluation stage. Encouragement for an experiential learning approach can also be found in the recommendation that grew out of the good practice shown in pilot schools that work continue to be organised into a series of 'units', that is into topic-based clusters of language and literature work activity that carry forward the 1960s Bulletins' enthusiasm but which may now be made more genuinely pupil-centred by an interpretation of 'projects' as contexts for purposeful language activity and not simply as a new portmanteau for old issues and relevant practices. It is by these means that the current Scottish development is attempting to put together a new synthesis in which, notionally at least, language and literature, skills and personal development the English subject aspirations of the earlier post-war period informing the directives of the present may be joined together in one purposeful syllabus enterprise. Unfortunately, further consideration of the way in which this compromise is going to work in practice does appear to suggest that the attempted consensus is in danger of breaking down beneath an inner contradiction of form and content, sufficient to undermine the genuine hopes of those who

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are striving to preserve the best of our post-war individualist traditions against the newer demands for objective certainties within public frameworks. There must, for instance, be a fear that the demand for a description of English in terms of accountable teaching targets has led the HMI authors of The Arrangements into the importation of a syllabus design that pursues an aims-and-objectives analysis that will become constrictingly reductive. In the stated scheme of things, for instance, 'growth' and 'enrichment' do appear but only as members of an unexceptional invocation of generalised 'aims' that must quickly yield place to detailed lists of activities based on a dividing up of linguistic behaviour into the four modes of talking, listening, reading and writing which can then be further broken down into sets of specific purposes such as 'stating a point of view' or 'communicating a personal experience'. In this way the destination of precise specifications for teaching objectives is reached, since these 'purposes' once identified may now be categorised into sets of component skills so that, for example, 'talk' competence may become 'conveying information to an audience', mastery of which can be shown to depend on a demonstration of 'organisation' of content and manner of 'delivery' sufficiently 'intelligible' and 'clear' to achieve the overall informative purpose. Assessment may now be calculated by setting individual evidence of effectiveness in these tasks against lists of criteria derived from the required skills; differentiation into grades is worked by arranging such criteria along a 7-point scale of comparative achievement as illustrated by the Examination Board item bank of exemplars for each level. All this makes for a logical flowline account of the business of the English syllabus but one in which, it may be felt, the publicly necessary rationalisation of activity has been attained by turning to a different tradition of English teaching from the one that post-war Scottish teachers of the subject have grown up in. Whatever the shortcomings in practice, the ideals of individual development announced in 1947 and developed in the 1960s assumed a pattern of learning which is essentially personal in nature and which recognise that the attendant values such as 'responsiveness', 'creativity', 'moral awareness' would appear to be inherently unspecifiable in overt instructional terms, both by reason of their fluid, open-ended character and their attachment to an individuality of experience. And now over 20 years later, many would continue to argue for English as a wholeness of experience that has to be nurtured, the living integrity of which cannot be accounted for by facile subcategorisation into so-called 'modes' and 'purposes', nor evaluated by the instrument of targeted criteria. These are fears that will have to be tested against the actual quality of

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learning experience offered to the individual pupil by classroom realisation of the new course. Early experience in this respect has not been altogether encouraging, for although English teachers have shown great resourcefulness in devising appropriate materials and topics, once these have been shaped into the requisite unit of work, the Standard Syllabus design has tended to act as a template that has tailored their activity into a turn-by-turn stitching together of skills, purposes, criteria and assessable objectives, in which a bit of 'listening for information' is made to join into some 'writing for special effect' before 'reading for referential meaning' can receive its designated due. Most damaging of all threatens to be the need to satisfy the voracity of a criterion-referenced assessment system which demands to be fed on a sufficiency of ingredients that are nevertheless so fine and purpose-specific as to enable the required accumulations of profiled performance to be served up. Thus will the flexibility and richness of the living language continue to be shredded down into interpretation passages disguised as technical reading taxonomies, into writing exercises to show mastery of the simulated letter of application for jobs that do not actually exist, into newfangled listening tasks based on old-fashioned factual recall and tape-recorded talk performances in solo, group and one-to-one model situations. For these reasons it is doubtful whether the new course will be any more effective than its predecessors in realising the ideals of an individual curriculum that can only be attained by its capacity to engage the pupil's own developing language powers with real learning experiences. Doubtful but not yet certain, for, it must be stressed, we are still at the stage of making projections and there are other more positive ways of reading the likely trends. At this early stage there must, for instance, remain the hope that a national syllabus will act as a genuine guideline that has the power to involve its teachers in a defining of aims and objectives and an integration of assessment requirements with their content planning that will achieve a new sharpness of direction for their teaching, as well as enabling them to share its underlying purposes with their pupils. And indeed, within the Standard framework as explained in the Arrangements, there is plenty of encouragement towards an interactive style of classroom practice to be attained through such formative approaches as writing based on personal drafting and self-evaluation, the use of pupil discussion, investigative reading styles and an imaginative exploitation of a full range of media supplemented by authentically contemporary artefacts and materials. However, to ensure that this is what will happen, a more flexible and teacher-trusting use will have to be made of an assessment requirement which at present threatens to do anything but release the teaching possibilities held within a syllabus design that, with regard to the freedom it permits

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teachers in their selection of content, is quite boldly school-based in conception. At present the proportion of assessment allowed to internally derived evidence is no more than 50% 8 and even this is to be managed through a system of grade related criteria 'The GRC' that appears to be no more than an ill-bred hybrid born of a necessity to serve the traditional grading requirements of rational certification as much as to acknowledge individual achievement. It demands that teachers become the producers of performance criteria that can act as not so much an indication of the pupil's progress but as evidence for the aggregating of a score with which he may be labelled in respect of his fellows. Teacher judgement is further to be controlled by a set of externally-produced exemplars, to operate which teachers must become expert in matching pupil attainment against official paradigms, rather than be encouraged to direct their attention to the personal learning needs that a properly used criterion-referencing should diagnose. If the Examination Board grip could be sufficiently relaxed so as to give schools the freedom to produce and as a greater proportion of the net result internal evidence in the form of broad descriptions of actual outcomes the value of which would be assured by the quality of the teaching syllabus that produced it, then assessment could indeed come to have more of a diagnostic than a testing effect. The SEB's lists of criteria could then be offered not as fixed targets but rather as the descriptive means by which sensitive analysis of individual learning needs and a reconsideration of instructional strategy might be made. Such a formative intention would best be satisfied by asking the pupil to review the new demand in the light of present capacity, to work at ways of interpreting fresh experience against existing knowledge; constructive self-knowledge would best come from giving him the chance to work out his own response and solutions, to explore and to evaluate his own progress, to collaborate with his peers in so doing. And all this would form a pattern of teaching-become-learning that would call upon the pupil's own language resources and thus realise the potential for creating learning within him, in a way that the reforms of the 1960s quite failed to do. If this is really to happen in Scotland then teachers must be permitted the chance to think of assessment in educative rather than managerial terms, to act as something other than the administrators of Examination Board procedure. Schools must be allowed to offer internal assessment based on descriptions of actual activity and achievement, made up by those who are in the best position to know, that is the teachers themselves. And despite the fact that this would be a departure from the Scottish tradition of competitive individualism within a system of centralised control, such a

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development could then perhaps become the long-awaited fulfilment of the liberal hopes of individual causes for all founded on internal assessment, with which the post-war story began in 1947. Conclusions: Growth, Accountability And State Development Two words bind the story of Scotland's post-war English teaching together, 'growth' and 'accountability'. And if the first expresses the shared philosophy that has inspired its progress from within during that time, the second is the external consideration that has increasingly come to haunt it. Within the profession, agreement as to the essential aims of the subject has been consistent: it is that English makes a unique contribution to the education of the individual because it nourishes his powers of self-expression, a process of Growth which leads us to discover what is in ourselves and our fellows through the humane medium of literature and language creatively used. This was the faith prologued in the 1947 Report's classical advocacy of the treasury of literature as an inheritance by which everyone had the right to acquire the civilised virtues; this was the idealism that was sustained by the romantic enthusiasms of the 1960s which urged development as the natural unfolding of the individual's language-given talents, and that was represented in the Standard Grade's proposals for a syllabus sufficiently inclusive and socially relevant to empower in the pupil a growing capacity to respond to all the circumstances of his life. But, in the post- no more than in the pre-war era, the teachers have never been set free to enact their liberal impulses, for the interplay that must always exist between any public education authority and its servants has been especially pronounced in the small, centralised country of Scotland. A characteristically Calvinist predicament, perhaps, except that the kind of problems that secondary school English teaching here and elsewhere has experienced, in developing the self-understanding and methodological expertise necessary to win a public acceptance of its pupil-centred aspirations, has also been picked out with a sharp enough focus on the well-defined Scottish stage to enable them to be seen by students of recent English teaching with heuristic clarity. What then, as we move towards the end of the century, might be concluded from the Scottish experiences since 1945 of attempting to strike the balance between the competing demands of subject idealism and social necessity, of Growth and Accountability? In Scotland the reforms of the 1960s offered the profession the opportunity and the supporting agencies to develop its own vision of the

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subject; since then, however, our English teaching has become constrained by a wider concern for the relevance of the secondary school as a social institution, first of all to the whole range of pupils who have come to stay on in it, but now increasingly to the demands of 'society' as interpreted in the economic terms that have been conditioned by Scotland's share in recent British industrial and employment crises. At a time when teachers are being asked to fashion a testing new Standard curriculum, the Tory Government of the 1980s has given a ruthless cutting edge to the notion of 'accountability' with its doctrinal demand of 'value for money'; this has demonstrated its own valuations by making education throughout the UK the object for cost-cutting, efficiency campaigns at school level while at the same time investing money in 'training' for 16 to 18-year-olds through various schemes which seek to thrust education and job preparation together in courses administered by educational sub-contractors such as the 'Manpower Services Commission' and the 'Training, Vocational and Educational Initiatives'. And in Scotland in particular, a brand new pattern of 16+ instruction has been launched by a partnership of school and 'technical' and 'commercial' colleges combining to offer vocationally orientated courses that come in modularised batches, controlled by nationally-produced 'descriptors' that invariably relegate language to the role of 'communication skills' (SED, 1983). In a country whose education has always been centrally regulated, authority is obviously well placed to shape the system in the required governmental image and the curricular bodies that were developed during the 1960s can quickly become an efficient chain of command, while the tradition of Edinburgh edict-directing ad hoc working party can be relied upon to supply the necessary practical details. That so far in the latest period of reform, 'accountability' has been interpreted as a call upon the subject to explain itself through a clearly structured syllabus and through firm assessment criteria is no reassurance. The fear must be that by using an aims-and-objectives approach controlled by an external examination system, we in Scotland have trapped ourselves in a curriculum model that, because of its very character as an imposition of socially useful targeting in which literature becomes simply another usable (?) language skill along with telephoning and computerese will actually prove to be alien to the free creativity and individual wholeness of experience upon which our concern for personal growth depends. In such a finely-balanced situation, three, inter-related issues cry out for resolution, the first two of which are the necessity to devise an effective methodology based on individual learning needs and characteristics, and the degree of teacher involvement permitted to contribute to its develop-

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ment. These, in their turn, lead to a third, underlying consideration the English teachers' capacity to articulate a professional concern for and to pursue an independently-voiced interest in the welfare and the conduct of their own subject. It has, in the first place, become all the more important that Scotland's English teachers continue to work at the devising of a methodology that, while based on personal creativity rather than the imitation of external communication models, will be demonstrably effective in its ability to lead pupils towards a mastery of language in all its applications. One of the lessons of our post-war experience is that if English teachers really are to hold fast to a philosophy of 'Growth' then they will have to show that it is as practicable as it is desirable, that it can be made to be accountable through the sureness of its aims and the clarity of its teaching strategies. If the 1960s in Scotland succeeded in overturning the comfortable old subject-centred methods that assumed that language had to be given to the child before he could be trusted to use it, they did not succeed in replacing it with a child-centred pedagogy that compelled the same degree of public assent. The work from south of the border by such as Douglas Barnes, John Dixon, Harold Rosen and, pre-eminently, James Britton, work which pointed towards an approach based on encouraging natural developmental processes through a language-and-learning logistic, began to enter Scottish teachers' consciousness in the mid-1970s, but it has yet to be defined into a thoroughgoing instructional practice. And this partly because advocacy of a classroom given over to the liberating energies of group talk and expressive writing has lacked conviction, not only in the eyes of both pupil and public but also in those of a university-trained profession who infer within its · apparently methods-free approach a disablement of their teaching expertise and a usurpation of their subject-based authority. If what is now required is the working out of an English syllabus that is neither subject- nor child-bound but is centred on an appreciation of the pupil-as-learner, an appreciation backed by an understanding of his linguistic resources and his communicative needs, then it might be that the research energies released by the Munn and Dunning programme rather than the ingredients of the formal Arrangements package represent the real step forward. Projects such as the Stirling University investigation into methods of writing instruction for 14 to 16year-olds, the work in Edinburgh and Aberdeen Colleges of Education on the application of formative assessment principles in both discussion skills and reading capacities in the same age group (Peacock & Roger, 1984; Francis, 1982; Fyfe & Mitchell, 1985), show how an educational psychologist's interest in learning processes may be allied to a regard for language development that promises to

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produce a methodology in which the achievement of set criteria can become a series of creative challenges for both pupil and teacher. But and this is the second major finding that emerges from this postwar account such work must be carried forward in a way that involves all teachers. One of the dangers of history writing is that by concentrating on the spectacular event the dates and the battles it can quite miss the flow of day-to-day experience; while, like kings and presidents, Bulletins and Pilot Schemes may come and go, didactic teaching to serried ranks of secondary school pupils threatens to continue for ever. Latterly, research attention has been paid to classroom styles in the average Scottish comprehensive school (Corrie, Haystead & Zaklukiewicz, 1982) and this has revealed a persistence of teacher-centred work based on purely pragmatic considerations; teachers, it would seem, can become too busy holding the ring between the competing claims of national exams, institutional constraints, resources scarcity and disciplinary routines, too busy, in other words, simply managing the system, to think of problem-solving, enactive or discursive learning alternatives to what they are didactically doing, as anything but remote theory. Even the Munn and Dunning programme's attempts to pilot work through classroom observation quickly became subverted by the demands of a national project that created its own team-like allegiances: accounts given by participant teachers (Eleftheriou, 1985) contrast the early leisurely days of experimentation with the later rush towards decision in which school-based activity gave way to rounds of weekend meetings, task delegation and working party subgroups where the HMI leaders found themselves having to set the agenda, limit the alternatives and hasten individuals towards collective acceptance an executive routine that quite restored the custom of SED decision-making from the centre. And latterly all progress has been held up by the lingering catastrophe in Scotland of an industrial action and a boycott on curriculum development by teachers, who have been responding not only to many years of depressed salaries but also to increased work-loads and to sharpened disciplines in consequence of new Standard Grade courses imposed, as they infer, from without. 9 These are difficulties that could be considered to be the inevitable results of the maintenance into the 1980s of an authoritarian Scottish regime that continues to reduce the professional scope of its teacher employees. But this would be too simple a conclusion, for examination of what progress has been made in English teaching over the last 40 years does reveal some capacity within the SED for enlightened action and, moreover, an exercise of power by individual officials within it that has been genuinely anxious to reconcile governmental demand with the welfare of the subject: indeed, one

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of the ironies of the Scottish situation has been the way in which as in the 1960s and in some aspects of the recent Standard programme central authority has acted as the instrument by which to impel liberal progress. An observation that brings us up against the last of the three unresolved issues that could be defined as determinants, not only of the post-war past but also of the future of the subject's teaching in Scotland the limits to professional self-sufficiency in a country where there has never existed any independent organisation of its English teachers. What has and has not happened since 1945 amounts to the playing out of a debate concerning the nature of English teaching and the role that the individual teacher can play in its shaping. And as, over the years, the reports and the edicts from the CCC, from the HMIs and the SED have mounted up, so, too, have the demands on professional expertise and responsibility. Problems concerning the curricular relationship between 'growth' and 'competence', the correct balance between external and school-based assessment, the nature of talk and listening skills, the assimilation of micro-technology into the syllabus, the definition and the development of a truly enabling literacy, are only a few examples of the kind of running concerns which, far from being mere Bulletins' enthusiasms or Standard Grade technicalities, are issues fundamental to the kind of subject we ought to be practising and to our ability to recreate it in effective classroom terms. In these circumstances knowledge is power: more than ever, it has become important for English teachers themselves to establish the leading voice in the defining of their subject, the freedom and the capacity to evaluate new ideas against their own judgements as to the nature of their calling otherwise, such is and has been the way of things in Scotland, control will finally pass into the hands of outside theoreticians and government agencies. Curriculum development has promised to work best in Scotland at those times when, as during the setting up of local development groups in the 1960s or the earliest days of Standard course piloting, the classroom teacher was able to play an active part, was given the time and opportunity to inform himself of new ideas, to define and to work out his own problems in partnership with consultant 'experts' but principally through his own action research and the shared experience of colleagues. The post-war Scottish system, especially as it has been developed over the last ten years, has, potentially at least, become flexible enough to accommodate the desired process of centreout dialogue, has now, with its Advisory Services, Colleges of Education, Central Committee groupings, local and national Resource Centres and the great expansion of school-focused in-service, established a potentially powerful network of collaborative resources ready

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to assist in individual staff development as the real centre of curriculum change. The persistent Scottish tradition of centralised, uniform administration does have its dangers, however, for in a small tightly-organised country liberal reform will always depend upon the centre's willingness to use its executive power to promote the values that teachers themselves are ready to campaign for. In a country whose 40 years of post-war experience has shown it to be inexorably moving towards a uniform system of syllabus and assessment to cover all pupils but where unlike the USA, Canada, Australia, New Zealand and England, for example teachers have so far shown little interest in forming themselves into an independent body capable of promoting its own research and publications or of giving a united voice in the defence of that which is most distinctive and precious in their own subject's teaching, we can never be completely secure about the continued welfare of English. The Curriculum Development Service in Edinburgh that has now developed out of the original 1960s Centre of Information for Teachers of English, its periodical Teaching English and the Central Committee English Panel are each of them invaluable teacher-supporting institutions but they are dependent on Government patronage and subject to its reforms and economic rationalisations. For this reason they cannot substitute for the 'Scottish Association of Teachers of English' that alone would give Scotland's teachers a sense of united identity and an assurance of leadership in the development of their own subject's school curriculum as well as a guaranteed membership of IFTE and participation in the international exchange of ideas and experiences so necessary to the sustenance of a strong, free professionalism. More than ever it remains true to say that the state of English teaching in Scotland is as much a matter of unrealised possibilities as it is of problems that have yet to be surmounted. If the Scottish Education Department can now be persuaded, within the clear framework of a national policy of in-service and professional development with all the resources implications that that requires, further to devolve its powers in order to give school English departments the freedom to research their own teaching needs and to make their own informed demands upon the practical network that now exists of central and local committees, of subject advisers, research projects, Colleges and university departments; if schools could thus be permitted to work towards the creation of syllabuses that are both internally devised and assessed; and if the whole operation could be vitalised by the leading contribution of a profession so organised as to be able to act as a partner and as a counterbalance to those who represent the Government's Educational Department . . . then the Scottish system might at least succeed in fully

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mobilising the capacities of its highly educated teachers in order finally to establish the individual curriculum for all pupils that has been the professed goal of the nation's English teachers since 1947. Acknowledgement I should like to record my grateful thanks to James Inglis, former Head of the English Department, Jordanhill College of Education, Glasgow, for helpful discussions during my preparation of this study. Mr Inglis is presently engaged on a most valuable research into the history of English teaching in Scotland. Notes To Chapter 2 1. Before the comprehensivisation of the 1960s, Scottish secondary school courses were organised on a selection by examination basis, made at the age of 12 when transfer from the primary school (age 5-12) was effected. Pupils then undertook either the 'academic' 5-year course leading to the Scottish Leaving Certificate (the 'Highers') or, after the raising of the school leaving age in 1947 to 15, the three-year non-certificate course which condemned the majority (approximately two-thirds) right from the age of 12 to the certain prospect of leaving school with no nationally recognised qualifications whatsoever. In the towns these divisions were represented by separate secondary schools the academic 'senior' and the non-certificate 'junior' but in more rural areas both types of course might be offered within the one building, the bilateral or so-called 'omnibus' schools that established for the SAC the model that its authors were now wishing to extend to all areas of the country. How big a change this would have created may be seen from the fact that in the early 1950s Scotland had about 900 secondary schools of which only about 200 (and many of these the smaller country schools) offered the full 5-year Certificate course. 2. For extended accounts of the Scottish tradition in education see Scotland, 1969; Osborne, 1968; Humes & Paterson, 1983. 3. Through the Moray House Tests of Intelligence, developed by Godfrey Thomson, Professor of Education at Edinburgh University and Director of Moray House Training College for Teachers. 4. It is questionable whether the SED really ever did publicly respond to the 1947 Report at all: not till almost five years later did it produce its own statement of position with regard to Secondary schooling and that in a Memorandum (1952) of such bland conservatism as to signal an intention to keep the essential pattern of post-12 education commented upon by the SAC safely intact. Neither this document, nor the 1955 updating Secretary of State's Report, had anything but a few modestly improving suggestions to make about either the nature and conduct of English or the organisational or curricular context in which it was to be taught. The rest was silence. As for the Advisory Committee,

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it was gradually allowed to revert to a relatively minor, non-Report-making, quango role till its replacement by the sweeping Central Committee changes of the 1960s when things really did begin to happen. 5. See discussion of 'The Aim of Secondary Education' op. cit. paras 47-68. 6. All published by HMSO, Edinburgh as 'CCE Bulletins': 1) English in the Secondary School: Early Stages 2) The Teaching of Literature 3) English for Young School Leavers 4) English in the Secondary School, Later Stages 5) The Teaching of English Language In addition, a set of working papers, 'Projects in Practice', was also published. 7. In 1964, an Examination Board, which drew upon teachers as well as its own specialist staff for its functions, had been set up to administer the national system, thus ending the era of exclusive Inspectorate control over it. 8. Lately, even this proportion has come under threat since an SEB CCC working party has now (summer 1986) been set up to examine ways of simplifying the Standard Grade assessment procedures. One of the terms of reference is an invitation to consider the necessity of persisting with a large amount of school-based assessment in view of the time-consuming nature of its operation. 9. Since the time of writing summer 1986 the Scottish teachers' campaign for improved pay and conditions referred to here has been resolved. The effects of this dispute have, however, proved to be long-lasting. Beginning with a work- to-rule in 1985, teachers were to boycott all new curriculum development well into 1987, including the introduction of the Standard Grade courses. The result is that Standard Grade English has only become an actuality in a small minority of schools even now (summer 1988). Session 1987/88 has, though, seen much inservice and support work by Regional secondees and a national 'Central Support Group'. Following these preparations, almost all schools will become fully committed to the 'new' courses at last. References CHIRNSIDE, A. 1973, Robert Miller: A Chronicle of his Times. Teaching English Vol. 7, No. 1. CORRIE, M., HAYSTEAD, J. and ZAKLUKIEWICZ, S. 1982, Classroom Management Strategies. Scottish Council for Research in Education. CUNNINGHAM, D.K. 1976, Management of Curriculum Development. Unpublished thesis. Glasgow University. ELEFTHERIOU, M. 1985, School-based developments in foundation English. In S. BROWN & P. MUNN (eds), The Changing Face of Education 14-16: Curriculum and Assessment. London: Heinemann. FRANCIS, E. 1982, Learning to Discuss. Moray House College of Education. FYFE, RONALD and MITCHELL, E. 1985, Reading Strategies and their Assessment. London: NFER. HUMES, W. and PATERSON, H. (eds) 1983, Scottish Culture and Scottish Education 1800-1980. Edinburgh: John Donald.

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JACKSON, W.A. 1973-74, Occasional Papers Nos 1, 2 and 3. Hamilton College of Education. OSBORNE, G. 1968, Change in Scottish Education. London: Longman. PEACOCK, C. and ROGER, A. 1984, Success in Writing. Scottish Curriculum Development Service. SCOTLAND, J. 1969, History of Scottish Education, 2 Vols. London: University of London Press. SEB. 1987, Standard Grade Arrangements in English. Edinburgh: SEB. SED. 1977a, The Structure of the Curriculum: The Third and Fourth Years of the Scottish Secondary School. (The Munn Report) Edinburgh: HMSO. 1977b, Assessment for All: Report of the Committee to Review Assessment in the Third and Fourth Years of Secondary Education in Scotland. (The Dunning Report) Edinburgh: HMSO. 1980, The Munn and Dunning Reports: The Government's Development Programme. Edinburgh: HMSO. 1982, The Munn and Dunning Reports: Framework for Decision. Edinburgh: HMSO. 1983, 16-18s in Scotland: An Action Plan. Edinburgh: HMSO. 1978, The Education of Pupils with Learning Difficulties: A Progress Report. Edinburgh: HMSO. 1947, Report of the Advisory Council on Education in Scotland on Secondary Education. Edinburgh: HMSO.

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3 The Teaching Of English In Ireland John Killeen and Tom Mullins Major changes in the structure, content and rationale of the teaching of English at both primary and secondary levels took place in Ireland in the 1960s. Attempts were made to reconcile more fully the functional and aesthetic aspects of the teaching of English; to determine the place of the basic skills of reading and writing within an overall framework of the teaching of English; to examine the role of literature in the education of the young, particularly at the post-primary levels where the set literary text occupied a central position in the teaching of English; to provide an educational experience within the teaching of English which ensured that pupils could not only become literate, but literary; that they would not only learn to read but read to learn. In the context of Irish education, major changes were enacted at both primary and post-primary levels. This chapter will deal with the changes which were made, their intended effects and the present condition of the teaching of English. The significance of these changes can best be understood against an historical background. In general, it can be said that more than one hundred years prior to the 1960s, the role of the teaching of English in Irish education veered from one of subservience to one of domination, depending on the prevailing official approach to the place of English in the educational system at the time. The situation of English in schools in Ireland has always been culturally and politically complex. Even today when most people (not all) in the country learn English at home as their first and only language, Irish is still officially recognised by the State as the first official language and all pupils are required to take it at both primary and secondary level; knowledge of Irish is essential for gaining entry to the teaching profession and for obtaining positions in state bodies. It is of fundamental importance,

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therefore, in trying to understand the development of English teaching to remember this continuing scenario of linguistic conflicts. English At Primary Level A Backward Look In the course of the nineteenth century, the Irish language was gradually replaced by English as the spoken and written vernacular of the country. From the time of its foundation in 1831, the national school system of primary school education emphasised the importance of English as a medium of school instruction and negated the native Irish language. Children were penalised for their failure to use English in the context of the school. The thrust of education at that time was directed towards the achievement of initial literacy in English and by 1920 English had well and truly triumphed. An important change took place after 1897 when a more humanising and liberal curriculum in English was enshrined in a Revised Programme for National School (1900). For the next two decades the centrality of English was emphasised and it was recommended that a considerable portion of the school day should be devoted to the teaching of English. Schools' Inspectors of that period reported considerable improvement in English as a result of the implementation of the Revised Programme (Coolahan, 1977). With the establishment of the Irish State in 1922, the policy of 'cultural assimilation' which had prevailed in Irish schools since the early part of the nineteenth century was replaced by one of 'cultural nationalism' (Coolahan, 1981). The new policy was based on the tenet that the school should be the prime agent in the revival of the Irish language. The result was that 'for most Irish children, the language of the home (English) was made subordinate in school to the target language (Irish) (de Buitleir, 1985: 3). Subsequent policy decisions of the new government reduced the importance of the position of English. The cultivation of a national tone in the classroom and the fixing of the Irish people in the 'Gaelic mould' became of paramount importance (Ireland, 1933). A new Irish Constitution (Ireland, 1937) declared that the English Language 'is recognised as a second official language'. The status of English in the schools was maintained at a low ebb, and official policy statements were said to be a contributory factor (Coolahan, 1982: 170). The curriculum was curtailed to ensure adherence to the essential features of the official programme. The Department of Education prescribed the syllabus in the different subjects for each standard was compiled and issued annually (de Buitleir, 1985).

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In 1929, a Primary School Certificate Examination was introduced on a voluntary basis. This examination, a test of minimum competency, involved tests in Irish, English, Mathematics, History and Geography. In 1943, the examination was made compulsory for all pupils in sixth grade classes, and the examinable subjects were reduced to three, comprising written papers in Irish, English and Mathematics. Many children left school without taking the examination. Investment in Education (Ireland, 1966), a major study of the role of education in Irish life, indicated that in the year 1962/63 approximately 71% of those leaving school did so without obtaining the certificate. The report concluded that, 'The annual emergence of such numbers of young people who apparently have not reached what is commonly considered a minimum level of education can hardly be viewed with equanimity' (Ireland, 1966: 14). The examination was discontinued in 1967. In 1968 free post-primary education for all pupils was introduced, and the school leaving age was raised to 15 in 1972, two decisions which had an important influence on the teaching of English at primary level and significant implications for the teaching of English at post-primary level. In 1985 over 98% of pupils moved on from primary to post-primary education. For a period of 40 years Irish primary school children followed a narrow curriculum based on the three R's and courses in History, Geography, Needlework (for girls) and Manual Instruction (for boys) (Ireland, 1966). The teaching of Irish, English and Mathematics accounted for two thirds of the average weekly timetable. Macnamara (1966) found that more time was given to the teaching of Irish than to the teaching of English. Almost all primary schools followed the same curriculum irrespective of their size or location. The system of education was centrally controlled. Curriculum design was the function of the Department of Education. During the period 1933-1959 the Notes for Teachers which were issued annually by the Department of Education indicated that the official syllabus for the teaching of English was restrictive both in content and tone. For example, the directives for the teaching of English for 1956 which had been issued unchanged for the previous two decades contained the following recommendations for standard six of the primary school: English (a) To read with intelligence a suitable reader or story book. Conversation skills. Explanation, spelling. (b) To memorise 60 lines of poetry. (c) Such elementary portions of grammar as are necessary for the correction of errors made by the pupils in speaking and writing. Easy exercises in analysis.

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Written English (a) Dictation. (b) Narrative. Simple description of familiar scenes and incidents. Letter writing (Ireland, 1956). A Council of Education Report (Ireland, 1954) did little to advance the position regarding the teaching of English in the primary schools. The recommendation regarding the teaching of English at secondary level had more substance and will be treated later. In the 1960s the Notes for Teachers reflected a more liberal attitude to the teaching of English with greater emphasis than before on the personal, expressive and aesthetic aspects of the teaching of the subject. A New Dawn In December, 1966 the primary inspectorate of the Department of Education was instructed by the Minister of Education to conduct 'a fundamental examination of primary education'. Early in 1967 a curriculum design team in the Department of Education addressed itself to answering questions relating to the purposes, content and methodology of the primary school curriculum. A steering committee within the primary school inspectorate formulated the rationale for a new curriculum for the primary schools. In 1967/68 a working document was produced and submitted to teachers, managers, associations, colleges of education, universities and other interested bodies for comment. In 1971, the New Curriculum for Irish primary schools was inaugurated. The curriculum guidelines were contained in a bilingual handbook in two volumes (700 pages) which had been prepared by schools' inspectors during 1970/71. The handbook stated that the aims of primary education were: (a) To enable the child to live a full life as a child. (b) To equip him to avail himself of further education so that he may go on to live a full and useful life as an adult in society (Ireland, 1971). The curriculum gave a new importance to the teaching of English in the primary school. No longer could the approach be one of grudging acceptance. The curriculum contained a positive and enthusiastic acknowledgement of the importance of developing a child's mastery of his first language. The oral development of the pupils was to be the basis of their subsequent success in reading and writing. Within a few years national surveys indicated that the teachers per-

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ceived the New Curriculum had been implemented to a moderate extent in over 90% of the classes and that there had been considerable improvement in the teaching of English (Conference of Convent Primary Schools in Ireland, 1975; Irish National Teachers' Organisations, 1976, Fontes & Kellaghan, 1977). Irish and English were among the subjects Which had been most affected by the curriculum. The Practice Of English Class readers have been a traditional feature of the teaching of English in Irish primary schools. For many years such readers have been approved by the Department of Education. After the publication of the 1971 curriculum a new series of basal readers was published. In the course of the 1970s there was concern that some of these readers were unsatisfactory with regard to reading difficulty levels and continuity from reader to reader. It was thought desirable to produce a new series of readers which would more adequately meet the varied needs of primary school pupils. An examination of the most widely used basal readers in sixth grades over the past 40 years indicates that such books have altered significantly. The more recent texts contain a higher proportion of illustration. There is also a greater use of story and fantasy material. There are fewer informational excerpts, and less emphasis on moralistic and religious themes. More use is made of contemporary and humorous poems. More attention than heretofore is given to sex stereotyping (Greaney, 1986). The fact that these reading schemes have been accompanied by workbooks which frequently call for routine, banal and mechanical exercises in English is no cause for rejoicing. Many teachers regard such workbooks as essential in providing the language activities which pupils require to further their capacity to use the English language correctly. Unfortunately, their use tends to deflect English teaching from one of its main functions of encouraging pupils to write continuous English in contexts which are meaningful and appropriate. One aspect of the teaching of English which appears to have improved over the past two decades is reading comprehension. In a study of the effects of bilingualism, Macnamara (1966) reported that fifth grade children whose mother tongue was English were inferior to British children by 17 months approximately of English age. Subsequent to this finding, a series of investigations into the reading comprehension of Irish children was conducted in the Dublin region. These studies, which began in 1964 and have been replicated at four or five yearly intervals since, have indicated

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significant improvement in reading comprehension and the narrowing of the gap between Irish and British children (Kelly & McGee, 1967; Travers, 1976; Ward, 1982). Recent national tests conducted by Schools Inspectors indicated that this progress has been maintained (Ireland, 1982). Apart from objective evidence of improvement in reading comprehension, both teachers and school principals indicate that there has been an improvement in the teaching of English (Irish National Teachers Organisation, 1976; Fontes & Kellaghan, 1977b). According to Schools Inspectors, improvement in English reading has been more marked than in any other aspect of the school curriculum (Ireland, 1982). However, despite the evidence for improvement in reading comprehension and perceived improvement in other aspects of the teaching of English, there is little room for complacency. There are indications that a sizeable number of primary school pupils are 'poor' readers; approximately one-fifth of the pupils in fifth grades in a number of Dublin schools fell into this category (Killeen, 1984). There is also evidence that about 15% of the pupils completing the primary school programmes are either unable to cope with the everyday demands of reading, or with the requirements of reading at the post-primary level (Fontes & Kellaghan, 1977a). There is also a considered opinion that while primary schools have been reasonably successful in the realm of comprehension, equal success has not been achieved in teaching and encouraging pupils to read to learn (Ireland, 1982). One indication of the willingness of pupils to read to learn is the amount of leisure time reading which they do. Studies of this aspect of pupil behaviour indicate that many Irish primary school children do little leisure time reading, either for information or pleasure (Greaney, 1980). The average amount given to leisure time reading was about 5% of the available time. Other studies of the leisure time reading of Irish primary school pupils indicate that girls read more than boys, that pupils from better off homes read most, and that boys read more non-fiction than girls. There is also evidence that most of the reading which is done by primary school pupils falls into the category of non-quality reading. The boom in the production of quality books for children in recent decades has had little effect on many Irish school children (Killeen, 1984). In this context, however, it has to be remembered that the influences which govern children's reading interests and reading habits are varied and complex, and that the school is only one of these influences. But the question has to be asked and answered: are the schools doing enough to encourage pupils to read independently with interest and enjoyment, and in what ways can teachers in their classroom

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create an atmosphere supportive and promotive of the reading interests of pupils? The new curriculum emphasised the importance of both functional and imaginative writing. Since 1971 Irish primary schools have put considerable emphasis on aspects of pupil writing such as personal and creative writing. However, there is evidence that in too many classrooms there is an excessive emphasis on drill-like exercises to promote writing skills. An undue emphasis on decontextualised exercises in writing has deflected attention from the use of English in contexts where continuity in the use of the language is the primary goal. When asked about their priorities in the teaching of English, the majority of teachers rated oral work as of less importance than either reading or writing. Many teachers did not appear to appreciate the interrelationships among all aspects of the teaching of English (Ireland, 1982). The approach of many teachers to the correction of errors in writing needs to be reviewed. Too many teachers still regarded the marking of errors in pupil writing as a key feature of advancing writing abilities. There is a clear need to embark on major research work into aspects of children's writing which would involve both longitudinal and case studies and which would be informed by advances elsewhere in analysing, categorising and understanding the role of writing in the education of the young. The Curriculum advocated a variety of approaches to the teaching of poetry. A recent survey of the teaching of poetry in schools indicated that the majority of teachers in senior standards did not utilise sufficiently varied approaches (Killeen, 1984). Most teachers were content to present poetry to the classes by reading a poem aloud. Little use was made of drama in presentation and few teachers invited children to compile anthologies of their favourite poems. There was still considerable emphasis on memorisation, and the average number of poems taught over the period of a month was about three. Most teachers appeared to draw on the poems in the basal readers for the material of their lessons (Killeen, 1984). Although the most recent series of classroom readers contains a number of contemporary poems, publishers claim that they have been under pressure to include more traditional poems in the readers. Looking To The Future Within the past decade important changes have been made in the structure and control of Irish education. The formation of a Curriculum Unit in 1977 within the Department of Education indicated an official conscious-

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ness about the importance of English in the education system. Since 1978, the Department through the Schools' Inspectors has embarked upon a series of national surveys to monitor the implementation of the New Curriculum and to check progress in aspects of the work of schools. Such surveys have already produced valuable information on a national level about aspects of the teaching of English (Ireland, 1982). In 1984, the Minister for Education convened the first meeting of the newly created interim Curriculum and Examinations Board. Within months a consultative document, entitled Issues and Structures in Education (Curriculum and Examinations Board, 1984), was produced which outlined the factors which would have to be considered in restructuring Irish education. Three discussion documents followed in 1985. One of these outlined the aims of primary school education. It was considered important that at the end of primary school, pupils should be able to: (a) read fluently and accurately, with understanding, feeling and discrimination; (b) develop the habit of reading for leisure; (c) develop a legible style of handwriting and satisfactory standards of spelling, syntax, punctuation and usage; (d) communicate clearly in speech and writing in ways appropriate for various occasions and purposes; (e) communicate orally and in writing through the Irish language at a level appropriate to their general ability and linguistic background; (f) communicate in a modern European language at a level appropriate to their general ability; (g) listen attentively and with understanding; (h) acquire information from various sources and recall information and findings in various ways and (i) develop an interest in and value for the arts. The document, Language in the Curriculum (Curriculum and Examinations Board, 1985b), acknowledged the centrality of the mother-tongue in the education of the young. Particular importance was placed on oral development within the school. Schools were urged to implement language policies which would put more emphasis on language use and less on language practice. Particular emphasis was placed on the importance of extensive use of the first language in schools where pupils are considered to be disadvantaged or socially deprived. Policy regarding the use of a second language related to its use for specific periods each day and its extension to other aspects of the curriculum as far as the abilities and the backgrounds of the pupils allowed. In the document, language was presented as a communication skill, and the traditional role of literature in the curriculum, particularly at post-primary level, was questioned. Overall, the past two decades have brought improvements in the teaching of English, and greater enthusiasm for the life enhancing aspects of the teaching of the subject. Reading comprehension levels have improved. There has been a growing emphasis on the importance of imaginative

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writing in the lives of the pupils. Teachers have more access than before to a varied selection of attractively produced basal readers. Never has there been such a supply of potentially interesting reading material for pupils, albeit more available in public libraries and book shops than in schools. Both radio and television have encouraged imaginative and informational reading. Colleges of Education have put greater emphasis on the role of children's literature in the classroom. The inauguration of the Reading Association of Ireland and the impending foundation of the Children's Literature Association of Ireland are welcome indications of vitality within the sphere of the teaching of English. The most important change which has taken place in the teaching of English at primary level is an official acknowledgement that the home language is the primary instrument in the intellectual and aesthetic development of primary school children. English is now seen as not only a world language with a cultural deposit significantly enriched by an Irish dimension, but also as a potentially integrating force for the North and South of Ireland. English In Secondary Schools 1924-1988 Introduction The history of English teaching in Second Level schools in Ireland falls into two distinct periods divided by the decade of the 1960s. After 40 relatively stable years Ireland changed radically from being rural and inward-looking to a more urbanised society intent on building a new industrial economy and avidly looking outwards to the modern world for ideas. This dramatic re-orientation caused much questioning of the purposes and objectives of second level education: many of the questions posed at that time have still not been answered adequately. Up to the 1960s Irish Second Level Education was a dual system: the majority of pupils attended private, nominally fee-paying schools and colleges (government subsidised through capitation grants) largely run by Roman Catholic religious orders of priests, brothers and nuns. In these secondary schools pupils were prepared for two examinations: The Intermediate Certificate taken after three or four years and The Leaving Certificate taken after two more years which terminated the pupil's education. This structure essentially remained unchanged for 60 years. These secondary schools were socially and educationally very acceptable but it was not quite so acceptable to enter the other strand of the system entitled the Vocational Schools. These were state-run schools established

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in the 1930s and largely staffed by lay-teachers catering for the non-academic pupil. These schools prepared pupils for a final examination held after three years called The Group Certificate. Pupils in the vocational scheme could not take the secondary school examinations. This socially divisive system was eventually changed in the 1960s when a comprehensive education scheme was introduced and later again a series of community schools were built with a broad curriculum to cater for academic and non-academic pupils. Likewise the vocational schools were academically upgraded in that they could now prepare their pupils for all examinations at Second Level. Frozen Worlds 1924-66 When the new Irish nation emerged in the 1920s it inherited from the previous English colonial administration an educational structure at second level which it largely retained. The inherited curriculum in English, however, was narrowly prescriptive and in the Intermediate Education (Amendment) Act of 1924 the newly founded Department of Education in the Irish government changed the English curriculum decisively. While the underlying rationale for the curriculum remained steadfastly Arnoldian, the prescribed texts were replaced by an 'open' course. English teachers were encouraged to use the new freedom to stimulate wide reading by their pupils. English teachers then were given the scope to be truly professional; they could within certain broad limits (admittedly academic) devise their own curriculum for pupils from year to year. From a centrally administered educational system it was a most enlightened flexible approach but unfortunately, as it soon became apparent, rather ill-advised. The Department had been unduly optimistic about the professional expertise of teachers and the sophistication of the pupils' reading skills. Within a few years it was necessary to publish aids for the teachers who were unable to cope with the freedom of choice offered and felt lost in this 'brave new world'. Teachers who worked in the previous prescribed programme, where the payment by examination results system operated, could not adjust when the examination pressure was reduced in the new open system. By the early 1930s a crisis point was reached, teachers directed their teaching towards imagined examination questions and the examiners themselves had difficulties devising questions to cater for the wide ability range of the pupils taking the one course. Consequently, in attempting to facilitate all, the questions tended to become easier to cater for the less endowed and so offered no challenge to the above-average pupils.

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Eventually in 1934 in both Intermediate and Leaving Certificate Courses a new English course was introduced entitled English Language. This course was largely concerned with the acquisition of written skills and was seen as an entirely separate subject from English Literature. Although it was imaginatively impoverished in content it allowed some space for the non-academic pupil in the English curriculum. At this time in Ireland there was a prevailing hostile attitude to all things English, as already noted. While English was the vernacular of the majority of the population the state established Irish as the first official language and made it the responsibility of the Department of Education to foster the revival through the school system. Something of the intense quality of the opposition to English can be gathered from the proclamations of Professor T. J. Corcoran of University College, Dublin, who stated trenchantly: 'A command of English and of English expression is essential for Ireland and Irish Education: but the need for it should not be a ground for tolerating either English thought, or the expression of Irish thought in English in any enduring way' (Corcoran, 1922:270). Professor Corcoran was an immense influence in Irish educational thinking for many years and as a result many in positions of power in education were intent on undermining English as a subject in the schools in subtle and not so subtle ways. So in the programme for schools, 1925-26, the final note makes it clear that English is to be treated like any 'other foreign language'; the recommended reading of European authors in translation, while apparently culturally enlightened, was also a way of avoiding if possible too much immersion of the pupil in 'English thought'. Finally, there was no honours grade available in the Certificate examinations in English it was a pass subject, although honours could be obtained in Greek, Latin, French, Italian, Irish and Spanish. The state of English in the secondary schools during this early period was most unsettled. By the 1940s when it was clear that the revival of the Irish language was foundering, it became explicit Government policy that English was to be deliberately down-graded in the schools. The then Minister for Education, Mr Eamonn De Valera, stated, 'we shall have to be satisfied with a less high standard in English. There is no other way for it' (Dail Eireann 1094, 27 May, 1941). The failure of the Irish revival was partially attributed to widespread reading of English literature in the secondary schools; other nationalistic groups felt equally strongly about the situation: 'The intensive study of, and critical expository command over a vast

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range of English literature, simply dripping with specifically English spirit, is a theory simply not to be endured any longer' (Ua Meacair, 1935: 123). As a result of these diverse pressures prescribed courses were reintroduced in 1941-42: the new programmes in English lacked coherence and were irremediably dull. The English Language course at Intermediate Level had just one novel and ten poems prescribed as reading material. If a pupil left school having completed the Intermediate cycle this would be his total experience of English Literature. If a pupil chose to continue his education at Leaving Certificate level he was quite unprepared to encounter the range of literature prescribed which consists of about 30 poems and a selection of essays from Goldsmith's Letters to a Citizen of the World. In the Intermediate English Literature programme and in both Leaving Certificate programmes no fiction was prescribed and the drama was represented by one Shakespearean text. Prose essays at both levels were generally uninteresting to adolescents and the selection of verse was included on nationalistic grounds, to which one would not object unduly except that quite a few of the poems were frankly of poor literary quality. The sense of the make-shift which characterises these programmes was given exemplary expression in the Syllabus for 1946-47, which refrained from even naming either the poems or authors at Leaving Certificate and simply proclaimed 'the even number series' (the 'numbers' were the numbers of the poems in the contents of the official Anthology of school). Very few in the educational context felt independent enough to protest against this blatant manipulation of the English curriculum. English teachers had no professional body at the time to represent their interests and bowed to the inevitable. There was one lone voice who protested forcefully against the deliberate negation of English and English Literature: Rev. Peter Birch, who objected to the deterioration in standards which the new courses would inevitably bring and saw the programme as a clear outcome of 'intolerant political and national prejudices' (Birch, 1944:391). He attacked the view that if Irish was to be revived English would have to suffer. 'From the purely educational point of view, the policy that would ignore the cultural possibilities of a modern language which has become naturalised and easy to assimilate, is not based on reason' (Birch, 1944:393). But the Rev. Peter Birch was a voice crying in the wilderness: these programmes continued in Irish second level schools until 1966. The state of English then during these 25 years could be described as quite moribund. An English teacher who first entered this programme as a pupil and then

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subsequently returned to teach it described both experiences as 'excruciating'! (Connolly, 1986). In the 1950s Ireland was a rather self-righteous, self-satisfied nation. The cultural mould had been forged on the anvil of revolutionary history and hardened in the isolationist policies adopted in the first 40 years of the Irish state. The schools according to the nation were effective in initiating the pupils into the national inheritance; there was no need for change or development. It was a long hard winter. Signs Of Spring In 1950 the Department of Education established a body called The Council of Education to review the state of Irish education. The Council was composed mostly of educationalists from various interest groups within the system. It took 10 years to complete the project. The delay was essentially caused by ideological incompatibility between various members and not by any lack of commitment. After such a long period of gestation one might have expected some innovatory suggestions but the report resolutely opted for the status quo. It stated that the principal objective of education was the moral, religious and cultural development of the child: social and economic perspectives were not considered by the Council. The stance was characteristically theoretical and dogmatic: 'In its deductivist approach to analysing problems, its deference to the status quo, and its isolation of educational issues from their wider social context, it is an almost perfect reflection of much contemporary thinking' (Sheehan, 1979: 62). Nevertheless, despite its conservative stance, it did make a number of recommendations about the teaching of English which gave some hope for the future. The report was unequivocally positive about English, accepting its undeniable place as the vernacular of the country. Because of this it made strong recommendations that more attention should be paid to the hitherto neglected area of oral skills, and advocated 'such activities (e.g. debates, class discussions, dramatic performances) as will encourage young people to express themselves aloud with ease, and the use of teaching aids such as the gramophone, tape-recorder and sound film-projector' (Ireland, 1960: 160).

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In relation to written English, traditional grammar instruction was still strongly recommended, albeit with more attention paid to usage rather than arid analysis in the Leaving Certificate cycle. The literary areas were generally found acceptable although broadening of the range of material was advocated. Thus the report noted that in the Intermediate Certificate English Language course there was a 'prevalence of poems of a melancholy type. The inclusion of some humorous or light verse of various periods from Chaucer to modern times would be a great improvement' (Ireland, 1960: 162). Other minor changes were advocated in the selection of prose and verse at Leaving Certificate level and they advocated that the practice of memorising verse should be curtailed. It is obvious that the Council of Education was intent on pleasing everyone and although some new moves were suggested nothing was discarded. The influence of this report was minimal; by the time it was published events in the country had progressed at such a rate that its timid suggestions were overcome by the torrents of change in Irish society. A new society was emerging in Ireland resulting from the unprecedented economic development; education long taken for granted by successive governments now came under intense scrutiny. Under the auspices of the Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development (O.E.C.D.) a six-member committee of high-level civil servants and economists was formed to examine the educational system and to report on its economic infrastructure and general efficiency in serving the needs of the 'new Ireland'. The report entitled Investment in Education (Ireland, 1966) was not flattering to the system: it found much duplication of resources, inefficient procedures, intolerable environments and alienation of pupils, particularly of the lower socio-economic groups from the school system (Ireland, 1965). Subsequent to these findings certain significant changes were initiated within Irish education. Comprehensive schools were established in certain disadvantaged areas, the vocational system was upgraded and a free education scheme for all pupils was introduced. Numbers of pupils attending second level increased by 18,000 in the year 1967 and this upward trend continued for many years subsequently. The second level system burgeoned not alone with new pupils but with problems and dilemmas of all kinds. A much broader social spectrum now was found in the classroom; many of these pupils were anxious to improve their social and economic position and saw in education the means to that end. These pupils were looking for an up-to-date forward-looking curriculum catering for diversity in abilities and needs - they were essentially

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demanding 'relevance'. The curriculum in its philosophic outlook was not based on 'relevance'; about this issue for many years a conflict waged particularly in the context of English teaching; as yet the issues have not been resolved. The Department of Education in response to the Report established Syllabus committees in various subjects. The English Committee was composed of various interest groups, teachers, inspectors, academics, trades unionists. The committee worked for a number of years to revise the whole curriculum in English and in 1966 the first innovations were introduced in the Intermediate Certificate cycle. New anthologies were published in verse, prose and short-stories, the latter a particularly successful and welcome move. These anthologies ranged quite widely over the field of English and Anglo-Irish Literature and dispensed with most of the chauvinistic material which had bedevilled the previous programme. Likewise, at Leaving Certificate level a new anthology of verse was introduced and some fiction and drama. Relatively modern authors appeared in all these anthologies but the orientation of the curriculum was still largely literary, historical and academic. Nevertheless, teachers responded enthusiastically to these new programmes and the teacher quoted earlier described the new courses as 'exhilarating'! (Connolly, 1986). Clearly in the midst of all this educational ferment English teachers were being challenged in new ways. In 1964 with the formation of The Association of Teachers of English (A.T.E.), teachers at last found a community to give a forum for discussion of their needs and ideas and equally important to give them a professional voice in the context of changes envisaged at the time or in the future. The Association immediately directed its attention to influencing the formation of the new syllabuses and also made important contributions to such controversial issues as examinations, teacher-training and the role of the Inspectorate. In 1966 the A.T.E. initiated an annual English Summer School which still continues. The A.T.E. has consistently advocated that any English programme must have as its objective the fostering of a dialectic between literary experience and pupil experience: from this encounter opportunities will issue for an endless variety of linguistic activities ranging from the functional to the poetic, through which the pupil will become truly personally literate and learn to cherish the creative power of language. In May, 1968 the Association had reason to make its voice aggressively heard when the then Minister for Education, Mr Brian Linehan, suddenly announced that the Department planned to introduce a common examination paper at Leaving Certificate level devoted solely to linguistic skills. In a statement Mr Linehan proclaimed:

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'The emphasis will be on the speaking and writing of languages . . . the children will not have to learn large slabs of Shakespeare, Shelley and Keats. The simple essay will be the aim. The policy will be tilted at how to speak and write original and simple thoughts without reference to slabs of poetry and prose' (The Irish Times, 1968, 21st June: 1). The Minister thought that the children would be much more usefully employed reading the daily newspaper rather than reading Shakespeare. This announcement was greeted with anger and dismay by the A.T.E. and by the English Syllabus Committee which had been working for years to devise the new Syllabus. Professor Denis Donoghue, University representative on the Syllabus Committee asserted: 'that in fact the new syllabuses and examinations will be worse than the old. By ''worse" I mean: enforcing lower standards, a general depression of achievement, a specific programme which caters for the lazy and the dull at the expense of the intelligent student . . . This arrangement was denounced by every member of the Syllabus Committee: we considered it a retrograde decision, calculated to reduce the amount of literature taught in schools and to depress the standard of teaching in English' (Donoghue, 1968:60). The universities announced that the Leaving Certificate Common English paper would not be acceptable for Matriculation. The weight of the opposition eventually forced the Department to modify its position and this reductionist plan for English was modified and the Common paper was not introduced. The contribution of the A.T.E. to the shaping of the present condition of English in Irish secondary schools has been considerable. It rescued English teachers in the first instance from the imprisonment of extensive grammatical exercises and memorisation which had plagued the curriculum for many years: it resisted any attempt to introduce an over-functionalised approach to the teaching of language and it confidently asserted its trinity of humanistic ideals, the power of literature, the importance of the individual person and the creativity of the word, in the teeth of much cynical opposition. English teachers owe a large debt to the A.T.E. for preserving a coherent positive view of the profession when it was under threat in this country. Professor D. J. Murphy outlines, in a review of research on English teaching, the nature of the present challenge to teachers in Irish schools and therefore to the A.T.E.: 'The argument for placing imaginative studies at the centre of the

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English curriculum has a long and respected ancestry and I would suggest it has not been invalidated by recent debate. The cultivation of imagination should continue therefore to be the primary aim of English teaching. The aesthetic model of English, however, is excessively restricted, and, if implemented, would involve a serious neglect of certain forms of linguistic competence. It is essential that a comprehensive programme of linguistic development be built into the English curriculum, so that the pupils can experience the diversity of language within the unified framework of a discipline specifically intended to further linguistic competence. The alternative concept of "language across the curriculum" is simply impractical in our present circumstances. It is particularly important that this programme ensure a balanced development of imaginative and functionalistic uses of English. The latter issue has particular urgency for us in view of our high rates of functional illiteracy. We need, also, to formulate carefully thought-out policies on the teaching of the basics and the development of oracy' (Murphy, 1985: 62). Promises Of Summer In A.T.E. 11 (1985) the editorial makes the point that it is now twenty years since any curriculum changes were introduced on a broad scale and that it is imperative that a review and overhaul of the English programme should be initiated. Although this rejuvenation is certainly needed it may be quite some time before it actually happens. The excitement of the 1960s has settled down and the in-built malady of the teaching profession, inertia, becomes more obvious from year to year. The presiding presence in Second Level education dictating the activities of many teachers at Senior Level is the understandable ambition of the pupils to acquire the necessary 'points' for university entrance. These 'points' are dependent on the grades a pupil achieves in the Leaving Certificate; this ruthless meritocratic system has ensured that most classrooms are dominated by 'Text and Test'. Only teachers with a very strong conviction and belief in their role as English teachers have managed to avoid succumbing to the demands imposed for results. It is not to be wondered at that in such a difficult context professional inertia flourishes and more lofty ideals and objectives gradually fade. This is a bleak picture but there are some glimmerings in the darkness. The report Investment in Education recommended that educational programmes needed constant revision to adapt to the changing demands of the

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individual and society. While the Department of Education has been slow in taking up this suggestion other educationalists have acted upon it, urged on by the obvious alienation of pupils from the curriculum. During the 1970s funded in various ways (frequently from E.E.C. resources) a series of pilot projects were initiated in different regions. These projects restructured the curriculum in a manner which broke down traditional boundaries between subject disciplines and redirected the curriculum towards the achievement of objectives such as life-skills, work-skills and social awareness. These projects had various titles, Social and Environmental Studies Programme (S.E.S.P.), Early School Leavers Project (E.S.L.P.), Shannon Project of Intervention for Relevant Adolescent Learning (S.P.I.R.A.L.). While none of these particular programmes were directly concerned with English, they did provide the opportunity for new, meaningful explorations of and with language on which English teachers could capitalise in their own way. There was one scheme which did more directly impinge on the English teacher. This scheme, The North Mayo Project, funded by a philanthropic organisation, The Irish Foundation for Human Development, was unique in its orientation and approach. It sought to introduce the pupils to a range of new experiences which would develop their personal resources of imagination, creativity and self-awareness. Many progressive and modernist approaches were used, such as imagery, fantasising, meditation and interpretative dance and mime. Unfortunately, the project while well intentioned and most positive in outlook was ill-fated from the start due to a complexity of social and administrative factors. The most decisive government move in the Irish Educational System for decades occurred in 1984 when a new interim body called The Curriculum and Examinations Board (C. E. B.) was established to review the whole system. It is planned that the Board will ultimately become a statutory body distinct from the Department of Education and responsible for the educational system. The Board over the last two years has been publishing a series of documents on aspects of education and has had much to say about English in the curriculum particularly in two documents, The Arts in the Curriculum (C.E.B., 1985a) and Language in the Curriculum (C.E.B., 1985b). The Arts in the Curriculum included literature as one of the arts in its introductory preamble: however, when it came to consider each individual art, while it adequately discussed the role of drama, dance, music and the

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visual arts, no detailed consideration of a rationale and programme for literature was presented. This was a most surprising and unfortunate omission, a splendid opportunity was lost to give literature a richer creative context or locus on the curriculum. Such a locus would have offered exciting professional opportunities for teachers in the way of reading, interpreting and presenting literary texts. The other document, Language in the Curriculum, has much to say on the teaching of English. The document illustrates quite clearly the degree of change which has occurred in official attitudes to English. Without reservation the document states 'through speaking English as a mother tongue, or as an exceptionally fluent second language, we can have access to another and particularly influential culture' (C.E.B., 1985b: 6). And again in the light of former attitudes the following statement is welcome,'as a small country we need to avoid the risk of cultural isolation'. On the actual teaching of English the document is quite forthright on its conception of past practice. 'Traditionally, the mother-tongue has tended to rely heavily on literature to provide the substance of its syllabuses in Irish schools. The leaving Certificate English syllabus in Rialacha agus Clar remarks: '. . . a writer's style and technique may invite, either orally or in writing, exercises in analysis, discussion, comparison and imitation. Likewise the content of a piece of writing may offer opportunities for oral and written exercises in comprehension, discussion and summary. The overall aim to be kept in view should be a fuller experience of the work studied. The final sentence leaves little room for doubt. It is the literary work which is seen as important the students' efforts in language as subsidiary. The aim of the teacher of the mother-tongue is made quite clearthe cultivation of "sound criteria of literary judgment and good taste"' (Rialacha agus Clar, 1983/84, p. 153). 'Such an approach, however admirable in itself, hardly seems sufficient to prepare the pupil to manage with the many-sided linguistic and cultural aspects of living. This approach starts from a bookish view of society and aims to preserve rather than to discover. It leads away from the important linguistic demands of contemporary life, or else towards them by an unnecessarily tortuous and circuitous route. It is inadequate, if not altogether out of date' (C.E.B., 1985b: 15). It calls for a much less academic stance and suggests: 'The context in which the mother-tongue should be studied and taught

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in school is the context in which it is used in life; not just for literary/ artistic purposes, but generally, as, for example, in the home or outside the home, in contact with the media, in private reading and reflection, in the pursuit of information, in the creation of entertainment, in the discovery of self, and in the variety of ways through which ideas, feelings and values are communicated and received, orally or aurally or in writing' (C.E.B., 1985b: 16). The document advocates that in general the teaching of English should be largely accomplished through the communicative approach, which it characterises as language always being purposefully used rather than 'practice at language'. Such an approach is best cultivated as it continues, by adapting a task-approach in the classroom and where the live process of language is continually encountered by the pupil in meaningful personal and social situations. The teacher in this changed linguistic context must not be a remote pedagogue but rather'a resource for pupils, a manager, a facilitator of learning' (p. 19). In the area of assessment it suggests that 'assessment should help learners by diagnosing weaknesses' and marks should be weighted to favour communicative ability. The document finally states that 'a communicative approach is more a matter of re-analysis than revolution' but it recognises that the reorientation of it if it is to be successful will necessitate large-scale involvement by English teachers at all levels of design and implementation. 'They should also have the opportunity to take part in curriculum projects concerned with the elaboration and piloting of appropriate syllabuses, materials, methodology and tests at primary and post-primary levels' (p. 21). The approach advocated here appears to be an honest, forthright attempt to adapt the English programme to contemporary life and to give it flexibility to suit the challenges faced by different teachers in different classrooms. Nevertheless, many teachers would have reservations about the marginalising of literature in the document. While it is not totally dismissed it is generally presented as not being of great importance. With a foresight bred from past encounters with state agencies, the A.T.E. anticipated this negation of the role of literature by the C.E.B. In the Newsletter (A.T.E., 1984) largely based on submissions from English teachers, the association expressed reservations about the initial utilitarian directives which had been given to the Board and voiced the opinion that the implications for English could be ominous. The Newsletter declared: 'In the first place it may be tempting to lessen its (English's) significance in the curriculum. Stronger still, however, will be the urge to direct the

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attention of a vast majority of pupils towards the achievement of basic communication skills, especially in the area of functional writing: the urge to move towards courses and examinations that develop proficiency in this area alone, to the exclusion of literature' (A.T.E., 1984: 2). The Newsletter editors showed a keen awareness of the manifold problems besetting English teachers in the country: it constituted the 'authoritative statement' which had been called for in A.T.E. 10. The shortcomings and imbalances of the present syllabus and the 'stultifying' examination pressures were well highlighted in a detailed and wide-ranging analysis. Many specific suggestions were made: more flexibility in literature courses and more enlightened examination procedures were strongly advocated. In the area of linguistic skills the Newsletter stressed the need for more emphasis on oral and aural skills and for the rejuvenation and enrichment of the present narrow approach to the teaching of writing. Characteristically the imaginative and aesthetic centre of English teaching was repeatedly underpinned in statements such as the following: To deprive pupils however limited their ability of access to the richness of imagination and to the most powerful source of transmitted humane experience is to rob them of a potential for growth both emotional and intellectual as well as reduce not enhance the quality of life and capabilities of leisure (A.T.E., 1984: 3). Thus while both the A.T.E. and the C.E.B. feel strongly that the English curriculum needs radical revision to meet the present day needs of pupils there is a fundamental philosophical difference evident between their proposed alternatives. However, a recently completed pilot project for the Intermediate Certificate (Lower Course) demonstrated that a creative compromise was possible. This project, largely urged on by the English Inspectors within the Department of Education, intimately involved English teachers on an action-research basis in curriculum planning and design. The material was chosen from a wide range of sources and the curriculum ranged freely over creative drama, the mass media, contemporary literature and literature for adolescents. The project was pursued in a number of schools throughout the country and culminated in assessment procedures which included continuous assessment as well as a conventional examination. The latter, however, strongly emphasised personal response rather than an academic or critical response and allowed plenty of creative space for the pupils in their answers and interpretations. While the final report in this project is not yet

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available, the writers were assured by some of those teachers who participated in the project that it was a most revitalising experience for all concerned. It would appear, then, that the multifarious strands that constitute successful English teaching are slowly being woven together in Ireland in a new pattern. By 1988 it is hoped to introduce a new anthology of contemporary verse at Leaving Certificate Level to provide an alternative to the present historically structured course. Already at this level the range of drama has been significantly enlarged by the works of modern playwrights such as O'Casey, Miller and Friel. After a slow gestation period the Second Level English Curriculum in Irish schools appears to be growing in flexibility and becoming more teacher-pupil orientated. If the promise now being revealed (and there is still much to be done) is ultimately fulfilled then English teachers will have the liberty and responsibility of presenting their subject in as challenging and creative manner. Addendum In September, 1989 a new Junior English Syllabus was initiated in all second-level schools in Ireland replacing the Intermediate Certificate Syllabus. The new syllabus was planned by a Syllabus Committee of the National Council for Curriculum and Assessment (formerly the Curriculum and Examinations Board). The new Syllabus is a radical reorientation of the direction of English teaching in the country. Prescription of specific texts has been omitted and teachers are free to plan programmes in their broad guidelines to suit their own pupils. The syllabus emphasises that each pupil should develop competence and awareness in the areas of personal, social and cultural literacy and that language development and literary encounters should be creatively integrated with the pupils' own experience. The traditional barrier that was perceived to exist between the culture of the English class and the culture of the child has been removed by the recommendation that much young-adult literature and the mass-media in all its forms should play a significant role in English teaching. With this syllabus English teaching in Ireland has opened an intriguing episode in its story. English teachers have been empowered significantly and given a great opportunity for professional growth. It remains to be seen whether the State agencies provide the essential supports and resources,

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specifically in the form of extensive and repeat in-service seminars, so that the vision enforcing the syllabus can be comprehensively achieved. English teachers and their pupils are going through interesting times in Ireland and the future should be one of educational debate full of potential for all concerned. References ABBS, P. 1981, English and the Arts. London: Heinemann. A.T.E. 1970, Editorial. Journal of the Association of English Teachers 1: Dublin, p. 3. 1983, Editorial. Journal of the Association of English Teachers 10: Dublin, pp. 5-6. 1984, Newsletter. Dublin. 1985, Editorial. Journal of the Association of English Teachers 11: Dublin. BIRCH, P. 1944, Secondary School English, The Irish Ecclesiastical Record, 63: pp. 391-95. CONFERENCE OF CONVENT PRIMARY SCHOOLS IN IRELAND 1975, Evaluation of the new curriculum for primary schools. Dublin: Conference of Convent Primary Schools in Ireland. CONNOLLY, I. 1986, Senior English Teacher, St Angela's College, Cork, Ireland, in conversation with writer, September 1986. COOLAHAN, J. 1977, Three eras of reading in Irish National Schools. In V. GREANEY (ed.), Studies in Reading. Dublin: Educational Company of Ireland, pp. 12-26. 1981, Irish Education: History and Structure. Dublin: Institute of Public Administration. COOLAHAN, Jr. 1982, Developments in English Reading in Irish National Schools, 1937-1977. In D. SWAN (ed.), Perspectives in Reading. Dublin: The Glendale Press. CORCORAN, J. 1922, How English may be taught without Anglicising, The Iris Monthly 51, Dublin: pp. 296-73. CURRICULUM AND EXAMINATIONS BOARD (C.E.B.) 1984, Issues and Structures in Education: A Consultative Document. Dublin. 1985a, The Arts in the Curriculum. Dublin. 1985b, Language in the Curriculum: A Curriculum and Examinations Board Discussion Paper. Dublin. DE BUITLEIR, S. 1985, Towards a General Theory of Curriculum and Evaluation. Dublin: Department of Education. DE VALERA, E. 1941, (May 27th) Proceedings of Dail Eireann, Cols. 1094-95. Dublin. DIXON, J. 1966, Growth Through English. Reading: National Association for the Teaching of English. DONOGHUE, D. 1968, University Professor, Studies LXIV. Dublin: pp. 60-65. FONTES, P. J. and KELLAGHAN, T. 1977a, Incidence and correlates of illiteracy in Irish primary schools. Irish Journal of Education. 11. 1977b, The New Primary School Curriculum: Its Implementation and Effects. Dublin: The Educational Research Centre, St Patrick's College.

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GREANEY, V. 1980, Factors related to amount and type of leisure-time reading. Reading Research Quarterly, 15. 1986, Reading: How are we doing. Proceedings of the Fourth European Conference on Reading. IRELAND 1933, Department of Education. Notes for Teachers, English. Dublin: The Stationery Office. 1937, The Constitution of Ireland. Dublin: The Stationery Office. 1954, Department of Education. Report of the Council of Education. Dublin: The Stationery Office. 1956, Department of Education. Notes for Teachers, English. Dublin: The Stationery Office. 1960, Report of the Council of Education. Dublin: The Stationery Office. 1966, Department of Education. Investment in Education. Report of the survey team appointed by the Minister of Education in October, 1962. Dublin: The Stationery Office. 1971, Department of Education. Primary School Curriculum. Teacher's Handbook (2 vols.). Dublin: The Stationery Office. 1982, Department of Education. English in the Primary School: Survey Report. Dublin: The Stationery Office. IRISH NATIONAL TEACHERS' ORGANISATION 1976, Primary School Curriculum: Curriculum Questionnaire analyses. Dublin. KELLY, S.G. and MCGEE, P. 1967, Survey of reading comprehension. New Research in Education, 1. KILLEEN, J. 1984, Contrasting approaches to the teaching of English in some Irish primary schools: and Pupil outcomes in leisure time reading and in writing. Unpublished doctoral dissertations, University College, Dublin. MACNAMARA, J. 1966, Bilingualism and Primary Education. Edinburgh: Edinburgh University Press. MURPHY, D. J. 1985, English: Current aims and needs. A.T.E. 11. Dublin: pp. 50-63. NELSON, L. 1973, Chairman's Address Summer School 1972. A.T.E. 4. Dublin: pp. 81-89. SHEEHAN, J. 1979, Education and Society: Ireland 1945-70. J. Lee Gill (ed.) (pp. 61-72) Dublin: Macmillan. The Irish Times (1968, July 4). Dublin. TRAVERS, M. 1976, A second replication of a survey of reading comprehension in Dublin city schools. Irish Journal of Education, 16. UA MEACAIR, A. 1935, Reorganising Irish Education, The Catholic Bulletin 25. Gill: Dublin: pp. 120-25. WARD, N. 1982, A fourth survey of reading comprehension in Dublin city national schools. Irish Journal of Education, 16.

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4 The Swinging Pendulum: Teaching English In The USA, 1945-1987 John S. Simmons, Robert E. Shafer and Linda K. Shadiow When key documents and retrospectives have been published on the teaching of English in the United States, their titles have consistently acknowledged a struggle: Freedom and Discipline (Report on the Commission on English, 1965), Tradition and Reform (Applebee, 1974), Consensus and Dissent (Farmer, 1986). The changing social and political fabric of the United States has pushed the operational definition of English teaching first toward one end of the continuum and then the other. The interim periods of momentary balance were usually disrupted by some socio/political event that reverberated beyond the political arena and into the educational one. 'Innovation', a movement toward one end of the philosophical continuum or the other, was sure to follow. In a 1966 article (whose title also acknowledges the perpetual struggle 'Innovation and Revolution'), Frank E. Ross points out that the original meaning of the word 'innovation' is not 'nova', or 'something new' but instead is 'change'. And 'change' implies 'choice'. Reviewing the teaching of English in the United States from 1945 to the present takes in changes and the subsequent choices occurring post-World War II through Sputnik, Vietnam, civil rights reforms, renewed social activism, and re-emphasised conservatism. At every juncture both choices and changes were made in the path of the teaching of English; some innovations were renovations some innovations were new. The beginning lines of Robert Frost's poem, 'The Road Not Taken' serve as a reminder of the endless possibilities a re-examination of history affords. Two roads diverged in a yellow wood, And sorry I could not travel both And be one traveler, long I stood

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And looked down one as far as I could To where it bent in the undergrowth . . . Post-War Politics: 1945-1950 Many educators saw wartime service between 1941 and 1945. When they returned to their schools and classrooms they found that the progressive education of the 1930s still formed the basic philosophical directions for schooling in American society; the Seven Cardinal Principles of Secondary Education (formulated by the National Education Association's Commission on the Reorganization of Secondary Education in 1918) were still dominant in the thinking of American educators: (1) health, (2) command of fundamental processes, (3) worthy home membership, (4) vocation, (5) citizenship, (6) worthy use of leisure, (7) ethical character. The latest translation of this progressivism and its seven cardinal principles was formulated into a new report, Education for All American Youth, published by the National Education Association in 1944. The report recommended that most youth continue their education through high school and junior college, and urged educators to recognise the educational value of practical lessons. This approach was a continuation of the spirit represented in many of the progressive statements of the 1920s and 1930s, and was a natural post-war rallying point. According to Education for All American Youth, the focus of schooling was to be 'on the present lives of youth, on the improvement of community lives and on such practical matters as competence and occupations, citizenship, and family living' (p.12). Many traditional academics were disturbed at the inherent threat this approach seemingly represented to traditional academic disciplines. Thus, the period from 1944 to the late 1950s spurred a 'great debate' in American education during which many teachers trained in liberal arts and science disciplines found it increasingly difficult to teach within this 'life adjustment' approach. This 'great debate' accelerated between 1949 and the mid-1950s when books like Mortimer Smith's And Madly Teach (1949) complained that progressive education (as represented by the life adjustment movement) had become 'the official philosophy of American public education' and characterised teachers, administrators and schools of education as having a 'truly amazingly uniformative opinion regarding the aims, the content and the methods of education'. Books and rhetoric such as this prompted the formation of organisations like the Council for Basic Education which entered the fray in 1956 and championed educational conservatism.

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The membership of the Council for Basic Education was made up largely of professors teaching at various universities, editors, journalists, and several self-appointed critics who feared the takeover of all public education by Deweyan apostles and, as they saw it, the inevitable 'watering down' of the curriculum: 'The Council for Basic Education was established in the belief that the purpose of education is the harmonious development of the mind, the will, and the conscience of each individual so that he may use to the fullest his intrinsic powers and shoulder the responsibilities of citizenship . . . It insists that only by the maintenance of high academic standards can the ideal of democratic education be realized' (Lynch & Evans, 1963). In two monographs which led to the founding of the Council for Basic Education, And Madly Teach by Mortimer Smith (1949) and Educational Wastelands by Arthur Bestor (1985), the National Council of Teachers of English (NCTE) was upbraided as one of the chief proponents of creeping mediocrity in public school curriculum development. J. N. Hook (1979) in his personal history of NCTE, A Long Way Together, describes English teachers' point of view on 'education for all American youth' and the 'life adjustment' emphasis in American education during this period: '. . . in general the life adjusters downplayed subject matter except when it contributed to the individual's self-knowledge or to relationships with others . . . The life adjusters to summarise somewhat unfairly wanted to teach literature and composition for their possible contributions to such youthful concerns as getting along with one's family, dating, making friends, and developing one's personality or to the more adult concern of getting and keeping a job'. The life adjustment movement inevitably affected much teaching of English. But it was by no means universally accepted. In 1945, a new NCTE Commission on the English Curriculum was appointed under the leadership of Dora V. Smith, Professor of English Education at the University of Minnesota. Members of the Commission were divided over the 'life adjustment' proposals and, because of the problems and debates, the Commission did not issue its first publication, The English Language Arts until 1952. This publication defined the English Language Arts as a product of the progressive tradition proposing 'to develop in students the ability to think and communicate in the English language and to understand the humanizing values of literature'. Its goals were to develop 'the linguistic abilities and the awareness of the values of life which are required by the fully mature civilized human being' (p.8). The Commission proposed that 'a

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reasonable chance of achieving these goals' in the curriculum 'must be developed in the light of two major guiding principles': (1) using language power as an integral part of all growth, and (2) developing language power in social situations. Because of this emphasis on the process and utility of English (e.g. reading, writing, and speaking) instead of the content of English (e.g. literature and language study), The English Language Arts (Smith, 1952) and its five companion volumes struck fear into the hearts of those teachers and professors representing the disciplines of language and literature. An early reaction by Professor Ruth Wallerstein of the University of Wisconsin demonstrated this: 'The report does not clearly enough define our objects as teachers of the language arts. Yet surely a clear statement of what an educated citizen is, is our starting point. To keep clearly in mind what those subjects give, however taught, measures whether we are using fruitfully our knowledge of the individual and the stages of his development: and it must strictly determine our priorities of time' (Wallerstein, 1953:371). This single early criticism soon expanded into many. As one former President of the National Council of Teachers of English stated, 'when the report arrived on Washington Square (the headquarters of the Modern Language Association of America) it was assumed to be a major disaster' (Letter from Albert Markwardt to Robert E. Shafer, March 14, 1968). Throughout the decade, the battle raged between the forces of the progressives and the conservatives, largely in counterpointed publications and at national professional meetings. The cold war and the pervasive McCarthyisms of the 1950s provided an atmosphere conducive to such battles. To The Eve Of Dartmouth: 1950-1965 1950s Political Context In the 1950s, the US English curriculum reflected the mood of the nation and that mood had evolved to a taciturn one. The Eisenhower years were years of cooling off: from the intensity of the World War, from the frustrations of the Cold War, from the puzzlement of a 'no-win' war in Korea. The country needed to take a deep breath from all of this. 'Don't

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rock the boat' seemed to be the watchword phrase as the decade entered mid-stream. In 1954, the Supreme Court entered its historic decision on Brown vs. Kansas, a ruling that invalidated the longstanding 1896 Plessy vs. Ferguson decision which had established separate-but-equal schools in the nation. The long overdue Civil Rights movement began in earnest. One of the most important elements of the civil rights movement was the desegregation of the nation's schools and, as one viewed the public school curriculum, English took a position of vital importance. School instruction in English classes provided the keys to developing the literacy skills vital to Blacks' abilities to procure voting privileges and prepare themselves for jobs. As access to a meaningful education in public schools became a top priority of civil rights' leaders, the question of the appropriateness of the English curriculum loomed larger and larger. Philosophical Context Senior high teachers, trained to teach (and experienced with) older adolescents had developed a heavily contentoriented programme usually dominated by formal, academic literature study in a predictable pattern: genres in the tenth grade, American literature in the eleventh grade, and British literature in the twelfth. This was supplemented by some instruction in language and composition, but primarily in the teaching of the five-paragraph theme and Latinate grammar. In the 1950s the pragmatic life-adjusters were of limited influence. At a time when the civil rights movement was challenging the schools to adjust to a 'new' population of students, many theorists supported a kind of status quo curriculum in which grammar dominated the landscape in the earlier grades and then gave way to literature in the later ones. Book reports, which were to the traditionalists a convenient blending of literature and writing, represented the bulk of literature study in the junior high years. Senior high literary study was dominated by the so-called 'classics'. Another point of view, however, was increasingly present. In direct contrast with this academically conservative philosophy was that of the contemporary pragmatists (descended philosophically from the progressives and the 'life adjusters'). These pragmatists produced a sizeable amount of professional literature on the nature and goals of the English curriculum in the 1930s, 40s, and 50s. The position was advocated but never adopted by the majority of English teachers. Using the philosophy of John Dewey (1938), particularly as expressed

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in Experience and Education, as a point of departure, they advocated the position that the function of English curriculum was to provide young people with school experiences which mirrored those of life itself (e.g. Wilbur Hatfield's An Experience Curriculum in English, 1935). Although this position was advocated by an articulate, visible minority, including the leaders of the National Council of Teachers of English (and in its publications like the five-volume English Language Arts), it was not adopted nor widely practised by the mainstream of classroom teachers. These conflicting forces were at work in attempting to determine the shape of the English curriculum in the mid 1950s. Two manifestations of this struggle can be seen in the 'grammar controversy' and in certain movements in literature pedagogy found throughout the nation's schools during the period. Language Instruction During this period the traditional, prescriptive method of language instruction was challenged in the textbook arena and in professional debates by the advocates of the structural approach. A series of questions about the nature and purpose of language instruction were shaped by varying professional points of view, research, and social issues of the day. The place of traditional, Latinate grammar had grown in significance in the English curricula throughout the twentieth century. During the 1930s and 40s, one particular language textbook series, English in Action by Arthur Tressler (1925), was the one most used nationwide. Some teachers followed its rules, examples, and exercises with near-religious fervour. Beginning in the late 1940s, however, the Tressler text was gradually replaced by a series written by John Warriner (1982), English Grammar and Composition, that clearly implied a link between the study of formal grammar and the development of the writing abilities of young people. Despite more than 50 years of research to the contrary, many teachers believed that grammar study had a direct, positive' effect on students' abilities in reading, speaking and writing. By 1955, this belief had become solidly entrenched across the country. Members of the teaching profession took sides in this controversy. The topic continues to be one which is the subject of heated debate even today at local, state and national professional meetings. The impact of subsequent research, all of which confirms earlier findings, has met with a surprising amount of indifference, even hostility and indignation, within the ranks of the teachers and citizens.

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In the mid 1950s, however, another factor was introduced: the emergence of structural or descriptive grammar in both the professional literature and the school curricula of some communities. First elaborated by Charles C. Fries (1940) in his book, American English Grammar, the basically inductive, oral-to-written approach to grammatical analysis grew in visibility during the ensuing years. Published professional materials (e.g. Markwardt, 1967; Francis, 1963; Gleason, 1961) however, had very little impact on classroom teachers as a whole, but did add another voice to the debate. And then in 1958, Paul Roberts published Understanding English, a text that presented a simplified explanation of the nature and processes of structural grammar. The resulting attention from university linguists, English educators and curriculum supervisors on all sides prompted the publication of Patterns of English (1956), a text designed for direct use in the high school classroom. As more teachers tried out the new structural and descriptive approach and as more English educators discussed it in their methods courses, the questions it raised challenging the traditional approach multiplied: 'Which grammar is best to teach?' 'What good does the learning of grammar do?' 'What is the place of usage in the course of English study?' For many years, usage was directly tied to grammar study, its rules based on those of Latinate, prescriptive grammar. The University of Wisconsin scholar, Robert C. Pooley, in Teaching English Usage (1946), introduced usage as a linguistic concept (a concept closer to the descriptive rather than prescriptive approach) and recommended the identification of 'appropriate levels of usage' instead of the 'Doctrine of Correctness' in usage teaching. (This doctrine had been created by British grammarians of the eighteenth century and had also been disseminated by Noah Webster in the Colonies.) And so another question was added to the professional debate: 'Which approach to usage is best to teach?' While both sides believed they could authoritatively answer the questions, none of the questions were resolved. In a related curricular area, the teaching of writing during this period was either shoved 'under the rug' or placed on the 'back burner'. Many teachers assigned a few themes, usually on such innocuous subjects as 'My Summer Vacation' or 'Why I am Going to College,' evaluated them with red pencil overkill and called that writing instruction. Others taught formal grammatical elements: labelling parts of speech, labelling parts of sentences, diagramming sentences and called that composition instruction. Still others assigned no writing at all to avoid the burden of heavy

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paper load. As the end of this decade neared, composition in the public schools of the United States was in considerable difficulty. Literature Instruction Movement in literature instruction posed fewer dramatic confrontations than did language instruction. There was one area of controversy, however, and it has persisted to the present day much as the 'role of grammar' issue has in language instruction. During the mid 1950s, most of the debate on literary scholarship centred on historical approaches versus those of explication de texte. While the proponents of these two formidable schools of thought were 'squaring off' on university campuses and at meetings of the Modern Language Association of America (the principal scholarly organisation in the fields of modern languages and literature, including English), another force was gaining strength in the public schools. This force was in evidence largely in the junior high schools which, having had to evolve their own curriculum from the ground floor, had no tradition of literary choices to fall back on. Some literary bill of fare had to be found which would introduce students to literature and, at the same time. provide an appropriate transition for early adolescents from the reading to the study of literature. By the 1940s there were some unexpected rumblings on the horizon of literature for young people. A series of 'junior novels' written by serious authors expressly for a young adult audience began to emerge. Most of these novels attempted to develop significant themes around the world of adolescence, themes of the adolescent's growing up process through such milieu as sports, animals, travel, history and general adventure tales. Young adults responded with enthusiasm: teachers responded with hesitancy; critics flatly denied the value of the genre; and, as might be expected, young adult literature drew immediate fire from the Council for Basic Education. Critical criteria for judging such works began to take shape in the late 1950s with professional books examining the merits of the genre (Dwight Burton's 1959 text, Literature Study in the High Schools) and the merits of the books themselves (Dorothy Petitt's 1960 'A Study of the Qualities of Literary Excellence Which Characterizes Selected Fiction for Younger Adolescents'). This would culminate in the formulation of the Assembly on Literature for Adolescents (ALAN) by the National Council of Teachers of English (NCTE) in the early 1970s and the publication of the quarterly journal, ALAN Review, in 1978.

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School Integration On September 23, 1957, Little Rock Central High School (Arkansas) was forcibly desegregated when 1,000 US soldiers accompanied a small number of frightened Black students through the front doors of the heretofore allwhite school. Little Rock caused a fundamental change to take place in American education because the vast majority of newly integrated Black youngsters proved to be woefully unprepared academically to meet the demands of their new schools. And at the centre of this problem lay their marked inability to handle the English language in a school setting. The responses of integrated schools to this illiteracy problem were frequently slow and inept, and the problem was compounded by the need to integrate a large number of poorly trained Black English teachers into these schools. But that change was delayed with the launching by the Soviet Union of an unmanned space satellite, October 4, 1957. This scientific/technological event sent immediate shock waves through the US education establishment and turned the attention of educators and particularly English educators away from the pressing needs of newly integrated schools. Soon after the Sputnik launching, the US Congress created its first National Defense Education Act (NDEA) whose main purpose was to support the public school curriculum in science, mathematics and foreign languages. In that legislation, the National Science Foundation was established to co-ordinate this massive improvement enterprise. While the discipline of English was left out of this initial support effort, leaders in that field soon began to stir. Basic Issues Conference The National Council of Teachers of English became preoccupied with galvanising support for change in the English curriculum. J.N. Hook and John Gerber joined with George Winchester Stone of the Modern Language Association in arranging a series of conferences on the pressing needs of the English curriculum. Eventually the American Studies Association and the College English Association joined the effort. Of the 28 participants invited to attend this conference series, 23 were college or university professors of English. This heavy preponderance of college English teachers is significant and would show up again at the Dartmouth Seminar in the 1960s. The strong academic tone of the conference became clear in its main document (described in 'The Basic Issues in the Teaching of English,' in English Journal, September 1959). Participants developed a list of 35 basic issues, each framed as a key question and amplified by related questions

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in this way the conference sessions called for continued collaboration and dialogue. Of these questions, the first two are the most significant and general: 1. What is 'English'? We agree generally that English composition, language and literature are within our province, but we are uncertain whether our boundaries should include world literature in translation, public speaking, journalism, listening, remedial reading . . . Some of these activities admittedly promote the social development of the individual. But does excessive emphasis on them result in the neglect of that great body of literature which can point the individual's development in more significant directions? 2. Can basic programmes in English be devised that are sequential and cumulative from the kindergarten through the graduate school? Can agreement be reached upon a body of knowledge and set of skills as standard at certain points in the curriculum, making due allowance for flexibility of planning, individual differences, and patterns of growth? . . . What assumptions, if any, should the teacher at any level be able to make about the training his students have received at lower levels? How much responsibility does the teacher at any level have to prepare his students for the next higher level? With these two questions and their answers, a trend was established in the theorising about the teaching of English, which would last for the better part of ten years. The answer to Basic Issue No. 1 set in motion a curriculum concept called the 'tri-component', or 'tripod' model; i.e. English is language, literature and composition and nothing else. This model was also to become the lightning rod for federal support in the next decade. The response to Basic Issue No. 2 was provided in the work of Jerome Bruner in theory and the work of several Curriculum Study Centres in practice. The main text to emerge from the conference was Issues, Problems, and Approaches in the Teaching of English by George Winchester Stone (1961), but the bulk of the book is a series of articles on linguistic and literary study, none of which were outcomes of the Basic Issues conference. College Entrance Examination Board's Commission On English In 1959, the prestigious College Entrance Examination Board, an organisation which sets academic standards for all secondary schoolspublic and private preparing students for higher education, appointed for the first time a Commission on English to propose standards of achievement for college preparatory students. While this Commission was disbanded only a few years later, it left its imprint on curricular thinking primarily

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because it was clearly in step with the hyped-up academic, beat-the-Russians spirit of the times. During the early 1960s it would produce position statements, underwrite summer institutes on college campuses for experienced high school English teachers, and publish, in 1965, a text which set the pattern for hundreds of federally sponsored summer English institutes to follow. 1960s Political Context The election of John Kennedy as President breathed new life into the spirits of American progressive intellectuals in general and within the English teaching ranks as well. The domestic issue which commanded most of President Kennedy's attention was Civil Rights, and most centred on school desegregation. After President Kennedy's assassination, Lyndon B. Johnson, a Texan who was committed to integration of American society and to using federal dollars to cope with social ills, was sworn in as Kennedy's successor. Under Johnson, the far-ranging Civil Rights Act of 1964 was passed. The impact of these events on support for English instruction was substantial indeed. Out of the Civil Rights legislation came huge amounts of money for the improvement of basic literacy skills among disadvantaged groups, especially Blacks in the Deep South, and for the funding of new instructional materials. The greatest emphasis was on the training of teachers already employed in the nation's public school systems. Philosophical Context Coincident with Kennedy's election in November of 1960 James R. Squire was installed as executive secretary of the NCTE. Given the spirit of the times, Squire was the ideal leader of American English teachers of that era. He was soon on the move to establish bridges of formal contact (in a manner similar to the co-operative efforts reflected in the Basic Issues Conference of the 1950s) with the Modern Language Association, other national professional English-related organisations (e.g. College English Association and American Studies Association), the National Association for the Teaching of English in the United Kingdom and the US Office of Education. One of Squire's efforts, NCTE's Committee on the National Interest, led to the publication of a portrait of the status of the profession that was instrumental in convincing government and business leaders to lend financial support to a myriad of projects. The framers of the study, The National Interest and the Teaching of

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English (Committee on National Interest, 1961), placed great emphasis on the literacy needs of a modern, technologically progressing society, the need of society to transmit its cultural heritage via well-taught English courses, and the need to recognise the critical role played by the subject of English in school success as well as post-school success. In making its case, the document reported basic findings about the status of public school English instruction. The National Interest and the Teaching of English revealed: 1. As many as 60% of currently employed English teachers had not completed a college major in English. 2. About 25% of those teachers had received one course in English linguistics and fewer than 10% were acquainted with any recent research in English linguistics or language learning. 3. About 50% had received a course in composition beyond the required freshman offering. 4. About 50% had been given a course in English methods related to their level of teaching. The timing of this published report could not have been more propitious. The culturally oriented President and a Democratic Congress turned a sympathetic ear to these announced needs and problems. Federal support soon became available in unprecedented amounts, and the result was the initiation of a series of projects, conferences, and initiatives that built on the approach and content of the Basic Issues Conference and built toward the AngloAmerican Seminar on the Teaching of English the Dartmouth Conference of 1965. Project English In September 1961, the Congress authorised money for the improvement of English instruction. The goals were outlined for a three-part approach to such funding called 'Project English'. The three kinds of projects were: (1) Individual Research Projects to be conducted by scholars to assess the impact of innovative approaches to English instruction on young people; (2) Demonstration Centres designed to implement the curricula developed by colleges or universities linked with co-operating public schools; (3) Curriculum Study Centres located at various colleges or universities and designed to develop experimental curricula related to certain levels and/or components of the English discipline. The number of individual research projects that were funded was relatively small and the number of demonstration centres was also limited.

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The most broadly developed and heavily funded component of Project English was that of the Curriculum Study Centres. Before describing them, however, it is necessary to describe an educational conference and resulting text which profoundly affected the philosophy of many of those centres. Woods Hole Conference The advocates of a sequential, articulated, cumulative, spiral curriculum in English found strong support in Jerome S. Bruner's enormously popular and influential The Process of Education (1960), a report which emerged from a conference of 35 scientists and educators who had gathered at Woods Hole on Cape Cod to consider ways to improve the teaching of science in the elementary and secondary schools. Bruner noted 'a renewed interest in complex learning of a kind that one finds in schools, learning designed to produce general understanding of the structure of a subject matter and world where changing social, cultural and political conditions continually alter the surroundings and the goals of schools and their students'. Bruner emphatically asserted that literature as well as the sciences and social sciences could be taught with an emphasis upon the intuitive grasp of ideas and upon the use of basic ideas. In his explanation of the spiral curriculum, Bruner specifically attacked the problem of teaching literature: 'If it is granted, for example, that it is desirable to give children an awareness of the meaning of human tragedy and a sense of compassion for it, is it not possible at the earliest appropriate age to teach the literature of tragedy in a manner that illuminates but does not threaten?' Because Bruner's description of the spiral curriculum was intellectually exciting, because he offered a framework for the kind of sequence called for by the Basic Issues Conference, and because he addressed himself directly to the teaching of English in the schools, accounts of this period (like Shugrue, 1968) cite the enormous impact of his theories on the curriculum work done by the curriculum study centres in English. This was the work that would undergird the curriculum study centres being funded through the US Department of Education. Curriculum Study Centre Twenty-two study centres were eventually funded through Project English. A summary description of the work of a few of the centres illustrates the scope of their activities. At the University of Oregon the focus was on putting theory into practice in the field of English teaching; at the University of Minnesota Brunerian thought was applied to language teach-

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ing; at Hunter College in New York the teaching of urban adolescents was the central concern; at the University of Nebraska the spiral curriculum was developed for a K-12 sequence; at Florida State University, options for junior high school curriculum were the focus. The Centre at the University of Oregon (under the direction of Professor Albert Kitzhaber) developed a tricomponent curriculum (language, literature and composition) grades seven through twelve. The overall approach was sequential and cumulative in the spirit of the Brunerian spiral, but the project was clearly developed for more able students. The University of Minnesota Center (Stanley B. Kegler was the director of record and Harold Allen was its spiritual father) developed a language-centred curriculum for grades seven through twelve. The overall approach was Brunerian, but the theorist who was most closely followed in the selection of content was the linguist H.A. Gleason (An Introduction to Descriptive Linguistics, 1961). The concept of language to be explored was a broad one embodying historical, sociological, psychological and semantic dimensions as well as grammatical ones. The writers in this project developed weekly units of instruction for each grade level, units that reflected contemporary linguistic scholarship and were quite technical in nature. The Hunter College Center in New York (directed by Marjorie B. Smiley) developed English methods and materials appropriate for junior high school students whose achievement in English had been diminished by environmental, largely socio-economic, disadvantages. This was one of the few centres which did not purport to be Brunerian in nature. The writers developed a series of anthologies centred on literature dealing with personal, familial and neighbourhood themes. Language and composition activities were to grow out of these readings. Perhaps the most ambitious project of all was the one designed at the University of Nebraska. Its directors were Paul Olson, an English professor, and Frank Rice, a veteran high school English teacher and department head from a Nebraska high school. The centre was unique in that its goal was to develop a sequential and cumulative curriculum from kindergarten through twelfth grade. Moreover, the directors first trained 44 teachers representing all grade levels and from all corners of that large, sparsely populated state in a summer institute and then coordinated with these teachers in disseminating their courses of instruction statewide. Their main premise was that all composition activity should grow out of literary and linguistic study. Their materials were extremely sophisticated from early grades upward.

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The Florida State University Center (directed by Dwight Burton) took as its point of departure, the English curriculum in junior high school that had been a chaotic mix of diverse elements from its beginnings in the mid 1940s. Thus, the writers put together three curricula, grades seven through nine: a tri-component model, a model based on themes, and a Brunerian-based model. These three models were taught to students of average ability in six Florida junior high schools. At the end of the ninth grade curriculum all students plus a control group of 50 students of similar ability levels were given nine tests on various phases of English designed by a psychometrician with input from the Centre staff. Each of the 22 curriculum study centres did have unique aspects, but they also had much in common that reflected the tenor of the professional times. While generalisations are always suspect, a few of those that can legitimately be made about the study centres as a whole illustrate their relationship to the professional and political contexts of the period: 1. Most followed the sequential-cumulative thinking of Bruner. 2. Most emphasised a tri-component model of English instruction. 3. Most developed materials for students of at least average and usually above-average ability. 4. Most sought only to produce materials. Only the centre at Florida State proposed the goal of testing approaches, and only that centre did so in a systematic manner. 5. Most established their target audience as students in secondary schools (grades seven through twelve; ages 1217). 6. Most produced materials that were 'teacher proof'; i.e. few classroom teachers were ever involved in either the writing or the evaluation of the materials. 7. Most did little with the treatment or use of adolescent (young adult) fiction in the development of their overall literature scheme. 8. Most featured instruction in transformational-generative grammar as their main element in linguistic instruction. During the mid 1960s, the work of the Curriculum Study Centres was disseminated to virtually all interested universities or school systems (although many universities and school systems were either oblivious or indifferent to the whole project). In 1965 the Modern Language Association and the National Council of Teachers of English supported by a grant from the US Office of Education formed the English Institute Materials Center (based at New York University) which disseminated materials from all the centres to summer teacher institutes (see NDEA Institutes, p. 106).

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Allerton Park Conference Project English funds also provided the major portion of funding for a meeting of 88 English department chairs from leading colleges and universities throughout the country. The Allerton Park Conference (held in Monticello, Illinois) directed its attention to the responsibilities of English departments for the preparation of teachers for the public schools. While college English department chairs made up the great majority of participants, a few English educators (among them J.N. Hook, James R. Squire and Dwight Burton) also participated. The first of the 11 resolutions adopted by the group, titled 'The General Obligation of the Profession,' characterises the extent of their intended involvement in English Education: 'The preparation of teachers of English and their continuing education as teachers are among the important responsibilities of college and university departments of English. These responsibilities may call for the development of sustained programs of teacher education . . . Such efforts to strengthen the teaching of English should be accepted as professional obligations . . .' Conference On English Education The Allerton Park Conference demonstrated the emerging interest shown by traditional English department academicians at institutions of higher education. With this support, English educators (led by Squire, Burton, Kegler and Ingrid Strom) arranged for a 1963 organisational meeting of a Conference on English Education under the auspices of NCTE. The rationale for the formation of this group was reported later that year by NCTE president David H. Russell (1963: 3-4): 'A preliminary inquiry by the National Council of Teachers of English revealed that some 1,150 persons throughout the United States have, as part of their academic assignment, had responsibility for students in ''methods courses" in the teaching of English . . . Although the Council has always been concerned with English education in the broad sense, the Executive Committee felt that the time had come for a study of problems specifically focused on the preparation of teachers of English'. The following year the Conference on English Education became an official subgroup of NCTE. Language Instruction In the late 1950s, the work of Noam Chomsky (1957) (Syntactic

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Structures) and Paul Roberts (1967) (English Sentences) brought added perspectives to the linguistics component of English with the transformational-generative theory. This decade felt the impact of that earlier work. Chomsky was heralded as the creator of a new grammar (one which reflected the truly contemporary nature of English language systems in a way that the traditional Latinate system surely could not), and Roberts published English Sentences, the same type of explanation of this grammar that his earlier Understanding English had provided for the structural approach. The difficulty of translating Chomsky's theories into comprehensible English prose became a major issue during those years. In 1965, Indiana University linguist, Owen Thomas, published a text for people who sought to implement the transformational-generative approach into their teaching (Transformational Grammar and the Teaching of English). Who could know then that by the end of the decade none of these new texts would exist in revised editions, that no new translators or popularisers of the system would emerge, and that, by 1977, a revised Warriner & Griffith's English Grammar and Composition (with its Latinate, structural approach) would be breaking all sales records in the public school textbook industry? While serious concern with the writing skills of young people was largely missing from this era as it had been in the previous one, the publication of an NCTE document Research in Written Composition (1963) by Richard Braddock, David Lloyd-Jones and Lowell Schoer of the University of Iowa, provided reviews of hundreds of research efforts completed during previous decades and described in detail the best of them. Its main conclusions, however, were that most of this research was flawed, that it pointed to no consistently rewarding practices in the teaching of writing. Literature Instruction Two literary footnotes to the early years of the 1960s foreshadowed concerns that would garner attention in the next decade. In 1964, James Squire published an NCTE research monograph, The Response of Adolescents While Reading Four Short Stories, describing problems and processes in the interaction between tenth graders and that literary genre. This research report was published at the height of the academic explication de texte spirit in professional writing on the teaching of literature in public schools, and in that context the reader-response emphasis seemed clearly out of step with the times. More than a decade later, it would become widely regarded as one of the documents precursory to the reader response era of the present day. English Journal editor of the time, Richard Alm (1987),

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also cites the importance of the continuing work of Louise Rosenblatt whose journal articles in the 1960s amplified her 1938 work, Literature as Exploration. The book was republished in 1968 and has been characterised as 'a beacon for two generations of English teachers in its clear insistence that well-selected literature is an experience for the reader because it uses his uniquely human capacity to sympathize, to identify with the experiences of others' (Lodge, 1977: 132-3). In 1962, the NCTE's Committee on the Right to Read published a small pamphlet, The Students' Right to Read, a concise statement on an emerging problem of the times, censorship of literary choices in public (largely secondary) school English classrooms. In a 1957 Supreme Court ruling (Roth vs. U.S.), the decision had included the statement that 'All ideas having even the slightest redeeming social importance unorthodox ideas, controversial ideas, even ideas hateful to the prevailing climate of opinion have full protection of the First Amendment guarantees unless excludable because they encroach upon the limited area of more important areas'. This ruling did not, however, have the effect of dismissing all obscenity cases. And in the next decade, the Supreme Court would hand down a ruling with new guidelines on the meaning of 'obscenity' that would allow local standards to prevail, even if something might be acceptable in another state. In the 1960s, though, few teachers paid much heed to the threat which prompted the publication of The Student's Right to Read. Within fifteen years' time, however, the ultra-conservative movement would be well under way and US teachers would be closely scanning Ken Donelson's 1972 revision of the pamphlet for an articulate response. In the 1970s and 1980s, the attention of professional organisations (e.g. American Library Association, Association of American Publishers, National Council of Teachers of English) and the work of individuals within the profession (e.g. Ken Donelson, 1977; Ed Jenkinson, 1980; Lee Buress & Ed Jenkinson, 1983) would continue to alert classroom teachers to the magnitude of the problem and to provide guidance for defending intellectual freedom. National Defense Education Act (NDEA) Institutes Between 1965 and 1969 the NDEA Institutes for English, Reading, and Social Studies teachers, as well as for those who taught disadvantaged youth, took place. These summer institutes were held on college and university campuses and taught, for the most part, by faculty from that level. The English institutes evolved at the height of the tri-component theory. Therefore, most programmes consisted of three courses: one in

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modern linguistics, another in new rhetoric, and a third in literary theory. Frequently, there was some kind of 'curriculum laboratory' tacked on as an afternoon offering. The institutes were well-attended during the four years of their existence and while they stand as another example of the efforts going on to improve the teaching of English, they did little to create fundamental change in the ongoing curricula of their participants' schools. The typical NDEA Summer Institute participant went back to his/her school and went on with the status quo programme of study as if nothing had happened. Freedom And Discipline The academic, tri-component conception of English rose to its probable zenith during 1965. At the annual NCTE meeting in Boston, John H. Fisher, Executive Secretary of MLA, urged his university colleagues who were involved with preparing English teachers to 'pursue significant research and scholarship and not allow the humdrum duties of your office to deter you from that quest'. In the proceedings publication of the same conference (Burton's English Education as a Scholarly Discipline 1965), Dwight Burton declared that 'English education as a scholarly discipline has been long arriving, but it has arrived'. Probably the most significant document to appear in print during that year, however, was the text Freedom and Discipline in English by the Commission on English of the College Entrance Examination Board (CEEB). The direction taken by the theorists to move the curriculum toward 'excellence' in the narrowly academic sense of the word found its accumulated voice in this document: 'What is English? . . . the Commission's purpose was to improve the teaching of English in America's schools and colleges . . . to propose standards of achievement for college preparatory students and to suggest ways of meeting them . . . experience with students in the College Board Advanced Placement Programme continues to reveal that better teaching of able students affects the whole school. The Commission's efforts, then, though aimed at one group, are intended to influence all tracks and all levels' (p. 1). Chapters on language, literature and composition provided an elaborate rationale for and description of the tricomponent approach. Language study recommendations focused on the assimilation of modern grammatical systems (traditional, structural and transformational) and the mandatory assumption of correct usage. 'Works of high quality' was the dominant recommendation in the literature chapter. The chapter on composition

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presented a plea to teachers to follow classical models in prescribing both the content and the form of student writing. The needs of basic or disadvantaged students were never mentioned, oral activities were seldom described, suggestions for instruction in reading or basic composition techniques were nowhere to be found, the merits of adolescent literature were called into doubt. The framers of the tri-component model and the authors of Freedom and Discipline in English seemed oblivious to the significance of the political winds which blew around them; they would soon find themselves in an adversarial dialogue with some curricular theorists who came to the Anglo-American seminar with somewhat different ideas. Dartmouth Conference And Its Impact: 1965-1970 Conference Scope In late August, 1966, 49 English scholars/educators travelled to Dartmouth College in New Hampshire to participate in the Anglo-American Seminar on the Teaching of English. NCTE, MLA, and NATE of the UK sponsored the seminar (which was funded primarily by the Carnegie Corporation of New York). A large number of the British participants were specialists in the training of English teachers while the American participants were primarily academic scholars. Most of the time during the four week session was spent in working parties, small study groups, and seminars wherein all attendants had a voice. Summarising the nature of the seminar, John Dixon (Growth Through English, 1967) suggested that the meeting moved participants from a discussion of 'What is English?' to a discussion of 'What is involved in the activity of bringing together and composing the disorder of our experience?' (McPherson, 1977:181). And these voices were often strident. From all reports the arguments rose to fever pitch every day and in virtually every gathering; points of contrast between the two national approaches came frequently and joltingly to the fore. The Americans brought to the seminar an academically-oriented view of English for young people. To bolster this position, they came armed with their tri-component, Brunerian, Project English materials. The British countered with a language experience, growth and development, student-centred approach which held tight academic prescription in total disregard. The fundamental assumptions of what English was or should do were at the heart of the arguments. Americans immersed in transformational-generative theory were taken aback by the British notion of using the students' language as the basis

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of classroom activity. Composition which grew out of classroom interaction proved to be another foreign notion to the Americans, and literature as a reflection of experience rather than as the focus of scholarly scrutiny was yet another. And there was no clearer dichotomy than the place of oral language in the classroom. The UK participants saw it as central to the teaching of English, with a decided emphasis on the promotion and valuing of student talk. US educators, tacitly embracing the notion that children should be seen and not heard, had real trouble in making such a curricular commitment. Given this contentious atmosphere, it is little short of amazing that the group as a whole agreed, and indeed published, eleven points of agreement about what English should be for young people: 1. The centrality of the pupil's exploring, extending, and shaping experiences in the English classroom. 2. The urgency of developing classroom approaches stressing the vital, creative, dramatic involvement of children and young people in language experiences. 3. The importance of directing more attention to speaking and listening experiences for all pupils at all levels, particularly those experiences which involve vigorous interaction among children. 4. The wisdom of providing young people at all levels with significant opportunities for the creative uses of language: creative dramatics, imaginative writing, improvisation, role playing and similar activities. 5. The significance of rich literary experience in the education process and the importance of teachers of English restudying particular selections to determine their appropriateness for readers at different levels. 6. The need to overcome the restrictiveness of rigid patterns of 'grouping' or 'streaming' which limit the linguistic environment in which boys and girls learn English and which tend to inhibit language development. 7. The need to negotiate the limiting, often stultifying, impact of examination patterns which direct attention of both teachers and pupils to aspects of English which are at best superficial and often misleading. 8. The compelling urgency of improving the conditions under which English is taught in the schools: the need for more books and libraries, for better equipment, for reasonable class size, for a classroom environment which will make good teaching possible.

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9. The importance of teachers of English at all levels informing themselves about the result of pertinent scholarship and research so that their classroom approaches may be guided accordingly. 10. The need for radical reform in programs of teacher education, both preservice and inservice. 11. The importance of educating the public on what is meant by good English and what is meant by good English teaching. (Markwardt, 1967: 104-105) In terms of the thinking of English educators in the United States, the Dartmouth Seminar had a profound impact. The force of the student-centred argument offered by the British altered greatly the perspectives of the majority of teacher educators in the American colleges and universities. Teacher educators began an agonising reappraisal of the true value of tri-component curricula, Brunerian spirals, Chomskyan grammar, the new rhetoric, explication de texte with young people and others. Political Context Once again in the late 1960s, as in the Little Rock-Sputnik play-off earlier, political events intervened and this time got in the way of the spirit of Dartmouth's influence over English teaching in the US. The year 1967 saw the escalation of American military involvement in Vietnam and the consequent expansion of the protest movement from coast to coast. The year 1968 can be seen as a watershed year in which the political turmoil in the US was brought to a boil and the American people, in electing Richard M. Nixon President, said in essence that they preferred control as the dominant factor in their public schools rather than student freedom of self-expression. The New Frontier and Great Society programmes of the Kennedy/Johnson years were dismantled. In quick succession went the NDEA institutes and fellowships and several other initiatives that had been aimed at improving the teachers and teacher-trainers. Philosophical Context In the new spirit of authoritarianism teachers were to be made accountable for what they taught. By 1969, teachers all over the country were meeting after school to assimilate the skills necessary to write behavioural objectives and then to key individually prescribed instruction to them. The logic of developing objectives which focused on observable student behaviour, which could then be tested or measured, was forced on these teacher/learners.

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A considerable proportion of the leading English educators found the whole accountability package distasteful, dehumanising, trivial, and ultimately incompatible with the basic principles of English teaching. To ignore this mandated curricular approach, however, was at least quixotic and at worst disastrous. In a 1970 'Statement of Accountability' NCTE's Commission on the English Curriculum stated that 'the present very real and complex problems of adequate measurement . . . hold a threat to the discipline of English, the threat of a narrowly defined, "measurable" curriculum and the spectre of teachers defensively limiting themselves to the superficial aspects of literacy in language and literature' (Maloney, 1972:ix). The marriage of accountability and the approaching 'back to basics' phenomenon was forged in the reaction of Middle America to the activism of the 1960s. Portents of this union were visible among governmental priorities like, for example, the Right to Read movement. Funds provided for the promotion of Right to Read carried the constraint that only teacher education in reading would be allowed. Reading instruction was, for the most part, cast in the form of narrowly conceived gimmickry and seldom related to the psycholinguistic research and scholarship of Frank Smith (1971) and Ken and Yetta Goodman (Goodman, 1973; Goodman and Burke, 1972). The teaching of reading in secondary schools was, as Margaret Early (1977) describes it, 'no longer a question [by the mid1970s]' but 'implementation was meagre and of dubious quality'. Usually stamped with the instructional systems label, reading programmes of this ilk began to occupy more time and space in the middle school and junior high school English courses. Reading, in the extreme skills-centred sense became the 'magic word' during the Nixon administration and thus an additional example of an area where political agendas and philosophies had a direct impact on curriculum. By the 1980s this led to a re-examination of the use of basic readers within the English/language arts teaching profession (led by members of NCTE's Commission on Reading) and a reconsideration of instructional methods and desired outcomes. Tri-University Project The most visible attempt to reconcile traditional assumptions about the teaching of English and the behaviourist position was made through the Tri-University Project. Funded by the US Office of Education, a joint curriculum writing team was established at the Universities of Illinois, Indiana and Purdue to develop a middle ground position between those of the behaviouralists and the humanists. In doing so, team members attempted to develop a series of behavioural objectives which would repre-

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sent this middle ground and a series of middle instructional units which were keyed to these objectives. The influence of the Tri-University Project on the English curriculum was negligible. No serious attempt was made by anyone to export the objectives or instructional materials to schools in any part of the country. At local levels, district school board offices continued to mandate the writing of behavourial objectives as part of their staff development master plans. Most English teachers did so obediently and then continued to teach as they always had. By the mid 1970s, the movement had virtually disappeared. Literature Instruction Literary offerings became more diversified in the late 1960s and 1970s providing teachers with some alternatives to the heavily Anglo Saxon flavour of most hardback anthologies in use throughout the nation. Minority literature, largely due to the Civil Rights Movement, had an even greater impact on the literature phase of the curriculum during this period. As would be expected, Black literature rose more quickly into prominence, although additions in Hispanic, Native American (Indian), Oriental and Middle Eastern literary works of all genres were added to the school bibliographies. At the college level, English departments were scrambling to add Black literature classes to their programmes, and publishers of literature anthologies for secondary school students began combing all resources for 'acceptable' works by Black authors. The frequent use of objectionable language and explicit descriptions of sexual activity by many Black authors caused the growth of many additional gray hairs among the publishers of school textbooks along Madison Avenue. Overall, Ken Donelson (1977) cites a series of eight specific influences on the literature curriculum that stemmed 'from the Dartmouth Conference, federally sponsored projects' and other sources of the times: (1) paperbacks, television, and motion pictures ('sometimes supplementing and often supplanting the basic anthology'): (2) response to literature (stressing both the student and the literary work); (3) reading interests and free reading ('capitalizing on student interest'); (4) ethnicity (pushing for a broadening of the curriculum); (5) sexism (examining stereotypes); (6) science fiction ('becoming a staple of the English curriculum'); (7) adolescent literature (achieving a 'limited respectability and use'); (8) contemporary literature (balancing the old and the new). The impact of the work at the Dartmouth Conference also led to a rethinking of the true value of the tricomponent categories of 'language'

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and 'literature'. Oral activities became more widely advocated and improvised drama made its debut in both the professional literature and courses of study. When Dorothy Heathcote came to the US in 1969 to introduce ideas about this classroom approach, she found herself in great demand. James Moffett's reactions to the Seminar, coupled with his strong desire to interject some of the theories of Jean Piaget into the US curricular frameworks, led him to publish a text for teacher educators, Teaching the Universe of Discourse (1968) and a curricular overview, A Student Centred Curriculum K-13 (Moffett & Wagner, 1976). The Elective Approach A truly culminating feature of the post-Dartmouth experimentation that did flourish in spite of the accountability push is seen in the rapid rise of English elective programmes in the late 1960s. Two highly publicised ones, the APEX project in Trenton, Michigan, and the phase elective programme in Melbourne, Florida, were already underway before the Dartmouth Seminar convened. In the former, the traditional senior high sequence (genres in the 9th/10th grades, American literature in the 11th, and English literature in the 12th) was replaced by a series of short term electives representing various aspects of the tri-component theory language, literature and composition. The Melbourne experiment provided five levels of English courses built on increasing levels of subtlety, complexity and sophistication. Students either chose their own entry level or were 'counselled' into one. The electives were spread across all three (10th, 11th and 12th) grade levels. With further counselling, students could make intermediate moves up or down in the vertically organised curriculum. As the popularity of electives grew in the early 1970s, a variety of structures emerged. The electives curricula became the subject of substantial professional debate during this period. The biggest problem with the elective approach, according to researcher George Hillocks (Alternatives in English: A Critical Appraisal of Elective Programs, 1972) was that it eventually became top-heavy in literature instruction, sharply reducing the study of English linguistics, further limiting the slight attention paid to the writing process and shortchanging any instruction in oral language development. The electives movement represented a valiant but inadequate attempt on the part of the profession to stem the tide of the accountability forces. As the accountability proponents foreshadowed the Back-to-the-basics rallying cry of the 1970s, elective programmes began to disappear. National Assessment Of Educational Progress (NAEP) In the early 1960s, US Commissioner of Education Francis Keppel

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brought the focus of the United States Department of Education back to its 1967 mandate and its responsibility for determining and monitoring the educational progress of the states. Keppel sponsored a number of small conferences, one of which was to consider the development of an assessment programme which would provide benchmarks of educational progress. Work began on just such a testing programme (eventually given the title The National Assessment of Educational Progress) in the latter months of 1967. A series of instruments were developed for testing of knowledge and ability in literature, reading and writing. The tests were prepared for implementation with a nationwide sample of students from the fourth, eighth and twelfth grade levels plus a group of voluntary adults (ages 26-35). By early 1972, all ten tests had been given. It represented another dimension of the accountability movement and can be identified as one of the forerunners to the statewide testing movement which began in 1977. Language Instruction There is no clearer indication of how the English curriculum had swung, than in a brief recapitulation of what happened to linguistics in US public schools during the period. The mid 1960s saw the rise of transformationalgenerative grammar. Paul Roberts had completed eight books of a ten-book series called Roberts English Series (grades 3-12) when he died in the summer of 1967. In the spring of 1968, the company that published Roberts' series, Harcourt Brace Jovanovich, decided to contradict conventional textbook-publishing wisdom that argues that a company should not compete with itself on a textbook series. HBJ decided to preserve John Warriner's traditional-approach text as well as Roberts' transformational-generative approach. In 1977, 'back to basics' was a national slogan, statewide testing was swinging into place, and Warriner's text with its traditional approach was back on top of the sales list where many veteran English teachers asserted it should have been all along. A second linguistic wave rose and fell during the period that of broader linguistic study. The second half of the 1960s saw the publication of several single texts and series which introduced both psycholinguistic and sociolinguistic concepts to secondary school students. One of the main topics being explored by these new text series was that of dialectology. In 1964, NCTE had published a pamphlet (by Malmstrom & Ashley) titled Dialects USA. It became immediately popular. Five years later, the distinguished linguist, William Labov, published a pamphlet summary of his

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study of urban dialects. The Study of Nonstandard English went through eight printings in the next four years and became a widely quoted resource on the topic, especially in its treatment of Black dialect. Now the battle over what aspects of linguistics should be taught and how they should be approached was on in earnest. It was waged at NCTE conferences as well as those of its state affiliates. Unlike some other theoretical issues, it came right down into the ranks where classroom teachers at all levels joined in heated dialogue as to whether their fundamental duty was to describe the English language or to legislate prescriptive judgements about it. The debate came to a head at the meeting of the Conference on College Composition and Communication of the NCTE in Minneapolis during the annual convention in 1972. By a very narrow margin, the membership voted approval of a resolution supporting 'students' right to their own language'. The resolution: 'We affirm the students' right to their own patterns and varieties of language the dialects of their nurture or whatever dialects in which they find their own identity and style. Language scholars long ago denied that the myth of a standard American dialect has any validity . . . A nation proud of its diverse heritage and its cultural and racial variety will preserve its heritage of dialects. We affirm strongly that teachers must have the experiences and training that will enable them to respect diversity and uphold the right of students to their own language'. Without a doubt, a most courageous and forward-looking statement, but it was put forth on the eve of the 'back to basics' era whose leaders weren't never gonna stand for no 'right to their own language' kind of agitation. Another linguistic happening began with research efforts to demonstrate that the 'new' transformational-generative grammar could be the answer to using grammatical study in the classroom to lead the students to increase writing proficiency, especially in the area of syntactic clarity and maturity. During the 1960 Project English period, one of the few individual projects funded was a study by Kellogg W. Hunt at Florida State University. Hunt (1965) examined the differences in the sentence structures of fourth, eighth and twelfth graders and developed the concept of the T-unit as a measure of syntactic maturity. Hunt's work laid the foundation for later research which would bring transformational-generative grammar into even more classrooms. In 1969, John Mellon published the results of a study which combined the transformational-generative approach with a few 'sentence games' and showed that the experimental group of students showed slightly more syntactic growth than the control group. While

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Mellon downplayed the influence of the 'games' on the improvement cited in his study, their possible effects did not escape a graduate student at Florida State University, Frank O'Hare (1973), who began the design of a study in which these games, now called Sentence Combining, would be presented to an experimental group which, during the treatment, would be provided no grammar study. Besides finding gains in syntactic maturity on the part of the experimental group. he also found that these students were clearly superior to the control group in 'overall quality of writing'. The work of both O'Hare (1975) and Bill Strong (who in 1981 completed a text for college freshmen which offered unstructured sentence combining activities on a range of contemporary topics) ignited the sentence combining explosion in American schools and universities. A true measure of the inroads sentence combining has made lies in the fact that the 1982 edition of Warriner's grammar series added a chapter of sentence-combining work. Despite the emergence of sentence combining, the general movement of linguistic study in US schools symbolised the wholesale abandonment of the free and experimental period of the 1960s and a return to a more rigid, sterile, narrow, tradition-bound approach to English teaching strongly influenced by state mandates that saw 'back to basics' as a curriculum that was 'safe' and uniform. Prelude To The Basics Movement At least in one small corner of the profession there burned the fire of resistance to the onset of accountability in its modern dress. A growing number of educational philosophers, spokespersons, futurists, curmudgeons, et al. were raising their voices of protest in print. Herbert Kohl's text 36 Children (1965) described the irrelevancy and inadequacy of schools, programmes and teachers of Black children in Harlem; two years later, Jonathan Kozol (1967) won a National Book Award for Death at an Early Age, a first hand description of the humiliation and brutalisation of Black children in the schools of Roxbury, Massachusetts; another two years later, Nell Postman & Charles Weingartner (1969) provoked even more interest in the problem of irrelevancy in American schooling with Teaching as a Subversive Activity; in 1970, Charles Silberman delivered an even stronger attack on curricular irrelevancy in Crisis in the Classroom. The thrusts of these books and others were that (1) education had become bureaucratic, sententious, mindless and trivialised: (2) children, especially minority children, had been overlooked, under-valued, and treated with hostility; (3) the child not the syllabus should be the

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centre of classroom attention; and (4) education should reflect the contemporary milieu rather than the romanticised past. Many of these sentiments had been discussed earlier at the Dartmouth Seminar, and now, in a reaction to the accountability movement, were expressed in an even broader and more public arena. Their position was in opposition to the stance of the Council for Basic Education academics who had voiced their criticisms in the previous decade. While much of this writing was detailed, passionate and well-documented, it failed to have a tangible effect on the accountability trend of the 1970s. US English teachers, once again, were faced with 'two roads diverging in a narrow wood'. The excitement, the promise, the hope of the road which led from the Dartmouth Seminar, was, however, not the path most teachers would travel; they were shoved, without inordinate resistance, down the other. The year 1972 witnessed events, largely unrelated to each other, which reflected the ominous Zeitgeist of accountability. At the NCTE meeting in Minneapolis that year, the English specialists of National Assessment of Educational Progress presented their findings from the literature, reading and writing components of the testing programme. The picture they painted was dreary as they concluded the need for more uniformity and indeed conformity through wider use of prescribed instruction. At the same meeting, and at the opposite end of this philosophical continuum, the Conference on College Composition and Communication executive committee presented their resolution on 'The Students' Right to Their Own Language'. In the broader political sense, all of the above pales before the realisation of what the American people were saying in their landslide re-election of Richard Nixon. The reactionary mood of the electorate was clear. Already beleaguered by the frustration of the Vietnam War, they soon had to face the reality of the trauma of Watergate. But all of this did little to stem the conservative tide that was running throughout the country at the time. The tide, fuelled by the accountability movement, gave impetus to the 'back to basics' and statewide testing initiatives to come. The road from Dartmouth was clearly the one less travelled. A Crisis Of Confidence: 1970-1988 Political Context By the mid 1970s the public dissatisfaction with the schools had reached a high-water mark. The experiments with open education, elective programmes in high school English, and alternative schools had all but ended.

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The experimental schools programme into which the Nixon Administration had poured 55 million dollars over a five-year period had brought about only meagre results. What was to have been a 'comprehensive' school reform involving teachers, administrators and community members in hundreds of school districts shattered against the wall of ill feeling and indifference left over from the failures of the piecemeal efforts of the Great Society programmes of the 1960s. As Diane Ravitch (1983:258) has pointed out, 'teachers resented programmes they felt were imposed on them, and internal conflicts undermined many of the projects'. As the federal efforts toward comprehensive reform diminished in the 1970s and schools became increasingly under fire for poor teaching, indifference to students, bureaucratic rigidity and low standards, the number of competing agencies seeking power over the schools increased. Both the American Federation of Teachers and the National Education Association increased their membership so that by 1980 more than 75% of all teachers were members of teacher unions. The unions sought bargaining rights not only concerning the traditional matters of pay and working conditions but over matters of class size, text books, curriculum, and over all other matters concerning the general management of the school. Additionally, the states moved to increase their role in educational policy making. State legislature education committees began to develop 'accountability models' which their members felt would increase the efficiency of the schools by forcing schools into a 'management by objectives' mode similar to such schemes developed earlier in industry and government. 'Accountability' and 'back to basics' became the watch words of American education in the 1970s and 1980s. Foreshadowing what was to come in the actions of many state legislatures, in 1974 an Iowa teacher was fired by her school board because her pupils' scores on the Iowa Test of Basic Skills of Educational Development were too low. A District Court ordered that she be reinstated. The US Circuit Court of Appeals, however, reversed the lower court declaring that 'such matters as the competence of teachers and the standards of its (sic) measurement are not . . . matters of constitutional dimensions' (Council-grams, 1975:36). The United States Supreme Court declined to review the Court of Appeals ruling, leaving stand the School Board's original action. As testing expanded in all subject areas in the schools in the early 1970s, the National Council of Teachers of English established a Task Force on Measurement and Evaluation to study the phenomena in English. By the end of the decade, standardised tests were to become commonplace in every area of the curriculum. The National Assessment of Educational

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Progress continued to target subject areas to be assessed regularly every four years. In mid-November of 1975 the results of the comparison of the 1970 and 1974 national assessments of writing were released. The findings were cited in the National Assessment of Educational Progress Newsletter a month later: National Assessment found that, in 1974, students aged 13 and 17 used a simpler vocabulary, wrote in shorter, 'primer-like' style and had more incoherent paragraphs than their counterparts in school four years earlier. Only the 9 year olds' papers showed an improvement with a proportion of good writers rising in 1974 . . . The writing of 17 year olds nearing high school graduation, declined in quality between the two assessments . . . students showed an increase in awkwardness and run on sentences and a tendency to write as they would speak. (Education Commission of the States, 1975:1) Composition Instruction English programmes at all levels were affected by the growing wave of dissatisfaction with the teaching of writing in American schools. Although reading had been a target of various attacks for many years, little criticism had been levelled at the teaching of writing. Suddenly in a 1975 issue of Newsweek magazine the leading article, 'Why Johnny Can't Write', brought forth a national tidal wave of criticism. Quoting the recently released NAEP study, the Newsweek article claimed that writing was being neglected in American schools. By the end of the 1970s, a plethora of books on the same subject had appeared, including The Literacy Hoax (Copperman, 1978); What's Happening to American English? (Tibbetts & Tibbetts, 1978); The Great American Writing Block (Wheeler, 1979); Empty Pages (Fadiman & Howard, 1979); and Less Than Words Can Say (Mitchell, 1979). It was never possible to know whether there actually was a writing crisis in 1975 because of the variety of ways of teaching and assessing writing in American education. It was clear, however, that many people were concerned about the quality of American writing. In a study done for the Ford Foundation published in 1978 (Balance the Basics, Let Them Write), Donald Graves of the University of New Hampshire produced clear evidence that writing was being neglected in the American educational system. Graves pointed out that most teachers had not had adequate training in their undergraduate teacher preparation for teaching writing. The evaluation of writing was identified as a deterrent to the teaching of writing since most English teachers had more than 100 students per week and marking their written essays took considerable time

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out of school. Graves noted a preoccupation with spelling and punctuation, grammar and usage in the minds of most teachers. His report raised an important question about teacher preparation in writing. As he was working on his study, an answer to the question he was raising had already been formulated and was being put into practice in Berkeley, California. National Writing Project The National Writing Project began in Berkeley, California in 1974 as the Bay Area Writing Project. James Gray, a former high school English teacher and now a lecturer in the School of Education at the University of California at Berkeley, had noted the failure of the 'top-down' teacher in-service programmes of the NDEA Project English in the 1960s. In 1974 Gray and his colleagues at Berkeley brought 22 exemplary writing teachers to the campus. He abandoned the traditional rules and told the teachers, 'you are going to make presentations about the things you do well in classrooms, and I'm going to do the same. Then we will talk about what we have said, and do a little writing. Now who wants to be first?' (Holmstrom, 1984:167). This in-service model of education has now expanded to more than 150 sites in 43 states and 7 foreign countries. Approximately 2,000 teachers are trained each summer in NWP summer institutes and in turn they train more than 70,000 each year. More than a decade later, the effects of the NWP are being described and lauded: in a 1984 article, Mark F. Goldberg maintains that the National Writing Project 'may well be the most successful in-service effort in history' (p.357); The Council for Basic Education has endorsed the NWP as 'perhaps the most successful and certainly the most far-reaching of all the recent initiatives to improve the condition of writing in American schools and colleges' (p.357). Questions Of Quality And Purpose As the Reagan Administration began in the 1980s Terrel H. Bell was appointed Secretary of Education. Bell, a former high school science teacher, school superintendent and professor of educational administration from Utah, had been Deputy Commissioner of the US Office of Education from 1974 to 1976 during the Ford Administration. President Reagan had hoped to do away with the Department of Education or perhaps merge it with another department, but in the first term of Reagan's presidency, Bell emerged as a statesman for the education community, preserving the department at cabinet status and harmonising many of the dissident voices

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which had been critical of education within the Congress. In this position, Bell appointed the National Commission on Excellence in Education with the charge to (1) assess the quality of teaching and learning in public and private schools and colleges and universities, (2) compare American schools and colleges with those of other advanced nations, (3) study the relationship between college admission requirements and student achievement in high school, (4) identify educational programmes which result in improving students' access to college, (5) assess the degree to which major social and educational changes in the last quarter century have affected student achievement, (6) define problems which must be faced and overcome if we are successfully to pursue the course of excellence in education. Its 1983 report said we were A Nation at Risk the first sentences of the report provided its basic theme. . . . we report to the American people that while we can take justifiable pride at what our schools and colleges have historically accomplished and contributed to the United States and the well being of its people, the educational foundations of our society are presently being eroded by a rising tide of mediocrity that threatens our very future as a Nation and people . . . our society and its educational institutions seem to have lost sight of the basic purposes of schooling, and of the high expectations and disciplined effort needed to obtain them . . . (pp.5-6) A Nation at Risk provided a theme which many subsequent group reports followed: The Need for Quality (a report by the Southern Regional Task Force), Educating Americans for the 21st Century: A Report to the American People (National Science Board Commission on Pre-College Education and Mathematics and Science Technology), Action for Excellence: A Comprehensive Plan to Improve our Schools (Education Commission of the States Task Force on Education for Economic Growth), Academic Preparation for College, What Students Need to Know and be Able to Do (College Board Education Equality Project), Making the Grade (Twentieth Century Fund Task Force on Federal Elementary and Secondary Education Policy). And individuals like Mortimer J. Adler outlined proposals for the 'ideal' school or curriculum (The Paideia Proposal: An Educational Manifesto and The Paideia Proposal and Possibilities: A Consideration of Questions Raised by the Paideia Proposal). All of these reports had a similar theme which had been set by A Nation at Risk. The continuing failure of the schools to perform their traditional roles adequately, together with a failure to respond to the emerging needs of the 1980s, would have disastrous consequences in such areas as national defence, technology and productivity.

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The general public dissatisfaction with schooling in the 1980s extended to the English curriculum. Parents and taxpayers and local school boards reacting to what they considered to be too much experimentation in English programmes in the 1970s called for more teacher accountability, widespread competency testing in basic skills and continued emphases on staff development under full control of the local superintendent's staffs. Membership in the National Council of Teachers of English dropped by more than 20% during the late 1970s as English teachers, like other teachers, seemed to see their professional organisation drifting further away from the realities of daily classroom teaching. Sydney, Australia Conference In August of 1980 more than 1,000 teachers of English gathered together at the Fourth International Conference for the Teaching of English in Sydney, Australia. The keynote address by James Britton of the University of London called for the 1980s to be the 'decade of the classroom teacher'. Commissions met on every aspect of teaching English with considerable interest going to the explosion of knowledge in the teaching of writing. Donald Graves of the University of New Hampshire emphasised the 'joy' of watching children learn to write and James Moffett emphasised the necessity of using 'partners and coaches with whom to talk over and try out ideas before and during written composition, in order to aerate and revise inner-speech across successive versions, and the teaching of meditational techniques for knowing, focusing, controlling inner-speech . . .' But even while these events were taking place in Sydney many American English teachers were readying themselves for a resurgence of the grammar curriculum. As parents called for more 'back to basics' textbook publishers were planning new textbook series with the same content of traditional grammar which had been in most American grammar textbooks since the publication of Bishop Lowth's A Short Introduction to English Grammar in England in 1762. Philosophical Context Meanwhile, educational researchers were looking at reforms from a different perspective and building a strong philosophical context for school improvement. In John Goodlad's epic study of schooling in America (A Place Called School) involving 27,000 subjects in a variety of school districts, he comments on the English curriculum: The English/Language Arts formed the backbone of the curriculum in

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the classes we studied, especially at the elementary level. The various subjects and activities falling under this rubric . . . occupy more time at the elementary level and more teachers at the secondary level (combining both junior and senior high schools) than any other subject . . . The dominant emphasis throughout was on teaching basic language use skills and mastering mechanics, capitalization, punctuation, paragraphs, syllabication, synonyms, homonyms, antonyms, parts of speech, etc. These were repeated in successive grades of the elementary years, were reviewed in the junior high years, and reappeared in the low-track classes of the senior high schools. Goodlad also characterised the method of instruction through which this content was delivered: We saw, then, in the English/Language Arts Program, a kind of repetitive reinforcement of basic skills of language usage throughout the twelve grades a heavy emphasis on mechanics in the topics covered by teachers, textbooks, stressing these topics, and work books, work sheets, and quizzes, emphasizing short answers and the recall of specific information. (1984:205-207) In A Nation Prepared: Teachers for the Twenty-First Century, The Carnegie Foundation for the Advancement of Teaching and its Task Force on Teacher Education focused on teachers and the conditions of teaching, reasoning that unless the quality of teachers and the quality of their working conditions were addressed none of the other problems with American education would be solved. The report called for more effective recruitment programmes for teachers and stressed that the dwindling population of young people from which business, the military, and education must draw their recruits will contain an ever larger proportion of minorities. Because the schools themselves will need more minority teachers, the report emphasised the importance of attracting and retaining the best minority teacher candidates possible. The report also called for changing the organisation of schools to empower teachers in making curriculum decisions about the best programmes necessary for a particular school. As the decade of supposed educational reform of the 1980s began to draw to a close and the Reagan administration's policy of reducing the federal government's role in education appeared successful, school reformers were asking how schools could have appeared to have changed so much yet also have appeared to stay the same. . . . How can schooling have changed so much over the last century yet still appear pretty much the same as it has always been? . . . Recall that a number of second order reforms established the dominant structures

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of schooling between the mid-nineteenth and early twentieth centuries, e.g. the self-contained classroom, the graded curriculum, the fifty minute period, frequent testing, the reliance on textbooks and work sheets and the current governance structure of schools were once reforms that have since become institutional bench marks of what constitutes proper schooling . . . (Cuban, 1988:343.) Cuban goes on to point out that the changes that have taken place in the 1980s by the activist state legislatures essentially strengthened past reform bills aimed at getting teachers and students to work harder in classrooms, put in higher graduation requirements with more tests and tighter connections between the tests and what is taught, and, in essence, to continue with the 'back to basics' and 'accountability' games that pervaded the 1970s. Reform Perspectives In an attempt to explain the reasons that many proposed school reforms have not worked in English classes, James Moffett laid bare what he considered to be the basic conflict between parents, citizens and English education reformers concerned with changing reading and writing programmes. Parents who fear losing their children and the majority do in some way want the content of reading and writing to be controlled. Teach my children to read, but I don't want them to read this or this or this. Teach my children to write but I don't need to delve into that or that or that. Just teach them attitudes. Steering ambivalently between the necessity of literacy and the threat it poses ultimately delivers to schools the message that they should teach youngsters to read just well enough for them to follow orders and to write just well enough to take dictation . . . . . . But, if at all, society as a whole fears losing the minds of the young, teachers, in particular, fear losing their own minds if they try to teach the way they know they should. They fear the loss of classroom control and of status if they allow youngsters to choose the content and form of what they read or write. Making students active and teachers reactive sounds like a gratuitous relinquishing of power but empowering others is the teachers' job . . . (Moffett, 1985:53-54). During this period, English teachers were finding ways to 'empower' themselves. At the 1975 national convention of NCTE, a 'political action arm,' SLATE (Support for Language Arts and the Teaching of English) evolved. SLATE Starter Sheets were developed during the following years

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which identified a problem (e.g. censorship), synthesised related research, and presented suggestions for further action. The Assembly on Literature for Adolescents (ALAN) continued to attract more members and to take an increasingly active role in national meetings. The 1987 NCTE Commission on Reading issued a report critical of the widespread use of the basal reader. Teacher recognition programmes increased (national Centres of Excellence in the Teaching of English/Language Arts were designated annually, student writing award programmes flourished, and teacher-researcher grants were awarded). Although the fervour of the reformers focused attention (both critical and supportive) on education, many of the issues members of the profession were writing about still echoed those of previous decades. A 1988 issue of English Journal carried the following articles: 'Employers' Language Expectation and Nonstandard Dialect Speakers', 'Revising the Literature Curriculum in a Pluralistic Society,' 'Sexual Stereotyping and the English Curriculum,' 'Close vs Closed Reading: Interpreting the Clues,' 'Against Formulaic Writing,' 'Alternatives to the Traditional Research Paper.' The 'empowerment' that teachers were seeking for both themselves and their students did, however, influence how many of these discussions took place, where they took place, and who was involved. 1987 English Coalition As English teachers in the United States began to view the nature and challenge of their task for the 1990s a major effort to achieve consensus was funded by several major foundations under the leadership of Phyllis Franklin, Executive Director of the Modern Language Association of America. This effort culminated in an invitational seminar held in June of 1987 where 60 participants from a coalition of eight English associations met at WYE Woods in Maryland. The convenors of the conference hoped that the plans emerging from the meetings would be significant in charting the course for English for the 1990s and beyond. They had even nicknamed the conference 'Dartmouth Two' during the four years of planning that preceded it. At this writing the major impact of the conference is yet to be felt. There seemed to be support for an ideal English classroom which would offer a rich and supportive environment for learners actively engaged in reading, writing, interpreting, speaking and listening, the teacher's task being to create situations and to provide materials that encourage student inquiry, practice in the use of language, and interaction with peers and adults. Teachers should serve as model learners and users of language and should help students learn how to reflect about language.

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In the words of one of the classroom teacher participants at the conference, 'teachers must help students learn how to reflect about language and the curriculum at all levels and should focus on works that challenge students' abilities' (Hydrick, 1988:1). In addition to recommending children's literature over basal readers, the coalition advocated that students read widely . . . in both traditional literature and literature that reflects the diversity of American culture and that students become familiar with as many different kinds of writing as possible . . . Diversities and pedagogy and curriculum specifics became petty questions compared to the overriding missions of life-long learning, and the empowerment of teachers and students empowerment which can be derived only from language. (Hydrick, 1988:1) Questions For The 1990s Agenda The period from 1945 on continued the tradition of posing multiple questions and seeking alternate answers in US English education. Issues from nearly a century earlier were wrestled with to varying degrees depending on the political climate (What 'grammar' should be taught.'? What 'literature' should be taught? How can 'composition' be taught?). Additionally, during this time, English education was also coloured by social issues (like civil rights), technological issues (like Sputnik), political issues (like Watergate), and public interest issues (like accountability and back to basics and the cultural literacy demanded by E.D. Hirsch, 1987). But lest this myriad of issues seem fragmented, lest they falsely reflect an endless maze of wrong turns, it is important to remember that this was a period of productive collaboration and optimistic coalitions. The Basic Issues Conference of the 1950s, the Dartmouth Conference of the 1960s, the International English Conferences of the 1970s and 1980s, the Bay Area Writing Project then the National Writing Project of the 1970s, and the English Coalition of the 1980s collectively stand as powerful examples of the professional networks seeking to benefit from integrated rather than isolated discussions of questions and answers of problems and resolutions of actions and consequences. While many of the questions about 'What is English? will undoubtedly remain the same into the 1990s, the methods for dealing with these questions can only be strengthened by the dialogues and arguments of this recent period. There will still be the professional 'roads diverging in a yellow wood', but if 'empowerment of teachers and students' could be the road taken in the decade of the 1990s, perhaps the prophecy James Britton made at the 1980 Fourth International

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Conference for the Teaching of English in Sydney might indeed become a reality. We are in need of his 'decade of the teacher'. Acknowledgement The authors wish to acknowledge their appreciation to James R. Squire for his thoughtful and critical reading of this chapter. References ADLER, MORTIMER 1982, The Paideia Proposal: An Educational Manifesto. New York: Macmillan. ALM, RICHARD 1987, Lessons from the decades: former EJ editors speak. English Journal 76 (September): 3637. APPLEBEE, ARTHUR 1974, Tradition and Reform in the Teaching of English. Urbana, Ill: National Council of Teachers of English. BASIC ISSUES CONFERENCE 1959, The Basic Issues in the teaching of English, English Journal, September. BESTOR, ARTHUR 1985, Educational Wastelands, (2nd Edition). Urbana Ill: University of Illinois Press. BRADDOCK, RICHARD, LLOYD-JONES, R. and SCHOER, L. 1963, Research in Written Composition. Urbana Ill: National Council of Teachers of English. BRUNER, JEROME 1960, The Process of Education. Cambridge: Harvard University Press. BURESS, LEE and JENKINSON, EDWARD 1983, The Students' Right to Know. Urbana: NCTE. BURTON, DWIGHT 1959, Literature Study in the High School. New York: Holt, Rinehart and Winston. 1965, English education as a scholarly discipline. In The Changing Role of English Education. (Selected addresses delivered at the second conference on English education). University of Illinois: NCTE. CARNEGIE FOUNDATION FOR THE ADVANCEMENT OF TEACHING 1986, A Nation Prepared: Teachers for the Twenty-first Century. Pittsburgh, PA. CHOMSKY, NOAM 1957, Syntactic Structures. The Hague: Mouton. COMMISSION ON ENGLISH CURRICULUM OF THE NATIONAL COUNCIL OF TEACHERS OF ENGLISH 1952, The English Language Arts. New York: Appleton-Century-Crofts. COMMISSION ON ENGLISH OF THE COLLEGE ENTRANCE EXAMINATION BOARD 1965, Freedom and Discipline in English. Princeton, NJ: College Entrance Examination Board. COMMITTEE ON THE NATIONAL INTEREST 1961, The National Interest and the Teaching of English. Urbana, Ill: National Council of Teachers of English. COPPERMAN, PAUL 1978, The Literacy Hoax. New York: Cox Publications. CUBAN, LARRY 1988, A Fundamental Puzzle of School Reform, Phi Delta Kappan, Volume 69, Number 5, January, pp. 341-48. DEWEY, JOHN 1938, Experience and Education. New York: Macmillan.

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DIXON, JOHN 1967, Growth through English. Reading, England: National Association for the Teaching of English. DONELSON, KEN 1972, The Student's Right to Read (rev. ed.) National Council of Teachers of English, Urbana. 1977, General influences on the changing literature curriculum. In JAMES R. SQUIRE (ed.), The Teaching of English, National Society for the Study of Education, Part I, Chicago: University of Chicago Press pp. 158-67. EARLY, MARGARET 1977, Reading in the Secondary School. In JAMES R. SQUIRE (ed.), The Teaching of English, National Association for the Study of Education, Chicago: University of Chicago Press, pp. 189-96. EDUCATION COMMISSION OF THE STATES 1975, National Assessment of Educational Progress, Newsletter, Denver, Colorado. FADIMAN, CLIFTON and HOWARD, JAMES 1979, Empty Pages. Belmont, CA: Fearon Pitman. FARMER, MARJORIE (ed.) 1986, Consensus and Dissent. Urbana, Ill: National Council of Teachers of English. FRANCIS, NELSON 1963, The English Language: An Introduction, New York: W.W. Norton Company. FRIES, CHARLES 1940, American English Grammar. English Monograph No. 10 of the National Council of Teachers of English. New York: D. Appleton-Century. GLEASON, H.A. 1961, An Introduction to Descriptive Linguistics, (rev. ed.) New York: Holt, Rinehart and Winston. GOLDBERG, MARK F. 1984, An Update on the National Writing Project, Phi Delta Kappan, Volume 65, Number 5, January, pp. 356-57. GOODLAD, JOHN 1984, A Place Called School. New York: McGraw-Hill. GOODMAN, KENNETH (ed.) 1973, Miscue Analysis: Applications to Reading Instruction. Urbana, Ill: NCTE. GOODMAN, YETTA and BURKE, CAROLYN 1972, Reading Miscue Inventory. New York: Macmillan. GRAVES, DONALD 1978, Balance the Basics, Let Them Write. New York: Ford Foundation. HATFIELD, WILBUR 1935, An Experience Curriculum in English. A Report of the Curriculum Commission, National Council of Teachers of English. New York: D. Appleton-Century Co. HILLOCKS, GEORGE 1972, Alternatives in English: A Critical Appraisal of Elective Programs. Urbana, Ill: National Council of Teachers of English. HIRSCH, E.D. Jr. 1987, Cultural Literacy: What Every American Needs to Know. Boston: Houghton Mifflin Company. HOLMSTROM, DAVID 1984, 'The Write Stuff', American Way, Vol. 17, No. 6, June, pp. 167-69. HOOK, J.N. 1970, The Tri-University BOE Project: A Project Report. In JOHN MAXWELL and ANTHONY TOVATT (eds), On Writing Behavioral Objectives For English. Urbana, Ill: National Council of Teachers of English, pp. 83-84. 1979, A Long Way Together. Urbana, Ill: National Council of Teachers of English. HUNT, KELLOGG W. 1965, Grammatical Structures Written at Three Grade Levels, Research Report Number 3, National Council of Teachers of English, Urbana. HYDRICK, JANIE 1988, Arizona English Teachers Association Newsletter, Volume 8,

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Number 2, December/January. JENKINSON, EDWARD 1980, Censors in the Classroom. Carbondale: Southern Illinois University Press. KOHL, HERBERT 1965, 36 Children. New York: New American Library. KOZOL, JONATHAN 1967, Death at an Early Age. Boston: Houghton Mifflin Company. LABOV, WILLIAM 1969, The Study of Nonstandard English. Washington, D.C.: Center for Applied Linguistics, Washington, D.C. LODGE, HELEN 1977, Values in the English Classroom. In JAMES R. SQUIRE (ed.), The Teaching of English. Chicago: University of Chicago Press, pp. 126-44. LOWTH, ROBERT 1783, A Short Introduction to English Grammar. London. LYNCH, JAMES and EVANS, BERTRAND 1963, High School English Textbooks: A Critical Examination. Boston: Atlantic-Little, Brown. MALMSTROM, JEAN and ASHLEY, ANNABEL 1972, Dialects USA. Urbana, Ill: National Council of Teachers of English. MALONEY, HENRY (ed.) 1972, Accountability and the Teaching of English. Urbana, Ill: National Council of Teachers of English. MARKWARDT, ALBERT 1967, The Dartmouth Seminar. NASSP Bulletin 57 (April), 104-105. 1968, Letter to Robert E. Shafer. March 14, 1968. MCPHERSON, ELIZABETH 1977, Composition. In JAMES R. SQUIRE (ed.), The Teaching of English, National Society for the Study of Education, Seventy-Sixth Yearbook, Part I, Chicago: University of Chicago Press, pp. 178-88. MELLON, JOHN C. 1969, Transformational Sentence-Combining. National Council of Teachers of English Research Report No. 10. Urbana, Ill: National Council of Teachers of English. MITCHELL, RICHARD 1979, Less Than Words Can Say. Boston: Little Brown. MOFFETT, JAMES 1968, Teaching the Universe of Discourse. Boston: Houghton Mifflin Company. 1985, Hidden Impediments to Improving English. Phi Delta Kappan, Volume 67, Number 1, pp. 50-56. MOFFETT, JAMES and WAGNER, BETTY JANE 1976, Student-Centered Language Arts and Reading, K-13 (Second edition). Boston: Houghton Mifflin Company. NATIONAL COUNCIL OF TEACHERS OF ENGLISH (NCTE) 1962, The Students' Right to Read. Urbana: NCTE. 1975, On test scores and accountability, Councilgrams 36, 2, March. p. 36. NATIONAL EDUCATION ASSOCIATION 1944, Education for All American Youth. Washington, D.C. O'HARE, FRANK 1973, Sentence-Combining. Research Report Number 15, Urbana, Ill: National Council of Teachers of English. 1975, Sentencecraft. Lexington, MA: Ginn and Company. PETITT, DOROTHY 1960, A study of the qualities of literary excellence which characterizes selected fiction for younger adolescents. Unpublished Doctoral Dissertation, University of Minnesota. POOLEY, ROBERT 1946, The Teaching of English Usage. Urbana, Ill: National Council of Teachers of English. POSTMAN, NEIL and WEINGARTNER, CHARLES 1969, Teaching as a Subversive Activity. New York: Delacorte Press.

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RAVITCH, DIANE 1983, The Troubled Crusade. New York: Basic Books. ROBERTS, PAUL 1956, Patterns of English. New York: Harcourt, Brace. 1958, Understanding English. New York: Harper Bros. 1962, Understanding Grammar. New York: Harper and Row. 1967, English Sentences. New York: Harper and Row. 1968, The Roberts English Series. New York: Harcourt Brace Jovanovich. ROSENBLATT, LOUISE 1938, Literature as Exploration. New York: D. Appleton Century Crofts Company, Inc. ROSS, FRANK E. 1966, What's wrong with the secondary section? English Journal, Vol. 55, No. 9, December pp. 1231, 1232. RUSSELL, DAVID 1963, Preface. English Education Today. Urbana, Ill: National Council of Teachers of English. SHUGRUE, MICHAEL 1968, English in a Decade of Change. New York: Pegasus. SILBERMAN, CHARLES 1970, Crisis in the Classroom. New York: Random House. SMITH, DORA V. 1952, The English Language Arts. New York: Appleton Century Crofts. SMITH, FRANK 1971, Understanding Reading. New York: Holt, Rinehart and Winston. SMITH, MORTIMER 1949, And Madly Teach. Chicago: Henry Regnery Company. SQUIRE, JAMES 1964, The Response of Adolescents While Reading Four Short Stories, Research Report Number 2. National Council of Teachers of English, Urbana. STONE, GEORGE WINCHESTER 1961, Issues, Problems and Approaches in the Teaching of English. New York: Holt Rinehart and Winston. STRONG, WILLIAM 1981, Sentence Combining and Paragraph Building. New York: Random House, Inc. The Students' Rights to Their Own Language, College Composition and Communication, Volume 23, October 1972, p. 325. TIBBETTS, ARN and TIBBETTS, CHARLENE 1978, What's Happening to American English? New York: Scribners. THOMAS, OWEN 1965, Transformational Grammar and the Teaching of English. New York: Holt, Rinehart and Winston. TRESSLER, ARTHUR 1925, English in Action. Boston: D.C. Heath & Company. WALLERSTEIN, RUTH 1953, Report of the Curriculum Commission: a criticism. English Journal, Volume XLII, Number 2, October, pp. 371-87. WARRINER, JOHN 1982, English Grammar and Composition. New York: Harcourt Brace Jovanovich. WARRINER, JOHN and GRIFFITH, FRANCIS 1973, English Grammar and Composition Courses 1-5; Complete Course. New York: Harcourt Brace Jovanovich. WHEELER, JOSEPH C. 1979, The Great American Writing Block. New York: The Viking Press. 'Why Johnny Can't Write', Newsweek, December 1975.

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5 Teaching English Language Arts In Canada: 1965-1985 Sam Robinson, Laurence Walker, Nan Johnson and Trevor Gambell 1 In 1759 Voltaire in Candide wrote that England and France were at war 'for a few acres of snow', not worth the cost of fighting over. In some respects, Voltaire was right. Canada is a difficult country. It is big, four thousand miles from Atlantic to Pacific. Much of Canada is uninhabited, with most of Canadian civilisation strung out like a narrow ribbon along the Canadian-American border. It is divided by region, language, and religion. It has long been dominated by the American giant to the south and imperial England across the cold North Atlantic. Much of the story of Canada's development is the struggle to disprove Voltaire's charge. The period under review in this chapter covers one of Canada's most nationalistic periods. In 1967, Canada celebrated its Centennial and rejoiced at Expo 67 in Montreal. At this time, studies such as the Hodgetts report (Hodgetts, 1968) revealed that Canadian schools were anything but Canadian. It was the task of the 1960s and 1970s to find Canada and to discover its place in the school curriculum. Teachers of English took up this challenge with vigour. Stephen Leacock (1939), a Canadian humourist, once quipped, 'Medieval education was supposed to fit people to die. Any school-boy of today can still feel the effect of it.' To some extent, the history of the teaching of English language arts in Canada during the past 20 years suggests an awakening to the medieval nature of our practices. Teachers of English language arts learned to question the wisdom of a rule-based, information-disseminating model of education. Instead, they have begun to explore a model that allows for individual expression and freedom, a model that turns from rules to life. The readers of this chapter are alerted to the fact that this outline of the history of teaching English language arts in Canada, 1965-1985, is not

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intended to be complete. It is, rather, the personal impressions of four English educators who have lived through much of the period in question. As such this chapter is as much a personal statement as a history. If nothing else, the bringing together of the information for this chapter stresses the need for further study. The Development Of A Profession The 1965-1985 period saw the development of a national association of English language arts teachers in Canada. By rights, such an association should not exist since many forces in Canada work against national union. The geographical regionalism makes association among members difficult and often impossible. It costs a lot of money to link people across a four thousand mile expanse. And there is no national focus for education in Canada since the British North America Act of 1867 gave the responsibility for education to the provinces. There is only a resolve to be Canadian. The national fervour that saw the rise of the Can Lit movement in the 1960s gave impetus to the development of the Canadian Council of Teachers of English (CCTE). Through the work of Merron Chorny, who would become the first president, Canadian English teachers were encouraged to form a national association by the National Council of Teachers of English (NCTE) in the United States. NCTE adapted its constitution to accept provincial associations from Canada as affiliate members of the Council. The Alberta English Teachers' Association in 1964 joined with NCTE as the first international affiliate, and other Canadian provincial associations joined shortly after. CCTE became an official entity on August 21, 1967, in Vancouver. At the second CCTE conference in Calgary, Alberta, President Merron Chorny provided this reflection on the founding of CCTE: This day marks the first anniversary of the founding of the Canadian Council of Teachers of English. This conference gives substance to the vision of many English teachers in this country who have worked for a national association. Yet, in terms of what might have been considered realities twelve months ago, we are participating in a meeting that some would have judged as premature and holding no prospect for success. Its being proposed at all may have been viewed as disregarding fact, reason, geography, history, economics, administrative principles, the temper of the time, and the national character. (Chorny, 1968) In spite of the odds against survival, CCTE has continued, a national

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organisation that runs on the enthusiasm of English language arts teachers. CCTE has moved through several stages. Its first purpose was to bring English language arts teachers together, with the annual conferences central to its operation. Recently, CCTE has expanded its emphasis, becoming more aware of its function as a national voice for English language arts, for example publishing a national statement on evaluation in English (Evans, 1984). CCTE is currently moving into the field of publication, both disseminating appropriate materials from other associations and, more importantly, publishing Canadian-produced materials. The legacy of CCTE has been considerable. This organisation has united Canadian educators and given them a true sense of professional consciousness. English teachers across this country know one another; they have visited each other; they have listened to and read the regional literature; they have discovered common interests and common problems; they have discovered, and learned to value, real differences. From the work of CCTE has grown a true Canadian awareness among English teachers. The Canadian Context It is this unity in diversity that characterises Canada. Regional differences are strong. Newfoundland, the island of rock that juts out into the Atlantic, has long suffered the problems of an economic depression. Yet it is from Newfoundland that we have learned to value our traditions. Newfoundlanders were among the first people in Canada to take pride in local literature and include it in the school curriculum. Then there is the Maritime region, the provinces of Prince Edward Island, Nova Scotia, and New Brunswick. Like Newfoundland, these provinces have discovered the pride of regional literature. During the 1980s, educators in Nova Scotia have contributed to the Canadian phenomenon of whole language, a grass roots movement. Teachers of whole language believe that children learn to read and write in a whole context and that the skill by skill approach of basal readers is an unnatural way to learn to be literate. The province of Quebec provides for a totally different context for the teaching of English language arts. This province is dominantly French, with the English speaking schools in the minority. Educators in Quebec, more than in other parts of Canada, have had to deal with the issue of bilingualism. In response to this issue, they have developed immersion programmes in which native speakers of English begin school with French

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as the language of instruction. Highly successful, these immersion programmes have spread throughout Canada. Ontario has long been the giant in Canadian education, the rich industrial heart of the country the trend setter. The city of Toronto has a particularly rich history in dealing with its multi-cultural population. One of the most innovative experimental programmes in Canadian elementary schools has been in operation in the Toronto Board for some ten years under the title The Inner City Project. This project has instituted a school-wide, language-based curriculum. Starting with one inner city school, the scheme has been extended to include several schools in similarly deprived areas. In these schools, additional staff were hired to release regular teachers for school-based professional development. What has been unique about this arrangement has been the initial commitment of all teachers to the philosophical basis of the programme. Those teachers who were uncomfortable with the programme transferred out, and the schools were staffed by teachers who wanted to be there. As a consequence, all members of a school staff have been actively engaged in the training aspect of the programme. And the philosophical basis has been a commitment to the interactive nature of teaching and learning and the value assigned to children's own language as the medium of interaction. The prairie provinces, Manitoba, Saskatchewan, and Alberta, face similar educational challenges. About half of the population of this region is rural, with many small schools. Teachers have learned to cope with multi-grade situations. In some school districts, the concerns of bussing students compete with educational matters. In addition, many indigenous people live in this region, and these provinces are just beginning to understand the issues involved with Native Indian education and to provide the indigenous people with a just place in society. The far northern regions of Canada, Yellowknife and the Northwest Territories, have been long concerned with the education of the Indian and Inuit people, who are the dominant group in this society. Curriculum developers in these territories have provided leadership in dealing with such issues as Indian and Inuit languages and the introduction of the children of these groups into schools. Finally, the province of British Columbia, separated from the rest of Canada by the Rocky Mountains, has taken its own approach to education. Like the prairies, educators in British Columbia have come to understand the importance of education for Indian people. And like Toronto, the city of Vancouver has had to learn to deal with a culturally diverse population.

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Language Teaching Language study in the English language arts curriculum has been the site of an epistemological debate between the traditional theory-into-practice model of language learning and the experiential learning model. The first approach assumes that effective language use is dependent upon a prior mastery of propositional knowledge about language, an assumption that authorises an information-based language study curriculum. The second approach maintains that effective use develops out of purposeful experiences with language for communication and reflection, leading to an experiential, student-centred, process curriculum. Both positions, of course, have been deeply rooted in continuous traditions within the two-thousand year history of Western educational thought. Traditionally the teaching of English language arts in Canada was firmly based in the information-based model. Challenges to these traditional beliefs and assumptions gathered momentum in the 1960s. Beliefs about the value of grammar, a normative standard English, or the tripartite English curriculum, for example, tended to survive longer in classrooms than in provincial departments of education and in the pages of professional journals. The conservative loyalties of many classroom teachers found support in the frequently expressed public concern over standards of literacy among school graduates. Since the 1950s, there has been an intermittent, but recurring, media preoccupation about the quality of English, with bitter complaints from university professors and employers that students had not succeeded in mastering English by the time they finished high school. They also charged that the reason for this decline in achievement, often assumed to represent some deterioration from former standards, was that schools were no longer teaching the rigorous aspects of English such as grammar. These charges were given rather spurious academic authenticity in Hilda Neatby's (1953) So Little for the Mind, a vigorous attack on progressivism in Canadian education. Included in her criticisms was an alleged neglect of the teaching of grammar. L.D. Hamilton (1954), a Montreal principal, took issue with Neatby's charges, pointing out that the question of a decline in standards of literacy was difficult to sustain in light of the increased retention of secondary students after World War II. He also questioned whether desires such as Neatby's to return to the basics were really justified. Examining the contents of traditional programmes, he noted that they 'produced some children who could define a moose but who would not have recognized the beast had they seen it' (Hamilton, 1954: 77). Some 20 years later, the Canadian Chamber of Commerce published

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Basic Educational Skills (Canadian Chamber of Commerce, 1975), a survey of the level of satisfaction among university officials with the fundamental skills of their freshmen students. This report, highlighting the complaint among many universities of the low levels in communication and computational skills, implicated the childcentred public school system as the source of the problem. Schools were accused of failing to emphasise the teaching of basic skills, of avoiding drills, practice, repetition, and other forms of dull learning, and of weakening the curriculum by adding a wide range of alternative courses. On July 24, 1986, the popular national radio programme, CBC's Morningside, broadcast a discussion about the literacy standards of Canadian university students. When told by one student that she had not studied English grammar in public school, Peter Gzowski, the otherwise erudite and humane host, expressed his indignation with the rhetorical questions: 'How can you get through school without taking any grammar? What did you study in English if you didn't study grammar?' Examples such as these suggest a public consciousness: a belief that grammar represents an ancient virtue to which students have some unalienable right either as a prerequisite to literacy or as a penance visited by one generation of Canadians on the next. In any case, many teachers who are sympathetic to this larger public consciousness are sustained in their allegiance to the traditional, information approach to English teaching. New Ideas About Language By the 1960s, documents such as provincial guidelines had officially disenfranchised information about language in the form of analytical grammar with all its definitions and complex, Latin-based classifications as a prerequisite for effective speaking and writing. On the other hand, some educators at that time believed that the literacy problem was attributed to the teaching of the wrong kind of linguistic information. They suggested that if the right grammar could be taught, one based on accurate descriptions of how English worked, students would write better. As a result, the information language curriculum was resurrected as structural grammar. Patterns of Writing (Dashwood-Jones, 1966-67), a new set of structural grammar texts approved for use in Alberta junior-high schools in the mid 1960s, gave a confident answer to the question of what information do children need to use language effectively: the abstract principles that motivate the construction of sentences. DashwoodJones suggested that linguistic structure refers to the arrangement of basic units, morphemes and

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words. To understand structural principles, it is necessary to learn to recognise and produce these units. Hence, parts of speech, or class words, and their inflections had to be learned as prerequisite knowledge. The 1969 Alberta curriculum guide for junior-high school English acknowledged the confusion and even annoyance of teachers with the new structural grammar programme. It included a list of references to help teachers and they were advised to seek university courses to 'decide what to keep of traditional grammar and what to adopt from more recent grammars' (Alberta Department of Education, 1969: 12). There was more than a hint of teacher dissatisfaction with the new grammar in Saskatchewan's 1975 English curriculum guide for Division IV (secondary schools). Teachers were urged to consider the benefits of traditional, structural, and transformational-generative grammars. They were encouraged to be open-minded on this controversial issue. 'It is a disgrace,' the guide said, if a secondary teacher tells students that 'the man or woman who taught them traditional grammar in Division III [junior-high school] was talking nonsense' (Saskatchewan Education, 1975: 93). It was also a disgrace, the guide went on to say, if the same charge were made about the teaching of transformational-generative grammar in the secondary grades. In 1978 the Saskatchewan guide for Division III (junior-high) English (Saskatchewan Education, 1978) included three types of grammar. Grade seven and eight students were to learn the traditional definitions of parts of speech and the traditional concepts of sentence analysis. In addition structural grammar, including the 1968 S-V-O-Q system (see Scott, 1972), and concepts about sentence patterns and inflections were to be learned in all three grades. Grade-nine teachers had an option to introduce transformational-generative grammar. The Nova Scotia Department of Education restored a substantial grammar component to the junior-high school curriculum in 1972, after a short period in which grammar had been in official disfavour 'chiefly a waste of time', a 1969 department publication had asserted (Nova Scotia Department of Education, 1969: 5). This new component was an amalgam of structural and transformational-generative grammar. This same pluralistic approach was evident in the 1977 Ontario curriculum guide for the intermediate division (grades seven to ten). After noting that several descriptive systems of grammar were available, the guide stated that 'a study of grammar, drawing on the strengths of several of these grammars and undertaken at some appropriate point in the students' development, will prove a useful complement to the more practical activi-

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ties of the English program' (Ontario Ministry of Education, 1977b: 57). Initially, the study of grammar was to be on an ad hoc basis. The term communication became popular in the 1970s. For a time it was the official title for what was studied as English in the provinces of Ontario and Newfoundland and Labrador (Meeson, 1975: 73). In Alberta it brought a new kind of information to the junior-high school curriculum. The 1978 curriculum guide presented language as a code operating within a larger communication context and interacting with other aspects of that context to achieve an exchange of information and a sharing of ideas, thoughts, and feelings. In one sense, this communication emphasis had something in common with the progressive language arts curricula in Alberta in the 1930s and 1940s in which language served social purposes and was studied from the point of view of those purposes. The difference was that whereas Junior English Activities (Hatfield et al., 1937) taught the uses of language to achieve such social purposes as the effective use of the telephone, the 1978 Alberta communication curriculum introduced a more technical and abstract vocabulary to explain communication in a theoretical way. Students learned terms such as sender or encoder, channel, and feedback. They analysed and described casual communication situations in grade seven, informal ones in grade eight, and formal ones in grade nine. They identified and analysed different kinds of communication and the elements that went into them. Thus a new kind of information about language entered the Alberta junior-high school English programmes in the late 1970s. In addition, the 1978 Alberta programme retained certain structural grammar concepts that were broadened to include transformational-generative ideas, permitting the inclusion of fashionable sentence-combining activities, also popular at the same time in other provinces. Students studied language variation in its historical, geographical, and social dimensions. In short, among all provinces, language information was conceived of much more broadly in the English language arts curriculum by the end of the 1970s. This same breadth is shown in the 1983 Quebec English language arts guide for secondary schools (Gouvernement du Quebec, 1982). The distinction between knowledge about language and the ability to use it effectively as well as the lack of any necessary causal connection between the two was made very clear. Yet, at the secondary level, the information curriculum was not abandoned because of its assumed failure to transfer to performance. Instead, the guide provided a series of model units for teacher use to help students explore the world of language and to develop sophisticated

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and contemporary understandings about the structure and use of language in society. The goals included the development of conscious awareness by students not only of their own assumptions and intuitions about language as they used it but also those of the wider community. Other topics for exploration included units on the origins and development of the English language, language variation, including dialect and register, and semantics. These units demonstrated the use of data from foreign languages from which students drew generalisations about language, following a method popular in university linguistics courses. This Quebec curriculum represents one solution to the epistemological dilemma surrounding propositional knowledge about language. The information curriculum in English is now separated from the performance curriculum without any claims of mutual benefit. The goals of English language arts education are to develop performance abilities and to foster awareness of and interest in language as a human and social phenomenon. In recognition of the abstract nature of language as a field of enquiry, and in acknowledgement of the principles of cognitive development, the information curriculum is deferred until the secondary grades. Canadian teachers of English language arts have not found complete comfort in a performance approach to the subject. While integration of the components of language arts through the use of thematic units has officially replaced the scope and sequence charts of the skills approach, the perception survives of a need for a more tangible structure on which to build programmes. Propositional knowledge about language in its traditional nineteenthcentury form, which provided the most tangible sequence for language learning, has given place throughout the last four decades to various alternatives from the disciplines of linguistics and communication theory: structural grammar, transformational-generative grammar, and the study of communication. None of these seems to have gained the confidence of teachers of English. As a result, with this issue of a theoretical base for the teaching of English language arts unresolved, the whole-language movement, with its emphasis on an experiential epistemology of language development, squarely challenges the value of language study in its pro-positional sense. The advocates of at least some propositional component for the language arts curriculum are in some disarray over what theories of language provide the best propositions. Consequently, the visible debate in Canada between the advocates of an experiential approach to language teaching and the defenders of a more conservative theory-intopractice position tends to be rather one-sided. In Canada, the experiential approach has been popularised as the idea of whole language, an effective banner that is attracting the allegiance of many elementary teachers. It will be interest-

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ing to see, over the next 20 years, how this debate will be resolved in the classroom, where the questions of theory and approach really matter. The Teaching Of Writing Since the development of the 'growth through English' movement in the late 1960s. James Britton, Nancy Martin, and other influential spokespersons have urged English teachers to re-evaluate and refurbish sterile pedagogies with a socially critical approach to language education. Mottos evolving from the post-Dartmouth years are found in contemporary theory and practice: the 'interactional classroom', the 'negotiable curriculum', 'literacy for a purpose'. In Canada, the impact on the teaching of writing of what J.S. Mayher has recently described as 'the progressive personal growth position in English education' (Mayher, 1986) is clearly evidenced in the concerted attempt being made to modify the traditional model for composition instruction in favour of teaching writing as a personal and social process. The traditional pedagogical model for writing instruction, with its emphasis on grammatical and formal control and its conservative view of the significance of written literacy, is still an exceedingly powerful instructional force in composition instruction in Canada. Finding its most influential format in post-secondary and secondary courses of study, the notion that writing correctly is synonymous with control over grammar and mastery over form continues to have an influential voice in the classroom. Motivated by the conviction that developing the ability to write relies, at least initially, upon the understanding of certain principles of form and style, many writing teachers continue to offer students a course of study based on sequenced lessons on grammar and form. This highly pragmatic approach to writing instruction defines the basics about grammar, style, organisation, and conventional prose formats. As a result, exercises to teach writing tend to be tightly structured and rigorous. The recently published secondary handbook, The Communications Handbook (Goepfert, 1982) is a representative example of the type and range of coverage of the traditional approach to writing, stressing technique and its application. Standard topics in this type of course of study are represented by a reference-text approach to issues such as 'Study Skills', 'Paragraphs and Essays', 'Research Papers', 'Formats', 'Mechanics', 'Letters', and a short outline of the organisational keys to public speaking. This type of basic skills approach to writing treats communication as an umbrella term for everyday academic and potentially professional writing

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activities. A strong continuity exists between this approach to composition teaching and earlier models of the traditional pedagogy which stressed the importance of literacy for social and professional success. An accurate assessment of the state of writing instruction in Canada in the 1980s would be that emphasis on technique and pragmatism of this traditional model for writing instruction is gradually being transformed, rather than dislodged, by 'growth through English' advocates. Alternative pedagogies, inspired by post-Dartmouth consciousness, are challenging accepted notions about what constitutes the curriculum in writing instruction. These new pedagogies realign the aims of the teaching of writing along a distinctly different continuum of aims. The curricular consequences of this transformation place less emphasis on technique and more stress on individual creativity. The theoretical consequences are obvious in the tendency of textbooks and courses of study to foreground the relationship between the development of writing abilities and the discovery of self-expression more dramatically than the pragmatic relationship between the acquisition of writing skills and the attainment of social or professional success. The modification of the traditional technique-centred pedagogy with an emphasis on creativity and individualisation in the development of writing abilities is on the increase and can be found in the majority of authorised textbooks. More and more authors of writing texts are realigning the traditional format for writing instruction in order to balance a student-centred course of study with less pedantic, but still necessary, attention to an understanding of language forms. The founding assumptions of this type of instruction are distinctly different from those of the traditional model which assumes that students learn about writing and then learn to write. The Writer's Voice (Boswell et al., 1984), typical of contemporary textbooks, self-consciously advances postDartmouth philosophies: (a) Language plays a key role in the learning process; (b) Writing is thinking. It does not occur in isolation, but is closely integrated with speaking, listening, reading, and viewing: (c) Writing grows out of personal experience and helps to clarify this experience; (d) Writing is learned by writing, not by explanation and isolated exercises; (e) Writing improves when the writing situations (purpose and audience) are real. (Boswell et al., 1984: 5-6) This approach to composing defines writing as exploring and communication. Although many of the traditional elements of composition instruction are covered in a textbook such as this one essays, descriptive paragraphs,

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coherence, clarity, form the student and the writing process are centre stage. Traditional topics are discussed under the general rubric of 'writer's voice', 'exploring', and 'writing for a purpose', not within the normative configuration of a sequenced study of techniques that eventually enable the student to produce conventional compositions. Strong reinforcement for such provocative transformation of writing pedagogy has been advanced from a determined legion of college English teachers who have invigorated a largely traditional post-secondary curriculum with pedagogical principles from traditional rhetoric. Following the example of such rhetoricians as W. Ross Winterowd, Edward P.J. Corbett, and James Kinneavy, college and university writing teachers have supplemented traditional preoccupation with the technique of writing with the concerns of a rhetorical approach to writing and speaking instruction that emphasises purpose, invention, and audience. This rhetorical approach has proved to be extremely compatible with the aims and methods of the 'growth through English' movement. The increased rhetorisation of composition teaching has conspired successfully with the 'personal growth position' of English education to provide alternatives to the traditional model for writing instruction. While the 'growth through English' movement has redirected pedagogical considerations toward the developmental and creative needs of the learner, the rhetorical approach to composing has shifted the weight of traditional pedagogy away from an overwhelming emphasis on technique toward a central focus on communication purpose and the function of writing as social discourse. In combination, these two perspectives dilute the compelling attention to grammatical and organisational skills so typical of traditional writing pedagogy. While the changes in writing pedagogy over the last two decades are dramatic, it would be inaccurate to describe this change as a radical displacement of the old order. However, if the primary concern is that students hear less about correctness and more about creativity, less about writing for success and more about writing for discovery and communication, Canadian teachers should feel satisfied that there is more than ample evidence to confirm that these emerging pedagogical creeds are reshaping writing instruction in Canada. Teaching Literature This section on teaching literature during the 1965 to 1985 period has been organised by decade, with each decade indicating a distinct shift of

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thinking about education and hence literature. The 1960s was an era of enthusiasm, the 1970s, an era of nationalism, and the 1980s, an era of conservatism. The 1960s were interesting, fast-paced, and vibrant, not only in Canada but throughout the Western world. As the result of a successful economy, a sense of optimism and freedom permeated society, an attitude that was also expressed in curricula for English language arts. Literature teaching enjoyed a sense of freedom both in pedagogy and in the expression of the literary canon. Northrop Frye of the University of Toronto was the major figure of the decade. Frye had some influence on the direction of literary criticism in Canada and indeed North America, and indirectly on literature curriculum development. His archetypal approach to literary criticism lent itself to the division of literature into themes and patterns; hence, the thematic approach to curriculum and pedagogy became common in literature curricula. Frye, in works such as The Developing Imagination (1963a) and The Educated Imagination (1963b), argued that the power of literature was in the education and development of creative thought: The ultimate purpose of teaching literature is not understanding, but the transferring of the imaginative habit of mind, the instinct to create a new form instead of idolizing an old one, from the laboratory of literature to the life of mankind. Society depends heavily for its well-being on the handful of people who are imaginative in this sense. (Frye, 1963a: 58) Although a certain elitism exists in this quotation, the imaginative and creative power of literature certainly fitted well with the sense of creativity that permeated education at the time. The 1960s also saw the introduction of general or non-academic courses, providing students with greater freedom to select the appropriate literature course. This movement prompted a considerable broadening of the literary canon. Many curriculum guides of the decade provided a more varied and flexible programme for the nonacademic students than for those students in the matriculation pattern. In such provinces as Nova Scotia, general courses had a profound influence on the provincial examination systems. Where the literature component of the English examinations had asked students to critically analyse specific works that all students had studied, the new freer selection of content prompted educators to rethink the role and structure of provincial examinations. Examinations were opened up to permit more personal responses and to allow the use of original selections as part of the examinations (Carney, 1986).

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This change in assessment from literary criticism to a recognition of personal response can also be attributed to the influence of the 1966 Dartmouth conference (Dixon, 1967, rev. 1975). Curriculum guides after 1966 placed more emphasis on personal response to literature than they had in the previous decade, moving away from the rigidities of former notions of grammar, composition, literature, and examinations. This interest in more authentic, personal responses to literature continued throughout the 1970s. Curriculum development became more decentralised, book lists of literature continued to grow, and teachers and students could choose from a number of possible titles, particularly novels, short stories, and poetry. Curriculum documents became guidelines, more descriptive than prescriptive. The 1970s in Canada saw a surging of interest in national identity. Many educators were asking a simple question: what does it mean to be Canadian? Some looked to literature for guidance and answers. In this search, the gaps in Canadian literature became obvious, particularly literature for young children and adolescents. It also became apparent that literature and culture were inextricably intertwined. As an introduction to a series for high-school literature, Northrop Frye wrote: It is obvious that Canadian literature, whatever its inherent merits, is an indispensable aid to the knowledge of Canada. It records what the Canadian imagination has reacted to, and it tells things about this environment that nothing else will tell us. (Frye, 1971: 215) Frye echoes the thoughts of such writers as Eli Mandel (1971) and the historian Ramsay Cook (1971) who strongly advocated a cultural heritage model of literature. They presented this argument: Because Canadian literature is rooted in the social and political and historical setting, students will better understand their national identity through the reading of Canadian literature. The power of this interest in Canadian literature can be seen in the move taken by the Ontario Ministry of Education in 1974 to require all graduates of secondary schools to complete two credits in Canadian studies. Such requirement opened the door for curriculum development in Canadian literature at the secondary level. For example, Sheila Brooks and Alice Hale, secondary teachers in Dartmouth, Nova Scotia, were instrumental in developing Canadian literature courses and materials. Ian Underhill, an Ontario secondary English teacher, developed Starting the Ark in the Dark (1977), as part of an integrated Canadian studies programme incorporating units of regional literature. Don Gutteridge (1978) followed with The Country of the Young.

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The fervent advocacy of Canadian literature as cultural heritage led to a more structured interpretation of literature curricula. The means to ensure that Canadian literature was a part of secondary English curricula was to structure the curriculum in terms of national literature. Hence, English curricula developed during the 1970s tended to group content in terms of British, American, and Canadian literature, giving prominence to the cultural heritage model for teaching literature. Interestingly, this model, which started in a concern for freedom and relevance, ended up as a rational, academic approach to literature as noted particularly in the guides for Saskatchewan (Saskatchewan Education, 1975) and Ontario (Ontario Ministry of Education, 1977). The story of the teaching of literature in the 1980s is that of problems and issues, not the development of programmes. The theme of the annual conference of the Canadian Council of Teachers of English in 1984, 'Progress in Hard Times', succinctly states the situation that English and literature face in this decade. Beginning in the latter half of the 1970s, censorship became an issue in Canadian schools, led in Ontario by the Renaissance International movement. Works by well-known Canadian writers, whom teachers had struggled to introduce into the curriculum in the 1960s and 1970s, faced the censors' wrath. Margaret Atwood, Margaret Laurence, and W.O. Mitchell established Canadian writers were branded as obscene if not downright blasphemous. In several incidents, censorship drives became national news items. School districts reacted with procedures and policies to handle challenged materials. In a sense, the censorship movement demonstrates a growing public awareness of the interrelationship among literature, language, and values. The 1980s in Canada continues to see a curriculum focus on Canadian literature, with a growing interest in modern literature in place of older, traditional literature and the classics. Teachers tend to stress critical analysis as their dominant methodology, and reader response theory makes slow progress. The large numbers of students for whom English is a second language has prompted a change in the selection of literature. Departments of multiculturalism, both at the provincial and federal level, have encouraged multicultural literature, with changes in school practice to incorporate literature in translations from other cultures and countries. In 1981, the Council of Ministers of Education, a national organisation among ministries of education, released its study of English language arts curricula. This study examined those curricula in place at the turn of the decade and which have continued to guide instruction in literature throughout the 1980s (Council of Ministers of Education, Canada, 1981). This report notes that literature at the elementary school level is introduced

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through published programmes, with additional materials selected by the teachers, and student-selected recreational reading. As a result literature in the elementary school, at least in the basal series, often consisted of sterile, rewritten excerpts in reading programmes rather than trade books for children. In contrast to this approach to the teaching of literature, curriculum guides published in Nova Scotia (Nova Scotia Department of Education, 1978, 1982) and Quebec (Ministere de l'Education, 1984, 1985) made the case for real children's literature in elementary classrooms. The report has influenced guides among all provinces to promote the reading of a variety of literature. The Council of Ministers' report notes that all curricula for the early adolescent years included a literature programme and at least referred to the desirability of including non-print media. Grouping literature in terms of genre was the most common organisational pattern, but thematic organisation was becoming more evident. At the senior-high school level, there was generally an increased interest in Canadian literature, with several provinces including a unit of Canadian literature directly in the core programme. The report also noted a trend wherein 'the teaching of literature is changing from the placing of heavy emphasis on form and structure to a greater consideration of life experience, emotional impact, and as a model of effective language' (p. 7). It noted, too, that Canadian literature had achieved a secure place within the curriculum: Canadian nationalism is reflected in a preference for Canadian materials. Provincial literature is also favoured. There has been a definite improvement in quality and quantity of Canadian adolescent material. (Council of Ministers of Education, Canada, 1981: 7) A myriad of issues affecting the teaching of literature appeared during the 1980s. Back-to-the-basics, an illdefined demand, was supported by many diverse elements in society. In Saskatchewan, for example, the School Trustees Association, in 1984, passed a resolution to reduce the time spent on literature and to increase the time for the teaching of grammar and composition. Saskatchewan English teachers, along with their colleagues in other parts of Canada, have been caught in a public debate in which they have to explain what an integrated English programme is and how all aspects of the language arts are essential. Reading Education In 1965, reading education was pre-eminent among the language arts. Teacher education courses in reading were separate from courses in the

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teaching of the other language arts, if the latter existed. By the end of the 1960s, reading courses were a compulsory component of the professional education of elementary school teachers. Through the 1970s candidates for secondary teaching positions found themselves more and more taking such courses as reading in the content areas. Indeed, there was incentive to do so because school administrators, recognising the importance of reading skills, wanted to ensure that their new teachers were equipped to teach them. By the end of the 1970s, all of this had changed. In the 1960s and early 1970s, teachers obtained masters degrees in reading education to qualify for the growing number of positions for remedial reading teachers, clinical reading teachers, and reading consultants and supervisors. Residing was the dominant curriculum area in many school systems. By the late 1970s, special education took over reading's funding priorities. By the mid-1980s, gifted education stepped into the limelight. In 1967 the reading curriculum was concerned with teaching reading as a set of skills. A major influence on this model had been Chicago's William S. Gray whose students went on to be leaders in reading education in both the United States and Canada. The major issue was whether it was better to teach reading by a decoding method such as phonics or the newly touted linguistic spelling patterns, or by a whole-word method. Jeanne Chall's (1967) Learning to Read: The Great Debate attempted to resolve this issue by a review of extant research and came down on the side of the decoding approach. No sooner had Jeanne Chall resolved the great debate than the phonics versus whole-word controversy was fossilised by the emergence of psycho-linguistics. One of the first names to become a household word for Canadian reading educators was that of Kenneth Goodman. Reading was now a 'psycholinguistic guessing game'. It was no longer a set of skills encountered by first graders as the rules of a brand new cognitive activity which they were only ready to start mastering when they reached the magic mental age of 6.5 years. Frank Smith, who came to Canada from Britain via Australia and the United States, achieved international recognition for his promotion of a psycholinguistic argument to the teaching of reading. At the beginning of the 1970s, Smith's Understanding Reading (Smith, 1971) was read by graduate students in reading programmes that still reflected a traditional view of the reading process. They waited for their professors to pronounce the verdict, but the professors were cautious. It was not until the mid-1970s that these reading programmes began to reflect a psycholinguistic orien-

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tation. By the end of that decade, Smith's (1971) book, in one of its later editions, was frequently a textbook in new teacher-education courses on the reading process. By the mid-1970s, the psycholinguistic approach to reading began to influence school reading programmes and more teachers became aware of the new ideas through university courses and through the conference presentations and writings of Smith and his American psycholinguist colleagues, and as provincial curriculum guides began to reflect the same influence. This new approach, especially as it became associated with socio-linguistics in the 1980s, moved the English language arts curriculum toward integration. With reading no longer regarded as a unique visual-perceptual process, having instead a firm basis in language, there was no longer any justification for separating it from the other components of language. Research interest shifted in the late 1970s to the writing process, and more teachers discovered excitement in allowing and encouraging their children to explore their own experiences through expressive writing without the prior achievement of conventional spelling. The term emergent literacy replaced beginning reading, as the roots of both reading and writing were discovered in the print-rich activities of preschool children participating in the normal day-to-day agendas of their families. These ideas suggesting an integrated approach to the language arts entered the classroom under the banner of whole language teaching. And so Voltaire's 'few acres of ice and snow' moves toward the twenty-first century. The teachers of English language arts will have to be alert to the nature of impending changes. During the last 20 years, we have come to grips with the Canadianness of what it means to teach English language arts in Canada. During the next 20 years, we will have to come to grips with the basic philosophical question involved in teaching English language arts. This will be hard progress in exciting times. Note To Chapter 5 1. The section on language was written by Laurence Walker; the section on writing by Nan Johnson. Trevor Gambell prepared the section on literature. This project was co-ordinated and edited by Sam Robinson. References ALBERTA DEPARTMENT OF EDUCATION 1969, Junior-High School Curriculum Guide for Language Arts. Edmonton: Alberta Department of Education.

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BOSWELL, WILLIAM, et al. 1984, The Writers Voice: Reading into Writing. Toronto: Methuen Publications. CANADIAN CHAMBER OF COMMERCE 1975, Basic Educational Skills. Ottawa: Canadian Chamber of Commerce. CARNEY, JANET 1986, Personal communication. Halifax: Nova Scotia School Boards Association. CHALL, JEANNE 1967, Learning to Read: The Great Debate. New York: The McGraw-Hill Book Company. CHORNY, MERRON 1968, The genesis of a profession. Address to the annual conference of the Canadian Council of Teachers of English. Calgary, Alberta. COOK, RAMSAY 1971, The uses of literature in cultural history. The English Quarterly, 4 (3), 25-30. COUNCIL OF MINISTERS OF EDUCATION, CANADA 1981, English Language Arts: A Survey of Provincial Curricula at the Elementary and Secondary Levels. Report to Curriculum Committee, Council of Ministers of Education, Canada. DASHWOOD-JONES, DONALD 1966-67, Patterns for Writing, 1-3. Toronto: W.J. Gage. DIXON, JOHN 1967, 1975 Growth through English: Set in the Perspective of the Seventies. London: National Association for the Teaching of English/Oxford University Press. EVANS, PETER J.A. 1984, Evaluation Policy. Canadian Council of Teachers of English. FRYE, NORTHROP 1963a. The Developing Imagination. Cambridge, Mass: Harvard University Press. 1963b, The Educated Imagination. The Massey Lectures Second series. Toronto: Canadian Broadcasting Corporation. 1971. The Bush Garden: Essays on the Canadian Imagination. Toronto: Anansi. GOEPFERT, PAULA S. (ed.) 1982, The Communication Handbook. Toronto: Nelson. GOODMAN, KENNETH S. 1982, Language and Literacy: The Selected Writings of Kenneth S. Goodman. Boston: Routledge and Kegan Paul. GOUVERNEMENT DU QUEBEC 1982, Secondary School Curriculum: English Language Arts I-V. Québec QUE: Ministère de l'Education. GUTTERIDGE, DON 1978, The Country of the Young: Units in Canadian Literature for Elementary and Secondary School. Monograph Number Two, Faculty of Education Monograph Series. London, Ontario: The University of Western Ontario. HAMILTON, L.D. 1954, Some facts and fictions about the teaching of English. Educational Record of the Province of Quebec 70, 2, pp. 75-78. HATFIELD, WILBUR et al. 1937, Junior English Activities, 1-3. New York: American Book Co. HODGETTS, A.B. 1968, What Culture? What Heritage? Toronto: Ontario Institute for Studies in Education. LEACOCK, STEPHEN 1939, Too Much College: or Education Eating up Life: With Kindred Essays in Education and Humour. New York: Dodd, Mead. MANDEL, ELI 1971, The study of Canadian culture. The English Quarterly, 4 (3), 15-24. MAYHER, J.S. 1986, Growth through English revisited, Issues that Divide Us: Papers. The International Federation for the Teaching of English.

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MEESON, BRIAN 1975, English, Canada. The English Quarterly 8, 2, pp. 69-76. MINISTERE DE L'EDUCATION 1984, Elementary School Curriculum Guide: English Language Arts Sample Literature Units, Level V: Elementary V Gouvernement du Quebec. 1985, Elementary School Curriculum Guide: English Language Arts Sample Literature Units, Level IV: Elementary V. Gouvernement du Quebec. NEATBY, HILDA M. 1953, So Little for the Mind. Toronto: Clarke, Irwin. NOVA SCOTIA DEPARTMENT OF EDUCATION 1969, Notes and Suggestions for High School Teachers of English. Halifax: Department of Education. Government of Nova Scotia. 1978, Literature in the Elementary School. Youth education teaching guide No. 24. Halifax: Department of Education, Government of Nova Scotia. 1982, Guidelines for the Teaching of Canadian Literature (English 442). Curriculum Development Teaching Guide No. 78. Halifax: Department of Education, Government of Nova Scotia. ONTARIO MINISTRY OF EDUCATION 1977a, Curriculum Guideline for the Senior Division: English. Toronto: Ministry of Education, Government of Ontario. 1977b, English: Curriculum Guide for the Intermediate Division. Ontario: Ministry of Education. SASKATCHEWAN EDUCATION 1975, Curriculum Guide: Division IV, English 10, 20, 30. Regina: Saskatchewan Education. 1978, A Curriculum Guide for Division III: English. Regina: Saskatchewan Education. SCOTT, ROBERT IAN 1972, The Writer's Self-starter. Collier-Macmillan Canada, Ltd. SMITH, FRANK 1971, Understanding Reading. New York: Holt, Rinehart & Winston. UNDERHILL, IAN 1977, Starting the Ark in the Dark: Teaching Canadian Literature in High School. Monograph Number One, Faculty of Education Monograph Series. London, Ontario: The University of Western Ontario.

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6 Teaching English In Australia: A Personal View Diana Davis and Ken Watson This is, in both senses of the word, a partial account: partial in that it reflects the perceptions and (though not too strongly, we trust) inevitable biases of the authors, and partial too because no single chapter can hope to portray fully the diversity of educational approach and endeavour which must exist when six States and two Territories all operate their own educational systems. In this chapter we have concentrated on the last 20 years or so, giving as brief a picture of the first two post-war decades as possible, commensurate with the need to provide the reader with some sense of the background political, cultural, social against which the major shifts in English teaching that have characterised the period from about 1965 have occurred. The Cultural And Political Context In Australia we have a phrase, 'the cultural cringe', which denotes what many see as an excessive deference to ideas and movements emanating from overseas, particularly from Britain and the USA. And it is sometimes argued that the cultural cringe is especially evident in the teaching of English, that the changes that have occurred in English teaching have simply been an acceptance of overseas influences. Whilst there is no doubt that, in the period since World War II, the forms that English teaching has taken have been shaped in part by reports of such overseas events as the Dartmouth Seminar, they have also been shaped by a number of local pressures and local initiatives. Hence it is possible to see Australian English teaching in 1988 as having some unique features, whilst at the same time having a significant amount in common with English teaching in New Zealand, in Britain, in North America. What are these local problems and pressures with which English

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teaching in Australia has had to come to terms? First and foremost, there is the post-war migration, which has made Australia, after Israel, the most multicultural nation on earth. Allied with this has been an intensified search for a national identity as the sense of a common British heritage has weakened. There has been a burgeoning concern with Aboriginal Australians, their culture and their needs. Economic pressures have also played their part, both in attempts to influence the curriculum, particularly during periods of recession and unemployment, and in the effects of a growing affluence upon the class structure. A complicating factor for the English-teaching profession has been the lack of support even hostilityin some States of a significant number of those who might have been seen as its natural allies the members of English Departments in the universities. At the national level, political power since 1949 has, with the exception of the period 1972-75, when a radically reformist Labor Party assumed Government, been the preserve of conservative parties. (At time of writing, the Labor Party is again in power, but it is generally conceded that this is a much more conservative party than the one headed by Gough Whitlam in 1972-75.) And while the Federal Constitution, promulgated in 1901, left education in the hands of the States, there has been, in the period under review, a growing Federal involvement in education. Inevitably, the character of this involvement has been shaped by the philosophy of the particular party in power, and perhaps even more by its perception of what will win votes. Despite recent initiatives at the national level, there remain clear differences between the various States, arising from the fact that each State's educational system was well established before Federation. Thus in New South Wales, for example, public education had until relatively recently a much higher status than it did in some of the southern States. In Victoria, a two-tiered system of public secondary education (high schools and technical schools) still exists, although a single post-primary division has at last been created, and children in Queensland, South Australia, Western Australia and the Northern Territory enter the secondary school a year later than those in the other States. Tasmania and the Australian Capital Territory have developed systems of junior high schools and senior colleges. (The Tasmanian colleges are known as matriculation colleges and until recently their curriculum has been conceived almost exclusively in terms of preparation for university.) A very large Catholic education system parallels, but is independent of, each State's public school system. In all States there are also many private/independent schools, particularly at secondary level, with Victoria having the highest percentage of students in private secondary schools.

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Each State, then, has had, historically, its own, fairly centralised education system. At both primary and secondary level most States produce (or did produce until recently) syllabus statements to which teachers are expected to adhere. Thus change, when it comes, has to be 'top down' as well as 'bottom up': any change at the grassroots has to be matched by changes at the level of the syllabus committees (not to mention parents, employer groups and the like). This probably means that change comes a little more slowly, but once it has been enshrined in syllabus documents it becomes widespread. New South Wales, for example, had, until the early 1970s, very prescriptive syllabuses (or, if not prescriptive syllabus statements, then an examination system and list of set texts which forced English teaching into a fairly restrictive mould). It still produces syllabuses which, while conferring considerable professional responsibility upon teachers, nevertheless embody the requirement that the State's teachers, whether they are in public or private schools, adhere to syllabus aims and objectives. South Australia has travelled further along a similar road: schools today are simply required to take account of, not necessarily to use, the official guidelines. A system of moderation of the work of the schools at the senior level preserves, however, a degree of accountability. As already noted, the last 30 or so years has seen the gradual intrusion of the Federal Government into education, notably in the introduction of financial aid to private schools. While one of the aims of this financial aid was ostensibly that of improving the facilities of the poorer private, mainly Catholic schools, it has led to a widening of the gap between wealthy private schools and those in the public sector, and has had its impact upon the class structure. Other Federal initiatives, notably in the 1970s and 1980s, have had much more positive effects upon the teaching of English in schools: the establishment of the National Curriculum Development Centre and of the National Committee on English Teaching; the setting up of a National Working Party on the Role of Language in Learning; the National Language Development Project (LDP); the Participation and Equity Program (PEP); and Basic Learning in Primary Schools (BLIPS). (Like the rest of the English-speaking world, Australia is afflicted with acronymophilia.) Apart from the Curriculum Development Centre itself, PEP, established in 1984, and BLIPS, launched in 1985, are, at the time of writing, the only surviving programmes. PEP has as one of its aims to encourage pupils to continue their education beyond the years of compulsory schooling, and has been notable in fostering in-service programmes within individual schools; BLIPS has spawned ELIC (Early Literacy

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In-Service Course), a staff development package developed in South Australia which is proving very effective at the lower primary level in several States. The fact that these initiatives date from 1984 and 1985 suggests that, despite the marked shift of the governing Labor Party to the right, there survives a stronger belief that education can promote essentially egalitarian aims of equity and opportunity than seems to be the case in some other English-speaking countries. In attempting a global picture of developments in English teaching in Australia, we have ignored most of the regional differences, which seem relatively minor, and have concentrated as far as possible on national trends. Once or twice we have found it necessary to point to significant differences between States, but any reader who wishes to explore trends in a particular State would be advised to consult the journal produced by that State's English teachers' association 1 and, for differences at the senior secondary level, Paul Nay-Brock's recent book, Who's Doing What? The Senior English Curriculum in Australian Education (1987). English Teaching In Australia, 1945-1960: An Overview If one were to consult George Mackaness's Inspirational Teaching, first published in 1928 and until 1967 the only significant Australian book on the teaching of English (the works of E.G. Biaggini fall into a rather different category2), one would build up a picture of lively, imaginative English teaching which emphasised drama, versewriting and the importance of having 'pupils talk, argue, debate, question' (Mackaness, 1928:30). But Mackaness's book, while based on his own teaching practice, had its genesis, not in what was going on in his own State of New South Wales, but in Caldwell Cook's The Play Way, published in Britain in 1917. The reality, in New South Wales and elsewhere in Australia, was unfortunately very different, as, indeed, it was in Britain, where The Play Way seems to have had little impact upon teaching practice. Until the early 1960s the various Australian state education systems operated around sets of readers, spelling lists, dictation and transcription passages which became, theoretically, more comprehensive and complex as the child moved up through the primary school and into the secondary school. From the third year of the secondary school onwards, English was bound by a centralised set of prescriptions and a related examinations spiral. At the primary level each child was issued with a class reader, supplemented from time to time by a school magazine published by the

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particular State's Education Department. (As time went on, the school magazines improved dramatically in quality, and their contribution to literacy should not be underestimated. Similar publications are still being produced, such as the Victorian Education Department's 'Pursuit'.) There was usually a staple spelling list which, from the third or fourth grade onwards, was typically supplemented by word books of exercises on punctuation and grammar. These were apparently predicated on what might be called the 'vigour from rigour' concept of the teaching of English. Children completed numerous exercises of a fill-in, mechanical variety, as can be seen from this example, taken from a book intended for the sixth grade: 1. Fill in the right word, from those supplied, in each of the following sentences: where, wear: The carpet shows signs of ...... in places ...... people most often walked. as, has: Tom ...... just ...... good a chance of winning ...... Jack. to, too, two:...... parcels are ...... much for me ...... carry. 2. Give words opposite in meaning to each of the following: rigid, victory, spendthrift, virtue, roguery. 3. Write sentences to show the difference between: boy's and boys'; man's and men's; a dog's home and a dogs' home. The same textbook offers topics for composition ('Write an account of any picnic or outing you have had in a park or woods' and 'A cuckoo lays an egg in a thrush's nest. The two birds meet. Write the conversation they might have.') which reveal its UK origin, and under the heading 'Reading for Appreciation' presents a series of poems with comprehension questions underneath. This book (and almost all the other textbooks in use at the time) reflects the belief that students who are able satisfactorily to complete exercises like these would also be able to produce these structures and vocabulary items in their writing speaking not being mentioned, and listening ignored. A similar pattern obtained in the secondary school years, though with an increasing emphasis on a body of prescribed literature, normally constituting a gradual introduction to the range of forms in the great tradition of English Literature. This led to the production of school literature texts, such as Foster & Bryant's Gateway to Shakespeare, with its excerpts from Shakespearian plays, anthologies of poetry like Mackaness's The Wide Brown Land (an attempt to acquaint children with Australian literature) and collections of short stories and one-act plays. The secondary school, too, saw an increasing emphasis on comprehension, with weekly

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exercises involving the reading of passages and the answering of questions on them, and much work on parsing and analysis and sentence correction. The typical junior secondary English class, then proceeded somewhat in the following fashion: a poetry lesson on Monday (because a lot of Mondays were missed owing to public and school holidays); a comprehension period on Tuesday (with a spelling list thrown in for good measure); a novel period on Wednesday (with reading round the class and the summarising of the latest chapter in the pupils notebooks). On Thursday there were perhaps two periods: the morning one given over to the writing of a composition on a topic provided by the teacher, the afternoon devoted to the mysteries of adverbial clauses of concession. On Friday, once the test of the spelling list given on Tuesday had been disposed of, there was likely to be a desk-bound reading from a collection of one-act plays. (One variation from this pattern was that in many Catholic and State boys schools almost no poetry was taught.) The specific needs of ESL children, from 1945 onwards entering the schools in ever-increasing numbers, were largely ignored, though some States included reference to them in those sections of syllabus statements dealing with slower learners. No special provision was made for Aboriginal children, who almost always found themselves in slow-learner classes because of their failure to perform well in IQ tests. The cultural bias of such tests was not recognised, and indeed the myth that all Aboriginal children had below-average intelligence had a large following perhaps not surprisingly in a society grounded in White Australia mythology. Winds Of Change It may still be possible, in 1988, to find a few English classrooms similar to that described in the previous section, but most English classrooms, both primary and secondary, differ radically from those commonly found in the 1950s. The change began in the 1960s as leaders in the profession began to question the assumptions on which 'English through exercises' was based. It is tempting to ascribe these changes to the impact of the Dartmouth Seminar of 1966 on the leaders of the profession. This would be, however, to ignore a number of local influences. It needs to be remembered that while John Dixon's account of the Dartmouth Seminar, Growth through English, was first published in 1967, it was the second edition, published in 1969, that made at least some Australian teachers aware of what had happened at that

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seminal gathering. And by 1969 the winds of change had already begun to blow with some strength. The early 1960s saw the foundation of the English Teachers' Associations in the various States and the establishment of the Australian Association for the Teaching of English. Through their journals and conferences, these associations had begun to influence teaching practice even before Dartmouth. The extent of such influence is, of course, difficult to gauge: most teachers do not read journals or go to conferences, and acknowledge that they gain far more from interchange with their colleagues. Nevertheless, the professional journals of the period do testify to a vigorous interchange amongst the leaders of the profession teacher-educators, members of syllabus committees, the more thoughtful heads of English departments which must have affected practice in at least a significant minority of classrooms. In an early issue of English in Australia we find Tony Delves reminding English teachers of David Holbrook's insistence that English has to do with the growth of the whole person and arguing that 'To the English teacher, what the child says or writes, as well as what he reads, ought to be literature' (Delves, 1966:36). He noted the positive influence of some of the newer textbooks: Reflections from England, and Chatfield & Russell's Poetry Workshop and Junior Poetry Workshop produced locally. In the same journal a few months later, Bill Hannan pointed out that an 'unvaried diet of full-class instruction and solitary writing would seem to provide the least opportunity for use of the spoken language' and pressed for small-group work as well as whole-class, teacher-directed approaches (Hannan, 1967:50). In 1968, in the Newsletter of the N.S.W. English Teachers' Association, Ken Watson attacked the grammar content of a new Syllabus in English for Primary Schools and listed, to the astonishment of many N.S.W. English teachers, the research evidence undermining the view that a knowledge of formal grammar has a positive effect on the ability to write (Watson, 1968:5-6). It was at this point that there was a move away from the traditional English textbook to ones produced with a concern to select material which had both a general focus and a real (or ideal) relevance to the intended audience. Thus the thematic movement was initiated. Perhaps the first local example of the genre was Delves & Tickell's Themes and Responses, Book 1 of which was published in 1967. This series presented students with extracts from literature organised thematically and provided guided opportunities for them to respond imaginatively to the material rather than simply comprehend it. Themes and Responses provided the impetus for the Australian thematic text or resource book galaxy which exploded onto the market and into the schools in the first half of the next decade. Themes and

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units like 'Belonging', 'Fears', 'Witches', 'Endurance', 'Loneliness' represented a dramatic departure from texts which very convergently and solemnly waded through series after series of language exercises and comprehension passages. The initial popularity of such texts argues that significant numbers of teachers were dissatisfied with the traditional patterns of English teaching and were searching for ways of making English more vital and relevant. This suggests a major shift in teachers' attitudes to 'subject English', the causes of which may, with some tentativeness, be ascribed partly to the work of the professional associations, but perhaps more strongly to changes initiated at the level of centralised curriculum development, where the prescriptive syllabuses of the 1950s and early 1960s were giving way to broad statements of aims, with the details of implementation left in the hands of the schools. The Impact Of Dartmouth Growth through English, John Dixon's report for the profession of the Anglo-American Dartmouth Seminar of 1966, came just at the right time to encourage those who were groping towards a new model of English teaching. It directly challenged notions of language learning that were to be found in many official documents and in most of the textbooks in use in schools until Themes and Responses began to have an impact. 'Language', wrote Dixon, 'is learnt in operation, not by dummy runs' (Dixon, 1969:13). The English classroom should be . . . a place where pupils meet to share experience of some importance, to talk about people and situations in the world as they know it, gathering experience into new wholes and enjoying the satisfaction and power that this gives. But in doing so each individual takes what he can from this shared store of experience and builds it into a world of his own. (Dixon, 1969:6-7) With the old patterns under challenge from within and without, it is not surprising that the syllabuses that emerged in the 1970s were not only less prescriptive but also radically different from their predecessors. In New South Wales, for example, the Syllabus Committee for Years (i.e. Grades) 7-10 produced, in 1971, a new English Syllabus which stressed 'the language in use in context' and which embodied 'a deliberate shift from English as information to English as activity'. It no longer specified a body of knowledge to be imparted. It suggested that one of the main aims of English teaching was 'to help [pupils] explore their own and other people's values, in the context of language in all its uses'. Similar syllabus statements were

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produced in Victoria (1970), South Australia (1971) and Queensland (1973). Dixon's personal growth model had received official endorsement. And for those who needed them, new textbooks to fit the 'new English' were already at hand. Of particular importance in the process of spreading new ideas and new understandings were the consultancy services established in each State. In 1968, South Australia appointed consultants in English, Physics, Mathematics and Chemistry. Garth Boomer was the English Consultant. By 1970 there were two English Consultants in South Australia and appointments had also been made in Western Australia and Victoria. Gradually the other States followed the South Australian lead; by the mid-1970s most States had regional consultants as well as consultants with a state-wide brief working closely with teachers. These consultants were potent 'change agents', charged with helping teachers adjust to the new philosophy of English teaching, and also with making teachers aware of overseas research. As they moved around the schools, they also began to collect examples of good practice which they disseminated to schools through newsletters, school-based seminars and conferences. And perhaps at this point it needs to be emphasised that throughout this period there were many dedicated, innovative teachers doing exciting things in their classrooms: the networks established by the consultants facilitated the sharing of such ideas to a greater extent than had been previously achieved. Consultants were able to ensure that the views and practices of such teachers were institutionalised in official guidelines; they also played an active role in the English Teachers' and Reading Associations. Garth Boomer has written: There is no doubt that the consultant as mediator, catalyst, supporter of networks and inquiry, and as critical interpreter of 'big R' research has played a key role in the reform of English teaching since 1968. Where the consultancy has worked best it has eschewed the model of expert, and worked towards the enfranchisement of teachers. (personal communication) The process of consolidation was further helped by a national Curriculum Officers Conference on Primary School English in 1971, with Paula Menyuk from the USA and Bernard Newsome from the UK as invited consultants. It must be acknowledged, however, that for most of the 1970s English at the primary school level lagged behind secondary English. The balance was ultimately redressed largely through the growth in influence of the Primary English Teaching Association, founded in 1972, and through the appointment of primary advisers/consultants and project teams.

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A more powerful influence initially was the 1972 UNESCO Seminar, held in Sydney, and attended by 80 invited delegates from around Australia. It was the first such meeting of the profession in Australia and the first opportunity for genuine dialogue bridging the vastness of the continent and its different systems of education. There were two overseas consultants, James Britton (UK) and Roger Shuy (USA), with the specific brief of providing input on the state of the art in language development, theory, research and practice. In retrospect, it may be said that the greatest single gain of the Seminar was a realisation of the extent of the profession's fundamental ignorance about areas central to its work. Not only did the 80 participants discover, for example, that they knew of virtually no Australian research relevant to their concerns, but also that the findings of such research from overseas rarely filtered through and hence could have little impact upon teaching practice. Moreover, it was clear that the very considerable corpus of theory about the way in which a child acquires his or her native tongue was familiar to all too few, and utilised in practice by even fewer. As a direct result of the Seminar, the National Committee on English Teaching (N.C.E.T.) was established in Canberra under the auspices of the Commonwealth Department of Education, its purposes being to gather and disseminate information about English teaching and to promote research in the field. While N.C.E.T. became a victim of a government economy drive a few years later, it did manage to launch one important curriculum initiative, the Language Development Project (LDP), with Professor M.A.K. Halliday as consultant and first Nea Stewart and then Frances Christie as Project Officer. The Project sought: 1. to identify and document good practice in fostering language development in the upper primary and junior secondary years; 2. to investigate the problems encountered by children in this age group in meeting the language demands of school learning; 3. to bring theory, research and practice together. As Garth Boomer (1985:198), one of the most influential figures in English teaching in this period, has written, the LDP provided a good example of a potentially 'top down' curriculum initiative which, because it was based on a belief that 'a crucial aspect of teacher growth was the building of a personal theory of learning that could then be tested by teachers in their practice in schools' managed to incorporate many of the strengths of 'bottom up' initiatives by setting out to negotiate with teachers and with systems. Each State undertook a particular task within the general theoretical framework provided by the Project: for example, New South Wales and South

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Australia investigated writing development in Years 5-8, Tasmania concentrated on reading in Years 6 and 7, and Victoria on English as a second language in Years 6 and 7. Each State held conferences, circulated working papers, and sought to make its findings accessible, not only to the teaching profession, but to the wider community, particularly parents. N.C.E.T. also carried out a survey on teacher education, the report of which, published in 1980, highlighted the fragmentation of much of the training provided, the lack of courses on children's language development and (for secondary teachers) on reading. A series of films, designed to highlight current thinking on language and pedagogy, was commissioned by N.C.E.T. as one means of improving the quality of teacher education. At much the same time the Curriculum Development Centre (CDC) set up a National Working Party on the Role of Language in Learning, which established a network, Australia-wide, of enquiring teachers and schools. Many teachers were inspired to undertake action research projects in their own classrooms and schools; the fruits of their efforts were widely circulated within most States. Negotiating the Curriculum, edited by Garth Boomer (1982), documents some of the exciting experiments in negotiated learning that were promoted by the National Working Party, experiments which had their genesis in the British 'language across the curriculum' movement but which [at least in our view] went far beyond it in encouraging the development of a model of learning which 'meant bringing children over to the teacher side of the teacher-learner fence' (Boomer, 1982:7). Back To Basics Of course, the production of syllabus documents and the efforts of official bodies cannot of themselves ensure change. There needs to be both a willingness on the part of the profession to entertain new ideas and a social climate in which they can be implemented. Nay-Brock (1987) notes that in Queensland, for example, the 1973 English Syllabus for Years 8-10 received scant attention from traditionalists until the Board of Secondary Education introduced procedures which required all schools to have their programmes accredited by review panels. And three studies undertaken in the period 1976-83 indicated that despite the urgings of state syllabus documents, the dedicated efforts of a growing band of English consultants, the example of enthusiastic and able teachers and the support provided by the establishment of teachers' centres in all States, there was still no unanimity of purpose and methods in the classrooms of the nation. In a study of English in New South Wales schools, Watson (1979) found that implementation of the 1971 Syllabus (Years 7-10) had been at best partial;

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in Western Australia, Martin (1980:258) found 'a great deal of what can only be described as ''busy work" quite unrelated to the "actual functions" of language or what is known about its development'. Piper (1983), in a study of schools in New South Wales, Victoria and the Australian Capital Territory, noted a neglect of oral language development and described much English teaching as boring and relying heavily on commercially produced textbooks. Why was this so? At least part of the answer is to be found in the 'back to basics' movement of the mid-1970s. No sooner had the 'new English' become enshrined in State syllabuses than it came under attack as the cause of an alleged decline in standards of literacy. (Interestingly, similar claims had been made about the 'old English' in the 1950s and early 1960s.) A call for a return to 'the basics' paralleled similar claims of falling standards in the UK, claims which led there to the setting up of the Bullock Committee. Britain had its Black Papers; Australia followed suit (another example of cultural cringe?) with the establishment of the Australian Council for Educational Standards (ACES). The main thrust of the ACES attack, as far as English was concerned, rested on unsupported claims that young Australians did not read and write as well as the young people of 30 years ago; there was a strong push for re-establishment of phonics as the only means of teaching reading, and for a return to old methods of teaching writing and spelling, and an attack on the choice of literature, especially adolescent literature. Much of the criticism came from academics who failed to recognise that with the growth in educational opportunity (for example, the abolition of tertiary fees by the Labor Government of 1972-75) a new clientele was coming into the senior school and into tertiary education. One product of 'back to basics' was a resurgence of the kinds of English texts that had been popular in the 1950s. The source books of the late 1960s and early 1970s gave way to books like the 'Language' series of Sadler, Hayllar & Powell (1977), all packed with fill-in-the-blank exercises, sentence correction, and writing assignments like the following: Write twenty-five lines on one of the following: a. My ideal school b. People I dislike . . . Why did so many teachers turn to such books, thus abandoning the teaching approaches that they had adopted with enthusiasm only a few years previously? The answer seems to lie in their lack of a properly articulated theory of English teaching. Lacking a clear rationale for their teaching practices, English teachers were particularly susceptible to media attacks

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and publishers' promotional efforts. For a time, 'the basics' of English were seemingly determined, not by professional English teachers, but by a handful of journalists and by publishers with an eye to the main financial chance. A particularly distressing feature of the 'back to basics' movement was a concerted attack on public education in the media. There are signs that the undermining of public confidence in state education that resulted from this is causing the Australian class system to become less fluid, with (at least for those not going on to university) the 'right' secondary school becoming the badge of entry to the more privileged groups. 3 Fortunately, at least as far as English is concerned, there are signs that the position is now much healthier. At the time of writing (1988), the bestselling junior secondary textbook series is no longer the 'Language' series but 'English Workshop' (Forrestal & Reid, 1983) which is not only based upon sound language-learning theory but has sought to tackle the great unsolved problem in English teaching, that of sequence and continuity. This shift may be ascribed to a much more widespread understanding of the principles of language growth, an understanding achieved, at least in part, by the efforts of the consultancy services and by initiatives like the Language Development Program. English At The Senior Secondary Level By the end of World War II, all States had abolished public examinations at the termination of primary schooling, but such examinations lingered on into the 1960s at two points in secondary education: the end of the years of compulsory schooling and at the matriculation level. As far as English was concerned, the senior examination syllabuses in the 1960s were either Leavisite in emphasis or offered no philosophy at all and, as Warwick Goodenough noted, simply listed books for study according to a tired old formula: Something old, something new, Something borrowed, but nothing blue. (Goodenough, 1967:14) Gradually, public examinations at the end of Year 9 or Year 10 were phased out, and Queensland and later the Australian Capital Territory took the bold step of abolishing public examinations at Year 12. To date, no other State has felt able to follow Queensland's lead, and it is probably this factor as much as any other which has preserved a distressing fracture in English courses at the end of Year 10. While every State has syllabus statements or

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curriculum guidelines for the junior secondary years which embody the personal growth model of English, only Queensland carries this definition of English into the senior years. In other States, to a greater (e.g. New South Wales) or lesser (e.g. Victoria and South Australia) extent, the demands of the universities and the Year 12 examination (generally known as the Higher School Certificate) create a situation whereby the goals of English are narrowed, one kind of writing the literary-critical essay is elevated to prime importance, and lists of set texts shape the curriculum. Lest this picture of senior English seem too gloomy, it must be stressed that the last few years have seen some exciting initiatives. In Victoria, for example, there has been the development of an alternative Higher School Certificate course, English B, the brainchild of Bill Hannan and David McRae. This is important not only as an example of school-based assessment at the senior level, but as an example of goal-based assessment. Students are judged in terms of their progress towards specific, definable goals, such as the presentation of a piece of writing of some 2,500 words which has been drafted, redrafted, edited and brought to finished copy stage. Another Victorian initiative, Group I English, taken by the majority of candidates, encompasses a range of writing in the external examination, and offers teacher-assessed options, such as 'Writing Workshop' and 'Oral English'. In South Australia SAS English (School-Assessed Subject as against PES Publicly-Examined Subject) has been launched. A 'template' syllabus for Year 12 sets minimum requirements: in poetry, for example, students must read, share, perform and write a minimum of 30 poems. There are no set texts, the choice being left to the teacher and pupils. Regional moderating groups examining folders of work at two points during the year ensure the maintenance of standards. English And The ESL Child At the same time that the old model of teaching English to the native speaker was being challenged, educators at last began to make concerted efforts to help the ESL child. Until the late 1960s, there were very few ESL-trained teachers in the schools, but by the mid-1970s the position had changed radically, with ESL specialists available in most schools with a significant migrant intake. At first, ESL teaching was narrowly structural in its approach, but one of the most dramatic developments of the last decade has been the rapidity with which ESL teaching has shifted, both in theory and in pedagogy, to a position which is very close to that of the 'new

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English'. Intensive Language Centres cater for new arrivals from non-English-speaking countries; thereafter, the emphasis is on 'mainstreaming' the ESL pupils, with the specialist ESL teacher coming into their ordinary classes to assist them. Some schools with a high migrant intake prefer, however, the concept of 'parallel English' classes, where classes composed of ESL pupils follow the same course as the native speakers, but in a more structured way under the guidance of an ESL specialist. The merits of the two approaches remain the subject of controversy; current government policy generally favours mainstreaming, but recognises that the teachers on the spot are in the best position to judge the needs of particular groups of pupils. English And The Aboriginal Child Regrettably, recognition of the special needs of Aboriginal children has been very slow in coming about, for such children form only a small minority of the total school population. It is only recently that the belief that urban Aboriginals speak a different dialect has been questioned: a study by Eagleson et al. (1982) suggests that the nonstandard social dialect spoken by the majority of urban Aborigines is the same as that spoken by a section of urban white Australians. In rural areas where there is a high concentration of Aboriginal people, the first steps are being taken towards providing bilingual education (it is estimated that at the time of earliest European contact there were between 200 and 250 Aboriginal languages), and efforts are being made to alert teachers everywhere to the problems faced by their Aboriginal pupils when trying to make sense of western-style schooling. The major barriers to effective communication between white teachers and the Aboriginal children in their classroom would seem to arise, at least in part, from the differences in world view between the Aboriginal peoples and westerners, and the different modes of learning operating in the two cultures. Michael Christie (1985:68) has pointed out . . . the fundamental difference between the Aboriginal mode of informal and largely non-verbal learning which the children know so well, and the complex, purposeful, and verbal learning behaviours required of classroom instruction. Teachers wrongly assume that their Aboriginal pupils are purposefully disposed towards their academic careers, and the pupils wrongly assume that academic learning can be effected through faithful performance of ritual behaviours. The ritual reader, for example, sees teacher approval as a major goal of

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reading, and, if the teachers simply praise his/her oral reading, is likely to remain unaware that the true goals are enjoyment and information. Thus teachers of Aboriginal children have to make some fundamental adjustments of teaching method if they are to communicate successfully with their pupils. The appointment of Aboriginal teaching aides and of consultants whose task it is to make teachers aware of Aboriginal culture and traditions are steps in the right direction, and the Curriculum Development Centre is embarking on a major project on Aboriginal Pedagogy. Research In English Education One of the tasks undertaken by the N.C.E.T. was the production of a Bibliography of Research in English Teaching (Davis & Spearritt, 1979). Initial interest in research can be traced back to the mid-1960s, but there has not been in Australia the long tradition of research into composition teaching and assessment methods that characterises the first six decades of the century in North America and, to a lesser extent, in Britain. The 1970s did see some improvement in the amount of research. When Davis & Spearritt called for details of relevant research completed between 1960 and 1979, 204 individual studies were submitted. Studies by teachers were very much the exception, and in an earlier paper Davis (1972) had identified some of the reasons, chief of which was the paucity of post-experience/post-graduate programmes offering English Education and, as a corollary, the difficulty of obtaining appropriate supervision of thesis-type degrees in the area. That in 1988 the position is much healthier cannot be doubted. Not only is there a much greater body of research, but research activity is increasingly seen as the active responsibility of classroom teachers as well as of academics. As illustrations of the research being done, we should like to instance the work of two of the researchers who have made a positive contribution to English teaching in recent years. Brian Cambourne has spent many years studying the language development of young children, from pre-schoolers to middle primary. He has demonstrated, for example, that children from non-English-speaking backgrounds who enter reading-writing classrooms on the first day of enrolment in kindergarten use precisely the same strategies for making sense of the 'written language puzzle' as do English-speaking children (Cambourne et al., n.d.). Cambourne's studies have led him to enunciate seven major conditions for language learning which, he argues, can be applied not only to learning to talk but also to the learning of reading and writing and to the learning of a second language. These are:

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Immersion from the moment they are born, children are immersed in a 'language flood' which is meaningful, purposeful and whole. Demonstration in the process of learning to talk, children receive thousands of demonstrations or models of the spoken language being used in meaningful ways. Expectation all parents expect their children to talk. 'Expectations . . . are very subtle forms of communication, to which learners respond.' Responsibility when learning to talk, children are left to take responsibility for what they learn and the order in which they learn it. Approximation children are rewarded, not just for being right, but for producing approximations. Employment children are provided with plenty of opportunity for talking. Feedback adults give children learning to talk feedback that is supportive and non-threatening. Typically, the child's approximation is rewarded and then the adult form given. (Cambourne, 1984) Cambourne argues that if we create these conditions in our classrooms, the learning of reading, writing and spelling will be made much easier for children. At present, too many teachers are intolerant of approximations in reading and spelling, give negative feedback on writing, signal expectations that some children will find reading and writing difficult, and subject children to 'dummy-run' exercises where the language is neither whole nor meaningful. Jack Thomson is another Australian researcher whose work is attracting attention both in Australia and overseas. Working with adolescents in Years 8 and 10 and using both questionnaires and interviews to gather data, Thomson has constructed a powerful developmental model of response to literature. He argues that children proceed from the stage of 'unreflective interest in action' through stages of 'empathising' and 'analogising' to 'reflecting on the significance of events and behaviour' and 'reviewing the whole book as the author's creation' to, in rare cases, 'consciously considered relationship with the author, recognition of textual ideology and understanding of self and one's own reading processes'. Thomson has demonstrated that once young readers become reflexively interested in their own reading processes they can be helped to progress to higher levels of reading, if the order of development is preserved in the teaching. (Thomson, 1987.) Too often, however, teachers, particularly in the senior

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school, require responses at the upper levels from students who have not experienced the satisfactions of empathising and analogising. Current Problems The Teaching Of Reading The battle still rages over the best method of teaching reading. There are some signs that the advocates of phonics (known to their opponents as 'phonicators'!) are losing ground to those who would advocate a more balanced approach. A locally produced reading scheme that combines the insights offered by psycholinguistics with texts based on a painstaking collection of children's oral language is the Mt Gravatt Reading Scheme, published by Addison-Wesley. In the last few years several infants and primary schools have had marked success with literacythrough-literature programmes, that is, programmes which base the teaching of reading upon the wealth of magnificent picture and story books now available instead of on the synthetic texts of the typical reading scheme. In 1984 the Curriculum Development Centre was given $7 million to promote basic learning in the early years of primary school through the BLIPS programme referred to earlier in this chapter. The BLIPS programme has given Australia-wide exposure to ELIC (Early Literacy In-Service Course), a South Australian teacher-education package inspired partly by Marie Clay's work in New Zealand. BLIPS funds have trained ELIC tutors, and these tutors have enabled over 20,000 teachers of young children to develop skills in the use of conferencing techniques in the teaching of reading and writing, and to become increasingly aware of the role of expressive talk as a foundation for literacy. Like other CDC initiatives, the ELIC programme has stressed the notion of teacher-asresearcher. The Place Of Literature There are those who argue the changes that have occurred in English teaching in the past two decades have led to a marginalising of literature. In a State such as South Australia, where English is no longer compulsory at Year 12 level, or Victoria, where it is possible to pass the Higher School Certificate without sitting for the literature paper, one might argue that this is true at the senior level. As far as Victoria is concerned, however, courses such as Group 1 English and English B contain a strong literature compo-

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nent, and the position nation-wide does not provide much evidence of any such shift. What has happened is a marked movement away from what Ian Reid (1984) has called the 'Gallery approach', where great literature is held up to be admired and received opinion regurgitated for examinations, toward a workshop approach where pupils' initial responses are valued, and the techniques of imaginative re-creation used to refine and deepen those responses. The South Australian publication, A Single Impulse (Education Department of South Australia, 1983), is a powerful reflection of the major shift in literature teaching that is occurring in Australia at the moment. Censorship The movement away from an accepted canon of literature has brought in its wake attempts at censorship: a vocal minority in Queensland in the 1970s drew up a list of some 150 books they wanted banned, and managed to persuade some schools to act on this. At the time of writing, an attack by the influential Professor of Australian Literature at the University of Sydney, Dame Leonie Kramer, has caused some English departments to withdraw copies of novels by Robert Cormier, Paul Zindel, Judy Blume and S. E. Hinton. 4 Fundamentalist groups are putting pressure on some schools to cease teaching works with a supernatural or fantasy element such as Madeleine L'Engle's A Wrinkle in Time and Ruth Park's Playing Beatie Bow; at the senior level, there have over the years been protests about novels and plays which are deemed to contain offensive language and sexual references. More and more Australian teachers are having to confront the same sorts of censorship demands that have plagued their American colleagues for a generation. The Teaching Of Writing At the moment, a major controversy over the teaching of writing is looming. In the last decade, the Primary English Teaching Association (now the largest organisation of English/Language Arts teachers in Australia) has popularised the process-conference approach. Its energetic editor throughout the 1970s and early 1980s, Bob Walshe, produced a very helpful book, Every Child Can Write and many pamphlets; in 1980 the Association brought Donald Graves to Australia. While there have doubtless been some teachers who have misapplied Graves's approach, there is no doubt that he and Walshe between them have transformed the teaching of writing: they have managed to persuade teachers to do their teaching

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during the process, where it is most helpful to young writers, rather than rely solely on detailed marking of the product as the means of bringing about improvement. But now this approach is being challenged by a group of linguists who are arguing that learning to write is a matter of mastery of particular genres, and that teachers should provide direct instruction in the characteristics of each genre so that students can model their writing on the genre structure 'a focus on the content could come later' (Rothery, 1985:27). The pedagogy implied by at least some of this group seems so markedly at variance with the current orthodoxy that the whole question seems likely to convulse the English teaching scene in the next few years. Underlying it is the as yet unresolved question of how best to provide pupils with reflexive control over their language. Speaking And Listening Despite the theoretical emphasis since Dartmouth on the central importance of talk, the available evidence (Davis & Meiers, 1985) suggests that reading and writing activities still dominate in English classrooms. Syllabus statements and curriculum guidelines detail aims and objectives central to oracy, but, while our classrooms explore the writing process and value the written product, we do not seem to be providing adequate opportunities for children to engage in what Gordon Wells calls 'sustained oral monologue' (Wells, 1987). Listening is assumed to take place, but receives nothing like the attention accorded to reading, even in this listening-intensive era. Criteria For Language Development An initiative of the Tasmanian Education Department, the Pathways Project, has sought to develop materials to guide the on-going monitoring and assessment of children's language development. The materials identify markers which provide a focus for observations of children's language behaviours. The Pathways Project has been described by one American educationalist, John Mayher, as the best he has seen in the world. While the Pathways Project seems wholly admirable, there would seem to be dangers in a related idea being floated in some quarters that of establishing national literacy goals for particular age levels. Such a notion, while seductively attractive to administrators and the general public, has obvious pitfalls, and one can predict a bitter debate if the idea becomes a concrete proposal.

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Other Issues The power brokerage of technology does not come easily to teachers of English and those in Australia are no exception. English classrooms in Australia are not yet well equipped with computers, and hence English teachers have not had sufficient opportunities to experiment with the possibilities. Typically, word processing plays a major role, and this is perhaps appropriate, given the mechanistic nature of much of the available software. Teacher education has not made significant advances since the publication of the N.C.E.T. Teacher Education Report in 1980. Many of that report's recommendations have fallen foul of government cuts, and the low profile accorded teacher education in many multi-faculty tertiary institutions has not helped. Pre-service courses remain brief, with the students' time being stretched more and more sparsely across an ever-expanding range of curricular necessities computers, multicultural education, special education and the like. Dedicated teachers return to improve their qualifications in their time and at their own expense. The economic problems referred to earlier continue to create pressures on English teachers. In, for example, Queensland, the State with the highest youth unemployment figures, employers are especially vocal in their demands for young people to be able to step straight from school into all the duties expected of employees. The Queensland Writing Project, an innovative in-service course for teachers based on the Bay Area Writing Project, has lost momentum in the last two years as financial support has been withdrawn. In-service courses in the other States are also suffering cutbacks, and the consultancy services that have been such a powerful force in helping teachers relate theory to practice are being whittled away. Directions It can, we believe, be argued that the history of English teaching in Australia since World War II has several distinctive features. Highly centralised systems of education have, through the work of enlightened syllabus committees with strong teacher representation, both created and proved responsive to grassroots demands for change: the combination of 'top down' and 'bottom up' curriculum reform seems to have led to a wider acceptance of the principles of the 'new English' than has occurred in some other English-speaking countries. Federal Government initiatives, particularly the establishment of the Curriculum Development Centre, have had

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important consequences for English teaching, particularly in helping teachers to develop sound theories of language and learning, and in encouraging them to attempt small action-research investigations of teaching problems. In some States, notably South Australia, Tasmania and Western Australia, language-and-learning networks have proved both a valuable means of support for teachers and an encouragement to them to experiment and exchange ideas and insights. Australia has, thus far, managed to avoid being caught up in expensive, time-consuming and curriculum-distorting programmes of national testing of standards of literacy, such as those to be found in many States in the USA. The results of a national survey of literacy and numeracy in 1975 were so distorted by the media ('Australia's $2.000 million a year education system is turning out a generation of idiots' Sydney Mirror) that the powerful teachers' unions have refused to countenance a repetition in the public schools, and their opposition to national testing has been supported by educationists who have pointed out that such tests tell teachers very little: 'They do not help teachers diagnose problems and they do not point the way to a more effective pedagogy' (Boomer, 1985:194). The teacher unions have proved a powerful professional, as well as industrial, force, but the struggle is far from being over. In an earlier draft of this chapter, we ended on the optimistic note that English teachers, being now more informed and better able to articulate a sound theory of language and learning, would continue to offer effective resistance to any further 'back-to-basics' propaganda. Now, nine months later, we feel much more pessimistic. Demands for mass testing at three grade levels are mounting, and have become government policy in New South Wales; in the same State there has been some tampering with syllabus statements to make them less vulnerable to attack by the back-to-basics lobby. In Western Australia, attempts to establish grade-related criteria for English remind one of the behavioural objectives movement that proved so disastrous for English teaching in parts of the USA two decades ago. Newspaper attacks by the New Right on English teachers are becoming an almost daily occurrence. The parallels with events in England and Wales are so strong that one must conclude that the cultural cringe is alive and well. In the next few years the solidarity and sense of purpose of English teachers will be sorely tested. Acknowledgement The authors wish to thank Garth Boomer, Margaret Gill and Paul

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Nay-Brock for subjecting an earlier draft to the most searching criticism, and to Jill Borthwick, Gilbert Case, Joan Loudon, Peter Moss and Carmel Young for providing background material. Notes To Chapter 6 1. The NSW English Teachers' Association publishes The Teaching of English, the Victorian Association publishes Idiom, the South Australian journal is Opinion, the Queensland Journal Words' Worth, the Tasmanian Words and Windmills and the West Australian Interpretations. 2. Ernest Biaggini's books were English in Australia (1933) and The Reading and Writing of English (1936). The sub-title of the former, Taste and Training in a Modern Community, and the summary that appears on the title page 'A preliminary enquiry into the power of the adult to recognise good and logical English: with some reference to common ways of things' indicates the content, while the latter, quite influential book (especially in the UK) is basically a textbook. Interestingly, English in Australia bears a foreword by F.R. Leavis. The latter book came in for some harsh words from C.S. Lewis (1943) in The Abolition of Man (Oxford: O.U.P.). 3. Space does not permit any discussion of the question of educational choice, class bias and community perceptions, but readers interested in the Australian experience could begin by looking at Connell. Ashenden, Kessler & Dowsett (1982). 4. The article, 'Betraying the Young' by Susan Moore and Leonie Kramer, published in the right-wing IPA Review, Autumn 1986, does, to be fair to the authors, draw attention to excellent writers for the young like Katherine Paterson, Ruth Park, Mollie Hunter and Leon Garfield. Bibliography BOOMER, GARTH (ed.) 1982, Negotiating the Curriculum. Gosford: Ashton Scholastic. 1985, Fair Dinkum Teaching and Learning. Upper Montclair, N.J.: Boynton/Cook. CAMBOURNE, BRIAN 1984, Language, learning and literacy. In A. BUTLER & J. TURNBULL (eds), Toward a Reading Writing Classroom. Sydney: PETA. CAMBOURNE, BRTAN et al. (n.d.), Process Writing with English and Non-English-speaking Children in Kindergarten Classes. Wollongong: Centre for Studies in Literacy, University of Wollongong. CHRISTIE, MICHAEL 1985, Aboriginal Perspectives on Experience and Learning: the Role of Language in Aboriginal Education. Geelong: Deakin University Press. COGGAN, JENNIE and FOSTER, VIE 1985, But My Biro Won't Work. Norwood: AATE. CONNELL, R.W., ASHENDEN, D.J., KESSLER, S. and DOWSETT, G.W. 1982, Making the Difference: Schools, Families and Social Division. Sydney: Allen & Unwin. COOK, CALDWELL 1917, The Play Way. London: Heinemann.

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DAVIS, DIANA 1972, The development of research in the teaching of English. English in Australia No. 22. DAVIS, DIANA and MEIERS, MARION 1985, Perceptions of English teaching practice in the secondary school: A regional portrait. Curriculum Perspectives Vol.5, No. 2. DAVIS, DIANA and SPEARRITT, DONALD 1979, Bibliography of Research on English Teaching 1960-1979. Canberra: Curriculum Development Centre. DELVES, TONY 1966, English as she is not taught. English in Australia, No. 3, November. DELVES, TONY and TICKELL, GERRY 1967, Themes and Responses, Book 1, Melbourne: Cassell. DIXON, JOHN 1969, Growth through English. London: O.U.P., 2nd ed. EAGLESON, ROBERT D., KALDOR, SUSAN and MALCOLM, IAN 1982, English and the Aboriginal Child. Canberra: Curriculum Development Centre. EDUCATION DEPARTMENT OF SOUTH AUSTRALIA 1983, A Single Impulse. Adelaide: S.A. Education Department. FORRESTAL, PETER and REID, JO-ANNE 1983, English Workshop 1: Room to Move. Melbourne: Nelson. GOODENOUGH, WARWICK 1967, What we should teach. English in Australia, No. 5. HANNAN, BILL 1967, Language as an aim of education. English in Australia, No. 4. MACKANESS, GEORGE 1928, Inspirational Teaching. London: Dent. MARTIN, NANCY et al. 1980, The Martin Report: Case Studies from Government High Schools. Perth: Education Department of Western Australia. NAY-BROCK, Paul 1984, The role of ignorance in the shaping of an English curriculum. English in Australia, No. 6. 1987, Who's Doing What? The Senior English Curriculum in Australian Schools. Adelaide: Australian Association for the Teaching of English. PIPER, KEVIN 1983, Curriculum Style and English Language. Melbourne: ACER. REID, IAN 1985, The Making of Literature. Adelaide: AATE. ROTHERY, JOAN 1985, Teaching Writing in the Primary School. A Genre-based Approach to the Development of Writing Abilities. Dept of Linguistics, University of Sydney. SADLER, R., HAYLLAR, T. and POWELL, C. 1977, Language One. Melbourne: Macmillan. THOMSON, JACK 1987, Understanding Teenagers Reading. Sydney: Methuen. WALSHE, R.D. 1981, Every Child Can Write. Sydney: Primary English Teaching Association. WATSON, KEN 1968, Grammar and the New Primary Syllabus. E.T.A. Newsletter, July. 1979, Now you see it, now you don't: The new English in N.S.W. secondary schools. The Teaching of English No. 37, September. WELLS, GORDON 1987, Teacher/Student Conferencing: an aid to Active Learning. Paper presented at the International Oracy Convention, University of East Anglia, March 30-April 3.

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7 The Teaching Of English In New Zealand Schools Vince Catherwood, Elody Rathgen and Russell Aitken An Early Liberalism: 1904 A philosophy of liberal humanism in the teaching of English in New Zealand was established early in this country's educational history. One man was singularly influential. George Hogben, Inspector-General of schools from 1899 to 1915, co-ordinated and developed a comprehensive review of the primary school curriculum which was adopted as the official national syllabus in 1904. The section of the syllabus dealing with 'English' brought together reading, composition, writing, spelling and recitation. Many of the ideas advocated were forward-looking and still inform the current practice of teaching English in New Zealand schools. For 'reading', the syllabus stipulated at least two reading books in each class, a miscellaneous literary reader of the kind traditionally used and a book containing historical, geographical or scientific material. The aims of teaching reading were 'to impart to the pupils the power of fluent reading, with clear enunciation, correct pronunciation, tone and inflexion, and expression based upon intelligent comprehension of the subject matter; to cultivate a taste for and an appreciation of good literature; and accordingly to lead the pupils to form a habit of reading good books'. The reading of such books, the syllabus added, might well replace all other kinds of homework. The remarks on grammar were revolutionary. No grammar was to be introduced that did not assist the general aim of the teaching of composition, and no lesson was to be merely a grammar lesson. 'It is no more necessary to teach composition by grammatical terms', wrote Hogben, 'than it is to teach billiards by a compulsory knowledge of the co-efficient of

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restitution'. Hogben set in motion a line of curriculum development which has become the general pattern in New Zealand. It is now established practice in the New Zealand education system for national syllabuses to be promulgated which give broad guidelines to schools, and for schools to then develop detailed programmes at a local level to meet the needs of their particular groups of students. In the secondary schools, particularly at senior levels, in addition to syllabuses, examination prescriptions have a powerful effect upon the curriculum. A prescription in the New Zealand context is a specific set of instructions to an examiner, and delineates content and skills to be examined in a particular course. While syllabuses give guidelines over several age ranges, examination prescriptions apply to one-year courses. Because of the washback effect of assessment on the curriculum, examination prescriptions in English have been powerful determinants of the New Zealand senior school English curriculum. Because the New Zealand education system has had a history of national examinations in the senior secondary school there has been less room for the development of local initiatives in the secondary schools than has been the case in the primary school system. The Years After World War II 1945 was a significant date in the teaching of English in New Zealand, for in that year were published the Education (Post Primary Instruction) Regulations which set out the national syllabuses for the core curriculum in the first three years of New Zealand secondary schooling. A syllabus for English (forms 3 to 5, ages 13 to 15) was included in these regulations following a major review of the secondary school curriculum in New Zealand, now generally referred to as the Thomas Report (Department of Education, 1944). The following year, 1946, saw publication of a revision of the national syllabus for English language in the primary school (ages 5 to 12). These two syllabus documents together set the course for the teaching of English in New Zealand primary and secondary schools for over a quarter of a century. To re-read, in 1986, these syllabuses for English is to be reminded of the extent to which the teaching of English in New Zealand in the immediate post-war period was influenced by the authoritative statements of people whose experience of the teaching of English was gained, not in New Zealand, but in the United Kingdom. British developments in theory and practice were much in evidence, particularly through the use of

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overseas textbooks, which formed the basis of much of the work in English classrooms in New Zealand schools for that period. Although New Zealand's system of prescribing broad national syllabuses which were then interpreted by schools at the local level offered teachers of English considerable freedom in the post-World War II era, two practices worked to constrain this freedom. The first was the continuing influence of a national examination system in the senior secondary school, and the second the uniformity in the English curriculum created by the extensive use in the 1950s and 1960s of the available course books by mainly English authors such as Ridout, Pendlebury, Newson or Mansfield. It was not until the 1970s that teachers of English in the secondary school began to take advantage of the freedom they had to develop a genuinely indigenous programme, although teachers of English language in the primary school had been more fortunate in being freed earlier from the constraints of an examination system. Consequently developments in the primary school reflected a more genuinely New Zealand content and New Zealand procedures in the teaching of English a decade or so before these movements began to make their presence felt in the secondary school. In the senior secondary school of the post-World War II period and beyond, the influence of nationally established public examinations was considerable. A major reform which came into effect in 1944 was the introduction of accrediting for entrance to the university (the sixth form year, where the average age of students was 16). Accreditation was a system of examination for University Entrance whereby schools were given the authority to assess students internally for admission to the university in their fourth year of secondary education. The sole criterion for assessment was 'fitness for university study'. Those students who were not 'accredited' were given a second chance by being permitted to sit a nationally administered external examination for university entrance at the end of their sixth form year. English was a compulsory subject for the University Entrance examination. This system of assessment continued in operation in New Zealand schools from 1944 until its abolition for the 1986 school year. Associated with the transfer of University Entrance to the sixth form in 1944 was the establishment of the School Certificate examination as the sole national examination at the fifth form level (where the average age of students was 15). The terms of reference of the Thomas Committee (which produced the Thomas Report) implied that the School Certificate could be gained only as a result of an external examination conducted by the Department of Education. English was also the one compulsory subject for this national examination.

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These two national examination systems, particularly the School Certificate examination, have over the last 40 years exercised a major influence on the total school curriculum in New Zealand. The backwash effect of examinations is recognised as an important determining factor on the curriculum, and, since English was a compulsory subject for all candidates for both University Entrance and School Certificate, it was inevitable that the format and style of both examinations would affect the curriculum in English. In many respects, the School Certificate English examination, coming as it does at the end of the period of compulsory schooling in New Zealand, exercised a more profound effect on the teaching of English over the period 1945-1985, than the two syllabus statements already referred to. The 1945 prescription for the School Certificate examination in English (which remained unchanged for nearly 40 years) set out the abilities in English which would be examined. These included questions testing comprehension skills, writing skills, and general topics such as vocabulary and language usage. The paper was so designed that candidates could answer questions on literature if they wished, but were not obliged to answer these questions. Developments In The Primary School During the later 1950s the primary school language curriculum came under scrutiny and as a result in 1961 a new primary school syllabus was approved, entitled 'Language in the Primary School: English'. This syllabus represented not so much a completely new syllabus as an attempt to reshape and rephrase the 1946 syllabus in the light of recent experience. Emphasis was placed upon the need for children to develop their skills in English just as they did before they came to school, through their need to think and talk about themselves and their world. What language teaching in the primary school aimed at achieving was the establishment of conditions that would encourage and challenge children to think and to use language to further their thinking, and that would help them to use language well. This syllabus placed no limits on what might be attempted other than the needs, capacities and interests of the children, although it did insist that children should understand what they do and see point in doing it, and that they should be helped to become more creative and independent, and more critical of their own work. It is perhaps for this reason that the 1961 syllabus has been recognised as a forward-looking document which has had the effect of giving teachers both more freedom and more responsibility. Today

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it remains the official syllabus for language in the primary school, in spite of the publication of three recent supplements to update it. One feature which sharply distinguished the teaching of speaking, listening, reading and writing in primary and secondary schools in New Zealand during the 1960s was the name of these activities in the curriculum. While secondary teachers would generally refer to 'English', and would designate it thus on their school timetables, primary school teachers had (and still have) a marked preference for the term 'language' rather than 'English'. This preference reflects a commitment by primary teachers to an integrated language curriculum and to a programme which does not compartmentalise subjects into separate blocks of time or discrete activities. The language skills that children may be expected to master are demanded by practically all subjects and should therefore be taught at all levels in the school across the curriculum, as the children need to use them in the course of thinking, listening, talking, reading and writing about their class work. At the same time as the 1961 syllabus for teaching English language in the primary school was being developed, work was being initiated on the development of resources to assist the early teaching of reading. This work culminated in the early 1960s with the publication by the Department of Education of the first books in the Ready to Read series. These influential books were constructed in the light of several principles which had, over a period of years, provided the fundamental basis for an effective New Zealand approach to the teaching of reading. These principles for teaching reading to beginners included the notions that: children's readiness for reading is something which should be developed actively, rather than waited for passively; awakening of interest is a key factor; effective reading programmes will use a combination of oral language, reading materials and the written language of both the child and others; all reading skills, such as independent word attack, use of pictures, understanding written context in conjunction with a knowledge of simple letter-sound relationships, and structural analysis, should be taught as soon as the child is ready, but must not take precedence over enjoyment and understanding of what is read; books for New Zealand children should reflect their own interests and experiences, and should be supplemented by many additional books;

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early readers should be graded to assist the child's reading development. On the basis of these principles, the readers which comprise the Ready to Read series were written by New Zealand authors, tried out in New Zealand classrooms, amended and rewritten where necessary and finally published and made available at no cost, for use by all young five- and six-year-old children in New Zealand primary schools. A revision of this series in the early 1980s has updated original titles and generated new ones. These books are supplemented by the New Zealand School Journal, a regular free publication to all schools (since 1910) by the Department of Education. This publication is a miscellany that includes both fiction and non-fiction, and is presented in four parts, where reading material is arranged to match the range of reading attainments as well as the interests of each class. One of the purposes of the Journal is to provide reading matter with a New Zealand 'flavour'. Another is to introduce children to the work of New Zealand writers, an important aspect of their general reading. Towards A New English Syllabus In Secondary Schools While initiatives in the primary school in the 1960s were helping teachers develop a distinctive New Zealand approach to the early teaching of reading, a similar movement was gaining momentum among secondary school teachers of English. By the late 1960s international perspectives from the month-long Anglo-American seminar of English teachers held in Dartmouth, USA, in 1966 were available to leading teachers of English in New Zealand. In August 1969, in response to comments from teachers about shortcomings of the 1945 Secondary English syllabus, the Director of Secondary Education invited a group of teachers, teachers' college lecturers, and officers of the Department of Education to examine the secondary school English syllabus and to prepare guidelines for its revision. The group recommended that any change should include more emphasis on creative work and on contemporary writing and that the mass media should be used as a resource within the English programme. Teachers were urged to accept the fact that there are different registers of language appropriate to different situations. Oral language and the development of listening skills were to be given a more important place in any new syllabus; and the needs and abilities of students from language backgrounds other than English were to be more adequately provided for. A National English Syllabus Committee (NESC) was set up and began

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work in 1970 to revise the syllabus in English for forms 3 to 5. Its director was Russell Aitken from the Curriculum Development Unit of the Department of Education, and its membership included inspectors of secondary schools, and representatives from secondary teacher organisations. Representatives of primary school teachers were also invited to join the committee to ensure continuity between the primary and secondary school English syllabuses. The first task of the NESC was to provide an appropriate rationale for the teaching of English. It was fortuitous that at the time teachers were becoming dissatisfied with their approaches to the teaching of English, the New Zealand Post-Primary Teachers' Association, the professional organisation of secondary school teachers, had published a review of secondary education in New Zealand. This review, entitled Education in Change (Post-Primary Teachers' Association, New Zealand 1969), included the following aim: to help young people develop fully as individuals and as members of society by encouraging the growth of the urge to enquire, concern for others, and the desire for self respect. The Committee believed this aim was compatible with emerging theory about the nature and significance of language development in adolescents, and decided to adopt it. The committee could then concentrate on helping teachers to understand the processes involved in language growth. It also wished to explore the range of teaching techniques that would best enhance students' language development, and advise on the use of resources for learning which would best facilitate that development. The role that teachers were asked to play would change. They would be asked to prescribe less, to advise more, and to value 'talk' by students in situations which ensured that the students assimilated and developed ideas in their own language, at their own pace. They were to encourage group work and to realise the importance of interaction between students and teachers as a means of developing the language competence of the students. Thus, as well as developing a new curriculum in English, the next ten years became an intensive programme of teacher education. At this initial stage there was frequent, close, informal consultation between members of the NESC and teachers in schools. This consultation occurred through regional meetings of teachers and the production of newsletters and background papers. All English teachers were thus kept informed of the new syllabus developments. The committee's intention was to evolve a model of curriculum development in which teachers would be actively involved and which identified, built upon, and disseminated effective classroom practice in the teaching of English as a mother tongue. The first background paper, distributed in 1971, concentrated on

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explaining the committee's interest in the concept of oracy. Points which the committee felt were relevant to New Zealand secondary schools were outlined in the paper. Flower's statements (1966) on language as a form of human behaviour, Argyle's work on the non-verbal aspects of language (1968), and the implications of rapid social change for teachers of English were matters also referred to teachers to help them appreciate the thinking behind the committee's evolving guidelines. At this stage, the committee was concerned with relating general principles about language learning to the practical aim of helping teachers to create classroom activities in which students were more actively involved in using language for learning, rather than relying on textbook exercises. The committee was also anxious to provide ways of increasing students' competence in language, at the same time to provide ways of increasing their willingness to respond more capably to the language of others. Another important concern was to cater for the language needs of students from other cultures, particularly those from Maori and Pacific Island backgrounds. A second newsletter, also sent out early in 1971, asked teachers to consider the value of establishing classroom conditions which were based on specified assumptions about language and learning. The committee argued that classroom learning should be oriented towards success in an atmosphere which should be accepting and understanding. Provision of a variety of resources for learning would improve the chances of more students developing their language competence. Students were to be encouraged to select their own ways of working and be allowed to explore ideas without having to reach pre-conceived conclusions. Teachers needed to supply a balance of open-ended and structured elements in their English programmes, and should select content which was relevant to the needs and interests of students, appropriate to their levels and abilities, and concerned with issues of importance in contemporary society. The teacher's role, too, was viewed differently. It was the teacher's function to provide resources for learning, to support rather than dominate the classroom atmosphere, to question students' findings, or to motivate deeper thinking by students. The teachers provided an audience for what the students said or wrote and a secure foundation for the evaluation of student participation and achievement, both of individuals or groups. By the end of the second year of the committee's work, some basic premises about how English, as a mother tongue, could best be taught and learned had been widely discussed among approximately four thousand teachers of English. These discussions caused teachers of English to review

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their styles of operation and departmental systems of administration by raising broader educational questions about how students learn. Teachers were beginning to talk more among themselves about their successes and failures with their classes. They were sharing ideas, displaying new work by students, discussing better methods of recording student achievement, and generally ceasing to be 'islands unto themselves'. As one teacher wrote, 'They [the NESC] opened a debate, forced us all to look at what we were doing, and why we were doing it. Because of them, English teaching has altered and has in the main altered for the better' (de Lautour, 1980). This aspect of teacher education was the most significant achievement of the NESC prior to the issuing of the initial draft of the Statement of Aims. The whole process was to intensify from 1972 on. The first draft of the Statement of Aims outlined three assumptions about language which were basic to all the suggestions of the committee. These assumptions were that language is a form of human behaviour, that language is central to personal growth, and that the child first explores language through speaking and listening. The three language aims, which were related to these assumptions, were stated and were linked to the overall aim of education in the secondary school. A major shift in emphasis incorporated in these guidelines was the committee's description of 'language', which incorporated production (the modes of speaking, writing, moving and shaping) and reception (the modes of listening, reading, watching and viewing). The work of the NESC suggested to teachers of English some consideration within the English curriculum of the visual and non-verbal aspects of communication. The NESC argued that in any act of communication between people, words play an important part: But words themselves, in inter-personal communication, often do not constitute the whole meaning. A facial expression, a gesture, a tone of voice or even a shrug of the shoulders add dimensions to a situation and communicate meaning to a sensitive watcher. Students learn to communicate meaning not only through words, but also, through 'moving' by using body language, and by becoming aware of the possibilities of creating and receiving meaning in this way (by 'watching'), their appreciation of the non-verbal background of language could be enhanced. Movement in an art form such as mime is a complex and highly sophisticated activity, while the appreciation of such body language is an equally demanding task. One of the tasks of the English teacher as perceived by the NESC was to encourage students to become more sensitive to this nonverbal aspect of communication.

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Teachers found that an approach beginning with expression in the nonverbal modes allowed those students who showed little initial verbal facility to express themselves physically, and to gain confidence in this way. These students could then be encouraged to develop their linguistic abilities. On the marae (the open space in front of the Maori meeting house), for instance, the use of sheer physical movement, the necessity for appropriate facial expression and gesture, and the mana (prestige) which attached to the position of the speaker assisted Maori students to communicate forcefully in a way that was not possible were the spoken voice alone to be used in the classroom as the sole means of communication. The impact of the electronic media could not have been foreseen in 1942 when the Thomas Committee began work, but its impact was clearly evident by the early 1970s. 'Shaping' and 'viewing' are the modes of language through which television and film operate, and because the effects, particularly of television, are so pervasive, it was argued that the curriculum needed to cater for the needs of students who were interacting with this new technology. Part of the function of teachers of English was to assist students to view both television and film in a sensitive and informed manner. Television drama had also brought a new dimension to literature, and the shaping and refining of student response to such 'media' was a matter of increasing concern to all teachers of English. In order to appreciate more fully the subtleties which the medium of the camera makes possible, NESC argued that students needed to be involved actively in the corresponding activity of shaping language in a visual way. The process of actually constructing a film, for instance, allowed students to understand better the techniques of the television camera. The unique combination of sound and image on celluloid or tube was recognised as a powerful new means of communication, and one which teachers of English were beginning to realise had immense possibilities for promoting and developing students' imaginative and emotional growth. The NESC suggested that teachers of English must acknowledge their responsibility to cater for the needs of students in this respect, and use the media as part of a comprehensive language programme. Maori students have always been a visible presence in New Zealand classrooms, and it has long been recognised that it is Maori language and culture which is a major source of New Zealand's unique identity. Teachers of English in the 1970s were becoming more aware of the learning problems facing those Maori students who were bilingual, and these teachers also wished to do more to recognise the validity of different cultural values and ways of learning. The achievement of Maori students in English as measured by external written examinations did not compare favourably

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with the results of pakeha (non-Maori) students, yet many Maori students were able to demonstrate, as a result of the strong oral background in their culture, speaking skills and dramatic ability which were of a high order. In addition, the rapid increase in immigration to New Zealand in the 1970s from the Pacific Islands made teachers of English, particularly in the north, more acutely aware of the needs of the culturally different. It was recognised that the exploration of ideas and values from different cultures added to the richness of experience upon which all students in a multi-cultural classroom could draw, and that such experience was a source of strength and vitality. The new approaches advocated by the draft 'Statement of Aims' were intended to recognise the validity of ways of learning which sprang from different cultural bases. From 1973 to 1975, the committee ran in-service courses in English to enable teachers to discuss the Statement of Aims, and to consider its implications for their teaching and for class and school programmes. At these courses, units of work based on the Statement of Aims, were developed for trial and evaluation. The whole country was covered and a considerable range of resource material was produced. This co-operative planning provided direct contact between teachers and members of the committee. During 1974 and 1975, the Statement of Aims was submitted to language-learning researchers and to English teachers in Australia and the United Kingdom for comment and criticism. As a result, some amendments to the text were drafted. At this stage, the Bullock Report, A Language for Life (DES, 1975) was published. It provided a very timely and supportive background to the work of the revision committee and did a great deal to enhance the Statement of Aims in the eyes of New Zealand teachers. A revision of the Statement of Aims was issued to schools in 1976. Three further major developments in the implementation process were undertaken during 1975. The first development involved preparing a handbook of practical suggestions for teachers. This handbook was called the Resource Book, English: Forms 3 to 5 and comprised a series of small booklets which extended and complemented the text of the Statement of Aims. The initial booklets included titles such as Planning a Language Programme, Speaking and Listening, Reading (a statement about reading and learning), Literature and Writing. More titles are planned or are in preparation in a continuing process which will reflect the changing needs of teachers of English in the foreseeable future. (The Statement of Aims and the Resource Book, English: Forms 3 to 5 are seen as complementary documents which must be used together by teachers if the changed approaches to the teaching of English are to be soundly based.)

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The second development reflected the committee's plan to decentralise the implementation phase of the project by the formation of district English committees. They were established in order to base the curriculum-development project on manageable geographic units throughout New Zealand. Sixteen district English committees were established in 1975 and twelve more in 1976. These committees directly involved almost three hundred teachers in the English revision project. The objectives of the NESC's Statement of Aims were reviewed by district committees in relation to the needs of students in a specific region. It was envisaged that these committees would generate in-service courses, undertake practical projects, arrange for meetings with parents and employers to explain the new directions of English teaching, and co-ordinate and disseminate information and resources relevant to the teaching of English in the local region. Many of these committees developed their own local English Certificates which reflected the social, cultural, and personal needs of the students in their communities. This development is particularly significant in predominantly multi-cultural areas of the country. The Department of Education funded the meetings of these district committees, and representatives on them were nominated by all local secondary schools within the committee's geographic boundaries. Their work assumed greater significance after the national committee met for the last time in 1978. The third major development in 1975 involved the institution of an official pilot scheme in English for the School Certificate examination. This task was related to the committee's term of reference which required a revision of the School Certificate examination prescription in English. It was the committee's intention that a programme of work based on the principles outlined in the Statement of Aims should be tried out in the fifth form, and that it should be internally assessed. This pilot scheme, conducted under the aegis of the School Certificate Examination Board, 1 was initially based on 12 schools in 1976 and extended to a further five schools in 1977. The NESC argued that because of the wide variety of activities and resources used in classrooms, and the variety of audiences and purposes that language will be produced for, a wider range of methods of assessment was needed than is available in a written external examination. The assessment needed to encompass all eight language modes, and not just reading and writing. As language development is a complex and often slow process, assessment should take place over a considerable period of time, and not on one isolated occasion. This is particularly true of writing where a student's ability should be judged from a range of samples written through-

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out the year in a variety of forms for a number of different purposes and audiences. As schools began to devise programmes of work suited to their local needs, it became increasingly difficult to set one national external examination which was suitable for all students. For these reasons, the NESC advocated a carefully monitored move to the internal assessment of English in the fifth form. One of the purposes of this pilot scheme was to provide teachers with a chance to observe closely and record their processes of evaluation during the fifth form year. Teachers in the pilot scheme concentrated on methods of observing students' work in all language modes and of recording their progress in a manner which allowed them to rank their students' ability against a moderating system prepared by the examinations division of the Department of Education. They also undertook to evolve a descriptive report of student work a language profile rather than offer a single mark or grade at the end of the year. These profiles were discussed with employers in order to ascertain their usefulness as documents which fairly describe the strengths of students at this level of their schooling. The final task undertaken by the Committee was the publication of the third draft of the Statement of Aims in 1978, and of drafts of pamphlets for the Resource Book, English: Forms 3 to 5. Analysis of comments from teachers by means of an associated questionnaire indicated that these documents were regarded by teachers of English as a very acceptable basis for the development of an effective programme in English in forms 3 to 5. The NESC met for the last time in 1978, and at that point handed over control of the curriculum revision project to the Department of Education. Subsequently, the Statement of Aims and the committee's final draft of the Resource Book were submitted to the Director-General of Education for his study and decision about the referral of the documents to the Minister of Education. Up to this time, these documents had been committee papers, not official departmental documents. Since the pilot scheme in form 5 English was also under departmental control, all aspects of the project at that point had been carried as far as the committee could take them. During the latter phases of this curriculum revision project, the Department of Education evaluated the proposed new syllabus guidelines for English in forms 3 to 5 produced by the committee, and monitored the development work which was proceeding in form 5 English. When all evaluation was complete, the department prepared a report which was submitted to the Minister of Education. A preliminary report on the pilot scheme in form 5 English (NESC) was presented by the schools involved in it to the School Certificate

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Examination Board at its November 1979 meeting. At this stage, the schools in the trial recommended that a reference test be developed to moderate standards between schools, since the previous system of moderation, based on the means analysis method, did not meet with the unqualified approval of teachers. The department accepted this proposal and the reference test was used for inter-school moderation for the first time in 1980. Research was also begun in 1980 by the department into the effectiveness of the reference test as an instrument of moderation as compared with the previous system of means analysis. The results of the research showed that the reference test was an acceptable basis for moderation between schools where English was internally assessed for School Certificate. In order to evaluate the effects of this different system of moderation, and in order to provide an independent assessment of what had gone on during the pilot scheme, in 1979 the School Certificate Examination Board established its own sub-committee to evaluate the assessment of English in form 5 according to the principles recommended by the NESC. The sub-committee, over a period of 13 months during 1979 and 1980, visited 13 trial schools and 13 non-trial schools. Their report, The Evaluation of English (NESC) at Form 5, completed in November 1980, was an assessment of how much the approaches to the teaching of English, fostered by the NESC, had influenced the teaching of English in the schools visited. The extent of this influence was mainly evident in the flexibility and diversity of teaching approaches, which varied from school to school and from teacher to teacher. The committee also felt that the quality of the English programmes in the schools was determined primarily by the skill, experience, expertise, and vitality of the teachers. The presentation of the revised draft of the Statement of Aims and the final report on its activities to the department by the NESC ushered in this final phase in a lengthy curriculum development. At this stage, the syllabus document and its attendant recommendations were considered by the Department of Education. Consultation with departmental officers with responsibility for secondary English gave rise to a further reworking of the syllabus guidelines document during 1980 and 1981. The main reason for this reworking was the view of the department that a new syllabus in English for forms 3 to 5 should reflect the teaching of English in the 1980s, and that the developments initiated during the period of the pilot scheme of form 5 English (NESC) should also be incorporated into the syllabus statement. The wording of the officially gazetted statement is a product of the consultation among departmental officers, but the ideas and principles of

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the document were those which developed from the work of the National English Syllabus Committee. At the end of 1980, the report of the sub-committee of the School Certificate Examination Board was received by the department. That report supported the work which had been undertaken as part of the internal assessment of English for School Certificate. A national in-service course of heads of English departments of schools involved in the pilot scheme and departmental officers considered the pilot scheme in May 1981, and recommended that English (internally assessed) be approved as an official subject for School Certificate. In May 1982, the Minister of Education, the Hon M.L. Wellington, announced that he had formally approved a new syllabus in English, forms 3 to 5, based on the NESC Statement of Aims. The syllabus became the official syllabus for English, forms 3 to 5 and replaced the 1945 syllabus when it was published. At the same time, the Minister authorised the publication of initial booklets of a handbook of suggestions for teachers of English, the Resource Book, English: Forms 3 to 5. The Minister also authorised the ending of the pilot scheme of internally assessed English in form 5. The department subsequently wrote to the 15 schools still involved in the scheme and asked if they wished to continue with the examination of English for School Certificate by means of internal assessment and external moderation. All 15 schools replied in the affirmative. The final stage of this curriculum revision was the writing of a new prescription in English for the School Certificate examination. A special representative sub-committee of the School Certificate Examination Board was set up for this purpose and began work in August 1982. A draft prescription was written and circulated to teachers for comment, and on the basis of close consultation with teachers a new prescription was developed and approved by 1984 for introduction in 1985. The aim of this new prescription is to enable assessment of the aims for teaching English as they are set out in the new syllabus, English, Forms 3-5: Statement of Aims (Department of Education, 1983b). The prescription enables two modes of assessment, examination by internal assessment with external moderation, or examination by the traditional format, a three hour written paper. In 1985, 26 more schools were approved by the Department of Education to offer programmes in English which were internally assessed

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for School Certificate. Applications by further schools to use this mode of assessment have been approved in 1986. Although the School Certificate examination in English still exists, the work of the NESC since 1970 greatly influenced the format, content, and methods of assessment used in the examination. While changes in methods of teaching and learning English have been most noticeable in those schools where the mode of internal assessment for School Certificate has been introduced, the introduction of the new prescription in 1985 for the examination mode of assessment has brought new emphasis into the curriculum. In particular, the introduction of questions about production experience and critical awareness of various media, including film and television, has provided a new thrust to work in the language modes of shaping and viewing. A further new section dealing with selection, interpretation and use of information has also focused attention on students' use of resources in English, and encourages an understanding of the use of new information technology. New Zealand Research And Writing About The Teaching Of English The direction of recent curriculum changes affecting the teaching of English in New Zealand primary and secondary schools owes a lot to projects which evolved in England and the United States of America. The application of overseas findings to New Zealand conditions has been the focus of much classroom-orientated research since the mid-1970s. Of international interest has been the origination of research relating to newly advocated approaches to the teaching of English by Warwick Elley (1971), Marie Clay (1979) and Carol Adler (1985) among others. Writing about the teaching of English in New Zealand had created international interest earlier. Sylvia AshtonWarner's (1958) classroom experience from the 1930s on had led her to develop a 'creative teaching scheme'. On the basis of her experience in remote primary schools with a high percentage of Maori pupils she had discarded the formal syllabus for a more 'organic' reading and writing programme based on vocabulary and experiences which were the child's. For seven years prior to 1960 she had tried, unsuccessfully, to get it published in New Zealand, but it was eventually incorporated into her book 'Teacher' published in the United Kingdom and the United States in the early 1960s. Although Sir Herbert Read, in his introduction to the book, refers to it as a 'sociological document rather than a pedagogical treatise', it is clear that her approaches influenced many teachers in New Zealand and overseas.

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In the 1960s the same spirit of teaching was reflected in the work of Elwyn Richardson. His book In the Early World (1964) describes his approaches to the development of children's creative expression. Richardson believed that 'quality expression and creativity arise out of the kind of situation where the individual has engendered deep feelings about a person, object, idea or thing which has been studied in depth' (Richardson, 1979). He advocated, among other things, open-ended questioning to help pupils explore whatever topic was taken up and he believed that over-detailed unit planning often killed creativity among pupils. Richardson often linked the child's own art to his/her language expression. Both Ashton-Warner and Richardson prepared the way for a greater understanding among teachers about work in the affective domain. Several research projects, initiated during the last decade, have provided significant information for teachers of English in the New Zealand education system. Although a lot of small scale projects, often replicating overseas research briefs, provided correlation of international findings for New Zealand conditions, some larger studies are of significance. These studies related to the impact of the teaching of grammar, reading skills development at various levels and the assessment of children's written language. Apart from these studies, valuable information on the reading skills of New Zealand students was provided by the International Association for the Evaluation of Educational Achievement (I.E.A.) reports on reading comprehension education and literature education published in 1973 and by the subsequent analysis of those results in Achievement in Reading and Literature in the Secondary Schools by Alan C. Purves (1979). In the early 1970s, Dr Warwick Elley led a team of researchers in a three year study (Elley et al., 1977), sponsored by the New Zealand Council for Educational Research, which showed that the study of grammar at secondary school had no measurable impact on pupils' writing skills. In a large co-educational secondary school the language development of 250 pupils was examined closely over a period of three years while they were instructed in three contrasting language programmes. Two groups studied the Oregon English Curriculum, one with and the other without the course in transformational-generative grammar. The third group studied a typical English course, using P.R. Smart's textbook series, 'Let's Learn English', which incorporates a more traditional approach to grammar. All groups were taught by the same teachers, who collaborated regularly to standardise their teaching procedures as far as possible. The non-grammar group spent the extra time in reading and creative writing. At the beginning of the experiment, in Form 3, all groups showed equal

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achievement in reading, vocabulary, mental ability, and formal language skills. A comprehensive evaluation was made at the end of Forms 3, 4 and 5, and a follow-up study in Form 6, after the groups had merged. In addition to careful analysis of essay writing, the pupils were assessed in reading skills, vocabulary, literature, listening, spelling, study skills, formal usage, sentence combining, and attitudes to various aspects of their English programmes. A careful assessment of the pupils' eleven essays showed no significant differences in quality or quantity, style or vocabulary in any of the three years of the experiment. The non-grammar pupils were writing just as clearly, imaginatively, and correctly as the two grammar groups after three years without any formal study of sentence analysis, phrases, clauses, and the like. Similarly there were only minor differences in the other language skills assessed, and no differences in School Certificate English, or a follow-up test in Form 6. The grammar groups were more negative in their attitudes at the end of the experiment, and saw English as less useful and less interesting than the non-grammar pupils. The teaching of reading in New Zealand schools enables more than 90% of children in their first year at school to begin to read confidently and with pleasure. Teachers have, however, long been concerned for those children who after their first year at school are having difficulty learning to read. Several programmes and support services have been developed over the years to assist these children, and many children have been helped by them. One programme in particular has demonstrated that the incidence of reading failure can be effectively reduced. Researched and developed by Professor Marie M. Clay (1979) of the University of Auckland in association with experienced teachers and officers of the department, it is known as Reading Recovery. From research begun in 1976, a project was developed which explored the reading behaviours of children having marked difficulty in beginning reading and who were about 6-years-old. Based on this knowledge and experience, the project developed reading recovery procedures and trained teachers as tutors. In 1978 field trials were carried out in Auckland, the results of which indicated that all the children in the trials gained in reading skill and improved markedly over their level at entry to the programme. On the basis of the results, an in-service programme was conducted in Auckland in 1979, and the procedures were tried out in 49 schools. The procedures were extended to 31 other Auckland schools in 1980, were subsequently extended to other schools in Auckland and

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Hamilton, and have now been adopted nationally by the Department of Education. Reading Recovery is a preventive programme, of which the key features are early identification of children at risk followed by intensive teaching. It incorporates new tutoring procedures, is applicable to any child, and can be used by good experienced teachers. In effect the reading recovery programme offers beginning readers a second chance at 6 years of age, after one year at school. It enables 6-year-olds with reading difficulties to become more effective readers so that they are able to work well in their own class, and in so doing aims to do away with many of the reading problems that the middle and upper primary school, and the secondary school, at present have to deal with. The International Association for the Evaluation of Educational Achievement (I.E.A.) Written Composition Study is an international survey of students' essay writing in 15 countries. New Zealand is one of the 15 countries which is participating. Since many aspects of written composition practice and philosophy vary from culture to culture, one aim of the project is to provide a national portrait of each country's curriculum and teaching methods. This covers what is taught, how it is taught, what kinds of exercises and assignments are used in examinations and tests, how much time is spent on writing both inside and outside the classroom, how compositions are assessed, and what characteristics in writing are valued in each country. The survey also tests some hypotheses about factors that affect student performance, identifies practices that have the best results in performance and attitudes, and examines how students in different countries respond to the different writing assignments. A comparison of the different age groups allows a description of how student ability to write changes and develops in the intervening years. In September and October 1984, the New Zealand Project Team coordinated the testing of a total of 6,000 students, 3,000 from Form 2 (age 12) and 3,000 from Form 5 (age 15). Using a probability proportional to size sampling method, 100 schools at each age level were selected, from Kaeo in the north of New Zealand to Tuatapere in the south. Within each school one class was randomly chosen. Each student in that class wrote three essays from a range of types of writing, including functional, descriptive, narrative, expository, summary and reflective writing. The tasks required students to use a variety of cognitive levels, and to write for different purposes and audiences. The essays were marked to an internationally agreed

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standard using an analytical scoring scheme. The comprehensive report of the study has now been published (Hilary Lamb, 1987). In 1985, Carol Adler published the initial findings from her longitudinal study, 'The Assessment of Children's Written Language'. This study, based on following 635 children through the ages nine to twelve, was designed to study what changes in written language skills occurred within a single group of children and to examine the stability of written language difficulties. The findings are intended to be of direct benefit to teachers who need a simple, economic and systematic method of evaluating and monitoring the written language progress of their pupils. The results of the study included the outlining of an assessment process which teachers might find useful in evaluating the development of the written language skills of individual pupils. Detailed working through of this outline has yet to be published. 'Reading and Learning in the Junior Secondary School', by Tom Nicholson, Department of Education (1986), is a classroom-based study of the reading problems faced by many pupils when confronted with the specialist language of many subjects. The initial report has laid the foundation for the future development of suitable across-thecurriculum reading programmes. This development is currently under way. Text Books And The Teaching Of English In New Zealand Schools The advantage of New Zealand's system which neither stipulates the 'great books' nor specifies a course book or books has been that teachers of English in this country have been given a considerable degree of freedom and autonomy in their design of programmes. Leading teachers of English have been able to capitalise on this freedom and design courses which reflect the needs and aspirations of students living in New Zealand. During the 1960s and 1970s New Zealand writers began to produce work for use in our schools, and more importantly local publishers decided to support them. Given the small population of New Zealand and the lack of any mandatory textbook titles, it was surprising that there was any interest among New Zealand publishers to move into the field of English teaching. However, interest was certainly there, and publication of source books for the teaching of English in New Zealand reached a high point during the 1970s. The most noticeable success was the course book series produced for each level of the high school by Peter Smart. During the 1970s these books dominated the market. They were well received because they helped some teachers structure and balance their programmes and they

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helped contribute to the trend of introducing a much stronger New Zealand content in the school English curriculum, especially in selections from literature. One aspect of these books which may have worried some teachers was the emphasis they put on preparation for examinations. At a time when new directions for assessment procedures were being introduced for English classes, teachers of English were searching for material which helped them plan their own units of work for the particular classes they were teaching. Consequently in New Zealand schools the move in the teaching of English in the last decade has been away from course books which provided the basis for a classroom programme and towards the notion of a curriculum designed by each teacher from a range of resources to meet the needs of specific students. As a result, teachers of English have shown more interest recently in resource books which include starter material and suggestions, arranged around themes, varieties of language, or aspects of media and technology. Examples of topics such resource books deal with include New Zealand English, film, media and newspapers in education. As well there has been a tremendous upsurge in the publication of New Zealand writing, particularly writing by Maori authors, and an increase in the number of women writers who are popular and used widely in schools. Various anthologies of poems, short stories, one act plays, and collections on a theme are readily available. Teachers are beginning to exercise fully the advantages of having a free choice. In many schools the availability of a range of resources is providing a creative and wide ranging basis for designing the individualistic programmes which the New Zealand broad syllabus statements allow. Overseas publications are still popular, especially from Australia, but educational publishing in New Zealand is improving and there has been an appreciative and supportive response from New Zealand English teachers who are keen to have materials which back up their educational philosophy and practice. Formation Of The New Zealand Association For The Teaching Of English As a result of the various initiatives in English sponsored by the Department of Education during the 1970s teachers of English in New Zealand by the end of the decade were beginning to establish their own professional identity. In August 1980, over one hundred teachers of English from New Zealand attended the Third International Conference on the Teaching of English in Sydney, Australia. This conference proved to be the

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catalyst that led to the formation of the New Zealand Association on the Teaching of English. As a result of a meeting convened in Sydney by Vince Catherwood, a resolution to establish a New Zealand Association for the Teaching of English was passed. The inaugural conference of the New Zealand Association for the Teaching of English was held in Wellington in May 1981. Over three hundred teachers of English from all levels of the education system met to form an association which would promote better teaching and learning of English. The ground work for the formation of this association was laid through the involvement of teachers in the process of curriculum development in English during the decade of work by the National English Syllabus Committee. Since its inaugural conference in 1981 in Wellington the New Zealand Association for the Teaching of English has held more annual conferences and has developed from a fledgling organisation to a powerful force for change and innovation among teachers of English. For instance its sponsorship of Professor Donald Graves, in association with the Department of Education, to address its 1982 conference has led to a surge of interest in New Zealand in teaching writing. This visit created the climate for a significant new development in April 1986 when a group of teachers led by Vince Catherwood initiated a Wellington Regional Writing Project as a first step towards the establishment of a New Zealand Writing Project. NZATE also commissioned the writing of a paper on taha Maori (a Maori perspective) in English, and through this initiative has begun working to encourage teachers of English to recognise that New Zealand is a bicultural society and that English classrooms need to recognise this fact. Such work implies an appreciation of the growing linguistic diversity of the New Zealand community, and a need to recognise more fully in the English classroom the particular contribution that New Zealand Maori writers are making in the 1980s to our literature and to the cultural enrichment of Aotearoa/New Zealand. A major review of the school curriculum is under way in New Zealand at present. This review stresses the need for schooling to become bicultural and for teachers to develop bilingual skills where appropriate. Already primary school language programmes in some schools are being adapted to accommodate the growing numbers of children who are coming through from pre-school Te Kohanga Reo (Maori language nests). These children are fluent in Maori and the Department of Education recognises that schools must be able to foster and develop the language progress of these students in Maori as well as in English. Already there is a growing demand

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for the teaching of Maori in secondary schools, and there are a few bilingual schools in which instruction is given in both English and Maori. Teachers across the curriculum are being challenged by these moves. Most teachers in New Zealand are Pakeha (Caucasian) and are slowly realising that they must expand their knowledge of Maori language and culture. For English teachers especially it is becoming a necessity. The Association is currently developing statements and resources on the issues which are of pressing concern to New Zealand teachers of English in the mid 1980s: What are the most appropriate ways to assess student performance in English, in the light of aims for teaching the subject which now have the general endorsement of teachers? What are the most effective ways of helping students learn to write better, with particular reference to the use of word processors? How can computers aid the teacher of English? How can teachers of English combat sexism in their ordinary work in the English classroom? There is rapid expansion in the use of computers in the English classroom. There have been several local research projects which have demonstrated the benefits that can be gained from the use of word processors in the development of children's writing. Guidance in the use of computers in English has been given by people from outside New Zealand as well as by local teachers. Access to a wider variety of programs has helped New Zealand teachers become aware of the aid that computers can be in developing discussion, group work, problem solving, drama and role play as well as in stimulating both reading and writing. English teachers are beginning to be more discerning about their choice of software and are advocating the placement of one or two computers in each teaching room, rather than the practice of having a bank of computers in a computer laboratory. Funding for computers in schools needs to be improved, and there is a need to have a wider range of locally developed programs. Gender equity has been one of the Association's main areas of concern. This issue is strongly supported by the Department of Education and has been perceived as an important need in the current curriculum review. A publication by the Association was issued in 1987, entitled 'Balancing the Books: Gender Issues in English' (Rathgen et al., 1987). This publication will give English teachers an introduction to feminist theory, practical ideas for eliminating sexist language and attitudes in the classroom, and a bibliography of helpful fiction and nonfiction. At present not only is there a need for encouragement for girls and women to take up different educational opportunities, but also a need for boys and men to be offered models of behaviour and responses which go beyond traditional male stereotypes. The provision of more alternatives for both men and

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women through a programme of affirmative action is recognised by many, but still not unanimously supported. There is a clear perception among leading English teachers in New Zealand that the profession has a major role in influencing attitudes and changing behaviour on gender issues. Stimulation, innovation and development have been the hallmarks of the teaching of English in New Zealand over the last 15 years. There is now a genuinely indigenous approach to the teaching of English in this country, developed by New Zealand teachers for New Zealand conditions. The syllabuses which give guidelines for teaching of English, based on the work of the NESC, are unique in the sense that they reflect the perceptions, insights and philosophies of New Zealand teachers of English, and yet also reflect the best of international theory and research into the teaching of English. Teachers of English in this country, through their own association, are also beginning to find their own voice to express their concerns and are continuing to find their own solutions to improve the teaching and learning of English. Note To Chapter 7 1. The School Certificate Examination Board was established by the Minister of Education in 1968 to supervise the conduct of the School Certificate examination. Bibliography ADLER, CAROL 1985, The Assessment of Children's Written Language. Dunedin Multi Disciplinary Health and Development Research Unit, University of Otago. AITKEN, RUSSELL 1982, Curriculum development and teacher education. Journal of Education for Teaching, Vol. 8, No. 1. ASHTON-WARNER, SYLVIA 1958, Spinster. New York: Secker and Warburg. ARGYLE, M. 1968, The Psychology of Inter-personal Behaviour. Harmondsworth: Penguin. BRITTON, J.N. et al. 1970, Language as educator. In G. OWENS & M. MARLAND (eds), The Practice of English Teaching. Glasgow: Blackie, pp. 3-12. CATHERWOOD, VINCE 1981, The development of the teaching of English in New Zealand Secondary Schools. Education, Vol. 4. Wellington: Department of Education, pp. 2-5. CLAY, MARIE M. 1979, The Early Detection of Reading Difficulties. A Diagnostic Survey with Recovery Procedures. Auckland: Heinemann Educational Books. DE LAUTOUR, C. R. 1980, For debate or interment. Education, Vol. 5. Wellington: Department of Education, pp. 33-5. DEPARTMENT OF EDUCATION 1944, The Post Primary School Curriculum (the

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Thomas Report). Wellington: Department of Education. 1983a, Developing a new English Syllabus (The NESC Curriculum Development Project, 1969-1983). Department of Education. 1983b, English, Forms 3 to 5: Statement of Aims. Department of Education. DEPARTMENT OF EDUCATION AND SCIENCE 1975, A Language for Life. London: HMSO. DIXON, J. 1969, Growth through English. Oxford: Oxford University Press. 2nd ed. ELLEY, W.B. 1971, Research in the Teaching of English. Wellington: NZCER. ELLEY, W.B., BARHAM, I.H., LAMB, H. and WYLLIE, M. 1977, The Role of Grammar in a Secondary School English Curriculum. New Zealand Council for Educational Research. FINDLAY, S. 1981, Viewpoint: the National English Syllabus. Education, Vol. 1. Wellington: Department of Education, pp. 30-1. FLOWER, F.D. 1966, Language and Education. London: Longman. JEFFERY, W.E. et al. 1981, Viewpoint: the NESC debate. Education, Vol. 5, Wellington: Department of Education, pp. 35-9. LAMB, HILARY F. 1987, Writing Performance in New Zealand Schools (pp. 35-9). Wellington: Department of Education. MULLER, H. 1967, The Uses of English. New York: Holt Rinehart and Winston. NATIONAL ENGLISH SYLLABUS COMMITTEE 1972, Statement of Aims. Wellington: Department of Education. NEW ZEALAND COUNCIL FOR EDUCATIONAL RESEARCH 1985, Set 75, No. 1, (Research Briefs). N.Z.C.E.R. NICHOLSON, TOM 1986, Reading and Learning in the Junior Secondary School. Wellington: Department of Education. POST PRIMARY TEACHERS' ASSOCIATION 1969, Education in Change. Auckland: Longman Paul. PURVES, ALAN C. 1979, Achievement in Reading and Literature in the Secondary Schools. New Zealand National Centre, IEA, Wellington. RATHGEN, ELODY, NEVILLE, MOLLIE and HARDY, LINDA, 1987, Balancing the Books: Gender Issues in English Teaching. New Zealand Association for the Teaching of English. RENWICK, W.L. 1981, English and identity. English in New Zealand, Vol. 10, No. 3 (Stockton House). RICHARDSON, ELWYN S. 1964, In the Early World. New Zealand Council for Educational Research. 1979, Affective-Based Approaches to Language Teaching. Papers: Children's Creative Education. Volume 1, No. 2. Auckland: Richardson Printing. SMART, PETER 1967, Let's Learn English. Wellington: A.H. & A.W. Reed. WILKINSON, ANDREW 1970, The concept of oracy. English Journal, No. 59, 1, January, pp. 76-7.

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8 'The Most Important Agent Of Civilisation': Teaching English In The West Indies, 1838-1986 Kathleen Drayton The end of World War II in 1945 may be a logical beginning for some stories on the topic. In the case of the West Indies, or the Commonwealth Caribbean as it is now called, the history of English teaching in the last 40 years is only meaningful if seen on the canvas with the previous 100 years of our history when formal education began. The development of English teaching is conveniently seen in three phases roughly coincident with the phases of political development. The first of these is the period 1838 to 1945 from the end of Slavery to the end of Crown Colony government. In 1945 the influential Moyne Report directed attention to reform in education and in the teaching of English in the West Indies. The second phase is 1945 to 1965 when universal adult suffrage was introduced and there was internal self-government and the growth of Trade Unions. This period also marked the beginning of economic modernisation. During this period too the establishment of the University of the West Indies was important in developing and changing perceptions about language and language learning. The last 20 years 1965-85 have seen the movement to national independence by individual territories, the development of the Caribbean Community, an economic and social union among 13 territories, and the beginning of dependence on loans and/or grants for education from external agencies such as the World Bank, C.I.D.A., the E.E.C. and U.S.A.I.D. (Carnoy, 1974) to name the most prominent. Loans and grants have affected English teaching by financing related projects. During this last period, political developments and the development of Caribbean linguistics have caused West Indian scholars and teachers to begin to confront the problems of the teaching and the learning of English in a mainly Creole speaking community. The stage has now been

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reached where there is recognition that political decisions about a language policy have to be made. Colonialism, Language Development And English Teaching 1838-1945 The Heritage After the physical shackles of slavery were removed from the British West India Colonies between 1834 and 1838 other means of social control, what Althusser (1972) calls 'The Ideological State Apparatus', were put in place. Part of this was the education system in which the teaching of English had a central role. English teaching was the means whereby the values of the metropolitan country would be transmitted and made acceptable as superior values to the subject population. The English Language itself was assigned a superior status both in relation to other existing European languages spoken in the territories, notably French and Spanish, and also to the languages spoken by the vast majority of the population who were black and had been forcibly transported from Africa. This deliberate language policy is stated in a Colonial Office Despatch in 1847 directing governments to create a 'native middle class among the Negro population' and 'to diffuse a grammatical knowledge of the English language as the most important agent of civilisation for the coloured population of the colonies. . .' (Augier & Gordon, 1962:234). What this directive did was to put in place a language policy in West Indian schools from 1847 which has not yet been challenged. A political decision was taken to make the English Language the main cultural form of oppression. The rest of this story explores the resistance of West Indian peoples to this cultural form. The resistance to the English Language has been both psychological and intellectual but it has not been recognised as resistance, probably because the political nature of education goes unnoticed. By 1850 two separate and unarticulated systems of education were developing in the West Indies. There were elementary schools for the labouring poor who were taught reading and arithmetic and the Christian virtues of patience, obedience, honesty and industry. They could also be taught writing for the payment of an extra penny a week, for, as Sterling explained, 'Writing is an accomplishment of little value to the very poor' (Sterling, 1968: 64). The second system catered to the middle classes and was, in several places,

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called 'middle-class education'. It consisted of a small number of secondary schools, many for boys alone. Secondary education derived its rationale from the English Taunton Commission's Report of 1868. The organisation and administration of elementary and secondary schools differed. Elementary schools were responsible to the Minister of Religion in charge of the school, to the Inspector of Schools and to the Education Committee or the Department of Education. Elementary schools were authoritarian in structure and in their attitudes to knowledge. Their emphasis was on character building, and not on the development of intellectual curiosity or independent critical thought. The products of elementary school were expected to go into trades, into service, or into unskilled occupations, although the few whose achievement was highest became pupil-teachers and taught in primary schools and an even smaller number by winning competitive exhibitions proceeded to secondary schools. Secondary schools, although supported by money from governments, as well as endowments in some cases, were individually autonomous. While elementary schools were compelled to use specific texts and to follow set syllabuses, secondary schools could make their own appointments and design their own individual curricula. Some secondary schools, for example Queen's College in British Guiana, actually became a Department of Government with the Headteacher dealing directly with the Governor. The English curriculum of elementary schools used the same recommended textbooks. Thus it could be said that all elementary schools followed, with varying degrees of effectiveness, the same curriculum in English. In secondary schools the less authoritarian structure enabled each English teacher to teach whatever he or she chose. This was not as chaotic as it might have been since, except for Roman Catholic schools run by French-speaking priests and nuns, secondary teachers had all been educated in England or in English-type schools and all secondary schools wrote the same English external examinations and would therefore follow the syllabuses laid down for these examinations. Against this background how was the language policy implemented in the schools? So far as the elementary schools were concerned this was comparatively simple. The schools were managed by Churches which had long distributed S.P.C.K. publications, Bibles, Tracts, and Texts on a large scale in the West Indies, and the S.P.C.K. monopolised textbook production in Britain for three-quarters of the nineteenth century. In addition, since Ministers who were English, or English-trained, were in charge of schools and the Inspectors of Schools appointed at first were all English, the introduction of materials and methods in use in British schools for the poor seemed logical. The same 'prudential and moral motives' which governed the British masses must be taught 'the negroes' . . . 'if property was not to perish from the colonies' (Sterling,

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1968:59). The link between education and the reproduction of a working class is here clearly articulated in this 1835 document on education. The diffusion of a grammatical knowledge of the English language was to be accomplished by the reading of the Bible at home as well as in school and by the use of certain selected Readers and Grammar Books. By the midnineteenth century West Indian Schools used the Irish National Readers published by the Commissioners of National Education in Ireland and by the 1870s Nelson had produced The Royal Reader Series which drew heavily on the I.N.R. for content and format. Royal Readers could be found in use in schools in many territories until 1954. 1 The Grammar Books in use from the nineteenth century in schools were mainly four: Hiley (1832), Darnell (1846), Sullivan (1852) and Currey (1858). The grammar texts all used Latin rules as the basis for English Grammar and indeed Currey cites Roger Ascham's famous Schoolmaster (1570) as the justification for this. The following extracts illustrate the approach to the teaching of grammar which influenced English teaching into the mid-twentieth century. Hiley's analogy presents one part of the rationale, 'Grammar is to the scholar what the chart is to the mariner' (1832); Sullivan2 states that 'Grammar is the science of language and the art of speaking and writing with propriety . . . Generally speaking a sentence in grammar corresponds to a logical proposition and its divisions.' (Sullivan, 1852:21, 146) Having provided their rationale for Grammar as a branch of knowledge these writers then proceed to advocate what must be taught. Synthesis and analysis are 'the two great engines of mental cultivation'; and 'parsing is the point by which instruction in Grammar chiefly turns' (Currey, 1858). The sentences provided for parsing were often complex and usually contained a moral, implied, if not stated, as, for example, 'Why should we consider our neighbour an alien because he happens to differ from our opinion?' (Hiley, 1831:89). In parsing students were expected to apply concepts of number, gender, case, person and tense or time and to assign words to their 'parts of speech.' Definitions of parts of speech were couched in almost unintelligible language, as, for example, 'A verb is a word which expresses in which state or posture the noun is, or what it does or suffers.' (Commissioners of National Education in Ireland, 1835: III; 227) Along with grammar were taught Rhetoric and Eloquence, defined by Hiley

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(1831). Rhetoric is the 'art which teaches us that choice and arrangement of words and phrases and that use of figurative language which shall convey our ideas in the most eloquent, impressive and persuasive manner'; and Eloquence 'the study of authors, the cultivation of memory and conversation by observation, reflection and the classics'. This language policy was imposed on a population who spoke Creole and as is evident from many education reports some of the teachers also spoke little else. What happened in the Caribbean appears to be that few developed high levels of performance in using English as their system of meaning although a number of these developed some competence in understanding the language. Many assumed knowledge of the systems but in fact imposed Creole systems of meaning on what they believed to be standard English. The systems of standard English and English Creole are very different (Roberts, 1983). Creole speakers incorporated words and even styles of expression from standard English and many believed that their usage was English. Roberts (1983b) observes that: 'Perfect mastery of the target language through instruction is impossible . . . native language can never be shifted aside.' The language policy for the elementary schools produced some who had mastered English. One famous example is the black Trinidadian, J.J. Thomas, who wrote both Froudacity (1889), as a response to J.J. Froude's contemptuous account of the West Indies in The English in the West Indies or the Bow of Ulysses (1881) and The Theory and Practice of Creole Grammar (1869) and who was elected a Fellow of the Philological Society in London in 1873. Thomas recognised the language problem in Trinidad. The official language was English but a large group of the upper class spoke French or Spanish and the mass of the people spoke French Creole. His book grew out of the aim of making communication more effective. While some, of whom Thomas is a unique example, mastered English, many others, as has been already observed, who believed they had, in fact spoke a language which, while using English words and quotations, was not English. Rohlehr (1974) has pointed out that commentators from 1793 to 1939 recognised West Indian speech. Some of the characteristics consistently noted in the language were the use of long words, and of bombastic language interlarded with proverbs and quotations and circumlocutions. Language was recognised as having power, and as giving power to its users. Abrahams (1974) has argued that this way of using English is related to the style of African languages where 'talkers and talking relate to. . .systems of respectability and reputation-seeking behaviour.' That this kind of 'English' was not only learned but taught in elementary schools is evident not only from

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any written examples which can be found but also from this examiner's comment on the Pupil Teachers' Exam in Trinidad in 1918. 'There was a noticeable tendency towards the use of bombastic language, long-words and high sounding phrases which had sometimes no meaning . . . Many such examples might be quoted even from the papers of Second Class candidates who should know that an essential qualification for a good teacher is, that he should be able to express his ideas in simple and correct English.' (Rohlehr, 1974:10) This comment foreshadows Carrington's (1978) and Craig's (1969) recent observations that in many instances teachers as well as pupils are Creole speakers so that children do not hear Standard English in English or in other lessons (Craig, 1976). Also relevant is Roberts' observation that 'Ambiguity and ambivalence are such an integral part of West Indian communication that clarity and precision of language are not always seen as desirable.' (1983b) The following example from Bell (1934) only slightly satirises the 'language situation' created by the language policy: 'Mr. Chairman, Ladies and Gentlemen, I rise on both legs to support the motion that in the opinion of this house, the stay-at-home girl makes a better wife than the business girl, though I have not yet drunk from the connubial bowl, I will not hesitate to display the oratorical wizardry of Demosthenes nor to rise to giddy heights with mute inglorious Milton in order to convince you that the useful member of the gentler sex who remains domiciled must indubitably make the better domestic administratix.' There is deafening applause, above which can be heard the voice of the young orator's mother reiterating: 'You hear de eddication, you hear de under-tandin'?' And from a seat in the rear of the hall, Nickelby's aged granny, her voice quavering with emotion is heard to say as she brushes away a tear of pride from her wrinkled but beaming face: 'Now who woulda taught that little Nicky coulda brek up de language so nice.' (Bell, 1985:55) The language policy has had far reaching influences. Carrington & Borely (1977) discuss the Language Arts Syllabus introduced into Trinidad and Tobago in 1975 by way of reprinting letters from the press with their comments. In the following letter the writer, Noel P. Bowen, opposes the new syllabus. His style as well as his content are of interest: 'The authoritative pronouncement of the Ministry of Education touching the promotion of a linguistical ideology for the nation contained in its recently issued New Primary School Syllabus cannot, I venture to think,

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fail to amaze, I shall not say appall all who had hoped to see with the heavy accent and immense expenditure ($100 M. in 1976) upon education an improvement in the educational standards of our people, and in particular in respect of the spelling, pronunciation, grammar and meaning of the language they employ and commonly use.' (Carrington & Borely, 1977: 13) There were two methods used in language teaching in elementary schools which are today unpopular. These methods, added to the value placed on reading the Bible at home, probably account in part for the acceptable levels of performance in English by elementary school pupils. The first method was dictation and the second was the memorisation and reciting aloud or writing from memory of poems and speeches. Among popular pieces were 'Pitt's reply to Walpole' (Royal Reader V, n.d.) and 'The Boy Stood on the Burning Deck' from the poem 'Casabianca' which begins: The boy stood on the burning deck Whence all but he had fled The flame that lit the battle's wreck Shone round him o'er his head. (Royal Reader IV: 37) By repeating the poem to commit it to memory and by saying it and writing it in class the student would be practising English sentences with past tense sequence and with the correctly used structure words 'on', 'whence', 'but'. The point is not the absurdity of the poem, or its irrelevance to the children's experience, but the practice it gave to students in speaking and hearing English patterns. In later days rote learning was de-emphasised in favour of 'comprehension' and there are good reasons for this. But recently a Barbadian child of 11 with the verse in front of him, was asked to re-tell the story of stanza one. He said 'De boy stan/did stan pun de deck and it burning! An' everybody gon and lef' he. An' de fire did bright.' The emphasis on comprehension of the language has replaced the mastery of English speech and written language patterns. One of the few series of textbooks written in the region during the period was Cutteridge's West Indian Reader. Cutteridge, who came to Trinidad and Tobago, the holder of a trained teacher's certificate only, became Director of Education, much to the chagrin of the educated population (Campbell, n.d.). Cutteridge had been influenced by Dewey's ideas of child-centred education and the need to train children to use hand and eye. His books, though reinforcing loyalty to the Mother Country, had West Indian folk tales and poems and coloured illustrations. They were more attractive to children than

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the Royal Readers, which they began displacing from 1928 to 1954 throughout the West Indies. They were never, however, accepted as having the educational value of the Royal Readers by the teachers who used them or by the parents who had to buy them for their children and who depended on their children's textbooks for their reading material. The focus so far has been on English teaching in Primary Schools because this is the heritage that is blamed for the problems and dilemmas of present-day English teaching. However, the secondary schools by their organisation and curriculum have also contributed to the problems. In the secondary schools students were provided with a good English and Classical education. In practice this meant Greek and Latin Language and Literature, English Grammar, Composition and Literature, Mathematics, Scripture and English History, Geography and Physical Sciences. Students who went to secondary schools by and large came from environments where Standard English was spoken. Many would, however, have had their speech influenced by creole-speaking nannies and a small number of boys from the lower classes who gained 'free places' may have come from creole-speaking homes. In schools, however, they would all have been taught by Standard English speakers. Until the mid-twentieth century West Indian secondary schools were in the main staffed by teachers from England. Students with secondary education considered themselves superior and the society recognised them as such by awarding them the places in higher education as well as the high-status jobs. Part of the superiority of this group of students was their performance and competence in the English Language. When, later, teachers were drawn from this group they carded over their attitudes to language to the children they taught. Secondary education in the West Indies, as Lamming (1983) and Selvon (1957) have pointed out in their fiction, separated children from their cultural backgrounds, holding up England and the English Language as the promised land of cultural milk and honey. During the second period of development the belief that English was the mother tongue continued to be widespread. Attitudes to language deepened the feelings of inferiority of colonised people (Brathwaite, 1981) as did some of the reforms proposed in education. This phase was, however, marked by the birth of regional universities, and greater access to education. Self-Government Without Independence 1945-1965 Repairs To Degenerate English For more than one hundred years after emancipation 1838-1845 there

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was little structural change in the Caribbean. It took massive working-class riots and revolts during the period of the 1930s to usher in this phase. Conditions in the West Indies in 1945 are well documented in the Report of the West India Royal Commission (Moyne Report, 1945) set up in August 1938 'to investigate social and economic conditions in the West India colonies' following the disorders. The Moyne Commission, as it was known after its chairman, spent four months, January to April 1939 visiting the West Indies 'to enquire into all aspects of life' (Moyne Report, 1945:17). Chapter VII of the Report is devoted to Education and the Commission has this to say about the teaching of English: 'Insufficient importance is placed on the formation of clear connected speech and the correct use of words, which is all the more important in view of the prevalence throughout the West Indies of patois of varying degrees of unintelligibility and imprecision.' (p. 109) Roberts' view that West Indians valued ambiguity in speech and may not have seen 'precision' as a desirable quality has already been cited. The patois was not unintelligible to its users, who were the majority of the people. Carrington (1978) reports that as late as 1955 the Department of Education told Robert Le Page that only 15% of Trinidadians spoke English. Christie (1982) reports the 1946 census as showing that 25% of the population of Dominica spoke only patois and refers to the equally interesting fact that the motto selected by Dominica in 1978 at independence is the patois sentence: 'Apres Bondie C'est la Ter.' Alleyne (1982) and Carrington (1983) estimate that for 25% of St. Lucians, English is a second language. The predominance of creole speakers in Guyana, Jamaica and all the other territories is also large. In 1945 what the Moyne Commission found was a region in which the first language of the majority was a Creole or a Patois since the official language policy had been largely unsuccessful. While creating a creole middle class the policy also created a middle and a working class that spoke creole! The Commissioners described the speech they heard as 'a degenerate form of English' and observed that 'the same difficult problem faces teachers all over the West Indies and requires the most careful handling.' The problem was 'the effecting of repairs on a degenerate form of English.' The Commissioners were very perceptive. They reported that in British Honduras, present day Belize, 'Children whose vernacular was a totally different language (such as Spanish or Carib) seem to learn to speak and write ''correct" English more readily than those who speak "Creole", the local name for a kind of pidgin-English which is spoken by many.' (Moyne Report, 1945:109)

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It was 20 years before the problem of teaching English to creole speakers began to be addressed. During this period the materials and methods recommended to 'effect repairs on degenerate English' was to increase the amount of pupils' reading and writing. During this period the schools were flooded with new series of readers and their accompanying workbooks, many by Ridout and Schonnell and all published for English schools. Grammar, however, continued to be a mainstay of English teaching and inspectors of schools all over the West Indies continued to report on the large number of grammatical errors in children's speech and writing, a problem which in 1986 is quite widespread in University undergraduates' speech and writing! Education Reports also continued to comment on the teaching of grammar (Barbados: Dept of Education, 1946; 1951). There continued to be the widespread belief that English was the mother tongue and that the language spoken by the majority of Caribbean people was 'bad or degenerate English' for which they must feel a sense of shame and thus, of necessity a sense of inferiority to the masters of that language wherever they lived, among us or abroad (Carrington, 1983). As if it were not enough to use language to signal the inferiority of many West Indians to some in their own society and to all in the metropolitan society another measure that was to reinforce this feeling was introduced. This was Intelligence testing. In 1946 the Department of Education in Barbados administered Moray House Tests in Intelligence, Arithmetic and English to 2,011 Barbadian children aged 10-12 in elementary schools and 451 in secondary schools. A Review of the testing was published in the British Journal of Educational Psychology and it was much discussed locally. By 1951 the testing had become more sophisticated in aims. In that year the reading of Barbadian children was tested and it was reported that 'compared with English children 7+ to 9+ Barbadian children appeared to be one year retarded.' 'Those aged 9-10 were 1 1/2 years retarded in reading compared to English children of the same age, using standardised tests.' Language competence and cultural relevance are factors which tests of this type should take into account. Those West Indian children who had least access to the English language would score lowest. A major problem was reading and the problems of learning to read a second language are welldocumented. The effect of testing was to stir public concern and comment once again about the teaching of English. The tests were later to be used for selection from elementary to secondary school. The 11 +, or Common Entrance which used the criteria of meritocracy, replaced fee-paying in secondary schools. From the 1950s a new emphasis in English teaching can be noted. Education reports and directives suggest that teachers will improve students' English if they play down grammar, encourage oral work, wide reading and creative composition. By the

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mid-1950s there is a growth in library facilities and teachers are recommended to establish in their pupils a taste for good literature. Grammar books, however, continued to abound in elementary schools (Knight et al., 1972) and what was worse most teachers had a religious faith in Grammar as a cure for their pupils' 'bad' English. The most important single influence in the teaching of English in the region during this period was to be the University of the West Indies established in 1948. At first affiliated to the University of London and granting London degrees, it became the University of the West Indies in 1962. The University started with a single Medical Faculty in 1948, added the Faculty of Natural Sciences in 1949, the Faculty of Arts in 1950 and the Faculty of Education in 1953. Among the half-dozen or so full appointments to the Faculty of Arts in 1950 were Professor Manfred Sandmann, Professor of Modern Languages, Professor Kenneth Croston, Professor of English and Mr Robert Le Page, Lecturer in English. Although, as Alleyne (1983) says, Professor Sandmann may not have carried out much research into Caribbean linguistics, from the beginning he gave lectures in 'Philology', as he called it, and his great contribution was as a teacher. When Professor Frederic Cassidy arrived in 1951/52 to begin work on what was to become Jamaica Talk (1961), Professor Sandmann talked to students about the possibilities of Cassidy's workalthough perhaps Cassidy may not have known this! Cassidy acknowledges that Sandmann 'took a great interest in the work'. Robert Le Page later established his reputation in Creole Studies. Professor Croston, while not conceding that a West Indian Literature existed, nevertheless encouraged students to write, and to read West Indian writings as well as to attend meetings of the Kingston P.E.N. (Poets, Essayists, Novelists) Club! 3 From the beginning the effect of the teaching was to make the study of West Indian language and literature and other Caribbean phenomena a respectable preoccupation for the first time. The study of Caribbean languages and literature by local scholars was established within the next 15 years. In 1963 Guyana broke away from U.W.I. and established its own university. One of the early staff appointments to the University of Guyana was Derek Bickerton, who initiated teaching in Linguistics and established the Department of Linguistics. Bickerton moved from Guyana and is now at the University of Honolulu in Hawaii. He too is now regarded as an expert in Pidgin and Creole languages. While there is by no means agreement among Caribbean Linguists, as is evident for example by comparing Bickerton's (1975) and Alleyne's (1980)

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linguistic descriptions of the creoles, Alleyne's (1983) claim may be no exaggeration: 'Caribbean linguistics is now in the foreground of general linguistics and every sub-branch of linguistics, be it formal theoretical linguistics, socio-linguistics, historical linguistics, applied linguistics or the sociology of language has sought and continues to seek new and powerful insights from Caribbean language data and from the work of Caribbean scholars'. By 1964 the U.W.I. had organised its first conference in 'Language Teaching, Linguistics and the Teaching of English in a Multilingual Society' (U.W.I., 1965). This early initiative reached only a small number of people but the work begun between 1945 and 1965 laid the basis for new methods and new materials to be used in the teaching of English language and literature (Alleyne, 1980; Craig, 1965). External Examinations And English Teaching How the elementary curriculum was shaped has already been suggested. This section will discuss secondary curriculum in English, which from its earliest days was dictated by external examinations. In the nineteenth century, scholars from the Universities of Oxford and Cambridge were paid by Harrison College and the Lodge School to visit Barbados to examine their students. By the end of the nineteenth century students from secondary schools in all West Indian territories wrote Cambridge, and later Oxford and Cambridge and London Local examinations. The junior level was written at the end of four years of schooling, the senior or ordinary level of these examinations was taken at the end of five years secondary schooling and the higher or advanced levels at the end of a further two years of schooling. Caribbean students also wrote examinations set by the College of Preceptors and the City and Guilds in England. 4 The West Indian perennial concern with standards, preferably those set outside, made these examinations, set and marked in the UK, highly valued. Initially the Senior Level examination required students to pass in five or six subjects, of which one must be English Language. Since it was not a single subject examination students were compelled to study at least five subjects, and English Literature as well as language usually formed a part of the school curriculum. English Language and Literature were separately examined, with the Language Paper requiring students to write an essay and a précis and to answer comprehension questions in sentences. Up to 20 years ago sentence analysis was also set. Until the late 1950s the only time West Indian students saw what is now the familiar textbook comprehension extract with questions was on an examination paper.

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Other than a grammar textbook, usually Davidson & Alcock's English Grammar and Analysis, 5 the texts were collections of stories or novels. It is questionable that reading comprehension is better taught by the reading of unrelated and often dull extracts followed by questions for students to answer, than by setting stories, novels or biographies for reading. But the format of most textbooks now in use in 1986 employs the comprehension passage at the beginning of each chapter. The literature examination tested knowledge of set texts. These included a compulsory Shakespearian text, novels and/or short stories and poetry. In a good secondary school, at the end of five or six years students would have studied Shakespeare plays, eighteenth and nineteenth century novels, the Romantics, the Victorians, Blake's 'Innocence and Experience', but they would have made few sorties into the twentieth century, except with the war poets. In lower forms myths and legends of Greece, Rome and the Norselands were read, with Tanglewood Tales a popular choice. By the end of this second phase of development the single subject 'O' level examination was set. Some of the newer secondary schools did not initially offer English Literature on their curriculum and often different teachers were appointed to teach Language and Literature. The English examinations written proudly in the West Indies were those set for students in England. The role of the teacher of English as a culture broker was an issue in the 1960s and the contradictions of West Indian children writing English exams was debated. Creativity, and language and thought and the teaching of clear analytic thinking were other issues. While we recognised the importance of wrestling with the complexities of teaching English Language, of equal concern was literature, the development of human values and the 'culture of the feelings.' In the third phase of our period creole language studies begins to challenge the traditional methods and materials of English teaching and some of the growing volume of West Indian literature began to appear in syllabuses and textbooks. Governments, although not challenging the 1847 language policy, by the large percentage of national revenue allocated to this sector signalled the importance they placed on education for national development. One of the first initiatives in the mid-1960s was in curriculum development, both locally and regionally. In this the Caribbean Examinations Council was to play an important role. At the same time there was great attention paid to teacher education. The University of the West Indies entered into special relationships with the Teachers' Colleges in campus and non-campus territories and serious attention began to be given to the training of secondary teachers.

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National Independence And Modernisation 1965-1985 Nation Language (Brathwaite, 1984) In 1968 U.W.I. at its Mona campus jointly sponsored the international conference on Pidgin and Creole languages. The proceedings of the conference, edited by Dell Hymes (1971), appeared as Pidginization and Creolisation of Languages, and several conferences of Caribbean Linguistics followed this one, with the Society of Caribbean Linguistics being formed in Trinidad in 1972. In the last 20 years there has been work of direct relevance to the teaching of English by several linguists, but particularly by Craig and Carrington who are both in the U.W.I. Faculty of Education. Both hold the view that English as the official language must be taught, although Carrington (1983) sees the need to develop an orthography and reading material in 'Antillean French; lexicon Creole' spoken in St. Lucia and Dominica as well as in the French islands of Martinique and Guadeloupe as the route to literacy in St. Lucia and Dominica. Carrington's work on literacy points to the problems inherent in learning to read in what is a second language and he draws attention to English teaching problems which teachers and curriculum planners must address in developing methods and materials (Carrington, 1967, 1981; Carrington & Borely, 1977; Knight et al., 1972). Craig has developed models of English language teaching which he teaches trainee teachers, as well as a series of textbooks based on the method which employs bilingual approaches (Craig, 1969, 1983; Craig & Gordon, 1981). Both Carrington (1978) and Craig (1972:323) point to the problem of teachers who are Creole speakers and who therefore, both in English and in other subjects in the curriculum, are unable to provide models of English in the classroom for their pupils. While the work of Caribbean linguists has contributed to the recognition of Creole as a language and is beginning to affect attitudes to Creole, it has not yet been translated into progressive teaching policies and practices, nor has it displaced the view that English is the mother tongue of Commonwealth Caribbean people. Theory has influenced Caribbean Examinations English syllabus to the extent that one objective is the development of 'an appreciation of the place and values of dialects in different social and cultural contexts' (Caribbean Examinations Council, 1982). Pollard (1983) argues that although there is a volume of research available for the development of more appropriate methods and materials for English teaching, there is a problem of lack of information. By and large the quite considerable body of work on Creole and multilingual approaches is not available either to the majority of teachers or to the general population.

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The channels of dissemination are curriculum development, textbooks and teacher education which will be discussed next. Political Decisions And The Teaching Of English In the mid 1960s, some of us were being asked to help write curricula by Ministries of Education. This writer chaired the Committee set up by the Education Ministry in Guyana in 1967 to prepare a curriculum in English for secondary schools. The Committee submitted in October 1967 what it called a Draft Curriculum and Handbook in English. The assumption was that the draft would provide a basis for teachers to develop a curriculum. The Draft contained recommendations on policy towards English which the Ministry might be expected to implement, aims and objectives, scope and sequence charts, sample lessons and sample units to teach reading, poetry, prose fiction, scripted drama writing of all kinds, sentence building, grammar, and creative writing. The committee consisted of six people all selected from the Teachers' College or the University with only one practising school teacher, and he was at the time Headmaster of a large city school. The curriculum was a good and potentially useful document but in the next four years it was to be seen on the top shelves in Headteachers' rooms gathering dust. It never reached the teachers of English. Many of the ideas would have been new, in particular the approach to teaching language through drills and substitutions tables. The curriculum was in fact used by the Government as part of its documentation to secure a World Bank Loan for 'Multilateral' Schools. Similar exercises which were undertaken in other territories all made the initial error of not involving practising teachers but of asking 'expert' groups to devise the curriculum. Teachers who are not involved and prepared will be unable or unwilling to use new materials. Carrington & Borely (1977) make a similar comment on the Language Arts syllabus launched in Trinidad in 1975. Guyana has encouraged a great deal of original curriculum work but the political realities cast seeds on stony ground. English requires books and since the West Indies has no major printing houses textbooks are imported. Its present foreign exchange difficulties make the importation of books into Guyana difficult and often impossible. A lecturer at a Government teacher education institution in Guyana explained his choice of Ruskin's Sesame and Lilies as a set text in 1982 as the only text available in sufficient numbers. Selection of texts is determined by economic and not pedagogical concerns in Guyana and curriculum work is not provided with adequate resources. This digression is prompted by the recognition of the varying ways in which political decisions affect the teaching of English.

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Two regional curriculum projects influenced English teaching. The first of them was a UNESCO/U.W.I. project in the early 1970s, part of which sought to develop materials for the teaching of English. Tests of students' writing and reading were carried out and an imaginative sequence of material was prepared under the direction of James Murdoch. While the project lasted the material was available for use in schools. When the project ended the university made no proper arrangements to publish and disseminate the material and it is now hard to find any of it. The Project did, however, produce Teacher Education Material on Sentence Patterns, Questioning and Readability, some of which is still in use. In 1979 the Caribbean Education Development Project was set up by agreement among the University of the West Indies, the Caribbean Examinations Council, the Caribbean Development Bank and US/AID (Project No. 5380029). The major needs of primary education identified were for instructional materials and systems and teacher training (University of the West Indies, 1985). Language Arts proved the most problematic area since teachers lacked the basic linguistic knowledge. Eventually the materials were prepared and launched at regional and territorial workshops with Headteachers, Administrators and teachers. The Language Arts materials, which posed the greatest problems to teachers, used bilingual approaches and provided teachers with methods and materials. The kind of testing which would have established the value of the materials was not done. Since pilot schools were used it would have been possible to do a longitudinal study monitoring students in control schools and comparing them with those in pilot schools but this was not done. Another problem was that it had been thought that each subsequent year would be built on the preceding one. This did not take account of teacher drop-out in all the islands. In Belize, whose special language problems were noted by the Moyne Commissioners, the project led to the establishment of a TESOL (Teaching English to Speakers of Other Languages) unit (U.W.I., 1985: 161). The U.W.I. Faculty of Education teaching staff were all involved in the project. At a subjective level the materials seem effective and presently arrangements are being made by U.W.I. to have them published. With the 'nationalisation' of English and of the school systems a number of English language textbook series have been produced for the Caribbean. Some of these take some account of new ideas about the teaching of English to creole speakers but most are written to support an examination syllabus. Some use themes as the unifying element of their chapters. The majority use the format of reading passages followed by comprehension questions and other language exercises. New poetry anthologies and short story collections using Caribbean material have appeared. Few have pedagogical instructions or directions to teachers. Textbooks are the main tool of Caribbean teachers since schools

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generally lack copiers and other reprographic facilities, as well as adequate libraries and non-book materials. The necessity to educate teachers was recognised ever since emancipation. Phillips (1966) in Jamaica has documented the education of elementary school teachers in teachers' colleges and through the pupil teacher system, and he has pointed out that when it was decided to train secondary teachers the British tradition was followed. Graduate secondary teacher education was 'divorced from the teachers' colleges and attached to the universities'. Through both Pre-Service and In-Service Programmes the University of the West Indies and the University of Guyana provide training for teachers of English at the secondary and tertiary levels. In these programmes teacher trainees are introduced to some of the creole linguistics research applied to teaching and also to Caribbean literature. They are also introduced to British and American work on the teaching of English. The In-Service teacher education programmes now have their graduates in most of the secondary schools of the campus countries and thus can be said to be a potentially powerful influence on the teaching of English and on the professional Associations of Teachers of English. There are Associations of Teachers of English in Barbados, Guyana, Jamaica and St. Lucia. In 1984 the Caribbean Association of Teachers of English, CARATE, was launched in Barbados. While CARATE is unwieldy, its members being spread across the region from Belize to Guyana, it has established a dialogue among practitioners of the teaching of secondary school English. It has published so far two issues of a journal, Caribbean Dialogue. CARATE was the brainchild of the group of teachers of English who met in Trinidad in 1981 to mark Caribbean Examinations English papers. The establishment of the Caribbean Examinations Council is one of the important recent developments in regional education. The Caribbean Examinations Council After ten years of discussions Caribbean governments signed the Montserrat Accord in 1971, bringing the Caribbean Examinations Council (CXC) into being to replace overseas examinations. The first five CXC subjects examined in 1979 included English and the first syllabus for the examinations was circulated in 1977. The syllabus 'reaffirmed the concept that language and literature are not two discrete subjects but an inseparable whole' and thus the single examination in English would test both language and literature. This view of English was not

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shared by many teachers of English who knew, moreover, that anything not tested would not be taught. In Barbados, at a large, and at times angry, meeting of English teachers with the English subject panel in 1977 the Barbados Association of Teachers of English (B.A.T.E.) presented a 15-point memorandum on the proposed English syllabus. They criticised it because it was more than a syllabus: it was a 'document that embraces what is to be learned through all the years of school'. It was in fact a five-year curriculum in English! That and the inclusion of a 17-page 'Suggested Reading List' of novels, short story anthologies, poems and plays, compelled the B.A.T.E. to the view that the English Subject Committee did not give 'Heads of English Departments and teachers in general any credit for competence' (B.A.T.E., 1972:13). The B.A.T.E. also stated that the 'proposed examination does not demand the responsive study of literature' (p.8) and called for a separate English Literature exam. The final point of the submission referred to 'teachers' feelings of bewilderment and uncertainty about the programme of work' and about the difficulty they would have in effectively implementing the syllabus without information. The English teachers' view was that literature was central to developing children's creative use of language and that unless it were specially examined literature would disappear from the curriculum and time-tables of Caribbean schools. The teachers triumphed and by 1981 English B, an examination in literature, was set. The English teachers' lobby had such a strong influence that the English B examination was designed to accommodate the advocates of two different approaches to the teaching of Literature: 'those who prefer to place the major emphasis on the use of set texts with subsidiary stress on additional reading, as well as those who prefer to place major emphasis on the comparative study of literature with a lesser emphasis on set texts' (Caribbean Examinations Council (CXC), 1982:12). The teaching of English literature, and especially the teaching of poetry, is a problematic area for many West Indian teachers. While the ideas of literature are universal, the imagery and structures of meaning which bring these ideas to the West Indian child are foreign, requiring an extra reach of imagination and abstraction. The first sight of daffodils and the first smell of box are both shocks to West Indians who have encountered them only in Wordsworth and Tennyson. West Indian literature in syllabuses is, however, a phenomenon of the last 10 years. Johnson (1983), analysing responses of trainee teachers she taught in Jamaica, makes a valuable contribution to our understanding of the importance of the native literature to the psyche of students. The students' responses indicate that it is not only the 'foreign' experience but the 'foreign' language

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patterns that caused students to think that English literature had 'nothing to do with books and poetry'. For these students English literature was 'Those cold and swampy tales'. . .about 'people restricted to the world beyond'. One student's comment provides the rationale for teaching West Indian literature. 'Caribbean literature holds a wealth of knowledge and information for children of which they have been deprived.' (Johnson, 1986:10) Methods, as well as content, created the difficulties. In a survey done in 1976 on Barbadian teachers' perceptions of reasons for success and failure at 'O' level literature I discovered that many of the teachers whose students failed required little writing about texts from their students. These teachers too relied heavily on students remembering the plot and writing character sketches without too much textual reference (Drayton, 1976). Many teachers failed to recognise written speech as 'a separate linguistic function' (Vygotsky, 1962:98). These teachers also treated basic literature concepts as secrets. The effective teachers taught critical analysis, encouraged individual response and set a great deal of written work. CXC English B, the literature examination, is 'designed for students who want to pursue the study of literature at a more advanced level'. The three sections of the English B exam test set texts, comparative reading, and critical response to 'an unprepared piece of literature'. An aim of the syllabus is to encourage wide reading and the texts recommended are both English Literature and Literature in English, with West Indian writers being well represented. The CXC English Syllabus 6 sets out to meet the 'language needs of the individual in society' (Caribbean Examinations Council, 1982: 1) and its assumption is that English language is the core of the school curriculum. The teaching of English is to develop citizens who will 'contribute reasoned opinions on social and other issues' by appreciating the purposes of language and knowing the techniques of using language with grammatical 'correctness'. It also aims to develop a preference for good literature and appreciation of the place and value of dialects (1982: 1-2). The syllabus then groups 'Skills and Aptitudes to be Developed' under two headings, Understanding and Expression. These are to be tested by objective type and short answer comprehension items and by three pieces of continuous writing. CXC English A is set at two levels. The class biases of the CXC examiners are apparent from the justification given for this. The higher, General Proficiency Level places 'more emphasis on the production of language' and gives greater weighting to critical and evaluative reading. The lower, Basic Proficiency level 'places the emphasis on the understanding skills as it is

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anticipated that in later life a large number of these students will be more concerned to comprehend than to generate written communication' (1982: 4). This is an amazing statement, reminiscent of the 1835 position that 'Writing is an accomplishment of little value to the very poor'. The absurdity is compounded by a later statement which explains that the Basic level 'was designed. . .as qualification mainly for employment and embodies the knowledge, skills and attitudes for the world of work' (Caribbean Examinations Council, 1985:3). It would seem that preparation for the world of work is not a major concern of the higher level and that the basic level aims at reproducing a working class. Thus in 1986 the same class bias that generated secondary education continues to nourish and sustain it, and if Devonish is correct, official language policy is partly responsible for high rates of illiteracy and collapsing education systems (Devonish, 1983:65). The CXC examinations initiated a great deal of curriculum work in all subjects with the assistance of the Canadian Government, which provided technical assistance and a full time consultant, and USAID, which funded regional, sub-regional and territorial workshops to improve teaching and testing, data processing and the production of materials (Caribbean Examinations Council, 1981a: 5). The workshops, and later the marking, brought English teachers in the Caribbean together for the first time. CXC English has, from the beginning, been considered more difficult than Cambridge examinations. A sort of pride seems to be taken in making English more difficult than the English do (1981a: 5). Whatever criticism might be made of CXC, it is a very important advance in curriculum development and it is a force for 're-caribbeanising' the region. It has placed the responsibility for teaching and testing English squarely in the hands of the regions' teachers from primary to university level. The Examiners' Reports provide important information on the state of the art. A recurring factor is the weakness in grammar and the following examples from the 1979 Report illustrate both the statement, and the Creole creeping into English, One Sunday morning we thinking about going by the seaside but the place was not in way it was cloudy but we decide to go while going all of a sudden the place change the sun start to shine the wind blowing well it was a day we didn't Tense expecting all of a sudden the place change well we getting . . . Sentences. (p.28) Tenses

The poem address to

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I had never went there I would have like neither of them have never touch (p.28) I totally agrees to the clause People was frightened/the people Concordwho manages there were a great noise (p.29) They use drugs abusely The languages are lastly disappearing Adverbs (p.29) Wrong word Let me confer that I think this statement is absurd To my judgement I fear for her jeopardy of the vicinity (p.30) Careful and insightful comments on students' problems also appear in the 1984 English Report: 'There are still too many candidates taking the examination who are in no way equipped to do so. . . (Some) who have read the texts possess only their local creole, and are unable to understand or write coherently about what they have read. Such candidates struggle painfully to span the continuum or the gulf between creole and standard usage. Evidence of this struggle may be seen in mis-spellings, malapropism, wrong usage of words; the preference for the big and often incorrectly used word; constant disagreement between subject and verb; problems of tense sequence and the pronounced impact of the vocabulary and phonetics of each creole on the candidate's efforts to write English . . . CXC literature answers thus reveal a range of problems from a cross-section of anglophone Caribbean territories.' (Caribbean Examinations Council, 1984: 1-3) This Examiners' Report illustrates that the systems of meanings of English are not grasped by large numbers of students who have completed at least five years of secondary education and are aged between 16 and 18 years. The 1984 CXC Examiners report the same problems in candidates' language as had been observed in the 1918 Report on Pupil Teacher examinations, as well as in several others. What appears to have been happening is that although English is the official language, the policy of keeping Creole speakers out of the highest levels of education and social prestige occupations has failed. Creole is itself taking over from English as the actual language spoken in offices and schools. The resistance of the mass culture has defeated the official language policy laid

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down in colonial days. This has happened at the point in historical time when Caribbean peoples no longer accept that Europe and Britain are the centres of civilisation. Creole, however, continues to have a low social status and a high value is retained by English. Conclusions This study of the teaching of English in the Caribbean leads to certain conclusions. First is the recognition that the teaching of English was deliberately used as a political tool to reproduce a Caribbean working class. Methods and materials employed reinforced dependence and a hierarchical society. In the second place this language policy did violence to the psyche and emotional needs of the mass of the people and the damage remains. Thus, dependence was perpetuated and schools disempowered the lower classes in society. The policy also created high rates of illiteracy and 'collapsing education systems'. English as a system of meanings, grasped by a small, elite minority, continues to be acceptable in a society where knowledge and power are still considered the birthright of the few. Evidence that this attitude persists is illustrated by statements in the 1982-84 CXC Syllabus. The teaching of English therefore deliberately perpetuates social class divisions. Thirdly it is clear that Creole has so far existed in an antagonistic relationship to English in our schools. Yet, as changes have taken place in response to changes in economic and social structures, the society has been compelled to admit Creole speakers to education and presumably also to high status professions and occupations. Next, a policy advocated by Caribbean linguists and educators exists. It is that pedagogical approaches still have to be found to help students master the knowledge codes and skills of the dominant groups while they learn to respect their own language and traditions. The development and implementation of a new language policy is a matter of political decision. Yet it must also be the responsibility of teachers of English who have acquired influence over examinations and curricula. Since, however, ideology is transmitted through language, English teachers have to be educated to recognise the essentially political nature of their task. Finally, this study of English teaching illustrates the strong resistance of Creole culture to European cultures in the Caribbean. It points to the abilities of individual human beings and groups to negotiate, resist or accept the English language and thus shows how a major dominant cultural form can become a major focus of strong cultural resistance. The study may contribute to the

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understanding of resistance as a force in the production and reproduction of culture. Notes To Chapter 8 1. Information about textbooks in use in West Indian schools in the nineteenth century is found in Education Reports, newspaper advertisements and in S.P.C.K. reports. 2. I was astonished to find Sullivan (1852) writing that 'The house building' is a genuine English sentence derived from the verbal form a-building; and criticising 'The house is being built' as a pretentious cockney form which he has heard is gaining ground in English. The house building is creole. To find it in a Grammar textbook must have puzzled West Indian teachers. 3. From personal lecture notes and diary. 4. David Cox of the University of Guyana has completed a very useful but as yet unpublished statistical study of English Language examinations in the Caribbean 1975-1985. He shows the growing percentage of failure in English exams. 5. William Davidson and J.C. Alcock first published their English Grammar and Analysis in 1876. The 13th edition was published in 1952. I have seen various editions of this text in secondary schools in Jamaica, Guyana, Barbados, Trinidad, Grenada and Antigua. 6. The rationale of the CXC English syllabus is spelled out in Gray (1975). Gray had a large hand in shaping the CXC syllabus. References ABRAHAMS, ROGER D. 1974, Traditions of eloquence in Afro-Caribbean communities in the Caribbean. Caribbean Issues. 44-60 Vol V1, 3. Advocate: News Barbados Thursday August 10, 1978. ALLEYNE, MERVYN C. 1965, Research on the effects of bilingualism on education. In U.W.I., Faculty of Education, Language teaching, linguistics and the teaching of English. 1980, Comparative Afro-American. An Historical Study of Some Afro-American Dialects in the New World. Ann Arbor: Karoma Publishing. 1982, Language maintenance and language death in the Caribbean. Caribbean Quarterly, No.28:4. 1983, Epistemological foundations of Caribbean speech behaviour. Caribbean Journal of Education 1-17, No. 10:1. ALTHUSSER, L. 1972, Ideology and ideological state apparatus. In L. ALTHUSSER, Lenin and Philosophy and Other Essays. B. Brewster Trans. Monthly Review Press. AUGIER, F.R. and GORDON, SHIRLEY C. 1962, Sources of West Indian History. Longman Caribbean. BARBADOS: ASSOCIATION OF TEACHERS OF ENGLISH 1972, Memorandum to CXC on the proposed English syllabus, mimeo. BARBADOS 1946, Department of Education Reports. 1951, Department of Education Reports. BELL, GORDON 1985, (George Bernard) Wayside Sketches, 2nd ed. Nation Publishing Co., Barbados.

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BICKERTON, DEREK 1975, Dynamics of a Creole System. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. BRATHWIITE, EDWARD KAMAU 1984, History of the voice. Notes on Nation language and poetry in the Caribbean. Powre above Powres. Centre for Commonwealth Literature and Research, University of Mysore. BRATHWAITE, HOPE 1981, Language, culture and values. Trinidad and Tobago Education Forum. Vol.1, No. 4. CAMPBELL, CARL Education and black consciousness. The Amazing Captain J.O. Cutteridge in Trinidad and Tobago, 1921-1942. U.W.I., Dept. of History, mimeo. CARIBBEAN EXAMINATIONS COUNCIL 1978, Report on the work of candidates in Caribbean history, English A, Geography and Mathematics, June. 1981a, CXC News, Vol.l:2, May p.5. 1981b, CXC/USAID Secondary education project update, Vol.l:l. 1982, English Syllabus. 1984, Report on the work of candidates in English A and English B. 1985, CXC News, Vol.5:l, January-April, p.3. CARNOY, MARTIN 1974, Education and Cultural Imperalism. New York: Longman. CARRINGTON, LAWRENCE D. 1967, St. Lucian Creole. A descriptive analysis of the phonology and MorphoSyntax, p.29 unpublished Ph.D. thesis, U.W.I. 1974, Some applications of linguistic research to educational problems. Caribbean Issues, Vol.3. 1978, Language problems in schools of today. Trinidad and Tobago Review, p. 15-16, 26 January. 1981, Literacy in the English Speaking Caribbean. Paris: UNESCO, March. 1983, Preparing a creole for a developmental task: the case of Antillean French lexicon. Carib No. 3 Jamaica. CARRINGTON, LAWRENCE D. and BORELY, C.B. 1979, The Language Arts syllabus 1975. Comment and counter comment. School of Education Trinidad, U.W.I., March. CASSIDY, FREDERIC 1961, Jamaica Talk. MacMillan. CHRISTIE, PAULINE 1982, Language maintenance and language shift in Dominica. Caribbean Quarterly. Vol.28:4. COMMISSIONERS OF NATIONAL EDUCATION IN IRELAND 1835 and 1850, Reading Books for the Use of Schools. Dublin. COMMONWEALTH CARIBBEAN REGIONAL SECRETARIAT 1974, Regional Co-operation in education. The Caribbean Examinations Council comes into being, mimeo. CRAIG, DENNIS R. 1965, The Written English of some 14 year old Jamaican and English children. In U.W.I., Faculty of Education, Language teaching, linguistics and the teaching of English in a multi-lingual society. 1969, An experiment in Teaching English. Caribbean Universities Press. 1972, Creole languages and primary education. In ALBERT VALDMAN (ed.), Pidgin and Creole Linguistics. Indiana University Press. 1976, Bidialectal education: Creole and standard in the West Indies. International Journal of the Sociology of Language, No. 8, pp. 94-133. 1980, Models for educational policy in Creole-speaking communities. In ALBERT VALDMAN (ed.), Theoretical Orientations in Creole Studies. New York: Academic Press. 1988, New World English. Students Book 3. Longman Caribbean.

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CRAIG, DENNIS R. and GORDON, GRACE WALKER 1981, New World English, Students Books 1 and 2. Longman Caribbean. CURREY, GEORGE 1858, English Grammar for the Use of Schools. S.P.C.K. DARNELL, GEORGE 1846, An Introduction to English Grammar Consisting of a Graduated Series of Easy Lessons in Language. S.P.C.K. DAVIDSON, W. and ALCOCK, J.C. 1952, English Grammar and Analysis. London: Allman & Sons. DEVONISH, HUBERT 1983, Creole language and the process of socio-economic domination in the Caribbean. Carib, No. 3, pp. 52-68. DRAYTON, KATHLEEN 1976, Success and failure of Barbadian students writing 'O' level English literature in June 1976. mimeo, October. GRAY, C.R. 1975, Curricula syllabuses and examinations in English. Caribbean Quarterly, Vol.21, No.3, September. HILLY, RICHARD 1831, Hiley's English Grammar Abridged with Questions for the Use of Young Pupils. London: Simpkin & Marshall. 1832, Grammar of the English Language with the Principles of Eloquence and Rhetoric. London: Simpkin & Marshall. HYMES, DELL 1971, Pidginization and Creolisation of Languages. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. JOHNSON, JANET 1983, Those cold and swampy tales. Students' comments on literature. Caribbean Dialogue 1, Barbados. p.34. 1986, Not because of our sins, the case for teaching West Indian students. Paper presented at the Fourth International Conference on the Teaching of English. Ottawa. KNIGHT, H.E., CARRINGTON, L.B., and BORELY, C.B. 1972, Language Arts Textbooks in the Primary Schools of Trinidad and Tobago. mimeo, U.W.I., Institute of Education Trinidad. LAMMING, GEORGE 1983, In the Castle of my Skin. New York: Schocken Books edition. HMSO 1945, West India Royal Commission Report (Cmnd 6607). London: HMSO. PHILLIPS, A.S. 1966, Teacher education in the British Caribbean. Caribbean Quarterly, pp.3-11, Vol. 12, No.1. POLLARD, VELMA 1983, The classroom teacher and the standard language. Caribbean Journal of Education, pp.33-34, Vol. 10:1. ROBERTS, PETER 1983a, Interpretation in a West Indian situation. Carib, No.3, Jamaica. pp.81-97. 1983b, Linguistics and language teaching. In LAWRENCE D. CARRINGTON et al. (eds), Studies in Caribbean Language. Trinidad: University of the West Indies. ROHLEHR, GORDON 1974, Selected Afro-Caribbean oral forms with Afro-American counterparts. Mimeo. Dept. of English, U.W.I. Trinidad. ROYAL READERS No date, The new Royal Reader, No. IV. London: Nelson. No date, No. V. London: Nelson. SELVON, SAMUEL 1957, Cane is bitter. Ways of Sunlight. Longmans: London. STERLING, JOHN 1968, Report to the British Government in May 1835. In SHIRLEY S. GORDON, Reports and Repercussions in West Indian Education. London: Ginn. SULLIVAN, ROBERT 1852 and 1855, An Attempt to Simplify English Grammar with Observation and the Method of Teaching it, (17 ed.), revised and improved. Dublin. THOMAS, J.J. 1969, Theory and Practice of Creole Grammar. (lst edn 1869). Preface V-VII. London: New Beacon Books.

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UNIVERSITY OF THE WEST INDIES 1965, Faculty of Education: Language Teaching, Linguistics and the Teaching of English in a Multi-lingual Society. Jamaica. 1985, UWI/USAID Project: Faculty of Education. Report of the External Terminal Evaluation of UWI/USAID Primary Education Project. Submitted by Dr. Karl Massanari and Professor Errol Miller, Barbados. VYGOTSKY, L.S. 1962, Thought and Language. Edited and translated by Eugenia Haufman and Gertude Vakar. M.I.T.

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9 English And The Teaching Of English Literature In South Africa Hilary Janks and Jonathan Paton 1 Part I: English In South Africa Writing about a society in transition is difficult because the situation does not stand still long enough to catch hold of it in words. Furthermore, the words themselves slide. As the language of opposition, for instance, is co-opted by the state it becomes tainted and alternative forms of expression have to be found. Language, itself a site of struggle, is a mine field. Linguistic qualifiers enable speakers or writers to distance themselves from the language of oppression. Terms for racial classification such as 'coloured' (people of mixed race), and 'Indian' (people of Asian extraction) which I shall need in order to explain segregation in Apartheid education are contested. Many socalled coloureds and Indians prefer to be called blacks. Particularly problematic is the concept of English as a second language. Subtle undertones of second language, second-class exist in the society; the belief that the variety of English spoken by native speakers determines standards of correctness is being challenged and there is growing awareness that English carries with it cultural domination that must be resisted. 'There are many reasons why English cannot be considered an innocent language' (Ndebele, 1986: 14). Rigid segregation in the school system is a cornerstone of Apartheid. In plain terms this means that black children go to schools run by the Department of Education and Training (DET) and these schools are found in the urban ghettoes and the rural areas set aside for blacks by the Group Areas Act. Coloured children go to school in 'coloured' areas. These schools are run by the Department of Education House of Representatives. Indian children go to 'Indian' schools and white children go to 'white'

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schools. 'Indian' education is run by a separate department which serves separate areas. White education is further divided as English-speaking children and Afrikaans-speaking children attend separate schools and there is a separate education department for each province of South Africa. There is also a separate department of education for each of the so-called National Independent States: KaNgwane, Gazankulu, Lebowa, KwaNdebele, Kwazulu, QwaQwa, Ciskei, Transkei, Bophutatswana and Venda. This results in a total of 17 departments. Such fragmentation is divisive and expensive and results in an inequality of educational provision. At the same time education policy with these departments is governed by acts of parliament and there is a very high degree of de facto centralised state control. Private schooling offers a partial escape from state control in education. The escape is only partial because there is some state control of the final public examinations. Aiming to produce leaders for the elite rather than workers, private schools ensure the capitalist division of labour and are instrumental in maintaining social inequality. The admission of black students to many South African English private schools from the late 1970s can be seen as 'a mechanism for co-opting new recruits to strengthen the ruling elites' (Randall, 1982:205). Their admission has, however, created space for facing the challenges of non-racial education. Where a few black students are admitted to these schools there is an understanding that they will consent to the prevailing white, English, middle-class hegemony. In other schools where 50% of the school population is black, the difficulties and potentialities of multi-cultural education are being confronted. Private schools in South Africa present a fundamental contradiction: they reinforce social inequality while simultaneously providing a liberal and progressive alternative to the segregated, Christian National Education of state schools. Christian National Education Even before coming to power politically the Afrikaners attempted to ensure that their children would be educated in separate schools based on the doctrine of Christian National Education (CNE). Article 1 of Die Beleid (the CNE policy declaration, 1948) explains that Afrikaans speaking children 'must be educated on the Christian-National life and world-view of our nation . . . The Christian basis of this life and world-view is grounded on the Holy Scriptures and expressed in the Creeds of our three Afrikaans Churches. By the national principle we understand love for

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everything that is our own, with special mention of our country, our language, our history and our culture'. (Rose & Tunmer, 1975: 120) Nearly 40 years later Afrikaners are as determined to ensure the preservation of their cultural identity by separate schooling for their children. Now, however, a modified form of CNE is the policy which informs state educational provision for all white children, not just Afrikaner children. The CNE pamphlet also outlines a policy for Bantu education in Article 15: 'We believe that the calling and task of white S.A. with regard to the native is to Christianise him and help him on culturally, and that this calling and task has already found its nearer focussing in the principles of trusteeship, no equality and segregation. . . .In accordance with these principles we believe that the teaching and education of the native must be grounded in the life and world view of the whites, most especially those of the Boer nation as the senior white trustee of the native, and that the native must be led to a mutatis mutandis yet independent acceptance of the Christian and National principles in our teaching. We believe that the mother-tongue must be the basis of native education and teaching but that the two official national languages must be taught as subjects because they are official languages, and to the native, the keys to the cultural loans that are necessary to his own cultural progress. On the grounds of the cultural infancy of the native, we believe that it is the right and task of the state, in collaboration with the Christian Protestant churches, to give and control native education . . .' (Rose & Tunmer, 1975: 127-28) The Nationalist Government came to power in 1948, the same year in which the CNE pamphlet was published. In 1949 The Eiselen Commission was set up with a specific brief: to design 'education for Natives as an independent race'. Prior to this, education for the black population had largely been provided by mission schools. The Bantu Education Act (1953) gave the state, rather than the missions, control over black education. In his speech delivered in the Senate, June 7, 1954, Dr. Verwoerd, then Minister of Native Affairs, said 'There is no place for [the Bantu] in the European community above the level of certain forms of labour. Within his own community, however, all doors are open. For that reason it is of no avail for him to receive a training which has as its aim absorption in the European community, where he cannot be absorbed. Until now he has been subjected to a school system which drew him away from his own community and misled him by showing him the green pastures of

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European society in which he was not allowed to graze.' (Rose & Tunmer, 1975: 266) These statements which saw the birth of Bantu education go a long way towards explaining the call for a unified education system in South Africa. It is far more than a plea for non-racial schools. It is the rejection of an education system designed to keep blacks docile and subservient. The call for a unitary system of education in a unitary South Africa stems from the belief, articulated by Reverend Tsele, of the National Education Crisis Committee (NECC), that 'as long as education is separate, unequal and ethnic the schools situation will never be normal.' 2 (Weekly Mail, 31 January, 1986). As I write thousands of black high school pupils are boycotting classes and where schools are not actually closed there is a strong police and army presence in schools and classrooms. Police regularly use tear-gas and some students have been shot and even killed. Against such a background it is difficult to write about English education in white, black, 'coloured' and 'Indian' schools. Education in South Africa is a site of profound political struggle. It is my hope that a focus on English education may contribute to an understanding of the nature of this struggle. Any focus on English education in South Africa has perforce to examine mother-tongue teaching as well as second language teaching. In black education where English is taught as a second or third language, English is also the medium-of-instruction; it is the language of education. English As Medium-Of-Instruction From 1936 to 1976 the medium-of-instruction in black education was an issue central to the struggle. The Bantu Education Act of 1953 legislated that mother-tongue (MT) medium-of-instruction be extended one year at a time in black schools so that it would become the only medium throughout primary education. While this policy may be regarded by people outside South Africa as educationally sound and even progressive, it was never accepted by blacks in South Africa who saw it as a form of oppression. They were not consulted and their views were disregarded. There are three important implications flowing from the imposition of mother-tongue medium-ofinstruction: 1. Primary schools could continue to be ethnically divided to cater for the mother-tongue language needs of the different pupils.

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2. Although English and Afrikaans were taught as subjects in primary school the switch to English and Afrikaans as medium-of-instruction in high school was too onerous for many children who then dropped out. 3. Because the English missions which ran black schools prior to 1953 had preferred English as the medium-ofinstruction, there was a fair knowledge of English in the community. This knowledge after 1953 was gradually eroded. Many pupils who did not go on to secondary education left school with little knowledge of English. The 1953 Act also introduced the 50/50 rule. What this meant was that black secondary-school pupils were required to study half their subjects through the medium of English and half their subjects through the medium of Afrikaans. Since 1926 English and Afrikaans have been the official languages of South Africa despite the fact that neither of these languages is the mother-tongue of the majority of the population. The views of teachers were expressed in a memorandum on medium-of-instruction produced by ATASA, an organisation of black teachers. The memorandum states: 'The compulsory use by African pupils of both Afrikaans and English as medium cannot be justified on Educational grounds . . . Should a decision be taken to select a foreign language as medium such a decision is a grave matter . . . Once such a language has been selected, it is completely unnecessary . . . to compel the use of yet another language as a medium, and in this way to double the burden of mastery.' (De Lange Report 18, 1981: 48-49) When in 1975 a decision was taken to push back the 50/50 rule into the last year of the primary school, pupils fared very poorly in their examinations. Afrikaans as medium-of-instruction was strongly resisted and this provided the flashpoint for the 1976 Soweto riots. Following the Soweto Riots were the Education and Training Act (1979) and the de Lange Commission (1981). The de Lange Commission recommended a more flexible language policy in black education, allowing parents to select from a range of options. The current situation is that pupils study through the medium of mother-tongue for the first four years. The aim is for them to achieve MT literacy although it is not always realised in practice. In the fifth year they switch to English or Afrikaans as medium-of-instruction for the remainder of their schooling. Except for a small area around Kimberley and Bloemfontein in the Orange Free State, black school children and their parents have opted for English as the medium-of-instruction. Despite the fact that many black parents would now prefer their children to start with English as the medium-of-instruction from the first year of school, as was the practice in the pre-1953 English mission schools, it

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must be understood that the right to choose English as the medium-of-instruction in the fifth year was a major political victory. In a significant paper entitled The English Language and Social Change in South Africa, Ndebele (1986) articulates the central contradiction in which English second language (L2) speakers are enmeshed. Given the present distribution of economic and political power in South Africa, English is perceived as a means of access to power. Ndebele blames colonisation for this 'pre-determined pragmatism' and maintains that choosing English as a lingua-franca is 'the necessity of limited choices'. Moreover, where the need for the language is merely functional, 'English in a capitalist society such as ours, can further reinforce the instrumentalisation of people as units of labour'. Central to the contradiction is that the desire for English has to be countered by the simultaneous need to resist it. 'There are many reasons why English cannot be considered an innocent language. The problems of society will also be the problems of the predominant language of that society. It is the carrier of its perceptions, its attitudes, and its goals, for through it, the speakers absorb entrenched attitudes. The guilt of English then must be recognized and appreciated before its continued use can be advocated'. (Ndebele, 1986:14) English comes laden with western values and cultural assumptions that are a dangerous form of entrapment. Ten years after the Soweto riots, Ndebele insists that the second language issue is still highly problematic and central to the struggle for liberation. People's Education For People's Power This reminder from Ndebele is timely as the National Education Crisis Committee attempts to formulate alternatives to Apartheid education. The National Education Crisis Committee (NECC) grew out of a National Consultative Conference on the crisis in black education held at the end of December 1985. (Editors' Note: In February, 1988, the National Education Crisis Committee was one of 17 organisations whose activities were restricted by the South African government.) A major resolution of this conference was that students would return to school on 28 January, 1986 conditional upon the state's meeting certain demands by the end of March, 1986. When the state failed to meet these demands adequately the NECC was formed. At the NECC conference in March 1986 a People's Education Secretariat was formed and it is significant that its brief is to look first at the English and history syllabuses. It is important to note that People's

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Education for People's Power is both a process and a goal and it attempts to be both dynamic and critical. 'Viewed from the perspective of process People's Education is dynamic because it is still in a state of undefined fluidity, and it is critical because it stands in a relationship of critique to the dominant educational ideology. If we consider People's Education as a goal, however, it is dynamic in the rather different sense that the avoidance of stasis is built into the concept . . . and critical in that it seeks to promote an active and searching intelligence and awareness'. (McKenzie, 1986: 66) People's Education as process is already occurring and the state is at pains to brand it as subversive. This is clearly revealed in Comment, a propaganda programme on the state-controlled radio: 'In some areas the radicals had gained control to the point of introducing classes in so-called ''people's education", an exercise in ideological indoctrination that embodies the antithesis of the educational ideal'. (15/7/86) People's Education as goal is being given attention across the country as grass-roots committees based on consultation with teachers, parents, students and academics are attempting to reformulate English and history syllabuses and to design appropriate material. This work continues despite repressive state action. With regard to English teaching, People's Education is concerned to move away from 'a metropolitan, Eurocentric literary bias' (McKenzie, 1986) and it cannot afford to ignore the place of English as a language in the life of the majority of South Africans for whom English is not a mother-tongue. Language Segregation Apartheid separates people who speak different languages not only by a system of separate schooling but also by the Group Areas Act which legislates different residential areas for different racial groups. This has important implications for second language acquisition and for the development and maintenance of group-specific dialects. In addition to the actual physical separation of language communities, social distance as defined by John Schumann (1976), presents an unfavourable second language learning situation in South Africa. Given that nonmother-tongue speakers of English are in the process of emerging from the linguistic, cultural and political domination created by a colonial past, it is not surprising that they

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are evolving their own forms of English and no longer look to the target language group as their model. The notion of English as a second language is challenged as the learners appropriate English for an expression of their own cultures. The gap between the coloniser and the colonised, between the target language group and the second language (L2) group, needs a rapprochement from both sides if the distance is ever to be successfully reduced. In the South African situation, only when the target language group becomes the L2 group, struggling to master the language of the present L2 group, can there ever be a true meeting of cultures. At present the onus is on the English second language group to make all the adjustments, to do all the accommodating, despite the fact that this group is the majority of the population. Language Difficulties In Black Education Given the existing separation of language groups in South Africa at present, there are four major language difficulties in black education: 1. Krashen (1982) distinguished between language acquisition and language learning. He proposed that language acquisition, a subconscious process of 'picking-up' a language, depends on sufficient comprehensible language input. In black education English input is confined almost entirely to the school situation. There is often not sufficient input for acquisition to occur. The fact that English is the medium-of-instruction does at least increase the amount of input that 'becomes available to be learnt from' (Allwright, 1982). Those students who are unable to acquire English are seriously disadvantaged vis à vis secondary and tertiary education. 2. Because all the English language input inside and outside the classroom is provided by non-native speakers, learning English is often more like foreign language learning than second language learning. Research by D'Anglejan (1978: 227-28) on immersion situations in Canada indicates that: 'where the native language of the learners is homogeneous, the prolonged absence of contact with a target language peer group . . . leads to a somewhat pidginized form of the language . . . The absence of an influential peer group of native speakers apparently cannot be compensated for by the presence of a sole adult model. The result is the development of a classroom dialect which is functionally adequate for communication, yet deviates phonologically, syntactically and morphologically from the native model'.

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Black school pupils have no contact with an MT peer group and their adult models, themselves L2 speakers of English, often provide input that differs from native English. 3. Group dialects in South Africa vary from so-called Standard South African English particularly as regards lexis and phonology. African languages, for example, have fewer vowel sounds than English, often leading to a lack of distinction between the long and short vowels of English. The lexis is particularly influenced by Afrikaans. Many 'coloureds' speak a language that is a mixture of English and Afrikaans such that it is difficult for MT English speakers to understand their dialect. Although it would be easy to refer to these dialects as 'non-standard', it is important to challenge this terminology as it perpetuates the notion that these dialects are inferior. Ndbele (1986) notes that 'the development of English in various parts of the world has taken forms that are beyond the control of native speakers' and is no longer their 'exclusive property'. He quotes Butler who says that, 'Twenty million blacks will use English for their own interests and ends, without worrying much about the views of less than two million English speaking South Africans.' Ndebele believes that an insistence on standards of correctness based on MT models constitutes a 'web of containment' such that correctness is a highly problematic issue. He is in fundamental disagreement with Butler who argues in favour of 'standard' English. Less contentious is the view that the so-called standard dialect has to be mastered for written communication. This is an added language burden on pupils who are required to master more than one dialect of English. 4. Teachers in black education are far less qualified than their counterparts in white education. White teachers all have a matriculation certificate followed by a four-year teaching diploma, a four-year degree or a three-year degree and a one-year teaching diploma. Black teachers tended to leave school two years before matriculation and this was followed by a two-year teaching diploma. Now a matriculation certificate is an entrance requirement to teachers' college. In addition they are required to teach English, or through the medium of English, when this is not their mother-tongue. Some teachers are not fluent in spoken English and many teachers experience difficulty with written English. This, combined with a lack of contact with the target language group, leads to the fossilisation of an inter-language out of which group-specific dialects grow. Ndebele (1986) stresses that 'South African English must be open to the possibility of its becoming a new language'.

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English In The State School System Let us turn, then, to an examination of English in the state school system. There are four basic English teaching situations which presently exist: 1. Mother-tongue (MT) speakers of English who study English as a subject in English medium schools (this includes English-speaking whites; English-speaking 'coloureds', and 'Indians' for whom English is increasingly a replacement mother-tongue). 2. Second language (L2) speakers of English who study English as a subject in English medium schools. These students have practically no contact with MT English speakers (this includes African blacks). 3. Second language (L2) speakers of English who study English as a subject in parallel medium schools-English and Afrikaans medium schools. These students do therefore have contact with MT English speakers. (This group includes 'coloureds' whose MT is Afrikaans.) 4. Second language (L2) speakers of English who study English as a subject in an Afrikaans medium school. These students have limited contact with MT English speakers. (This group includes whites and 'coloureds' whose MT is Afrikaans.) It is the students in Group 2, black students speaking an indigenous Bantu language, who are most seriously disadvantaged linguistically in South Africa. It is they who have to master a language other than MT in order to pass through school. Some 'Indian' students are in a similar situation but as English is rapidly becoming a replacement MT in this community, Gujerati or Tamil-speaking students are able to mix with English-speaking peer groups at school. The difficulties 'coloured' and 'Indian' students experience are in relation to dialect. The variety of English they speak, particularly in some communities, is markedly different from the variety required for written communication. White pupils, barring immigrant children, are linguistically privileged in so far as they are educated through the medium of MT, either English or Afrikaans, in a country where their mother-tongues have political recognition and where these languages give them access to tertiary education. Given that political power and capital are in the hands of the white minority it is perhaps not surprising that expenditure on white education has far exceeded expenditure on black education. It is perhaps not surprising that white teachers are properly qualified and even have degrees, whereas black teachers are not always even matriculated. It is perhaps not surprising

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that white schools have libraries and swimming pools and computer centres while many black schools lack electricity, duplicating facilities and textbooks. It is perhaps not surprising that according to the South African Institute of Race Relations 1985 annual survey, pupil/teacher ratios are 41.2 to 1 in black schools and 18.7 to 1 in white schools. It is certainly not surprising that many people find such an unequal distribution of resources morally indefensible. Least surprising of all is that many black students who perceive their education as gutter education are boycotting schools and seeking alternatives in People's Education. As we shall see, it is in this differential allocation of resources that the problems lie, for when we turn to an examination of the English syllabuses the differences in the quality of English teaching provision are not apparent. In 1986 the Transvaal Education Department (TED), responsible for white education in the Transvaal, and the Department of Education and Training (DET), responsible for black education throughout the country, independently published their new English syllabuses. To cut through the complexity created by the multiplicity of education departments, I have chosen to compare these two syllabuses with a view to extracting salient aspects of English education in South Africa as it presently exists in the state system. Given that differences between the two syllabuses are necessary and inevitable in view of the fact that the TED syllabus is for MT speakers of English and the DET syllabus is for L2 speakers of English, the degree of similarity vis à vis the language components is remarkable: 1. Both syllabuses are oriented around the four communicative skills: listening, speaking, reading and writing. Although these are discussed separately in each syllabus, the importance of integrating these skills is stressed in both. Both syllabuses stress the importance of developing pupils' communicative competence and both can be described as communicative rather than as structural syllabuses. 2. Both syllabuses emphasise language in relation to function, audience and context and stress the importance of appropriateness. 3. Both syllabuses de-emphasise grammar teaching, insisting on the use of language rather than the study of language. The DET syllabus does, however, list a number of structures that L2 pupils need to master. 4. Both syllabuses stress the importance of language across the curriculum and call on schools to formulate a language policy to ensure that all teachers teaching through the medium of English have collective responsibility for the development of pupils' ability in English.

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5. Both syllabuses recognise the multilingual, multicultural context of South Africa in which English is being studied. What this means in practice is not spelt out in either syllabus. 6. Both syllabuses stress that English education should lead to the personal, intellectual, social and emotional development of pupils and should assist them in their working lives. 7. Although the DET syllabus recognises that English study contributes to personal development, English for personal growth is an integral part of the TED syllabus: 'Personal development . . . can be promoted by observation, discussion and understanding of states of mind, emotional response, human relationships, situations and moral values, particularly in the context of the reading, viewing and listening experienced by the pupils'. (TED Std 8 Syllabus, 1986: 6) The DET syllabus has a more instrumental view of English as second language. The same functional view of language which Ndebele believes can lead to the 'instrumentalisation of people'. 8. The TED syllabus states that 'language is best explored and experienced in an atmosphere of free and open enquiry' and that English teaching should develop pupils' critical abilities, enabling the achievement of 'independent thought' and the ability to 'challenge prejudices, stereotypes and conventions'. This emphasis is absent from the DET syllabus, and it raises practical difficulties in a country governed by a State of Emergency where a wide range of statements are legally defined as subversive and are subject to extreme penalties. 9. Both syllabuses are produced by state education departments and neither syllabus offers any challenge to the status quo. Progressive 3 teachers are forced to look for the gaps opened up by whichever syllabus they are teaching and to exploit them. There are many courageous teachers in South Africa who bring progressive thinking into their classrooms and who give their pupils the critical tools to understand how language reflects the political and social conflict in South Africa. Such teachers run great personal risks and they often face dismissal or detention. These teachers manage to introduce critical thought into their classrooms by designing their own worksheets based on source materials from the radical press and progressive magazines. Censorship in schools is such that officially prescribed textbooks are

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not progressive. Where teachers are poorly qualified they are often too insecure to deviate from these textbooks. If their own grasp of English is poor and their training has been inadequate, it becomes difficult for them to design original materials. In many instances it is the pupils, not the teachers, who introduce radical thinking into the classroom, particularly in black education. It is perhaps important to note that social, political and economic circumstances make it extremely difficult for most black students to complete their schooling by the time they are 18. Consequently at all levels of the high school many of the pupils are already young adults. Government legislation now bars students over the age of 18 being in Std 8 (third year of secondary school) and students over the age of 20 being in Std 10 (fifth and final year of secondary school). No alternative education is provided and the scrapping of the age limit law is one of the key demands of the National Education Crisis Committee (NECC). In-service training in South Africa is run by the state education departments and is not tied to promotional or economic incentives. Little is done with regard to ongoing development of teachers. Teachers' organisations are divided on racial lines. The non-racial teachers' organisations do not have sufficiently large memberships to justify division into subject specific organisations. As a result there is no national or non-racial organisation for teachers of English in South Africa. This has important consequences as regards the professional development of English teachers in South Africa. Teacher-trainers find that often students who are exposed to current developments in MT and ESL teaching have too little status when they enter the profession, as first-year teachers, to change the system which they find. Too often it swallows them. Implementation of new ideas is also severely constrained by material and human resources. It is all very well for the DET syllabus to prescribe extensive reading for ESL students. These students do not have access to libraries and the schools lack books for pupils to read. Where teachers have large classes with up to 55 pupils, it is physically impossible to keep a careful check on pupils' written work. The marking load is too onerous. In small classrooms it is difficult to manage group work and to give pupils an opportunity to present ideas individually. Until there is a unitary system of education, there is little hope of an equitable division of resources. Until then whites will continue to enjoy a privileged position while the masses struggle to pass through school. Education is highly valued in the black community: it is seen as the means of access to political and material advancement and education gives one status in one's community. School boycotts and the serious disruptions

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in black education are a painful sacrifice in order to achieve education worth having; it is the bitterest of unresolved contradictions. Part II: The Teaching Of English Literature In South African High Schools Most authorities (or bodies) responsible for education in South Africa have adopted a conservative approach towards the teaching of literature in South African high schools. Some authorities have adopted a somewhat more 'liberal' approach. Various factors have affected the differing attitudes: 1. The nature of the provincial authority. There are four provinces in the Republic of South Africa. These are Cape Province, Natal, Orange Free State and Transvaal. Each province has its own education department which is responsible for white primary and secondary education in that province. There are several other education departments in South Africa responsible for the education of blacks, Asians, coloured people, etc. but it is not possible to discuss these in any detail here. Later in this chapter reference is made to the 'conservative' Transvaal and 'more liberal' Natal. The explanation for these differing attitudes lies in the fact that in the nineteenth century the Transvaal was a Republic under Afrikaner Voortrekker rule, whereas Natal was a British colony whose white inhabitants were predominantly settlers from Britain. The Transvaal Afrikaners resisted racial equality in church or state whereas there was and still is a more liberal and pragmatic attitude amongst Natal English speakers. 2. Attitudes held by officials within the state system differ from those held by the administrators of private education. 3. Attitudes vary from one racial group to another. (In terms of South Africa's absurd laws of racial classification the four groups may be defined as 'white', 'black', 'Indian' (Asian) and 'coloured' (mixed race).) The reasons for the variety of attitudes are complex and can only properly be understood by those who have some knowledge of South African history. As has been stated, these attitudes have been on the whole conservative. The explanation of this conservatism is that by and large individuals who control education in South Africa have been determined to defend the status quo and to guard against such developments as 'alternative education', 'people's education' or 'education for liberation'. Jane Reid, in a publication entitled English Literature in South African Senior Schools: a Critique of Set Books (1982) points out that literature

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teaching in South Africa has been influenced by three traditions: (1) the elitist idea of High Culture, (2) the necessity for vocational training and (3) the 'liberal' ideal for educating the whole man. These traditional influences may also be found when one examines the history of literature teaching in Britain and indeed they were brought to South Africa by the British. The elitist tradition, according to Reid, takes the view that 'high culture must be studied with little thought of utility and enjoyed purely for its own sake'. There are several academics in South African universities who Would continue to support this view and to encourage South African educational authorities to adopt it. The vocational training emphasis grew out of demands made by nineteenth century British industrialists for a 'docile, literate and more or less numerate work force'. This view is clearly reflected in the English curriculum in South Africa today. As Reid points out, it is a view sometimes adopted by privileged classes reluctant to share their privileges with others. 'British ratepayers were long reluctant to pay for more than the most elementary education for working class children. In this way Dr Verwoerd's statement to the Senate in 1954 that the African must not be given educational aspirations which misled him "by showing him the green pastures of the European but still did not allow him to graze there" was anachronistic but not unique' (Reid, 1982: 6). I would add that Dr Verwoerd's statement was both anachronistic and racist. The third tradition of 'liberal education' has been adopted by some of the less conservative educational authorities in South Africa. This tradition is succinctly summarised in the words of R. S. Peters: 'The aim of education is to develop the potentialities of each individual or to enable the individual to realise himself' (Peters, 1966: 55). There are, of course, other influences on English teaching in South Africa and it is not my intention to discuss these in any detail here. But I do wish to point out the influence that the policy of Christian National Education has had on the attitudes of South African educational authorities (for further information on Christian National Education see the earlier section by Hilary Janks). It has been this policy that has been responsible for the censorship by various education bodies of literature that supposedly deals with sex, that uses what may be considered blasphemous language, that is supposedly critical of Christianity or that is seen in any way to advocate Marxist or neo-Marxist ideologies. For example, several years ago Animal Farm was a set work for schools controlled by the Transvaal Education Department. It was no doubt believed by the 'setters' that the novel offered a strong critique of communism and the Russian revolution. The novel is certainly critical of the hypocrisy of many Russian leaders, but the Transvaal Education authorities did not foresee that the more

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enlightened teachers would point out that the novel is also critical of fascism and indeed of all forms of totalitarianism, some of which are found in contemporary South Africa. The following year the novel was dropped from the syllabus. The 'Mother Grundies' of the same Educational Department dropped Sons and Lovers as a Transvaal set work in 1986 after there had been complaints from some parents that there were explicit descriptions of sex in the book! In the next section I shall look at specific examples of set works chosen by various education departments in the last few years and will attempt to suggest the reasons underlying their choice. There is little doubt that most Education Departments in South Africa are reluctant to require that the literature of their own country be studied. The reason for this decision is obvious. Much of the literature published in recent times by both black and white writers has been 'political'. Authors have portrayed again and again the hardships and injustices suffered by South Africans under the oppressive apartheid system. Three taboo subjects in South African schools are sex, politics and religion, and literature which deals too explicitly with these topics is considered suspect. The study of elitist British high culture protects us from having to focus on the terrifying problems of the world in which we live. Wordsworth's 'Daffodils' is a 'safe' poem. Serote's 'What's in this Black Shit?' is not. Jane Reid points out that South African pupils are presented with models of a way of living from a far-off, unknown country instead of those of their own familiar world. 'Daffodils and red roses are what the poets write about, so why bother to look at the cosmos?' 4 (1982: 48). What kind of literature is required for South African pupils to study? Shakespeare is a perennial for mother tongue and ESL speakers. Macbeth, Hamlet and Julius Caesar are popular choices in all departments, Othello is rarely set. Mother tongue matriculants have to answer a question on Shakespeare. For ESL (black) matriculants writing the Department of Education and Training (DET) matriculation examination5 Shakespeare is optional. In 1986 DET matriculants had to choose two of the following set works to study for examination purposes: (1) Julius Caesar (2) Richard III (3) Fitzgerald's The Great Gatsby (4) Steinbeck's The Pearl (5) A selection of modern short stories (6) A selection of poetry Julius Caesar is the most popular choice by far. (Some teachers have

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been quick to point out the parallels with the South African situation in this play. But many pupils, particularly in urban areas like Soweto, have seen the parallels for themselves.) Shakespeare's relevance is stressed again and again by teachers of all racial groups. A teacher in the Coloured Affairs Department said to Jane Reid: 'Of the set works currently prescribed, Shakespeare is the one most enjoyed and understood by the students. The issues can be translated into present day conflicts' (1982: 77). Reid also quotes black teachers making the following remarks about Shakespeare: 'He is the gold standard of English literature' and 'it would be a matter for eternal regret if he were to be eliminated' (1982: 78). In spite of Shakespeare's popularity with ESL pupils the plays do present considerable difficulty as far as the language is concerned. Further, many ESL pupils study the plays as if they were 'true stories' and as if the characters really existed. They puzzle over any inconsistencies in plot and are quick to point them out. Many of their questions are of the 'How many children had Lady Macbeth?' variety. Before I move on to an examination of other genres, let me look briefly at some other drama that has been set in South African schools. Next to Shakespeare Shaw has until recently been the most frequently set dramatist in South African schools. Pygmalion, Arms and the Man, and St. Joan are often set. Other plays frequently set are Robert Bolt's A Man For All Seasons and T. S. Eliot's Murder in the Cathedral. Other playwrights who have been set include Arthur Miller, Tennessee Williams and Christopher Fry. The Natal Education Department was the first department in South Africa to set South Africa's own Athol Fugard. Natal pupils have been given People Are Living There and Boesman and Lena to study. 6 Then in 1985 the Cape Education Department also set Boesman and Lena. There were complaints from some parents and teachers about the 'bad language' and political overtones and the play was withdrawn. The Cape Education Department ordered that all copies of the play be collected from all Cape schools and burnt. The plays were rounded up but after a last minute reprieve they were saved from the flames. Next, I shall examine briefly the poems that are studied in South African high schools. Until recently, the poetry set for all racial groups has been more of the 'daffodils' than the 'cosmos' variety. Until the 1960s South African poetry was rarely required. Matriculation pupils would have to study one or two Shakespearian sonnets, Milton's 'Lycidas', one or two odes by Keats, and a selection of poems by Tennyson and Browning. Then the syllabus committees became very daring and added poems by Hopkins,

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T. S. Eliot and even D. H. Lawrence! If South African poems were included they were essentially of the 'Veld and Vlei' 7 variety: poems which described the South African countryside and said little else. It is absurd that black pupils should have been set so much irrelevant poetry. In an article entitled 'Daffodils or Cosmos? Poetry Studies in South African High Schools' (The English Academy Review, November 1982) this absurdity was illustrated: 'I recently had the experience of watching a black post-graduate student attempting to teach W W Gibson's ''The Ice-Cart" to a Standard 8 class in a Soweto high school. The student teacher began the lesson by reading out the poem and then asked pupils if they knew what an "ice-cart" was. One pupil ventured that it was an "ice-cream" van and this suggestion was accepted by the teacher. She told the pupils that there was many ice-carts travelling around Soweto selling ice-cream. She then proceeded to go through the poem line by line but glossed over many of the difficult words and phrases. When she noticed how unresponsive the pupils were she ceased to ask any further questions. Most pupils watched uncomprehendingly as she continued the lesson. I decided to intervene. I asked how many pupils had ever seen or could visualise "big white bears" or "shining seals". Not a single pupil was able to respond positively. The poetry lesson was largely a waste of time'. (Paton, 1982) Other poems that black pupils have had to study in the past few years include 'The Great Lover' by Rupert Brooke, 'Walking Away' by Cecil Day Lewis and 'The Way through the Woods' by Rudyard Kipling. What are black South African pupils to make of such images as 'brown horse-chestnuts' or of an otter whistling for his mate? Why should they bother to understand the meaning of obscure words like 'inenarrable'? Jane Reid makes a strong attack on selectors of poems for study by South African pupils. She writes: 'The continuing unpopularity of English Romantic and nature poetry and its continuing to be set suggests that the selectors are allowing their own literary tastes to dominate the prescriptions to an excessive degree. The selectors are probably all graduates in English literature: they chose to study literature themselves and during the course of their studies acquired all the necessary background for appreciation and admiration of the great poets of the Romantic movement'. (1982: 103) Many selectors of literary works to be taught in schools are guilty of 'cultural imperialism'. It is time they learnt they are living in South Africa, a land vastly different from England or other countries in Europe. It could be argued that teachers themselves should choose the poems they wish to study

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with their pupils. It could also be argued that pupils should be able to choose the genre in which they wish to be examined and that the study of poetry for examination purposes should be optional. But if poetry is to be studied in South African high schools the present approach needs drastic revision. Selectors, teachers and examiners should discard the many unsuitable poems that are still anthologised today and replace them with a selection of better contemporary South African poems no matter how 'political' they may be. Finally, I turn to works of fiction that have been set in South African schools in recent years. Again we notice a timidity on the part of the South African selectors to set any significant works by South African writers. Certainly prior to 1980 very little South African fiction was set. In his Master of Education dissertation (1973) entitled The Nature of English Higher as a Secondary School Subject in the Transvaal 1942-1972, Elwyn Jenkins points to the paucity of twentieth century works set in the Transvaal during that period and adds that until 1972 only two South African writers, R Lighton and F Brownlee, were prescribed by the Transvaal Education Department. It would be fair to say that these writers are virtually unheard of today and even in the 1950s and 1960s were obscure. Later Jenkins states that until 1972 'No established South African classics have been set. A notable absence is Paton's Cry, The Beloved Country 8 which has been prescribed by the Natal Education Department' (1973: 54). It is interesting to note that Cry, The Beloved Country was first set by the more liberal Natal Education Department in the mid-1970s while it was kept out of the conservative Transvaal for many years and not set by the Transvaal Education Department until 1985 nearly 40 years after the novel was written! I understand on reliable authority that Cry, The Beloved Country was first proposed as a set work in the 1960s to the Transvaal Education Department selectors and rejected. I also understand that it was finally selected in 1985 as a replacement for Es'kia Mphahlele's Down Second Avenue9 which had originally been set. Then, as I understand it, someone on the committee had 'cold feet' and decided that Down Second Avenue (published in 1959) was subversive. Instead the 'safer' Cry, The Beloved Country was set. Before I turn to some of the novels set by the Department of Education and Training it is worth noting why the Transvaal Education Department has such a conservative attitude. Here follows a set of 'criteria which prescribed books must meet', drawn up by a Transvaal Education Department Book Selection Committee for English Higher Grade: 1. The book must be within the intellectual and emotional range of the pupils.

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2. It must appeal to boys and girls. 3. It must be of high literary merit. 4. Its structure should pose an adequate challenge to pupils. 5. It must lend itself to the teaching of literature as prescribed in the syllabus. 6. It must meet standards of decency which parents require in their children's reading matter. 7. It must contain nothing that is blasphemous, immoral, seditious or likely to disturb race relations. It is interesting to note that no allowance is made for variation in pupils' intellect and emotions and that some of the criteria are extremely vague. What is meant by 'high literary merit'? In the next paragraph the Director states that 'it should never be necessary to withdraw a book because it is later found to contain objectionable matter. The choice of books should tend towards the conservative' (Holman, 1979: 31). There have been several instances of books being withdrawn after they had been set. (I earlier gave examples of the withdrawal of Sons and Lovers in the Transvaal and Boesman and Lena in the Cape.) Finally I would like to point out that in the light of the turmoil that South Africa is in today, these criteria (drawn up several years ago) need considerable revision. The most notorious selection of set works has been by the Department of Education and Training which is responsible for black education in South Africa. I do not have space here to discuss the various bizarre selections in the last twenty years (I have earlier listed the 1986 selection) but the point is effectively made by quoting three examples discussed by Jane Reid. Imagine the case of pupil X. In 1979 he/she is in Standard 8 and decides that for the next three years he/she will study the novel that has been set by the DET for that particular year. In 1979 the novel he/she has to study is Leon Solves the Mystery by Topsy Smith. In 1980 the pupil has to switch gears and to get to grips with The Mayor of Casterbridge by Thomas Hardy in his/her Standard 9 year. In 1981, he/she goes from 'the sublime to the ridiculous' and relaxes into Paul Gallico's Scruffy, a novel which Reid describes as 'of no literary consequence whatsoever'. The only one of these novels which will be inaccessible to readers outside South Africa is Leon Solves the Mystery and thus I shall quote an extract from Reid's critique: 'Characterisation is minimal . . . the insufferable Leon is characterised by "the slightly lopsided grin, the fearless blue eyes and the freckles spanning the bridge of the upturned nose", Pietie Brink by his club foot and compensating pluckiness, Fatty by his gorging and his "large

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quivering stomach" and of course he snores. Enid Blyton would have been ashamed.' (1982: 121) One cannot help feeling that the selectors of set works for black children in South Africa do not take seriously the intellectual and emotional development of these children. Conclusion Some English teachers and academics argue that South African literature has become too political. It should be obvious from my comments in this chapter that I do not support this view. In the prevailing circumstances most South African writers feel that they have no choice but to comment in one way or another on the injustices of South African society. Some black writers have lucidly expressed the pain and anger that blacks have had to suffer under the yoke of white oppression. Yet the works of many of these black writers have been banned in South Africa and even today very few of the 'political' writings are allowed to be studied officially in South African schools. Certainly very few white children have ever heard of fine black poets like Wally Mongane Serote, Sipho Sepamla, Don Mattera, James Matthews, Farouk Asvat, Achmat Dangor, Oswald Mtshali, Mafika Gwala or Dennis Brutus. I conclude with a poem by James Matthews, a so-called 'coloured' poet, It is said that poets write of beauty of form, of flowers and of love but the words I write are of pain and of rage I am no minstrel who sings songs of joy mine a lament I wail of a land hideous with open graves waiting for the slaughtered ones Balladeers strum their lutes and sing tunes of happy times I cannot join in their merriment my heart drowned in bitterness with the agony of what white man's law has done 10 Notes To Chapter 9 1. This chapter is in two parts. Part 1 is written by Hilary Janks, Part II is written by Jonathan Paton.

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2. 'Normal' has evaluative accents that are peculiar to the South African context. When the state moved the troops into the schools in the black townships it was so that schools could 'return to normal'. Students, parents and teachers argue that as long as there are troops in the schools 'normalisation' is impossible. 'Normal' is used by the state to refer to the controlled state of affairs prior to the state-of-emergency. It is used by progressive speakers to refer to a non-apartheid society. 3. 'Progressive' is presently used to describe a range of people on the left from different extra-parliamentary political positions, united in their opposition to apartheid and the National Government and in their support for the broad nonracial democratic movement. 4. Cosmos: a well known South African flower though not indigenous. 5. Matriculation examination: this is the final examination written by South African children, excluding those who have 'dropped out' of school early. But only those who matriculate with university exemption gain entrance to universities. 6. People Are Living There was first performed in Cape Town in 1969. The play is set in an old house in Johannesburg. The landlady and her two lodgers hold a wild party and move through comedy and pathos to self knowledge. Boesman and Lena was first performed at the Rhodes University theatre, Grahamstown. In this play, a destitute 'coloured' couple are uprooted from their Port Elizabeth squatter home and trudge about a wasteland as they struggle to survive. 7. Veld: South African countryside, landscape, etc. 8. Cry, the Beloved Country by Alan Paton was first published in 1948. It is the story of a black priest's journey to Johannesburg. He finds his son but too late. The son is sentenced to death for the murder of a white man. The novel a story of 'comfort in desolation' has become a classic. 9. Down Second Avenue by Es'Kia Mphahlele is an autobiographical novel and tells of the suffering of black people under the apartheid system. It is told with humour and with bitterness. 10. From Cry Rage by James Matthews & Gladys Thomas, a poetry collection banned for many years in South Africa. References ALLWRIGHT, DICK 1982, Interactive Work for Input in the Language Classroom Bringing Classroom Process Research and Second Language Acquisition Studies together. Los Angeles: Keynote paper at the Second Language Research Forum, 1982. D'ANGLEJAN, ALISON 1978, Language learning in and out of classrooms. In J.C. RICHARDS, Understanding Second and Foreign Language Learning. (218-37) Rowley, Mass: Newbury House. HOLMAN, J. W. 1979, The Role of Literature in the Teaching of English First Language in Transvaal Schools since the Introduction of Differentiated Education. Unpublished MA thesis, UNISA. JENKINS, ELWYN 1973, The nature of English Higher as a Secondary School Subject in the Transvaal 19421972. Unpublished M Ed Thesis, University of the Witwatersrand. KRASHEN, STEPHEN 1982, Principles and Practice in Second Language Acquisition. Oxford: Pergamon Press.

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DE LANGE, J. P. 1981, Report of the Work Committee: Languages and Language Instruction. Pretoria: Human Sciences Research Council. MATTHEWS, JAMES and THOMAS, GLADYS 1972, Cry Rage! Johannesburg: Spro-cas Publications. MCKENZIE, MALCOLM 1986, Who is People's Education? Mentor Volume 68, No. 2, 66-67. NDEBELE, NJABULO 1986, The English Language and Social Change in South Africa. Johannesburg: Keynote paper delivered to the Jubilee Conference of the English Academy of Southern Africa. PATON, JONATHAN 1982, Daffodils or Cosmos? Poetry Studies in South African High Schools. The English Academy Review, November. PETERS, R. S. 1966, Ethics and Education. Allen & Unwin. RANDALL, PETER 1982, Little England on the Veld. The English Private School System in South Africa. Johannesburg: Raven Press. REID, JANE 1982, English Literature in South African Senior Schools: a Critique of Set Books. Centre for African Studies, University of Cape Town, Communications. ROSE, BRIAN and TUNMER, RAYMOND 1975, Documents in South African Education. Johannesburg: A D Donker. SCHUMANN, JOHN 1976, Social distance as a factor in second language acquisition. Language Learning Volume 26, 135-43. SOUTH AFRICAN BROADCASTING CORPORATION 1986, Comment on 'Normal Schooling', 15th July. TRANSVAAL EDUCATION DEPARTMENT 1986, English Syllabus Standards 6-8. WEEKLY MAIL, Report 31st January 1986, p.7.

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10 A Language For The People: A History Of English Language Teaching In Singapore Chua Seok Hong 'The use of English is always culture-bound, but the English language is not bound to any specific culture or political system' (Bickley, 1963) In a small island of almost 2.6 million people made up of 76.3% Chinese, 15% Malays, 6.4% Indians and 2.3% of other races, it may at first seem strange that English, the foreign tongue of its colonial rulers, should have the dominance and scope that it commands in the national education policy and in the day-to-day life of Singaporeans. This situation is partly the legacy of colonial history and partly the effect of post-independence policies in which English has been recognised as a resource to increase the country's rate of economic and social development. Historical Background (1819-1941) English arrived in Singapore when Stamford Raffles acquired the island for the British East India Company. Singapore's location at the crossroads of trade routes in Southeast Asia and China made it an effective counter to Dutch trading operations in Indonesia. In less than a year, under the British umbrella, more than five thousand people had settled on the small, swampy, barely inhabited island; in time, Singapore drew to itself migrants from the neighbouring lands. Among these were Malays from Malaya; Javanese, Balinese, Bataks and Buginese from Indonesia; Tamils, Malayalees, Punjabis, Sikhs and other dialect groups from India; and Hokkiens, Cantonese, Teochews, Hakkas, Hainanese and Chinese of other dialect groups from China. Other minorities included Arabs and Filipinos.

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Many came with the intention of making their fortunes and then returning home, but some stayed on and this added yet another dimension to the cultural mix of racial and linguistic groups in early Singapore. As the British came here for trade, education was of little importance. Raffles' ambition to establish a college for 'the sons of the higher order of natives and others' (Chelliah, 1960: 16) did not materialise. It was only under Crawford, the second governor of the island that, in 1834, a Singapore Free School was established to give 'instruction in Asian languages as a means of reconciling the Natives to European education and ensuring them to regular habits of subordination and study, and beyond this, the Institute should concentrate on providing an elementary education in the three Rs in English' (Bloom, 1986: 351). The British attitude, for Malaya and Singapore, was strongly élitist, judging from these words of Swettenham: 'The one danger to be guarded against is an attempt to teach English indiscriminately . . . to give to the children of an agricultural population an indifferent knowledge of a language that to all but the very few would only unfit them for the duties of life and make them discontented with anything like manual labour.' (Perak Annual Report, 1890, cited in Loh, 1975: 15) Education was left to the initiative of the local people and funds were raised through clans, associations, public contributions and from wealthy donors. Efforts of Christian missionaries, who came to spread the faith and ended up spreading the language, further enlarged the importance of English. For girls whose parents were sufficiently enlightened there was an early start through the efforts of the London Missionary Society, which opened St. Margaret's School for Chinese girls in 1842 (Doraisamy, 1969: 16, 22-23). As a number of clerical positions in the British administration had to be filled by local staff, English had to be taught. The Annual Report of 1894 stated that English schools were 'to supply candidates for nearly the whole of the subordinate appointments under Government in the Colony and Native States and for clerical and other appointments in mercantile houses' (cited in Wilson, 1973: 26). As the language of the rulers, English had social and economic value. Parents withdrew their children from primary school (there was no secondary school then) as soon as they qualified for jobs as clerks. While Raffles might have had the vision of attaining racial understanding through bilingualism, 'The administration had more pedestrian goals: the need was for people who could write English in a legible hand and who could understand invoices or comprehend directives. The practical nature of the

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accomplishments warranted no more than six years of English schooling' (De Souza, 1977: 212). When control over British overseas possessions shifted from India to the Colonial Office in London in 1867, education came under review and administration in the English stream became more efficient. More schools were built and grants-in-aid given to subjects which the government wanted to support; in this way schools came under government control. This aid made it possible to offer secondary education as well. Gradually an English-educated élite was formed which grew over the years in influence and prestige as they had the means of communication with the colonial masters and were found in the professions, the government services and some big commercial firms. However, though they might be the most advantaged they were also seen as alienated from the majority; they were a group which, 'generally favoured in a material sense, was deprived culturally and ill-at-ease with the other communities of the island' (Wilson, 1978). Of the four language groups, the Chinese were the most foreign in British eyes; the Malays had preferential treatment as the indigenous race and the Tamils had a colonial association from British India. Partly also the British saw the Chinese as transients ready to go home once they had made their fortune (like the British themselves) and thus left them to their own leaders. There were two main groups of Chinese the Peranakans or Straits-born Chinese who arrived first and had settled down and assimilated Malay culture and those who were fresh off the boat. The Peranakans had their own subculture, and gravitated toward English, while the later Chinese migrants were usually poorer and looked for help from those of the same dialects. As early as 1829 there were three Chinese-language schools in Singapore teaching in Hokkien and Cantonese. The schools reflected a fragmented community made up of different dialect groups and their main function was to maintain traditional education and the values of the old country on foreign soil by teaching the Chinese classics and the use of the abacus (Wong & Gwee, 1972: 8-9). But these subjects were useless for employment and so English was offered as a second language subject to compete with English-medium schools. It was rather badly done as the good teachers naturally went to better paying English schools. At the turn of the century however, political changes in China brought about a revaluation. Local pride in what was happening in the homeland and China's interest in the Nanyang (South Seas) Chinese whom they regarded as nationals abroad led to the growth and modernisation of Singapore Chinese schools.

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Teachers who came from China fostered pride in Chinese culture and identity and taught the children of immigrants the importance of mutual help and common loyalties in a colonial system that paid little attention to their welfare. At last, the many dialect groups had a common official language Mandarin which gave them racial identity, unity and pride (cf. Bloom, 1986; Gopinathan, 1974; Wilson, 1978; Wong & Gwee, 1972). Unlike the other races, the Malays had financial aid for education as the British considered them the indigenous race. But schools were not very well attended as the curriculum, curiously, sought to preserve the Malay as a noble peasant by teaching him fishing and farming in an island rapidly becoming urbanised with a bustling entrepôt trade which required people who were literate and numerate, if possible in English (Bloom, 1986: 369). Tamil education was, like the Chinese schools, self-supported and as they had a smaller number of migrants to appeal to, the schools grew slowly. The few qualified teachers came mainly from India, as did their textbooks. Since better-off Indians went to English schools, 'the education system (for the Indians) . . . hardened existing divisions among them' (Arasaratnam, 1970: 184). Thus, through their system of separate schools for different languages, the British 'succeeded in producing a society of disparate communities, each clinging tenaciously to its own language, interests and cultural values', making English 'the only positive assimilating force in Singapore's colonial system' (Bell, 1972: 217). These educational developments produced the most striking social feature in colonial Singapore society its fragmentation along ethnic, linguistic, religious and occupational lines. Before the outbreak of World War II, the population in Singapore was about one million, with a total primary and secondary school enrolment of 38,000 in Chinese schools, 27,000 in English schools, 5,800 in Malay schools and 1,000 in Tamil schools (Doraisamy, 1969: 38). Towards Independence (1945-1965) Unlike the British, who had an élitist attitude towards English, the Japanese sought to spread their language as a means of national integration and as a 'process of saving Asians from continuing to be the victims of the English' when they occupied Singapore (Wilson, 1973:4). Their policy contributed to the awakening in the people of a national identity and the realisation of the political potential in language education. After they left, education became a high priority: an Advisory Council was appointed in 1946, and in 1947, the Ten-Year Programme for education was

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implemented. The programme aimed to extend the capacity for self-government and provide universal free education to all races in Chinese, Malay, Tamil and English. The schools were to foster a 'regional' outlook and the intermingling of pupils of all races. The programme's promise of a common curriculum for all pupils was none the less biased towards English (Gopinathan, 1974: 8). The political consideration then was that English gave 'real hope of producing a population which will think along lines common to all' (Colony of Singapore, 1952: 15) whereas the vernacular languages accentuated ethnolinguistic ties. An English-educated public would also be more understanding and sympathetic to British rule in Singapore (Dhillon, 1984: 17). The change from an élitist to a liberal attitude led to increased enrolment, and after 1955 English had more students than any other language stream. The financial support for vernacular schools did not amount to anything like the amount that was required so that these schools were at a disadvantage. Furthermore, the other languages had no significant role to play in employment and higher education. Tamil and Malay education had no higher institution beyond the secondary level. The only Englishmedium university, the University of Malaya in Singapore, was founded in 1948. Nanyang University, the first to offer courses in the Chinese medium, was built in 1955 entirely from contributions by the public. It remained, however, relatively harder for Nanyang graduates to find employment and advancement than for graduates taught in English. When demand for places in English-medium schools rapidly outgrew facilities, a Five-Year Supplementary Plan was approved by the Advisory Council at the end of 1949 to build schools for an additional 90,000 pupils, mainly in the English stream. After the war, the double-session school, i.e. a separate school in the morning and another school in the afternoon, was the norm. 1 The overt advantages of an English-medium education and limited employment possibilities for Chinese school students, along with the lack of effective representation in Parliament (which was conducted only in English then) alienated the Chinese-educated from the political system and provided fertile ground for Communist agitation. The violence of student and worker demonstrations underlined the unfairness of a one-sided education policy. An AllParty Committee was appointed to examine the entire education system in detail. Their findings laid the groundwork for a post-independence national education policy wherein education was to be an instrument for attaining inter-ethnic unity. They developed the first formulation for bilingualism for education through a school system in which English is not the only nor the main language taught, especially in the higher

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education levels (Colony of Singapore, 1955). In 1959, integrated schools were created for 'a new unified national identity while preserving the individual cultural traditions of the different groups of the population (Franke, 1965). These schools had two language streams (one being English) and were run under one bilingual principal. Another gain in education was the effort to enforce uniformity among all streams even though these met with objections from the Chinese and Malay language schools. Some progress in the development of a national education policy may be said to have been achieved. One outcome was the impetus to create textbooks more suited to the local situation and with an emphasis on Malayanisation. The new primary English syllabus, published in 1958, saw the first year's work as the most important in that correct speech should be established, the English sound systems mastered and the basic patterns of English firmly set. The syllabus stated that accuracy in the first year would help to eliminate errors which analysis had shown could persist to Primary VI and beyond. Oral work and accuracy were emphasised which in turn favoured drilling and repetition in language classes for speech training, spelling and dictation. The demand for accuracy was probably responsible for the strong dedication to grammar teaching which can be observed even today (Morris & Thompson, 1979; Straits Times, Aug. 15, 1982). A reinforcing factor could be that with the pressing need for teachers, many entered the service who were less proficient in English and relied on prescriptive textbooks or reference grammars as an infallible language source. The many activities suggested in the syllabus poetry, drama, story-telling seemed more suited to native speakers than to students who entered school knowing little or no English and teachers who might not have complete command of the language they were teaching. Excessive attention to grammar probably accounts for 'one of the difficulties the teacher of English invariably has to face (which) is the understandable reluctance of pupils to talk freely in a language which is strange to them a language which they might occasionally hear, but rarely have the opportunity for speaking outside the artificial limits of the classroom' (Bickley, 1963: 102). The language teaching method officially endorsed in the 1950s and 1960s was the Direct Method, 'The direct method is characterized, above all, by the use of the target language as a means of instruction and communication in the language classroom, and by the avoidance of the use of the first language and of translation as a technique'. (Stern, 1983: 456)

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This method was seen as a radical change from grammar-translation, the traditional approach, and was closely linked with the introduction of phonetics into language pedagogy in that both emphasised the use of the spoken language. 'The standard procedure involves the classroom presentation of a ''text" by the teacher. The text is usually a short specially constructed foreign language narrative in the textbook. Difficult expressions are explained in the target language with the help of paraphrases, synonyms, demonstrations, or context. To elucidate further the meaning of the text, the teacher asks questions about it, and the students read the text aloud for practice. Grammatical observations are derived from the text read and students are encouraged to discover for themselves the grammatical principle involved. Much time is spent on questions and answers on the text or on talk about wall pictures. Exercises involve transpositions, substitutions, dictation, narrative and free composition. Since the direct method class involves much use of the spoken language, stress is also laid on the acquisition of a good pronunciation . . .' (Stern, 1983: 459) In many schools in Singapore, 'Reading' meant reading aloud 'round the class' and as each pupil read he was marked 'out of ten'. End of term tests were conducted in this way. Comprehension questions which followed these reading passages were also a direct method technique. The English language syllabus for the non-English-medium schools was largely similar except that it was taught two grades lower than that of English-medium schools. There were nine periods of English a week, each not longer than 30 minutes. English-medium schools have about 15 periods of about 20 minutes for lower primaries and about 40 minutes for the upper primaries. In the English secondary schools, English was given six periods a week and literature four, each period being about 40 minutes. Up to the present, language teaching has been seen as the consolidation and extended practice of language through comprehension, composition, more grammar and some oral work. Textbooks usually contain units which begin with comprehension passages, followed by vocabulary, grammar or structure exercises and some advice on composition. The focus in the secondary level, then and now, has been on the 'O' level Cambridge examination; writing and comprehension therefore receive more attention. There is also an oral component which is met by asking students to read aloud comprehension passages and to speak on common topics. There was a common assumption in the past that literature, as a subject, would meet the need for extensive

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reading. However, only good mission and government schools adhered closely to this; those with poorer students usually 'stole' literature periods for language revision. The primary levels only taught literature incidentally through poems, songs and stories. It was in the secondary classes, especially in mission schools, that literature came into its own as a subject for those who were or wished to be good at English. Literature tended to be treated as further comprehension work and oral reading; students were told to look for character, plot, theme and imagery. Shakespeare was taught mainly by going through the text line by line. Students recited significant passages, answered context questions and wrote paraphrases and essays on irony, plot, character, and theme with judicious quotes that had been underlined in class as the teacher 'covered' the whole play. Occasionally, a group was called to the front of the class to act out a particular scene. The literature diet was almost entirely British and students read such classics as would be found in the British classroom The Importance of Being Earnest and The Government Inspector. Poetry also featured the staples of the time 'The Highwayman', 'Sir Patrick Spens', 'Lochinvar', 'The Marriage of Hiawatha' and 'How We Brought the Good News from Ghent to Aix'. School libraries stocked titles such as The Last of the Mohicans, Lorna Doone, Little Women, Heidi and Biggles, etc. Although Malayanisation produced more local textbooks there were not many local works for the local literature classroom; also, the pattern for teaching English literature had been set. Literature remained a stronghold of British 'culture'. The élitist and rarity value of English still seemed to hold sway. Another contributing factor may have been the university which offered only English Literature as a discipline, thereby reinforcing its literature bias. 2 After many years of on-the-job training, the Teachers Training College (TTC) was finally opened in March 1950. It was hoped that as soon as circumstances permitted, students would be trained in full-time courses but the 'great and insatiable demand' for teachers had to be met first. As teacher language proficiency had to be improved, training for primary school teachers consisted of courses in Speech Training, English Language and Literature, and Theory and Practice of Education spread over the three years. Some courses were given by non-graduate staff of the Department of Education of the TTC and others by graduate staff of the Department of English in the University of Malaya (Wong & Gwee, 1972). For the trained teachers career prospects were limited as senior positions were held by expatriates who were more likely to be heads of department, principals, teacher-trainers at the TTC and Ministry of Education administrators.

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On 16 September 1963, the merger of Malaya, the British territories of Sabah and Sarawak, and Singapore was officially completed and Singapore become part of Malaysia. It was a difficult union exacerbated by communal violence; the separate educational policies of Malaya where Malay is the only medium of instruction and English is the compulsory second language, and Singapore where all the four language medium schools are supported by the government is one example of conflicting interests. Disagreements between the leadership of the two countries eventually led to separation and on 9 August, 1965, Singapore became an independent state. Independence And After (1965-1977) The union with Malaysia lasted a little over two years but plans for this merger had been laid long ago as it was always assumed by Singaporeans, Malayans and the British that this was inevitable. Many in the top leadership as well as the common population have roots and relatives across the Causeway which separates Singapore and Malaya. Indeed this anticipated outcome was borne out when, in 1959, Malay was made the national language as preparation for the merger. This decision was also in consideration of the special status of Malays on the island and to avoid the political stigma of Singapore being a Chinese stronghold in a Malay region since its population is predominantly Chinese. However, after its separation from Malaysia, Malay become a ceremonial language used mainly in official state functions, military commands and the national anthem (De Souza, 1980: 212). The political sensitivity of communal languages made English the neutral choice; the economic development of Singapore gave it an instrumental role that neither Malay nor Mandarin could match. Independence threw the island upon its own resources, which were almost nil, and the political rhetoric then called for a rugged society with a pragmatic outlook necessitated by the politics and economics of survival (Chan, 1971). This approach strengthened the argument for the use of English as a resource for manpower development. In his lecture at the East-West Centre in 1970, the Prime Minister, Mr Lee Kuan Yew, stated that: 'The deliberate stifling of a language which gives access to superior technology can be damaging beyond repair . . . It is tantamount to blinding the next generation to the knowledge of advanced countries'. (quoted in Chan & Evers, 1972) The economic importance of English had, however, to be balanced against the need for a language of cohesion and cultural pride in ethnic

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roots. This sustained the support given to integrated schools but these schools did not provide the right answer. It was observed that from 1960 to 1972, less than a quarter of the schools were integrated, 'a pointer to the organizational difficulties or dissatisfaction with the results of the policy' (Gopinathan, 1974: 47). Besides integrated schools, education policy emphasised L1 and L2 proficiency and both were treated equally in the PSLE; the second language was made compulsory at the 'O' level examination to achieve effective bilingualism (Goh, 1979:3-4). However, the Goh Report of 1978 concluded that bilingualism had not been universally effective since under the current system, less than 39% of the pupil population passed both the first and second languages. Language Exposure Time the total time allotted to learning the language as well as to subjects taught in the language did not increase bilingual proficiency but instead adversely affected the Science results of Chinese language students who did the subject in English. No specific definitions of effective bilingualism in terms of functional usage or literacy level were given, and weak and confusing directives from the Ministry did not help further the aim of building a cohesive multi-racial society. The Report also found that, in the past, the main emphasis of the MOE was on the improvement of proficiency in the English language in the non-English-medium schools and little assistance was given to English-medium schools, where inadequacy was also severe. 'The lack of a concerted effort to improve English in the Englishmedium schools contributes to the ineffectiveness of the language policy' (Goh, 1979: 4). The pressing language issues that occupied the nation's attention and the urgent need to provide education to as many as possible overshadowed these problems. The insights from applied linguistics, sociolinguistics and ELT were not known by many and seemed outside the mainstream of English which many had learnt with what was felt to be little difficulty from the British. In 1965, for the first time, a large-scale seminar on the Teaching of English as a Second Language was held for ESL teachers in non-English medium schools and new developments in applied linguistics and ELT methodology were discussed. But this exchange seemed confined to those teaching English as a second language in non-English medium schools. Literature seminars held occasionally during this period addressed the problems of appreciation according to poetry, novels, drama and essay writing. In the late 1960s, more local literature was published as lecturers and undergraduates began writing on local themes and explored the implications of writing in a language not one's own. For instance, a local teacher successfully taught creative writing and produced a book of poems

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written by her secondary school pupils which drew considerable attention and underlined the dominance of literature in English language teaching (Bong, 1969). Local recognition of a Singaporean variety of English was provoked by a small book called English in Singapore and Malaya, written by R. K. Tongue (1974), a lecturer at the newly formed Institute of Education which took over the functions of the TTC. Though not the first to describe local English, Tongue initiated debate as to whether there is or can be a local standard variety of English. Singapore English began to be studied seriously by local and foreign linguists such as Platt (1975), for instance, who held that 'with greater education opportunity, a speech continuum developed, from the basilect, a sub-variety spoken by those with little or no education, through mesolects to the acrolect, a sub-variety spoken by those with high levels of education' (Platt, 1975: 22). The acrolect, the prestige sub-variety, is 'most definitely an international language comprehensible to speakers outside the region', while the mesolects vary more and more from it. The basilect is spoken by those with minimal English-language education or by others in very informal situations. At this level, SE is certainly not an international language and is not readily understood by speakers of other varieties of English (Platt, 1975: 23). Among local researchers, Mary Tay, a local academic, examined the functions of English in Singapore which give it the dominance and power it now commands. English is an official language, the language of education, a working language in the private and public sectors, the language for inter-and intra-ethnic communication; it expresses national identity and is an international language of special importance for Singapore because of its geography and economic interests (Tay, 1979). The bilingual education policy in fact hastened this development for as the second language was made compulsory, 'to provide the cultural ballast to stop the nation from getting completely westernized' (Sunday Times, Aug. 24, 1975) 'the decision now becomes easier for parents because now they can send their children to English schools for economic advancement without any guilt feelings for their betraying their ethnic tradition' (Kuo, 1977: 22). Further impetus to language development and planning was given in 1968 when the Regional Language Centre (RELC) was set up. This regional body was committed to training 'key' personnel in language education, mounting seminars on various issues of concern to the whole region, research on linguistic topics, and the publication, collection and dissemination of information in these same areas. However, while RELC is relatively well-known in linguistic and language teaching circles, its role in the formulation of language teaching policy locally has not been prominent. 3

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That a team of systems engineers, deliberately chosen from outside the field of education, were asked to review the system and write the Goh Report says much about the perceived weakness of teachers and educational administrators in policy-making and the low regard they were held in. There are no parent-teacher associations nor have any professional teacher bodies been involved in policy making, though they serve as a source of ideas for policy implementation. Sociologically and politically, studies on the development of education as nation building and political enculturation focused on the difficult demands of economic pragmatism (which favoured English) and cultural identity (i.e. the local languages) highlighting the dominant role of the local leadership which vigorously and persistently campaigned for and pushed through policies which they believed would bring the country together. With these 'large' issues at the fore, the actual job of English language teaching and the teachers' professional role were, although never seen as insignificant, usually taken as given and left in the background. In the Goh Report, findings on teacher morale through a survey of 140 primary and secondary teachers were highlighted. The report maintained that low morale is an exaggerated impression of the public, but the figures speak for themselves. Of those surveyed, 72% felt that they had low social status, 92% thought that there were too many changes in the education system, 64% indicated that principals rarely discussed their problems, 80% felt that the present system did not allow them to air their grievances, and 74% felt that prospects of promotion were slim or non-existent a rather grim view of teaching, one should imagine (Goh, 1979:3-6 to 3-8). Within the MOE itself, much research was carried out but reports and recommendations were restricted and made confidential as it was felt that sensitive issues should not be aired. A persistent impression is that teachers are the last to be informed. Further, one stipulation in the teachers' employment contract is that they do not publish, write to the press, or divulge any information regarding education without official permission; this effectively muzzled the profession. A New Beginning 1978 And After Following the Goh Report, there was a spate of changes, some short-term and some of long-term effect. The immediate fundamental change, consistent with the achievement-oriented ideology of the state, was the streaming of Primary Three pupils into three streams: (1) a bilingual Normal stream for those who are capable of completing Primary Six in the next three years doing two languages, (2) the Extended stream for pupils who will do the

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same curriculum at a slower pace and (3) the Monolingual stream for those who cannot cope with two languages and are slow learners. The second language requirement for the third group is reduced to basic literacy and numeracy in the second language. However, parents were more concerned that the streaming age (eight years) is too early, and that there might be a social stigma attached to being called monolingual which would outweigh the potential benefits of closely matching pupils to the level of learning they could cope with. The monolingual stream has since been abolished. In the secondary schools, there is now the Express stream where students complete the normal bilingual requirements and take their 'O' levels in four years as in the past. Another stream, called the Normal stream, is for slower students they take the 'N' level examinations after Secondary Three and the 'O' level two years later. For entry into 'A' levels, students must have a credit in their second language in their 'O' level results; they also have to have an 'AO' pass in their second language (besides the necessary 'A' level grades) for entry into the University. However, this has been relaxed when it was found that students who were good in other subjects could not enter the university. One immediate benefit from high-level scrutiny was that there was more money and things moved faster. Education is third in the national budget after housing and defence. Much foreign expertise was sought. Two British consultants, Morris & Thompson, invited to examine the needs of curriculum development, advised the expansion of the textbooks division to become the Curriculum Development Institute of Singapore (CDIS) (Morris & Thompson, 1979). The CDIS came into being in 1980, finally realising one of the key points in the 1956 AllParty Report. In one year alone it produced materials for the three lower primary levels. However, while the CDIS produced textbooks and multi-media materials, the development of curricula resided in another unit in the MOE which prescribed a rather grammar-structured syllabus which the CDIS, generally, did not question or modify. This syllabus was produced in 1981 following the criticism in the Goh Report that there had been no new syllabus since 1961. Such hastiness may have caused the 134 grammar items, identified by the Curriculum Unit for the six years of primary schooling, to be treated as the main content of English language teaching. The MOE is now reviewing the syllabus (Mok, 1987); its new projects which adopt new approaches in ELT make such a review timely. In 1983, a Reading and English Acquisition Programme (REAP) was piloted in the lower primary schools as it was decided that reform should begin at the lowest level of education. This high-profile project, which received ministerial support and media coverage, drew inspiration from the 'big book' and 'book flood' approach started in New

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Zealand. It was found that communicative activities for these big books did not quite fit in with the structural textbooks. Again, in 1985, another project called Active Communicative Teaching (ACT), jointly handled by the British Council and RELC, to retrain all upper primary school teachers, met with difficulties. Teachers pointed out that while they were prepared to try out new ideas and more communicative activities, the syllabus and the allimportant PSLE, which mainly tests grammar and structure items, leave them no choice but to follow their textbooks and workbooks for their students' own good. Language teaching now has top priority for the problem of proficiency is more immediate; this relegates literature to second place. The rationale is that if it is hard enough for a weak student to master English, he should put more effort there than spend time on Literature which requires English proficiency. In the past, literature was a compulsory subject for the 'O' levels; now it is an option. Furthermore, there are no syllabuses for Literature. The MOE's stand is that there is no need for one the Cambridge syllabus (which is actually an examination document) is sufficient. More money was given to education to support the multi-media materials produced by the CDIS schools received an additional $45 million for AVA purchases and training in the use of this equipment was increased. A number of schools now have their own language laboratory with priority given to the L2 classes. Besides hiring renowned consultants to look at various aspects of education, the MOE also recruited many expatriate English teachers, mainly from Britain, to provide native-speaker input to the schools. However, as these expatriates are a minority and have disparate accents, they may inject new colourful elements to the local variety rather than provide one clear acceptable mode. Selected education officers are being sent abroad or given local scholarships to read on areas related to applied linguistics and ELT. Noss has observed that as 'role planning has always been conducted in Singapore at the highest level of government, . . . teacher training and the design of particular language programmes and even curriculum has been largely imported from abroad' (Noss, 1984: 33-34). This could indicate a tendency to see imported ideas as effective in the local context. Process writing, listening comprehension, communicative language teaching, discourse analysis and classroom interaction are some of the current interest areas in MOE workshops and seminars as well as student projects, theses and doctoral dissertations. Drama and computer assisted language learning (CALL) are also being looked into by the MOE. Generally, their

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application in the local context has been seen to yield better results in local English language learners than the 'old' ways of grammar and drills. As an educational policy, bilingualism may have to be reconsidered in the light of developments in the past few years. 1986 saw the first cohort of 'O' level candidates take their examinations in English only. By 1987, the Primary One enrolment was only in English schools. Since 1959, enrolment in the English stream has steadily increased as parents recognise the economic desirability of an English education. Chinese stream enrolment, for instance, dropped from 45.9% of the total enrolment in 1959 to 11.2% in 1978 (Straits Times, March 15, 1979). The second language taken by students may be considered another subject, very much like French or German taken by British students, leading to the difficult realisation that we are now actually monolingual. Noss anticipated this in his work (Noss, 1984: 24, 136) pointing out that the amalgamation of Nanyang University with the University of Singapore to form the National University of Singapore (NUS) in 1982 put an end to any form of true bilingualism (Noss, 1984: 51). However, the sensitivity of this state of affairs is not lost on the MOE. The front-page lead in the Sunday Times (May 3, 1987) placed the situation before the public with an assurance by the MOE that it is ever ready to start a Chinese-medium school as soon as sufficient enrolment makes it feasible. Fishman's comment seems to hold true here: 'Ultimately, the language of school and government replaces the language of home and neighbourhood, precisely because it comes to provide status in the latter domains as well as in the former, due to the extensive social change to which home and neighbourhood have been exposed' (Fishman, 1972). As the language of school and government, discussion of the role of English in Singapore inevitably focuses on whether the English taught should be RP/BBC English or a Standard Singapore English (SE). Since its arrival in Singapore, English has developed through the stages described in Rodney Moag's paper on the life cycle of nonnative Englishes. He proposed four constituent processes by which the local variety first begins as an FL (Foreign Language), becomes an SL (Second Language) and reverts to an FL again. These four processes are transportation, indigenisation, expansion in use and function, and institutionalisation. A fifth, restriction of use and function, does not apply in all cases (Moag, 1982: 270). During the first phase, locals use English primarily for communication with native-speakers so that there is full reinforcement of native-like features of the language. It is during the second phase, when locals use English to communicate among themselves, that they bring familiar items and conventions in their own languages and cultures into play in the new language situation. The third process, that of expansion in use and function, sees

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English moving into new domains, particularly education, the media and government services; in all these it is used by more people than the élite group in the earlier processes. English becomes a second language at this stage and its neutral role in a multilingual setting makes it more easily accepted. 'A major feature of the indigenization and expansion processes is an increase in internal variation through the creation of a separate stylistic variant used for informal purposes. Such varieties are well reported for West Africa, India, Singapore and Malaysia, and the Philippines'. (Moag, 1982: 276) Several factors contribute to the gradual process of institutionalisation of the English language local writers and teachers and the media reinforce the use of English; the economic and social development of the country all work together to support its use (Phun, 1986: 2). Once again, this is the case with English in Singapore. And it is unlikely that it will go into the final stage when a local language displaces it for political and cultural reasons as in Malaysia and the Philippines where it is likely to revert to its EFL status. As with other ESL countries, purists and native speakers are wont to decry the deterioration of English. Locally, there is a fairly clear divide: the older Singaporeans who are literate in English, have the greatest versatility of style and register and who can speak and write near-perfect British English and the younger generation who use native slang, built mainly on borrowings from other locally spoken languages (Bloom, 1986: 388). While there is a recognisable acrolect which Tongue, Tay, Bloom and others suggest could be codified into Standard SE, there are linguistic and political considerations which seem to go against this. The linguistic aspect concerns the integrative and separatist functions that Garvin proposed for a national language (Garvin, 1973). Strevens (1981: 3) outlined two causes for concern for both native and non-native users international intelligibility and value judgements of acceptability. The local variety may be intelligible enough internationally, and different enough to fulfil the integrative and separatist criteria, but do Singaporeans themselves identify with English? So far research has concentrated on English speakers but the other languages also have very active support from their own ethnic communities. 4 The political aspect yields more complications as the official position is founded on 'belief in the essential purity of the official languages' (Noss, 1981: 71). 'We should make this point very clear. As far as schools are concerned, we must teach a standard form of English which is generally

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understood elsewhere. In other words, local colloquial expressions, however interesting or colourful they are, should not be formally taught in the classroom . . . We should adhere to a standard form which is internationally understood.' (Straits Times, March 27, 1980) It could be that the adherence to a foreign standard enhances the internationalisation of the state which is also consonant with the economic direction that the country is taking. The move from the labour-intensive to hi-tech industries has meant a large role for multi-national capital and a deliberate push for international markets. One reason for such capital coming in is local competence in English, the language of commerce, industry and service. Gefen found it rather surprising that the Republic of Singapore should be prepared to rely on a foreign body to conduct their matriculation examinations (Straits Times, August 15, 1982). He recommended that examinations should be set locally but such a change is probably unthinkable (though correct), so entrenched are the Senior Cambridge examinations in people's expectations. Parents take education very seriously, buying assessment and guide-books for their children, hiring tutors for extra coaching on the current year's work as well as the next year's, taking them to special courses for language improvement and generally aggravating the pressure students experience in school. The Senior Cambridge examination was started in 1891 and has gone through several modifications, but it is definitely here to stay. That it is conducted by a British institution which has a long history of education assessment throughout the Commonwealth gives it academic respectability and, once again, reinforces the international standards upheld in the state ethos. Again this has bearing on what the official leadership wants for English in terms of quality and status. An absolute standard upholds the state ethos of excellence as do such policies as benefits for graduate mothers to have three or more children, the whole range of scholarships and career advancement opportunities for high performers from the 'O' levels and up and the current drive in the entire civil service and party apparatus for 'A Nation of Excellence'. Conclusion Unlike its regional neighbours, for whom English actually is a foreign language mastered by a few for economic and academic purposes, English in Singapore poses the same problems and dilemmas as other Commonwealth countries such as Africa, India and the West Indies, where it has become the language of communication in all aspects of human

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activity for its users. Through the many factors that shaped the growth of this little island, English has become a language for the people in politics, business, home and most of all in education. As it is involved in the fortunes of its new home, it undergoes transformation to become another varietySingapore English. The new generation of school children who learn to speak it in English-medium schools will have different expectations from those of their elders. Whereas in the past education in English had ambivalent overtones it was a means of economic advancement but also a denial or conversion of one's ethnic identity for the present generation the economic imperative is a foregone conclusion. The most recent census, carried out in 1980, found that 55% of the population aged 10 and above are literate in English and 58.5% in Chinese (Tay, 1983: 65). Considering that English is not a mother tongue, such a figure speaks for its recognised usefulness and also the range of competence that inevitably exists. The tolerance for varieties of English implied in much current sociolinguistic writing enhances the self-conscious pride most non-native varieties arouse in their users and this is true too in Singapore. On the other hand there is a very real need to make local English internationally intelligible. How English will evolve here will depend on the rival appeals of a local variety that Singaporeans feel comfortable with and are proud to claim as their own and the RP variety which has international respectability and is the official favourite. Notes To Chapter 10 1. The shortage is not met yet, Singapore still needs more teachers. It also needs more schools as it is hoped that single session secondary schools will run by 1990 and primary schools a little later. The first pilot project for a full-day school was only carried out in 1981. 2. The University of Singapore offered its first Applied Linguistics programme in 1979. With its amalgamation with Nanyang University, there is now only the National University of Singapore. The English Language and Literature Department now has a sizeable proportion of linguists. 3. Noss's comment was 'The Report was prepared by systems engineers . . ., who claim to have consulted ''experts" but not a single applied linguist appears in their list of consultants. Personnel at the Regional Language Centre, which is located less than a mile from the Ministry, were not consulted originally, but were called in only later, when it was apparent that some of the recommendations could not be implemented' (Noss, 1984:131). 4. For instance, the local television station is able to produce and sustain family-hour programmes and quiz shows in Chinese and Malay using local talent. There is active participation from live audiences and viewers whereas English programmes are usually semi-official documentaries and public interest series which rely on interviews and readers' letters for response.

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References ARASARATNAM, S. 1970, The Indians in Malaysia and Singapore. Kuala Lumpur: Oxford University Press. BELL, DAVID SCOTT 1972, Unity in diversity: Education and integration in an ethnically pluralistic society. Ph. D. Dissertation. Indiana University. BICKLEY, V.C. 1963, The Training of primary and middle school teachers of English as a foreign language in Singapore and Burma, 1950-59, with some references to the methods advocated in these countries. M.A. thesis. University of Wales. BLOOM, DAVID 1986, The English language and Singapore: A critical survey. In BASANT K. KAPUR (ed.), Singapore Studies. Singapore: National University of Singapore Press. BONG, MARIE 1969, Creative Writing. Poetry for Teenagers. Singapore: Federal Publications. CHAN HENG CHEE, 1971, Singapore: the Politics of Survival 1965-67. Singapore: Singapore University Press. CHAN HENG CHEE and EVERS, HANS-DIETER, 1972, National Identity and Nation Building in Southeast Asia. Working Papers No. 6. Department of Sociology, University of Singapore. CHELLIAH, D.D. 1960, (reprinted from 1947). A Short History of Educational Policy in the Straits Settlements. Singapore: G.H. Kiat. COLONY OF SINGAPORE, Department of Education Report, 1894. Singapore: Government Printing Office. Department of Education Report, 1950. Department of Education Report, 1952. 1955, Report of the All-Party Committee of the Singapore Legislative Assembly on Chinese Education. Singapore: Government Printing Office. DE SOUZA, DUDLEY P. 1977, Language Status and Corpus Planning in Post-Independence Singapore. Singapore: RELC. 1980, The politics of language: Language planning in Singapore. In E. A. AFRENDRAS AND E. C. Y. KUO (eds), Language and Society in Singapore. Singapore: Singapore University Press. DHILLON, R.K. 1984, The Attitudes of the Singapore Government to English A Historical Account. Singapore: Dip. TESOL project, RELC. DORAISAMY, T.R. (ed.) 1969, 150 Years of Education in Singapore. Singapore: Teachers Training College. FISHMAN, JOSHUA 1972, The Sociology of Language. New York: Newbury. FRANKE, WOLFGANG 1965, Problems of Chinese education in Singapore and Malaya. Malaysian Journal of Education 2, no. 2, pp. 182-93. GARYIN, P.L. 1973, Some Comments on language planning. In J. RUBIN & R. SHUY (eds), Language Planning: Current Issues and Research. Reprinted in J. FISHMAN (ed.), Advances in Language Planning. GOH KENG SWEE 1979, Report on the Ministry of Education, 1978. Singapore: Ministry of Education. GOPINATHAN, S. 1974, Towards a National System of Education in Singapore 1945-1973. Singapore: Oxford University Press. KUO, EDDIE C.Y. 1977, The status of English in Singapore: A sociolinguistic analysis. In W. CREWE (ed.), Tke English Language in Singapore. Singapore: Eastern Universities Press. LOH, F.S. 1975, Seeds of Separatism: Educational Policy in Malaya 1874-1940.

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Kuala Lumpur: Oxford University Press. MOAG, RODNEY 1982, Life cycle of non-native Englishes a case study. In BRAJ B. KACHRU (ed.), The Other Tongue: English Across Cultures. Urbana: University of Illinois Press. MOK, REBECCA 1987, Likely directions for the revised English syllabuses in Singapore. In MAKHAN L. TICKGO (ed.), Language Syllabuses: State of the Art. Anthology Series 18. Singapore: RELC. MORRIS, R.W. and THOMPSON, G. D. 1979, Curriculum Development in Singapore. Singapore: Ministry of Education. NOSS, RICHARD B. 1984, An Overview of Language Issues in South-east Asia 1950-1980. Singapore: Oxford University Press. PLATT, J.T. 1975, The Singapore English speech continuum. Anthropological Linguistics 17.7: 363-74. PHUN, J. 1986, The Institutionalization of English in Singapore and its Implications for English Language Teaching. Singapore: Dip. TESOL project, RELC. Straits Times, Jan. 4, 1979. , Mar. 15, 1979. , Mar. 27, 1980. , May 16, 1982. , Aug. 15, 1982. Sunday Times, Aug. 24, 1975. , May 3, 1987. STERN, H.H. 1983, Fundamental Concepts of Language Teaching. Oxford: Oxford University Press. STREVENS, P. 1981, Forms of English: an analysis of variables. In LARRY SMITH (ed.), English for CrossCultural Communication. Hong Kong: Macmillan. Syllabus for the Teaching of English in Primary English Schools in Singapore 1958, Singapore: Government Printing Office. TAY, MARY W.J. 1979, The uses, users and features of English in Singapore. RELC Occasional Papers: 91-111. Reprinted in J.B. PRIDE (ed.), New Englishes. Rowley: Newbury House. 1983, Trends in Language, Literacy and Education in Singapore. Census Monograph No 2. Singapore: Department of Statistics. TONGUE, R.K. 1974, The English of Singapore and Malaysia. Singapore: Eastern University Press. WILSON, H.E. 1973, Education Policy and Performance in Singapore 1942-45. Occasional Paper No. 16. Singapore: Institute of Southeast Asian Studies. 1978, Social Engineering in Singapore: Educational Policies and Social Change, 1819-1972. Singapore: Singapore University Press. WONG, FRANCIS H.K. and GWEE, Y.H. 1972, Perspectives: The Development of Education in Malaysia and Singapore. Singapore: Heinemann Education Publications.

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11 English Language Teaching In The Philippines: A Succession Of Movements Bonifacio P. Sibayan and Andrew B. Gonzalez Introduction English language teaching in the Philippines, from 1898 to the present, may be characterised as a succession of 'movements' in an educational setting: Period 1 (1898-1925) The 'Speak, Read and Write English' Movement. Period 2 (1925-1935) The Indigenisation of English Movement. Period 3 (1935-1950) The Vernacular and Wikang Pambansa (National Language) Movement. Period 4 (1950-1974) The English as a Second Language Movement. Period 5 (1974-1987) The Communicative Competence Movement (in a Bilingual Education programme). Period 1. The 'Speak, Read And Write English' Movement (1898-1925) This period in the history of English language teaching in the Philippines is characterised by 'experimentation' in the use of textbooks and materials in the early stages and the total 'immersion' of the Filipino child in the learning of English in the schools. Only English was allowed to be spoken or used in the classroom and on the school premises. Children were fined or punished or chided when they spoke their native languages. The English language was introduced as a language of instruction in the

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Philippines by American soldiers in seven elementary schools in Manila on September 1, 1898. Later more schools were opened because the American military authorities found that the schools were effective instruments in the campaign against the Filipinos who fought the Americans, the successors of the Spanish colonisers. While the instructions of President McKinley to the Second Philippine Commission on April 7, 1900, were that teaching in the schools should be carried on in the native languages of the people, the instructions also provided that a common medium of communication should be provided among the people of many ethnic languages and it was decided that the common medium should be the English language. The instruction for the use of the native languages was disregarded because there were no instructional materials available in any of them. One of the first Directors of Education, David P. Barrows, tried to have Tagalog used but he failed in his efforts. Before 1910 a systematic and consistent policy was adopted for the exclusive use of English in the public schools. This English-only rule in the schools made it mandatory that all the subjects be taught in English. This started the 'Americanisation' of Juan de la Cruz (a symbolic name for all Filipinos). The Filipino child was encouraged to speak like an American and many Filipino families, especially among teachers, were proud to speak English. The apex of this imitation of the American way of speaking English was the development of the 'Arneow' English which became the prestige variety of spoken Philippine English before World War II. The Americans established first a large number of elementary schools (the programme called for a school in every barrio and at least an elementary school in every municipality) followed by the establishment of at least one provincial high school in every province. In order to accommodate the many graduates from the secondary schools educated in English and to provide leaders for the nation, the University of the Philippines was authorised to be organised on June 18, 1908, although the first college, the College of Medicine (formerly the Philippines School of Medicine) opened for instruction on June 10, 1907, became a university college on December 8, 1910. Other colleges followed. The College of Education was established in 1918. Thus, after two decades, 1898 to 1918, the system of public school education conducted in the English language from the first grade to the university was in place. It was quite an accomplishment. Emergence Of Philippine English A language can take hold of the life of a people (and a nation) when its

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written form becomes the language used in what are called the controlling domains of language. The most important controlling domains are the educational system, especially higher education, which dictates the language of the professions; government (administrative, legislative and judicial), business, commerce and industry; science anti technology; and the mass media. The form of language used in these domains is the 'modernised' and 'intellectualised' form of the language. It becomes the language of prestige and aspiration. The Development Of Philippine Textbooks The story of the development of textbooks and other teaching materials in Philippine schools is an integral part of the story of the emergence of Philippine English and its intellectualisation. The first books used in the public schools were directly imported from the United States. They were found unsuitable because they were either too difficult or were not of interest to the children because of the unfamiliar subject matter, such as apples, snow, bears. In 1902 American teachers in the Philippines were asked what they thought would be suitable materials for Filipino children. They recommended that textbooks, especially in reading and language, should contain local colour, local ideas, local descriptions, and local illustrations. Philippine editions of American books were ordered. Many of the editions were still found unsuitable because they were written by Americans not familiar with Philippine conditions. One step taken to improve the quality of textbooks for Filipinos was the appointment of advisory committees to suggest the kind of textbook that would be produced. The first advisory committee appointed in 1906 was composed of six Americans who were either superintendents, principals or supervising teachers in Philippine schools. The committee recommended the adoption of 17 books which were considered most suitable for Philippine primary schools and were to be used for five years starting in the school year 1907-1908. These books were the first officially adopted for use nationally. In addition to these books, several books were used for experimentation or trial purposes in the elementary and high schools. All books were written by Americans. A second advisory committee composed of all Americans was appointed in 1913. The books selected by this committee were prescribed starting with the school year 1916-1917. The year 1918 was a landmark in textbook writing in the Philippines

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because the third advisory committee on school textbooks included two Filipino superintendents for the first time. Five Americans completed the seven-man committee. It was also during this year that books written by two Filipino authors were included for the first time in the list of books adopted for use starting the school year 191920. The first textbook to be written by a Filipino was A brief history of the Philippines by Leandro Fernandez for use in grade seven. Three books written by Camilo Osias, a graduate of Teachers College, Columbia University, who was to become one of the Philippines' most distinguished educators, were adopted as supplementary readers. These were the Philippine Readers for grades V, VI and VII. It will be noted that it took approximately two decades before books written by Filipinos could be used in the public schools. In 1921, the Philippine legislature created a Board on Textbooks to take charge of the selection and approval of textbooks to be used in the public schools for five years. The committee was composed of the chairmen of the Committee on Public Instruction in the Senate and in the House of Representatives, the president of the University of the Philippines, the Director of Education, and an appointee of the Governor-General. Methods Of Teaching The Direct Method And Grammar Analysis During the 'speak, read and write English' period, the 'direct method', which did not allow translation, and the grammar analysis method were the favoured styles of teaching. Emphasis was laid on the eight parts of speech, the use of figures of speech and idiomatic expressions. Diagramming of sentences was prevalent. Pupils were required to speak in 'complete' sentences in a clear and 'understandable' manner. The memorisation and recitation of proverbs, poems and the retelling of stories and participation in short plays, participation in argument and debate and choral readings were favourite activities. These were intended to make the child have a 'feel' for the rhythm of the English language and to give him confidence in speaking the language. The English spoken and written, however, had the characteristics of 'book' English and the use of 'big' words when simpler words/terms could have been used. Explanations For Success: Supportive Institutions The successful 'Americanisation' of Juan de la Cruz in the short span of a quarter of a century can be attributed to a number of what we call supportive institutions. Considered by many as the most important support institution was the

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Civil Service. The government was the biggest single employer. Practically everyone who had to serve in the government, both American and Filipino, had to pass the civil service examinations. An index of the very rapid acquisition of English and the replacement of Spanish is the fact that in 1901 only two Filipinos took the civil service examination in English (both passed) compared to 1,078 who took the examination in Spanish. By 1906 there were 2,018 who took the English examination compared to 1,680 who took the Spanish examination. It should be noted here that the first regular courses of instruction in English in the public schools started in June 1904. In 1913 the number who took the English examination was 6,901 while only 769 took the Spanish examination. In 1925, the end of the period under discussion, there were 16,339 Filipinos and 506 Americans regularly and permanently appointed in the government service (Corpuz, 1957: 182-83). If credit is to be given to any single group of men and women for the successful 'implementation' of English in the Philippines, the honour goes to the Thomasites, the un-armed army of young American men and women who came to teach and establish schools. While the first teachers of English were soldiers of the American army, it was the civilian group called the Thomasites who stayed on for years, many actually making the Philippines their home. They were the native 'models' of the English language. The largest and most famous batch of American teachers numbering 560 came on the US Army Transport Thomas that arrived in Manila on August 21, 1901. The term Thomasites refers to all American teachers selected by the US Civil Service Commission to teach in the Philippines, even if they did not come on the US Army Transport Thomas. The Thomasites were young college men and women from 192 different educational institutions in the United States. They were either normal or college graduates. The majority of them had at least two years of successful teaching experience in the United States. It was said that their qualifications were much higher than those required as a general rule for elementary school teaching anywhere in the United States (Perez, 1959:36). The Thomasites were pioneers in every sense of the word. They signed a contract to be willing to be assigned anywhere in the Philippines. They worked very hard under very difficult circumstances. Many died of tropical diseases such as cholera, dysentery and smallpox. Typical of the chief duties of the early American teachers were teaching five hours daily, instructing the Filipino teachers of the Central School one hour daily, meeting and teaching an evening class of adults three times a week for one hour and a half each meeting, and supervising the barrio schools (Perez, 1959: 35-36). Many Thomasites taught in provincial normal schools and in the

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Philippine Normal School, the first, largest and most famous teacher education institution in the Philippines established in Manila on September 1, 1901. In 1902 there were 1,074 American teachers. In 1945 just before Philippine independence there were 14 Americans left compared to 46,996 Filipino teachers. The Pensionado Programme Or The Incentives And Search For Talent Programme Bright young men and women were selected and sent to study in American universities supported with funds from the Philippine government. The scholars were called pensionados. After their studies they returned to the Philippines to fill important positions in government, academe and in private industry. It may be safe to say that the kind of English they used helped start the tradition of the intellectualisation of Philippine English. 1 The Barrio School Or Access To Schools Programme In contrast to the Spanish regime when lower school education was practically withheld from the masses, the exact opposite took place under the Americans. There was a programme to put a school in every barrio, at least a complete elementary school in every municipality, and a provincial high school in every province. To administer these schools, a centralised form of management directed from Manila was established. It became the most efficient organisational network in the transmission of instructions; the Bureau of Education was the only organisation that was represented in the farthest corners of the Philippines in the entire Philippine government. It has remained so to this day.2 The English Language After A Quarter Of A Century After a quarter of a century, the English language had become the language in the controlling domains of the government (administration, legislature, judiciary although in the case of the legislature and the judiciary more Spanish was used side by side with English because the legislators and judges educated in Spanish could not be replaced immediately). For the entire educational system from the first grades to the university, business, commerce and industry, English had become the

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national lingua franca although it had not become the language of the home which was, is and will always be the domain of the local languages. A most important development was the start of literary writing in English poems, essays and short stories. Many of these pieces were later to be collected and used in English and literature subjects in secondary schools. This will be treated in the next period. The Monroe Survey Commission On The English Language In Philippine Schools In 1925: Some Important Findings A complete and comprehensive study of the problems and accomplishments of the Philippine educational system was conducted by a survey team of American and Filipino educators under the chairmanship of Paul Monroe of Columbia University in 1925. The study which became known as Monroe Survey Commission Report (to be referred to henceforth as Monroe Survey Commission MSC) is unrivalled in thoroughness and coverage in the history of Philippine education; it was truly a monumental study. The MSC found the following difficulties for the Filipino child in learning the English language and at the same time using it for securing his education. First, the Filipino child has to learn everything in English, never in his own language; second, he must learn to read, write and speak a difficult language which is so unlike his own under untrained and partially educated teachers who themselves have never developed an adequate command of the language; third, this difficult second language has to be learned after the child has learned a first language (which 'conflicts' with the second language); 3 and fourth, while the child tries to learn English five hours a day, five days a week, his efforts are combated by the influence of the dialect which surrounds him all during his out-of-school hours (Monroe, 1925: 39-40). After making the foregoing observations, the MSC asked a question related to the one stated previously but in a more pointed way: 'Do Filipino children learn to use the English language well enough to guarantee facility in its use in adult life?' (Monroe, 1925: 40). The most significant part of the Commission's answer to this question is quoted: 'The answer to this fundamental question is fairly clear and direct. In a few conspicuous school systems Filipino children, on leaving school, read and write English well enough to give promise that it will be of real service in adult life. The success of these schools proves conclusively that even under the existing difficulties the objectives can be reached.

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However, in the great body of Filipino schools the present methods of teaching reading are so deficient that children have so little skill in reading English on leaving the school that there is little guarantee of functional control over the language in adult life'. (Monroe, 1925: 40) The MSC then went on to state that functional control of the language could be achieved only if the child stayed in school at least four years, and, if possible, five years. The MSC added that it was of the utmost importance that the method of teaching reading and conversational English had to be radically improved if a satisfactory mastery of English was to be developed. It is interesting to note that more than half a century ago the MSC made the very important observation that the hold of a language on a person and on a people can be secured mainly through the written language. If that was true then, it is even more true now with the knowledge explosion, most of which is available through the 'stored' or written form of the language. The findings of this classic study on the use of a foreign language to educate a whole people were many. Perhaps the most significant of all its observations is the following, an observation that has remained true to this day: The Foreign Language Handicap. The findings can be interpreted properly only in the light of the fullest appreciation of the difficulties which have confronted the Bureau of Education. For twenty-five years the Bureau has struggled to create a modern educational system. The difficulties which have beset it have been many, but no other difficulty has been so great as that of overcoming the foreign language handicap. A quarter-century ago, the officials who undertook to solve the Philippine problem concluded that the greatest need of the people was a unifying language. Whether rightly or wrongly, they decided against the widespread use of any one or several of the dialects and began to organize instruction in English. From that day to this, all educational problems in the Philippines have been foreign language problems. (Monroe, 1925: 127.) Period 2. Indigenisation Of English Movement (1925-1935) This short period in the history of English language teaching is characterised by the search for teaching and learning materials that expressed Filipino culture, sentiments, ideals and aspirations as recommended and emphasised by the Monroe Survey Commission. The MSC criticised the preponderance of materials in the educational system that reflected American culture and ideas. This period may be considered as the

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first phase in the Filipinisation of the educational system. Books by Filipino authors were published and adopted for use in the elementary and secondary schools. One of the most significant events during this period was the publication of Philippine Prose and Poetry in 1927 for use in the freshman year of public secondary schools. The book was a collection of short stories, essays and poems in English by Filipino writers, many of whom studied at the University of the Philippines. The publication of this volume marked the beginning of the recognition of Philippine English and its use in the school. Also during this period the genre of scientific writing, especially in agricultural and allied sciences, was recognised with the establishment of the National Research Council of the Philippines in 1933. The Council admitted into membership those Filipinos who had done research and writing on agricultural, biological and allied sciences. This event was a landmark in the intellectualisation of Philippine English. It was proof that Filipinos could write an internationally accepted variety of English in the scientific domain of language. A language can become a possession of the people when they can express in that language their intellectual contributions to the world's fund of knowledge. The most important development during this period was the writing and adoption of textbooks written by Filipino authors for use in elementary and secondary schools. As mentioned earlier, only one textbook, A brief history of the Philippines, by Leandro Fernandez and three supplementary readers, The Philippine Readers for grades V, VI and VII by Camilo Osias, were adopted for use starting in the school year 1919-20. During the period 1923-1932 12 textbooks written by Filipino authors were adopted. During the same period, 38 titles, including textbooks on English, were written jointly by American and Filipino authors. Methods Of Teaching Silent Reading, Unit Method, Demonstration Lessons Among the most important recommendations of the Monroe Survey Commission was to emphasise the teaching of reading if the English language was to become useful in the Filipino student's life, especially after school in adult life. The Commission recommended the shift from oral pronunciation and oral reading which dominated the methods of teaching the subject up to 1925. It recommended that the emphasis be on 'thought-getting', which meant emphasis on silent reading of an increased amount of reading matter. This period, therefore, was dominated by the 'don't move your lips' admonition in silent reading.

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In language, however, the grammar analysis method of teaching started to be abandoned. Diagramming of sentences went into disfavour. However, the memorisation of poetry and the study of poems for the reinforcement of grammar, declamation, participation in plays, storytelling continued. The Unit method or Morrisonian technique of teaching was introduced. This method, which was to dominate teaching up to the outbreak of World War II and later in the 1950s, made it possible for teachers to write their own units to fit the abilities of their classes. In the main, however, perhaps the most important contribution of the Morrisonian technique was the idea that subject matter for teaching need not follow strictly what was in the textbook. A note must be made here on the most favoured method of making teachers learn how to teach: the observation of demonstration lessons. The best teachers, who often also spoke the best English, were selected and were assigned as demonstration teachers. Demonstration classes were organised during Saturdays and during the summer vacations. Superior classroom teachers showed other teachers how to introduce lessons, how to conduct review and drill exercises, how to use instructional materials, how to ask questions and make pupils answer all kinds of questions. Teachers were shown how to teach poetry and story-telling, write compositions etc. The Quezon Educational Survey Committee of 1935 recommended the continued use of English as a medium of instruction in the schools but it suggested that experimentation on the use of the local languages in the schools should be made. The committee also recommended that Tagalog should be included as a required subject in high school and college. The development along these lines is discussed in the following section on the third period in Philippine education. Period 3. The Vernacular And Wikang Pambansa (National Language) Movement (1935-1950) The events that happened during this period that were to profoundly change the status of the English language and English language teaching in the Philippines were, first, the establishment of the Commonwealth of the Philippines, the transition government (1935-1945), the Japanese occupation during World War II (1941-1945), and the change of status from being a colony of the United States to political independence with the establishment of the Republic of the Philippines. The Constitution of the Philippines adopted in 1935 provided that the

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lawmaking body of the Philippines should take steps toward the development and adoption of a common national language based on one of the Philippine languages. On the other hand, the Philippine Commonwealth and Independence Law, popularly known as the Tyding-McDuffie Act, provided that during the Commonwealth period an adequate system of public schools should be established and maintained, to be primarily conducted in the English language. Actually it was not necessary to have this provision because, as events would show later, it was not possible to conduct the schools primarily in any other language. Half a century after that requirement was written, Philippine schools are still primarily conducted in the English language. The Commonwealth government proceeded with 'systematic haste' to take steps towards the building of a national language. The Institute of National Language was established to take charge of creating a national language based on one of the local languages. In November 1937, the Institute chose Tagalog, the language spoken in and around Manila, as the basis of the future national language. On June 19, 1940, the national language based on a grammar and dictionary prepared by the Institute was ordered to be taught in the senior year high school and in teacher education courses. Also in June 1940 a law was passed by the legislature declaring the national language to be an official language of the Philippines upon the granting of independence on July 4, 1946. Earlier, on December 5, 1939, Jorge Bocobo, Secretary of Public Instruction, ordered that the native languages, which were barred from the schools, would now be used as auxiliary media of instruction in grades I and II whenever the child could not understand what was being taught in English. This marked the end of the total immersion in the schools of the Filipino child in the English language. These twin events, the use of the vernaculars and the teaching of the national language, inaugurated the programme on the gradual displacement of English as the sole language of instruction in the schools and the beginning of formal bilingual education in the Philippines. The Japanese forces of occupation realised the importance of language in the fight against the United States. They took steps to downgrade the English language and encouraged the use of Tagalog in schools and in government. To further replace English, classes in Nippongo were organised for government officials. (For a discussion on this subject, see Gonzalez, 1980: 77-83.) The ascendancy of the national language was to continue at a very rapid pace soon after World War II upon the establishment of the Republic of the

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Philippines. The national language was ordered to be taught as a subject in elementary and secondary and later post-secondary schools. The school day was not made any longer so the time devoted to English had to be shortened to accommodate the new subject. One of the most important post-war movements in Philippine education was the community-school movement. Proponents in the movement held the view that the schools should not only be used for educating the child but should also be used to educate parents and other adults in the community. According to this view, the best way of educating both child and adult was the language of the community. Fortunately for the proponents of the community school, the re-opening of the schools after the war was left mainly to the local people and the leadership of provincial superintendents. This state of affairs led to what was termed a 'permissive' atmosphere in education. Several bright and imaginative superintendents proceeded to declare their independence from the central administration in the administration of the schools. Experimentation on the use of the local language was started. The most famous of these experiments was the Iloilo experiment on the use of Hiligaynon in the elementary school by Jose V. Aguilar of Iloilo (Aguilar, 1967: 100-115). After the 'success' of these experiments and try-outs on the use of the vernaculars, the Department of Education ordered the use of the local languages as main media of instruction in grades I and II at all schools, public and private, beginning in the school year 1957-58. English and the national language (renamed Pilipino in 1959) were taught as subjects. English was made the main medium of instruction starting in grade III. Instruction in English was reduced to roughly four years before secondary school. In spite of the change in curriculum, resulting in de facto reduced time for English language study, and the introduction of a new language (Tagalog) into the curriculum (Tagalog was a second language then for 75% of the population and was not mutually intelligible with other Philippine languages), there was really little change in methodology insofar as English language teaching was concerned. For pupils initially learning English for the first time in the primary grades, the direct method was used; for pupils in the upper grades and in high school, functional grammar and reading-writing skills were taught. In some private institutions which continued not to be affected by developments in the public schools, grammar analysis through parsing and diagramming continued to be favoured activities in English classes, especially in the upper years. Testing activities consisting of multiple choice items measuring

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what the pupils knew of grammatical rules of tense, agreement, article usage and plural forms, continued to be given as 'exercises' rather than as 'tests', which they actually were. This was then the interpretation of 'functional grammar', a change in content, more tolerance of grammatical 'deviations' because of usage; essentially, however, there was no change in methods or approaches. This period saw the end of the demonstration lessons which dominated teacher education and training before 1940. By the end of this period (the 1950s) the popular thing to do in teacher education and teacher retraining (inservice) was to take more courses towards the acquisition of higher degrees. During this period, the 'workshop' was introduced which later on changed to 'seminar-workshops' or simply seminars. Those seminar-workshops were (and still are) dominated by lectures by 'experts' on a subject and discussions. The child and the classroom were forgotten because there were no more demonstrations on how materials and methods worked with actual live children. As an anaemic substitute for this, 'role playing' among the teachers took on some popularity. But what dominated the seminar-workshop was a lot of talking and the total absence of children. As far as language was concerned, the most important problem at the close of the 1940s as found by the UNESCO Consultative Mission to the Philippines in 1949 was the problem of the use of a foreign language (English) as the main medium of instruction, thus confirming and echoing the findings of the Monroe Survey Commission a quarter of a century earlier. The UNESCO Mission observed that this was now complicated by the addition of the National Language 'which was unfamiliar to all but the Tagalog-speaking pupils'. The Mission did not make any observations on the use of the vernaculars, which were beginning to be experimented upon for use in the community schools. Period 4. The English As A Second Language Movement (1950-1974) This period in the history of English language teaching in the Philippines was characterised by three overlapping phases. The first phase was marked by the dominance of the teaching of English as a second language movement (TESL); within this movement, from 1957 to 1974, was the use of vernacular languages as media of instruction in the first two grades of elementary school (hence, the vernacular movement); and during the last five years of the period (1969-1974), the Movement for the Advancement of Nationalism (MAN) presented a programme for the

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eventual replacement of English by the national language, Pilipino, as the main medium of instruction. Up to this period, the teaching of English in the Philippines, as the earlier sections show, was characterised by an approach to teaching English in the country that was not essentially different from the way it was taught in the United States. While everyone realised that for Filipinos, English was not a first language or a mother tongue, few in the educational system really drew out the implications of this awareness in terms of differentiating language teaching methodology in the Philippines. As in so many other similar situations, it took the intervention of an outsider to call attention to the fact that for Filipinos English was a second language and called for a different methodology. This intervenor was a Visiting Fulbright Professor of English, Clifford Prator, of the University of California at Los Angeles, who in 1949 was one of the first post-War specialists in English language teaching who spent a year in the Philippines doing teacher training at the Philippine Normal College and the Department of Education. Prator, at the end of his teaching stint, wrote a book which for English language teaching in the Philippines constituted an intellectual landmark, for it is from the publication of this book that the teaching English as a second language movement in the country may be conveniently dated. Prator was, of course, a product of the war experience in teaching 'exotic' languages in the United States for military personnel engaged in the war effort and post-war efforts, which revolutionised language teaching in that country. The techniques and procedures that were found to be effective for basic conversational competence in a foreign language were now adapted with justification to the teaching of English as a foreign language; in the Philippines, English was a second language. TESL or subsequently ESL (English as a second language) was characterised by a definite view of man and his language learning ability, one based on Skinnerian verbal conditioning (Skinner, 1957: 357-66) and the formation of habits through a schedule of positive (more than negative) reinforcement. In methodology, it was characterised as the aural-oral method ('listen and repeat') especially in the learning of phonemic distinctions (through minimal pairs) and in the teaching of morphology and syntax, through pattern drilling and ideally, through what Sibayan (1965: 310-11) characterised as creative repetition. One of the most interesting features of TESL in the Philippines was relative success in bringing about a systemic change in an entire educational

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system resulting in a total reorientation of methodology. A subsequent summative evaluation done for the Ford Foundation, which funded the project at Philippine Normal College beginning in 1964 (at the Language Study Center, the successor agency of the Philippine Center for Language Study), under Bonifacio P. Sibayan, documents the spread of this innovation (Lopez-Nerney, 1974) and attributes the success of this dissemination and the systems-wide changes it brought about to the massive retraining programme (both locally and abroad) of key English supervisors, the quality of leadership of these supervisors, the research and preparation made possible by adequate funding of materials, the availability of these materials for in-service workshops for teachers, and the detail and quality of the teachers' guides, which took nothing for granted and spelled out procedures and techniques even to the last detail. These techniques and procedures were 'codified' in a classic work within this genre by Fe Dacanay (1963). The period of TESL was characterised by optimism, perhaps even euphoria, for here at last it seemed was a methodology to improve the teaching of English in the Philippines and to check the 'deterioration' or decline of competence in English noted among post-war students. The enthusiasm with which it was received by all sectors and across all regions brought about almost a blind faith in the efficacy of applied linguistics in terms of providing the necessary scientific know-how to improve language teaching. As a corollary to the emphasis on phonetics, special schools for speech training and correction, using expensive electronic equipment (the language laboratory in its different configurations and possibilities of individualised guidance in listening and repeating) flourished and became profitable sources of income. In terms of results, the better private schools, especially in Manila, continued to develop competence in English among their students, in spite of antiquated methodology, now with improvement in pronunciation because of phonetic classes, while there seemed to be little improvement among public school graduates, in spite of the new methodology. Moreover, certain features of TESL soon led some to question its effectiveness. To begin with, large-scale use of limited language laboratory facilities meant wastage in time bringing students to and from the laboratory, getting things ready; and then once the actual sessions began, students soon found themselves bored and restless, discipline problems emerged, or at best, students began doing other tasks during their listening and speaking lessons. When the initial novelty of pattern drilling wore off, especially in the

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intermediate classes, students soon presented discipline problems or at best frustration for the teacher; they reverted to their fossilised errors of agreement, tense-aspect, and article usage after intensive drilling, when they left the artificial atmosphere of the laboratory and began to communicate among themselves. Equally disturbing was the discovery that the same techniques (minimal pair drills, pattern drilling, substitution and transformation drills, memorised dialogues) were being used at all grade levels, from primary to high school and even to freshman English in colleges and universities. Thus misgivings about the new methodology were voiced by the more independent scholars, led by Pedro Orata at Philippine Normal College, who ridiculed the 'parrot repetition' of the TESL classes. The practice was likewise criticised by Sibayan (1965: 309). The most unfortunate result of all this emphasis on oral drilling was the neglect perhaps not intentionally planned but happening neverthelessof reading and writing, and communication. Literature was barely affected as literature teachers continued their traditional teaching of literary classics, but definitely, reading skills and writing skills suffered, except in those schools that refused to change to the new methodology. With the questioning of the approach and the method came likewise a corresponding disillusionment about linguistics as a panacea for language teaching, resulting in a redirection of the efforts of those training formally in applied linguistics towards other interests and activities. Many of the trained language teachers were promoted to administrative posts, and the highly trained linguists either likewise moved into administration or turned their professional interests elsewhere, one of them being English for Specific Purposes. Thus the period may be characterised by the rise and fall of linguistics as a discipline in the country. Moreover, the intervening variable of nationalism expressed itself in a call for the dissemination and use of Filipino for teaching and the charge that the continuing use of English was 'miseducating' the Filipinos and continuing the relation of dependence on the United States; the Movement for the Advancement of Nationalism (MAN), which had developed a full programme of nationalistic reform, presented plans for the expansion of domains of Filipino even in higher education, including the sciences, so that individual professors at the University of the Philippines, Ateneo University and the Philippine College of Commerce (now Polytechnic University of the Philippines) began conducting their content classes in Filipino in fields such as Mathematics and Science. Student newspapers

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began to be published exclusively in Filipino or in a mixture of Filipino and English articles. The twilight of English seemed to have begun and clearly the ascendancy of Filipino was on the horizon. In 1969, when the Presidential Commission to Survey Philippine Education concluded its report (PCSPE, 1970), the recommendation was to use Pilipino up to Grade 4 at the elementary school and then to begin using English in Grades 5 and 6, with double periods in English to prepare for this transition in Grade 5. Moreover, while leaving it to the forthcoming Constitutional Convention to determine the future language policy, the recommendation of the PCSPE was clearly towards expanding the use of Filipino as a medium of instruction in the system. Period 5. Communication-Orientated Language Teaching Movement (1974-1987) This contemporary period of English language teaching in the Philippines is marked by the promulgation of the Bilingual Education Policy (National Board of Education, September 4, 1973) and its implementing guidelines (Department Order No. 25, series 1974) up to the present. The policy, enacted in response to the nationalistic movement which prevailed in the country since 1969, largely from the academic sector (students and faculty), gave rise to a compromise solution in a form of bilingual schooling. Within this scheme, English language teaching had taken on a communicative emphasis, in line with developments in English language teaching abroad, and in the English for Specific Purposes Movement, especially at the secondary and tertiary levels. Within the bilingual scheme of 1974 whereby only Mathematics/ Arithmetic and Science were taught in English (in addition to the English Language Subject now called English Communication Arts), all other subjects of the curriculum being taught in Filipino, a communication orientated English language teaching movement replaced the earlier blind faith in the aural-oral method. Less exposure time to English (roughly, a reduction of one-third of the previous time for it) was expected to mean a slower pace of mastery and in some cases, among those with misgivings about the programme to begin with (largely English teachers and administrators), an inadequate mastery of English, referred to by the now-familiar term of 'deterioration'. Because of the non-viability of the aural-oral method beyond the initial

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stages of English language teaching (by the third grade of primary schooling, it had become impossible), a solution had to be found elsewhere. Certainly, the solution was not a return to the grammar analysis method which prevailed before TESL but to something else. By now, the sociolinguistically based concept of 'communicative competence' (first used by Dell Hymes) had become popular from the American scholarly literature on the subject and slowly etched itself into the minds of English supervisors and leaders in English language teaching. Unlike the aural-oral method, however, communication-orientated English language teaching leading to communicative competence did not have a fully spelled out psychological base, a theory of language learning, a methodology and procedures to go with it. At best, it was an 'approach' and unlike TESL had not yet attained the character of a full 'movement' in the Philippine educational system. Initial workshops on this topic, largely through the initiative of the Linguistic Society of the Philippines and with aid from British language methodologists brought in by the British Council, which began its office in the Philippines in 1978, focused on how to make the classroom 'communication oriented' and how to structure natural and realistic opportunities for real information sharing in the classroom. Moreover, since the textbooks in use were still largely structural in character, based on a structural syllabus and using the standard drills, an effort had to be made to creatively use the same materials by enriching them with communication activities and contextualising the exercises so as not to make them merely occasions for rote learning. With funding from a World Bank loan, the implementing agency of the Ministry of Education, Culture and Sports (since 1987, Department) called the Educational Development Projects Implementing Task Force (EDPITAF) initiated a massive textbook writing project aimed to provide one textbook for every two students in the system (instead of the then prevailing ratio of one book for every ten pupils). The textbooks were written in English or Filipino, depending on the subject matter. The Language Study Center of Philippine Normal College, under Fe T. Otanes & Bonifacio P. Sibayan (1969), was commissioned to do the language textbooks (for English and Filipino). The resulting series of textbooks, still presently in use, exhibit a compromise between traditional pattern drilling at least initially and more communication-oriented activities, with a renewed emphasis on reading and writing, especially the former. Barely had the second generation of textbooks been distributed when another programme for improving elementary education, likewise funded

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by the World Bank under the acronym PRODED (Programme for Decentralized Educational Development) was initiated. The programme, aimed to return to basics (by reducing the number of subjects) and oriented towards values which the Philippine public deemed had eroded during the waning of the Marcos period, contained a materials writing component, which necessitated the writing of another set of language books. Once more, the Language Study Center of Philippine Normal College, still under Fe T. Otanes, has been commissioned to rewrite this 'third generation' of English language books. Basically, this third generation is similar to the second, except for the emphasis on communication activities and on reading. There is likewise an attempt to include a variety of reading exercises in science and arithmetic, instead of merely literary pieces, borrowing from English for Specific Purposes insights. Moreover, in 1987, again through a modest Ford Foundation grant to Philippine Normal College, a teachertraining component for language teaching (Pilipino, now Filipino based on the 1987 Constitution, and English) has started for the secondary level (Secondary Language Teaching, SLATE). In addition to activities which are natural rather than artificial (Terrell's natural method) and lead to genuine information sharing (filling in gaps in knowledge), an additional feature of language teaching in the Philippines is the provision of 'input-rich' contexts in the classroom, in line with Stephen Krashen's input hypothesis. (Lourdes Tayao's 1984 study suggests strategies for bringing such input richness into the Philippine classroom.) Such communication orientation has led to discussions on what type of syllabus to use, whether structurally oriented or communication oriented (Gonzalez, 1987: 96-104); although there has been a recognition of communication oriented teaching and methodology, the syllabuses used for the system, which go from Grade 1 to fourth year high school (and in private schools, with the addition of one to two years of kindergarten or preparatory and an addition of one year in elementary schooling, Grade 7), still use a structural base by listing an inventory of sounds, morphemes, sentence structures and transformations, to be mastered in the learning continuum, accompanied by activities leading to the build-up of skills in the language arts of listening, speaking, reading and writing. Moreover, although there is much talk of aiming for communicative competence in English, there has yet been little evidence on drawing out the implications of such an orientation by the inclusion of sociolinguistic rules and cultural content into the syllabus. The question of what type of sociolinguistic rules to teach and what kind of cultural content to include, although begun as early as the 1960s by McCarron & Pascasio, based on their training in the

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British Firthian School, has not really been carried out in actual materials production, except for isolated onesemester courses acquainting Filipinos with American culture. Gonzalez (1976) took a clear position on this matter and in effect made explicit what was the current practice in the Philippines, namely, since Filipinos learn English for instrumental, not integrative purposes (integrative in the sense of establishing sympathetic relationships with the native speakers of English and for use in the Philippine context) then the content and sociolinguistic rules of English should be those of English as it is used in the Philippines. Hence, both sociolinguistic rules and cultural content would have to be those of English as used in the Philippines and not of English as used in the United States or in Britain. Sibayan (1985c: 107-108) advocates an 'accommodation variety' for use in the Philippines. Hence, too, the goals or objectives of English language teaching had to change. While TESL in the 1950s and 1960s emphasised teaching American behaviour and cultural patterns as well as social formulas, as early as 1969 Llamzon had already described a 'Standard Filipino English', thus claiming legitimacy for a Philippine variety of English, later termed one of the New Englishes by Pride (1982). In fact, in 1975, one of Llamzon's master's degree students (Norma Martinez) authored a manual of pronunciation teaching, not American pronunciation in the style of Prator and Bowen, but according to the features set down by Llamzon in his 1969 study. The volume itself, however, has not received an enthusiastic reception and seems to have fallen into desuetude and obscurity. Hence, in English classes, a Standard American English (General American) is still used as the basis of phonetics and pronunciation lessons, especially in teaching Filipinos to make necessary phonemic distinctions (based on a Philippine Normal college study, Aquino et al., 1972, which showed that the local variety of English which made these distinctions was considered to be the most comprehensive variety), although since most teachers speak Philippine English (descriptions of this variety are found in Gonzalez, 1982, 1985a, in press; Gonzalez & Alberca, 1978) the resulting standard is a regionally accented Philippine variety of English. The written standard and the grammar continue to be those of American English, however, although Randolph Quirk's grammar (Grammar of Contemporary English) has now become a standard reference for many materials writing projects. The other development in the Philippines in English language teaching is English for Specific Purposes, largely through the help of the British Council, first established in 1978 with Ian Johnson, a former English language teaching officer, as its first director. With help from the British Council, English language specialists from the Philippines have attended

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workshops in ESP centres in the United Kingdom, especially at Lancaster University, and, in turn, ESP specialists from the United Kingdom come to talk about ESP during summer workshops, especially at the Centre for English for Specific Purposes (CESP) of De La Salle University. With the predominance of business education in the Philippines (almost one-third of university students are enrolled in business courses), the first area for ESP use has been Business, with Technical English for engineering (and vocational-technical fields) being a natural second area. ESP for medicine, which is likewise needed since medically allied fields constitute the third largest enrolment among university students, has not yet begun, however. While ESP has been confined largely to the tertiary level, there are now attempts to introduce ESP at the secondary level and even primary level in the sense that reading selections are no longer confined merely to literary pieces and essays (as they were in the past) but now include articles and essays on arithmetic/mathematics, science and technology; moreover, report writing of various types, allied to specific fields, especially business and engineering, has now become part of the syllabus of many writing programmes, especially at the tertiary level. The problems encountered with ESP, however, arise mostly from the reluctance on the part of English teachers to handle this kind of prose because of their lack of knowledge of specific fields. The natural solution would be to set up team teaching arrangements with the content teachers of science and mathematics. Unfortunately, this has not really been seriously attempted up to now. In evaluating what has happened to English language teaching in the Philippines, one cannot really evaluate the communication-oriented language teaching movement as such since communication-oriented language teaching has not taken on a distinct character as a movement, as did TESL. At best one can speak of an approach, implemented in the classroom through various exercises exemplifying procedures and techniques of information sharing. Perhaps one can even speak of a cognitive base of psychology for the movement in the sense that strict behaviourism has been put in question and that concepts, rules and principles as bases for language learning and practice have been restored and are no longer under question. However, there is no clear-cut methodology and theory to speak of and no classroom 'technology' has emerged, at least not in the Philippines and probably not elsewhere, either. The ESP movement is slowly developing, and of course, the basic premises of the ESP movement are cognitive in character and the techniques highly conceptually based and content oriented.

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What one has in the Philippines at present, as far as English language teaching is concerned, is a 'mixed bag', an eclectic approach manifested in materials published and in the actual classroom practice of most teachers. There is an increase in the use of information-sharing activities and techniques, a new emphasis on reading and a restoration of traditional writing practice, with some token tribute paid to the 'process' approach to writing. And within the reading re-emphasis, there is a sense of urgency with regard to teaching students how to read nonliterary prose in the content areas, especially science and mathematics. While there is this acknowledgment of the need for such a task, in actual classroom implementation there are genuine difficulties with ESP materials, especially those of a technical nature. In terms of examining the entire teaching system, however, there is a relatively recent study of the effects of bilingual education on the system during the past eleven years of implementation of the policy (1974-1985), in a nationwide evaluation project executed by the Linguistic Society of the Philippines (Gonzalez & Sibayan, in press) for the Department of Education, Culture and Sports. Using a multidimensional model for evaluating achievement in both English and Filipino and in content subjects taught in English (Mathematics and Science) and in Filipino (Social Studies), and measuring achievement in Grades 4, 6 and Year IV of secondary schooling, the evaluation team discovered what it terms a cross-sectional 'deterioration' in achievement of pupils nationwide. However, careful examination of the data, and the examination of teacher factors and school factors, readily showed that this gap in achievement, quite dramatic, is not so much the effect of bilingual schooling as of factors such as lack of teacher competence (the teachers were likewise tested for proficiency in their subjects) and school factors (the type of community, socio-economic class, institutional features such as quality of departments, libraries, laboratories, administration), which show a systemic problem larger than merely the time allocation for language subjects and content subjects taught in two languages. The single best predictor of success in achievement was found, not surprisingly, to be socio-economic status. The formula for success in Philippine schools is to be a native Tagalog (the basis of the national language Filipino), to live in a metropolitan area such as MetroManila with its open character as a 'melting pot', to study in an expensive private school; in such schools, within a bilingual scheme, one learns both Filipino and English well, and since language factors explain such a large percentage of the variance (45%) of achievement in content subjects such as mathematics and science, one learns content subjects as well. Moreover, within the

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system, by a method of statistical partialling out, it emerges, too, that at the secondary level and undoubtedly (although we had no data for this) at the tertiary level, because of the continuing use of English materials, English has greater impact on content subject achievement even in a Filipino-taught subject such as social studies. Filipinos at this level, both teachers and students alike, apparently still think in English and translate into Filipino since all other materials are still in English except for the basal textbooks. Under this order of things, not surprisingly either, those who are good in English are also good in Filipino and Filipino-taught subjects. Such are the effects of a bilingual system where the two languages are uneven in both status and state of development especially as languages of scholarly discourse. A Retrospective And Prospective View In examining English language teaching during the past 13 years, what emerges is that there has been a movement away from the aural-oral method towards a communication-oriented approach to language teaching, which, of course, was actually the goal of English language teaching during the years preceding World War II. Within this re-orientation, the language teaching context has likewise changed, for now language teaching takes place within the context of a bilingual education programme where the use of English has been reduced by a third in terms of exposure time to the language. Contextually, too, in the larger community, there are socio-linguistic developments in Philippine society which have changed the status of both English and Filipino (since February 1987) and which now impinge not only on the teaching system but perhaps more importantly on the psyche of both teachers and students and of the general population. Socially, there is now a higher esteem and valuation for Filipino as the linguistic symbol of unity and national identity and not only an acceptance but a desire on the part of many for the expansion of its domains beyond the home (where the vernacular is still dominant in non-Tagalog areas) or the neighbourhood but even in the business community and in the field of entertainment. Because English now has a competitor in the shape of Filipino, at least in Tagalog-speaking communities and in urban areas, there is a natural narrowing of the domains of English to deliberations at the highest levels, for international communications, and in the school domain, for discourse about science, mathematics and technology; however narrowed down in its use, however, the areas for English are still in the controlling domains. One expects, therefore, a diminution of the rate of acquisition of

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English, especially among lower socio-economic classes and in rural areas outside of the main cities, so that the socio-economic stratification indicated by language competence will be even more dramatic in the future than in the past or present. On the other hand, English continues to be highly valued in school, especially at the secondary and tertiary level, so much so that the majority of different sectors questioned (parents, administrators, teachers, officials of government and non-government agencies, officers of scholarly societies), while accepting the use of Filipino for the teaching of social studies, insist on the retention of English as medium of instruction in the system, especially at the secondary and tertiary levels and for science and mathematics. Moreover, these same groups refuse to equate nationalism with the use of Filipino as a medium of instruction in school. Undoubtedly, the desire to maintain English stems from economic reasons, since English offers more access to social mobility than does Filipino at present, and especially for jobs abroad, which have become a major factor to consider in terms of career planning among Filipinos (Sibayan, 1987). On the other hand, too, the 'deterioration' observed in the mastery of the English language has been discovered to be a result of overall neglect of the system as a whole since the war, resulting dramatically in the inability of the educational system to attract the best and the brightest among its graduates to join the teaching profession because of an unrealistic salary scale and unattractive working conditions. This neglect of the system, more than the scheme of using languages for different subjects, explains the present state of unsatisfactory competence in the languages, not only in English but even in Filipino for intellectual uses. The future thus demands educational reform of a systemic nature; it cannot be confined to patchwork reform in terms of new methodologies for teaching English, although the structural reform must contain a component of renewal and renovation of English teaching methodologies for the maintenance of English in the system as a language of science and technology, as a Language of Wider Communication, and as a language for employment abroad. The recommendations of the evaluation team are essentially to maintain the present bilingual education scheme, with flexibility to make room for regional differences in pace of implementation and the use of local regional vernaculars as languages of transition, where needed. The team likewise recommends the exploitation of the resources of both Filipino and English in the curriculum, the transfer of skills from one language to another, the improvement of deficient school factors and

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teachers' pre-service training in content to lead to improvement in the teaching of languages. Notes To Chapter 11 1. After World War II more Filipinos went to the United States under the Fulbright programme. From 1948 to 1982, a total of 1,392 Filipinos attended American universities under this programme in the following fields: agricultural sciences 44; biological sciences 73; business, economics, and statistics 103; education 252; engineering 50; fine arts 53; language and communication arts215; medical sciences 65; physical sciences 127; social sciences 410. The Filipino was now capable of competing in various intellectual fields in the English language. 2. In one sense the most important supportive institution was the Filipino family. Filipino farmers are known to sell their carabao (their most important work-animal on the farm) to send their children to school. As proof of this, in June 1987 there were almost 15 million (out of a population of 57 million) enrolled in the schools, both public and private. The breakdown is as follows: 9,488,792 in the elementary schools; 3,764,278 in the secondary, and 1,553,991 in post secondary institutions. The main language of instruction, especially in colleges and universities, is still English. 3. It is interesting to note that the Monroe Survey Commission anticipated contras-tire analysis of the native language of the learner and that of the second language by a quarter of a century. The Monroe Commission made the following recommendation eight years before Bloomfield's (1933) Language and a quarter of a century before Lado's (1957) Linguistics across cultures: . . . a thorough survey of the whole language problem should be made by competent specialists. Such a study should include the critical analysis of the vernacular context; the systematic observation and measurement of the activity of the speech organs during the oral reading process; a detailed study of the tonal quality, rhythm, accent and syllabication of Filipino tongues and a minute comparison with corresponding elements of English. Finally, tests should be made to fit the phonic situations in the Philippines. (Monroe, 1925) Bibliography ACUNA, JASMIN 1987, The Development of Filipino Thinking. Manila: De La Salle University. AGUILAR, JOSE V. 1967, The determination of language policy: role of research. In MAXIMO RAMOS, JOSE V. AGUILAR & BONIFACIO P. SIBAYAN, The Determination and Implementation of Language Policy. Quezon City: Alemar-Phoenix Publishing House. 100-15. ALDANA, BENIGNO 1935, The Philippine Public School Curriculum: Its History and Development. Manila: Philippine Teachers Digest. AQUINO, MILAGROS ROMAQUIN, et al. 1972, The Most Intelligible Variety of English Pronunciation. PCLS Monograph Series No. 6. Quezon City: Alemar-Phoenix Publishing House, Inc.

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BAUTISTA, MA. LOURDES S. and LUZARES, CASILDA E. 1972, Judging personality from language use, Philippine Journal of Linguistics, 3.1:59-66. BLOOMFIELD, LEONARD 1933, Language. New York: Holt, Rinehart and Winston. BOWEN, J. DONALD 1975, Patterns of English Pronunciation. Rowley, MA: Newbury House. BUREAU OF COMMERCE AND TRADE 1921, Statistical Bulletin no. 4 of the Philippine Island. Manila: Bureau of Printing. CASTILLO, EMMA S. 1972, Motivational variables in second language acquisition, Philippine Journal of Linguistics 3.2:95-124. CENSUS OFFICE OF THE PHILIPPINES 1980, Philippines (Republic). National Census and Statistics Office. Census of population and housing. CORPUS, O.D. 1957, The Bureaucracy in the Philippines. Manila: Institute of Public Administration, University of the Philippines. DECANAY, FE 1963, Suggested Presentation and Drill Structures in the Teaching of Structures of Spoken English to Filipino Elementary School Children. Quezon City: Phoenix-Alemar's Publishing Co. (reprinted by Oceana Publications, Dobbs Ferry, N.Y. 1963) FERNANDEZ, LEANDRO 1918, A Brief History of the Philippines. New York: Ginn. FRESNOZA, FLORENCIO P. 1964, Essentials of the Philippine Educational System. Manila: Bookman, Inc. GARDNER, R.C. and LAMBERT, W.E. 1969, The Philippine study. Attitudes and Motivation in Second Language Learning. Rowley, Mass: Newbury House Publishers. 121-30. GONZALEZ, ANDREW B. 1976, Content in English language materials in the Philippines: a case study of cultural and linguistic emancipation. Philippine Studies 24:443-56. 1980, Language and Nationalism: The Philippine Experience Thus Far. Quezon City: Ateneo de Manila University Press. 1982, English in the Philippine mass media. In J.B. PRIDE (ed.), New Englishes. Rowley, Mass: Newbury House Publishers, Inc. 211-26. 1983a, When does an error become a distinctive feature of Philippine English? In R.B. Noss (ed.), Varieties of English in Southeast Asia. Singapore: RELC/Singapore University Press. 150-72. 1983b, On English in Philippine literature in English. Solidarity 3.29-42. 1985a, Studies in Philippine English. Occasional papers no. 39. Singapore: Regional Language Centre. 1985b, Language use in provincial primary schools. In A.G. HUFANA & C.A. HILDAGO (eds), Festschrift: Leopoldo Y. Yabes. Quezon City: College of Arts and Letters, University of the Philippines. 126-52. 1987, On language syllabus design and development: the Philippine experience. In M.L. TICKGO (ed.), Language Syllabuses: State of the Art. Singapore: SEAMEO Regional Language Centre. 90-104. in press, 'Stylistic shifts in Philippine English of the print media.' English around the World, edited by Jenny Cheshire. (London: Cambridge University Press). GONZALEZ, ANDREW B. and ALBERCA, WILFREDO 1978, English of the Mass Media. Manila: Research Council, De La Salle University. GONZALEZ, ANDREW B. and SIBAYAN, BONIFACIO P. in press, Eleven Years of Bilingual Schooling (19741985). Manila: Linguistic Society of the Philippines. KACHRU, BRAJ B. (ed.) 1982, The Other Tongue: English across Cultures. Urbana, Ill: University of Illinois Press.

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KAHANE, HENRY 1986, A typology of the prestige language. Language 62.3:495-508. KRASHEN, STEVE D. 1982, Principles and Practice in Second Language Acquisition. Oxford: Pergamon Press. LADO, ROBERT 1957, Linguistics across Cultures. Ann Arbor: University of Michigan Press. 1977, Why not start reading earlier? In M. BURT, H. DULAY & M. FINOCCHIARO (eds), Viewpoints on English as a Second Language. New York: Regents Publishing Company, Inc. 8-16. LLAMZON, TEODORO A. 1969, Standard Filipino English. Manila: Ateneo de Manila University Press. 1984, The status of English in Metro Manila today. In ANDREW GONZALEZ (ed.), Panagani-Essays in Honor of Bonifacio P. Sibayan on his Sixty-Seventh Birthday. Manila: Linguistic Society of the Philippines, 106-21. LOPEZ-NERNEY, SUSAN 1974, A Retrospective Study of the Philippine Normal College Language Program 1964-1973. Quezon City, Philippines: Ateneo de Manila University. MARTINEZ, NORMA D. 1975, Standard Filipino English Pronunciation. Manila: National Book Store, Inc. MCCARRON, J.W. 1967, Some notes on language in culture. In A. MANUUD (ed.), Brown Heritage. Quezon City, Philippines: Ateneo de Manila University Press. MONROE, PAUL (Chairman) 1925, A Survey of the Educational System of the Philippines. Manila: Bureau of Printing. ONG, ELIZABETH S. 1984, The nature of reading comprehension in science education among entering college freshmen. Doctoral dissertation, De La Salle University, Manila. OSIAS, CAMILO 1918, Philippine Readers, Bks V, VI, and VII. New York: Ginn. OTANES, FE T. and SIBAYAN, BONIFACIO P. 1969, Language Policy Survey in the Philippines. Initial report. Prepublication edition. Manila: Philippine Normal College. PASCASIO, EMY M. 1969, The context of situation approach to language teaching and language learning. In T.A. LLAMZON and GLORIA C. YAP (eds), Proceedings of the Seminar on Language Teaching. Quezon City, Philippines: Ateneo de Manila Language Center. PCSPE 1970, Education Survey Report, Education for National Development, New Patterns, New Directions. Report of the Presidential Commission to Survey Philippine Education. Manila: Department of Education, Culture and Sports. PEREZ, GILBERT S. 1959, From the transport Thomas to Sto. Tomas. In G.T. PECSON & M. RACELIS (eds), Tales of the American Teachers in the Philippines. Manila: Carmelo and Bauermann, Inc. 22-43. PRATOR, CLIFFORD H. 1950, Language Teaching in the Philippines (A Report). Manila: US Education Foundation in the Philippines, US Embassy. PRIDE, JOHN B. (ed.) 1982, New Englishes. Rowley, Mass: Newbury House Publishers, Inc. QUIRK, RANDOLF et al. 1972, A Grammar of Contemporary English. London: Longmans. SANTOS, EMMA H. 1969, A study of the roles of aptitude, attitude and motivation in second language acquisition. Unpublished M.A. thesis, Philippine Normal College, Manila. SANTOS, THELMA C. 1984, Classroom Language Use in Selected Public Elementary

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Schools in Region III. (Unpublished doctoral dissertation, De La Salle University, Manila). SIBAYAN, BONIFACIO P. 1965, Repetition in language learning. In H.B. ALLEN (ed.), Teaching English as a Second Language. New York: McGraw-Hill Book Co. 308-13. 1967, The implementation of language policy. In MAXIMO RAMOS, JOSE V. AGUILAR & BONIFACIO P. SIBAYAN, The Determination and Implementation of Language Policy. Quezon City: Alemar-Phoenix Publishing House, 126-90. 1974, Language policy, language engineering and literacy in the Philippines. In J.A. FISHMAN (ed.), Advances in Language Planning. The Hague: Mouton. 221-54. 1978, Bilingual education in the Philippines: strategy and structure. In JAMES E. ALATIS, Georgetown University Round Table on Languages and Linguistics 1978. Washington, D.C.: Georgetown University Press. 302-29. 1983, The deterioration of English and the intellectualization of Pilipino, Philippine Journal of Education 62, 150, 186. 1985a, Status and Role of English and Pilipino in the Philippines. Washington, D.C.: United States Information Agency. 1985b, The Filipino people and English. In K.R. JANKOWSKY (ed.), Scientific and Humanistic Dimensions of Language. Festschrift for Robert Lado. Amsterdam: John Benjamins Publishing Co. 581-93. 1985c, Teaching for communicative competence in a second language. In BIKRAM K. DAS (ed.), Communicative Language Teaching. Singapore: Regional Language Centre and Singapore University Press. 10619. 1987, Language as a resource for personal and national development. Paper read at the seminar on The Role of Language Education in Human Resource Development, SEAMEO, Regional Language Centre, Singapore. April, 1987. SKINNER, B.F. 1957, Verbal Behavior. New York: Appleton-Century-Crofts, Inc. TAYAO, LOURDES 1984, Classroom strategies used by effective language teachers in selected Philippine schools. Unpublished research project for the Diploma in advanced study and research in the field of applied linguistics. Singapore: Regional Language Centre. TERRELL, TRACY D. 1977, A natural approach to the acquisition and learning of a language. Modern Language Journal 61, 325-36. TUCKER, G. RICHARD 1968, Judging personality from language usage: a Filipino example. Philippine Sociological Review, 16.1-2:30-39. UNESCO 1950, Report of the Mission to the Philippines. Paris: UNESCO Publication.

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12 The Teaching Of English In India, 1945-1985 S. K. Das Early History The study of the English language in India has an interesting history. Until Job Charnock and his men had settled down at the swamp-girt village of Sutanati (the original nucleus of the present metropolitan city of Calcutta) in the last decade of the seventeenth century, there was no occasion for Indians to hear or speak English. Such Englishmen as went to the Grand Mogul's imperial court or trekked through the country spoke Persian. Initially, communication between the English traders and their Indian counterparts was mostly in the language of gesture with a few key words thrown in. There is evidence that by the last quarter of the eighteenth century there was a growing demand among Indians for some knowledge of English for certain obvious utilitarian purposes. There were three main phases in the introduction of English in India: missionary activity during the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries, agitation by Indians leading to Raja Rammohun Roy's famous request to Lord Amherst in 1823 for western scientific education in part-replacement of traditional Sanskrit and Arabic studies and, most importantly, the implementation by the British under Lord Bentinck of educational policies for instruction in English shaped by Macaulay's controversial Minute on Indian Education (1853). The Third phase was effectively consolidated in 1844 by Lord Harding's public confirmation of a British policy giving preference to English speakers in the selection of government employees. And the famous Education Despatch (1854) enshrined both the utilitarian and liberal-educational aspects of this policy in a concrete programme for higher education. In this third most influential phase Macaulay's own wish appears to have been to further individualism, industrialisation and scientific know-

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ledge by training Indians in English language and culture. He wanted to produce a class of persons, Indian in blood and colour, but English in taste, in opinion, in morals and in intellect. The members of this class would then spread their knowledge in the Indian languages. Such a plan provided a basis for national unity and greater democratic participation by Indians, but it also faced criticism. Lord Mayo's view was that it relied heavily on an unworkable 'filtration theory' of cultural influence (Nagarajan, 1981: 663-70; 1984: 213, 216n.). The enclave character of colonial education became manifest in no time. First government institutions started functioning in the metropolitan city of Calcutta and the peripheral towns, Calcutta being interwoven in a network that included Hooghly, Dacca, Krishnagore, Berhampore, etc. Education became an urban phenomenon and did not spread into the rural interior. A number of schools sprang up under the direction of Englishmen, and a few of them turned out to be talented and stimulating school teachers. The Hindu School in Calcutta was established in 1817, and thereafter, along the continually widening course of modern education in India, a knowledge of the English language has been considered essential for educated Indians. English has been so important in the framework of Indian education and culture, because it has been for a long period the language of law, administration and commerce, both national and international. English, however, has been important for a more enduring reason. More than a hundred years ago, Iswar Chandra Vidyasagar, a Brahmin Sanskrit scholar who had learnt English in his middle twenties, told the British Governor that after having read all religious texts and commentaries he found little in them relevant to modern living. He therefore introduced English as a subject of study in the Sanskrit College of which he was the Principal. For decades since then, Indians have distinguished themselves in their use of the English language in various areas of national life in administration, law, trade and commerce, technology and industry, science, academic work and even in creative literature. Nevertheless, in recent years, particularly since the independence of India, it has been the general feeling that while standards are declining in every branch of studies in the schools, colleges and universities in India, the decline is steeper in English than elsewhere; the common feeling today is that it is hardly worthwhile any longer teaching and learning English. Such a feeling, however, is not new in the history of education in India. The Bengalee, now defunct newspaper of Calcutta, commented as early as 1906 and 1907 on the 'declining standards' in English of matriculates and

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graduates. In the last decade of the nineteenth century, the facetious term 'Baboo English' was much in vogue. And towards the end of the twentieth century the situation remains more or less the same (Das, 1982). The universities of Calcutta, Bombay and Madras were established in 1857 and even after the energetic enlightenment of more than 130 years one finds very little to be optimistic about. When one compares the supposedly admirable standards that prevailed at the beginning of this century with the equally supposed incompetence of today, one merely indulges in a nostalgic falsification of the realities of those days. Present Day Demands It is only fair that while talking of standards today we ought to take into account the fast-changing situation in India. Since independence there has been an enormous expansion of the system of education. For instance, while the country had 209,671 primary schools in 1951, the number swelled to 485,538 in 1981. The corresponding figures for secondary schools, colleges and universities are 7,288 and 47,755; 542 and 7,311 and 27 and 132, respectively. With this phenomenal rise in the number of students since 1947 there has developed an unhealthy disparity between institution and institution, between the quality of instruction available in one school or college and that obtainable in another. As a consequence there are a large number of badly trained and indifferently trained students, and a few well trained students. However, the proportion of good, mediocre and incompetent students today is not radically different from the proportion that prevailed a quarter of a century ago. What is significant in the present situation is the huge number of students involved. The demand for the study of English has increased steadily in spite of official and political discouragement. On 18 November 1970 the Minister of Education, Dr V. K. R. V. Rao, made a statement in the Upper House of the Indian Parliament in which he pointed out that there were 70 million students and about two million teachers. Student enrolment grew at the rate of 13% every year; yearly enrolment in universities and colleges in India equalled the total enrolment for higher education in the UK; India has been adding more than 250,000 students annually in the field of higher education. At this rate, Dr Rao added, in seven or eight years student enrolment would double (The Statesman, Calcutta, 9 November, 1970). With this may be linked another statement occurring in a memorandum that the Government of West Bengal had presented at a conference of

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State Ministers of Education held in Srinagar on June 5 and 6, 1966. The memorandum stated (The Statesman, Calcutta, 2 June, 1966) that before independence there were only 18 universities in India with fewer than 600 colleges and the total number of students stood at 229,000. By 1963-64 the number of colleges had risen to 2,500 and the enrolment of students to about 1.2 millions, working out at 2.7 per thousand of the population of India and 4.5 per thousand of the population of West Bengal. In 1969 the Publishers' Book Development Council of the UK sent out a Mission to India. The report of the Mission says that out of the total population of India, over 530 millions in 1967-68, there were 37 million students at the primary level, 7.4 million at the secondary level, and 2.2 million at the university level. Further, out of every 100 children 70 entered primary schools and 30 completed the course; whereas 20 entered secondary schools, only six completed the course; and of the three students who entered the university two completed the course. Of those who complete their primary school years, half will have started to learn English; the 7.5 million who receive secondary education will, if they complete the course, have received some four or five years of instruction in English as a foreign language. Finally, although in recent years it has been possible to take the first degree without the use of English, for the 42,000 students in 1960 who took the Master's degree a knowledge of English was necessary. The Memorandum of the West Bengal Government mentioned above pointed out that although the numerical position in respect of higher education in India in 1966 did not compare favourably with that obtaining in educationally advanced countries, a qualitative progress was being impeded by lack of funds. The expenditure on higher education in 1966 was less than 475 Rupees a year per student where in the UK it was 700 a year. On 26 November, 1970, Dr V. K. R. V. Rao said that paucity of funds stood in the way of the development and promotion of higher education (The National Herald, Lucknow, 27 November 1970). The mounting number of students and the yawning inadequacy of funds for education have inevitably affected seriously all attempts to improve the learning and teaching at all levels in all subjects and disciplines. Had there been a fall in the standards of English only and an improvement in the standards of the mother tongue of the student there would have been no serious cause for despair. Actually, the teachers of Indian languages are no less unhappy than the teachers of English. And although there are no reliable statistics available on the matter, experienced educationists are not likely to dispute the statement. At the top level the performance of today's students is perhaps better than that of yesterday's; while on the other hand there is a greater mass of ill-equipped students in the India of the 1980s. It is

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in its quantitative aspect rather than in the qualitative that the malady has to be located, and jeremiads on falling academic standards have to be assessed in the total context of the nation's educational endeavour. The following observation by Peter Drucker (1968: 335) may be relevant: India today gives more schooling to a larger proportion of her population than the United States or Japan did at a comparable stage of development a century ago. She spends a larger proportion of her total national income on schools than we spent then . . . Four times as many Indian children are actually in school as there were when the British left twenty years ago . . . And yet all this tremendous educational effort is without discernible effect. A century ago in the United States and Japan, the new thrust of schooling produced enough educated people for a tremendous economic and social leap forward. But comparable effort in India today is simply not adequate, nor is it adequate in other countries such as Turkey, West Africa, Malay or Columbia. Politics And English The complexity of the educational situation relating to English has been enormously aggravated by political attitudes. From the end of the colonial period there has always existed the constitutional capability to scale down, even completely eradicate, the policy of education through English imposed by the earlier British administration. It is not surprising to find that one of the early acts of the government in 1947 was indeed to set up the Official Language Commission. But under article 342 (2) of the Constitution, English remained the language for all official purposes until 26 January, 1965, due then to be replaced after this period of transition by Hindi. During the years leading up to the end of this period, however, two kinds of pressure came to bear to alter this arrangement. The first came from successive committees set up to investigate future language planning for the country. In the Kunzru Committee's report of 1957, for example, arguments were put forward for minimising any contraction in the role of English or English education in India. The arguments made by this Committee were put forward in support of a general proposal to consolidate English for the foreseeable future as a major university and pre-university subject. Nevertheless, at the same time the Kunzru Committee proposed two important changes in approaches to English: first, the linking of the study of English literature to the study of Indian literature, and second, major expansion in the study of linguistics at all appropriate levels.

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Following the Kunzru Committee, the Committee of Experts under G. C. Banerjee in the early 1960s also sought to reaffirm the long term usefulness of English. This Committee also argued for modernisation that would promote English less as a colonial, cultural inheritance than as an instrument of scientific learning. This sort of pressure from experts and committees probably had limited influence, but it drew attention directly to unresolved and partly unexplored issues in the study of English at that time. The second kind of pressure was far more influential and immediate. It came in riots, especially in Tamil Nadu in 1963, in reaction to the imminent imposition of Hindi in the southern territories of India. In these regions the language tended to be seen as a favoured regional language rather than anything pan-Indian. Largely as a result of these riots and following the Official Languages Act of 1967, English joined Hindi as an 'additional' language. Subsequently, this policy of accommodation has been consolidated as the 'three language formula' combining the use of Hindi, one regional language, and English as a 'link' language. There are several things that excite Indian opinion, but there is none so sensitive and inflammatory as the study of English. As recently as 12 October 1970, the Supreme Court had before it Seth Govinda Das's challenge to the Official Languages Act as amended in 1967. The amendment was that English should continue as the official language unless all the state legislatures passed a resolution for its discontinuance and that such a resolution eventually had to be endorsed by both Houses of Parliament (The National Herald, Lucknow, 13 October, 1970). The amendment of the Official Languages Act followed on the heels of language riots that raged in various parts of the country. Broadly speaking, the Hindi-speaking states of the North were determined to drive out English. They shouted anti-English slogans, blacked out car numbers, road names, shop names, place names at railway stations; the southern states in their turn fought against Hindi and for the retention of English. These passions are still excited over the language question. On 13 October, 1970, a news item published in The National Herald stated that a group of 36 anti-English agitators, including two MPs, were arrested while starting a 'Satyagraha' outside the Supreme Court on 12 October. The Statesman, 9 December, 1970, reports that about 2,000 students from various city colleges of Madras had come in procession and squatted in front of the Secretariat gate demanding continuance of English as the medium of instruction. Such incidents occur every year and even in 1986 they occurred in several places in the Southern states. These political agitations by their impact on the position of English in the educational set up have ruinously damaged the teachers' faith in the subject. The 'three language formula' already referred to has been officially

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defined in a publication of the Education Ministry, Government of India (1968: 2-3), 'The three language formula, as embodied in the Government Resolution, includes besides the mother tongue, two other languages. One of these is English and the other Hindi for the non-Hindi speaking states, and another modern Indian language, preferably one of the Southern languages, for the Hindi-speaking states.' This formula, by no means a simple and satisfactory solution of the language problem, was adopted by Nehru and after him by another Prime Minister, Lal Bahadur Sastri, as the best of a bad bargain. Until an effective demarcation of the roles of Hindi, English and the regional languages has been generally accepted, attitudes to language will remain as a serious obstacle to the effective teaching of English. Many of the states in India seem to suffer from confusions resulting from such a formula. Framed by these broad social and historical circumstances, the use of English in India currently takes place on a scale that suggests for the language a significant continuing role. It has recently been estimated that roughly onefifth of Indian newspapers and one-third of all books published in India are in English (Kachru, 1981: 217-29). Besides Hindi, English is the only genuine pan-Indian language available for use in broadcasting by All India Radio and in the rapidly developing field of television. Moreover, a large amount of creative writing in English has established major cultural claims for the language in the subcontinent. Perhaps the most striking indication of the continuing role of English is simply the scale of its everyday use. Approximately 3% of all Indians are Englishusing bilinguals, giving the language currency on a par with, say, Malayalam (4% of population) or Kannada (4% of population). And even this percentage gains its full impact only when projected as an actual number of speakers: 3% of the Indian population means about 20 million people (the equivalent of about one-third of British English speakers, and one-tenth of the number of speakers of English in the United States). Arguments in favour of the regional language derive from certain fundamental convictions about the kind of life which the nation should follow. This is not just a language controversy; it is an argument on the present and future of the country. There has been criticism of the 'three language formula' on grounds of its uninspiring and timeconsuming effects on the teaching of English and other languages; and such criticism appears to be legitimate. Towards the end of April, 1967, when a meeting of the education Ministers of States was held in New Delhi under the auspices of

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the Central Ministry of Education, several ministers, particularly Dr Triguna Sen, the Education Minister at the Centre, decided to replace the three language formula by a two language formula (The Statesman, Calcutta, 2 May, 1967). The attempt of the Prime Minister, Mrs Indira Gandhi and her colleagues was to straighten Out the matter without adding to the controversy and the complications that had already been created. The advocates of the two language formula tended to look at the problem exclusively from the educationist's point of view and overlooked the elaborate background to the decision on the three language formula as well as its profound political implications. The 'Three Language Formula' It is not difficult to understand why the three language formula was devised. Political rather than academic interests were at the back of this language formula. Millions of students in India were required to study three languages, not because they love to learn them as useful subjects, but because the provision of three languages has kept legislators and politicians happy, or at least quiet, for some time. It may be noted that the formula means in practice more than three languages. For instance, a Tamil child living in Calcutta has to learn his own language in addition to Bengali, English and Hindi; and sometimes he may also have to learn Sanskrit. When after a couple of years the family moves on to Poona he will have to learn Marathi. Such obvious complexities were overlooked and members of the higher echelons of the government continue to justify this formula and discover in it beauties and virtues that are beyond the understanding of common people. The government of India was hopeful that by the end of the Fourth Plan a large number of universities would be able to switch over to the regional languages in a number of disciplines (The Statesman, Calcutta, 10 December, 1970). Such optimism raised more doubts than hopes in the mind of a teacher who taught English. D. S. Kothari, Chairman of the University Grants Commission, suggested that the UGC was in favour of adopting a bilingual medium for University education. He said that the three language formula was meant only for education at the school level; in his opinion one-third of the teaching at the undergraduate level and two-thirds at the post-graduate level should be in English. He added that more than 60% of the new knowledge in science and technology was in English and it was necessary to teach and learn English as a 'library language' (Hindustan Times, 30 November, 1970). A publication of the Government of India on a Conference on the

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Methodology of Teaching Indian Languages in Secondary Schools (1968) says: The Conference discussed the meanings of the terms 'link language', 'library language' and 'second language'. The Conference took the view that the terms 'link language' and 'library language' are only indicative of the role for the purpose for which a language is used . . . They do not necessarily imply any methodological differences from those of teaching a second language. The adverb in the last sentence is two-edged and the attempt to play down the use of such terms as 'second language', 'link language' as though they were just lexical items to be used as handy implements, is somewhat countered in the last chapter of the Report where Hindi as a Second language is discussed. Within the framework of the three language formula, the position of English in education was bound to vary in different states. The following data are furnished by a Study Group appointed by the Central Ministry of Education. It submitted a Report to the Kothari Commission in 1965, printed in 1967, and three years later discussed at a conference of some university teachers of English in Hyderabad. The Report shows that English was taught at schools in Andhra Pradesh in Class III onwards, in Assam from Class IV, in Gujrat from Class VIII, in Kerala from Class III, in Punjab and Rajasthan from Class VI, in Uttar Pradesh from Class VI, in Mysore from Class V, and in West Bengal from Class III onwards. Some of these data current in 1965 are now modified. For instance, in West Bengal English is now being taught from Class VI. During the last few years some state governments have ordered that in their states candidates need not pass in English. Nevertheless, the pattern that emerges from these data is not inaccurate and supports the view that the load of three languages at the middle school is considered heavy. In the interest of sound teaching the Study Group recommended that the formula should be so modified that only two languages are taught in Classes V, VI, and VII, and that the third language is introduced only in Class VIII. The third language is presumably English, because Hindi is Second Language, as the proceedings of the conference on the methodology of teaching Indian languages as Second Language unambiguously states. It seems that the Study Group expects the students who go to the university to be equipped with, by some mystical process, the same minimum skill in the use of English that they would have acquired if they had studied the language from Class V. Superficial thinking distinguishes several reports of English language experts that have been published by the government during the last few

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years. Equally superficial is the following Report of a Study Group appointed by the Ministry of Education (1957: 32-33): The core of the M.A. course should consist of 5 or 6 course units of papers planned as follows: (i) Literary History 15501700 (ii) A paper on the principles and practice of literary criticism as embodied in the writings of the great European and English critics. Twentieth century criticism must find a place in any such study. (iii) One or two literary forms their history and theory. (iv) Chaucer and the fourteenth century. (v) Contemporary English usage. In addition to these course units, the following options may be offered to students in units of three papers. This may be taken up by the higher Secondary teachers of English or by lecturers in Compulsory English: (1) History of the English Language. (2) Problems of the teaching of English as a Second Language. (3) More advanced topics in the Phonetics of English and in structural linguistics with special references to English. This may be taken up particularly by lecturers in English literature. Any three of the following course units: (1) Indo-Anglican (sic) literature (2) American literature (3) Old English literature (4) Middle English literature (5) English literature in the fifteenth century. It is difficult to accept such a plan with even an iota of seriousness. For these experts English literature was dead in 1700, and though the student would not study any literary work of the twentieth century, twentieth century criticism must find a place in his course. Current Problems In English Teaching The confusion that characterises the attitude of the 'experts' has been worse confounded by several other factors: the overwhelmingly large number of students at all levels, the paucity of funds, overcrowded classrooms, lack of essential facilities like libraries, commonrooms,

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equipment, etc., the dim prospects for new ventures in teaching methods and evaluation, frequent changes in government policy, and recurring uncertainty which undermines the teacher's faith in his profession. Some of these inadequacies may be removed by the resourcefulness and efficiency of a good teacher. Good teaching, however, is a complex matter involving many variables. In its basics teaching means the face to face interaction between the student and the teacher. The interaction could involve a classroom with one teacher lecturing 250 students, or it could be a group discussion between one tutor and 10 students. Or it could be a seminar in which a group of five or so students meet a single instructor to discuss a topic, or it could mean the interaction between a supervisor and a single student working independently on his dissertation. Obviously there cannot be a single criterion to judge the merit of teaching at all these levels. Yet one has to evaluate to establish a basis of priority, and the priority has to be commensurate with the learning process. The learning process, in turn, from school onwards, is geared to equip the student with the capability to acquire knowledge without actually having to be told about it. So far as the teaching of English is concerned, from the time the student enters school till he leaves college he acquires the kind of knowledge that schools convey decreasingly by the spoken word and increasingly by the printed word. Formal education is then a process of weaning the student to prepare himself to continue to feed himself at the table of knowledge. And unless this process has been brought to completion by the time the student graduates, the prospects for self-education are dim. English In The Universities Especially at the college and university levels not all teaching is done through face to face interaction. A considerable amount of it is imparted through books in the library. If students learn through books, conversely, books and their authors teach students. Now, not only students but classroom teachers, too, read books to prepare their lectures. The lecturer then acts as a mediator between the books and the students. And it is not difficult to see that rarely would a lecture be superior to the books on which it is based. A large number of such books are textbooks which are derived from a large number of specialised monographs and research papers. It is this latter kind of work which in the end strives to improve and enlarge the available knowledge of the human condition. The writers should be deemed the most meritorious in academic institutions. Conversely, there is nothing wrong in

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demanding that academics publish or else perish the thought of being a great scholar. At the same time the notion that academics who publish would neglect classroom teaching has no prima facie credibility. Moreover, a publish-or-perish syndrome may generate a hideous mass of academic trivia. There is no guarantee that, released from the pressure to publish, many teachers would restrain their effluxion of pseudoscholarly glop and devote their energies to preparing better lectures. Most probably they would find other wasteful ways of disposing of their time. Beside, by being asked to publish academics are forced to display their scholarly credentials. A gerontocrat whose collected works amount to 300 printed pages of inaugural and valedictory addresses would find it difficult to sustain himself as a profound thinker. Nor would a patriarch, whose 400 page monograph is compressible without violence to a 40 page article, claim to be a daring and innovative scholar. Seen thus the phrase changes from publish-or-perish to publish-and-perish. The English teaching situation in India is thus stultified, owing to a lack of dedicated scholars and resourceful and inspiring teachers. Research into emigration and employment trends indicates that a very small percentage of the most talented Indian youth is willing to take up teaching. This declining cumulative talent in teaching seems to be one of the most serious problems confronting education. Yet it has not received the attention due to it in the debates on the new education policy. The problem of declining cumulative talent is not, however, unique to the teaching of English. Most of the talented youths want to choose a career in business, industry, technology, medicine, civil service and banking. A law of economics might explain this phenomenon: the level of talent in a profession is inversely proportionate to the public character of the profession. The more public a profession, such as politics, the less talented the personnel. This generalisation is not, of course, without exceptions. Until very recently, teaching attracted better people than the other professions. Now most talented young men refuse to go in for teaching because of its low prestige and poor pay. Several measures are reportedly under consideration to change this situation in India. For example, drastic pay revisions, reforms of promotion policies and generous scholarships to university students willing to become teachers are being considered. If the nation can provide reasonable enough respect and remuneration, it can hold the best people, and make use of their abilities. Teaching loses because it is a poor customer in the competitive market place of talent. Money is the most important consideration for most young people deciding upon a career. Mining the ocean floor or travelling to the moon is a much more

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rewarding profession than being a University Professor of English. Careers in advertising or telecasting are also lucrative. In addition, the international arms race has created an élite breed of science bureaucrats who are petted by every government. The Radhakrishnan Commission Report (1948) recommended a scale of pay so that a university teacher with ten years of service would receive a salary of about Rupees 20,000/- per month at current prices. The Commission also recommended corresponding scales of pay for secondary and primary school teachers. Adjusted to present prices and inflation these would amount to sums which may be beyond the dreams of even the most ambitious in India. Consequently, acknowledged experts in their own fields are leaving Indian universities for greener pastures in East Asia, the Middle East, North Africa and North America. The policy of promotion for teachers also seems primitive. For school teachers there is no clearly defined yardstick; at the universities it is determined by the government or, in certain cases, by governing bodies, when other considerations usually prevail. Distortions arise because of the gulf between the number of posts and eligible applicants. Given the prevailing value system the winners are mainly those who devote more time to academic lobbying than teaching and research. Yet there is no evidence of any initiative among teachers themselves to change the system. Most of them appear to have reconciled themselves to, and are even happy with, the prevailing order. Except in the handful of Central Universities, teachers do not even have statutory rights of study leave, paid or otherwise. In the universities of Bihar, seven officials have to sign the application, three times each, before a teacher can get study leave with or without pay. In Orissa, a teacher has to approach the State Government through his Principal and the Directorate of higher education. Education planners tend to forget that market forces are governed not so much by social ethics as by money. If there is reward for good work in one part of society, it must be so in other fields, or else the reward becomes unproductive. Today a good teacher's work goes largely unseen, unhonoured and unsung. Against these difficulties and inadequacies, there are several positive signs of the times. There is widespread, if not universal, acceptance of the belief that our methods of teaching/learning English require to be streamlined. As a course subject in our educational hierarchy, English no longer holds the position that it did for a century and a half. Decades ago, English was the medium of instruction and examination from the junior classes upwards. This was very largely the practice till 1947. Now regional languages have replaced English not only at the secondary level, but also at the college and university levels. Fifty-seven universities have permitted the use

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of Indian languages as the media of instruction and public examination at the pre-university and first degree levels of several faculties. Some have extended permission to the Master's degree and the LL B degree. New Proposals For English Teaching Before 1947 English was read not only in the English classes but also in Mathematics, History and Geography classes. Calcutta University, certainly the largest and probably the best in India, used to set even the Bengali questions in English. Now the student reads English in the English classes only; and all questions up to the first degree level are in English along with translations provided in regional languages. In some areas the regional language is used extensively even in the English classes. The Union Public Services Commission has permitted the use of Indian languages as alternatives to English as media for certain core papers. While the status of English has changed and is likely to change further, most people believe that it is necessary for the student to acquire a competence in English for various reasons. The old standard has not only to be maintained, but has also to be raised. The problem, therefore, is how, with drastically reduced time available for learning English, the student can learn the language well, and use it effectively for his own special purpose. Moreover, since government policy stresses the use of English as a 'library' language for the vast majority of Indian students, reading skill and comprehension are recognised as the most important of the language skills to learn. The answer to the problem must be in some new method of learning/ teaching the language, and there are evidences of a search for an appropriate method. India has not yet succeeded significantly in devising such a method in the ELT institutes and universities. It is obvious that no single method can be deemed adequate for the wide and fluctuating variety of situations in the country. But once certain basic principles have been tested and accepted, the Secondary Boards and universities and individual teachers can adapt them to suit their own peculiar situations. Recent investigations into the problem of teaching and learning English have been considered by the more enthusiastic and well-informed teachers of English in India and in many cases have been suitably adapted to their needs. But the traditional approaches to language teaching are still being pursued vigorously in most states. ELT institutes in many states of India have prepared reading materials and they are being constantly revised. Evaluation techniques have been reconsidered by most examining bodies, though not always success-

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fully. Academic work is frequently affected by non-academic factors; the pace is slow; and often there are vulgar deviations from academic norms. In spite of this, there is an awareness of the need to adjust general methods to special requirements, such as those of students of commerce, technology, the medical sciences, the fine arts and so forth. Contrary to belief, English teaching in colleges is poorer, since most teachers consider it infra dig. to readjust their teaching methods. Most students at the college level do not join their institutions with a common minimum level of competence. It is often necessary to arrange for remedial work and such work has been undertaken in many institutions; but the linguistic take-off point from the school level is far from clear. At the higher secondary level perhaps the average student acquires the use of basic structures and a vocabulary of 1,500 to 2,000. This number may be disputed in many regions, but detailed investigations in this area have been undertaken. How and at what rate does the student have to increase his vocabulary and how during the process of learning does one differentiate between active and passive vocabulary? Moreover, is there to be an uncompromising distinction between the English language as a tool and the English language as a medium of creative experience? Many teachers do not see why the Indian student's natural response to poetry and good speech should not be utilised for the learning process. They say that there is no reason to think that just because a student chooses to take up a professional course of studies, his aesthetic sensibilities may be overlooked. Experience shows that there is a life-long need for the satisfaction of these sensibilities. This need can certainly be met by the literature of the mother-tongue; but there is no reason why, seeing that he has learnt the language, he should be deprived of the benign influences of English literature and of the expressions of modern values embodied in the language. To train the teachers in the new methods of teaching, a number of ELT Institutes have been established in India during the last 30 years. Though they have so far trained only a small fraction of the total number of English teachers, they may be said to have been doing useful work. The work of these institutes is in addition to, and in their intensity and specialisation substantially different from, the work done in the traditional Teachers Training Colleges. For college teachers there is the Central Institute of English at Hyderabad. The output of the Central Institute is extremely meagre. Therefore, a number of Indian Universities with financial assistance from the University Grants Commission and specialist assistance from the British Council annually organise six week summer courses for the benefit of college teachers. The All India English Teachers Conference annually, and some state conferences occasionally, hold sessions for the

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discussion of ELT problems. At times these problems are tackled at source, that is at the universities of which the college teachers are the products. Some universities have introduced a course in Linguistics and Applied Linguistics, while others still cling to the diachronic study of the English language. Unfortunately, no university has yet set about a systematic, synchronic study of the English language. In some universities useful studies in comparative and contrastic linguistics relating to English and an Indian language have been undertaken. There is perhaps a much greater need in India today for an evaluating of the kind of English that a fairly educated Indian uses. Such an evaluation may reveal the inadequacies of what may be called Indian English and it may be possible to suggest appropriate measures to remove them. The very fact that English is taught in India as a subject has been a factor in promoting a somewhat exotic brand of English, somewhat more literary than is the English of a native speaker, or of those who acquire it in the process of living rather than in the process of being educated. The educated variety of Indian English leans heavily towards the poetic. Many Indians prefer poetic prose because of such a tradition in their own literature. The influence of the Sanskrit language and particularly the science of rhetoric in India determines even today the use of the English language. Besides, the teaching of English in schools and colleges has always been closely linked with the teaching of English literature. The needs of the language as a language have invariably been subordinated to the needs of the literature of which it is the medium. Teachers and students have not truly imbibed or acquired the idiom of the language. The vast majority of users of English have been dipped Achilles fashion into this strange stream. Whatever little attention has been paid to the study of language has been mostly in the sphere of mechanical drill in grammar and a misguided induction of the learner into the secrets of idioms such as to make both ends meet, to have too many irons in the fire, on the eve of, apple of discord. Such features have been given disproportionate importance in the study of the English language in India. It may be said in extenuation of the teacher's part that this unhealthy practice has been forced upon him by the requirements of the examination paper; there is invariably a question on such idioms. Consequently one comes across such utterances as I am in very good health and hope you are in the same boat; he is able to keep the wolf from the door; and life is not a bed of roses but a hard nut to crack. They have not been taught to distinguish between living English and cliché-ridden phrases. Here is another specimen: My friends, let us explore all avenues before we abandon our last ray of

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hope. The hand of doom is upon us. We are in the very jaws of death, and must beware of the snake in the grass. (Lerner, 1965: 130) 'They have been at a great feast of language and stolen the scraps', was Moth's shrewd comment on the pedantry of Armado and Holefernes. Many of them have undoubtedly been to such a feast. An ill-assorted phrasal memory is the storehouse on which they draw. A phrase like wedded to the path of violence or threshed out of all possible avenues is very common in educated Indian English. The Indian student's exposure to literary English has cut him off from the mainstream of living English. He is unable to use English for business or for purposes of everyday life. In an alien atmosphere and for the most part under the inexpert guidance of teachers themselves outside the tradition of the language, the Indian learner, generally speaking, acquires through the study of literature very little knowledge of the language as a living tongue. He is lamentably cut off from the cultural background of the language. There is a wide gap between the two cultures and the Indian learner's ability to master finer points of the English language must necessarily be limited. The centripetal pressures of local habits and attitudes also partly account for some of the peculiarities of Indian English. 1 It is natural that the English language will not remain static in a second language situation; it will change imperceptibly but inevitably as the coastline of England changes every day. But the problem is whether it should be allowed to develop as something totally independent of the traditions of standard English. It is expected that those who use English would not deviate strikingly from some sort of general standard as to render it less useful than at present for purposes of communication with either native speakers or speakers of English in other countries. If some form of standardisation is not imposed at the school/college level, English in India in the not very distant future will be found disintegrating into quite incomprehensible dialects. Many Indians choose to write in English in the hope of gaining readership among the large number of people outside India. If in doing this there is no breach of the fundamental principle of maintaining mutual intelligibility with other forms of educated English, the Indian writers need not be apologetic about the emergence of a truly characteristic national style. There are many writers in India who use English for an audience restricted to their own culture. In that case, they have the freedom to apply local standards of style and expression; they may ignore critics from an audience they never intended to reach. But if they venture beyond their own culture and try to reach a wider section of readers, they must meet the

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criticism of those who are concerned with the preservation of some kind of norm for purposes of international intelligibility. Variety and change are healthy, for they are evidence of vitality. But when English is modified by local standards to the point where it has purely regional utility, its important function as an international tool is lost. Few would say that waves of linguistic change should recede so that the purity of the language can be maintained. Ideally, English in India should be allowed a free growth restrained only by consideration of its utility, which must be greater than its efficacy. Note To Chapter 12 1. For a more detailed discussion see Das, 1982: 141-49. References DAS, S. K. 1982, Indian English. In J. B. PRIDE (ed.), New Englishes. Rowley, Mass: Newbury House. DRUCKER, P. F. 1969, The Age of Discontinuity. New York: Harper and Row. KACHRU, B. 1983, The Indianization of English. Oxford: Oxford University Press. LERNER, L. D. 1965, English Literature: An Interpretation for Students Abroad. Quoted by V. R. GOKAK, English in India. Bombay: Asia Publishing House. MINISTRY OF EDUCATION, 1968, Report of the Study Group appointed by the Ministry of Education, New Delhi. 1968, Proceedings of the Conference on the Methodology of Teaching an Indian Language as a Second Language. NAGARAJAN, S. 1981, The decline of English in India: some historical notes. College English, Vol. 43. 1984, Children of Macaulay. New Quest, JulyAug.

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13 The Teaching of English in Indonesia S. Takdir Alisjahbana Introduction It has become gradually clear that the English language in the years ahead will play an increasingly important role in communication between the various parts and groups in the world, not only because of the great number of important countries which have the English language as the mother tongue of their people and the official language of their states, such as Britain, the United States of America, Canada and Australia, but also because various countries where the Anglo-Saxon population is negligible have made English their official language, such as Jamaica, Trinidad, the Philippines and a few other countries in the Caribbean Sea and the Pacific and Indian Oceans. Moreover, in larger areas of the world which were formerly parts of the great British Empire the English language still plays a very important role, such as in India, Pakistan, Sri Lanka, Malaysia, Hong Kong and Singapore. Meanwhile, after World War II through the unification of the world by the fast development of air transportation, the tremendous expansion of electro-communication and by the spread of printed materials, the English language has spread tremendously as never before and become the first obligatory foreign language in high schools in many parts of the world. The History Of The Indonesian Language In The Unification Of Indonesia Indonesia has during the last half century achieved and experienced the process of creating an intersocial and intercultural language in an area which consists of more than 16,000 islands where are spoken more than 500

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different languages, the differences among which are much larger than, for example, those between German and French. The decisive epoch in the creation of the unifying Indonesian language in this most scattered country was the pledge of the Indonesian youth in 1928 of one country, one nation and one language, all called Indonesia. In the struggle against Dutch colonial rule in the beginning of this century the young leaders of the national movements were gradually convinced that the Indonesian people had to be unified in order to be able to struggle successfully against the divide-et-impera policy of the Dutch. The unifying language acquired its urgency by the decision of the Dutch Colonial Government to limit the possibilities for Indonesian youth to learn the Dutch language and through it to limit the possibility for progress of the Indonesian people. The language which was chosen by the Indonesians to replace the Dutch language was the Malay language, which was the lingua franca in Southeast Asia for at least a thousand years. It must be remembered that the Malay language was not the most widespread language in the whole of Indonesia. At that time the Malay language was spoken by not more than 10 million people, but as the language of commerce and diplomacy it spread throughout the whole archipelago, while the Javanese language was spoken by about 50 million people, but concentrated only on the island of Java. Moreover, the Javanese language is a very difficult language because of its various conventions, which specify that people of different social strata have to use different linguistic forms. The decisive epoch for the consolidation of the Indonesian language was during World War II, when the Japanese military forces occupied the Indonesian archipelago and on their arrival announced that the Dutch language was prohibited. It was clear that the intention of the Japanese military power was to replace Dutch with the Japanese language, but for that purpose they needed at least a few decades of intensive teaching of the language to the Indonesian people. Since the necessities of war could not wait for such a long time, there were no other possibilities than to use the Indonesian language, which was already understood by a great number of the Indonesian people throughout the whole archipelago. As a person who whole-heartedly supported the pledge of the Indonesian youth of 1928, I considered myself lucky that I was in 1942 appointed as the Expert Secretary of the Indonesian Language Committee and the Head of the Indonesian Language Office so that I could concentrate my efforts for the development and implementation of the Indonesian language in order to enable it to replace, in the shortest possible time, the Dutch language, not only as the official language in the administration but

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also as the medium of instruction in education from the primary school to the university. When the Indonesian people at the end of the war in 1945 proclaimed their independence, the new Indonesian Constitution stipulated that the Indonesian language was the sole national language and the official language of the country. There exists in Indonesia today no quarrel between the many local languages and the Indonesian language. We do not have the struggle between the various groups, each with their cultures and language, as in India or even in a smaller country such as Sri Lanka. Meanwhile, during the 1930s not only was the Indonesian language accepted as the unifying language of the country by the Indonesian national movement, but also a new literature emerged, the Indonesian literature of which the best known and most pronounced avant-garde was the Pujanqqa Baru (the New Writer). This Indonesian literature differed from the traditional Malay literature and the literature of the regional languages through its affiliation with modern international literature, which in turn is the expression of modern culture. English As An International Language If the English language is to become the official international language, accepted by a majority of countries in the world, the position and character of the English language should gradually change. As an official international language which would be used in all international encounters in the whole world, the English language would become not only the property of the English speaking countries like Britain, America, Canada and Australia, but it should become the concern and interest of the whole world. In this new position and vis-à-vis this new task the following consideration must be taken into account. As it is today, there is a difference in pronunciation and sometimes also in spelling, vocabulary and grammar between British and American English. In my inaugural lecture, delivered at the University of Malaya on December 22, 1968, I referred to the fact that the English language as an international language is not predominantly pronounced in the proper British way and the more intensive its use becomes in various countries of the world, the more will it acquire local variations in phonemic system, vocabulary, even in morphology. I even quoted in that lecture Cyril Dumme's remark in the Straits Times of that year about the English used by

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Kumaraswami Kumaraj, former Chief Minister of the State of Madras, who was at that time President of the Congress Party: 'He communicates with Congress workers by speaking Congress English, a new and lively language that is not readily understood by Englishmen'. We have seen that the English language has become the most important language of the Philippines, because its national language, the Tagalog or Pilipino language, has not become the language of the schools and modern developments in science, technology, etc., but remains a language of social communication of the common people. We know that the English language, or better the American English language as spoken in the Philippines has its own pronunciation, quite different from the pronunciation of the English language of Britain, even of that of America. We know that in international congresses and conferences today the English language is used by representatives of various countries and each speaker is speaking according to his own local or group's English, resulting very often in lack of understanding or even in misunderstanding and sometimes in confusion among the participants. On a lower level of communication, for example in the atmosphere of tourism, even a very poor pidginisation of the language has evolved. It is clear that in the future with the wider spread and the resulting importance of English in the world a certain standardisation of the language must take place. I am here not speaking of teaching methods or educational approaches, nor of language laboratories and textbooks; I am emphasising the urgent problem of a conscious and purposeful co-operation between the nations of the world to accept and develop the English language as the efficient international language of the future, supported by all the countries of the world and properly adjusted for its new task in the rising world community. In facing the problems of developing an international language, we need a world committee which will have a decisive voice in determining the grammar, the vocabulary, the spelling and the pronunciation of the English language so that a certain standardisation of it as the international language will take place. I do not know to what extent it will be necessary to change the name of the language as an international language. At first, the English language of Britain, America, Canada and Australia would become the dialects of the official international language. Later, English as an international language learned and used by all the people of the world will gradually develop its own characteristics, structure and even vocabulary. There is still another aspect of the development of the English language

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in becoming the accepted international language. We know that more and more people have started to write in English, although it is not their mother tongue. I remember in this context writers like Naipaul and Han Suyin and many other writers in India, Pakistan, Hong Kong, Singapore, the Philippines and many other countries. If the English language becomes the accepted international language, the language in which the countries of the new emerging world communicate with each other, it could not be otherwise than that a new literature will emerge, a literature written by those who live in the atmosphere of the new emerging world, expressing their feelings and thought, their aesthetic and cultural ambitions. As I said before, in Indonesia a new literature emerged alongside the development of the Indonesian language, a literature with its own atmosphere, different from that of the local literature and of the literature of the past, written not only by the Malays from whom the Indonesian language derived but also by persons from the other parts of Indonesia. In modern Indonesian literature there are writers from Sumatra, from Java, from Kalimantan, from the East of Indonesia, etc., all not only writing in the modern Indonesian language, but also expressing the new atmosphere, thought and ambition of present-day Indonesian cultural life. If I continue to draw the parallel development of the international English language with the situation of presentday Indonesian, I am convinced that most of the readers of this chapter will consider that my parallel is going too far, or they will reject me as utopian. But I am a futurist, who is convinced that we cannot for ever exist in the present criss-crossing tensions and conflicts in political, economic, religious and artistic life. I can add in this context that at the close of 1985, the year which was proclaimed by the United Nations Organisation as the Year of the Youth, the students of the Universitas Nasional in Jakarta, of which I have been for nearly 20 years the Rector, formulated with the students of 43 other Indonesian universities the pledge of: one world, one humanity, one responsibility and one future. The Teaching Of English In Indonesia Having discussed the position and the future of the English language as the international language in world perspectives, I can now turn to the history of the teaching of the English language in Indonesia and its present situation. It is well-known that Indonesia was a Dutch colony until 1942, when the Japanese military power occupied Indonesia in the context of its

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ambition to build up a Great East Asian Co-Prosperity Sphere. During the Dutch colonial rule the main language in Indonesia was, of course, Dutch, but due to the fact that the Netherlands is a small country between the great European powers of Britain, France and Germany, at the high school level three foreign languages were taught: English, French and German. Dutch education in Indonesia was an education on a very high level, but the complaint from the Indonesian side was that this education was available to only a very small group of Indonesians. Thus the Indonesians who had been at the Dutch colonial school were in a very privileged position because besides their thorough knowledge of the Dutch language, most of them had also a command of English, of French and of German, while the quality of education was as high as in the Netherlands itself. When the Japanese occupied Indonesia, the first step that they took, as I said before, was to forbid the use of the Dutch language and during the whole of the Japanese occupation the dominant language in Indonesia was the Indonesian language, while the Japanese language was taught in all educational institutions, even in the various government offices. But the teaching of the Japanese language had during the four years of occupation never reached a level such that a group of Indonesians was able to read the essential books of Japanese culture. When Indonesia proclaimed its independence in 1945, the Indonesian language, which had grown and developed during the Japanese occupation, became the sole national and official language. It is at present the most important language in the country and it is also the only medium of instruction in the educational institutions. But besides it, there still exist about 500 languages, a few of them spoken by more than 20 million people, while the Javanese language, which is at present spoken by about 700 million people, has a very rich cultural heritage. From the very beginning of Indonesian independence, the English language was taught as an obligatory subject at the junior high school as well as at the senior high school. There was no doubt about the fact that the English language should become Indonesia's second language or, as it is usually called, Indonesia's first foreign language. But Indonesia does not have the advantage of the former English colonies, such as Malaysia and Singapore, or the ex-American colony of the Philippines, where the English language and tradition have already taken root. It is in this context that we can understand that Indonesia has great difficulties in the organisation of the teaching of the English language. After three years at the junior high school and three years at the senior high school of learning English, the reading and writing in English of most of the Indonesian students entering university is very poor. Who is to blame?

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There are, of course, many reasons for this very unsatisfactory result of the teaching of the English language in Indonesia. I have already mentioned one, i.e. the lack of the atmosphere and tradition of the English language and culture, such as in the former English and American colonies. But even more important, I believe, is the total situation of education in an under-developed country like Indonesia, which wants to catch up in the shortest possible time with the advanced countries by expanding its educational system in a too fast tempo, especially quantitatively. To illustrate this I will take as example the island of Bali, which is now one of the 27 provinces of Indonesia with a population of nearly 3 million. During the Dutch colonial time, there was on the whole island not even one junior high school, not to speak of senior high school or university, while at the present time there are on the island nearly 500 public and private junior high schools, 130 senior high schools and more than 10 institutions of higher learning. In the whole of Indonesia there were in 1986 17,494 junior high schools and 8,327 senior high schools. In 1984 Indonesia announced its law on compulsory education, so that at present we can say that every Indonesian boy or girl of primary school age is attending school. There are at present 45 state universities in the whole of Indonesia, besides about ten times as many private schools of higher learning spread over the whole of Indonesia. It could not be otherwise than that in such a forced development the quality of the teaching suffers throughout the whole system of education. I would like to give here an inkling of the desolate situation of Indonesian high school education. Usually on the 25th May the results of the final examinations of the senior high schools in Jakarta are published and the authorities do not keep it a secret that 50% of the students who took their examinations during the year failed according to their real scholastic achievements, but their marks were purposely upgraded in order to enable them to leave their schools with a certificate. If the average achievement at the level of the senior high school is so low in the capital city of Jakarta, what about senior high schools in the far-off provinces? We can easily conclude that the achievement of the students in the English language must be of the worst, because it is in the English language that the Indonesian educational system, coming from the chaos of the Japanese occupation and the Indonesian revolution, has the least experience and expertise. As I said before, in the junior as well as in the senior high schools the English language is obligatory. At present the teaching of the English language takes place in every class of the junior high school at least four

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hours a week. Thus a person who finishes his junior high school with at least three years English teaching of four hours a week must have a very substantial knowledge of English. My experience from the Dutch colonial time would indicate that such a person was already able to read some simple English novels. But this is not the case with most of the present Indonesian students who have finished their junior high school years. The same schedule of at least four hours a week is continued in the senior high school, but according to my two decades' teaching experience at the Universitas Nasional in Jakarta the knowledge of English, both oral and written, of the students entering the university is negligible. This experience is shared by nearly all the teaching staff of the universities in Indonesia. The impact of this situation is disastrous on the teaching in the university. We can say that most of the students entering the university are not able to follow courses given in the English language, even to read an English textbook. This is the reason that in various universities the students still have to follow courses of English language besides the obligatory faculty subjects. In the Universitas Nasional every student must pass an examination of his ability to read a rather difficult or complex English textbook before he is allowed to take his academic examination. Knowing that the reading material in the university libraries is predominantly in the English language, we can appreciate the present dilemma of Indonesian higher education, although during recent years some Indonesian textbooks have gradually become available; but their number is still much too small. The Implementation Of The Teaching Of English: The Teaching Staff And The Students I would like to conclude this chapter with a few words on the books and other teaching materials as well as on the teaching staff and the students. Looking through the textbooks and the further reading materials, especially of the senior high schools, I must acknowledge that the books are not bad in method, in content as well as in the presentation of the teaching materials. Take, for example, Students' Books I, II and III of the set of textbooks English for the SLTA (Senior High School). Book I teaches the students during the 1st year about: Unit 1 Structure: Past Tense

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Unit 2 Structure :To be: Present and Past Tense Unit 3 Structure: Present Tense Unit 4 Structure: Present Progressive Tense Unit 5 Structure: Past Progressive Tense Unit 6 Structure: Present Perfect Unit 7 Structure: Nouns: Countable and Uncountable: There + Be Unit 8 Structure: Review Unit 9 Structure: Verbs + To + First Form; Verb + Object + To + First Form Unit 10 Structure: Modals Unit 11 Structure: Included Clauses Unit 12 Structure: Present Perfect Progressive Tense Unit 13 Structure: Dependent Clauses Unit 14 Structure: Dependent Clauses Unit 16 Structure: Review Unit 17 Structure: Indirect Object Unit 18 Structure: Past Perfect Tense Unit 19 Structure: Passive Voice (Part I) Unit 20 Structure: Passive Voice (Part II) Unit 21 Structure: Review All the units start with (1) Situational Conversation, followed by (2) Structure Exercises, (3) Reading Test, (4) Comprehension question, (5) Reading Drill, (6) Structure, (7) Review Exercises,

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(8) Vocabulary Exercises, (9) Spelling and Pronunciation Exercises, (10) Composition Exercises. My impression is that the books are careful and deliberate in the choice and presentation of the materials, while the exercises are abundant, so that a student who has seriously studied these books must have a working knowledge of English, i.e. the aim of English teaching of the senior high schools as is formulated in the introduction of the three books. To these three books are still added three other books of Supplementary Reader I, II, III, each divided in various units while the units in their turn consist of Reading Text, Comprehension, Questions and Vocabulary Exercises. These three books are good enough, they have been compiled by a committee of 26 Indonesian English teachers and scholars in a special project of the Director General of Education, advised by three experts from the British Council and one American expert, made available by the Ford Foundation. Besides these books from the special project of the Director General of Education, there are still a few textbooks available for the Senior High School, one set under the title of Creative English from P. T. Pustaka Ilmu, a branch of the Oxford University Press in Indonesia, one set under the title of Curriculum English from Times Educational Co. Ltd. and another set under the title of Penuntun Pelajaran Bahasa Inggris from the Indonesian Publishing house Ganesa Exact Bandung. I am not going to discuss these books or compare them with the books of the Government special project. They are in my opinion as good as the books of the Government Project only with different teaching materials, different approaches and different methods, but all within the curriculum determined by the Government. The Ministry of Education from time to time changes the curriculum of the schools on the basis of a new educational policy as part of the general policy of the Government. The last curriculum dated from 1984. It is clear that all textbooks have to be adjusted to the curriculum of the Ministry of Education. Besides the textbooks there are in general very few other teaching materials. Very few of the high schools have at their disposal a language laboratory and I have the impression that in many high schools even the necessary textbooks are lacking. Many schools depend on what is called book-packets, i.e. a number of books made available freely by the Ministry of Education to, especially, government schools. Usually there are not enough to meet the needs of the fast expansion of the high schools through the whole of Indonesia.

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I am of the opinion that one of the reasons for the low standard of Indonesian high school students is the lack of books. The number of books available in a school is not enough for every student to take his textbooks home for the preparation or repetition of the lesson. To buy their own book is for the great majority of Indonesian high school students an impossibility, not only because of the scarcity of bookshops outside the big cities, but even if there is one, it is usually very badly stocked. Moreover, the fast expansion of education has brought into the high schools a large number of children of the poor Indonesian families, for whom the buying of books is out of the question. I think it is necessary to say a few words about the economic situation of the average Indonesian as background to the low standard of Indonesian education in general and of the teaching of English in particular. The per capita income of Indonesia is around US$ 500 per year. For the great majority of the Indonesians in Central Java it is about half of that amount. In this connection the salaries of the civil servants and the wage of the simple workman are very low. The average teacher in a senior high school earns between US$ 60 and US$ 100 a month, on which he has to live with his family. It is clear that he uses every opportunity to increase his income by taking up as many teaching jobs as possible, not in one school but often in two or three or even four schools the same day or the same week. The result is that, in addition to the fact that his education at the Teacher Training College is not of the highest quality, he has no time to prepare his lessons, nor to improve his scholastic knowledge and capacity as a teacher. And add to these that in general, because of the lack of teachers and buildings, the number of students in a class is too high; 50 students in a class is not an exception. Put against this the condition of the average students of the average senior high school in the country. The expectations and ambitions of the parents are high in sending their children to the schools, which arise everywhere like mushrooms after tropical rain; they know that by giving their children school education, the road to progress is opened for their children as well as their community. I have described this atmosphere of expectation in one of the essays in my book Indonesia: Social and Cultural Revolution (Alisjahbana, 1968). But also the scholastic atmosphere is missing in the home, there are no books, magazines or newspapers. Thus the scholastic and cultural distance between the school and the home is still very large, while very often there are in the houses not enough space and light for the students to do their homework. In this situation, especially for the learning of the English language, there is no stimulating background where the result of the teaching can be practised and proved to be useful.

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In concluding this chapter I would like to highlight the impact of traditional culture on the total attitude, behaviour and ambition of the great majority of the Indonesian people. In the Dutch colonial time the Indonesians, especially the Javanese, which constitute about half of the population of Indonesia, were known as het zachtste yolk der aarde, the softest people on earth, with an attitude of elegant acceptance towards the harshness of day-to-day life, considerate towards their fellowman in the conviction that life on earth is only a short sojourn on the way from eternity to eternity. In this atmosphere the struggle of daily life is faced with relaxed stoic calmness. Dr Sri Mulyani Martania, a psychologist at the Gajah Mada University in Jogyakarta in Central Java, in her research of motivation among the students of the Senior High School in Jogyakarta, arrived at the conclusion that the motivation of the Indonesian students is much lower than that of the students of Chinese parentage. In my bimonthly visit to Balai Seni Toyabungkah on Lake Batur, in Bali, where the Headquarters of the International Association for Art and the Future is located, I usually ask the many visiting high school students about their marks in English in school. I have come to the conclusion that the achievements of the average students of Chinese parentage in English is higher than those of the average Indonesian students. It is clear that these differences have a deeper root in the life attitude of the culture. It is interesting to know that of the around 40,000 Indonesian students studying in America, Europe, Australia, etc. about 70 or 80% are of Chinese descent, although most of them carry Indonesian names. I have given attention to the cultural factors in order to realise that the result of the teaching of English does not only depend on the teaching methods, the teaching materials, etc. but is for a great part determined by the cultural tradition and life attitude of the community. In this sense the teaching of English is only a small aspect of the complex and intricate problem of social and cultural transformation, which has started in this country in the middle of this century. The Indonesian people have still a long way to go in this transformation from backwardness and an underdeve-loped state to the status of a full member of the community of advanced industrial countries on our shrinking planet. But let us not be too pessimistic. There is undoubtedly some progress in the spread of the English language and its teaching. The TV Republic Indonesia broadcasts every evening half an hour of news and features in English. It also gives regular English courses in its weekly programme. There are three English daily newspapers published in Jakarta with an

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increasing circulation. The English courses organised by the American, British and Australian embassies and cultural institutions attract more and more students, while in the big cities we witness the emergence of a growing number of private English courses, of which some have close links with well-known institutions of English language and have a future in Indonesia. But remember Rome was not built in a day! References ALISJAHBANA, S. TAKDIR 1968, Indonesia :Social and Cultural Revolution. Oxford: Oxford University Press.

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Comparative Data On The Thirteen Countries The following information is provided to assist readers wanting to make cross-comparisons. It must be emphasised, however, that considerations of space have forced us to provide only the briefest of outlines, and thus many of the differences that exist within a particular country are not taken account of. It is suggested that readers who wish for more detailed information write to the consular representatives of the countries concerned. England, Wales And Northern Ireland Population: England: 45,800,000; Wales: 2,700,000; Nth Ireland: 1,500,000 Number of people of non-Englishspeaking background: approx. 3,000,000 Official Language: English; English and Welsh in Wales Education System Organisation: Local Authorities School leaving age: 16 years Length of primary/elementary education: 6 years (in some areas middle schools for ages 9 to 13) Length of secondary education available: 7 years % of pupils completing final year of secondary education: approx. 20%* % of pupils attending non-state schools: 7% Position of English at primary/elementary level: Compulsory Adequacy of ESL assistance at primary/elementary level: Inadequate Position of English at secondary level: Compulsory to age 16 Courses available at secondary level: English Language and Literature; English Literature Adequacy of ESL provision at secondary level: Inadequate *A further 30% are in some form of part-time or full-time education in a College of Further Education.

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Teacher Education Basic qualifications required for primary/elementary teaching: Degree Additional requirements: B.Ed. Basic qualifications for secondary teaching: Degree Additional requirements for teachers of English: None. According to Kingman Report (1988), 28% of English classes are taught by non-specialists. Scotland Population: 5,250,000 Number of people of non-English-speaking background: approx. 50,000* Official Language: English * The 100,000 Gaelic speakers also have English as their native language Education System Organisation: Organised nationally School leaving age: 16 years Length of secondary education available: 6 years Position of English at primary/elementary level: Compulsory from age 5 Adequacy of ESL assistance at primary/elementary level: Barely adequate Position of English at secondary level: Compulsory to age 16 Courses available at secondary level: English Language and Literature Adequacy of ESL provision at secondary level: Barely adequate Teacher Education Basic qualifications required for primary/elementary teaching: Degree (since 1987-88) Additional requirements: One year at a College of Education ** Basic qualifications for secondary teaching: Degree Additional requirements for teachers of English: At least two years of undergraduate study in English; one year of postgraduate study at a College of Education. ** Unless the student has taken a concurrent academic/vocational B.Ed degree

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Republic Of Ireland Population: 3,543,000 Number of people of non-English-speaking background: approx. 100,000 Official Language: Irish (first official language); English Education System Organisation: Organised nationally School leaving age: 15 years Length of primary/elementary education: 8 years Length of secondary education available: 5-6 years % of pupils completing final year of secondary education: 61-70% Position of English at primary/elementary level: Compulsory from age 4 Adequacy of ESL assistance at primary/elementary level: Adequate Position of English at secondary level: Compulsory Courses available at secondary level: English Language and Literature; English Literature Adequacy of ESL provision at secondary level: Barely adequate Teacher Education Basic qualifications required for primary/elementary teaching: Degree Additional requirements: Diploma of Teacher Registration after teaching for a year. Basic qualifications for secondary teaching: Degree Additional requirements for teachers of English: Post-graduate Diploma Additional Note Under the auspices of a new state body, the National Council for Curriculum and Assessment, a radically revised English Syllabus will be initiated in the Junior Cycle of all second level schools in Ireland in September 1989. This new syllabus seeks to: a) Integrate all aspects of the 'subject' English. b) Ensure that pupils encounter language in a wide variety of forms and

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functions and participate in using them in meaningful oral and written contexts. c) Emphasise the development of concepts, skills, attitudes and responses in pupils rather than the acquisition of information. d) Give the fullest professional status to the teacher by involving him/ her in the choice of syllabus content and the planning of programmes. With this new open syllabus, English teaching in Ireland comes of age. Teachers have been empowered as educators in a challenging and liberating way and the future promises to be interesting, to say the least. USA Population: 300 million Number of people of non-English-speaking background: 10% Official Language: None, but English is the most commonly spoken language in the country. Education System Organisation: Elementary (ages 4-12), secondary (ages 12-17), post-secondary (ages 18+) School leaving age: 17 Length of primary/elementary education: 7-9 years depending on school district organisation. Length of secondary education available: 6-3 years depending on school district organisation. % of pupils completing final year of secondary education: 70% % of pupils attending non-state schools: 13% Position of English at primary/elementary level: Language arts are integrated within the school day; most often children have the same teacher all day Adequacy of ESL assistance at primary/elementary level: Increasing need for ESL teachers at this level Position of English at secondary level: English is generally taught as a separate subject in a separate class by someone certified as an English teacher Courses available at secondary level: Wide range depending on the school; sometimes a year-long period of general English study, other times in subject-specific classes (like creative writing, poetry, Shakespeare)

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Adequacy of ESL provision at secondary level: Increasing need for ESL teachers at this level Teacher Education Basic qualifications required for primary/elementary teaching: 4-5 years of university education with a major in elementary education Additional requirements: Most states require graduate work for certification renewal Basic qualifications for secondary teaching: 4-5 years of university education with a prescribed series of coursework in both English and pedagogy Additional requirements for teachers of English: Most states require graduate work for certification renewal. Canada Population: 25,300,000 Number of people of non-English-speaking background: 10,000,000 Official Languages: English and French Education System Organisation: Organised in terms of Provinces (i.e. States) School leaving age: 15 or 16, depending on the Province Length of primary/elementary education: 8 years Length of secondary education available: 4 years % of pupils completing final year of secondary education: 71-80% Position of English at primary/elementary level: Compulsory from Kindergarten upwards Adequacy of ESL assistance at primary/elementary level: Varies from Province to Province Position of English at secondary level: Compulsory except in Quebec Province Courses available at secondary level: English Language and Literature; separate Language and Literature courses; Canadian Literature Adequacy of ESL provision at secondary level: Varies from Province to Province Teacher Education Basic qualifications required for primary/elementary teaching: Degree

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Basic qualifications for secondary teaching: Degree Additional requirements for teachers of English: A major or minor in English; a postgraduate diploma for those whose degree is not the academic/vocational B.Ed. Australia Population: 16,248,000 Number of people of non-English-speaking background: approx. 2,500,000 Official Language: English Education System Organisation: Organised in terms of States and Territories School leaving age: 15 years (minor state variations) Length of primary/elementary education: 7 in some States, 8 in others Length of secondary education available: 5 or 6 years, depending on length of primary education % of pupils completing final year of secondary education: 41-50% % of pupils attending non-state schools: approx. 22% Position of English at primary/elementary level: Compulsory Adequacy of ESL assistance at primary/elementary level: Inadequate Position of English at secondary level: Optional in final year in some States Courses available at secondary level: Integrated language/literature at junior secondary level; wide State variations in senior years. Adequacy of ESL provision at secondary level: Barely adequate Teacher Education Basic qualifications required for primary/elementary teaching: 3-year diploma Basic qualifications for secondary teaching: Degree Additional requirements for teachers of English: Generally two years of undergraduate study in English; postgraduate diploma if student has not undertaken a concurrent academic/vocational B.Ed. degree. New Zealand Population: 3.34 million (latest estimate)

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Number of people of non-English-speaking background: 79,275 (from 1986 census) Official Languages: English and Maori Education System Organisation: The administration of early childhood, primary, secondary, technical and teacher education in New Zealand is governed by the Education Act 1964 and its amendments. This Act provides the main legal basis of the education system, and details the responsibilities of the Department of Education and the controlling authorities of state kindergartens and other early childhood centres, schools and tertiary institutions. There are also provisions in the Private Schools Conditional Integration Act 1975 which govern integrated schools. The powers and functions of the universities and the University Grants Committee are given legal authority in the Universities Act, 1961 and the separate Acts relating to each university. In addition there are some local Acts relating to individual secondary schools and some 25 Acts which have a bearing on education but which are administered by other Government Departments. Regulations are used to provide detailed sets of rules for particular areas. There are about 50 sets of these administered by the Department of Education. The Minister of Education has the responsibility of formulating education policy for the approval of Cabinet and Parliament. The Department of Education, responsible to the Minister, has varying degrees of responsibility for the 10 Education Boards, over 2,000 primary school committees, more than 200 secondary school controlling authorities, 22 polytechnics, 6 teachers' colleges, early childhood organisations and a large number of boards and committees appointed to oversee or advise on particular aspects of the system. Its functions extend over all levels of education from early childhood centres (kindergartens, playcentres, childcare centres, family playgroups) to the universities, and over private as well as public institutions. It shares its administrative responsibilities with other statutory bodies, some of which have been mentioned above, and a large number of voluntary agencies. Recent Government decisions as a result of a review of education administration in New Zealand will change this system and establish a Ministry of Education and individual Boards of Trustees for each learning institution as from 1 October 1989.

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School leaving age: 15 Length of primary/elementary education: 8 years Length of secondary education available: 5 years % of pupils completing final year of secondary education: 36% % of pupils attending non-state schools: primary: 2.68%; secondary: 5.1% Position of English at primary/elementary level: English is a required subject of study in the primary curriculum. It is also the medium of instruction in almost all schools Adequacy of ESL assistance at primary/elementary level: The Department of Education provides support through the English language and learning advisory service, through the services of inspectorate, and through the delivery of specialised programmes such as reading recovery. Position of English at secondary level: English is a required subject of study in the core curriculum of the New Zealand Secondary School Courses available at secondary level: A course in English based on the national syllabus and examination prescriptions is offered at each year level. School-based alternative courses may be offered at the upper secondary levels Adequacy of ESL provision at secondary level: Support is provided through the Department of Education's inspectors, through the advisory service, and through a network of resource personnel attached to teacher centres or in schools. Teacher Education Basic qualifications required for primary/elementary teaching: A New Zealand sixth form certificate, plus a threeyear course of teacher training Basic qualifications for secondary teaching: A three-year university degree, or equivalent, plus a course of teacher training Additional requirements for teachers of English: Specialised Tertiary study in English. West Indies (Antigua and Barbuda, Bahamas, Barbados, Belize, Dominica, Grenada, Guyana, Jamaica, Montserrat, St Kitts and Nevis, St Lucia, St Vincent and Grenadines, Trinidad and Tobago) Population: 5,200,000 Number of people of non-English-speaking background: For the majority the first language is an English-based or a French-based creole Official Language: English

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Education System Organisation: By Territory (see list above) School leaving age: 16 Length of primary/elementary education: 6 years (from age 5) Length of secondary education available: 6 years % of pupils completing final year of secondary education: 2% Position of English at primary/elementary level: Compulsory Position of English at secondary level: English Language compulsory Courses available at secondary level: English Language; English Literature Teacher Education Basic qualifications required for primary/elementary teaching: 2-year teacher's certificate Basic qualifications for secondary teaching: 2-year teacher's certificate; or Degree and one-year Diploma in Education Additional requirements for teachers of English: English Major. N.B. Not all teachers have teacher training. South Africa Population: 40,000,000 (including Bantustans) Number of people of non-English-speaking background: 36,000,000 Official Languages: English and Afrikaans Educational System Organisation: Organised nationally for blacks, Asians and so-called coloured. Organised regionally for whites School leaving age: 16 for whites; education not compulsory for other racial groups Length of primary/elementary education: 7 years Length of secondary education available: 5 years % of pupils completing final year of secondary education: No figures available (certainly below 20%) Position of English at primary/elementary levels: Compulsory for whites; becomes the medium of instruction for other racial groups in year level 5 if students so choose

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Adequacy of ESL assistance at primary/elementary level: Inadequate Position of English at secondary level: Compulsory for whites and for other racial groups who opt for English instruction at year level 5 Courses available at secondary level: English Language and Literature Adequacy of ESL provision at secondary level: Inadequate Teacher Education Basic qualifications required for primary/elementary teaching: 2 or 3 years diploma for non-white teachers; 4-year degree for whites Basic qualifications for secondary teaching: 2-year diploma for non-white teachers; Degree for whites Additional requirements for teachers of English: Varies according to racial group; generally English major for whites. Republic Of Singapore Population: 2,586,000 Number of people of non-English-speaking background: approx. 2,250,000 Official Languages: English, Malay, Mandarin, Tamil Education System Organisation: A national system School leaving age: 13 years Length of primary/elementary education: 6 years Length of secondary education available: 4-5 years % of pupils completing final year of secondary education: approx. 90% Position of English at primary/elementary level: Compulsory Adequacy of ESL assistance at primary/elementary level: Not available Position of English at secondary level: Compulsory Courses available at secondary level: English Language; English Literature Adequacy of ESL provision at secondary level: Not available Teacher Education Basic qualifications required for primary/elementary teaching: 'A' Levels at Higher School Certificate

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Additional requirements: Certificate Basic qualifications for secondary teaching: Degree Additional requirements for teachers of English: At least two years of undergraduate study of English; a postgraduate Diploma. Philippines Population: 57,356,000 Number of people of non-English-speaking background: 19,900,000* Official Language: Filipino *According to the last (1980) census, about 65% of the respondents claim to speak English; this therefore leaves about 35% as not knowing English (35% of the total population is 19,900,000). Education System Organisation: Organised nationally School leaving age: No official school leaving age Length of primary/elementary education: 6 years Length of secondary education available: 4 years % of pupils completing final year of secondary education: 42% % of pupils attending non-state schools: primary: 4%, secondary: 40% Position of English at primary/elementary level: Compulsory Adequacy of ESL assistance at primary/elementary level: More than adequate Position of English at secondary level: Compulsory Courses available at secondary level: English Language and Literature; English Language; British Literature; World Literature Adequacy of ESL provision at secondary level: More than adequate Teacher Education Basic qualifications required for primary/elementary teaching: Degree Additional requirements: Professional board examinations Basic qualifications for secondary teaching: Degree Additional requirements for teachers of English: English major. India Population: 770,000,000

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Number of people of non-English-speaking background: 748,000,000 Official Language: Hindi Education System Organisation: Organised on a State basis School leaving age: 16 years Length of primary/elementary education: 5 years Length of secondary education available: 7-8 years Position of English at primary/elementary level: Offered to a minority Position of English at secondary level: Compulsory Courses available at secondary level: English Language, English Language and Literature Teacher Education Basic qualifications required for primary/elementary teaching: Degree (B.Ed.) Basic qualifications for secondary teaching: Degree Additional requirements for teachers of English: Preferably an honours degree in English; sometimes 4-6 months' training in a state-run Institute of English. Republic Of Indonesia Population: 170,000,000 Number of people of non-English-speaking background: 170,000,000 Official Language: Indonesian Education System Organisation: Organised nationally School leaving age: 13 years Length of primary/elementary education: 6 years Length of secondary education available: 6 years % of pupils completing final year of secondary education: approx. 50% Position of English at primary/elementary level: Offered to a minority Position of English at secondary level: Compulsory Courses available at secondary level: English Language

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Teacher Education Basic qualifications required for primary/elementary teaching: Certificate Additional requirements: None Basic qualifications for secondary teaching: Two-year Diploma Additional requirements: Certificate or Diploma of Teacher Training Institute in English.

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Notes On Contributors Russell Aitken is Head of English at Waiopehu College, Levin, New Zealand. For 15 years prior to that he was in the Curriculum Division of the Department of Education, Wellington, where, among other responsibilities, he was director of the committee which revised the secondary school English curriculum. He has published many articles on the teaching of English. Sutan Takdir Alisjahbana is a major literary figure of the modern world. Now a venerable 78 years of age, he remains an active intellectual force in Indonesia. Rector of the private Universitas Nasional, he is noted for his work in literature, philosophy and linguistics. He is also a novelist and poet. His optimistic outlook is portrayed in the twist of fate that enabled Takdir to found the futuristic art centre, Toyabungkah Bali. On his way to attend the Conference on Social Change, his plane caught fire just before take-off at Rome Airport. He bailed out of the emergency door, fracturing his hip. The $50,000 he was paid for the injury was used to fund his Toyabungkah Centre in Bali. Takdir has studied and lectured in Germany, Holland, France and the United States. He was a Fellow at the Centre for Advanced Studies in the Behavioral Sciences, Stanford (1959-61) and the East-West Centre, Hawaii (1961-62). In 1963, he moved to Kuala Lumpur where he taught until his return to Indonesia in 1968. James Britton, MA, Hon.Ll.D, Emeritus Professor of Education and previously Head of the English Department, University of London Institute of Education. He is a former English teacher in British state schools and educational editor to John Murray, publishers. He was Director of the Schools Council Writing Research Unit, 1966-72 and was awarded an honorary doctorate by the University of Calgary in 1977 and the David H. Russell Award for Distinguished Research in the Teaching of English by the National Council of Teachers of English, USA. His publications include Language and Learning; The Development of Writing Abilities 11-18; Prospect and Retrospect; and English Teaching: An International Exchange. Tony Burgess, BA, Senior Lecturer in Education and formerly Chairperson, Joint Department of English and Media Studies, Institute of

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Education, University of London. Mr Burgess has worked as English teacher in British state secondary schools and as research officer on the development of writing and on language diversity. He is co-author of Understanding Children Writing, The Development of Writing Abilities, 11-18, and The Languages and Dialects of London Schoolchildren. Vince Catherwood is currently Curriculum Functions Manager in the Ministry of Education, Wellington, New Zealand. Before taking up that position, he taught English in secondary schools in Christchurch for fourteen years, and also taught at the University of Canterbury. He is an author of several texts for the teaching of English and has written articles on the same subject. He is chairperson of a syllabus committee developing a national English curriculum for the two senior levels of the New Zealand school system. He is also secretary of the New Zealand Association for the Teaching of English. Chua Seok Hong is Lecturer in the English Studies Department, Institute of Education, Singapore. Before joining the Institute she was, for almost three years, Specialist in Literature and Language Teaching at the Regional Language Centre (RELC), Singapore. Previous to that, she taught at a local junior college (Years 11 and 12) for three and a half years. S. K. Das, a distinguished teacher of English Language and Literature, attended Calcutta, London and Exeter Universities where he studied Literature and Linguistics. He was for many years the Head of the Department of English, Asutosh College, Calcutta and a member of the Department of English at St Xavier's College, Calcutta. Since 1969 he has been teaching English at the University of Calcutta and is at present the Head of the Department of English. Dr Das has contributed articles and reviews to many journals in India and abroad, delivered special lectures on literature and linguistics in many Indian universities, broadcast frequently on the All India Radio, conducted Summer Institutes in India, and Workshops in Sweden and Canada. He is the author of The Common Measure, Wordsworth on Imagination, Ancient and Modern, an edition of The Importance of Being Earnest, Teach Yourself (a manual on teaching methods) and two books of stories for children. He has also edited Nineteenth Century Studies, Technical English and Communication in English. Diana F. Davis has recently been appointed to the Foundation Chair of Language and Arts Studies in Education at the James Cook University of North Queensland, Australia. Prior to this appointment she was in charge of English Curricula Studies and Research in English Education at Monash University, Victoria, Australia. Professor Davis has undertaken a number

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of major research studies on behalf of the Australian Government and other agencies and has presented conference papers and published widely in the international arena. Kathleen Drayton, who is from Trinidad, is Senior Lecturer in the Faculty of Education of the University of the West Indies. She first taught English for seven years at secondary level in Edinburgh and for over 25 years has taught English and Education at the University of Science and Technology, Kumasi, Ghana; at Teachers' College and at the University in Guyana; and at the U.W.I. She has written many articles on various aspects of English teaching and has pioneered the introduction of Women's Studies in the University of the West Indies. Trevor J. Gambell is Professor of Curriculum Studies (English Education) at the University of Saskatchewan in Canada. He taught elementary and junior high school in Australia and Canada, and was an elementary school principal in Canada. He was co-editor (with Kathleen Whale) of From Seed to Harvest: Looking at Literature (Canadian Council of Teachers of English, 1985), and has published in Language Arts, English in Australia, English Quarterly, Canadian Journal of English Language Arts, Reading Canada Lecture, Canadian Journal of Education, and Educational Research Quarterly. Andrew Gonzalez, FSC received his PhD in linguistics from the University of California, Berkeley. He is President of De La Salle University and Executive Secretary of the Linguistic Society of the Philippines. He is editor of the Philippine Journal of Linguistics. He teaches Malayo-Polynesian linguistics and grammatical models in the Philippine Normal College-Ateneo de Manila University-De La Salle University Consortium for a PhD in Linguistics and Bilingual Education. A prolific writer, he has authored more than two hundred books, monographs and articles and reviews on such diverse subjects as theology, education, nationalism, Tagalog and Kapampangan phonology and grammar, language surveys and Philippine languages. He and his longtime friend Boni (Sibayan) share an obsession, the intellectualisation of Filipino. He was a visiting professor at Waseda University, Tokyo. His book Language and Nationalism: The Philippine Experience Thus Far (Ateneo de Manila University Press, 1981) is considered the definitive book on the subject. Hilary Janks has been a lecturer in English Education at the University of the Witwatersrand, Johannesburg, South Africa, since 1977. She worked as a teacher and head of the English Department at a girls' private school and for a short while at a British comprehensive school. Her current

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research is on the relationship between language and power in the South African context. Nan Johnson is an Associate Professor of English at the University of British Columbia. Her teaching and research interests are in rhetorical theory, composition theory, and the history of rhetorical practice and education. She is the author of several articles on the history of composition instruction in Canada and the rhetorical tradition in North America which have appeared in English Quarterly, Rhetoric Review and College English. John Killeen is Head of English at St Patrick's College, Drumcondra, Dublin where he has taught for the past 25 years. He has edited textbooks at both primary and secondary levels and contributed articles to various publications on aspects of the teaching of English in Irish elementary schools. He is President of the Children's Literature Association of Ireland. Nancy Martin, BA and MA, University of London. Former Reader in Education and Head of the English Department at the University of London Institute of Education. A member of the Schools Council Writing Research Unit (1966-72) and Director of its Development Project, Writing Across the Curriculum (1971-76), she has been visiting professor at Rutgers College, the Universities of Western Australia and Calgary, New York University and the University of Maine. Publications include (co-authored with colleagues) Writing and Learning Across the Curriculum; The Development of Writing Abilities, 11-18; Understanding Children Talking; Mostly About Writing; What goes on in English Lessons Case Studies from Government Schools in Western Australia; and The Word for Teaching is Learning (1988). Tom Mullins is a College Lecturer in Education at University College, Cork, Ireland. He taught in a secondary school for twelve years and then for five years in a College of Education. He has published numerous essays in journals concerned particularly with approaches to literature in the classroom, e.g. The Need for Narrative, In Praise of Oral Literature, and Lost in a Book. At present he is involved as a Research Officer in English with the National Council for Curriculum and Assessment in Ireland. David Northcroft is Head of the Language Department, Northern College of Education, Aberdeen and Dundee, Scotland. He was a teacher in Aberdeen for five years before joining the staff of the College in 1971, initially as a lecturer in English. He has been involved in curriculum development at Secondary level (ages 12-18) throughout Scotland, both as a long-term member of the national Consultative Committee on the Curriculum and as an organiser of in-service activity in the northern half of the country. He is author of HearSay (SCDS, Edinburgh, 1984) and a

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frequent contributor to a range of professional journals, especially Teaching English, the periodical for teachers of the subject in Scotland. Jonathan Paton is a Senior Lecturer in Education in the Department of English at the University of the Witwatersrand in Johannesburg, South Africa. He was a secondary teacher at schools in Natal for five years before joining the University of the Witwatersrand. He has recently completed a book called The Land and People of South Africa, which will be published by Harper and Row Junior Books, New York, during 1989. Elody Rathgen is Senior Lecturer in English at the Christchurch Teachers' College. She had been a secondary English teacher prior to that for 15 years. She is President of the New Zealand Association for the Teaching of English, and a member of the International Federation. Sam Robinson is Associate Dean, College of Education, University of Saskatchewan, in Canada. He taught elementary and secondary English Language Arts for ten years in the provinces of Saskatchewan and Alberta and has been involved in teacher education in Nova Scotia and Saskatchewan for fifteen years. He has been involved with the Ministry of Education in curriculum reform for the province and is the senior editor of a junior high language arts textbook which is used throughout Canada. Linda Shadiow is the Associate Executive Director for Administration and Services at the Centre for Excellence in Education at Northern Arizona University in Flagstaff, Arizona where she is also an Associate Professor of English and of Secondary Education. She has taught English in three states at levels ranging from junior high school to graduate school. Currently she is serving a three-year term as the director of the Commission on the English Curriculum for the National Council of Teachers of English. Robert E. Shafer is Professor of English at Arizona State University where he works primarily in the field of English Education. He has been Vice-President of the National Council of Teachers of English in the United States and founded its International Assembly in 1976. He is the author of numerous articles and books on the teaching of English in the USA and various other countries and has most recently returned after a 43-year absence to lecture on the Teaching of English in the People's Republic of China. Bonifacio P. Sibayan started as a barrio school teacher teaching grades 1 and 2 in 1933. After 'rising from the ranks' in the public schools he retired after nine years as president of the Philippine Normal College in 1981. Realising the importance of language in education, he enrolled in a programme on linguistics and education (under a Rockefeller Foundation

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fellowship) at the University of Michigan, Ann Arbor, where he received his PhD. He has done research and written widely on school curricula, bilingual education, language teaching, language and identity and socioeconomic development, language surveys and sociolinguistics. He is a pioneer in the sub-speciality of language planning in which he has gained an international reputation. One of his obsessions is the intellectualisation of Filipino, a subject he has been working on during the past twenty years. He is Professor Emeritus of Linguistics and Education at PNC and President Emeritus of the Linguistic Society of the Philippines of which he is a founding member. He founded the Language Study Centre of the Philippine Normal College in 1964 and co-founded the Philippine Normal College-Ateneo de Manila University-De La Salle University Consortium. John S. Simmons is a Professor of English Education and Reading at Florida State University in Tallahassee, Florida. He taught junior and senior high school English from 1957 to 1962 at the University High School, University of Minnesota and has been a member of the Florida State faculty since that time. He is the co-author of Reading by Doing (National Textbook Co., 1987, 2nd ed.) and The Short Story and You (National Textbook Co., 1986). He is past programme chair, Conference on English Education (NCTE, 1968) and past chair, International Assembly on the Teaching of English (NCTE, 1984-86). Laurie Walker is an Associate Professor in Education at the University of Lethbridge, Alberta. He taught English in schools in England and Alberta, and reading in the province of Newfoundland and Labrador. His major research project is a history of grammar teaching in Canada, New Zealand and Australia. Ken Watson is Senior Lecturer in Education at the University of Sydney, Australia. He was for nineteen years a teacher of English in secondary schools in New South Wales, the Australian Capital Territory and England. He is the author of English Teaching in Perspective, co-editor of English Teaching from A to Z, and has written numerous articles on aspects of English teaching. He has been a Visiting Professor at Michigan State University and Visiting Fellow at Corpus Christi College, Cambridge.

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Index A Abrahams, Roger D. 205 Accountability 4, 34, 53, 56-8, 153 -USA 110-14, 116-18, 122, 124 Accreditation, New Zealand 177 Accuracy 254 Achievement standards 98-9, 107, 118, 120-1, 135-6, 162, 290, 299-301 Acquisition, language 14, 160, 233 Active Communicative Teaching 261-2 Adams, Anthony 31 Adler, Carol 190, 194 Adler, Mortimer J. 121 Afrikaans, as medium of instruction 229-30, 235 Age, school leaving 11, 46, 50, 62n., 67 Aguilar, Jose V. 280 Aitken, Russell 175-98, 181 Alisjahbana, S. Takdir 315-27 Allen, Harold 102 Allerton Park Conference 103-4 Alleyne, Mervyn C. 208, 210-11 Alm, Richard 105-6 Althusser, L. 201 D'Anglejan, Alison 233 Arasaratnam, S. 252 Argyle, M. 182 Armstrong, Michael 31 Arts in the Curriculum, The (Ireland) 83 Ashton-Warner, Sylvia 190, 191 Assembly on Literature for Adolescents 96, 125 Assessment -by teacher 4-5, 39, 41, 43, 52, 54-5, 60, 86, 164, 186-90, 217-21 -central control 9, 34, 50, 60-1, 67, 172, 176-7, 187 -criterion-referenced 51, 54-5 -England 11-12, 16 -goal-based 164 -national program 113-14, 218-19 - Scotland 39 Association of Teachers of English (Ireland) 79-81, 85 Associations of Teachers of English, West Indies 216-17

Atwood, Margaret 145 Augier, F.R. & Gordon, Shirley T. 201 Australia -Aboriginal children 152, 156, 165-6 -cultural and political context 151-4 -current problems 168-72 -ESL children 156, 164-5 -research 166-8 -senior secondary level 152, 163-4 -1945-60 154-6 -1960s 156-8, 163 -1970s 158-63 Australian Association for the Teaching of English 157 Australian Council for Educational Standards 162 Awareness, language 32, 137 B Back to basics movement -Australia 161-3, 172 -Canada 135-6, 146 -USA 111, 114-18, 122-4 Banerjee, G.C. 302 Bantu Education Act 228, 229-30 Barnes, D., Britton, J. & Rosen, H. 26 Barnes, Dorothy 31 Barnes, Douglas 17, 30, 31, 58 Barrows, David P. 270

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Barrs, Myra 31 Basic Learning in Primary Schools (Australia) 153, 168 Bell, Gordon 205 Bell, Terrel H. 120-1 Benton, Michael 30 Bernstein, Basil 17, 24 Bestor, Arthur 91 Biaggini, E.G. 154 Bickerton, Derek 210 Bickley, V.C. 249, 254 Bilingualism -Australia 165 -Canada 133-4 -effects 69-70, 290-1 -New Zealand 184, 196-7 -Philippines 279, 285-91, 292 -Singapore 250, 253-4, 258-61, 262-3 -UK 32-3 -West Indies 213-15 Birch, Peter 76-7 Black Papers 9-10, 26-8, 162 Bloom, David 250, 264 Bolt, S. & Gard, R. 18-19 Boomer, Garth 159-61, 172 Boswell, William, et al. 141 Braddock, Richard, Lloyd-Jones, David & Schoer, Lowell 105 Britton, James 1-6, 10, 14, 16, 18, 20-2, 24, 26-9, 31, 58, 122, 126-7, 140, 160 Brooks, Sheila 144 Brunet, Jerome S. 98, 101-3, 108, 110 Bullock Report (England) 14, 15, 27-8, 29, 34, 162, 185 Burgess, Tony 7-35 Burton, Dwight 102, 104, 107 Butler Education Act 8, 18 C Callaghan, James 9 Cambourne, Brian 166-7 Canada -French in 3, 133-4 -geographical context 131, 132, 133-4 -language education 135-40 -literature education 4, 142-6

-professional development 132-3, 134 -reading education 146-8 -whole language movement 4, 133, 137-40, 148 -writing education 140-2 Canadian Council of Teachers of English 132-3, 145 Caribbean Association of Teachers of English 217 Caribbean Development Education Project 215-16 Caribbean Examinations Council 213-15, 217-21, 222 Carrington, Lawrence D. 205, 208, 213-14 Carrington, Lawrence D. & Borely, C.B. 205-6, 215 Cassidy, Frederic 210 Cassirer, Ernst 20-1 Catherwood, Vince 175-98 Censorship 106, 145, 169, 237, 240-1, 244-5 Central Committee, Scotland (CCC) 45-50, 60 Centralisation 8, 50-1, 56-7, 59, 152-3, 171, 227 Centre of Information for the Teaching of English (Scotland) 45-6, 61 Certificate of Secondary Education (England) 11-12, 15-16, 34 Chall, Jeanne 30, 147 Chelliah, D.D. 250 Chinese, in Singapore 251-2, 254, 263, 266n. Chirnside, A. 46-7 Chomsky, Noam 24, 104-5, 110 Chorny, Merron 132 Christie, Frances 160 Christie, Michael 165 Christie, Pauline 208 Chua Seok Hong 249-66 Class, social 33, 152-3, 202-3, 219, 221-2 Clay, Marie 30, 168, 190, 192-3 Clegg, Alex 18 Coates, K. & Silburn, R. 25 Cognition -development 22, 139 -and language 14, 20, 29, 178 -and literature 20-1 College Entrance Examination Board (USA) 98-9, 107 Committee of Experts (India) 302

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Communication, -non-verbal 183-4 see also language, communication-Oriented approach Competence 24, 52, 60, 67, 81, 182, 292 -communicative 236, 286-7 Composition 95-6, 100, 102, 107-8, 109, 119-20, 140-2, 155, 193-4 see also writing Comprehension, reading 11, 69-70, 73, 155-6, 206, 212 Computer assisted language learning 262 Connolly, I. 77, 79 Consultants -Australia 159-60, 163, 166, 171 -Singapore 261, 262 Context, of language use 12, 24, 69, 71, 158 Cook, Caldwell 154 Cook, Ramsay 144 Corbett, Edward P.J. 142 Corcoran, T.J. 75 Council for Basic Education (USA) 90-1, 96, 117, 120 Cox, David 222n. Craig, Dennis R. 205, 213-14 Creativity, role 12, 57-8, 109, 141, 143, 180, 191, 212 Creber, J. Patrick 19 Creole, status 3, 204-7, 208-11, 213-14, 220-2 Criticism, literary 12-13, 20, 143, 145, 164, 306 Croston, Kenneth 210 Crowther Report (England) 13 Crystal, David 25 Cuban, Larry 123-4 Culture -Aboriginal 152 -working class 13, 18, 44 Currey, George 203 Curriculum, -aims-and-objectives approach 51-4, 57, 110-12, 118 -central control 2, 5, 8-9, 27-8, 34, 50-4, 61, 67-9, 117, 153, 176-7, 324 -development 16-20, 45-9, 59-60, 68-9, 79-80, 100-1, 144, 180-90, 213, 214-20, 261-2 -elective approach 113, 117 -and examinations 11-12, 16, 47-8, 50-2, 85, 109, 176-8, 195, 211-13 -experiments 82, 107 -information-based 135-9, 140-1, 154-6, 158

-local control 7-8, 47-8, 52, 61 -sequential 102-3 -spiral 101, 102, 103, 110 -Study Centres (USA) 98, 100-3 -teacher involvement 8-14, 16, 19, 60, 74, 79, 84, 86, 171, 195, 214-15 -tri-component model 98, 102, 103, 106-8, 110, 112, 135 see also genre approach; theme approach Curriculum Development Centre (Australia) 153, 161, 166, 168, 171 Curriculum Development Service (Scotland) 61 Curriculum Development Unit of Singapore 261 Curriculum and Examinations Board (Ireland) 82-5 Currie, William 23 Cutteridge, 206-7 Czerniewska, Pam 25 D Darnell, George 203 Dartmouth Seminar 19, 29, 49, 100, 108-10, 126, 158-61, 170 -effects 2, 110-17, 144, 151, 156, 180 Das, S.K. 297-314 Dashwood-Jones, Donald 136-7 David, Diana 166 Davidson, William & Alcock, J.C. 212 Davis, Diana 151-73 Davis, Diana & Spearritt, Donald 166 De Buitleir, S. 66 De Lange Report 230 De Lautour, C.R. 183 De Souza, Dudley P. 250-1 De Valera, Eamonn 75-6 Decoding, reading as 147 Delves, Tony 157 Delves, Tony & Tickell, Gerry 157 Demonstration classes 278, 281 Deprivation, language 25-6, 33 Derrick, June 17 Desegregation, racial 96-7, 99

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Development, language 28, 29, 58, 81, 109, 166, 170, 181, 191 Development, personal -Australia 157-9, 164 -Canada 140-2 -Ireland 85 -New Zealand 181, 183 -Scotland 4, 39-41, 43, 46-9, 52-4, 56-8, 60 -South Africa 237 -USA 98, 108 Devonish, Hubert 219 Dewey, John 93-4, 207 Dialects, status 3, 32, 33, 114-15, 214, 234 Dictation 68, 206, 254 Diversity, linguistic 3, 26, 27, 32-3, 115, 134, 196 Dixon, John 19, 30, 31, 58, 108, 156, 158-9 Dixon, John, Stratta, Leslie & Clements, Simon 18, 29 Domains, language 191, 263, 271, 274, 277, 291 Domination, cultural 226, 231, 232-3 Donelson, Ken 106, 112 Donoghue, Denis 80 Doughty, Peter 23, 24 Drafting 31, 164 Drama 71, 79, 86, 154, 241-2, 262, see also improvisation Drayton, Kathleen 200-22 Druce, Robert 18 Drucker, Peter 301 Dunning Committee 50-1, 58-9 E Eagleson, Robert D., Kaldor, Susan & Malcolm, Ian 165 Early Literacy In-Service Course (Australia) 153-4, 168 Early, Margaret 111 Education, -Apartheid in 226-7, 232-3 -community school movement 280 -comprehensive, England 9-10, 11, 17-20, 26-8 Ireland 74, 78 Scotland 44-5, 49-50 -primary Australia 153-5, 159-60 Ireland 66-73

New Zealand 177, 178-80 Philippines 271, 286-7 Singapore 250, 254-5, 260-1 South Africa 229-30 West Indies 202, 206-7, 215 -private 12, 73, 152-3, 227, 283, 290 -secondary, Australia 152, 154, 155-6, 163-4 Indonesia 320-2, 325 Ireland 73-86 New Zealand 176-7, 180-90 Scotland 50-2 Singapore 251, 255-6, 261 USA 90, 111 West Indies 202, 207, 211-13 -for South African blacks 228-32, 233-4, 235, 236-8 -vocational 4, 27, 57, 74, 78, 239-40 Education Act (1988) 8, 34 Education for All American Youth 90 Education Departments, England 7 -Ireland 67-9, 72, 79, 82-3 -Scotland 40, 41-2, 45, 48, 49, 59-61 -South Africa 226-7, 236-7, 239, 242, 244-5 Education and Training Act (South Africa) 230 Egalitarianism, in education 8-10, 40-1, 154 Elley, Warwick 190, 191-2 Eloquence 204 Empowerment, through learning 56, 124-6 England -1945-60 10-15 -1960-70 15-26 -1970-90 26-35 English -'Arneow' 270 -Indian 312-14 -as international language 317-19 -as language of wider communication 257-9, 292 -as medium of instruction 229-31, 233, 235, 258, 270, 281, 292 -'new' 288 -resistance to 201, 222 -for Specific Purposes 284, 285, 287,

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288-90 -Standard 28, 32, 44, 204, 207 -Standard American 288, 317-18 -Standard Filipino 288 -Standard Singapore 259, 263-4, 265-6 -Standard South African 234 -West Indian 3, 204-5 English Education, Conference on 104 English, as L2 -in Australia 156, 164-5 -in Canada 145 -in England 17, 32-3 -in India 310 -in the Philippines 281-4 -in Singapore 251, 253 -in South Africa 226, 229-33, 235, 237 -in West Indies 213-14 English Language Arts 91-2, 94 Errors, correction 68, 71 Examinations -external 48, 57, 73-4 See also assessment; curriculum, and examinations Experience, of language 135 Experience, in learning -Australia 158 -Canada 146 -England 12, 13, 28 -in Ireland 65, 80 -New Zealand 190 -Scotland 40, 44, 49, 53-4 -USA 94, 109 -West Indies 206 F Fisher, John H. 107 Fishman, Joshua 263 Flower, F.D. 182 Fox, Geoff 30 Franklin, Phyllis 125 Freedom and Discipline in English 107-8 Fries, Charles C. 95 Frost, Robert 89-90

Froude, J.J. 204 Frye, Northrop 143-4 Functions, language 14, 15, 23-4, 28-9, 236, 237 G Gambell, Trevor 131-48 Garvin, P.L. 264 Gender, equality 197-8 General Certificate of Education (England) 12, 34, 255 General Certificate of Secondary Education (England) 34-5 Genre approach 93, 146, 170 Gerber, John 97 Gleason, H. A. 102 Goh Report 258, 259-60, 261 Goldberg, Mark F. 120 Gonzalez, Andres B. 269-93 Goodacre, Elizabeth 30 Goodenough, Warwick 163 Goodlad, John 122-3 Goodman, Ken & Yetta 30, 111, 147 Gopinathan, S 258, 266n. Grammar, -advocated 78, 93, 94, 107, 114, 122, 135-8, 146, 203-4, 209, 254, 261, 272 -decline in teaching 13-14, 28, 34, 44, 80, 157, 210, 236 -structural/descriptive 95, 105, 136-8 -systemic 23-4 -transformational-generative 103, 105, 108, 114-15, 137-8, 191 -and writing skills 13, 115-16, 157, 175-6, 191-2 Grammars, new 1, 4, 13-14 Graves, Donald 119-20, 122, 169, 196 Gray, James 120 Gray, William S. 147 Griffiths, Denis 16 Group Certificate (Ireland) 74 Group work 49, 122, 157, 181, 238 Growth, see development, personal Gutteridge, Don 144 Guyana, Univerity 211, 216 Gzowski, Peter 136 H Hale, Alice 144 Halliday, Michael 16, 20, 22-4, 27, 28, 29, 160 Hamilton, L.D. 135 Hannan, Bill 157, 164

Harding, D.W. 20 Hatfield, Wilbur 94 Heathcote, Dorothea 113

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Hester, Hilary 17 Higher Leaving Certificate (Scotland) 48, 62n. Higher School Certificate (Australia) 164, 168 Hiley, Richard 203-4 Hillocks, George 113 Hindi, as national language 301-3 Hodgetts Report 131 Hogben, George 175-6 Holbrook, David 12, 157 Holdaway, Don 30 Holman, J.W. 245 Holmstrom, David 120 Hook, J.N. 91, 97, 104 Hourd, Marjorie 12, 18 Hunt, Kellogg W. 115 Hydrick, Janie 126 Hymes, Dell 213, 286 I Identity -cultural 227-8, 260, 266 -national 3-4, 144-6, 152, 184, 252, 254, 259, 291 Immersion programmes 3, 133-4, 233, 269, 279 Imperialism, and language 4, 201-3, 207, 243 Improvisation, dramatic 5, 113, see also drama India -current situation 299-301, 306-7 -early history of English use 297-9 -new proposals 310-14 -politics and English use 301-4 -three-language formula 302-4, 304-6 -universities 299-300, 307-10 Indians, North American 3, 134 Indonesia -and English as international Language 317-19 -English teaching 319-22 -language 315-17 -literature 319 -staff and students 322-7 Input, of English 233-4, 262, 287 Inspectorate, -Ireland 66, 68, 70, 72, 85

-Scotland 42, 46-7, 51, 53, 60 Institutionalisation of language 263-4 Intellectualisation of language 271, 274 Intelligence testing 11, 209-10 Interaction, classroom 2, 109, 134, 140, 181, 262 Intermediate Certificate (Ireland) 73, 75-6, 78, 79, 85 International Federation for the Teaching of English 2, 19, 61 Inuit 134 Investment in Education (Ireland) 67, 78, 82 Ireland 65-86 Irish Celtic 3, 65-7, 75-6 Irrelevance, of schooling 116-17 J Jackson, Bill 49 Jackson, David 31 Jakobson, Roman 29 Janks, Hilary 226-47 Jenkins, Elwyn 244 Johnson, Ian 288 Johnson, Janet 218 Johnson, Lyndon B. 3, 99 Johnson, Nan 131-48 K Kegler, Stanley B. 102, 104 Kennedy, John F. 3, 99 Keppel, Francis 113-14 Killeen, John 65-86 Kingman Committee 34 Kinneavy, James 142 Kitzhaber, Albert 102 Kothari, D.S. 304 Kozol, Jonathan 116 Kramer, Dame Leonie 169 Krashen, Stephen 233, 287 Kuhl, Herbert 116 Kunzru Committee (India) 301 Kuo, Eddie C.Y. 259 L Laboratory, language 283-4, 324 Labov, William 25, 33, 114-15 Lamming, George 207 Language -across the curriculum 26, 27, 30, 31, 33, 81, 161, 179, 236

-communication-oriented approach 57, 72, 84, 138, 183, 236, 262, 285-91

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-experiential learning model 135, 139-40 -participant role 20-1, 29 -and society 24 -Spectator role 20-1, 29 -structural approach 94-5, 164 -theory-into-practice model 135-9 -whole language movement 4, 133, 139-40, 148 see also cognition; communication, non-verbal Language in the Curriculum (Ireland) 72-3, 83 Language Development Project (Australia) 160-1, 163 Laurence, Margaret 145 Leacock, Stephen 131 Learning, negotiated 140, 161 Leaving Certificate, -Ireland 73, 75-6, 78-80, 82, 83, 86 -Scotland 42-3 Leavis, F.R. 12, 19, 20, 173n. Lee Kuan Yew 257 Lerner, L.D. 312-13 Levine, Josie 17 Lewis, C.S. 173n. Linehan, Brian 80 Linguistics -Caribbean 200, 210-11, 213 -debates over 114-16 -in India 301, 312 -and literature 22-4, 28, 102, 113 -and speech 29-30, 284 -for teachers 14, 16, 23, 100 Listening, skills 52, 54, 60, 85, 109, 170, 180 Literacy -critical 31 -emergent 148 -as enabling 60, 93 -needs 99-100 -through literature 168 Literature 3-4 -Australian 4, 155 -Black 112 -book reports approach 93 -for children 96, 103, 108, 112, 126, 144, 146

-choice 13, 106, 143-4, 194-5, 240-1 -cultural heritage model 144-5 -and elitism 12-13, 239-40, 241, 256 -and experience 109 -explication de texte approach 96, 105, 110 -Gallery approach 169 -and language 21-2, 75, 217-18, 312-13 -as language skill 57, 256 -marginalisation 168 -minority 112 -multicultural 145 -neglect 83, 84-5 -reader-response approach 105-6, 143-4 -role 20-1, 33, 40, 52, 56, 65, 72-3, 101 -set texts 65, 218 -workshop approach 169 see also reading Llamzon, Teodor A. 288 Lodge, Helen 106 London Association for the Teaching of English 10-11, 26 Lynch, James & Evans, Bertrand 91 M McCarron, J.W. 287-8 Mackaness, George 154, 155 MacKay, David & Thompson, Brian 24 McKenzie, Malcolm 232 McLeod, Alex 16, 31 Macnamara, J. 67, 69-70 McRae, David 164 Magazines, school 154-5 Malay -in Indonesia 316-17 -in Singapore 251-2, 253-4, 257, 266n. Maloney, Henry 111 Mandel, Eli 144 Maori children 3, 182, 184-5, 196-7 Maori writers 195, 196 Martin, Nancy 7-35, 140 Martin, Nancy, et al. 28, 162 Materials, teaching -Australia 157-8 -India 310 -Indonesia 322-7

-Ireland 73, 79 -New Zealand 176-7, 194-5

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-Philippines 271-2, 275-7, 286-8 -Singapore 262 -USA 99, 102-3, 112 -West Indies 215-16 see also readers Matthews, James 246 Mayher, J.S. 140, 170 Media, and language development 184, 190 Medway, Peter 31 Meek, Margaret Spencer 30 Mellon, John 115 Memorisation 67, 71, 78, 206, 272, 278 Menyuk, Paula 159 Methodology 43-4, 46-9, 57-8, 68, 213, 310-11 -aural/oral 282-4, 285, 291 -conservative approach 91-2, 93 -critical analysis 145, 218 -Direct 254-5, 272, 280 -experimental approach 52 -grammar analysis 272, 278, 280-1 -life-adjustment approach 90-1, 93 -pragmatic approach 93-4 -task-centred approach 84 -'Text and Test' approach 82 -topic/project-based 47, 48-9, 52 -Unit/Morrisonian 278 Miller, Jane 30-1 Minorities, indigenous 134, 165-6 Mitchell, W.O. 145 Mittins, Bill 17 Moag, Rodney 263-4 Modern Language Association (USA) 96-7, 99, 103, 125 Moffett, James 113, 122, 124 Monroe Survey Commission 275-6, 277, 281 Morris, Joyce 30 Mother tongue, in education 3, 15, 72-3, 197, 228, 229-31, 235, 270 Moyne Report 200, 208-9, 216 Mphahlele, Es'kia 244 Muller, H.J. 19 Mullins, Tom 65-86 Multiculturalism 33-4, 236

Munn Committee 50-1, 58-9 Murdoch, James 215 Murphy, D.J. 81 N National Assessment of Education Progress 113-14, 117-19 National Association for the Teaching of English (UK) 10-11, 15, 19-20, 25, 99 National Committee on English Teaching (Australia) 153, 160-1, 166 National Council of Teachers of English (USA) 91-2, 94, 96-7, 99, 103-7, 111, 114-15, 117-19, 122, 124-5 National Defense Act institutes 97, 106-7, 110 National Education Crisis Committee (South Africa) 231-2, 238 National Interest and the Teaching of English, The 99-100 National Writing Project, USA 120, 126 Nay-Brock, Paul 154, 161 Ndebele, Njabulo 4, 231, 234, 237 Neatby, Hilda 135 Needs, learner 55, 57-8, 61, 69, 79, 108, 142, 156, 185, 219 New Zealand -early liberalism 175-6 -literature 4, 180, 194-5 -post-war years 176-8 -primary education 177, 178-80 -research and writing 190-4 -secondary education 176-7, 180-90 -textbooks and teaching 194-5 New Zealand Association for the Teaching of English 195-8 New Zealand Writing Project 196 Newsome, Bernard 16, 159 Newsome Report (England) 13 Nicholson, Tom 194 Nixon, Richard 110-11, 117-18 North Mayo Project 82 Northcroft, David 4, 39-63 Noss, Richard B. 262-4, 266n. Novel, junior 96, 103, 108, 112 O Oakeshott, Michael J. 20 Obscenity rulings 106, 145 Observation, classroom 5, 59 O'Hare, Frank 116 Olson, Paul 102

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Oracy 16, 30, 71-2, 78, 81, 85, 109, 112-13, 162, 182 Orata, Pedro 284 Osias, Camilo 272, 277 Otanes, Fe. T. 286-7 P Parsing 203 Participation and Equity Program (Australia) 153 Pascasio, Emy M. 287-8 Pathways Project, Australia 170 Paton, Alan 244 Paton, Jonathan 226-47 People's Education 231-2 Perera, Catherine 31 Performance 139 Peters, R.S. 240 Philippines -literature 275, 277 -University 270, 277 -1898-1925 269-76 -1925-35 276-8 -1935-50 278-81 -1950-74 281-5 -1974-87 285-93 Phillips, A.S. 216 Phonics 147, 168 Piaget, Jean 113 Piper, Kevin 162 Platt, J.T. 259 Poetry 71, 78-9, 156, 218, 242-3, 256, 278 Policy -educational 26-8, 33, 226-7, 253-60, 262-3 -language 201-5, 208, 213, 219, 221-2, 229-31, 270, 279-80, 284-5, 310 Pollard, Velma 214 Pooley, Robert C. 95 Postman, Neil & Weingartner, Charles 116 Prator, Clifford 282 Pride, John B. 288 Primary School Certificate Examination (Ireland) 67 Professionalism 2-3, 6, 8, 15, 45-6, 59-61, 74, 195-6 Protherough, Robert 31 Psycholinguistics 147-8, 168

Purves, Alan C. 191 Pym, Dora 12, 18 Q Quirk, Randolph 288 R Rao, V.K.R.V. 299-300 Rathgen, Elody 175-98 Ravitch, Diane 118 Read, Sir Herbert 190 Readers 67, 69, 71, 73, 111, 125-6, 154-5, 175 Reading -aims 175 -aloud 255 -failure 192-3 -as guessing 147-8 -to learn 65, 70-1 -and literature 30-1 -silent 277 -skills 54, 65, 111, 147 -teaching 30, 111, 146-8, 168, 179, 192, 277-8 -whole-word approach 147 see also comprehension Reading and English Acquisition Programme (Singapore) 261 Reading Recovery 192-3 Ready to Read series 179-80 Reagan, Ronald 120, 123 Regional Language Centre (Singapore) 259-60 Registers, language 24, 180 Reid, Ian 169 Reid, Jane 239-40, 241-3, 245 Relevance 47, 48, 56, 79, 158 Report of the Advisory Council on Education in Scotland on Secondary Education 39-44, 56 Research 16-17, 35, 159-60, 166-8 see also teacher, as researcher Revised Programme for National Schools (Ireland) 66 Rhetoric 14, 142, 204, 312 Rice, Frank 102 Richards, 19, 20 Richardson, Elwyn 191 Right to Read movement 106, 111 Roberts, Paul 95, 104-5, 114 Roberts, Peter 204, 205, 208 Robinson, Sam 131-48

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Rohlehr, Gordon 204-5 Rose, Brian & Tunmer, Raymond 227-9 Rosen, Connie 31 Rosen, Harold 16, 25, 26, 31, 33, 58 Rosenblatt, Louise 20, 105-6 Ross, Frank E. 89 Rothery, Joan 170 Russell, David H. 104 S Sadler, R., Hayllar, T. & Powell, C. 162 Sandmann, Manfred 210 School Certificate examination (New Zealand) 177-8, 186-90, 192 Schools Council (UK) 9, 15-16, 17, 19-20, 22-3, 25, 29, 31, 35 Schumann, John 232 SCOPE project 17 Scotland -1945-65, 39-44 -1965-75, 44-9 -1975-85, 49-55 Segregation, in education 226-9, 232-3 Selection 9, 11, 41, 62n., 210 Selvon, Samuel 207 Sentence analysis 137, 212, 278 Sentence Combining 115-16, 138 Shadiow, Linda K. 89-127 Sharer, Robert E. 89-127 Shakespeare, William 212, 241-2, 256 Sharp, Derrick 31 Sheehan, J. 77 Shuy, Roger 25, 160 Sibayan, Bonifacio P. 269-93 Silberman, Charles 116 Simmons, John S. 89-127 Singapore -1819-1941, 249-52 -1945-65, 252-7 -1965-77, 257-60 -1978 onwards, 260-6 Skinner, B.F. 282 SLATE (Support for Language Arts and the Teaching of English) 124-5 Smart, P.R. 191, 194-5

Smiley, Marjorie B. 102 Smith, Dora V. 91 Smith, Frank 30, 111, 147-8 Smith, Mortimer 90, 91 Smyth, Sydney 46 South Africa -Christian National Education 227-9, 240 -English in 3, 226-38 -literature 241, 242-4, 245-6 -People's Education 231-2, 236 -state schools 234-8 -teaching of English literature 238-45 Speech -role in learning 29-30, 44, 52, 58, 60, 78, 154, 157, 168, 170, 180-1 -vernacular 44, 49, 109 see also oracy Spelling -linguistic patterns 147 -lists 155, 156 Squire, James R. 99, 104, 105 Standard Grade (Scotland) 51, 56-7, 59, 63n. Standardisation 313, 318 Sterling, John 201, 203 Stern, H.H. 254-5 Stewart, Nea 160 Stone, George Winchester 97-8 Strevens, P. 264 Strom, Ingrid 104 Strong, Bill 116 Stubbs, Michael 25 Sullivan, Robert 203 Swann Report 28 Sydney, Australia Conference 122, 126-7, 196 Symbol, and language 21-2 Syntax 115-16 T Tagalog/Pilipino -in education 270, 278, 281, 282, 284-5, 291-2 -as national language 279-80, 290, 318 Tamils, in Singapore 251-2, 253 Taunton Commission 202 Tay, Mary 259, 264 Tayao, Lourdes 287

Teacher -black South African 234, 235 -competence 118, 290 -as examiner 11, 13, 19

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-minority 123 -professional development 6, 35, 61, 112, 122-3, 125, 132-4, 238 -as researcher 5-6, 59, 61, 86, 125, 161, 166, 168, 172, 190-1 -role 181-3, 212-13 Teacher training, -Australia 153-4, 161, 168, 171 -Canada 146-8 -India 311-12 -Indonesia 325 -New Zealand 185-6, 189 -Philippines 278, 281, 287, 293 -Scotland 42, 45, 46, 51, 60 -Singapore 256 -South Africa 234, 238 -USA 99-100, 104, 110, 119-20 -West Indies 213, 216 Technology, new 60, 171, 184, 190, 197 Tests -comprehension 11 -intelligence 11, 156, 209-10 -multiple-choice 280-1 Thatcher, Margaret 10, 28 Theme approach 102, 146, 157-8, 195, 216 Thomas Committee (New Zealand) 176, 177, 184 Thomas, J.J. 204 Thomas, Owen 105 Thomasites 273-4 Thompson, Denys 12 Thomson, Godfrey 62n. Thomson, Jack 167-8 Thornton, Geoffrey 23, 24, 31 Tongue, R.K. 259, 264 Torbe, Mike 31 Tough, Joan 29 Tressler, Arthur 94 Tri-University Project 111-12 Tsele, Rev. 229 U Ua Meacair, A. 76 UK, education system 7-10 Underhill, Ian 144

Universities -and English syllabus 164, 322 -and English teachers 152, 307-10 -and research 35 USA -basic issues conference 97-8, 100, 101, 126 -Civil Rights Movement 3, 93, 99, 112 -whole language movement 4 -1945-50 90-2 -1950-65 92-9 -1960s 99-108 -1965-70 108-17 -1970-88 117-26 -1990s 126-7 Use of English groups 25 Use of language 21-2, 28-9, 72, 95-6, 109, 236 V Vernaculars 32, 253, 274, 279-80, 287, 292 Vervoerd, Hendrick Frensch 228-9, 240 Vietnam War, impact 110 W Walker, Laurence 131-48 Wallerstein, Ruth 92 Walshe, Bob 169 Walworth English course 18, 33 Warriner, John 94, 114, 116 Warriner, John & Griffith, Francis 105 Watson, Ken 151-73 Webster, Noah 95 Wellington, M.L. 189 Wells, Gordon 170 West Indies 3, 200-22 -literature 3, 4, 207, 210, 213, 218 -1838-1945, 201-7 -1945-65, 208-13 -1965-85, 213-21 West Indies, University 210-11, 213 Whitehead, Frank 17, 19 Wilkinson, Andrew 16, 18, 29-30, 31 Wilson, H.E. 251 Winterowd, W. Ross 142 Woods Hole Conference 101 Workbooks 69

Writing -across the curriculum 28 -and back to basics movement 119-20 -basic skills approach 140-1 -as communication 141-2

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-evaluation 194 -as expression of experience 12, 13, 28, 40, 49, 58, 71, 73, 140-1, 148 -new approaches 31 -process approach 168, 169-70, 262, 290 -reports 289 -rhetorical approach 142 -skills 54, 65, 71, 75, 105, 140-1 see also composition

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