The extracts on pp.91 and 110 from Appian's Roman History, vols. 2 and 3, translated by Horace White, are reprin ted by kind permission of Harvard University Press.
Contents
IX
List of Illustrations
xv
List of Maps
xvi
Preface
List of Abbreviations Part I 1
XVlll
The Search for Illyrians
1
Rediscovery of Illyrians
3 3 13
IIIyrian studies IIIyrian
2
landscapes
Prehistoric JIIyrians IIlyrian origin s : Stone and .
Iron Age Illyrians
3
Naming Illyrians Illyrian language IIlyrian
Part 11
4
Bronze Ages
67
67 74
names .
89
Greek Illyrians
91
Neighbours of the Greeks
91 104
Adriatic IIIyrians Greeks among
5
IIlyrians
Enemies of Macedonia kings: Philip, Alexander
Conquering
Celts, Autariatae and Dardanians
6
Kingdom of Illyrians
A new power on the Adriatic Roman alliance and conquest
28 28 40
and Pyrrhus
117 117 137 156 156 170
VIII
( :lI/llt·I/I.�
Part III
7
Roman IlIyrians
IIIyricum
Dalmatian amI Pannonian IIIyrians Pax Romana
among Illyrians
IXl ISJ 183
207
8
Life and Death Ways of life Burial and belief
9
Imperial IIIyrians Emperors from Illyricum Medieval and modern lIIyrians
254
Bibliography
281
Index
327
219 2 19 24 1 254 267
Illustrations
Arthur John Evans in 1878 (from Joan Evans,
7
2
Reconstruction of Vucedol Eneolithic settlement (Alexander 1972, 58; after Schmidt 1945, 19)
30
.3
Remains of Neolithic pile-dwellings at Maliq, Albania (reproduced by permission of Verlag Philipp von Zabern, Mainz)
36
4
Tumulus burial with central grave at Pa zho k , Albania (from Shqiperia Arkeologjike, Tirana, 1971)
37
5
(a) Pial) of settlements on the Glasinac plateau (after Covic 1975a) (b) Chieftain bu rial at Glasinac (Ilijak, Tumulus 1I) (after Alexander 1972) (c) Bronze greaves from Glasinac burial (a fte r Fiala 1893) (d) Design of ship incised on bronze greav e s from Glasinac (after Stipcevic 1977a, 1 80)
42
Time and Chance, London, 1943)
43 43 44
6
Tumulus graves at Kenete, A lb an ia (from Shqiperia Arkeolog;;ke, Tirana, 1971)
46
7
Plan of hill-settlement at Pod, Bugoino (later phas e) (after Covic 1975b)
50
8
(a) Plans and sections of houses at Donja Dolina (Alexander 1972) (b) Woman's grave at Donja Dolina, with
52 53
X
"'/IS tl', Ifillll.'
objccts cnlarged (AIl'xander
9
1(72)
(a) Burial tumulus at Sti�na in Slovenia,
exca v ati ons ( Ph oto : Habic Srecko)
1%4
(b) Scenes on Vace situla (Situla Art, B elgra d e, 1965 , pI. 1) (c) Bronze situla-cover from Sticna (Grife), 7th centur y BC ( N ar odn i M u z ej , Ljubljana. Photo: Habic Srecko)
60
61 62
10
Rock-cut tomb at Selce e Po sh tm e, Albania (repr oduced by permission of Verlag Ph ilipp von Zabern, M ainz)
123
11
Silver coin of King Monounius minted at Dyrrhachium; diameter 2 1 mm ( re p rod u ce d by cou rtesy of the Trustees of the British Museum, London)
129
12
(a) Pl an of Gajtan fortr ess, Albania (after Popovic 1 98 4) (b) Gate of Gajtan fortress (from Shqipe"ria Arkeologjike, Tiran a , 197 1)
131
13
(a) Plan of Byllis, Gradesht, Albania ( after Koch
1989, 250) (b) Plan of Byllis, central
14
area (Koch 1989, 251)
(a) Plan of Zgcrdhesh fortress, Albania ( Koch
1989, 135) (b) Zgerdhesh we s t perim eter wall and towers ( fr o m Shqiperia Arkeo/ogjike, Tirana , 1971 ) 15
(a) Plan of Lissus, Lezha, Albania ( Koch 1989,
141) (b) Pl an of southwest gate at Lissus (Koch 1989, 1 42-3) (c) M ain gate in w all of middle town, Lissus (repr o d u ced by permission of Verlag Ph il i pp von Zaber n , Mainz) 16
(a) Plan of burial tumuli at Atenica, Serbia ( D j u k ni c and J ovan ov ic ·1966a, pI. 28) (b) Sto n e tomb in Tu m ulu s I at Atenica
131 132
132 134 134
135 135
135
142 143
If/mlr,IIIII/1,,
(I )jllkllil alld .Iovallovil: Il)(,lla, pI. 1.) (l") Plall of s;Krificial areas ill Tl I llllll l l s 1 1 at Atl'nica (L>jllkllic and .Jovanovi�" 1 Y66a,
17 18 19
20
21
22
pis, 37-H) Bronze helmet inscribed 'Of King Monounios' (Preussische Staatsmuseum, Berlin) Plan of b urials in cemetery at Gostilj, M on renegro (after Basler 19 72) (a) Bronze coin of Lissus: head of Artemis ( obv . ) , thunderbolt and legend LIS SI-TAN ( rev.), 2nd cent u ry BC; diameter 12 mm (Ashmolean Museum, Oxford) (b) Bronze coi n of IIIyrian king Genthios (Genrius): Illyrian deity wea ri ng b road hat ( obv.) , Illyrian ship and legend GENTH (rev.), 180--168nc; di am eter 20 mm (reproduced by courtesy of the Trustees of the Briti s h Museum, London) (c) Bronze coins of Scodra: head of Zeus (obv.), Ill y rian ship with legend SKODRI-NON (rev. ) , 2nd century BC; di a m eter 1 7 m m (E. Thiem/A Peik ( Lotus Film), Kaufbeuren} (d) Bronze coin of King Ballaios; diameter 16 mm ( re prod u ced by courtesy of the Trustees of the British Museum, London) (e) Bronze coin of Labeates : TIIyrian deity wearing broad hat (obv.), IIIyrian ship with dolphin an d legend LABIATAN ( rev.) , 2nd ce n tu ry RC; di ameter 20 mm (E, Thiem/A Peik (Lotus film ), Kaufbeuren) .Fortified places around the poljes of Duvno, Livno and Glamoc with line s of intervisibility (after Benac 1985) (a) Wall m a s onry at OsaniCi, Her cegovina (Maric 19 79b) (b) Gate at OsaniCi (Maric 1979b) Bronze-casting mo ul d from Osanici (Marie 19 78, pI. 13)
XI
143
14 7 169
178
178
1 78
1 79
1 79
19 1
193 193 1 95
XII
23
24
25
26 27
28
fllmlr,/III II/S
Incised scene s of w a r ri o r s drinking and fUl1cral
dancers on a Japodian hurial-l"hcst from Rihi�, Bosnia (after Vasic 1967) Figured tom bstones in the Roman colony at Dyrrhachium, 1 st century AD (Durres Museu m ) : ( a ) Ex-slave Caecilius Laetus ('Happy') (b) Domitius Sarcinator ('Clothes-mender') and his wife Titia The prehistoric v i llage and castelliere in Istria restored by R. F. Burton (Burton 1874, pt. 7) four male figures on a tombstone from Zenica, Bosnia, 4th century AD (Stipcevic 1966) (a) Bronze pectoral from Zaton, near Nin, Lihurnia ( S ime Batovic, 150 Godina Arheoloskoga Muzeia u Zadru, 1982) (b) Jewellery and ornaments worn by IIlyrian women (reproduced by permission of Verlag Philipp von Zabern, Mainz) (a) Anthropomorphic bronze pendant from Loz, Slovenia, 5th century BC (Vida Satre, Pra-
ll)lJ
214 214 226
228 232
232
234
zgodovina S/oveniie, 1971)
29
30
(b) Bronze pendant from Kompolje, Lika, 25 cm long (Archaeological Museum, Zagreb) (c) Bronze temple-band from Gorica, Slovcnia ( Stipcevic 1966, fig. 7) (d) Japodian metal h eadgear from Kompol je, Lika (Archaeological Museum, Zagrcb) (c) Japodian leather helmets with metal studs and mail from Kompolj.e, Lika (after DrechslerBizic 1968) ( f ) Bronze and amber jewellery from burial tumulus at Sticna, 6th century BC (Narodni Muzej , Ljubljana. Photo: Habic Srecko) Silvered bronze belt-plate with scene of combat between warriors and horsemen, from Selce e Poshtme, Albania, 3 rd century BC (Historical Museum, Tirana) Altars with Latin text dedicated by chief of the
234 2 34 234 235
235
236
239
1IIIISIr"'/tllI'
x III
JapOlks al I'rivilicl srrill�, lIl'ar I\iha�\ I\osnia, 1 sI lTIII my All (StipCl'vil: 19(6)
Novo Ml's\o, SJovenia, 7th Muzej, Ljubljana. Photo :
31
Bronzl' cuirass fwm Cl'ntury He (Narodni Hahic Srccko)
32
Bronze helmet from a warrior-burial, Kaptol, Slavonia (Archaeological Museum, Zagreb)
240
33
Decorated clay hearth from Donia Dolina, Bosnia (Stipcevict 966)
242
34
Relief of Diana and other deities at OpaCiCi, near Glamoc, Bosn ia (Stipcevic 1966)
246
35
(a) Tombstone of mother and daughter in native style with Greek epitaph, from near Apollonia (Koch 1 989, pI. 22) (b) fam i l y tombstone with relief portraits, from Kolovrat, near Prijepolje, Serbia, late 2nd century AD (photo: A. Cermanovic-Kuzmanovic) (c) Portrait reliefs on family tombstones from near Glamoc, Bosnia, 2nd century AD (Bojanovski 1978a) (d) Tombstone, with depictions of jewellery (above) and textile motifs (helow), with Latin epitaph from near Sinj, Dalmati a (Gabricevic 198 3 , pI . 1; Archaeological Museum, Split)
248
240
249 25 0 25 1
36
Early medieval stone relief with traditional native ci rcles and Christian cross from near Sinj, Dalmatia (Stipcevic 1 966)
272
37
( a ) Plan o f Sarda fortress, Al bania (after V. Popovic 1984) (b) Gate of Sarda fortress (from Shqiperia Arkeologjikif, Tirana, 1971 )
274
(a) Early medieval cemetery at Komani, near Shkoder, Albania, 7th-9th century Ai) (reproduced by permission of Verlag Phi l ipp von Zabern, Mainz) (b) Ornaments and jewellery from KomaniKruja burials, 7th-8th century AD (reproduced
275
38
274
276
XIV
Illustrations by permission of Verlag Philipp von Zabcrn,
Mainz) (c) Gold jewellery from Komani burials, 6th-9th century AD (from Shqiperia Arkeologjike, Tirana 1971)
Maps
1
Illyrian Lands
2
Prehistoric Illyrians: Sites and Cultures
3
The Kingdom of the Illyrians
4
Roman Illyricum
xx XXI XXll xxii i
Preface
The purpose of this book is to present the current state of knowledge regarding peoples known to the Ancient World as IIIyrians. During the past two decades a l a rge amount of work has taken place on known prehistoric and historic sites in Albani a and Yugoslavia, while many new finds h ave been reported. Here annotation of the text and the accompanying bibliography are intended as a guide only to recent publications. In this respect I acknowledge my debt to the IIIyrian biblio graphies compiled by Aleksandar Stipcevic and his colleagues. Research on the origins and identity of lllyri ans continues to be infected by the politics of today. That is no novel ty for this region of Europe but in recent years m uch has been gained through the open debates in symposia organized by Alojz Benac of Sarajevo and in the IlIyrian congresses in Albania. Moreover, at a time when the political future of the Yugoslav and Albanian peoples seems so uncertain, it is right for the outsider to pay tribute to the scholarly integrity of many col leagues in these lands as they confront the m�ths and falsehoods relating to the remote past which are deployed in modern political contests. I am grateful to the Editors and to the Publishers for their invitation to contribute to this series, and no less for their patience and forbearance in the face of delay and procrasti nation. I am gr ateful also for the help and support of my London colleagues, Mark Hassall and Richard Recce, which allowed me to enjoy the hospitality of the British School at Athens and the use of its excellent library for two months early in 1990. Colleagues in Yugoslavia and Al bania have responded
"/'('/"1 "
XVII
gelll'rollsl y to lily rl'lllll'sts tor illllsl rat ions, ShepparJ herl' kindly rl'ad a part of the tl'xt and oflt-red many h elp ful criti cisms and suggestions, as have also the editorial and production staff a t Blackwcll Publishers. I a m also i n deb ted to my col league
Judith Higgcns for help and advice at the proof-reading stage. My greatest debt, signal led in the dedication, is to my family, for their unfailing encouragement and support.
J ..ist
of Abbreviations
AAnt. Hung. AArch. Hung. AI Al A
Acta Antiqua Academiae Scientiarum Hungaricae, Budapest Acta Archaeologica Academiae Scientiarum HUllgaricae, Budapest Archaeologia Tugoslavica, Bcograd American Journal of Archaeology, New York
BRGK
Bericht der Romisch-Germanischen Kommission des Deutschen Archii% gischen lnstituts, Mainz Buletin i Universiteit Shteteror te Tiranes (Bulletin of the State University Tirana), Tirana Beitrage zur Namenforschung, Heidelberg
Akademija Nauka j Um jetnosti Bosne i Hercegovinc (Academie des Sciences et des Arts de Bosnie-Herzegovine), Sarajevo Arch. Anz. Archaologischer Anzeiger, berlin Arheoloski Vestnik, Ljubljana AV British Archaeological Reports, Oxford BAR ANUBiH
BUST BzN
CBI CRAI FGrHist FHG GCBI GGM
Centar za Balka noloska Ispitivanj a (Centre d' Etudes Balkaniques), Sarajev()
Comptes rendus de I'Academie des inscriptions et Belles Lettres, Paris Fragmente der griechischen Historiker, ed. f.
]acoby, Berl in 1923
Fragmenta Historicorum Graecorum, ed. C.
Miiller, Paris 1841-70
Godisn;ak (Annuaire) CBI, Sarajevo Geographi Graeci Minores, ed. C. Miiller, Paris,
I HSS-6 1 (;ZMS 1111'. ArdJ.
JFA
JHS j()Al jRGZM jRS
LCL LF
MAA MGH PZ Rev. Arch. SA
SAZU Sf SH VAHD VAMZ WMBH WMBHL ZA ZPE
(;I'/�lIik Zt'mtll�k()g MI ( � ( I I I( S,Irtlj('/!o, Sarajevo 11Il't'lIitlri,[ ArdJtI('()I()gictl ( ( ;orplIs des Ensembles A n.:hcologiqucs) "
journal of held Archaeolugy, Boston journal of Hellenic Studies, London jahreshefte des Dsterreichischen Archaeologischen lnstituts, Wien Jahrbuch des R6misch-Germanischen Zentralmuseums Mainz, Bonn journal of Roman Studies, London
Loeb Classical Library Listy filologicke, Praha
Macedoniae Acta Archaeologica, PriJep Monumenta Germaniae Historica, Berlin Prahistorische Zeitschrift, Berlin
Revue Archeologique, Paris
Studia Albanica, Tirana
Slovenska Akadcmija Znanosti in Umetnosti (Slovcne Academy of Sciences and Arts), Ljubljana Studime Filologjike (Philological Studies), Tirana Stuaime Historike (Historical Studies), Tirana Vjesnik za Arheologiju i Historiju Dalmatinsku (Bulletin d'Archeologie et d'Histoire Dalmate),
Split
Vjesnik Arheoloskog Muzeja u Zagrebu (Bulletin of the Archaeological Museum in Zagreb),
Zagrcb
Wissenschaftliche Mitteilungen aus Bosnien und der Hercegovina, Wicn Wissenschaftliche Mitteilungen des Bosnisch herzegowinischen Landesmuseums, Sarajevo Ziva Antika (Antiquite Vivante), Skopje Zeitschrift fur Papyrologie und Epigraphik,
Bonn
Map 1
Illyrian Lands
I K.,b.rid
2 Tolmin
1011 km '-------',
3
51.
Luoa
4 St.n;'1
5 Smihd 6 Skocjan
7 Soc..-b
8 Krif.n. Gola 9 NCS3,'lium
10 Vace
I I M.gda!ensk. Gor. 12 Sti",. 13 Novo Mesto
14 Krapin. IS Ncgov. (Ncgau) 16 Gomj. R,dgon, 17 Krk, i•. 18 er... is. 190"", 20 M.li LoSinj 21 Kompolje 22 Mali Oblj'j 23 Prozor
24 Vn:ba, 25 Nin
26 Zadar 27 Radovin 28 Srnilac 29 Bribir
i? fic� 32
J..erinc 33 Galuhie 34 SansIt.i Most 35 Donj. DoIin. 36 Kaptol 37 Gr.bovei brdo 38 Visoko brdo 39 Duboj
40 Luioo
41 Usav.
42 Kamen
43 Kakanj 44 Pod
45 PrtroviCi·Rakitno 46 Gru'"
47 Posuije 48 Postranje 49 Gorica 50Drinovei
Map 2 Prehistoric Illvrians: Sites and Cultures
n=-, n Danilo
54 Vicj.
Luk.
ss Br.c, is. 56 Hvar, i!ii_ 57 Vis, is. 58 KOrCula
5� Mljct 60 Slon 61 R,dimlj.
62 (}<.ania 63 (;ub.vica 64 Kaeanj 65 Ljubomir 66 M.,sko 67 PI.n. 68 Crven. Stij"".
69 Glogovik 70 Lipo
71 Budv,
72 Gotovusa
73 B.rak.,,",
74 BUlmir
75 Orahovica
76 \.isiaCi 77 De&.1o
107�Rd:a \08 Sapo IO'J Ruat 110 Bubaat 111 V_ 112�113Gonop 114 Soo-. "115 Dub 116V"'11 � 0.- T."... 118� 119o.-�, 120 KanpC 121 Sun IIeb
�
l.u�
123 Sirabo 124 a.-. 125 DIIooaII. 12651<_ 12� K..-. 128 KoIsil
129<,:mama1< 130 Kmn< 780bre 132 Sem \J31kmd 79 GI,.inac 80 Tuzl, 134 z...do.< 81 Dvorovi 135Bd1ooft 136 ..... 82 BoSUI 83 Vuaodol 13- Deboo 84 C;omol.v, Blit.., 85 Sab.c B9h1Aool. 86 Selotie 140s.87 Godljevo 141 (.ob88 Rat.... 142 MaIoq 89 Roianei 1430.--: 90 B.r.jevo 144 ...... 91 Rudovei 145 .... 92 VmC. 146 �I Zi 147 Trm 93 Starccvo 94 l..idovar 148T� 95 Bd. Crkva 149 Obnd 96 Vr.novo 1S0y.... 97 Aljudov M.n ....riea 1S1 Sbp 98 Umeari 152 no. ()pa 99 Mramorac IH KuDun c...o 100 Zirovnica 1S4Radaair 1S5 Gomo�, 101 Zlot 156 Orlon CIIIIoi 102 Balta Verde 103 Basarabi 1S7Demi< � 104 Uti« 1S8� 159a........ 105 AIalica brdo
106 Pilatovia
fl.UTARIATAE
DAOR.Sf
/
Map 3
The
Kingdom of the lIIyrians
Map 4
Roman Illyricum
1
Rediscovery of Illyrians
Illyrian studies
For more than a tho u sand years before the arrival of the Slavs in the sixth century AD, the lands east of the Adriatic were the home of peoples known to the ancient world as I l lyrians. Their te rritory comprised much of what is now occupied by the Y ugoslavs , along with northern and central Albania. They spoke a language of which almost no trace has survived. That it b elonged to the ' family ' of Indo-European languages has been deduced from the many names of Illyrian peoples and places preserved in G reek and Latin records, both literary and epigraph ic . We cannot be sure that any of them a ctually cal led themselves IIIy rians : in th e case of most of them it is near certain that they did not. In general the Il l yrians have te nded to be recognized from a negative stand p oint, in that they were manifestly not Celts , Dacians or Thracians, or G reeks or M ace donians, their neighbours on the north, east and south respectively.· Not merely do all the surviving descripti on s of lllyrians and thei r ways derive from ' exter n al ' sources, but what has made matters much worse, for h istory's verdict upon them , is that many Greek and Roman writers seem to vie with each other in expressing their contempt and detestation for I llyrians. Ev en though they have escaped the sort of lasting infamy attached I
Trbuhovic 1971, Stipcevic 1986.
4 10 thl' Ilallll' of t h e Cnlll;lll VaIHLtll. rlH'Y havl' tarl'd lin k h l' tler in the hi st o r i ( al n·uml. As 'sav;l�l'S' or 'harharians' on thl' I lorthern pcriphery 01 t hl' dassiGl1 world , l'Vl'n today I l I y rians hardy make the lootlloll'S in I l l ost Vl' r s i ons of alKien t histor y , and morc oftl'n than n ot they arc simply ignorcd. Rcadcrs �l'nerally fa lll i l i ar with thl' worlds of alKient G rcece and Rome are likely to SllSpe(t, and rightly so, an attcmpt to adjust this hala nn: of thc historical record, not least hcca usc, as the playwri�ht sai d, it i s the onl y vcrsion they know. There seems little to hl' gained from seeking to create a pictu re of I I l yrians that dOl'S Ilot adopt a persp ective of them as peoples on the pni phery of th e Mediterranean worlds of Greece and Rome. ()n the other hand, it is now less acceptahle to order descrip tions of s uch geographically mar g inal societies according to SUdl (ategories as 'Hellenized', 'part-Hellenized' and 'Romani zed'. These lahels convey simplistic notions of a diffu sion of all mate rial innovation and development from an advanced centre to a more primitive periphery, t hrough varieties of direct or indi rect contact. H ap pily , we can now seek an escape from such narrow confines throu gh the in creasing archaeological
evidence for Illyrians and their way of life. Not that it can be claimed that a rchaeologi s ts and other students of prehistoric societies are free from a liking for tradition al explanations of ch ange and development, among which diffusion and migration continue to enjoy special favour. While we ha v e to accept that an authentic and comprehensive account of Illyrians will remain out of reach for the foreseeable future, the evidence now avail able justifies an interim statement. We may best begin with a reconnaissance of progress in IlIyrian studies.2 For all that William Shakespeare's Twelfth Night was set in a 'city in Illyria', two centuries were to elapse before that name appeared on the map of Europe. By the Treaty of Schonbrunn on 14 October 1809 a l ar ge tract of l and east of the Adriatic, including Carinthia, the Istrian penins u la and the Dalmatian coast, was ceded by Austria to the Napoleon ic kingdom of Italy to be ruled with the ti tle of the l l Iy r ian Provinces. In the 2 Salmon 1986 (Roman image of Classical scholarship).
lIIyrians), Irlllscher
1986
(JIIyrians
in
early ninl'tl'l'llIh u.'ntllry till' slirrin�s of Slav national h.'l'lin� be�an 10 hl' translatl'd into politiGll m;\nikstos more spe�ifi� to the estahlished order of Europe as wnstitlltl'll by the Con gress of Vienna in 1815, Among the Slav subjects of the Austro Hungarian Empire of the Hap s b u r gs the I I lyria n name was invoked by a m ov emen t in Cro a ti a , centred on its capital
Agram , the Zagreb of today. Here the continued dom i nancc of the Hu n garian language set off a movement among thc 'Illyrian Slavs', the Slovenes in the northwest a ro und Laibach (Ljubljana), the Croats and thc indepcnden t Serbs further east. It was from th is feeling of cultural oppression that assertions of close links between the ancicnt IIIyrians and the southern ( ' j ugo -' ) Slavs began to bc vigorou sly promoted, notably by Ljudevit Caj and the IlIyrian Movement. Though their argu ments lacked the support of scientific evidence their widespread currency as political slogans awakened the sense of an IIlyrian heritage from thc remote past. Moreover, it happened that around this period, in thc middle decades of thc nineteenth century, the foundations of the modern historical and archaeol ogical traditions of IlIyrian studies were being laid. J In Dalmatia historians and antiquaries of the Renaissance, notably Marko Marulic (1450-1524), had already begun to observc and rccord the abundant ancient remains. In the scven teenth century Vicko Prodic included an account of the Illyrian burial mounds on Brac in his chroniclc of thc i sland's history. In Croatia and Dalmatia, an Austrian territory after thc defeat of Napoleon , the collection and stu dy of ancient remains began with the foundation of archaeological m useums at Split in 1818-21 , at Zadar in 1830 and in the Croatian capital Zagreb in 1846. The first detailed account of thc ancient I1Iyrians appeared in thc Albanesische Studien of J. C. von Hahn, pub lishcd at Jena in 1854, in which the a uthor advanced the proposition that modern Alban ians were descended from ancicnt IlIyrians. In Austria imperial patronage of archaeology and ancient monuments was formally signalled in 1856 with the establishment in Vienna of the Central Com mission for the .l
Archaeological
Movement).
Museum
Puia
1986a
(exhibition
on
the
I1\yrian
The'
(;
St'are'h (or I/Iyrian$
Study an d Preservation of Artistic and Historical M onu men ts . In Zagreb the Croatian Arch aeol ogica l Soc i e ty was rc-estab lished in 1878. Around this time also some of the pioneers of Illyrian studies in Croatia began long and industrious careers, Frane Bulic in Split and at Zagreb, Sime Ljubic in the Museum and Josip Brunsmid in the University. In the Austrian port of Trieste the British consul Richard Burton contributed a study of ancient hill settlements (gradina) and other p rehisto ric remains in the Istrian peninsula (see figure 25), to be followed 30 years l ater by the major synthesis of Carlo Marchesetti.4 At the Congress of Berlin in the summer of 1878 the Great Powers of Europe sought to resolve the Eastern Question, specifically the wretched co ndi tion of Christian Slavs in the European territories of Ottoman Turkey. By assigning to Aus tria the troubled provinces of Bosnia and Hercegovina, the lot of the Slav population may not have been greatly improved but the heartlands of the ancient I lly rian s were laid open to historical and archaeological exploration. A vivid account of the archaeology of Austria's new territories, interspersed with comments on the political questions of the time, is provided by the works of the young Arthur Evans, later famous for his excavations at Knossos, centre of the Minoan civilization of Bronze Age Crete. In the late summer of 1875 the 25-year old Evans (see figure 1) made a journey across Bosnia and Hercegovina from Zagreb to Ragusa (Dubrovnik) on the Adri atic. As he and his brother Lewis moved south, news reached them of uprisings by Christian peasants in Hercegovina and of the atrocities committed by the irregular troops sent to quell them. Though on a lesser scale than the Bulgarian atrocities of the following year, the sufferings of the South-Slav peasants described in Evans' lurid and frankly sensationalized account produced an outburst of indignation in England. It had been his ambition to discover forgotten and exciting civilizations but his search for Illyrians soon became bound up with the cause of Slav freedom, a movement in which he now began to play a leading part. As a special correspondent of the Manchester Guardian based at Ragusa fr om 1877 he reported in unflatter4
Burton 1874,
Marchesetti 1903.
Figure 1
Arthur E lIQns ;n 1878
ing terms the impositioll ot Austrian ruk aftl'r t ilt' Ikrlin Congress, His intemperatl' assl'rtions t hat t il t' Empl'ror's rl'giml' w as no b ett e r than that of the Moslem Turk, and in some respects was worse, l'vokcd little rl'sponse in England, In 1 HH 1
he pub lished a sympathetic account of the activities of Slav dissidents in the nearby mountains and, a fter a spell in p r is on, he was de p o r ted from A ust ri a n territory in A pril 1882," Though they ended in ignominy, his year s of res idence at Ragusa allowed Ev a ns to travel wi dely th roughout the I l lyri a n lands, to collect and study an ti q u iti e s . His 'Antiquarian Rese a rches in III yricu m ', pu b li shed in four parts by the Soc i ety of Antiquaries of London in i t s Archaeologia (1883-5), still repay st udy for thei r wealth of information and observation of de t a il at first hand. He described a society which had been largely cut off from the rest of Europe during nearly five centuries of Ottoman rule. H i s discursive and e nthu s ia stic accounts of p rehis to ric and classical remains and the an c ient customs of the contemporary Slavs were not composed in a sch ola rly seclusion but amid a career of poli t i ca l journalism and agi tation. The achievements of IIlyrians in the remot e past were de p lo yed in order to em phas ize to his readers how dark and regressive had been the era of Turkish rule. Though castigated for its insensitive ways the Austrian regime in Bosnia and Hercego v in a transformed the archaeological pic tu re of those areas from one of near total darkness after the cen tu rie s of Turkish rule into one of the best observed r egi ons of Europe. The advance began with thc foundation of the provincial mu s e u m in S ar ajev o (Bosnisch-Hercegovinische Landesmuseum). Several major programmes of excavation were soon under way; the Neol ithic settlement at Butmir near Sara jevo; the grea t Bronze and Iron Age burial grounds on the Glasinac p la tea u in eastern Bosnia; in the wcs t the I ro n Age cemetery at Jezerine near Bih ac in the Una val ley and the pile dwellings at Donja Doli na on the river Sava. Thc results and finds werc published in the museum Bulletin (Glasnik) in Serb ian, and in German in the volumcs of Scientific Rcports (Wissenschaftliche
-' Wilkcs
1976.
Mitteilungen
aus
Bosnien
und
der
#
known area of Europe.6 of the twe ntieth century has "l'l'n many important discoveries and numerous publications rdating to the lIIyrian pa s t . Most of this work h as been under takcn hy s peciali sts in the u niver siti es and in the national IllUSl'UIl1S of Belgrade, Zagreb, Skopje, Sarajevo and Ljubljana. In addition much important evidence that might have been lost throllgh new building and other d eve lop me nt has been rescued hy the hard-pressed antiquities services of the Republics. Several of the long-established periodicals were reconstituted after the Sl'c(md World War and con tinue to be published, including the Sldrinar of Be lgrad e , the Glasnik of the Sarajevo museum, an d thl' V;esnik of the Zagrcb and Split museums. Some important Ilew periodicals have i ssued from the new statc academies for scientific research at Zagreb, Ljubljana (the Slovenian jou rn al Arheoloski Vestnik) and more recen tly Sarajevo. Herc the Centre for Balkan Studies (Centar za balkanoloska ispitivanja) of the Academy of Sciences in Bosnia and Hercegovina, under the inspiration of Alojz Benac, has published an Annual (Godisnjak), numerous monograph s and a massive synthesis of Yugoslav prehistory in several volumes now nearing completion (Praehistoriia Jugoslavenskih Zemalja). With thc international community in mind, the Archaeological Society of Yugoslavia has since 1 954 published Archaeoiogica lugoslavica containing brief rep orts on major new finds and im porta n t research in English, French or German, followed later by Arheoloski Pre gied (Archaeological Preview) with annual s u mmaries of recent field-work. The same body has als o initiated a series of mono graphs for major excavation reports or archaeological s ynth eses. At the time of writing political ten sions appear to h ave made concerted publication at the feder al level more difficult, but the quality of archaeolo gi cal publication remains high, Ihl' dlanCl' to work in this little In Yugoslavia t h l' sccond half
6 Stipcevic 1977a, 3-13; Munrol900 for a first·hand account of progre s s at these sites and of the Sarajcvo congress of 1894.
work
in
10
i n t h l: tl ow o f V O I I l I l I t'S l rol l l � ; I r ; I I l" V o , w h l l l' t h l" p ro (Materijali) o f t h e ;1 1 1 1 1 1 1 , 1 1 l'O l l k n' l l l'l' o t t h l" Y l l �( )s la v ' A rdl aeological Soci ety co nt i n l l l' t o a ppea r , I n Albania the first systelll ;! t ic rl'cord o f a n ci e n t s i t l' s W ;I S m a d c beforc t h e Fi rst Wo rl d W;\ r hy CH I Pa tsch ( 1 1J ( ) 4 ) a n d subsequentl y by CamiJIo Prasch n i k e r a n d A r n o kl Sch o ber (19 1 9) . Thei r topographical studies rema i n the b a s i s of modern studies of I l I y ri a n s ites, while bctween the wars Italian expeditions tel ded to be focused on cl assical sites o n the coast, notably A po \ l o n i a where m ajor excavations were di rected by 1 .1.'011 Re)" S i n ce the Second World War archaeological explo
Ilot a h l y
n'l'd i n gs
;
ration h as heen i mpelled by a national pol icy to establish the l i n k between modern Al ban i ans and ancient JI Iyrians. The i n v es t i ga tion of both prehistoric and classical si tes, \'v·cll ll n dl:rwa y du ring the fifties and sixties, gained impetus in the seventies through a heightened pol itical interest in the Al banian I I l y ri a n heri tage. Research was centred on the archaeological and ethnographical museum in Tirana from 1 948 until 1 976 v..!hen the Albanian Academy of Sciences created its Centre for Archaeological Research i n Tirana with eight regional offices covering the entire country. In addition to the National Museum in Ti rana, major museums have been organized at Durres, Apollonia, Fieri, Saranda and Butrint. Si ncc 1 97 1 all major archaeological research in Albania, including several con ferences and colloqui a attended by foreign specialists, h as been publishcd in the periodical lliria, wh i le the many activitics of the Monuments Protection Service are recorded in Monu mentet. H
A wel come development has been the publication of general works on Illyrians, notably that by Aleksandar Stipccvic, which first appeared in 1 968 in an Italian edition and subsequently in Yugoslav ( 1 974) and American ( 1 977) versions. A more technical study by the Polish scholar W. Paj akowski is more accessible in a German edition published in Sarajevo (1 980). Several general works on IIIyrians h ave appeared in Albania, 7 N o w registered in the bibliographies of Sti pct'\'ic (1 967, 1 977b, 1 9 7 8 , 1 9 84a) a n d Skegro 1 9 8 8 . M Bibliograph y for 1 945-7 1 in Jubani 1 972a a n d s u rvey fo r 1945-8 6 in
Ca banes
J 9 S Ik.
1 1 a l l l o n g w hil.." h O l l l' I l l a y i l l l" i U l k t il l' IHOl.." l'l'd i l l gs o f t ill' I Y72 I l I y r i a ll I.."O l l gl"ess p u h l i s hed ill v o l u ll ll's 4 -6 of Jliria , A Ill a j or I.."O l l l pi l a t i o l l is / '('S IIIyri!'1ls : , ,/}('r(lts historiq ul's ( 1 9 8 5 ) edited hy Sd i ll l I sla l l l i , w i t h other l"< > I l t ri h u to r s in c l u d i n g S. Anama l i, M. K ork u l i a l l d t h e doyen o f A l ha n i a n a rchaeology f. Prendi. ( ; l'J" l l l a n technology has 110\\/ fu rn i s h ed more than one fine v i ., u a l rl'wrd o f A l b a n i a n a rch aeology : one is the lavi shly i l lus t r.l I ed I.." a t a l o g u e (edited by A. Eggebrecht) produced for an l' x h i h i tion at H i l dcsheim during the summer of 1 98 8 , while the 1 l l 1 1 l1 ll ll1ents of Albanian Illyria arc well presented in a guide hook by Gun tram Koch ( 1 98 9 ) . 9
T h e current version of the Albanian theory o f their TIIyrian
o r i gi n s is centred on the unbroken descent of modern A l banians from an Illyrian people already formed in Bronze Age times a n d in a geographical area that coincided with that occupied t od a y by Albanian speakers, the modern state of Albania and the Yugoslav region of Kosovo. The guiding principles of
a rch aeological research are the following: excavation of prehis t or i c burial tu muli to supplement evidence for prehistoric IIIyri a n s from the Korcc basin and to define more clearly the rl'lati ons with prehistoric cultures of Greece, Italy a nd Yugosl a v i a ; the growth of Il Iyrian urban settlements in the Hellenistic period ( fourth to second centuries BC) and thei r rclations with the Greek colonies on the coast; and studies in the late Roman and early medieval periods to demonstrate the links between l I I y rians under Roman rule and Albanians, who fi rst appear during the second half of the eleventh century. I O The continu ing political collisions between Albanians a n d t h e Yugoslav Serbs have h a d a marked impact on IIIyrian studies. It is no novel ty th at debates over rhe ethnic affinities of ancient peopl es in southeast Europe should be bound up with the antipathies of Serbs, Bulgars, Greeks and Albanians but the question of Kosovo has become more serious than at any time since it was first posed at the break-up of th e Ottoman Empire. After the First World War the area moved between Al bania and Yugosl avia according to the bal ance of Great., Also the
10
1 98 4
Buda "1 9 8 4 ,
Clermont-Ferrand
col l o q u i u m , Ca banes
1 987,
1 2.
, ,,,, S" , I I'I /, /1 1 / ' " \,//, 111.\
PO\.... cr po l i t i cs, t h o u �h to r 1 1 I o s t
01
t h l pni od I t h ;l., H' l l u i l ll' d '
undcr Yugosl av control w h i le t h l' po p u l a t i o n h a s hn:o l l 1 l' 1 1 1 0 n' and morc Al hanian, Fo r th i s rl' ;l SOIl t h l' l' t h n i c a ffi n i t i es ( I f t h e Dardani ans, ancient inha bi ta n ts 0 1 K osovo, 1 l o rt h l' rn J\1a cc donia and south ern Serbia, have att ra,,:ted a t t ent i o n A l ba n i a n s hold them to be Iliyrians, ethnica l l y homogeneoLls w i th the rcst, while a Serbian view argues that D a rd a n i �l Il s represent an intermingl ing of both IIlyrian and Thracian elements, There is l i ttle d anger of lasting damage being cau sed by argu ments being conducted on these lincs when the evidencc is h i storical or epigraph i c and remains in the public domain, but the damage is done when archaeological cvidence is successively deployed to support one hypothesis with another. These reconstructions of prehistory - 'houses of cards' according to one scholar provc suprisingly di fficult to demolish even long after thei r fou ndations have becn shown not to exist. Similar problems arise regarding thc peoples of ancient Epirus, no\\' dividcd betwcen Al hania and Greece, Against a widespread view that they spdke a form of Greek the Albanians argue that the Epi rotes wcre one with the rest of the Illyrians. 1 1 I f wc set aside some of the themes inspired by modern pol itics we arc sti l l left with several worthwhile areas of enquiry for which much new evi dencc i s to hand , Who were the I Ilyrians and how valid a rc suggested definitions of lllyrians on the basis of archaeological and linguistic evidence, taken together or separately ? How werc Illyrians linked with other inhabitants of the Danu be lands, Th racians, Daco-Moesians, Italic peoples, Greeks and Celts, i n their material culture and language ? What happened to the IIIyrians under Roman rulc and how were they affected by the process known as Romanization ? What connection did the 'II Iyrian emperors' of the third and fourth centuries AD have with the pcoples conquered by the first Roman emperor Augustus? Is there evidence for the survival of an IIIyrian native culture during the Roman and early Byzantinc periods ? What traces (')f Illyrians can be detected today in the culture of the South Slav s and Albanian s ? Before we tackle the ,
) 1 For the Albanian vi e w see Hadri 1 976 and for the Serbian response M. Garasa n i n 1 9 80 and the comments of Benac 1 98 7 b on Isla mi et a l . 1 9 8 5 ,
1 I
p n' l l I S I O r l l O rl g l l 1 <, o t I l l y n , l l l s , 1 1 1 1 1 t l l I ' l l' l' v o l l I l l O I I d o w l I 1 0 I h l' t i l t h l l' l l I l I r y 1 \ ( W l' I I l 1 l s l lO I l S l d n I h l' I . l l l d s I 1 I w h ilh I h l' }' l i v l'd , ' 1 1 I l.'l' I I I Y l' i ; 1 1 I L l I l d s C l Pl'S l' x l l l h l l Sl'\" l' r. d d i s l i l l ll i n' tc a t u r es t h a t i l l 1 posl'd ; 1 p a I I 1' rn o t I i le O i l I h l' 1 1 1 h a h i 1 ;l I l t s t h a t w a s very d d t l' l'l' l I l tW i l l l'vell
till'
a d j a l'l' l l I P;l r t s o f E u ro p e ,
IIIyrian TI l l' I I l y ri a n
lands are
landscapes 1 1
dom i n a ted
b y the results o f Europe's
, s I I"l'Cl' n t phase of mountain building. The extensive sedimen l a r y hl'd s of limestone, cl ay and sandstone created in the Pa l aeo 1111
w i l' period \.... ere raised into a series of complex folds to create I hl' A l p i n e systems of rel ief On the east th e main A l pine system d i v i d e s , the northern to form the Carpathians of Czecho S l o v a k i a and Roman i a which then double back as the Stara I ' la l l i n a o f Bulgaria. The southern branch continues sou.
1 1H';lstwards, para l le l with the Adriatic, as the Dinaric system ot Yugoslavia and then into Al ban i a and Greece as the Pindus ra n ge , Bet\vcen the two Alpine systems l ies the great Hungari a n or Pa n nonian plain , divided by the Bakony h i l l s, where the I )a n u be turns sourh at the great bend north of Budapest, into a sma l i er n onhwestern plain (Kiss-Al mld) and the great plain ( Nagy-AW>ld) to the southeast. Drainage of this area i s entirely to the Danube, which exi ts from the plain by the Tron Gates �orge throu gh the Carpathians cast of Belgrade. Europe's great l's t ri ver, navigable from Ulm in southern Germany, flows for I 72S miles from its source in the Black Forest to its delta on thl' Black Sea. Its major tributaries drain most o f the TI lyrian hl nds, from the Julian Alps in the northwest to the Alps of northern Al bania. From this quarter heavy winter rains contri b ute to a sustained £low, partly cancelling out the sum mer m a x i m um from the melting snow of the Alps and the summer ra i n fa ll of the plains. Compared wi th th is vast system the rivers which flow into the Mediterranean arc insignificant. Along the Adriatic onl y the Drin and the Neretva are permanent rivers, Il
Accounts of
TUl"I1ock 1 9 !! !! .
h i stori cal
geography a rc fu rnished by Pounds 1969 and
14 the res t hl' i n g l i t t k m o re t h a n sl'a son a l t o r n: n l'i , a l l d l' V l' 1 l t h osl'
are navigable for l igh t na ft oll l y i n t ll l' i r lowest m llrses . A t t he same time these lesser Ad r i a t i � r i vers are i m po rt a l l t lw� a l l se they offer a means of passage through i n tra�table co u n t r y , a n d the most notable in this regard is the Vardar o f Ma�l'don i a for passage between the Aegean and the Danube basin . The route along the Neretva between the Adriatic and central Bosnia is not easy but was evidently used al ready in preh i storic times. In Albania the Mediterranean rivers are al together more sign i fi cant. Flowing mainly in a northwesterly direction between paral lel ranges, some of the larger streams, including the Drin , Mat and Shkumbin, cut through some hills to reach the sea by meandering courses across the coastal plain. The largest system is that of the Drin, which as the Black Drin (Drin i Zi ) fl ows through a deep vall ey northwards to Kukcs, where it is joined by the White Drin (Beli Drin) from the Metohij a basi n. The united stream flows west through the mountai n s for 25 m i l es in a deep gorge but at the edge of the plain divides between a westward course into the Lake o f Sh kodcr a n d a tortuous southern course t o the sea a t the ancient and m odern port of Lezha . With in the bend of the Drin the river Mat flows northwestwards through l ower hills before turning west to cut through the last range of hills bordering the plain. In central Albania the Shkumbin rises close to Lake Ohrid and then turns wcst towards the sea, while the Devoll, which once draincd Lake Prespa and the Oh rid basin, takes a zig-zag course following and crossing several mountain ranges. In contrast the more southerly Osum and Vijose flow northwestwards in their main courses parallel with the ranges. Throughout this area there occur abrupt changes in rivcr character at the meeting of moun tain and plain. The flows become slower and great q uantities of alluvium bring braided streams, flood plains and frequent changes of course among the malarial marshlands th at dry out in the hot summers. The Cretaceous limestones of the Dinaric ranges arc not acutely folded and present a uniquely dry surface devoi d of vegetation over large areas; they comprise the most cxtensive and spectacular example of the karst land-formation. Threc regions can be distingui shed : the J ul ian Alps and Karawanken in the northwest; the western Dinara 40 to 70 milcs broad,
I� t 't ft."
1 1 / ', " \'
"/ 1 1 / \' 1 / , " "
l' X I l' l l d i l l g f ro l l l I s I I" ! ; 1 1 0 C n'l'll' , l l l d
l a l l l l lg s l n'p l y
l 'i
i l l I l Ll n y
1 0 1 1 l l' A d r i a l i l' w l l l'rl' 1 1 I ' Sl' I"l'l' I l l'l1 h y I O l l g a l l d I l a r ro w I s l . u l l l ... I w l o l l g i l l g 1 0 I h l' fol d l i l i es o f I h l' D i n a r i l' s y s t c ll l ; and I h l' l';l s t l' !' 1 l D i n ar a , lowl'!' a n d d i s se ct ed h y v a l l cy s of rivers
pl;ln's
flow l I l g
t h e S a v a a l l d D a l l ll hl" where the h ills fal l Pa n no n i a n p l a i n , S O ll t h of this plain and to 1 1 1 1' C;l s I o f t h e D i n a ril' s y stc lll l ies an area dissected by two I l l , q o r r i v e rs a n d thci r tri butaries, the !",lorava flowing north to 1 I 11 ' I >a 1 1 1 1 hc and th e Vardar (Axios) south to the Aegean . This I'l'gi o l l l'< m ta i n s many plains and basins, usually with l acustrine dl' J lO s i t s, separated by hi g,h but generally isolated mountain I l l a SSl' S , notably the great Sar planina (2702 m ) . Through the v ,l I ll'Ys ;l Ild basins of this region pass several major routes I ll'l ""'l'l' l l the Danube and the Mediterrancan, the so-called Mor ,\ V ;I - Vardar corridor. 1 1 1 A l ha n i a a coastal plain, north of the Shkumbin the Kavaje, ,o l l l h of i t the Myzeqej a, extends north from Cape Linguetta ( K l'pi Gj uhezcs) for more than 1 00 miles unti l the border with M o ntenegro, a fter which the coastline turns northwestwards OI l I d t h e Dinaric ranges approach the sea. In placcs the plain is I lVl.'r 30 m iles wide but e1sewhcre is interrupted as the hill s rOl11 e within a few miles of the sea. Flat and only a few metres a hove sea-level, the surface consists mainly of layers of sand i l l l d a l l uvium deposited by the rivers in the manncr descri bed Il hove. As a whole the l i ne of thc coast is advancing and has moved more th an th ree miles since classical times. The area has always provided excellent winter grazing but is now extensively l'xploitcd for the irrigated cultivation of rice and cotton. Major set tlements have developed either as coastal ports (Durres and Vlor a ) or important towns on thc inland margins (Shkoder, Ti rana, El basan and Berat) but rarely in betwcen. I n Yugoslavia the karst is everywhere dose to the coast, most dramatically in the Vclebit range in the north which falls al most sheer into the sea. Except for the central stretch between Zadar and Split there are no significant areas of l owland adjoining the sea north of the plain of the Bojana which drains the Lake of Sh koder. From here to the Neretva some small and isolated a reas of flat land h ave supported the settlemen ts of Dubrovnik, Herl'cg-Novi, Kotor, Budva and Uicinj . Beh i n d the last l i es the hasin of the Lake of Shkoder, into which the Montenegrin a l' ross it
to
,I W ,I Y ge l l t l y 1 0 l h c
16
ri vers Leta a n d !\1 o ra �',1 I l o w I h ro l l gh a n a l l l l v l , d p l a i n . T h l' coastal ranges arc n e x t i nt e r r l l pll'd hy I I l l' hasi n o f I I l l' N l' I"l'1 v a , the only ri ver to cross t h e karsl from a so u r ce w h ich l i l's to the north of i t. After fl owing t h ro u gh several ba s i n s l i n ked by narrows the stream reaches the sea th rough a s m a l l del ta. At Makarska south of Split the high ranges retreat i nland and the high ly i ndented coast as far as the Zrmanja estuary beyond Zadar has always been i n tensively settled, notably a round the Bay of Castles ( Kastelanski zali) on which l ay Salona, the largest ancient settlement of the area and prccursor of medieval and modern Split (Spalato). North of the Krka estuary at S i bellik the limestonc plateau rises towards the interior but contains several bands of alluvial basins which h ave long been settlcd and cul tivated. B etwcen the Zrmanja and the h ead of the Qu arnero ( Kvarner) gulf the coast is barred by the Velebit range, and cven the great port of Rijeka at i ts northern extremity is con fincd to a narrow shel f bctween mountains and sea . The Istrian pen insula i s formcd of a low limestone platform linked to thc higher J ulia n karst along a l inc roughl y bctween Tricste and Rijcka. On thc west and a part of the east coast areas of lowland border the sca . Though karst features pre domi nate, and there arc few rivcrs, the l owcr altitudc and a higher watcr-ta ble has inhibited thc more sevcre conditions of thc Dinaric rcgion. Bchind the coastal plain of Alba n i a lics a bel t of hills formcd for the most part by the fol ding of sedimcntary sandstone, shale and limestone. Thc greater rcsistance of the l ast to surface crosion has rcsulted i n steep ridges separated by softer, more eroded hil ls. In the north this zone confines the river Mat but furthcr south thc Shkumbin cuts thro u gh several ridge s in gorges. Further south again this zone o f h i l ls broadens to more than 5 0 miles to reach thc coast and contains u p to eight stccp sidcd ridges running parallel with thc coast, most rising to arou nd 1 5 00 metrcs, although the Nemcrcke rangc beh'Veen the Vijose and the Drino attains 2486 metrcs. On the north the valleys open to the coastal plain and thei r courses al ternatc between narrows and wide basins containing the major settle mcnts such as Gjirokastra, Tepeleni and Berat. These valleys offer several rOlltes to thc south, in m arked contrast with northern Albania whcre the mountains risc steeply from the
/� " . t/" , 1 1 / " ' / I' "l //11' ' '0/'' \
p L 1 I 1 l I I I h ; l r P; I " ,l ge I I I I h l' i l l l n i m . TI l l '. d i q i l l ll i o l l h a s rl'S l I i t ed 1 1 1 1 1 1 , 1 1 0 1' d i Hl' !'l' l l l'es 0 1 h i s l o r i l ,d d n' l' l l I p I I H' 1 l 1 he l w l'l' l l I l o rt h e rn , \ l i d Sl I l I l h l' l' l l A l ha l l i a , a d i v i dl' w h i d l , a s w e s h a l l sce l at e r l l I a r k ed a i so a s O l l l h e rn l i m i t 0 1 I l I y r i a l l p e op l e s
,
.
highlands steep-si ded and narrow p , I ., S , I !!.l'S of t i l l' D r i n S h k ll m b i ll , l kvol l and Osu m . In the north , I grea l a rc of A l h a n i a n A l ps rises to around 25 0 0 metres, .l I l 1 l l 1 l g .,... h i d1 a rc a reas of summer pasture and near inaccess t h l t-, I h o u gh i n h a bi ted v a l l eys, To the east of the upper Drin t i l l' I l I g h I l l a ss o f Korab (2764 m) is no less rugged, Between I I l l'sl' l I l a SSl'S t h e altern ating gorges and small basins of the B l . l l- k I h i l l ] , ;l v e never been a route in modern times. South of I h e S h k u l l l h i n the h i l l s a re l ess rugged and there occur several I I p l a n d p l a i n s w h e re cultivation is possible. Here the existence 0 1 I h e I ra nSVl'rsc valleys has allowed the passage between e a s t , l l l d wesl a n d fo r that reason has al w a ys been the h i ghly .. I L l I l'gic a rea of the southern Balkans. The l ake region which .. l l'add l es the A l ba n i all- Yugosl a v border consists of several .I l I l I v i a l h a s i n s formed by north-south fa ulti n g, containing l ,a kL's ( ) h ri d , Prespa and Li ttle Prespa, all once much l arger t h a n t h ey a rc today. South of Ohrid the extensive Korcc basin i s dOl t l'd ...... i th m a rshes and rdict lakes, and a si milar, smaller hasi n L'x ists a round Bilisht south o f Lake Prespa . E a s l a n d northeast of the Al banian highlands there lies a 111i1 Zl' of river v a l l e y s and alluvial basins, drained by rivers l I o w i n g in a l l di rections, Th i s region , comprising sOll thern Ser hl,I a n d Y u gosl a v Macedonia, i ncludes in the valleys of the Mor;l va, Y a r d a r and I bar some of the major rOlltes between t i lt' M ed i terranean and central Europe used since Neolithic l i l l ll'S. To the west there is no way across the Dinaric region u ll t i l t h l' .I u l i a n karst plateau at the head of the Adriatic. The Mca hl' l ongs to the Pcl agonian m assif that remained unaffected hy t ill' l a te r A l pine folding which produced the high mountain dw i n s t o the cast and west, a l though it is extens ively faulted 11 IId h a s Iwl'll a ffected by volcanic activity, The lakes which C I I I (t' fi l kd t h l' h a s i n s h a v e l o n g s i n ce d ra i n e d away a nd narrow " h a l l n d s t h a t O I I lT j o i ned l a k e w i t h l a k e form the modern pil l l L' m of d ra i n age. Thl' Tnl i a rv hasi ns of t i l l' V . m ! .l r v a l le v a ro u n d Ti ro\' Yeles I k l l l l l d t h i s i l l l l' rn l l'd i ;l t l' LI I I !!.l' o f m o u n t a i ns, the
I I I l'; I S I l' l' n A l h;l ll i a a rc d i v i d ed hy t h e ,
IX
and
'/ I,, ,. S" < I " " /"1' II/ \'n< lll., S k o p j c a re I h t, l a rge s l a n d m os l i n l po rl a n l o f r i l l' reg i o n .
The former is m o re h i l l y ;ln d l:oll1 p r i ses t reekss r i d gl's w h i dl
ri se to around 700 metres, sett l e m e n ts a n d I:u l t i v ;u i o l l hei n g for the most part confined to the river val ley. Between t h e t wo basins the river flows i n a gorge that is fol lowed by the rai l way but not by the modern road. Above this the tri angu lar Skopje basin is bounded by steep-sided faulted mountains but is a ccess ible by routes from th ree directions, from the northwest by the Vardar flowing from the Tetovo basin (sce below), from the north where a route enters from Kosovo via the Kacanik gorge and the tributary Lepenac between the massifs of th e S ar and the Skopska Crna Gora and from the northeast along the river PCinj a and the Kumanovo b a si n to the Morava system, The upper course of the Vardar forms an arc that encl oses the Jakupnica massif (2540 m), from wh ich the ridges of Nidze and Kozuf extend southwards to enclose the Bitola-Prilep basin . Th is extends from north to south more than 6 0 m i les and i s drained by the C rn a Reka (Black River) which , after exiting from the southern limi t of the plain, doubles back to a north ea stward course th ro u gh an area of mountains to join the Vardar bel O\.... Titov Veles near the ancient P aeonia n capital of Stobi (Gradsko) . Though marshy in some areas th is plain - the ancien t Pel a gonia - has supported a l a rge popu l ation from preh i storic ti mes and contains two of the major cities of Yugos lav Macedonia, Pri l ep and Bitola (formerly Monastir). West and northwest of this area th e di stricts of Ohrid and Tetovo arc dominated by the n o rth-sou th ranges of the Pindus system, nota bly the S ar planina and i ts s o u thward contin uation formed by the Korab, Bistra (2 1 63 m) and Karaorman (2242 m). Togcther they form a barrier t<] cast-west movement morc th an 1 00 miles long. East of thc Sar lies the roughly parallel Suva Gora to the sout h west of Skopje which is co ntin u ed south wards as the ranges of Plaken ska and Pclister, between wh ich lie ( from south to north) the ba s ins of Prespa , Oh rid, Debar (on thc Black Drin between thc J abl anica and Stogovo ranges), Kicevo and Gostivar-Tetovo, the last drained to the north by the upper Vardar. M uch of thc Ohrid and Prespa basins are covered by lakes that sti l l in p l a ces rcach to the foot of s teep mountains. Ohrid, drained n orthwards by the Drin , has contracted and is now bordered with mar shes, notably
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1 '1
I (l U n l l' t n's h i � l l l' r d Ll n
o h r i d , fro l l l w h i l"l l i t i s d i v i l k d h y t i l l' ( ; 'l l i l' i t' a r;1 I 1 �l" a l l d w a s o n n' d ra i ned w es t w a rd s v i 'l I . i t t le I ' rl'spa .l I l d t h e A l b a n i a n I )l'Vo l l , h i l t i t s l e v el h a s l o n � s i n Cl' s l i n k a n d t h ere i s n o w n o d i sl" h a r�c to t h e sea . A l t h e sa m c t i l 1 1 l' i t s reco rded tl uctuations I I I levcl a re ca u sed by d ra i n a ge i nt o u n derground passages d i w ) l v e d in t h e l i mestone of thc h ; I S i l l 'i to t h e n o rth th e Ohrid
Pindus. Unlike the i sol ated basin has ahvays been an i m p or t a n t ccntre of th e southern Bal kans. Oncc the domain of I he E n ch c 1 e i and c r os s ed by the Roman Via Egnatia, it w a s the .. i t l' o f o n e of the early Slav settl ements and then for a ti me h l';l r t l a n d of the First B u l garian Empi re. The ge n t l y rolling terrain of the l i n ked basins of Kosovo and Mctoh i j a is bo u n ded by steep-sided moun ta i ns formed along fa u l t-li ncs. On the southwe s t lie relatively low ranges (c. I S 00 I l l ) n o rtheast of the united Drin, on the northwest Koprivnik ( .?SW m) and Mokra Gora ( 2 1 S S m), wh i le to the so u thea s t l i e t h e northern heigh ts of the S ar massif. Thc Meto h i ja basin in t he west is drained by the Whi te Drin whi ch exits through a gorge to meet the Black Drin at Kukes i n northern A l bania. Th l' two h i l l s which defi ne the Metoh ij a on the east, Crnoljeva a n d C icevica, are no barrier to communication with the Kosovo hasin around Pristina, wh ich is sma l l er and morc elongated, This i s dra i ned by the northwards-flowing Sitnica which joins the IbaI', itsel f a tributary to thc Morava, at Kosovska Mitrovica a t the n orthern edge of the basin, where the united stream fol l ows a gorge between t h e massifs of Rogozna (1 5 04 m ) and Kopaoni k ( 20 1 7 m ) . Towards t h e south of the pl ain, a round the town of Urosevac, thcre l ies a n area between the dra inage of the Sitn i ca/lbar system and th at of the Nerod i m ka, which feeds the Varda r via thc Lepenac at Kaea n i k . T h i s i s the crucial area of a major north-south passagc between the upper Vardar and thc Morava basin around Nis. I t was in Kosovo th at the advancing Turks destroyed the for ces o f Serbia i n 1 3 8 9, a n d i n more recent times, as a part of th e Sanj ak of Novi Pazar, thc regi on was a subject of dispute bctween Austria and Turkey. North of thc Kumanovo basin rises the Morava, w hose northward cou rse l i nks a string of small basins that once con tai ned lakes. As the South ern 0 uzna) Morava thc stream crosscs
the R h odope p la t e a l l hy a I O l l g go rge , l i l l k l l l )!, V r . I I l J l' . l l l d P r i h o J to the m a j o r b a s i n o f Ll':'i k o v a l: ; 1 ro l l l i d 2. S m i le s I O l l g. F ro m there i t passes into a more d ra m a t i c go rge t o rea dl t h e grl';l t basin of Nis, cross-roads of th e ccntral Ba l k a n s . A fter v e l another defile at Stalac comes the mecting with the
Wcst�rn
(Zapadna ) Morava, which has also flowed th rough several gorges l i nking the basins of Pozega, C acak, Kraljevo and Kruse vac. The u n i ted river then passes through a final defile in th e Rhodope system at Bagrdan to the final broad valley where the now puny rel ic of a great river gently meanders through marshes to the Danube. In spite of the gorgcs and defiles that had to be by-passed through the surrounding hills, the Morava up to Leskovac has been the favoured route for passage towards the Aegean . Thc rai lway and the m a i n modern road now continue along the river via Vranje and Priboj and cross by a dry valley into the KUl11anovo basin and from therc reach the Vardar. An alternative route, avoi ding the detour of the gorge at Grdelica, follows the Jablani ca from the Leskovac basin into the Kosovo basin. A longer but easier detour, avoiding the SOllthcrn Morava altogether, follows the Western Morava up to Kra ljevo and then the Ibar to Kosovo, a l i n e now also taken by railway and modern road. The area east of the Ibar around the massi f of Kopaonik is sti l l covered with dense forests of oak and becch . Several of the smaller basins within th is area con tained cultivablc l and, incl uding Proku plje drained by the Toplica into the Southern Morava, Gnjilane, where rises the Southern Morava, and, further north, the Malo (Little) Kosovo basin. For a distance of around 45 0 miles an uninterrupted system of mountains, high pl ateaus, deep vallcys and gorges extends from northern Albani a to the head of the Adriatic. Becoming steadily broader towards the south , this Dinaric system consti tutcs a near-impassable barrier between the Adriatic and the Pannonian plain. Most of the rock is l i mestone of the Trias and Cretaceous ages and has no surface drainage except for thc streams that cross the clay floor of a basin (polje) before vanish ing underground. The surface of the l i mestone plateau in the karst is quite dry and there is no accumulation of red soil to sustain even a covcr of scrub vegetation . Cultivation is i mpossi ble, while travel i n the region is made difficult by ser-
2. 1 1',l I l·d r i dgl"
l'. l l i 'l·d h >' 1 I 1 1 1 ' \' l' l I l ' I ' l I ' l l I l l . T i l l' 1 1 1 1 )'. 1 \,'O I l S P I U I O I l 'o
s l I r L l u' I O I' l l I . l I i o l l '" a n' t i ll' d e p re s s l o l I , ( d o l i l l a ) , w h lTl' a h e a v y I'l· ... i d l l a l
day
CI I I
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dll' d r. l l l l a ge o f Ll i n w,l I l· r . T h e s e
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most sign i fi level a rea of . 1 1 1 11\ ' 1 1 1 1 1 1 IWt \v l'L'n r i dges 0 1 1 w h i c h ra i n water can seasonally a n' l I l 1 l l l l a t e to form a l a ke. Some of the higher pol je remain d r y h i l t t h os e nca rer the coast at a lower level usually have "I h·s for sOl11 e Illonths of the year, while the Lake of Sh kodCr is i n fact a polje whose sur face lies below sea-level and i s P lT l I I ;I l1L'n t l y i n undated. These areas afford the on l y place for pl' \' l 1 \ a l l e n t sett l e m e n t i n the karst, with most of the villages he i n g spread around the margins. Towards the northeast of the I ) i n a r i c system the karst becomes discontinuous, interrupted hv heds of sandstone and s h ale. Wh ile the l i nes of relief follow d;L' sa m e northwest to southeast axis, the ridges are broader a nd less rugged and the surface greener with more extensive forL·sts. There is also more surface drainage to the few major ri v e r s which cut across the lines o f rdief th rough deep valleys a n d gorges to l ink narrow basins of cultivated land. The Dinaric rq�ion of Yugoslavia compri ses some of the most impenetrahle (OLl ntry anywhere in E urope. Its inhahitants h ave never submit lL·L1 to a central authority, as local loyalties prevail and the fragmented terrain hinders contact even between adjacent com Ill u n i ties. By the same token, resistance to the would-be conqu t'ror has always been determ ined ; the struggles of the Pan nonian I l I yrians against the Romans and those of the Montenegrins agai nst the Turks were emulated by Yugos l avs during the Sewnd World War. Beyond th e h igh karst plateaus and the adjacent high moun tai ns lies a mountainous region where heights rise to bet\lveen 1 3 00 and 1 600 metres. Here the valleys are broader and offer easier passage, while there are long-estahlished major centres in Sarajevo, Visegrad and Novi Pazar. East of the Drina an area of broad valleys and rounded hills ends at the Golija planina ( 1 833 m) and the Ibar valley. On the west lie several platea u s, i ncluding the great prehistoric centre of Glasinac, that reach to the basin of Sarajevo, once a great lake and hordered o n the southwest by the fa ult-l ine of the Vranica (2 1 1 2 m) and Bj elasn i ca (2067 m ) ranges. This area is the physical centre of LI I I I fo r l l 1 a t i o n s
a rc
t h e k a rs t h a s i n s o r
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Bosn i a a n d t h e sou rl'l' 0 1 t h e r i v l'r B md l ,1 W l l l l' l l l o r l l\', t i l l' a x i "
of the bas i n as fa r a s Ze n i Gl , \v l ll' rc t h e r i v l 'r l' l l t l'rS a t o rt u o u s defile between t h e v o ka n i l' m a ssi fs ( I f n o r t h e rn Bosll i a , T h e next river to the west is the Vrbas, w h i d, rises ( I l l t h e west slopes of Vranica. After the broad h i gh basin o f Bugojllo the rivcr enters a gorge, with dramatic fal l s at J ajcc, until Banj a l u k a . This dcnsely forested area i n the Middle Ages formed a nucleus of the short-lived independent state of Bos n i a and later of Serbia. In addition to the ti m ber that away from the gorges can be floated down the major rivers, the area has rich m i neral deposits, including lead, silver and i ron ore, most of wh ich have been worked since Roman times, The main eastward continuation of the Alpine system is the Karawanken, a steep-sided ridge that reaches over 2000 metrcs and separates the upper Drau (Drava) basin around Klagen furt from that of the upper Sava around Ljubljana. This range, which is crossed by several passes, notably the Wurzen and Lu belj (Loibl), termi nates in the high Savi nski mountains, but the l i n e of relief is continued into the Pannonian plain with some lower h ills above Maribor on the Drava. The u pper cou rse of the Sava foll ows a valley that has continued eashvard from Friul i , wh ere it is drained by the Tagliamento, and then turns southeastwards into the Lju bl jana basin, around 3 0 miles long. Several smal l but steep-sided h i l l s rise from this plain, around one of which is situated the city of Ljublj ana, founded as the Roman colony Emona although an inhabited area from at least the Late Bronze Age. On the east a limestone plateau rises in pl aces to above 1 000 metrcs but has been dissccted by the Sava, Krka and their tributaries. Only in modern timcs has thc gorge of the Sava across this area become a route, for all of i ts lcngth by the rai lway and in part by a modern road. North of the Karawanken the river Drau rises in the High Tauern of Austria and at Maribor emerges from a gorge through the Pohorje plateau into the broad basin around Ptuj, sitc of a Roman fortress and veteran colony. Later i t is joined by the Mur, flowing from thc area of Prekomurjc, some way below Varazdin. With i ts gentle relief and broad alluvial valleys this region marks the transition from thc high Alpine mountains to the flat Pannonian plain, which l i cs mostly below the 1 50 metrc contour and is draincd by the Danubc and its two
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p r i l l l' i p'l l t r i h l l l .l r i l''i T i s a c ris/a ) a l l d Sa v a , T I l l' pa r t o f t h e p l a i l l w h i l' h l i l's 'io u t h o f t i l l' I h,I V .l i s t h l' h i s to r i l: region S l a v o l l i a , t h ro l lgh w h i l' h a do u h k l i l l l' o f h i l l s passes from I l o r t ln.... esl to sO l l t h ea st. The sOl l t h lT l I r a n ge cO lll m e n ces with t il l' h i l l s l I o r t h o f Z a grch 'N h i d 1 r i S l' Iwrl' a l l d there a bove 1 000 II ll't H'S, w h i l e fu r t h e r c a st the l i nc is w ntin ued by the slightly l o w l T M o s l a v acka a n d Ps u n j h i l l s , Th e northern ra nge com I I l l' l l l'l'S w i t h thc K a l n i k b i l l s (643 111 ) and broadens eastwards to fo rm thc Pa p u k and Ravna Gora which partly enclose the h'l s i n of S l a vo n s k a Pozega, Around 70 miles east of th i s area t il l' I l a rrow ra nge o f the fru ska Go ra (53 9 111 ) is forested on t l1l' l I o r t h face and falls steeply to the Danube, but the gentler sOl l t h e rn slopes h a v e long been cul tivated and support large v i l l a ge s w i th v i n eyards, The locss p l a teaus w hich rise from th e plains ben'Veen the l l I a j o r ri v e r s to heights of more than 60 metres appear to be I O r l l l cd of w i n d - blown deposi ts from the northeast, There is l i l l k s u rfa ce d ra i n age and wells must be d u g deep . Al though l l o W fe r t i l e a n d i n tensively cultivated in some areas, for example a ro u n d V u kovar, in th e Backa and Banat pl ains the settlements (l' n t! to be l oca ted a round th e margins. The old Tertiary basins Mou nd the D rava and Sava have been overlaid with masses of sl'd i m c n t borne down from the A l p s . Now both rivers meander H l l I ggi s h ly, with many cut-offs and occasional cha n ges of �:oll rse , Both have tl ood-pl a i n s u p to five m i l es across, bordered hy ri s i n g terraces to the respective plains of Podravina and Posa v i n a . Here settlements were set well back fro m the river w i t h m eadows rea ch i n g to the bank and fields extending across I h l' v a l l ey floor. The I I l y ri a n lands experience a wide range of cl i m ate. The nort h e rn plains a n d the mountains have the cold winters and Hhort hot s u m m ers of the continental climate, wh i l e the coast t' n joys the more amenable regi m e o f hot summers and mild Wl't w i n ters . D uring w i n ter m u ch of the plain and moun tains h a v l' frel'Z i n g te mperatures, a l th o u gh snowfa l l i s comparatively l i gh t . l' xcept tow a rds the A d riatic. Snow i s rarely seen on I hl' coast except on h i gh gro u n d . S u mmer tempera tures are t'vl' r y w h ere h i g h , e sp e c i a l l y i l l t h e k a rst hol lows near the Adri "til: a n d in t h e a l l u v i a l b a s i n s of M a l'l'do n i a , though even here n i gh t - t i m l' coo l i n g is s i g n i l i l' ;l l l l . R a i n is hornc to the a rea on
weste rl y w i n d s a l l d i s U ) I l Sl'q l l l' l l l l y I l I g h n i l l l i H' 1 l 1 0 I l I l I . 1 1 l 1 l 1 l 1 S west a n d so u t h w est , w i t h tro l l l .l ro l l l l d 1 2. ( )( ) 10 2. ( )( )( ) 1 1 1 1 1 1 , I h a n a rea s fu rther east s u ch a s t h e �il ( ) ra v a - V a rda r co r r i d or w i t h around 75 0 m m . The M ed i te r ra n e a n recei ves t h e h u l k o f its rainfa l l during a utumn a n d early spring, the pl a i n s in late s p r i n g and ea rly autu m n . In the ma tter of w i n ds the IIlyrian l an ds experience th e consequences of l y i n g astrid e th e bou n dary between the Mediterranean a n d continental syste m s , High pressure in central Europe and IO'wer pressu re in the Mediter ranean prod u ces the n otorious winter bura ( bora ) , a cold dry wind which sears down the Adri atic from Istria to A l b a n i a . Loca l l y i t can become a great danger to sh i pping at anchor an d i s totally destructive of any tree- or vegeta tion-growth , especially i n the northern Adriatic. Similar conditions p roduce the Va rda ra c which b l ows down the Vardar during winter, cold and d ry l i ke the bura b u t m uch less violent. Except on the dry karst towa rds the Ad riati c and the locss pl atforms a ro u n d th e Danube the IlI yrian l a n ds tend to be tree covered, though a good deal o f th i s has been removed th rough h u m a n activity since p reh i storic times. Towards the Mediter ranean the ch aracteristic cover is the maquis, a combination of drough t-resistant shrubs wh ich i s widespread between the mount a i n s and the coast. At h igher levels th i s can turn into l i gh t deciduous wood l a n d . Where some soil is retained in th e l i m estone karst an open woodland of b road-leaved trees, including horn beam and varieties o f oak, can develop, and towards the n orth the karst a reas tend to bc m ore densely wooded with oak and beech . The interior mou ntains of Bosnia and Old Serbia arc densely forested with oak and beech, a h uge natural resource for long barel y expl oited. In Macedo n i a woodland i s n o w confined t o th e h igher ridges a n d pl ateaus but evidently never extended to the allu vial p l ai n s . Towards the north, a reas such as S u m adija, whose name means 'wood land', have now largely been cleared for cul tivation . In th e plains few trees a re to be sccn , except for the stands o f will ow and pop l a r which cover the wetlands near the rivers. On thc whole the Illyrian lands are a m ong the least favoured areas of Mediterranean Europe in the matter o f soils. Thesc, when prcscnt, originate fro m thc rock and a re generally sh a l l ow with l i ttle formation of humus. The karst limeston e i s b a re save for
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kw pml e t ,> l i t d a y , h i l t a l l l l v l l I l I l , , l l l ll' l ! h ; l d l y d ra i l l e d , l'O V l'r" t il l' ha " i m , I I I t h e pLl i l l s I I I A l h , l I l l , l t h e l u i t l v a l i o l l l i t a l l u v i a l dq)os i t 'o req u i res i r r i ga t i o l l d l l rl l l g t h e h i l I '> U l l l l l l l'l" S , SOllle v ,l l l e y s l'O l l t ;l i l l C l l i t i v ;l h l c soi l .. h i l I l \ l a l l Y a re n a r ro w a n d the ,.,o i l s h a v e heen co v e re d w i t h s to l l Y d e p 0 'i i t i o n . I I I some u pland ha s i n 'i o f t h e ll1ou n t a i n o u s a l l d l a k e regi o n the al luvial and o l h e r d e p os i ts o f d ri e d - o u t l a k es h a v e p roduced soils of a high q l l a l i t y , t h o u gh o ften amoll nt i ng to only a small proportion of I I I l' O h r i d , Korcc, D e b a r and Kukcs basi n s . The forest soils of I I l l· hc l r o f l ower hills to the north of the high mountains offer a h e t te r re w a rd for cu ltivation, while the most recent l oess and a
alluvial
deposits
of
the plains are now ful l y cultivated.
u n i ted state of the South Slavs proclaimed on 1 I kl'clllber 1 9 1 8 comprised all the llIyrian lands except for A l h a n i a , v.... here a boundary l i ne defined with Montenegro in 1 9 1 J was reta i ned. Th e predominantly Albanian Kosovo region was a l so assigned to Yugosl av i a . At the ti me Albania was in 1 1 0 p o s i ti on to p ress her clai m , while the Yugoslavs were eager to gai n northern Alban i a itself for i ts easier passage to the A d riatic. In the northwest the border ,.... ith Italy was no less a problem, in a manner which m i rrored the con fl icting needs of t hose who inhabited the ll Iyrian karst plateaus and the popu hnion of the plains in n o r the ast Italy i n ancien t times. The l'a s t coast of the Adriatic had for centuries been under Ita l i an i n fl uence. Until Napoleon most of it had belonged to the RqJUblic of Venice and in 1 8 1 5 it passed under Austrian rule. A n u ndisclo sed pact in 1 9 1 5 promised m o s t of the coast and islands to Italy but in the final treaty Italy was con fi ned to the I stri a n peni nsula, including the ports of Trieste and Pula, and further south Zadar and some minor islands. The Itali an griev a n ce focused on Fiume ( Rijeka ) , an Italian port i n a Cro atian h i n terland, which in 1 9 1 9 was siezed by an expedition of Italian patriots. After the Treaty of Rapallo ( 1 92 0 ) had proclai med it a free city Fiume was eventual ly annexed to Italy under Mussolini ( 1 924), leaving merely the eastern suburb of Susak as the The
wholely inadequate Adriatic harbour for northwest Yugoslavia. A fter the Second World War the Yugoslav need for a n adequate Adriatic port was acknowledged with the award of al most all Istria, along with the J ulian Alps. Un fo rtunately, Trieste was denied and a wholely a rtificial frontier line from Gorizia on
' 1' /,,'
'i, ', I / ,
/' /",. 11/\'1'1.111 '
t h e I SO I l /.O t o I\. o p er ( Ca pod i ... l r i a ) 1 l' 1 l I l I i ll's I ll'h l l l d t h l' l:oa s t
left the OIKe- g rea t po rt o f T r i l' s l l' herd I o f i t s n a l ura l h i n t e r land. Along t h e Dal m a t i ;l ll t:oasl a l l I t a l i a l l possl'" ., i o l l s \\' C I"l' assigncd to Yugosla via, the fi rst on:a s i o n s i l l n' the end o f t h e Roman Empire whcn the enti re a re a was pol itit:a l l y integrated with the interior. The stirring of Alban ian nationalism in the l ate nineteenth century was prompted less by a desi re for freedom than by the fear of being partitioned between an enlarged Greece and Ser bia. They resisted the encroachments of the Montenegrins sanc tioned by the Congress of Berl in in 1 8 78, wh i le thei r hostility to an i ncreasingly opprcssive Turkish regi me cul m i nated i n the rebellion of 1 9 1 2 which brought a declaration of AI banian i ndependence before the end of thc year. The Grceks and Sl avs objected to the new state, the latter eager to join Serbia with the Adriatic via the route from Ohrid. The M ontenegrins had designs on the north, while the Grceks were more than willing to tak e over southern Albania with its large Orthodox popu lation . Across thc Adriatic, Italy \\'as a supporter of the new state, confidently anticipating the prospect of increased influ ence across the strait. Though the G reat Powers consented, Al ban ian independence rem ained precarious until 1 92 0 when it was formal l y accepted by Italy, which retained possessi on of th e sm a l l island Sazan i (Saseno) in the Bay of Vlora (Valon a ) . Kosovo and the Metoh i ja, whi ch in 19 12 the Turks had been prepared to i nclu de w ith their offer of an a u ton omous Alban i a n provincc, was in 1 920 finally ceded to Yugoslavia. During the Second World War the Alban i ans gained temporary control of the area while under Italian rule but gave it up in 1 945 without protest, in spite of its Al banian majority. Th e ruptu re of relations between Yugosl avia and th e rest of the communist bloc i n 1 948 was marked by a ren ewed h ostility towards the Yugoslav s, a change wh ich, in the eyes of most Albanians, was a satisfactory retu rn to th e natural state of affairs. At the tim e of wri ting the old di spute h as once morc reached a state of crisis. Federal Yugoslavia faces disintegration while a bid for autonomy, or even inde pcndence, by Kosovo has been suppressed by an increasi ngl y n ational istic Serbian Republic. The battleground of th is con flict h as now been extended to the arca of preh i story. The
l u n g - s t a n d i n g A l h a n i a n \.ll i l l 1 l or , I \.'o l l l i n l l i l y 0 1 d l' 'i \.'l' n l frc l I l l t i l l' ;1 I H : i l' l l I I l I y r i a n 'i i 'i n o w a n'( ) l l l pa n i cd h >' a rg l l l l l l' n t s t h a t K o s o v o a n d T\-h o to h i j a fm l l l p a r i s o t a n ;l I l ( i l'll t I I l y r i a n h o me l a n d t h a t s h o l l l d n a t l l ra l l y Ill' j o i lH'd w i t h t h e rest o f 11l00k rn A l h a n i a ,
2 Preh istoric Illyrians
Illyrian origins : Stone and Bronze Ages I The earliest testimony of man's presence in the IlIyrian lands arc stone hand-axes and pebbles broken for use as chopping tools. El sewhere in Eu rope these are dated to 200,000- 1 0 0,000 H C , i n the Lower Palaeolith i c era. These, however, are merely scat tered finds and the earl iest traces of occupation come from severa l caves u sed at intervals over many thousands of years. I n Montenegro, Crvena Stijena, at Petrovici near Niksic, was found to contain 9 metres of debris in wh i ch were 3 1 levels of deposition with 1 5 'cultural horizons'. More th an 23 ,000 stone objects were found bearing signs of having been struck or worked. In Level 24 (counti ng from the top where the latest deposit belonged to the Bronze Age) there was a thick inter gl acial deposit which could be dated to the Last Interglaci al period, that is before the advances of the great Al pine ice caps dated 200,000 to 1 00,000 BC. from the levels beneath came the flint-making flakes of the Levalloisian technique, industries of the Proto-Mousteria n and Mousterian types. from the cnd of the Last Interglacial ( 6 5 , 000 BC) a rock shelter in a sandstone hluff a bove a trib u tary of the river Drava at Krapina, not far from Zagreh, has an accumulation of 8 metres, with the lower 6 m etres bei ng sealed by a later stalagm ite deposit. Around I Pre h i story of Al ban i a : Prendi 1 9 82, 1 9 8 1\ , Korkuti 1 9! U b a n d C.abanes 1 9 8 6 ; of Yugoslavia : Novak el al. 1 9 71 , A l exander 1 972, Ben ac et al. 1 979a-c, 1 9 8 3 .
fl O O 1 r; l g l I l l' I I I '" I I I h l l l l L 1 I 1 hl l l ll· ... I l l l l l l l l n l d l l' 1'l· 1 I 1 . 1 l 1 l '" I I I ; 1 1 l e a " l
I ,�
I l l l' l l , W l I l l l e l l .l I l t ! l' h i l d rl' l l . T h e i r I n· d l I l l l l i cl l l'l1 . 1 ... i lll i l a r i l y
N ca l l l !c n h a l I'v la l l h i l t i l l I I t l l n 1'l· ... l wl' l ... t h c }' n'sc l l l h kd I l l o d e rn I l l a l l ( h o lllo s,/ / I/('//s ) . T h l' l r 1 1 10 1 ... Wl Te f 1 a k cs o f H i n t
10
;1 1 1 <.1 0 1 h er I oca I ro c k s .
.
'
(c.40,()( )()-lW( )() 1\( .) no hones h i s presence is a l l csted in sev e r a l pla ces by blade i n d ustri es. The knO\vn sites h a v e been i d e n t i fi ed with the princi pal divisions of the West Europe a n Palaeolith i c, Aurignadan, Gravettian and Magdalen s i a n , but so fa r fev"" sdentific dates have been obtained through Ll rbo n 1 4 . The general character of these industries has sug �l'sted links v.,ith the northeast, namely Hungary and western Romania . In C rvena Sti jena the most \videspread and oldest A u rignacian had been found along with the remains of red deer, wild cattle and goats. The Aurignacian and G ravettian i ndustries which occur on the plains and in northern Bosnia ( Kamcn, Doboj , Grahovca brdo, LuikiCi, Usova and Visoko hrdo) are generally l i nked \...·i th hunting of the mammoth. The G1VeS used by e a rl y man in these l ands arc devoid of paintings or carvi ngs, though there may well be some in areas yet to be fu l l y explored. This prospect is encouraged hy finds of carvings on a rock face at Lipci, near Risan and Morinj on the Gulf of Kotor in Montenegro. The subjects include deer and some geometric (sub-rectangular) shapes. The l.ipd c arving s are so far unique in the Bal kan region and their date is unknown. ' The Mesolithic or Middle Stone Age ( c . R O OO-c.6000 BC) continued the traditions of h unting, food-gathering and fish ing wh ich had developed in the Palaeolithic, and changes in style of livi ng began only with the appearance of farming and settle ments which distinguish the Ncoli thic or New Stone Age. Dur ing post-glacial ti mes the lands east of the Adriatic began to take on the cha racter and appearance they possess today. As the ice caps along the Adriatic-Danu be watershed starte d to m e l t decid uous trees began to cover the plains and hills, while I : ru m t h e U p p e r Pa l a eo l i t h i c
of Illodern l 1 1 a n h a ve yet cOllle t o l i gh t , hllt
1
Crvena
1 972.
Stijcn a :
Baslcr 1 97/
and
Basler
et
al. 1 975 ; Kra p i n a : Alexander
\ Adriatic region : Hasler "1 9 8 3 ; Lipci : Pusic 1 9 7 1 , also B rod ar 1 9 ! U (Aurignacian h unrcr c o m p l ex i n S loven i a ) .
and Brod a r
l a n d s i n t h e D a n l l he h;l s i n s a v", t i l l' s p re;l d ( I f �r;l ... ... l a n d s where flo u ri shed �ere a l p l a n t s, i l h.: l l I d i n � w h ea t , ha rky , o a t s a n d rye, l a ter domesticated hy m a n . [ n t h e w o o d s a n d m O l l n tai ns there dwelt anim als that are sti ll ty p i c a l o f the region,
open
deer, w i l d cattle, pigs and goats.4 Farm i ng com muniti es first appear in the lands bet\\'een t h e Adriatic an d the Danube i n the context of the Sta rcevo Cul ture (c.6000- 4500 BC) , named a fter a site on the Dan ube a l ittle below Belgrade. These a rc at presen t the earl iest farming groups known north of the Vardar valley, and did not gener ally s pr e a d beyond the plains around Belgrade, that is n orth ern Serbia, the Banat an d Yojvodin a . Some settlements of this culture have been found i n eastern Bosn i a at Gorn j a Tu zla, Obre north of Sarajevo, Y aros , a n d also at V u ce d ol in Croatia (see figure 2). In northern Al bania the Early Neolithic h as been i de n ti fie d along the middle course of the Black Drin at Buri m, farther upstream at Rajce and, in a later phase, at Kolsh near Kukes at the Drin confluence. In Central Albania the sites at Blaz in the Mat valley and in the Korce
Figure 2 Reconstruction 4
Malez and Osole 1 97 1 .
of
Vucedo[ Eneolithic settlement
/ ,,.,·,,,," /1 1/'/,
111 " """,\
\I
ha s i l l .I n' a k i l l 1 0 ! I l l' A d r i a l i l N l'ol l l h l l , I l il- l I l i f i l'd .1 1 � l I l l k i l' I l l'M /, a d a r . T h l' s i l l'S W lTl' n' i d l'l l I l y w l' l I l'hOSl' 1 I a l l d l'< > l l I i l l l l l'd i l l Ol' l'I l p a l i o l l SO l l l l' l i l l l l'S to r ! l 10 1 I ." l I l d s o f Y l' a rs , A s o l'l: u pa t i o l l
o r ' t e l l " the to construct l' I a ho r a te dH< > I l o l ogies, nor o l l l y to r i n d i v i d u a l sites but also rela t i v e to m a n y others, from t hese h a s been deduced a 'spread' or 'ad vance' of fa r m i ng methods, in the form of a slow north ward movement towards the Middle Danube, that brought an i n Cl'l';l Se i n popu lation and which either eliminated or integrated o l d e r co m m unities of hunters and gatherers.5 The econom y of th ese Neolithic farm ing 'tef l '-si tes was a m i x of cereal farm ing, animal domestication and hunting a n d fishing. C rops included wheat, barley, m i l let and bea n s ; I i v cs tock incl uded cattle, pigs, sheep a n d goats. Implements i ncl uded ground stone tool s, axes and adzes, w i th large flaked tools a s scrapers and sickle blades. Obsidian, a n atural vol ca nic form of glass obtained from Hungary, was a l so used for tools. Bone p rovided the material for needles, spoons and spatulas, and clay was baked for loom-weigh ts and spindle whorls. Huma n and an i mal figurines made of clay resemble those found i n G reece and Asia M inor. They have a cylindri cal shape, with no l imbs and the head indi cated only by i ncisions for the detail o f features. The principal evidence for recogni zing the successive phases and associations of these early farm i ng communities consists of hand-made pottery of fi red clay in a variety of forms, decorated with finger i m p ressions, appl ied cordon s and inci sed l i nes. South of the watershed farm i ng m ethods had reached the southern Adri a t i c coast by the mi ddle of the sixth mifleniu m . Pottery with i ncised and i mpressed ornament associated with ground stone i m plements has been found in many sites on the Dalma tian coast and islands. The large di tched enclosure at SmilCic near Zadar prod uced impressed pottery vessels si m i lar to those of southern Italy, and the same pottery has been found on the llt' h r i s ;1l'l' l I l l l l l l a l l'd 1 0 to r l l l a l l a rl i l i l' i ; 1 1 I l l O U I Il. 1 l l I a l l Y s t ra t i fi e d l a y e rs ha ve l' l l a h l e d ;Hl' h a l'( ) l og i s t s
' Serbian
Srcjovic 1 98 8 ; Cornja Tuzl a : Covic 1 97 1 a ; Ohre: Varos: Bcnae 1 971 e ; Vucedol : Schmidt 1 945 ; a lso Di vosti n : and S rejovic 1 9 8 8 . Albanian sites: Korkuti 1 9 8 7.
Ncol ithic:
B e n ;} c 1973 ;
McPh erron
1 h/, '\/ '. 1 / . /' I. " 1111'11, 111.\ n o r t h e r n A d r i a l i �' i s la l l d ... ( : !"l' s . I\. r k a l l d 1\1 . 1 1 1 1 .l l s l I l 1 I I I t i l l' K v a rn c r G u l f a l l d 0 1 1 I h l' 1 1 I ;l i n l a l l d i n �' a V l'" I I I t h l' V d c h i t m ou n ta i n s . 1> Th e next p h as e of the N col ith i e fa rm i n g e ra i n t h e J\t i d d k Dan ube is n a m e d fro m the s i t e o f V i n Ca , ",· h i eh i s a l so o n th e Danube below Bel grade. T h e V i n C a Cul tu re (£:.45 00-4000 BC) a ro u n d the southern edge o f the Dan ube bas i n m a r k s th e s prea d o f far m i ng i nt o th e h i l l s and va l l eys on th e sou th and \vest towards the mountains a n d the Adri atic. The m i xed eco n o m y ba s ed on cere a l s and li v e s to c k of th i s culture was similar to Starcevo b u t it is di s t i n gu ished b y its pottery which exh i b i ts a grea te r va r i e ty of for m and ornamen t. The s h a pe s i nclude carinated and straight-sided bowls w i th th ree - o r fo u r foo t e d p e d e s tal s , 'altars', o r ta bles, -
with hollow feet and pots decorated with animal features. The decoration cons i sts o f burnishing in patterns and incised ri bbon and maean der d e s i g n s For all t h e impression o f i n no v a ti o n which this material conveys there is n o evi dence that th e Vin c a settlements represent any l a rge-sca l e i m m i gr a t i on i n to the l a n d s west and sou th of the M i ddle D a n u b e . Along the Adri atic coast the newer fa rmi n g commu nities are dis tingu i shed by thei r painte d pottery. This shows simil ariti es wi th the p o tte r y of Greece a n d I t al y and also w i t h the T r i e s te reg i o n (Vl a sko Culture ) . I t is n a m e d Danilo Cul tu re from the l o n g occupied hill scttl ement o f D a n i lo Gornje near S i b e n i k , wherc the rema i n s incl ude 24 huts with floors partly paved with stone. There w a s a n a cti v e stone-working t ra di t i o n , wh ile the pottery falls into h.... O types, a p a i n ted ware wi th Ita l ian connections and a burnished w a re with s p i ra l a n d ma cander patterns. D a n i l n settlements a rc numerous al o ng the co a s t and on the islands, in p a rt ic u lar Hvar, but di d not spread i n l a n d . There arc no traces of earl y fa r min g in the mountains and h igh val leys of Bosnia or Montenegro. In Albania the m i ddle Neolithic has been identified at the s e ttle m ents of Cak ran on thc lower Vijose and at Dunarec i n the K orcc basin. .
, \ Adriatic Keolithic: Batovic 1 971 a ( SmiICic) , (eres), Rapan i c 1 984 (Cetina v a lley ) ,
1 9 76a, Mirosa vljcvic 1 9 7 1
\ \
T I l l' d osl' s t t i e ... a p lw;H t o I ll' w l I l l t i l l' I > .l I l i l o ( : u l t u rl' o t t h e l > a l l l l a t i ;l n i\ d r i ;l I i �' a l l d t i l l' l'. l r l y p h .I Sl' o t " a ka n j ( O h re ) i l l I\m n i a , a n d a l so w i t h SO I l l l' g ro u p ., i l l so u t h e rn I ! a l y , � o h j cc t s do ; I P Pl'; t r s p or a d i ca l l y among N col i t h i c fa r l l l i l l g 1.:O l l l l l l ll l l i t i es, especially in I\os l l i a a n d o n the A d r i a t i c, I h e k n o w l ed ge of metal -working a nd t h l' use o f i m plements of mcta l ca m e late to the western I \a l ka n s , Thl' spread of copper and b ro n z e was a slow p r o ce s s : i t w a s ba rel y complete by around 2000 BC and even then for l'l' l l I u r i es a fter the use of metal ,..'as confined to a few si mple fo r l l l s o f i mplement. Tho ug h it continues much debated, it Sl'e I l l S to bc still the view of some archaeol ogi sts that the spread of l l I e t a l i n the Danube lands was marked by a l a rge - scale I l l i wa t i on o f new people into the area from steppes o f western A s i a and the Black Sea region . Moreover, many believe that t h i s was the on l y major movement o f population in the area, t ill' l a ter Aegean m igrati on s that marked the end of the Bronze A gl' ( 1 200 HC) be i ng merely a southward sh i ft of Balkan and l o w e r Danube communitics towards the Aegean and the Nea r East , The th ree phases of the Bron ze Age in the western Balkans, Early Bronze 1 9 0 01 1 8 00- 1 6 00n 5 0 0 BC, Middle Bronze 1 6001t 5 00-c. 13 00 HC and Late Bronze to c. 1 2 0 0 BC, appear to be later and less sophisticated versions of those in the Danube ha s i n , the eastcrn Balkans and thc Carpath i an s, all of which fl'ached full development by th e end of the third m i l l en i u lll . A rchaeologi sts currently bel i eve that a grad ual formation of loca l cultures and the e th n ic groups thcy are j u dged to represcnt took place du ring the l atest phase of the Stone Age (Eneolithic), .lnd that thcse were consolidated rather th an curtailcd by th e arrival of newcomers from the east. It is also suggested, though not unco ntested, that these newcomers were Indo-European sp e a ker s . A symbiosis between these and the existi ng communi t i es resulted in the for m ati o n of the pr i n cipal tribal groups of what a re now cal led the Palaeo-Balkan peoples. On this, it is suggested, the r e is warrant to base the hypo thes is of an unbroken continuity in popu l ation from the Early Bronze Age T h o l lgh
1 1 1 l' 1 ;1 1
I l I I p i l' n H .' I I t S o f
7
Vlasko: Barficld l 971 , . 53- 4 ; Danilo: K o rosec l 9S 8 ; Hvar: I"ovak Cakran : Korkuti a n d And rca l 9 7 S ; D unavec: Kork u ti 1 9 75.
I l.I 7 1 ;
1 95 5 ,
I hl ' SI '. I / I " Il l / 1 11 "' / . 1 1/, d O W I l to t h e f i r s t h i s t o r i Ld l"l'u I l"l l s 0 1 Ib l k ,1 1 l p l'o p k s , 1 1 1 t h i s e q u a ti o l l t h e p r ilK i pa l regi o l l a l gro l l ps d d i l l l'd h y d u r a l" t l' J" i s t i l"s
of their m a te r i a l cu l t u r e a re t h l' l l i d l'll t i l i ed \v i I h h i s to ri l"a I groups th u s : East Bal k a n B ro n ze A ge n:p resl' l l ts Thral"i a n s, t h e Balkano-Danubian the 'proto D"Ko-�loesi a n s ' , a n d t h e West Balkan the III yrians. x In the western Bal kans there arc few remains to connect with these bronze-using 'proto-Illyrians', except in western Serbia and eastern Bosnia. Moreover, w i th the notable exception of Pod near Bugoj no in the upper valley of the Vrbas, noth ing i s known o f their settlements. Some hill settlements h ave been i dentified in western Serbia but the main evidence comes from cemeteries, consisting usually of a small number of burial mounds (tumu l i ) . In eastern Bosnia at th e cemeteries of BcIotic and Bela Crkva the rites of inhumation and cremation are found, with skeletons in stone cists and cremations in urns. Metal implements appear here side by side with those of stone. Most of the remai ns belong to the fully developed Middle Bronze Age. Similar burials have been discovercd on the Glas i n a c plateau east of Sarajevo ; several mounds arc known to have remaincd in u se from the beginning of the Bronzc Age. Here i nhumation is the dominant rite. The metal obj ects found at thcse sites tend to be of Ccntral European origin and rcmain in use down to Iron Age times. It is these Bronzc Age comm un i ties which havc been identified as anccstors of the historical IIIyrians.9 Outside western Serbia and eastern Bosnia not a lot is known of early metal-using communities. Objects of metal occur i n the established Neol i th ic settlements a t Butmir and LisiciCi and in some of the caves on Hvar (Grabak and Zelena Petina) , where bronzc axc-picks, axe-hammers, chisels and A a t axes were in use by around 2000 BC. Thc impress i o n o f continuity from the age of stonc to that of metal comes also from the cave dwelling at Hrustovaea Petina in thc Sana val ley and the Dcbclo Brdo h i l l-settlemcnt overlooki ng Sarajevo, which acquired defences around this time. The pottery in u se here �
M, G a rasa n i n 1 9 82a, 1 9 !! !! a , Bugoj no: Covic 1 9 71 b, 1 975b ;
.. Pod,
Belotic and Bcl a
Crkva: D , a n d
c, arasan in 1 9 7 1 b ; G l a s l nae: Benae and Covic 1 95 6 , Covi': 1 9!W- 1 .
M,
1 '''''''i�/l I lI ( 1 11"",/11,\ N h o w s si m i l a l' i t i l's w i t h t h a t o l n l l't a l - l I s l n g l'on l l 1 1 l l n i t i es i n t h l' Sa va ;l n d I > l'a " ;1 v a l l e y s ( V l Il\' d o l a n d S Ll V o n i a n n d t l l res) a n d a l so, t h ol l gh i n n l l l l' h s m a l l e r q l l a nt i t ies, w i t h p o t t e r y i n the Hvar CWt' S , A d i s t i n g l l i s h i n g k,l I l1 re o f the Bronze Age i s the p r a t, t i l'e o f ra i s i n g m O ll nd s of so i l o r stone a bove the burials of i n d i v i d u a l s . T h i s was acco m p a n ied by an elaborate ritual, i n d i ca ted by enci rcl ing r i n gs of stones and the deposition of prel'iolls objects as grave goods, i ncluding battle axes and
daggers. I n Albania the first metal-using culture (Chalcolithic, 2600-2 1 00 KC) is represen ted in the first and second levels at M a l i q in the Korce basin (see figure 3). The early houses were (' rn"tcd on oak p i l es , then l ater ones directly on the ground w i t h walls of bundled reeds. Implcmcnts were of flint, polished stone, bone, horn and day (weigh ts for fishing nets) and i n d u dcd also copper axes, spearheads, necdles and fish-hooks. There are links with other Balkan sitcs of th is p eriod , notably I�u hanj in southern Serbia and Krivodol in Bulgaria, as well as somc correspondenccs wi th Macedonian s i te s . Albanian i Hchaeologists stress the essentially local character o f this cul l U rc, wherc the earl ier traditions have heen detcctcd as per s i sti ng cven i n newer phases that have been associated with a new i mmigrant ruling class. I Cl This rather tidy portrayal of a succcssion of early farming (ultures using ground and flaked stone tools and thcn some largely importcd metal implements comes to an end with the m iddle phasc of the Bronze Age ( 1 6001 1 5 00-c. 1300 BC) . The (hange is sign i fied by thc m an i fest a bility of the people some identify as 'proto-IIIyrians' to exploit the rich mineral deposits ()f Bosni a and Slovenia, notably copper, tin and gold. The techniques of u sing two- and threc-piece moulds, casting-on, hammering and annealing bccome commonplace. The hoards o f working tools and ingots testify to the speci al ist smith, and those of finished metal goods to thc activity of the travclling merchant. Hithcrto the Adriatic coast and hinterland were remotc from the main centres of stone-using farmers and the first spread of metal. The balance now shifts i n the sense that III Butmir: Munro 1 900, 1 8 9-2 1 7 ; Li siciCi : 1 976a, 1 9 8 1 ; Maliq: Prendi 1 9 77-8 .
Benac 1 971 <1 ; Dal mati a : Marovic
Figure 3
Remains of Neolithic pile-dwellings at Maliq, Albania
the Dal matian coast is j oi n e d by sea routes with Italy a n d the Aegean. Bronze ob j ec ts reflecting contacts with the latter incl ude double axes, daggers, rapiers and ingots in the form of miniature ox-hides, while l inks with the north are to be seen in the trapeze-hilted dirk from the island of Osor and brooches from Unesic near Siben ik. A few imports from the Mycen aean Bronze Age of southern Greece, including a sword and some
h�ure 4 Tumulus burial with central grave at l'azhok . Alban ia
pottery on Hvar, may represen t seaborne trade. The middle of the second millennium may have seen the beginnings of the trade in a mber objects down the Adriatic, from the sou th shore of the Baltic via the Vistula, Slovakia and around th e eastern Alps to the h ead of the Adriatic. A relatively sudden expansion of external con tacts may be reflected in an increased occurrence of weapons around the Adriatic. " In Alb ania evidence for the Middle and Later Bronze Ages (c.2000-1 200 BC) comes mainly from Maliq and from other si tes in the Korce basin and from the Mat valley in the north west. At Maliq there is a break in continuity with earlier cultures, which some have lin ked with the arrival of Indo European speakers in the Korce basin. Their appearance is signified by pottery with corded decoration, and was fol lowed by a process of fusion with existing communities. This period sees the beginning of the tumulus burials at Pazhok in the Devoll valley (see figure 4) and, sl ightly later, at Ban; in the Korce basin. The Middle Bronze Age (identified with Maliq phase Hie) is held to represent a period of 'consolidation ' and is also represented at the Nezir cave in the Mat valley. In this era the external links are predominantly with the Aegean cultures, from which imported objects include swords, daggers, 1 1
Batovi c 1 980a.
/I,, ' S" I m 1, /"r 1II"" t. lIIS spea rhea ds, k l l i n's a n d s i lo' k ks . Thl' v a ril'd a n d l' I q�a l l l fo r m s of Late Brollze A g e pottc ry ( M a l i q I l I d ; t i ft l'l' ll l h - l \w l tt h lo'l'l l l l l l' ies RC) are decorated i ll red and OdHl' in gl'o ll1�.'l ric p a tte rn s , identified by Albanian archaeologi sts a s ' De v o l \ i a n w a re' a l l d believed to have remained in use unaltered unti l the end of t h e Iron Age. A wider distribution in Macedonia and Epirus is t h e
basis for suggestions of a southward and eastward movement of IlIyrian peoples. The large haul of bronze objects from burial tumuli, some of wh ich continued in use for several centuries, include some local types, notably 'Skodran ' axes found in northern Albania along with imported double axes and swords. Later these Aegean forms were to be replaced by northern types, among them socketed axes and tongue-grip s'.... ords. 12 J ust as ancient writers could discover no satisfactory general explanation for the origin of IIIyrians, so most modern scholars, even though now possessed of a mass of archa eological and l inguistic evidence, can assert with confidence only that Illyrians were not an homogeneous ethnic entity, though even that is today challenged with vigour by historians and archaeologists working with in the perspective of modern Albania. Notions once widely canvassed of a 'proto-IIIyrian' people of Indo European origin once widespread across Europe were always at best unproven and have now been generally discarded. In the twenties and thirties of the twentieth century, belief in the existence of a European s u b -stratum of now vanished IIlyrians was an attractive idea to those bent on emphasizing the pure Aryan origin of the nordic peoples of Europe. In the other di rection there seems now to be increasing scepticism towards theories of direct IlIyrian involvement in the movement of new peoples into Greece at the end of the second millennium BC. Similarly, many have now discarded the si mple i dentification of European Illyri ans with the Urnfield Culture of Late Bro nze Age Central Europe. This particular equation stemmed from the 'pan -IlIyrian' theories propounded early th is century by philologists who could d i scover traces of Illyrians scattered across the linguistic map of Europe. 1 3 12
Mat
val ley (Burrel ) :
Kurti 1 98 3 ;
Pazhok: Bodi naku 1 9 R 2 ; Bar,: And rea
1 9 76b, 1 977-8 ; Nezir: Andcca 1 9 8 5 , Prendi 1 984 ( axes) . Jl IIIyrian cth nogencsis : Korkuti 1 9 82, Pren di 1 985b.
A I lI o n' Ll I l l i o ll ' n'l"O I P , 1 r t l l" l 1 0 1 1 u l 1 1 1 ).' 1' 1 . 1 1 1 O l'igl l l ' o r \' d l l log �' I I �', i s ' ha, l' l l Il' I"gl'l1 I ru l\l a I'l"iLl l'u l ogl \ 1 s ;1 1 S;l I";\ jl' V O , 1 1 0 1 a h i v A , I k l l a l" ;\ l I d B , ()v i c WO l' k i l l g t ro l l l ! Il l' n' Ll l i v l' a h u l l d a n c�' 0 1 p l'l'il i s l O l'ic I'e l ll a i n s i n Bos n i ;l a l l d a d j a n'llI a reas, t h e y s u gge s t ! l L l I d u r i n g t h l' Iho l l l.e Age t h ere took pl ace a p ro gressive ' 1 l I y r i ;lII i l.a t i o l l ' o f peoples d wel l i ng in t h c l a nds betwecn the S;\ V ;\ a n d the A d r i a t i c . Sincc their homel and lay aside from the l l I a i n ro u te of m igration across so utheast Europe the movement I I I peo ples at the cnd of the B ronze Age had relatively little i l l l p a c t on them , On the other h and, the beginnings of the Iron A ge a ro ll n d 1 000 ne is held to coincide with the formation of
I he h i storical Illyrian peoples. This hypothesis, based on a large l l I a ss of evidence, well excavated and fully analysed, has an i n t e rn a l consistency that is impressive and appears now to l' Omm and the field. On thc other hand, its value for Illyrian origins as a whole is limited, not l east because it largely ignores t h l' many contacts and presumed interactions between IHyrians ,, " d other cultures, notably those of the Mediterranean. More I IVl'r, the 'Bosnia-centred' theory offers no explanation for the origi ns of differences between peoples historically designated as J I I yrian, such as those between the Liburni in the north west il lld the 'real Illyrians' of the southeast, in what is now Mon tenegro and northern Albania . It is, however, equally difficult to accept the view that such differences are due principally to the survival of populations with older culturcs later subsumed into the family of thc Indo-European-spcaking IIlyrians. Cur rent thcories of Illyrian ethnogenesis cannot fail to impress through thei r weight of archaeological evidence; but material remains alone can nevcr tel l the whole story and can m islead. Also, while i t is tru e that Pan-IIIyrian theories have been set aside, the questions which prompted their formu lation stil l remain: there are traces o f JIIyrian names, and some historical t radition, for the prcsence of Illyria n peoples in parts of Europe heyond the l i mits of their historical homelands, and also in Asia Minor. What one i s to make of these remains a problem. I n general the linguistic evidence for IIIyrians in Greece, Asia M i nor and Italy i s yet to be interpreted. In the case of Italy there is not only the testi mony of names from l iterary sources and inscriptions but also indications in the archaeological evi dence that there was a movement of p e op l es across the Adriatic
4()
I ta l y d ur i n g the f i rs t centu r y o f t h l' f i rst millellll i u m ( 1000-9 0 0 lI< : ) . NOIll, t h eiL-ss t he t heory o f an I l I y riall migration across the Adriatic h a s heen cha llenged hy A . lkn;l c, w h o argues that the I I Iyrian lingu istic a n d m a terial rem a ins i n I ta l y
into
need amount to no more th an t h e result of several centu ries o f commercial intercourse. I n s u m , the destructive i mpact o f later research on the earlier generalizations regarding IlIyrian s sho u l d b e regarded a s a step forward. The prohlem remains for prehis toria ns h ow to construct a valid scheme of analysis with wh ich to tackle the formation of Illyrians. 1 4 Iron Age IlIyrians 1 5
The five centuries between the Late Bronze Age ( 13001 1 200 Bc) and the middle of the eighth century witnessed not onl y the spread o f iron use a n d iron-working but mark for Greece and neigh bouring lands the beginning of recordcd history, when names and events are preserved and descriptions of peoples and pl aces were first written down. The same period saw m ovements of people southwards to Macedonia, Greece and Asia Minor from the direction of the Danube and the southern Bal kans. The years 1 200- 1 05 0 BC, during which there took place in Greece the decline of Mycenaean fortresses and the beginning of the classical city-states, arc m arked among IlIyri ans by a rich material cul ture and contacts with the Aegean world . These links were then broken and were not to be re created unti l around 8 00 BC. During the Early or HaJ lstatt (named from thc site near Salzburg in Austria ) Iron Age (mid eighth to mid-fourth century BC) , the first phase of IIIyrian history, the principal external influences were the Greek Aegean and northern Italy (Bologna and Este). Though widespread from the seventh century onwards thc Greeks had relatively 14
JIIyrian
formation : Bellac 1 9 64, 1 9 76 M . G a rasanin 1 9 8 8 a ;
S. lta l v : Benac 1 98 8 . 11 Ea�ly Iron Age i n Yugoslavia :
,
IIIyrians
in
Covic and Gabrovcc 1 97 1 , �1. Garasanill 1 9 82b, Vasic 1 973 , Benac ct a 1 . 1 9 8 7, Gabrovcc 1 9 64-5 , 1 966a (Slovcll i a ) , Vasic 1 977 (chronology), Jevtic 1 98 3 ( pottcry). In Albania : Prclldi 1 9 75a, 1 9 8 5a, Hammond 1 982a.
,1 1 I l I t k i l l l P , K t 0 1 1 t h e I I I .J l l' I" i a l l l l l t l l lT 0 1 t h e ... I H l l h n l l I l I y r i a l l '" ( I \o" l I l a , S n h i a , �t o l l l l' l I l'gro a l l d A l h a l l i a ) u l l t i l t h e e x p a l l ... i o n o t M 'I l"l'll o n i a i n t i l l' fo u rt h n' l I t u ry . B y w a y o f co n t rast t h e l O l l l n l l l l l i t i l· ... i n C ro a t i a , S l o v l' l I i a a n d western Bos n i a were dl'l' p l y i l l t l u l' l I cl'd hy t h e I ta l i c c u l t u res, espec i a l l y in
parts of
S l o v l'l I i 'l ( I .ower Ca rn i o l a ) . An i n v asion of horse-riding and l , l rI - d r i v i n g 'Th raco-Ci m merians' from the direction of the I \ L l l" k Sea was ollce tho ught to h a v e infl uenced th e western I \ , d ka n s ;I t t h e st a r t
of
Iron Age but this is now doubtcd. ( ) n t h e ot he r h al1ll , thc cxpansion of Ach a e m enid Persia into t h e so u t h e rn Balkans is b elie v ed to be the like l y cx pl a nat i on t or ... i g l l i hC
vorovi near Bjelina), in Serbia ( S abac, Mramorac, Umcari, Nov i )lazar and ot h ers), in nor th crn Albania (Mat, Burrel, (,:ina mak, Kushi and others) and the a d j acent southern Adriatic ( ;lI bavica near Mostar, Radi m l j a, Plana, Kacanj , Mosko, Lj u hO lll i r, Glogovik and others). The typical G l as i nac settlement i s a fortified h il l top (see figurc Sa), of which not one h as yet hl'l'n fully examined. B u rials consist of skeletons benea t h carth t ll lll u l i dcfined by stonc ci rcles of around ten metres diamcter and oft en contain two to four graves (see figure 5 b ) . Down to t h e si xth centu ry tumuli oc c u r in groups of around ten but l a ter t h e number i ncreases. Major tombs contain a centr al h u r i a l surrou n ded by r o ugh ston e s, wi th sec ondary burials a round, outsi de thc stone enc l osu rc and generally orientated l'ast-west. The gr aves are often rich in finds but the con t e n t s vary. The presence of qu anti ties of w c apons indicate a the
.
-
1 1,
Etruscan infl uences : Sta re 1 975 .
IS 11 __1=::::1.._' III () 50 1w .... .. .... 1ww 1 1l1
,
() 1oiLW . loo!
o 51) : _...L---.JIw_' I I I __I:::=
SO
!wI !oooI I III
figure
a) Plall of settlemellts
01/
.s-
the Glasinac plateau
(b}
(c) b)
Figu re 5 Continued Chie{tain burial at Glasinac (Ili;ak . Tumulus c) Bronze greaves {rom Glasinac burial
Il)
1 11 1 ' .'\/ '1 1 ,., I, I"" 1 1/ " " 1 1 1 / \
Figure 5 Continued on bronze great'es from G/asinac
d) Design of ship incised
dominant warrior class (see figures 5c and 5d). An increase in cremation graves during the l ate sixth and early fifth centuries may reflect a collapse of the tribal structure and change in prevailing religious belief, I 7 Settlements and associated burials persisted a t Glasinac unti l the l ate fourth century, having continued without significant interruption from the developed ( Middle) Bronze Age. It has been estimated that at the height of its prosperity from the eighth to sixth centuries the population of the area had increased by a factor of seven. The emergence of a local ruling elite suggested by tom bs containing prestigious i mports marks a concentration of power in eastern Bosnia comparable with that which appeared around a century l ater in Slovenia. During the sixth century the rulers of Glasinac may h ave been expanding thei r power in several directions. Nevertheless Glasi nac i tself remained out of di rect contact with the Greek world, an isolation that may h ave accelerated a decline after the early fifth century. The rapid falling-away in the nu mber of burials before the end of the fourth century seems to i ndicate a general desolation, probably marked by the departure of whole groups towards the expanding world of Greece and Macedonia. Excavations of tumuli i n northern and central Albania have 17
Glasinac cu ltu re :
Benac and Covic
1 95 7 ,
(;ovic
1 979,
Govcdarica 1 978.
l 'I'I '''i� / f l n , 1 IIvll. I 11 ,\ t'u rn i s l l l'd s i g n i l i Ll l l 1 l' v i dl' l l l'l' l or t i l l' SOl i t l l l' r I l I I I 0-; t I l I y ri a n s , TIll' a rl';l k n o w l l 1 0 I h l' ( ; n'l' b , ; t -; I l I y r i s l a y lll' t w t't' l l I h c La k cs .l I I d t i l l' A d r i a l i l", a n d i l l d u d ed I h e v a l l e y s o f t h t' Bl a c k a n d the I I l l i l l'd D r i l l , M a t , Sh k u ll l h i n a l l d SC I l l ;l Il , a n d the coastal p l ain i l '" tar s O l l t h a s t h e ri vcr V i josi.; , In t h c Za dr i m e plain aro u n d t i ll' l ow n Lw a nd Mat most to m b s co nta in s i n g l e warrior w a V l'S w i t h n u m ero u s weapons, In the ce m etery at Burrel there il l'l' XO l l l lll u l i of th i s type, In character and content these gra vcs 1 I I ,l I d, those of G lasinac an d thcre can be no do u bt tha t there w a -; somc con n ection betwecn the two grou p s though the nature l i t' t h ;1 I l i n k rcmains a sub j e ct of debate betwee n Yu goslav and A l ha n i a n a rch aeologists, Burials continued down to the fourth l'l' l l t ur y , though in decreasing numbers , Down to the end of t h l' s i x th cent u ry an ab u nd a n ce of weapons, i n cludi n g spears, l'u rvcd s w ords, knives, battle-axes a n d , i n a few cases, bronze l'u i rasses, helme ts and greaves, is testi mony to the powcr of a w a r ri o r class. Their jewcllery and bronze brooches are also ... illl i l a r to t h ose found in Glasinac b urials. Cemeteries of tu m u l i h i l v c been e x p l ore d in the Drin v a l ley between Debar and " li kes, n o tab l y at G inama k (67 tu mu li ) , K e n e te (see figu re 6) _I l I d Kruma. S ev e r al features of the ir construction, including l.' IKlosing the b u r i a l with i n stone slabs, of ritual, such a s smash i ng p ots on the surface of the rising t u m u l u s , and content, i n d u ding a ta st e for amber ornamcnts, link these com m un i ties w i th t h os e of thc Mat v al l ey to the west. The earliest tumuli d at e from thc La te Bronz e Age and some continued in use as l a tc as the fo u rth century. Linked with these grou p s arc those w h ose t u m u l i cemeteries w i th cremations lic acro ss the Yugos lav border in s o u thern Kosovo (Dibicak near Suva Reka and Romaj a n ear Prizren) , w ho s e iron w ea p on s , two-ha ndled cups a n d poor- q u a l i ty ornaments match those from graves at Kcnete and Kruma. At the same time the burials in Zadrime and th e Mat d i ffer from those of the Drin va lley , which a l s o continued down to the fourth ccnt u r y , in the use of i ron for weapons but bronze for ornament. In the latter iron is cmployed for both , w h i l e silver pins occur in burials of the late sixth cen tury. I H
I H Prehistoric tumuli in N, Albania : Ku rti 1 98 5 , 1 9 87 (Hurrel ) , 1 97 1 , 1 976 a (Mat), Hoti 1 98 2 (Bardhoc) , Jubani 1 982 (Kruma ) , 1 9 8 3 (Kcnctc) ; in Kos()vo: Jubani 1 9 85, 1 9 8 6a, Slav kovic-Djuri 1 964 (Suva Reka), Djuric
Figure 6 Tumulus graves at Ki/nete, Alhania
In ce n tral Albania the cemetery of 25 tumuli at Pazhok com menced in the Late Bronze Age (c. 1 300 BC) but would ap pe a r to h av e gon e out of use by 700 fiC, though many of its tum u l i have y e t to be explored. Further east in the Korce basin, wh ich lies south of the Lakes, the great tu m ulus at Bar� (4 1 m diameter) contained a pri m ary burial of the Late Bronze Age. After a considerable interva l burials began to be i nserted into the mound and continued for a rou nd three centuries unti l around 8 5 0 fi e. S o far nearly 200 graves have been reco ve re d, representing a l a rge ruling elite rather than the succession of a single dynasty . The earl ier bu rials contained jewellery a n d o rn a m e nt s o f gol d and bronze, an early variety of the ' s p ec tacle' - b rooc h , a n d pottery decorated w i th knobs and n ipples, the so-ca l kd Devo l l wa re. The burials at Bar� contain sign i fi ( ; I i , i ,: 0 1 1 1 . 1 I 'odorov i l 1 '1 7 ) ( Rol1la j a ) ; in (I\ I or ) . 1 ' 1 I " l 1 '1 7 6 ( I\otor), I .ckovic
..
( ' " i j,'vo poI Jl' ) .
Montencgro: Parovic-Pdi k a n 1 976 l 9 8 0 (Njcgosi), Srejovic 1 9 8 0- 1
'"" l I l 1 l y flo wl' r wl'a p O l I s t h a l l t h oM' i l l t i l l' M a t a n d D r i l l v a l k y s , A 'ft a w h o k t h l'Y a p pl'a r t o n' l a t l' I I 1 0 0 0l' dml' l y w i t h a g ro u p of h ur i a l s a k w m i l l''ft t o t i l l' sou t h . 1 1 K u ,\ i I.i, a l so i ll t h l' Kor,"'l; h a s i n , w h i c h so fa r rl' p n'Sl' 1 1 t t il l' most s o u t h n l y e x t c n s i o n o f t il l' ( ; l a s i n Ol c- M a t l l I a tl' r i a l c u l t u r l' . T I ll' t'a rl i c r o f t w o t U l11 u l i ( 1. 9 I I I d i a lllctn) c o n ta i n l'll h v c cr c m a t i o n s i n u rn s a n d many � k t' k t on h u r i a l s i n trcnchcs, SO Ill C o f ,.... h i ch were stone-l ined. M a n y wcapons wcrc rcco verc d , a mong them swords, spears, a r ro w s , k n i ves and choppers, w h i le ornaments include bronze hracclets, beads and pendants, wh ich m a tch closel y those from so u t h e rn Koso vo and Glasi nac. Onc s uggestion is that these h u ri a l s bel ong to a rul i n g dy n asty of the e igh th century that h a d moved to the area from somewhere in the Glasinac region to t h e n o r th . Also connected with th is regi m e may be the l'o m p l exes of fortifications gu a rdi n g entry to the Korce plain , w h i c h A l banian arch aeologi sts have dated to the ninth and l'i g h t h c enturi es . These include Sy m ize and Bellovode on the west, Bi l isht in the sou th, and the group around Tren on t h e cast, co ntroll ing the 'Wol f's pas s ' ( Gryke e Ujkut) leadi n g to l .i tt l e Prespa Lake. The 1 8 burials in the second tumulus at K ill; i Zi, begi nning aro u nd the middle of the seventh centu ry, OUt' skeleton graves w i th few weapons and no ' G lasinac' j ewel l e r y . Some of the pottery is hand-made in local forms but mo st i s wheel-made and imi ta tes Greek forms . G reek im ported pottery was also found and there were two exa m ples of mouth pi ece s of sheet gol d tied across the faces of the deceased . The m a rked differcnc es bctween th e burials in the two tu m u li at Ku� i Zi m ay rcp resen t the differcnce in materi al c u l turc bctween a ru l i ng dynasty of northern ( Glasi n ac ) origins and onc with sou thern connections that ruled until some time after the m i dd l e of the sixth centu r y . According to o n c reconstruction ( Ha mmond) wc h ave the evidence for an IlIyria n dyn asty bcing rcp laced by a Chaonian regimc from northern Epirus. 1 9 The co mmunities o n the east and southeast borders of thc G l asinac p rovi nce remai n l ittle known . In southcrn Serbia and Kosovo the Early Iron - Age co m munities are represented by Si tes in central Albania: Bodinaku ] 975, ] 9 8 2 1 9 77-8 (Ku� i Zi ), 1 97601 ( Korcc I � 7 1 , 1 973, 1 9 76 (Trcn forti fication s ) , " /
(Ban;), 1 976b,
(Pazhok); Andrea 1 975 basin culture) ; Korkuti
4X cClll l' t l' r i l'S o f ' I LI I ' I I r 1l - h l l r i a l .. d a l l'd I I l a i l l l y t o t h e e i gh t h n' l l tury. ThoSl' a t DO l l j a B m j i cl , ( ; o m j a St r a z ;l v a , D O l l j a TOPO l l i cl (which cont i ll llL'S i nt o t he Sl' V l' 1 1 I 1 I cl' n t ury ) , K a rag;l l " a n d others, represent a d i s t i n ct l ocl l g ro u p ( Don j a B rn j i ca ) , The burial urns were covered with sto n e s l a hs, abovc w h ich , in the
case of later burials, a mou nd of carth was raised. These cemcteries appear to represent communities which h ad developed from earlier local groups and exhib i t few signs of outside contacts. Further south another local group h as been identificd in southcrn Kosovo around Suva Reka in the Topluga basin north of Prizren, where sitcs incl ude the hill-forts Belace vac and Hisar and cremation graves at S iroko. The scttlements and cemeteries of this group, which has similarities with those in the Black Dri n valley, were in use betwccn the eighth and fifth centuries.20 In northern Serbia the hilly country south of Belgrade has p roduced sevcral hoards and tombs of the late eighth and seventh centuries ( Rudovci, Barajevo, Rodisic, Z i rovnica, Roz anci, Rtanj , Alj udov Manastirica, etc. ). Their contents have been compared with those from burials across the Danube in southwest Transylvania (Bilvane§ti-VinI), Wal lachia (Balta Verdc and Gura Padinei) and also in Bulgaria (Drzhanica). East of the river Morava tumulus burials containing both skeletons and cremations of the late sevcnth and sixth centuries have been identified as a group from the metal -working centre at Zlot, a cave-sitc in eastern Serbia (Vrtiste, Vranovo, Dub, Konopnica ) . The associated black-burn ished pottery appears to belong to the Basarabi tradi tion of southwest Romania, wh ich extends into northwest Serbia and Slavonia. Pins characteristic of the Zlot group occur at several sites in northwest Bulgaria, mainly west of the river Iskar. The presence of both burial rites beneath tumuli has been interp reted as the result of thc local tradition (crcmation) bcing mixcd with burial customs origi nat ing from thc area of Glasinac and also from the south.2 1 Largc quantities of material have been recovered from burials 10 Srejovic 1 97 1 (Donj a Brnjica), 1 973 ( Karagac), Trbuhovic and Trbuhovic 1 970 (Donja Topoll i ca), Ercegovi c-Pavlovic and K o s t i c 1 98 8 (S. Serbia) 21 Vasic 1 972, Dumitrcscu 1 976 (Basarabi ) , Kosoric 1 976 (Drina basin), Stojic 1 9 86 (Morava basin ) .
f 'r" hlS / O Il I
f t/VIII /lIS
I I I a n' a s hordl' r i n � I l I y r i a n Lmds 1 1 1 1 t h l' Sl I l I t l l l" l s t , t h l' h i st or i �'a l I'l'gi o l l s o l l 'l' l a gl l l l i a a ro u n d H i l l l l a , P,Il'O l l i a a ro u n d S l i p , a l o n � w i l h t h l' l 1 l i d d l l' Sl'l't i o n o f t h l' V a rda r ( A x i os ) v a l l e y , n o r t h of I hl' I k l ll i r K a p i j a go rge, h i s\l I r i l' L y eh n i t i s a ro u n d O h r i d and in I la rda n i a a ro u n d S kopje in t h e u p per Va rd a r basin . Among I h l' l 1 l a n y t U ll1 u l i s ur vi v i n g in Pc i a gon i a on l y Visoi has so far lll'l' I l fu l l y i n v e s t i gated. A ce n t r a l grave a l i gned west-cast, l ined .I nd cov e red w i th stones, ,"vas su rrounded by d o z ens of radiall y l oca t�'d skeleton burials i n si m i l a r graves. There are other t U ll 1 u l i dated to the eighth ce ntu ry whose contents indicate an origi n in the Glasinac provi nce. In the fertile region of Paeonia a ro u n d S tip tum ul us cemeteries of the Early Iron Age ( OrI o v i (;u k i , Gorno Pole near Star Karaorman, Radanje, Kunovi Cuki , Don je Orizare and other s ) h ave a central stone-lined grave su rrounded by others in a ra dial formation, wh ile the pot t e r y forms also suggest links with the north and the north Wl'St. ll The appearance in Pelagonia and Paeonia of these t U lll u l i burials apparently closely connected with the Glasinac provi nce ha s been i n terp r ete d as evidence for a temporary l I I y ri an domination of these regions. Us ing a fr a gme nt from Stra bo's a cco unt of M acedon i a (now missing from his Geography) , Hammo n d has identi fi ed the evidence for an l' ph emera l JIIyrian domination o f th at country. Eighth-century h u rials in the great ce m etery at Vergi n a on the river Haliacmon
ill the coa s tal plain of Macedonia which contain 'spectacle' h ro o che s , diadems, bronze bel t- p l a tes and, do w n to the mid seventh century, numerous spears ( o ften in pai rs ) and bronze pendants, arc te s ti m ony for the presence of lllyrians. Marking a relative decl ine i n material wealth these newcomers from the north may represent an abru p t change of ruling class. An I l Iyrian presence has also been detected in the tu mul i of Pela gonia (Visoi and Pri lep), in Eordaea (Pateli), along the course of the lower Vardar ( Ax i u polis, G evgh eli and Chauchitsa) and in Paeonia. Here the bronze p e ndan ts, beads and buttons from Radanje and Orlovi C uki and the burial arrangements match those at Visoi, and the IlIyrian presence here may h ave pe r sis ted II
Vasic 1 976, MikulCi c 1 966, 1 97 1 (Pelagollia ) , Simoska and Sanev 1 9 76 (central Pel agonia), Pasic-VillCic 1 970 ( O rlova Cub), D, Garasallin 1 9 76 (Radanje) , Kitalloski 1 9 83 (burial rites in Pdagonia ) .
n". s/', I I'I f, I/ / /' IlIv/'i, /II.�
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u nt i l the e n d o f t i l l' sc v l' n t h n' n t ur y . Th i s I l I y r i a n d O l 1 1 i n a lKl' lasti ng o v e ra l l fro m a ro u n d H 5 0 t o a ro u n d 65 0 III a t v a r i o u s ti mes encompassed m o s t of the northern a n d \vestern a re a s o f ancient Macedon ia.n Evidence for the Early I ron Age i n regions to the west o f Glasinac is both small in q uanti ty and uneven in distri bution . In central and western Bosnia, Hercegovina and Central Dal ma tia no major settlement of the period has yet been investigated, with the exception of Pod near Bugojno in the Vrbas valley (see figure 7). This hill-top settlement was o ccupied from the Middle Bronze to the Late Iron Age and has yielded exceptional evidence for a regular arrangement of streets and houses as early as the period from the tenth to the eighth centu ry. In western Hercegovina there is sufficient in common in the material from the period of the sixth to fourth centuries from a n u m ber of sites to i dentify a local group (Gorica, Crvenica, Posusje, Postran je, Zagvozd, Crude, Drinovci , PctroviCi-
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Figure 7 2.1
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Plan of hill-settlement at Pod, Bugojno (later phase)
Ham mond l 970, 1 972 ch . 1 4, 1 982a; Georgi cv l 978 (Ku manovo grave).
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.l I I d t i l 1 d � 0 1 1 t i l l' i � L l l l d � B r . l l ( V I q. 1 I , l i b ) .I l l d K o r l' l I l a ( B l .l I o ) . T h o l lgh t h e . I rl'.1 i , d o m i l l a t l' d h y 1 1 1 1 1 1 Il'I'O m fo rt i fi l'd h i l l - s l, t t k
rel'overed l'om es often l'I l I l t a i n m o rl' t h a n o l l e i l l h l l l l l ;l l i o n t hey w e re evid ently family t o m hs . C re m a t i o n Ol'l'l I rS a t C o r i ca (a fter which this group is n . l I l 1 n l ) n e a r t h e northeastern edge o f the Imotsko polje. The l \ 1 o st d i sti n ct i v e fe a tu re of the Corica group i s the large number o f wea pons, i n cl ud i n g iron spears, curved, short swords and k n i v es , m a n y later vers i on s of the ' C reco-II l yria n ' h el met and "l' V l' f;1 1 i m ported greaves (Ston, Zagvozd and Vicja Lub). Ikfore the si xth century this was a group of predominantly IOl'a l ch a racter which then evidently increased its power and prosperi ty through contacts wi th the Greek Adriatic and sou t h e rn Italy, enabling a southward expansion towards thc coast I l I l' l I 1<; ( g r; l d i l \ ;l ) , l I l o s t o f t h l' l'V i d l' l I l'l' so Ll r
t ro l l l ' I I a t ' " k L' k t o l l -gra v l's h u i l t o f s t O l l l' s l a hs . Si nl'e th ese
.1 I 1 d i s l a nds.24
The m iddle
material record in northwest Bosnia, incl uding the Sava and thc lower courses of its principal tributaries (Sa n a-Una, Vrbas and Bosna) is dom i nated in the Early I r o n A ge by thc major settlcments and accompanying cemetcries at l >ol1 j a Dol i n a on the Sava near Bosanska Gradiska, and by S a n ski Most amid the rich iron-ore deposits around the lower Sa n a . Donj a Dol ina began as a settlement of pile-dwellings on the ri ver, but by thc Late I ron Age the river deposits and occupation debris had raised the site above water level and the p i l e-dwel l i ngs were replaced. The settlement was enclosed with a wooden palisade plastered with mud. The rectangular houses generally contained three rooms, onc with a hearth of fired day (sce figure 8 a ) . The houses were linked by raised wooden walkways in a regular arrangemcnt so as to form narrow streets. The flat cemetery alongside the pile-dwellings contained skeletons laid in wooden coffins or directly on the earth (see figure 8b). The occupation of Donja Dolina lasted from the seventh to ! 4 We stc r n Bosni a : Covic 1 971 h (Pod , Bugojno), Bellae 1 97 1 cl (Zecovi, Prij edor), Covic 1 9 6 1-2 (Crveniea, Duvno) ; Goriea group: Covic 1 975 e ( Vi ti n a ) , Marovic I 96 t -2, 1 963-5 (Brac), 1 979 (Ccti n a valley), 1 9 8 1 (Brat), Protic 1 9 8 5 (Vis), Radmilli l 970 (Lastovo).
1 '/ 1/ , S/ ', /I , /, // 1 / 1 11\'1 /0 111 '
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the first century fl C , and indeed longer i f it was a di rect continu ation of the c10seby Gorn j a Dolina of the Pa nnonian Urnfield Culture occupied from the twel fth century, Climatic ch ange may have caused the abandon ment of th i s settlement and some of the inhabitants may have moved to occupy a pi le-settlement at the river's edge. But it was only towards the end of the seventh century that this fairly i nsignificant riverside settlement was transformed into a major centre of exchange for the northwest Bal kans, signal led by the appearance of exotic objects from cultures as remote as Greece and northern Italy , Dou btless its position on a major naviga ble river contributed to th is advance but the rise to com mercial prominence is prob ably to be explained by the emergence of greatly enriched ruling groups on the west in Slovenia and to the east and southeast in the Glasin ac complex. Whether or not Donja Dolina was itsel f the centre for one of these new powers is hard to tell, if only because of its relative isolation. On the other h and, the presence of well-armed warriors in its com m unity may indicate some degree of local independence. Though not deserted u n til Roman times the commercia l prominence of Donja Dolina
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Figure R Continued b) Woman 's grave at Donja Dolina, with
objects
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I ", ' .\, ', 1 1 , 1 , /' "
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a p pca rs 1 0 I L I Vl' v ;l I l i s l H'd . I '> r.l p i d l �' ;l s i l h a d ;l IT i v l' l l , d ur i l l � t h e fo urth Cl' l l l l l ry w h c l l l l l a l l Y d l ;\ l l �l'S . i l l d l l d i l l � I h l' C C l t i l' m igrations, d i s r u ptcd l o ng-d i s l a lKc t ra d c p a t tcrns w h i ch h a d been estab l ish e d fo r a ro u n d two cCllt u rics . .! \ At Sanski Most houses \vith h ea rt h s ",'ere fO ll n d a l ongsi d e t h e ri ver San a . Th ere were also round forging-furnaces togeth er with implements for s m e l t i n g a n d fo rg i n g iron, which was evidently the principal activity carried on i n the settl e m e n t . N o t fa r away a ' fl at' cemetery contained skeleton buri a l s a n d c remati o n urns, the latter probably of l ater date, with a few g rave s l i ned and covered with sto nes. Pottery similar to that o f Donja Dolina includes single- or dou bl e-handled c up s and bowls, but the later crcmation urns, large a n d b i co n i cal , arc s i m i l ar to those in th e ce m e te ries further to the west around Bihac i n the Una val l ey. Jewel l ery in the graves at Sanski Most appcars to bc a mixture of Sl ove n i a n ( hrooch es, b el t- b u ckl cs and b ra c el e ts ) and western Bosnian Uapodian) types (pi n s, bronze di scs , temple bands and d eco rated bronze buttons ) . Weapons foun d a t San ski Most i n cl u d e iron spears an d sing l e edged short swo rds . A dou bl e-edged G reek sword and two pairs of greavcs, also imports, were recovered. Most of the graves date to the fifth and fourth ccnturies and, taken as a wh ole, th e m a terial culture a pp e ars to rcflect a group of local origin, though i m i tating some Sl oven ian forms. What appcars to ha v e been a shift in burial ri te fro m i n h um a ti on to cre mation, similar to th at o bs e r v ed at Gla s inac and elsewhere h a s been ta ken as evi den ce for th e arrival of new p eo ple from the northY' In the regi o n of Sl avon i a l y i n g between the middle and lowcr courses of the Drava and Sava a sign i ficant d isc ov e ry has been th e cemetery near the hill-fort at Kaptol near Pozega, in a val l ey enclosed hy low h i l l s . Tu mul i of th e Early Iron Agc wcrc fo un d to inco rp o ra tc a stone-built cham her con taining u p to five cremations, b o th with and without urns. The pol ished bl ack pottery, m a i n ly in bicon i cal forms, has incised geo metri c decor ation and moulded additions such as ani m a l s ' heads. In addi ti on to i ron spears and b a ttl e - a xe s there wcre i mp o rtc d helmets, a
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Do n j a Dol i na : Truhclka 1 904 and 1 909, l\.laric 1 964a, Fia la 1 8 99 (Sanski Most ) , Maric 1 97 1 b (Vis, Drvcnta) ,
( :o r i l l l h i ;l l l I y pe ;l l I d ;I l l e;l r l v V (' I' ... l o l I 0 1 I h e ' ( ; reco - I l l y r i a l l ' 1 l l' 1 1 I l l' 1 , ;l I I d ; 1 p;l i r 0 1 g rea v l· ... I h ;1 1 I \ I ,I Y Ill' p l'l's u l I l ed t o h a n' rca l.: l l l'd t h i s s i t l' v i ;1 DO l l j a D o l i l l ;l , s i l l n' t l l l' rl' a rl' d ose resem h L l l l n' " hl'I V.' l·l· 1 I I h e m a t e r i ;1 1 f l'O l I l I h l' I w o s i tes.
The K aptol
h l l ri a l ... he l o l l g to a l l esta h l i s h ed l oca l w a r r i o r elite of the si xth n' l I t ur y s i m i la r to t h ose i n the ( ; la s i n a c regi on, a l though here
j udge from the presence of tackle in the tom bs. D To t h e east of the Kaptol group a major community of the F ;l rl y I ro n Age has been identified in the region around the m o u t h s of the Drava and Sava, including the district of Srem, n o rthern Serbia and the Banat plain across the Danube in the reg i on o f Voj v o d i n a . Th is group appears to be linked with that of Basarabi, n amed after a sitc on the D anube near Calafat in so u t h west Romania, whose disti nctive pottery appears in many settlements with i n the a bove area. Thc most sign ificant finds come from two major hill-forts wh ich have been exca vatcd, Bosut near the Sava west of Sremska Mitrovica, near the mouth of the river Bosut, and Gomolova, a m ajor 'tel l ' - l i ke settlement a l so on the l e ft bank of thc Sava, a few miles d o w ns tream from M itrovica. Excavation here on a large scal e revealed long established settlements commencing around the middle of the eighth century with large houses containing altars of fired cl ay. The connection between Bosut-Gomolova a n d the Basarabi group may h ave once been dose, but by the si xth century these l i n ks appear to havc diminished, when local characteri stics in the pottery become more evident. Thc ma teria l cu l ture of these settlements was altogether di fferent from those of the communi ties represented by the several large urn cemeteries a round Dalj, near the mouth of thc Drava, which are a later conti n u ation o f the Urnfield Culture in the transition from Bron ze to Iron, al though no settlement has yet been investigated. It is in this a rea that an appare n tly sudden and widespread di stri bution of bronzc horse-ha rness of the late eighth and seventh centurics has been i n terpreted as the evidence for an invasion of horse rid i ng groups from the di rection of the Black Sea and South Russia, thc so-called Th raco-Cimmerians. There appears to be h or ses were l I 1 0 re i m porta n t to h o rsl'- h i ts a n d
!7
o
ther
Vey voda and Mirnik 1 9 7 1 , 1 9 73 ( Kapto l ) , Vinski-Gaspa r i n i 1 9 7R .
I h" S, ', ,,., " /"1' IlIyn.II/., a gro w i n g s�:l' p t i l' i s l l l t o w a rds t h l' reali t y o t t h i s i n v a s i o n , a l l d some s p ecialis ts now p r e fe r t h l' s i lllpkr l' x p l a n a t i o n t h a t w i t h the spread of i ron u se ca m e all increase i n t h l' lIse o f t h l' h o rsl' in the plains.2.8 By far the largest quantity of m ate r i a l evi dence fo r t h e Earl y I ron Age in the I llyrian lands comes from the n orth w es t, west ern C roa tia includ i n g the northern Adri atic and the Istrian peninsula, and Slovenia in the sou th ea s tern Alps. I n the 'Level Corner' (Ravni Kotari) around Zadar on the A d riati c, between the rivers Krka and Zrmanja the material culture of the histo ri cal Liburni ans has been recovered in abundance from th e ir cemeteries and their settlements . The latter i ncl ude hill -top si tes such as Radovin and Bribir which, like others yet to be i n vest i gated, were later forti fi ed with walls of dressed stone and in the Roman era were formally constituted as self-govern ing citie s . O th e r, low-lying sites on the coast such as Zadar and Nin were also to be de v eloped later as Roman cities. Th e settlements at Radovi n and Nin have furnished ev i dence fo r s tone defen ces a n d stone houses, arran ged in row s parallel with the ramparts and wi th a central open space. Inhumation appears to have been the prefe rre d burial rite, with skeletons pla ced in a crouched p o s iti o n in graves that are sometimes lined with stone slabs. Large clay vess e ls were often used for the burial of ch i l dren. Most graves were in 'flat' cemeteries but a few tumuli, so me containing several graves, are recorded. By compari so n with that of oth e r groups the p ottery of the Liburnians is relatively little known as it rarely occurs in grav es . There are quantities of imp o r ted wares, i n cluding Daunian from south Italy, some Hellenistic and a small quant i ty of classical Greek. T h e ma i n finds consist of jewellery, on the basis of w hich Batovic has been able to suggest an elaborate chro n ology for Li b urni an material culture. In contrast, weapons arc almost unknown, save for some eighth-century bronze two-
28 Brukner 1 97 1 , Tasic 1 972 (Gomola va), Medovic 1 978 (chronology), Tasic 1 98 8 (ethnic identiti es), Vasic 1 9 8 9 (Banostor graves).
['" " Im l l l l'l, 1 1 1 \" 1. 1 , , ,\
'i 7
l'dgl'd s w o rd s fro l l l N i l l , ( > V rr t i l l' ' I X 1 1 1 ;1 1 1 1 p h a ses o t dl' v l' l o p I I I l' l I t t h l' re a p p eal's t o Iw a (ol l t i l l l l l t y f ro l l l t h l' n i n t h (l' l l t ll ry down to t h e R O l 1 l a n e ra , '' '' Beh i n d t ill' Vl'kh i t m o u n t a i l l s a l o n g t h e (O;) st hetween Li bur n i a a n d I s t ri a t h e h i gh pl a i n o f Li b h a s p ro v ed exceptionally r i d 1 i n I ro n A g e fi n ds that m a y h e taken to represent the m a t l' ri a l l'l1 l turc of th c h istorical J a podcs. Several major cem l't n i cs, notably Prozor and Kompolje, have yieldcd many arte la dS, w h i l e several settlements (Vrcbac and Mal i Oblj aj ), i n d u d i ng cavc-si tes, h ave been idcntified and partly invcsti ga t l'd . Thc hill-forts were protccted by ramparts of stone blocks and earth and contained rectangular houses. Both 'flat' and t u m u l us cemeteri es occur, thc former being more common with s k eleto n s laid in stonc-lined graves. Crcmation was already s p reading into thc area in the eighth century and by the fourth h a d become the dominant ritc, both with and without urns. As i n thc case of that of their Li burnian neighbours on the south, t h e chronology of Japodian materi al culture is based upon jewellery rather than pottery. Contacts of the Lika communities
wi th the Adriatic appcar to h ave passed via the Li burnians but the power of the latter declined contact with northcrn Italy may have become closcr. By th is time the Lika J apodes had evidcntly moved across the Velebit to control the coast betwecn the Zrmanja and Istria. In the fourth century they also evidently expandcd northwards to dominate the Vin ica area of Lower Carniola. To the east the Una valley around Bihac appears to have come under japodian control by the fi fth century. Some early graves of the eighth and seven th centuries arc seen to exhibit closer parallels with groups further east in Bosnia and Hcrccgovina but by thc end of the fifth ccntury graves in the major cemeterics at Jezerine, Golubic and Ri bic, in use continuously down to the Roman period, exhibit a cultural unity with the Lika. By thc middle of the fourth ccntury what can bc identified with rcasonable certainty as thc material culture of the historical japodes had becomc one of the major when
l�
Libu rnians: Batovic 1 965, 1 976b, 1 970 (Nin), 1 968, 1 97 1 b (Radovin),
1 980b (Bribir), 1 9 76c (Adriatic connections), Cus-Rukonic 1 9 8 0- 1 (Oso r) ,
nil' St', I /"( I, /1 1 1 111"1'10 111.\ g ro u p s i l l t h e wes t e rn I b l k a l l s , n';Kh i l l g f ro l l l t h e r i v l' l" I. r l l l a l l j a
i n t h l' south to t h t, I\. U P;l i l l t he l I o rt h a l l d f ro l l l t h t' A d ri a t i ( t o In th e U n a v a l l e y . A n area where the m a te r i a l ( u l t u r e o f t h e Ea rl y I ro n A ge h a s an exceptional richness a n d d i stincti ve c h a ra ctl' r i s t h e v a l l e y of t h e Krka around Novo Mesto, the a rea of S l ovenia known a s Dol ensko ( fo r m erly Lower Carn iola ) . Later the Dolensko a pp e a r to have expanded westwards into the a rea of Upper Carniola a r o u n d Lj ubljana. A m a j o r settlement of t h i s region, the o n l y one so far exca va t e d , l ay at Sticna in the hill s between Novo M cs to and Lj u b l j ana and was occu pied continuously from the end of th e ci ght h century to the Roman period, An area of around 800 by 400 metres i s encl o s e d by a wall of several ph a s e s built of l arge undressed l i m esto n e blocks ( u p to 3 by 1 . 5 m) and with e a r th and s mall stones p a c k e d between, which was backed with an earth rampart. A fter the original constru ction the defen ces of S ti cn a were remode l l ed in the fifth and sixth centu ries , Aroun d the ti me that the Sticna settlement was bccoming established thcre appear in thc area tumul i buri a l s that rep la c e the cemeterics of the Urnfidd Culture d a ti n g from the tenth to eighth centuries. What this changc rep resents is to d a y much debate d , By the late sevcnth and sixth ccnturies l a r ge tumuli appcar w i th skel eton burial s in a radial a rra ngeme nt around a n un o c cu p i ed ccntre, enclosed by stonc slabs or wooden coffins or si mply laid in the earth. The sim i l ar i tie s betwcen these bur i a l s a n d those of Bosn i a a n d M acc don i a has suppo rted a hy p oth e s i s of a m i g r a tion into C a r n i o l a fro m the south east that was a s s o ci a t ed with an expl o i tati on of the m i nerals i n which th e region is rich. The skelcton bu rials are for th e most part co n fi n ed to th e D o l en sko a rea. Certa i n l y the case for these bei n g i m migra n ts from Bo sni a appears to be strong, bu t unfortunately there are too m a ny gaps in the archaeological record of the i n tervening areas for there to be any certainty i n thc m atter:H 10 J apodes : Drechsler-Biiic 1 9 75 b, 1 95 8 ( V rebac) , 1 96 1 , 1 966, 1 9 7 1 (Kompo lje), 1 972-3 (Prozor), 1 9 75 a ( Osi k, Gospic), M a ric 1 97 1 a (Una �'a l ley) , 1 975 a (eastern frontier), Radimsky 1 8 95 Uezeri ne) , Radi msky et at . 1 8 97 (R ipac), Rau nig 1 97 t a (Golubic), 1 9 8 0- 1 ( Ripac) . .H Dolensko (Lower Ca rnio la) group: Archeoloska Naj disca Sl oven i j e
I '/'I 'h,stu/'/, 111" "",,,\
TIll' l'a rly pOl tl'ry o f t l1l' Do I l' I 1 S k o �"O I l P soon hre;l k s away from t ill' U rn /ield t ra d i t ions a s Ill'W pl'dl'st a l forms hegi n to a ppea r. Nl' x t t hl' rl' fol l m.... s a fa ... h ion ( I f i l1 \ i t a t i n� nll'ta l vessels, wit h vl' rt i cl l ;\ I \ d hori zoll tal r i h h i l l �. I m ported pottery from Vl'Ill'l i l' Ilorthcast I t a l y a l so rca dll'd t h c a n.'a, a long with wares frol1\ A p ll l i a a n d ( ; n:ece (Attica ) . From the late seventh century t ill' I ) o k l l s k o l'u ItUrl.' is distinguished by an abundance of metal vessc l s, i ncl u d i ng buckets, situ lac (water-buckets for the ritual of w i n c-dri n k i ng), cau ldrons, tankards, etc. Much of this metal work w a s l'v i d e ntl y produced locally, satisfying a great demand Oil t he pa rt o f the ru ling elite, The decoration of metal vessels a nd ot her objects evolved into the remarkable collection of st y les k nown today as Situla Art, which reached its fullest dl'Vl'lopment in Dolcnsko only in the fifth century, when numer OilS l'x a m ples of situlae with figural decoration occur in tombs. Thl' origins of the crafts m an sh ip and of the style of Situla Art wou l d a ppear to lie further west among the Veneti, where the ('a rl i l'st examples arc dated to the late seventh century. Possibly t ll l' rl' was a transfer of workshops from that area to Dolensko hrough t a bout by cha n ges u nderway in northeast Italy. Here t h (' a ppetite for traditional fashions in metal ornament was �iving way to a taste for the finer and more elegant productio n s of the Greeks and Etruscans. The old style may have suited t hl' ru lers in Dol ensko, direct, uncomplicated and explicit in rdlecting their own ways of l i fe. If the w o rkshops identified in s lll: h p l aces as Vace, Magdalenska Gora and Novo Mesto were those of craftsmen trained among the Veneti then what may havl' been a speculative venture turned out to be a great success. ( )I\ a la rge variety of metal ware, including a l so belt-buckles, sca bbards, b rooches and pendants , the Situla style becomes the disti ngu i shing feature of the Dolensko Culture (see figure 9 ) . La rge q u anti ties of weapons and some armour are also a feature o f the Dolensko Culture. The most common arc spears and sockt'hl xes and there are some bows and a rrows. Helmets (IIlVl'lItory and Ill a p of s i tes), hey 1 966, Gabrovec 1 964-5, 1 96 6 a , Dular I 'J H l (pottl'ry ) , 1 9 !U (Crnomei j ) , Frey and Gabrovcc 1 969, Gabrovec, hey ;lI1d Fl I l t i n y I ':I 7 D , Ga hrovrc 1 ':175 ( Sticn a ) , Wel l s 1 978 ( Sticna), 1 9 8 0 ( M "�lb kmka �ora ) , Kncz 1 ':I7 H , I ':I HOb ( Novo Mcsto), Pus 1 911 l-3 ( Ll l l h l j a n a ) , I'" h il: 1 ':1 7.' ( S lovl'n i a n D ra v a ) .
Figure 9a) Burial tumulus at Sticna, 1 964 excavations
occur i n tombs over the period from the eigh th to the fourth
centuries. In the seventh century there appears a local variety of helmet, bowl-shaped and made of l eathe r stre n gth en ed with bronze studs. This was re pla ce d later by a n Italic d esign made o f b ron z e piec es fo rged toge th er, rep la c e d in turn by a d o u b le crested type. In the fifth century there appears a much more durable type of Italic he lm e t named a fter the find at Negau ( n o w Negov a ) , on the river Mur near Gornja Radgona in north-cast Slovenia, whi ch had a lo n g p eri o d of use over a wide area. The examples of bronze body-armour found in tom bs a t Sticna a n d Novo Mesto we re i m po rted and have been dated to the late seventh century. The trapp ings for horse harness are also common in D o len sko , with ex amples of spurs appearing in the fifth century.-u .1 2
Situ l a art: Knez 1 976, 1 9 ! Wa, 1 98 3 .
I'rl'/Jistori, I /lv,." ilK
61
Figure 9b) Scenes on Vale situia The cu r ren t chronology and analy s i s of the Dolensko Cu l turel and i t s outliers is based largely on the work of Gabrovec. According to th is scheme t he fi rst ph as e , wh ich la sts from the m id - e igh th to the mid-seventh century, is m arked by the co incid ence of iron- w orki n g and tumuli burials with pottery and j ewell ery made in local sh apes . From the seventh to the
Figu re 9c) Bronze situ/a-cover from Sticna
fourth centuries Italic influences increase and the l ocal warrior eli te di splays a steadily increasing material pro s p e ri ty , reflecti n g an expan sion of th eir power over neigh bouring com m u n ities. At the height of their prosperity in the fifth century the m i l i ta ry role b ec o m e s less p ro m i n e n t in favour of i ma ge s of a n elite ta king the i r pl easu res aga i nst the background of a sta b l e pol iti cal ascendancy. This has been inferred specifically from the changing repertoire of Situla An, where the b attle themes a n d warriors appea r to give way to the pleasures of the h u n t, and s u ch agreeable pastimes as banqueting and m usical and athletic festiva l s . The gol den age soon pa ss ed a n d du ring the e arly
fo u r t h lT l l I u r y t l l l' rl' hl'g i n l a r gl ' n' I 1 I l' t l' l' I l'" o t w a r r i o r w a v l'S, hilt it has IWl' 1 l co n d l l d l'd t h ;1 I h}, t i l l' l' nd ot t h l' fo u r t h cl' n t l l ry t h i s a rl' a h a d hl'l'n t a h'n o v er a n d 'il' t 1 kd h y Cl' l t S . 1 1 TIll' t ra c t o f h i l l y (oll n t ry e x t e n d i ng sOll t h w e s t from Lower ( :a rn i o l a tow a rd s I s t r i a , knowll a s N o t ra n j s k a ( I n ner Carn iola),
h a s p ro d l l cl'd seve ra l i m porta n t Sitl'S o f the I ron Age, notably t h e ca v e sh ri ne o f S k o cjan (St Kanzi a n ) , though no single place
has yet fu rnished evidence for a continuous occupation from H a l l s ta tt (Early I ron Age) to La Tcne J Late Iron Age) ti mes The meta l hoard and flat cemetery at Skocjan have produced h rooches, bowls, helmets and spears that in some respects resem b l e those from the Dolensko area and from St Lucia. Si m i l a r material has also been found in the cemeteries at Socerb a n d S tanjel. The hill-top settlement at S mihel has th ree associ ated flat cemeteries, one of the eighth-seventh centuries, the others contai ning mainly fourth-century graves. The material from the cemetery at Kriina gora of the eighth-sixth centuries is di fferent from that in the rest of Notranjska and has similarit ies with the Lika group, while the fact that a thi rd of the graves contain skeletons seems another indication of links with communities further south . It has been suggested that th e inter ruption of cemeteries i n this area after the seventh century was caused by the dom ination of the Dolensko group. Similarly a recovery of local independence, following decl ine of the latter's power, may be signified by the reappearance of major cem eteries in the fourth century.>4 The Iron Age communities of the lstrian peninsula at the head of the Adriatic are known from several sites, where the finds suggest that a si ngle cultural group had formed by the eighth century. Their typical forti fied settlements on hill-tops had begun to be occupied al ready in Bronze Age times. These castellieri, as they arc known in Istria, often enclose two or th ree crests, with single or multiple ramparts on the naturally unprotected sides. They vary greatly in situation and in physical character, from just above sea-level to around 700 metres, and from an area of a few hundred square metres to vast complexes .
hi�tory:
11
Dolensko
l4
Notranj ska group: Gustin 1 973
Frey
and
Gahrovec 1 97 1 (ch ronology ) ,
Petru 1 973, Mason 1 98 8 , Terian 1 9 8 5 ,
(chronology),
Urleh
Gabrovec l 973 ,
1 973 (Krizna
gora ) .
/'I". .'\/',m " /"/' I lIvri'lII� o f sl'v e ra l sq u a re k i l o l l l t't res . Tht'y l'o l l t a i l l e d rt'ct a ll gl l / ;n l i ll1 h e r
and clay housl's. B u r i a l w a s i ll fl a t lTt'll 1 a t i ol l l't'Ill l' t l' r i l' s , S O I l 1 l' times without but m a i n l y with u rn s , i n a stone- l i nl'd gravl' that was sometimes covered. Bou n d a ry walls of a d ry - s to n e construction defined family burial plots. The dead were crem ated wearing their clothes and their jewel lery. Skeleton burials arc rare. A particular feature of the lstrian material culture a rc the carved stones from Nesactiu m on the cast coast. Here a princely tom b suggests that predecessors of the kings who reigned there in the third and second centuries were already wielding power in the fi fth. There is much yet to be understood about the Istrian culture of the Iron Age, and publication of some o f the major collections of evidence will assist in thi s regard. There seems little doubt that what was basically the prod uct of local evolution over several centuries was from the sixth to fou rth centuries much altered by Italic influences. The origins of some elements may lie in the i mpact of the Pannonian Urnfield Culture on local Bronze Age groups, from which several traits, including grave-construction, pottery ornament and the lack of brooches, continued down to the fi rst appear ance of Ita l i c influences. As a result of these, lstria became part of a more uni form, Italic-dominated complex around the Adriatic, which included Liburnia and the Lika:!5 In the Alpine valley of the river Soca or lsonzo several large cemeteries, including 5t Lucia containing more than 7000 graves, together form a distinct group. They belong to the inhabitants of hill-fort settlements of which as yet l i ttle is known. The graves were lined and covered with stone slabs and contained the cremated remains of the deceased wearing clothes and jewellery. The graves contain pottery, metal vessels and jewellery but are devoid of weapons. The Soca group seems to have consisted of a local culture, somewhat isolated in the southeast Alps, which was radically altered by Italic influences in the course of the seventh century. Thi s development appears to have been connected with the establishment of long-distance trade routes between the Mediterranean and the Balkans. 5t 35 Istri a : BaCic 1 9 70 (fortifications), Kucar 1 979 (Beram cemetery ) , Mladin 1 974 ( b ronze vessels and helmets) .
I 'rl,h,,,lonc
I I I V I I' /II \
I .l I l' i a l a y a l .1 I l l a l o r lTos s ro a d s o f t l l l'st' ro l l l l'S, a ll d i t i s I h l' n' I h .1 I OlU l rs hy fa r t il l' gn'a l l'sl l'C ) l I ll' l l I ra l i o l l of h u r i a l s . I ta l i c w a n's Wl' re l I o t o l l l y fo r w a rded e a s l w a rds h u t Wl're a l so very I i k l' l y m a ll u fa c t u red I h e re . A I l l' W el'<>Ilomy grew u p with a n (' I l l ph a s i s Oil co m m e rce a n d ua fts a s t h e pop u l a t i o n appears to h a v e con centra ted more and m o re i n a few large centres such as St Lucia and Kobarid, while other places, such as Tolm i n w h e re recta n g u l a r houses o n stone foundations have been fo u n d , we r e a bandoned. D u ring the l ate sixth and fifth centur ies, the p e r iod to which the richest graves in the region belong, I h l' role of St Luci a a pp ears to have increased as a cent re for
p rosperous traders. At the same time the wide range of objects fo u n d in graves of a similar period in the cemetery suggests perhaps an i ncreasing economic stratification with i n the popu l a t i o n , with a wealthy minority among a multitude of the poor. Pol itical changes in the fourth century evidently dis rupted the pattern of commerce on which the settlement had depended and its prosperity dwindled rapidly.36 This section has described in outline the 20 or so g ro ups defined by material remains who o c cupied the IIIyrian territor i es du ring the Early Iron Age (eighth to fo u rth centuries) . horn this there e merges no supp ort for dear-cut definitions of I l I y r ians, either through a compact unity in the archaeological e vidence or through any apparent consistency in habit s of ritual or daily life across the different cultural gro u p s. At the same t i me some conclusions rega rding origins and development can be drawn. Several groups, notably those in lstria, Lihurnia, northern and southern Serbia, central Bosnia and Dal matia, had already been fo r m ed before the start of th is peri o d, but an Early Iron Age prosperity brought i ns t abi li ty to their traditional pattern of social relations and a decline had already set in before the cnd of the seventh century. New groups emerged, notably those of Glasinac and Dolensko (Lower Carniola), through ex p l oiting the qualities of i ron to amass a wealth of cattle and create fortified settlements. Their el ites are dis tinguished by gra ves that arc rich in weapons and jewellery .lh
Soca (lsonw) group : Gabrovcc and Svolsjak 1 983, Tedan, Lo Schiavo and Trampuz-Orel 1 984-5 ( St Lucia), Svolsj ak 1 976 (Most n a Soci ) , 1 973 (Tolmin), Ba rtosiwicz 1 9 85 (faunal cvidcnce).
hh
a n d �o n l ;\ i n i l l l po r t s t ro l l l I t a l y a n d C rn'n' , T h l' m'w r u i n s s u p po rted l o n g-d i s t a lKl' �( ) Il l l l l l' r�l' n' n t rcd on s lJl: h p l a n's ;\ s Donja Dol ina and St Lu� i a . I n t h e b ur i a l m o u n d s w c GI ll 1 1 0 \\'
recognizc the increasing dominance of powerfu l c h i e fs w i t h their armed followers, such as th o s c a t G l a s i nac ( I 1 i j a k and Osovo) and Dolcnsko (Sticna and Novo M e s t o ) . By thc fi fth century the p o wer of these chiefs, based in tri bal alliances, h a d reached a peak, but in the foll o w i n g century thcrc was a decl ine as the tribal structures began to b e challcngcd by new forms of central authority developing in a d j a c ent lands.
J
Naming Illyrians
Illyrian l anguage !
Though almost nothing of it survives, except for names, the I l lyrian language has figured promi nently in several theories regarding the spread of Indo-European languages into Europe. In the late nineteenth century the names of persons and places recorded by a ncient written sources and on inscriptions con vi nced some schol ars that Illyrian-speakers had once been wide spread across Central and Eastern Europe, the Balkan penin sula, Asia M i nor and southeast Italy. In the early twentieth century there was a confident identification of IIIyrian as a pri mary sub-stratum of Indo-European from w hich whole families of European l anguages later developed. Theories of this kind flourished in a time when there was also a greater confidence on the part of archaeologists. Most were willing to accept that the appearance of a new language was somehow connected with the movement of whole com munities, best illustrated by the h istoricall y documented migrations of the Celts between the fifth and third centuries BC and also by the barbarian invasions of the Roman Empire between the third and the sixth centuries AD. Many still hold to the view that it is possible to detect traces of invasions by Indo-Europeans in the material culture of this or that region. I On
I l Iyrian
langua.se,
names
and etymology : Crossland 1 982, Rendic-M ioccvic 1 9 5 6 , Katicic
1 9 82, Russu 1 969, Sasd 1 9 77a, 1 9 76b, 1 9 8 0, 1 9 8 4 .
Pol ome 1 976a,
' h, ' .\, ',1/, /, t",. 'I/\'n. III.\ As rega rds t h e Ba l k ;I l l s , t h c r c h " ... h c c l l I I I l' X I S l c l l l l' t o r sl' v l' I'a l del:a des a theory t h a t I I l O V l' l I 1 l' l \ I S o f I l l' W p l' o p k ... i l l t o E u ro pe from the d i rection o f A s i a a ro u l l d t h e hegi n n i n g o f the B ro n ze Age ( before 2 000 IIc) m a rked t h e a r ri v a l a n d d is persa l o f I n do European speakcrs. Serious pro blems arise w i th this and s i m i la r .
theories when onc comes to exa mine thc p rocesses of evol u tion and fragmentation that produced the historically attested langu ages of the Balkans within barely a thousand years. This ques tion has most recently been taken up i n a stimulating a n d provocative book by Colin Renfrew (1 987) . While it is hard to avoid notions of invasions and m igrations in a discussion of the Illyrian language and its origins, there arc clear signs th at the old famil i ar landscape of European l inguistic and arch aeol ogical cvolution is becoming a desol ation of vanished certainties in both disciplines. At th i s stage it may be useful to outline the limits of IlIyrian territory as indicated in the onomastic evidence, that is, names of persons, peoples and pl aces recorded in the Greek and Roman sources, as set out by I. I. Russu ( 1 969). The southern limit starts on the coast of central Albania and passes i nland to Yugoslavia to include the Lakcland, the Skopje basin and the Kosovo-Metoh ija region. Then it turns north to follow a line west of the river Morava to the vicinity of Belgrade on the Danube. On the north the Sava and Drava valleys are included along with an area north of the latter extending i n the direction of Lakc Balaton in western Hungary. From there the limit passcs southwestwards, skirting the southeast Alps, to meet the Adriatic in Istria. Finally the ancien t districts of Calabria and Apulia in southeast Italy arc included. In addition to a distri bution of lI Iyrian personal and place-names the Messapian language recorded on more than 300 inscriptions is i n some respects similar to Balkan II Iyrian. This link is also reflected in the materia l culture of both shores of the southern Adriatic. Archaeologists have conclu ded that there was a phase of II Iyrian migration into Italy early i n the first millennium B C , not only in the south but also further north from Li burnia to Picenum. A more cautious view suggests that while Messapian may have developed as a branch of Illyrian, or rather 'pre-Illyrian', a substantial di fference between the two had developed by h is torical times. For this reason the problem of Messapian is better
N,IIII1/Ig 111 ,,", 1 1 1 .\
CI I l I s i d lTl'd ;1 '.. ,I d i s t l l l d l' l l I i t y w l I l l I l l t i l l' ('.I d y l a l l �l l a �l'S I I I I t a l y
ra t h lT t l U I l a s a l l l' x t l' n s i l l l l I I I t i l l' I b l k a l l I I l y r i a l l p ro v i ncl' , ' T h l' ( ; rl'l' k s h a d a w l lrd lor t h l' ' I)('a k i l l � I I f I l I y r i a n ( iJltlrjzeill)
a n d rl'cI I�n i l.l'l1 a l a n � L l a �l' d i s t i l l d tro l l l ( ; rl'l'k . As p rese rved
in S t ra h o ' s ( ; ('ogr,l/,hy t h e G rcl' k t ra d i t i o n i d e n t i fied
I 1 l yrians
a s a p e o p l e (l'tlJllos) d i ffl' rl'nt fro m M a ccdon i a n s and Thracians a -.. wdl a s fro m the Greeks. On th e other hand, Greek sources ;I lT fa r fro m clea r over any distinction between IIIyrian and the
i n h a h i ta n t s of Epirus: 'Epirote' as a political or ethnic term w a s evi den t l y not cu rrent before the fourth century BC, and the ph rase 'epirote peoples' means no more than 'peoples of the m a i n l a n d ' , th at is, seen from the island of Corcyra where the ( ; rl'e k s first settled in the region. It cannot yet be establ ished
that there were peoples in the northwest of mainland Greece who spoke a language that was neither IIlyrian nor Greek. When Strabo refers to 'bi l ingual' people beyond the mountains west of Macedonia, the presumption is that the languages spoken were Greek and Illyrian. Ancient writers tell us almost noth i ng of the IIIyrian language, although there is no doubt th at it continued to be spoken wel l into the Roman period. They furnish a h andful of authentic Illyri an words, including ' rh inos' for 'fog', 'sabaius' or 'sabaia', a local variety of beer, and 'sybina' for a lance or hunting-spear. Studies of the llIyri an language must continue to depend on the large n u m ber of attri butable names, tribal, personal and geographical, p reserved in a ncien t literary and epigraphic sources.] Modern study of Illyrian names began with the catal ogues of geographi cal ( 1 925 ) and person al ( 1 92 9 ) names compiled by H. Krahe, modelled on the dictio nary of Cel tic names co m piled by Alfred Holder ( 1 8 9 6-1 9 1 4 ) . These were followed by studies of the II Iyrian language by Krahe ( 1 955-8 ) , Anton Mayer ( 1 95 7-59) and I. I. Russu ( 1 969). A new era began with jiirgen Untermann's analysis of Venetic names ( 1 9 6 1 ) which defined the separate l inguistic identity of the Venetic peoples. l
On
limits of IlIyrians: Maric 1 964b, Degmedzic 1 967 (archeological and
l i tera ry evidence ) , Katicic 1 977a (Paeonians), I1ievski 1 967a (Istria), Si mone 1 972, 1 976 (Messapian), 1 986,
1 977 (JIIyrians .1
in Italy) . Crossland 1 982.
1 975
(Greece), Suic
Pisani 1 976, Ma rin
I I'i'
St', l/t " /"1' 111"1'/0 / 1 1 .\
Th i 'i p i O l l l'lT i l 1 g w o r k o t l o( , d d d i l 1 i l l O I 1 h a \ h(,(, 1 1 i l 1 l i l a l l'll , t o r t h e l 1 l os t p a rt s l l �n's s fl l l l y , i ll l a t e r s t l l d i e s 0 1 t h e l 1 a l l 1 (,S o t oth e r I1 l y r i a n grou ps. C l- z a A l fi i l d y 's ca l a l ( )gll�' a n d a n a l y ses o f
per s o n a l n a m es from t h e R o m a n p ro v i n cc o f Da l m a t i a ( 1 964, 1 965 a n d 1 96 9 ) rema i n fu ndamental a n d a rc m a tched b y t h e works of And ras M6csy o n Pannonia ( 1 95 9 ) and M oes i a Superior ( 1 9 70 ) . Duj e Rendic-Miocevic h a s p u b l ished severa l studies of names from the territory of th e Dcl matae, on t h e m i d d l e Adriatic arou n d Split, notably from th e n a t i v e centre a t Rider ( Danilo) n e a r S i benik, and we owe t o fanoula Papa zogl u ( 1 978) a valuable examination of the eth ni c affin iti es of th e Darda n ians from the evidence of n a mes. Perhaps the most significant contribution has been the work o f Radoslav Katicic. Following the lines of Untermann's study of Ven eti c names, KatiCic ( 1 962, 1 963 ) has defined two 'onomastic provinces' among the Illyrians. The southern provi nce i ncludes the ancient regi on of Ulyris in central and southern Alban ia, the h eart of the IlIyrian k i ngdom around th e Lake of Scodra, and the Adri atic coast and h i ntcrland up to and beyon d the Neretva v alley . The Middle Dal mati an-Pa nnon ian province l i cs fu rther north and is con siderably greater in area . In the northwest l ies the Venetic province, including the Liburn i , th e lstrian pen in sula and the region o f Lj u b l j ana in Slovenia beyond the Julian A lps. These two IIlyrian onomastic provinccs are dcfined by th c near excl usive distri bution of some personal n ames. Among the southern ' real ' Illyrians these include Epicadus, Tem us (a female name), Genti us (in Grcek Gen th ios), Pinnes (or Pinnius), Mon ounios ( recorded on coins) , Gra baei (a tri bal name), Vcrzo and Zanatis. The mid dle Dal matian -Pannon ian provin ce exh ibits a l a rger variety of names, o f which those cha racteristic of th e a rea in clude Andes ( m . )/Andia (f. ) , Baezus/Baezo, Bubant-, Iettus, Paio, Panes, Pan to (m. }/Pantia ( f. ) , Pinsus, Plares, Sinus, Stataria , Stennas, Suttis and Vendo . The province defined by these includes the Adriatic coast between the rivers Titus (Krka) and Hippius ( Cetina) , western, central and southern Bosnia, the middle and upper Una va l ley and the Li ka plain . On the cast the district (Sanj a k ) of Novi Pazar and western Serbia a rc also i ncluded. There is a measure of overlap between the three p rovinces (Venetic and the two I llyri an ) . Thus Bato occurs both among
N,II/III/,I; 1 1/ 1'1 /, 1/1 ,
1 Ill' sO l l l h c l' l l I I l y r i a l l s .1 I I d .t l so 0 1 1 t i l l' l >;t l l I l a l i a l l I.'oasl , i ll Wl'sl l' l' I I a l l d l'l' l I l ra l Bos l l i a .1 I I d I l I rl h n l I o r t h i ll Pa n ll o n i a , Vl'r/,o Ol'I'I I rS i l l S a l o l l a a n d a l so i l l W l's l lT l l Bos l l i a . A n e l e m en t o f I h l' I l I y r i a l l roy a l 1 1 a I I l l' S k nd i l a i d a s a p pca rs i n eastern B o s n i a . I S 1 l i d l l s a n d ;I I l l O l l g t h c I k l l l l a t ;1e a t R i d e r as Laedica l i us and I , ( a ) nl i l' l i s . S i l l l i l a r l y t he m i d d l e p ro v i n ce i n c l u d e s na mes w i th ;1 w i d l 'r d i s pe rsa l : t h c root of A p l i s/A p l o occ u rs a l so i n Liburn i a , l I 1 d I S l r i a , w h e re i t i s a n element in M a ga p lin us. Th e name I k u S ; 1 S , ge n i t i v e Beusamis, which is found among th e Delm a tae, h a s hecn w m p a re d with the Messapic Bosat, with Bu zetius a m o n g t h c J a po des and with the Pan non ian Busio. The n ames l >a l.;1 , D a s i u s a n d Dazomenus have been connected with Das I I l l' l l l l S in Pa n n on i a and D azos in southern Italy. The meaning o f I h esl' p l a u s i b l e correspondences is hard to determine: neither 1 I l l' i n t ern a l l i n k s between the three pri ncipal lllyrian onomastic p rov i n Cl's n o r those between them and other a reas indicate more t h a n th a t the l a ngu ages spoken by peoples in the Illyrian I l' rr i l o rics were som ehow rel a ted i f not altogether common, T h o u g h they are separatel y iden tified i n the h istorical sources t h l' rl' was u n d o u btedly a close associ ati on between Liburni and Vl' n l,t i , fro m the distr i b u ti on of disti nctive names with the S l l' I l l S hosti in Hostiducis (gen itive), or vols-Ivolt- in Vol setis (�l'n, ) , Volso, Volsonus, Voltimesis (gen . ) and Voltis( s )a. Place-n a mes fro m the IlIyrian territories add l i ttle to our k n ow l edge o f the ll1yrian l anguage. The recurrent e lement -Ulla, fo r example, Aenona (Ni n ) , B l a ndona (south Li burnia), E m o n a ( L j u b l j a l1a), Narol1a ( Vid) , Sca rdona (Skradin near � i hl' n i k ) , Salona (Solil1 near Split) , does n o more than i ndicate t h a t I 1 l yrian place n a mes followed a basic Indo-European (o n ti gu ra tion . Indo-European characteristics i n the formation of pl' rson a l n a mes i nclude the der i vatio n of fem i n i nes in -Oil, for e x a m ple, the masculine Apl is/Aplinis with feminine A p l o/A p l o n i s , or thc use of the prefix epi- in Epicadus, the d i fferent deri va tion s i n -nt- and -menos in Dasan t-, Dasmenos, a n d the use of numbers as personal na mes, Tritonusffritano, Sl's t u S/Scxtus/Sesto. Finally the i mpact of Celtic on I l lyrian n o m c n c l a t u rc has been m u ch discussed but attributions of indi v i d u a l n a mcs a rc fa r from certa i n . A mo ng the japodes the n a llll'S J a ri tlls, M a tcra, N o n nt i o a n d S i n lls, a re ascri bed to Cl'i t i c i n fl u en ce, as a r c Sa rn u s, S i n u s a n d V e p u s a m ong t h e ..
71.
' 1 1'1' .'11 ,, ,,.t /., fO,. 1 11)'1';. 111.,
Dc l m a ta e . P l a ce n a ml'S con t a i n i n g t il l' l' k m l' 1 l I -d'f11 UI1I
,
fo r
example, Nov i o d u l 1 U Ill o n t h e Sa v a , C a r ro tl u l1 l1 l ll O i l t h e Dra v a a n d Singidunum (Belgrade) on t h e Da n u he re p resen t e v i del1 ce for Cel tic penetration of the a rea.4 A notable addition to the repertory of IIIyrian names has come from the cemeteries in the vicini ty of the Greek colony Dyrrhachium (Durres) . Many hundreds of graves had their inscribed tombstones still in place, simple cylindrical stelai, decorated, if at all , with a simple band of l au rel and inscri bed, mostly in Greek, with the single name and patronymic of the deceased. The names so far reported include Andena (f.), Antis (f., two examples), Batina, Batouna, Boiken, Breigos, Brykos, Gen th ios, DazaiosfDazos ( two examples) , Epe(n)tinus (from the place Epetium, Stobrec on the coast south of Split), Epicadus (ten examples) , Epidamnos, Zaimina, Isnthena, Koreta, Lydra, Mallika, Monounios, Pladomenus, Plator (five examples), I'la toura, Scodrina, Strabainos, Syrmas, Syra, Sychos, Tadus, Tata, Teutaia (four examples)ffemiteuta. New additions to the list of south-II Iyrian names include Andena (Andia), Plaios/Plai anus/Plaia, and also Scodrina from the myrian capital Scodra, an adjectival form that appears on local coins. Known south JIIyrian names include Genthios, Cillanus, Epicadus, Laidas, Laidon, and Teutaia, and those new to the list include Billena, Isnthena, Mallika and Strabainos.s With such a large repertoire of myrian names it is possible to consider etymologies and links with other Indo-European languages of wh ich a fuller record survives. Thus it seems generally agreed that the name of the IIlyrian queen Teuta of the third century BC derives from teutana, which means 'queen'. Si milarly, Gentius, the last o f the lllyrian kings, defeated by the Rom ans in 168 BC, has been connected with a noun, in its Latin form gens, gentis, meaning 'class' or 'kin' and appropriate for the leader of such a group. These are exceptions and no satisfactory etymologies have yet been produced even for some of the most distinctive myrian names. A more difficult question is how myrian fits within the family 4 s
Polomc 1 982. To<;i 1 96.5, 1 970, 1 976, 1 9 86,
Simone
1 977.
N.",I/I/g III \'I "'I/.�
o f I l I d o - I ': m o pl'OI n l a n g l l age s A s .1 w h o k t i l l s has hn' l I d i v i dl'd i nto a Wl'stl' rn grou p ( ; l'r l l 1 a n i c,: , Vl'l I e t i r , IlIy rian, C l'i til', I talic a n d ( ; n'l'k ) and an eas tern gro u p ( Ba l t i lo, Slav ic, A l hani an, Th racian Phry gian, Armenian , I ranian and I n d i an ) . The disti n c t ion t l l rn s on the con sona n t ' s ' in the l att e r and 'ch ' , 'h ' or 'k' .
i n t hl' for lller, a n d the two groups a rc identified by the words fo r the n u mber 1 00, centum in Latin and satem in Old Iranian, alth o u gh s u bseq uent d i s cover i es have led to a questioning of t his t i d y geograp h i ca l separation. One explanation attributes the d i fferen ce not to separation within some linguistic family t ree hut to a mechanism of change from 'ks' to 's' in the cen tral area while l e a ving the older forms untouched at the periphery. I n the case of Illyrian the problems appear to be mu l tiply in g : i f, as some have argued, II Iyrian belongs not to the centum
grou p but to the satem, the common etymology of Gentius and ),!t'I1S must be d iscarded. There is no evidence that IIlyrian in fact bel o n gs to the satem group, but the argument that it does
crucial to the case that modern Albanian is descended from So far no satisfactory scheme for the analysis of I l l y rian names has been proposed. The com mon name Bato may derive from the same root as the Latin battuere meaning ' to strike', or is j ust as likely to derive from the root * bha 'say' or 'tell', the Latin fari. A connection of the common I I l y rian name Epicadus and the stem * kad, me a n i ng 'out st a ndi n g' or 'flourishing' in Sanskrit and Greek, is denied by those who argue for the satem attribution of lllyrian, prefer ri ng words meaning 'destruction', 'deprived of', 'quick, ardent' and 'sh arp , bold', It i s hard to see any way forward in a rguments of this kind. While some scholars appear entirely engaged with placing Illyrian in this or that group, there are i ndications that some of the divergences once regarded as definitive of the two Indo-European groups in fact arose at a much l ater stage of the development of language. In the end the strongest evidence for the connection between Illyrian and Al ban i an must be the few direct correspondences of vocabulary often cited.6 is
l I I y ri a n .
" Polomc 1 9 82, Cimochowski 1 976. Fo r 1 98 7a-b, 1 98 8a-b, 1 98 9 .
some
IIlyrian
etymologies,
Stanko
74 l I I y ri a n names
The further refi nements of I 1 l y ri a n 011ol1l a s t i l: p ro v i lKl's p ro posed by Geza A l foldy fo r the a rea i n cl uded i n the l a ter R o m a n province of Dalmatia comprise m o s t of t h e h istoril: I I I y ri a n territories. Five principal groups arc identi fied: ( t ) ' re a l IlIyrians' south o f the river Neretva and extending sou th of the provincial boundary with Macedonia at the river Dri n to include IIIyris of north and central Albania; (2) the populous Dclmatae after whom the province was named, who occupied the middle Adriatic coast between 'real IlIyrians' and Liburn i ; ( 3 ) the Venetic Liburni o n the northeast Adriatic; (4) the Japodes who dwel t north of the DeImatae and behind the Liburn i, where names revea l a mingling of Venetic, Celtic and IlIyrian elements; and (5) the Pannonian peoples in the north of the province, in Bosnia, northern Montenegro and western Serbia . Alfoldy's identifications of names with these groups, some known only from around the ti me of the Roman conquest, have been chal lenged by R. KatiCic. He rejects a Pannon ian onomastic province distinct from that of the Del matae because the number of names on which it is based is too small, while there is too much that is common in the distri bution of names between them. Similarly, Alf6ldy 's identifications and interpret ation of Celtic names among the Japodes and in the east of the Pannonia n onomastic province have also been queried. For KatiCic the occurrence of Celtic personal names in these areas is less likely to be evidence for a mixed 'IlIyrian-Celtic' native population, or a Celtic element surviving from the migrations of the fourth century BC, than the consequence of movement in the Roman period associated with military service and the processes of Romanization.7 Typical names among the ( 1 ) 'real IIIyrians' according to AIWldy arc: Ann aeuslAnnaius, Epicadus, Epidius, Pinnes, Plare(n )s, Tatta, Temeia, Zanatis and Ziraeus. Other names less well known but which may also originate in the area include Agirrus, Blodus, Boria, Clavus, Laedio, Laiscus, Mad7
AlfOldy
1 964a, Katicic
1 964,
N.lI/lIl1g 1 11 "" , , " .\
7 'i
l'lta, Posa 1 1 1 io, P ra v a i l l S , Sn'rd i ." ' l 'l'lId,l, l.oraLI . A slIIal ler � ro l l P f O l l l t d ill I h l' a rea a p pea r 10 u r i � l l I a l l' f ro l l l t h e centra l Da l lll a l i ;1 I 1 prov i llcl' : ga l o, l )a s i IlS, l )a z a s , D i t ll s, Messor and Vl'rl'.o, A fn\! l I a m l'S \,.... h i dl occll r i n I h l' II pper Ncretva valley a ro u n d K O l l j i l' a ppea r to be o f Cel t i c origi n : Boio, Bricussa, !a n l s , M a l l a i lls alld M asccl i o - a suggestion which seems to Ill' cO l l fi r lllcd by Celti c styles of d ress on figured tom bstones. A l li i l d y suggcsts th at this Celtic component may derive from I Ill' i m pact of the migrating Celts on the IIlyrian Autariatae, h U I il 1I0W scems that they dwelt not there but further south 1ll'I Ween the ' rca l IIIyrians' around the Lake of Shkoder and I hl' 1 >a rd a n i a n s of Kosovo. Throughout this area the formula 0 1 1 I 0 l l l cn c l a t ure is that of the single personal name with the fa l her's namc ( patronymic) in the genitive.i! Ikl weCII the 'real lIlyrians' and the Liburni the (2) Delmatae appl'a r to cxh i bi t a similarly characteristic group of names. Thei r territory is exceptionally rich in onomastic evidence, w i l h h u ndreds of native names recorded at Rider (Danilo near S i he n i k ) and with several smaller concentrations at several o t h l' r ce n t res , Characteristic names include Aplis/Apludus/Apu rusl Apl usl Apl i us, Baezo, Beusas/Beuzas, Curbania, Cursulavia, 1 ,\ 1 0, Lav i ncia, Ledrus, Messor, Paio/Paiio, Panes/Panias/Panius ( pa ntus ?)/Panentius, Pant(h )ia/Panto ( f. ) , Pinsus, Pladomenus, Pia I i ItO, Sa m untio, Seio/Sei io, Statanius/Staticus/Stato/Status, Sl'st u s/Sextus/Sexto, Tito, Tizius, Tritus, Var(r)o. Other names a ppea r a mong the Delmatae whose origins lie outside their tl'rritory, A Libu rnian element is suggested by Accnica, Cb'ata, ( )a rlllocus, Germanicus (the native stem Germanus/Germus, with t h e charactistic Venetic ending -icus), Labrico, Lunnicus, Mel a ndri ca, Turus. A second group of names is common with t lH.' Pa nnonians and, though some are found also i n the southern l I I y rian p rovince, their origins seem to lie among the former: Ba rd u r i u s, Hato, Carrius, Dasantilla, Dasas/Dazas, Dam), Pl a tor/Pla tino, Scenobarus, VerzoNerzulus. Several of these arc a l so to be fou n d a mong IIlyrians settled far away i n the mining a n'a of the p rovi nce Dacia at Alburnus Maior. From the sou t lH.'rn I I lyrians the names Boria, Epicadus, Laedicalius, LoisclIs,
'I b,' S, ',III " /"1' 1 11),,,,111,\ Pi 1 1 i l l'S
Ve( n )do,
of nomenclature among the Dclmatae a re more varied t h a n among the southern II Iyrians, although the single n a m e with patronymic is widespread, In the western distri cts of the Del ma tae ( some of which still belongcd to the Liburnians until not long before the Roman conquest) a two-name formula appears to have spread from thc Liburni, in the same areas whcrc Liburnian names are also found. The commonest form is pcr sonal name plus family name plus patronymic, for example, Plator Carvius Batonis (filius) or Aplis Lunnicus Triti f(ili us) . A local variation appears to have the family name included in the patronymic formul a, Platino Platoris Tizi filia, 'Platino, daughter of Plator Tizus'.9 The language of the (3) Veneti is better documented than others in or nea r the lllyrian territories. The evidcncc includes morc than 3 00 inscriptions, most from the major scttlements of Ateste and Patavium ( Padua), along with a shrine near Lagole di Ca l alzo on the upper Piave and another at Gurina Alpe near Kotschach, on the far sidc of the Plocken pass in the Gail valley. Finds of individual inscriptions extend to Istria and across the Julian Alps. The texts are brief and follow a similar pattern of dedications to various deities and epitaphs on tom bstones and cremation urns. Enough of the language and vocabulary survives to indicate that Venetic was a northwest Indo-European dialect with several poin ts of corre s pondence with Latin. The distribution area of Venetic inscriptions is concentrated in the western part of th at area where Venetic names occur on inscriptions of the Roman period. Th is includes lstria, the Emona ( Lj ubljana) region and the Liburnian coast and islands down to the river Titus (Krka) . The repertoire of Venetic personal names include several Roman family (gens) names ending in -icus, - ocus , -inus, -iacus, -arius, -anius and -anus, also family and per sonal names ending with -avus. Individual names include Accius/Axius, Cantius, Carminius, Appuleius, Avitus, Tutor, 'J
Rendic-Miocevic 1 94 8 , 1 956, 1 976a,
NlulIlI/g 1 1/ \'//1 /11,\
77
Ba r h i l l s , H o n i a l ll s , ( :l' r v i l l S , ( : I I S0 1 1 1 I l S , I > a s i l l l i ll s , l > a S
region of the Roman per i od are pre do m i n a n t l y Ccitic, and it s ee m s that th i s s t a t e of a ffairs came about w i t h the C e lti c movements into the area after 400 HC. The i d e nt i ty o f the pre - Celtic inhabitants of th is large a rea , which i n d udes mo st of the Danube basin a b ove the Dan u be b e nd , re m a i n s a probl e m . What li ttle evidence there is i ndicates that t h e y may, in the southern area at lea s t , have been Vencti and l I I y r i a n s of the Pannonian-Dalmatian g ro u p . Venetic inscrip I ions h ave been discovered ca rved on rock faces and on p ortable h ro n ze d e dica ti ons, p roba b ly da ti n g to the second century B C . Latin in s crip tions of the Ro m an period indicate the survival of a Vene ti c clement in the upper D r a u, the lower Isel and u p per M i)1I valleys. M oreover some tr ibal and geographical na m es in the same re gio n , Laianci, Aguntum , Saevates and Sebatum, a re patently not of Celtic origin. The material evidence is not conclusive but d oe s not conflict with the notion of a Venetic s u rvival . They may indeed be the Carn i , in Roman times a peop l e confined to northeast Italy , but who in e arl ier times extended far into the eastern Alps . In the Roman pe riod the Venetic component was still strong in the area of Ljub l j ana (lg) where, in addition to some names of Celtic origin, the followi n g Venetic-Istrian names occur: Ampo, Fronto, Lucius, Pletor , Plotius, Pl unco, Rega and names formed from the root Volt-. Possibly a p eople named by the elder Pliny as Catali somewhere in this area may be connected with the lstrian Catari of the Tergeste (Trieste) region and may represent a survival of Veneti around Lj ubljana. The name of the Carn i has s u r vived in Carniola, a later name for part of wha t is now Slovcnia, the Austrian province Carinthia (Karnten), Mons Carantanus (U1 richsberg near Virunum) a n d the earl y med i eval centre Carl i o n s i n t h e Norican
10
Untcrmann 1 96 1 .
nil' .'\" , 1 1'1 " fi ll' IlIv",, ,"s
7X
a n t ll m ( K a rn h l l rg ) , a l l d possi h l y i l l t h e 1 J ;l l l ll' ot t he N o r i cl I I
settl ement a n d l a ter R O l l l a ll fo rt ress Ca rn ll lH l I l I I O i l t h e m i d d l e Danu be below Vien n a . I I The names of the (3 ) Li burn i demon s t rate th e i r Ve netic character, with such roots as Vols-I Volt - and the en dings -icus and -ocus, and set them apart from the rest o f the A d r i a t i c IIIyrians: Acaica, Actor, Boninus, Cliticus, Colatina, Curticus, Darmo, Dumma, Hosp(olis) , Hostiducis (gen.), Hostiices, Lam bieu s, Malavicus, Marica, Menda, Moicus, Oclatinus, Oeplus, Opia, Opiavus, Oplica, Oplus, Plaetor, Patalius, Recus, Suioca, Tarnis, Toruca, Trosius, Vadica, Velsounus, Verica, Viniocus, Volaesa, Volscus, Volsetis, Volso, Volsonus, Volsounus, Volsus, Volti mesis, Vol (l)tis(s)a, Zupricus. Also the name Turus, common among the Li burni but fou n d as well among the Delmatae and the j apodes, is of Liburnian Venetic origin. The majority of these names are unknown among the eastern and southern neighbours of the Li burni, except in a few border districts. In addition a smaller group of names appear to be of exclusively Li burnian rather than general Venetic origin, since they do not occur in other Venetic or llIyrian districts: Aeia, Barcinus, Buzetius, Caminis (gen.), Ceunus, Clausus, Granp( . . . ), Iaefus, Lastimeis, Mamaester, Pasinus, Picusus, Tetenus, Vesclevesis (gen .) and Virno. The separate i dentity of the Liburnians is also i ndicated by formulae of nomenclature. The single name plus patronymic common among IIIyrians is rare. In a region where the Roman three-name formula (praenomen, nomen gentile and cognomen, for example, Caius julius Caesar) spread at an early date, a native two-name formula appears in several variants. That with personal name plus fam ily name is found in southern Li burnia ( Ravni Kotari), wh ile that with personal name plus family name plus patro nymic is found throughout the Liburnian area, for example, Avita Suioca Vesclevesis, Vclsouna Suioca Vesclevesis f(ilia); Avita Aqllillia L(uci) f(ilia) , Volsouna Oplica PI (a)etoris f(ilia) and Vendo Verica Triti f(ilius). 1 2 The (4) japodes dwelt beh ind the Liburnians i n the hills 1 1 12
Alfoldy
1 974 (Vcnetic in Noricum ) .
Untermann 1 9 70.
a n d fO l"l' s t s o f sO l l t l H' r I l ( : I'O , l t l , 1 ,l I ld w l' .. I C I" I l l\os l l i Ol , Thci r ( ) n ( ) I 1 1 Ol S l i l' l' v i d c l l l'l' a p pca rs to Ill' ,I m i x t l l rc , w i t h S O l 1 1 l' l 1 a l ll CS I y p i cl l l y I l l y r i a l l : D i l i l l S , D i t l l l' i o , D i I l l S , Pa l l t a d i e n us, P l a to r , P l a t ur i l l s , Sestell i l l s , Scstlls, ' L l I ol l i a , Tc u d a , Tri tus and Vendes, M os t Ol'l:ur i ll the eastern pa rts of thei r te rritory, nota bly a ro u n d Bi hac in the Una v a l l e y . Names of likely Li burnian o r i �i l l i ncl ude Tu r ra n i u s , Turrini lls and Turu s, which may i n d i c a t e , a l ong with the evidence of name formulae, a Venetic l'Il'l1ll'nt among the Ja p o des . A group of names identi fied by
of Cel tic origin : Ammida, Andes, Iaritus, Matera, Mllntanus, Nantia, Nonntio, Parmanicus, Poia, Sa ri us, Scneca, Sicu, Sil us and Sinus are distri buted throughout .I a podian terri tory. A smal ler group confined to thei r territory a rc to be regarded as typically Japodian: Anadrus, Dcidmu, Dennaia, Loantius, Rufantills, Stennas/Stennato and Vandano. A l f( i l d y ' s list of Celtic names has been queried by KatiCic, with l' i � h t of the 1 6 (Andes, Iaritus, Maxa, Muntanus, Parmanicus, Sari us, Sinus and Silus) being discarded. Four names arc a n:c ptc d as definitely Celtic: Nantia, N o nntio, Poia and Sicu . M c l l i to has a Greek and Celtic element, wh ile the Ccltic associ ations of Ammida, Matera and Seneca rcmain questionable. Rather than constituting evidence for the surviving Celtic clement in the ethnically mixed Japod ia n s described by ancicnt writers, KataCic argues that the Cel tic names are the result of outside contacts and thc immigration of Romanized Celts dur i ng the first two ccnturies AD. The formulae of Japodian names a rc the si n g l e name or singlc name plus patronymic. A two name native formula of Venetic type is found where the first of the names appears to serve as a praenomen in the Roman fashion, occurring mainly around Bihac and in the Lika, for exa m p le , Secund us Turrinius Muntani filius, Sestus Platorius Triti f(i lius) . 1 3 The (5) Pannonian p eoples occu p icd a large tract of ter r i to ry north of the Delmatac, extending across the Roman provinces of Dalmatia and Pannonia, comprising the Bosnian va l l eys , parts of the Sava and Drava (Drau) valleys, and from the Japodes in the northwcst to Macedonia in the southeast. Names A l f(ildy
as
M a x a , M e l l ito,
1 .1
KatiCic 1 965, Rendic-Miocevic 1 975a,
HO
ty p i c a l o f t il l' Pa l l l l o l l i a l l I I l y r i a n s a n:or d i n g t o A l t i i l d y a rt' com mon a l so a m o n g t h t' l k l m a t ;ll' : HalO, D a s a s , l . i n'a i u s a n d Sceno b ar b u s , N a mes origi na ti n g from t h e Del m a t a c or so u t h e rn IIIyrians include Carvus, Laidus, Piaror, Tem a n s , Teuta, V a r ro and Verzo. A smalle r group i s con fi ned to the no rtheast Pa n nonians : Arbo, Arsa (possibly Th r a cian) , Callo, Dactor, lauletis (ge n . ) , Proradus and Vietis (gen. ) . AlfOl dy's Pannonian ono m a s tic p ro vince has been ch a ll enged by KatiCic on the ground s that the evidence of four di s ti n gu is hi ng names is insufficient. Bato is no t confined significantly to the Pannonians and seems to be no less attach e d to the Dclmatae and to the southern IIIyrians.
Similarly Dasas/Dasius and Scenobarbus also occur among the Delmatae, and only the confi ned distribution of Li cca i us indi cates a distinctive Pannonian-Illyrian name. In argu i ng for the unity of the Dalmatian-Pannonian onomastic p ro vin ce , Katicic observes that AlfO ldy lists four Pannonian names, seven of the Delmatae and five so u th I/Iyrian. But on l y one of these is fairly certainly Pannonian, two of th e Delmatae and three south lllyrian, indicating that that the propos ed division between DeJmatae and Pannonian is not valid. The two-name formula is found among Pa nnon i ans, and the few known examples around Plj evlja in northern Monten e gro may not be of local origin ( see below). Most are styled with the singl e name plus patronymic, for example, Te uta Vietis and Bato Liccai f(ilius). Among the Pannonians wi th in Roman Dalmatia the western groups, i ncluding the Maezaei and Daesitiates, exhibit few outside connections, and those are w i th Del m ata e i m me diate ly to the south, though in Al foldy's view the two groups arc quite distinct, w i th many of the latter's names unknown among Pannonians. This is in marked contrast to the more varied pi cture among the southeast Pannonians, notably the territory of th e Pirustae, where in addition to Pannonian names, includ ing the ethnic Pirusta and Scirto, a significant group of names of external origin is on re cord. 1 4 The p resence o f Illyrians i n the Celtic pro vin ce of Noricum Pan nonia is for the most part marginal. There is no base for the
14
M6csy 1 967.
N . l lll il/g 111,,1 1.111 \
H I
s i l l l p k l'll u a t i o l l , O IKl' w i lk l y l' ll t n t a i l l l' d , t h a t t il l' popu l a t i o n o f t ill' p r l' - Cl' i t i c I Lt l l s t a l l l ro l l A �l' i l l a n d n o r t h o f t h e e a s t e rn A l ps we rl' I I l y r i a n -spea kns, a rdi l 1 l' I 1 1 1' l l t o f ea r l i l' r 'pa n - I l l y r i a n ' t h l'o r i es n o w d i sca rded. I t i s d o u h t fu l i f the s m a l l n u mber of I I l y r i a n perso n a l n a m es i n the sou th and southeast of the Cel tic p ro v i n ce represen ts any k i n d o f eth n i c s urvi v al from before the l a l tn's migration in the fourth ce n t ury BC. At the same time, it h a s been observed t h a t it i s in the sa m e areas th a t the t ra d i ti o n s of the m ateri al culture of the earlier Hal lstatt I ron Age p e rs i s te d with the least change down to the Roman period . M ost of the III y r ia n personal names and the few pl ace - names occ u r on the sparsely populated margins of Carinthia. They m a y represent remnants of an IIIyri a n population expelled from t h i s ferti le region southwards into the Pannonian-Dalmatian region, with which the JIlyrian na m es of Noricum are co n n ec ted . On the other hand, movements of p e op le during the Roman l' ra can account for a dispersal of Pannoni ans and D e l m atae , especially i n such a productive mining region as the eastern A l ps. " In Roman Pannonia the Lato bi c i and Varciani who dwelt
cast of the Venctic Catari in the upper Sava valley were Celtic hut the Colapiani of the Co l api s (Kulpa) valley were IHyr i a n s (north Pannonian), exh i b i t ing names such as Li cca i u s , Bato, Cralus, Lirus and Plassarus. The few names on record for other groups in the Savq valley belong to a more southerly Pannonian Dalmatian group, the Illyrian Jasi with S cen u s , the Brcuci with Scilus Bat9, Blacdarus, D asm en u s , Dasius, S urco, S a s s a i u s , Liccaius and Lensus, and the Amantini and S co rd i sci around Sirm ium with Ter c o and Precio, Dases and Dasmcnus. It seems that at the time of the Roman conquest Illyrian p e op l e s were not to be found north of th e river Drava. Most of the people in northern Pannonia have Celtic names, except for a group of Pannonian ' JIlyrians, Bato, Breucus, Dases, D a s m en us , Licco, Liccaius, etc . , in the north e as t around Brigetio. These are likely to represent ' a people called the Azali, IIIyrians tr an s ported there from southern Pannonia during the wars of conquest
L�
Alfoldy
1 974
(IIIyrian in Noricum).
'/ '' '1' S, '"r, " /"r I U"n./II,"
u nder A l I gl l s t ll s
a n d St' 1 \ kd I l l';l r t il l' \ );1 I l 1 l ht' hl· t ...... t·t· 1 l t w o
Celtic groups, Boi i i n t h e west a n d E ra v i sc i i n t h e c a s ! . l h
Around t h e m i d d l e Dri n a a n d t h e Wt'stl' r l l M o ra v a t h t' OIlO mastic evidence suggests a s i gn i fica n t Ce l ti c e l e m e n t among t h e populat i o n, confirmed also by tomb s to n es w i t h Ce l ti c sym bol s and fashions of dress. A l f()ldy has detected descen d a nts of the Celtic Scordisci once d omina n t in th e central Balkans. Th e nu mb er of II I y r i an names in that a rea, Genthena, Tatta, Dasius and Thana i s small compared with the Celtic: A i o i a , Andeti a , Baeta, Bidna, Catta, Du ss o n a, Enena, laca, M adu s a, Matisa, Nindia, Sarnus, Seius, Totia and perhaps Pinenta. If the Scord i sci did reta i n their Celtic character into the Roman era the Illyrian element m ay represent an assimilation of gro up s from the ex i sting native population. Alfoldy's i nventory of 15 Celtic names among the Scordisci has been severely pruned by Kati Ci c . Only th ree, Catta, Iaca and "fo tia are j u d ged to be certa i nly Celtic, with another four, A i oia, Bidna, Matisa and Nindia, possible. Six, Andetia, Baeta, Dussona, Enena, Madusa and Pinenta, are not, while Sarnus and Seius arc either Celtic or north IIIyrian . This Cel tic presence a round the middle Drina and M orav a does not, in th e view of K ati Cic , represent a Celtic s urvi v al of the Scordisci but was rather a consequence of co ntacts with the Celtic world follo w i n g the Roman conquest. Whether the Sco rdisci were a Ce l tic or an Illyrian people h a s been co n si d ered by Fanoul a P apa z oglu ( 1 978 ) . Th e enquiry is at the outset confronted with con fusion among the ancient writer s . A tradition pre s erved b y Strabo cal l s th em Celti c, referring to their i nvasion of Greece and the southern Balkans in the third century BC. Others descri be them as lllyrians and one has them as Thraci an s . Appian includes the Scordisci in what must be a l a t e version of the Greek myth of lllyria n gene s is. Moreover, to make the matter more uncertain, th ere seems to be real doubt as to w het h er th e S cordis ci , whose name appears to be of lllyrian origin, were ever really a separate peop l e rather than a m ixed group of Celts and IIIyrians formed duri ng and after the third-century m i grations. This would explain their frequent and sudden c h ange s of territory dur i n g 16
Katicic
1 96 6 b
(Critic in Sl oven ia).
N.'IIIIII.I.! 1111'11.111,\
lU
til l' thn'l' lTlltmil'!'. of tlll'ir 11I!'.tOl'y, till' Il'!'.uh of t1uClIIOltioll!'. ill t lll' i r politicll relati o n s with Ill'ighhoming pl'opks of I h c ( c n l r a l I\alkall. .... Cl'rI'linly .lIll'IllI11S to rl'l'IlIlstrtKI a l'(lhcrent h i story 01' idl'llIity for t h i s pcopk th r o u gh (o l l l h i n i ng and rcconc i l ing the writtl'n sOllrn's h a vc rarely sel'llll'd t o re pay the cffort,I7 Thc a p p l i cltion of ol1omastic evidl'nce to th i s matter seem s 1 0 givl' rise to further problems, As we have seen , Katicic has qlll'sti o l1ed Alf(jl dy's identi fication of Celtic names, mainly fel11ak, from the western Dri na, the western Morava and M o u n t Koslllaj south of Belgrade, and also the same scholar's sllggcstion that male children received Roman names, with
I l I yrian and Celtic traditional names being reserved for females. the opinion of Papazoglu the material evidence is decisive for the existence of a pre-Roman Celtic population along the south bank of the Danube between the m outh of the Drava at M ursa and t hat of the Timok in eastern Serbia, and th is rep resen ts the historical Scordisci. Also there are a number of Cdtic place n ames i n this area: Cornacum , Cuccium, Bononia, Ma l ata, Cusum, Acumincum, Rittium, Burgenae, Taurunum, Si ngidunum, Tricornium, Vinceia, Viminacium, Lederata, Pin Cll m, Taliatac and Egeta. Even here the picture is far from clear: for example the name Pi ncum ( Veli ka Gradiste near the entrance to the Danube gorge) is claimed as a Celtic, TI Iyrian or Thracian name in each of the principal works of reference for these l anguages, and several others on the l i st have been c l a i med for more than one l anguage. We may perhaps l eave the difficult problem of Scordiscan iden tity with a summary of Pa pazoglu's reconstruction based on the historical, linguistic and material evidence. The Scordisci were a warrior-dominated Celtic group whose numerical strength did not increase even in the period when they dominated the central Bal kans. Their heartland was the Danube bank between the Drava and the Danube gorge, an area they continued to i n h a bit after major defeats at the hands of Romans and Dacians. Even here they were intermi xed with older strata of I I I yrians, Dacians and Thracians, and the onl y part of their territory where a settled Celtic population was probably i n the majority was the lower In
17
Alfoldy 1964b, KatiCic 1 965, Papazoglu 1978.
H4
.,.",- S'-,III"
/111 IIlVI;,ms
va l l ey of t h l' M or;wa. TIll' surv i v a l of ( : l' l I i r Swrdisri aW;l Y from thc river Danuhl' i s imposs i b l l' to gallgl' from any v a ril' t y
of evidence currently availahle, though imm i grati oll i n the Roma n era is a more l i k ely cxplanation for the few Celtic n am es on record . The e v i dence of p erson al names indicates an intrusive element in the p opu l ati on among the Pann on ia n IIlyrians of northern Montenegro a round Pl j ev lja a nd Prijcpolj e . Apa rt fr om some names of Thra cia n origin, B essus and Teres, and some Celtic nam e s , Arvus, Bclzeius, Cambrius, Taritus, Lautus, Madussa and Ar gur i a n u s ( e ith er Thracian or Celtic) , the on l y namc of south T\lyrian origi n is Plarcs. On the other h a nd , there are many that arc characteristic of th e Del matae, for example, Carvanius, Germanus, Lavianus, Panto, Pinsus, Pladomenus, S ta ta ri a, Testo, Tritto, Vendo and Verza i iu s . The l ink with the Delmatac app e ars to be confirmed b y the presence o f the two-name fo rm ula, adopted by some wcstcrn groups of the Delm a tae from the Liburnians, for example, Cam Sta t ari a , Tu(r)i f(ilia) . This formula survived into the Roman era when some enfranch ised n atives exh i bit two cogno mi na : P. AeI(ius) Pladome[nus] Carvanius, Au rel ia Ti tu l l a Arguriana, Aurelia Titulla Cambria and Ti tus Aurelius Severus Cclsianus. The area is remote from the homeland of th e DcJmatae and the i r presence may be explained as the result of m ass eviction from near the Adriatic in o r der to accommodate new R oman settlers. The arcas to which t hey were trans p o rted may well h ave been chosen b eca us e of the severe depopulation tha t had occurred during th e final stage s of the Roman co n quest ." 1 Along the eastern margins of the JIIyr ians there is a broad a rea of in ter mingling or ' co n ta c t zone' bet ween namcs of Illyr i a n and Thracia n o rig i n , running from th c Danube below Bel grade down the west o f the Morava valley t o th e Vardar and the northern border of M a ccdonia , The n u mber of recorded n ative names in this area is not l a rge . Those of Ill y rian and Thracian ori gins o ccu r together in the mining a r ea of Mount Kosmaj south of Belgrade and therc is another group of n a mes from the Metohija area of Dardania. Native names of Roman IH
Alfoldy 1964a (Delmatae
in northern Montenegro).
so l d i l' rs n'l'ru i t l'd i n till' Sl'CO l lll n'lIt my 1\1) /ro l l l S�:u p i (Sk o p j e) i ll Ihe soulh a n d R a t i a ri a ( A n:har) on til l' Da ll u he i n cl u lk a few n a l l 1 l'S o f Pa n ll o n i a n '''yri a n origi n , for e x a m ple, Dassi us and A n d i o, hut fa m i l iar Th ra�:i a ll n a mes, Hi t us, S i nn a , Dolens, Ilrigissa , Mucco, AlIllIzon, Mucatra l and Da izo, arc in the lIlajority. The I I I y r ian component is markedly stronger in Dard a n i a , i ncl u d i n g Das(s) ills, Scerviaedlls and Andia, but Thracian na mes arc also found, Sita and Nanea. Whether the Dardanians were an lI I yrian or a Thracian people has been much debated ,l lld onc view suggests that the area was originally populated w i t h Th racians who were then exposed to direct contact with '''yrians over a long period. 19 The eth n i c a ffinities of the Dardan ians, from whose n ame is sa i d to derive the modern Al banian word for 'pear' (dardhc), as revealed in the evidence of names from their terri tory have
Iwen examined by Papazoglu. Literary sources record Dardan i a n names for three medicinal plants. From the Materia Medica of Pedan i us Dioscurides, a Roman military doctor from Anazarhus in Ci l icia who l ived in the time of Nero, we learn that gentiana was called aloitis and aristolocheia makra or kll'matitis (wormwood or birthwort, a herb promoting ch i ldbirth ) was cal led sopitis. From another writer we learn that caca lia was the Dardanian name for Mercurialis tomentosa ('hai ry' Mercury) ; this also occurs as a personal name on an i m perial rescript issued at Viminacium on the Danube in AD 294. The recorded na mes of Dard anian leaders during the Macedonian and Roman wars, Longarus, Bato and Monunius, whose daughter Etuta was married to the IIIyrian king Gentius, arc all Illyrian. Native names on Roman tombstones of the second to third centuries are unevenl y distributed in Dardanian territory, with several areas enti rely devoid of evidence. llIyrian names in Dardanian territory inclu de Andio, Andinus, Ann us, Anna, Catulla (?), Cinna, Citto, Dasius (four exa mples)lDassius (seven examples) , Dicco, Epicadus, Epicaris, Messius/Messa, Plannius, Scerviaedus, Tataffatta, Times (three examples), Tur ranis, Turelius (two examples) , Vanno (two exa mples ) , Varanus
I�
Dardanian names: Mocs}' 1974, Papazoglu 1978. Also Mirdita 1981,
Petrova 1 983-4.
(two examples), Varallilla alld Varidill'i. Thl" Th"'ll'i;lll ll;lI111·S include: AlIllIporis, AlIlllZOIl, Bithlls (three l'xampks), CclslIs (two e xa m p l e s ) , Celsinus, Cocaills, Daizo, (killS, Dida, Dinl'n
t i l l a, Dizas, Dizo (two examples), Dolens, Ept;likcllthos, Ettcla, Mania, Murco (th re e examples)/Moca, Mucatralis, ivluc;ltus, Teres (th ree examples), Torcula and Tzitzis. In the matter of d istribution the Thra ci an names arc found ma in l y in eas tern Dardan i a, from S c u p i to Naissus (Nis) and Remesiana, although some IIIyrian na mes do occur. The latter are entirely dom inant i n the western areas, Pristina-Mitrovica (Kosovo ) and Prizren-Pec, while Thra cian names are absent. The m ea n i ng of this state of affairs has been variously inter preted, ran g i ng from notions of 'Thracianization' (in part) of an existing lllyrian popu lati on to the preci se opposi te. In fav ou r of the latt er may be the close cor re sp o n d e nce of Ill yria n names i n Dardania with those of the so u thern 'real ' lll yrian s to th ei r west, i n c l u d i ng the names of Dardanian rulers, Longarus, Bato, Mon u n i us and Etuta, and those on later epitaphs, Epicadus,
Scerviaedus, Tuta , Times and Cinna. Other Dardanian names arc linked with the central Dalmatian group as defined by R. K ati C i c , for example, Andius/Andia, Andinus, Annus/Anna, Dasi us and Pl annius. Yet this leaves a n um ber of Dardanian names with no parallel outside the area, in cl uding Ambia, Blicities, Bubita, Cocaius, Ettela, Maema, Mescena, Mesta, Momonia, Nanea ( four examples), Ninis, Pasades, Pi tta, Rom ma, Sausa and Utinadius. These make any neat apportion in g of the Dardanian onomastic material less pl au sibl e and suggests that t he Dardan ia ns are be tter regarded as a sepa rate onomastic provincc. The pro bl e m s are no less i n r egard to the p l a ce - n ames i n the re gi o n, where claims of Illyr i a n or Thrac i an origi ns have been similarly advanced . Out of a to t al of 20, only fou r , Naissus, Rcm csiana, Scupi and Margu s, are defin i tel y Thracian a n d eight Il l y ria n , Anausaro, Arri bantion, Drauda cu m , Gabulellm, Creven i , Scardlls, Sarnuntu m and Ulcinillm (?). The two groups arc distributcd in a pattern similar to the person al names, Th ra ci a n onl y in the east and IIIyrian main ly, but not en t i rel y , in the west. As modern s cholarsh i p bccomes morc sceptical of si mple theories of h ow ch a nge occurred in the remote pas t, so the homo geneities of p re historic and historic formations havc been
N./lII/I/,� 11/,,11.111.\
H7
I'l'vea lnl as L1 1 ..l' or il l u sory, The Idl',' of 11I;lJor ullll ifkrelll ia l l'd IwoPil-'i such a'i «l'II'i, I>;ll" iall'i, Thr.lCi,lIl'i alld IIlyrian'i slill l't'Ill;lill'i u'idul a'i a gcneral COIlCl'pt hut ;l\tl'lllpt'i to define more pl'l'l' iwl}, sllch group'i k;ld to l'tlllhl'i ioll alld disintegrationo This ,t;l\lO ot affairs has hecome Illore marked as Ilew methods and tedlllilJlIcs cllable archaeologists to pay greater attcntion to locally dcfinahle groups within thc increasing mass of material l'VidlolKCo In the case of the llIyrians the tcndency of modern histor ical and l i nguistic researches has bccn to define IIlyrians .Is a Ilame a pplicd by G reeks to a group of Indo-Europcan slwaking peoplcs in A l bania and Montenegro. To the north of I hesc were other peoples, dwelling between the Adri atic and the Drava val l ey, who spoke a l anguage akin to that of these 'rl";ll' IIlyrians, to whom the Illyrian name was applied, along w i th the Roman geograph ical tcrm llIyri cum in thc years pre cnling thc conquest, but who were generally identified as Ddm
groupso
Part 11 Greek Illyrians
•
4
Neighbours of the Greeks
Adriatic IIIyrians
During the reign of the emperor Antoninus Pius (AD 1 3 8-1 6 1 ), that h igh s ummer of the Roman Empire, a senior administrator, reti red from the imperial service , devoted his leisure to compos ing an account in Greek of Rome's rise to world empi re. The work was a rranged according to the di fferent nation s and peoples Rome had de fea t ed and incorporated, and one chapter, titled Illyrike, d ealt with Illyrians. Appianus of Alexandria was an adm ire r of the Roman Empire and he was most at e ase when recounting the wars and victories which led to its cre ation. Social and p ol i ti c a l themes he found generally less con genial or more difficult to record and his short section on Illyrians bears th is out . Nevertheless, the works of Appian are a valuable sourc e for the formative years of the Rom an Empire, though this status is due in part to their survival ne a rly intact while the works of better info r m ed historians h ave perished. The Illyrike opens with an a cco u nt of the lands and the origins of Illyrians: The Greeks cal l those peopl e lIlyrian wh o dwell beyond Macedoni a and Thrace, from Chaonia and Thesprotia to the river Danube. That is the length of the country, while i ts breadth is from Macedonia and the mountains of Thrace to Pannonia and the Adriatic and the foothills of the Alps. It is five days' journey in breadth and th irty across, say the Greeks. The Romans measured the country as above six thousand stades in l ength (7S0 Roman miles) and about twelve hundred stades (ISO Roman miles) in width. (lllyrike 1)
<)2.
(;"'I'/': 1111'''''''.\
They say that the c.:oUlllry was Ilallll'tl after IIIYl"lus, �()II of Poly phemus; for the Cyclops Polyphelllus and his wift' (;alall'a had dul'l' sons, Celtus, IIIyrius and G a l as , who a ll migrated from Sic.:ily and rule d over peop les named after them, Celts, lIIyrians and Galatians, This seems to me to he the most acceptable of the numerous myth ologies am ong the many peoples, IIIy ri u s had six so n s , Enchcleus, Autarieus, D a rdanus, Maedus, Taulas and Perrhaebus, also daught ers, Partho, Dao r th o, Dassaro, and others. From these sp ran g the Taulantii, the Perrhaebi, Enchelees, Autaries, Dardani, Pa rthe n i, 1)as saretii and the Daorsii. A u tarieus had a son Pannonius, or Paeon, an d the latter had sons, Scordiscus and Triballus, from whom also n at ion s be a ri ng si m i lar names originated. But these matters I shall set on onc side for those who study the distant past. (lll)'rike 2)
How th e name Illyrian c a m e to be a pplied to m any diffe re n t peopl e s, as indicated here by Appian and also hy si m i l ar a ccou n ts in th e works of other writers, is still debated . A widely a cce pt ed explanat i on is that II Iyrii was once no more than th e name of a single people known to ha v e oc c u pied a small and wel l defined part of the south Adriatic coast, around the Lake of ShkodCr astride the modern fronti e r between Albania and Yu goslav Montenegro. Appian's mythological ge n eal ogy of IIIyrians reflects the us e of the name as a generic term for di ffe ren t peoples within a reaso n a b ly well defined but much greater area, the western Balkans between the Middle Danube and the Adriatic. The key evidence for IIIyri ans as the na me of an individu al people i n the so uth comes in the Natural History of t h e Elder Pl iny, compo s ed in the m id dl e decades of the first century AD. This names ' ll lyri a n s properly so-called' (Illyrii proprie dieti) among the native communities in Roman Dalma tia (NH 3.144). Ev i de n tl y these were th e fi rst people of this area to become known to the Greeks, causing their name to be appli ed to other peoples with similar language and customs.' Ap p i an' s des criptio n of the Illyrian te r rito ri es records a s ou thern b ou n da ry with Chaonia an d Th e sprot i a , where ancient Epirus began south of the rive r Aous (Vijose). The country
I
Pajakowski 1980.
N,'/g"'lt I/In 0/ ,h,' ( .. "",�.,
ill1l111'diately to till' north, hetwlTn till' roast and the high I1HlIlIltains, was krlown to the dassil',ll (;reeks as IlIyris and was inhahited hy several peoples whose eponymous allcestors ,1!,pear in A p pia l l s IlIyrian gl'rll'alogy quoted a ho v e . The Taul antii desl:ended from Tall las dwelt in the M a t valley and in the hinterland of the Greek colony Epidamnlls, the later Dyrrhach "Ull (modern DlIrrcs) . Beh ind these dwelt the Encheleae around the upper Drin and Lake Ohrid, while in the m iddle and upper valley of th e river Genusus (Shkumbin ) dwelt the Parthini, d e sce n ded from Partho, daughter of IlIyrius. From th i s it has lll'l'Il inferred that if the first Greek contacts with a people railed I l I y ri ans took place when the latter dwel t around the Lake of Scodra, that is, north of the Taulan tii and Parthin i , thne m u st have occurred later a southward movcment o f IIIyr i'1I1 people i n to an area once inhabited hy Greek speakers. There may he some coincidence hetwcen this n otional IIIyrian '
l' x pansion with a so uth ward movcment of i ron-using peoples in the first millenium nc. 2 the sou thern Bal kans the tcrritorial definition of ancient pt'oples is no less di fficult than has proved to be the case with modern nation states formed out of the Ottoman Empire, and fo r similar reasons. In areas where a large proportion of the population was accustomed to scasonal movement i nnovation in thei r material culture derived mainly from their conta ct with itinerants, and notions of a frontier can often have little mcaning, either in political or material terms. This state of affairs is evident not only in thc vaguc descriptions of IIIyrian pcoples by Greck writers but even in the frontiers between Greeks and non-Grecks in that direction. Thus Herodotus (4.49), writing in Athens around thc middle of the fi fth century, seems to imply a greatcr II Iyria, extendi ng from Epirus to the Veneti and inland to the Serbian Morava (his Angros in the land of the Autariatae) . This acco unt fits fairly well with the onom astic evidence and may have heen based on the evidence of traders familiar with Illyrian territory. Yet the Greek world t'a r1 y In
1
Hammond 1 982a.
lJ4
(;'I'I'�' IIIY/'/tllls
as a wh ok knew Iiuk of th l'sl' 1 l 1O f l' rl'lllOtl' IlIyri;lI)s and frolll around the middle of till' fourth lTlltUry 1\( a Illud) narrowl'r definition appears to have prevailed. I The ea rlies t surviving accoun t of the IIlyrian peoples is to he found in the Periplus or Coastal Passage, a clockwise account of the sailor's route around the A d ria tic composed probably a round the middle of the fou rth ce n tu ry RC. The name and origin of its author are not known, although a mis ta k e n tra ditio n has attributed the work to Scylax of Caryanda, a famous m a ri ner who na vi ga ted the Indian Ocean and the river Indus on behalf of the Persian king Darius at the end of the sixth ce n tury. The Adriatic v o ya ge is described in 1 4 ch apte rs , start ing from southern Italy: 14 After L u ca nia t he p eop le of the J apyges extend as far as mount Orion, wh ic h lies in the Adriatic. The v oy a ge alon g the coast of J apy gia lasts six da y s and six night s. Then.' are in fact Greeks dwelling in Ja pygi a and the i r cities are Heraclea, Metapontum, Tarent u m and th e port Hydrumum on the coast within the Ionian or Adriatic sea . 15 Next a ft e r mount Orion and the ] a p y ges co m es the people of the Samnites, who extend from the Tyrrhenian sea to the Adri atic. The voy age along the Samnite country lasts two da y s and onc night . 16 After the Samnites comes the peo ple of the Umbri, where lies th e city of An c o na . This p eople worship s Diomede, as a result of the benefits r e ceiv e d from him , and they maintain a sh rine of Diomede . 'Ine voyage along Umbria lasts two days and one ni ght. 17 After the Umbrian peo ple come the T yrrheni: they cxwnd from the Tyrrhenian sea on the far s i de to the Adriatic. In their country lies the Greek city Spina and the river Spines, and the voyage upstream to the city is arou nd twenty stades . The j o urney from the city of Pisa to t h a t same place lasts three da ys. 18 Next after the Tyrrheni is the Celtic p eople, who were left behind from th e Celtic expedition and who occ upy a small terri t ory extending to the Adriatic. At this point comes the inne rmost recess of the Adriatic. 19 After the Celts come the people of the Veneti , in whose land is the river E ridan us. Here the passage lasts one day,
1
Cabanes 198 8a.
lO
Aiel'!' till' Vl'Ill'11 till' rlVl'!' I'll'!', Tills 11\,('1' !Iow, al,o 11110 till' 1'011111'> Fllxinlls, lal'in� in till' dll'l'l110n 01 Fgypl . Thl' n'aslal voyagl' .. Ion� Ihl' ISl1'ian 1'l'�ion la s ls ;1 day ,1I1d .1 ni�hl. 1..1 Aher till' I'lri is till' pl'opk 01 Ihe I.ihurni, In t he lerritory of th,lI Iwoplt' are thl' follo ...... ing (oastal citil's: I.ias, IthIssa, A t t ie ni tes ,
Ilyyrta, Ampsi, Osi, Petll'tae, H e m ion i I - Alos, Tarsatica, Sen ites , I >yyrta, l.opsi, Ortopdl't:le, Hegini]. Thl'sl' people are ruled by Wlll11l'l1 , who arc the wives of freeborn men, but they c o hab i t with their own slaves and with the men of the neigh bouring regio ns. Before thl' (oast lie islands, of which I can record the following names (for therl' arc many othe rs which have no name): the island Istris 310 statll's long and 120 stades wide, the Elektrides, and the Mentorides art' the large islands. Then comes the (river) Catarbates. The voyage along the coast of the Liburni lasts two days. l.l After the Li burni there come the lIlyrian people. The II Iyri i dwel l by the sea as fa r as Chaonia, which lies opposite Co rcyra, the island of Akinous, There is si tuated the Greek city cal led Heraclea, with a harbour. There dwell the Lotus-eaters, barbarian peoples with the names Hierastamnae, Bulini, and Hylli who are neighbours of the Hulini. Th is people tell that Hyllus the son of Hercules had his dwdling among them, They are a barbarian people occupying a
penin sula a little smaller than the Peloponnese, The Bulini are also an I I I yr i an peopl e. The voyage along the land of the Bulini as far as the river Nestu s takes one day, 23 The Nesti, A fte r the river Nestus the voyage follows a course aro und a bay which is called the Manius bay and which takes onc day. With i n the bay lie the i slands Proteriu s, Cratiae and Olynta. The distance between them is [?8 or 12] stades or less and they lie in the direction of Pharos and Issa. The former is now Pharos the Greek island and the latter Issa, on both of which there are Greek cities, Before one reaches the river Naron a broad s t r ip of land extends far into the sea. There is an i s land close to the coastal region named Melite, and another close to it is named Black Corcy ra, where the land extends out from the coast in a second promontory but the other faces in the direction of the river Naron. Corcyra lies twenty stades from Melite and eight from the mainla n d coast. 14 Manii . After the Nesti is the river Naron. The passage into the narrows of the river is unimpeded, Indeed triremes and cargo vessels sail as far as the trading settlement which lies upwards of eighty stades from the sea. The people living there a re the Man ii, who are by race Illyrians. Beyond, there is a huge lake, extending from the in land side of the
trading St'Uil-l11l'Ilt as far as tht' Autariatat', an IlIyrian Pt'opll-, In the lake is an island of onc h u ndrt' d and twcnty st,llb" that is t' spn' iall y favourable for agriculturt" The rivl'f Naro flows Oil out of this I,lkl', From the Naron to the river Arion is a day's voyagt', Then from the river A r io n (to the river Rhizon) the voyage is a half-day . There are the rocks of Cadmlls a nd Harmonia and a shrine no t far from the river Rhizon. From the river R hizon to Bouthoe is (a half-day voyage, as it is also to the Rhizon ) trading settlement. 25 Enchelei . The Enchclei are an IIIyrian people, who inh ab it the land after Rhizon. From Bouthoe to Epidamn us, a Greek city , the voyage takes a day and a n ight , by land three days. 26 Taulantii. The Taulantii are an IIIyrian people, in whos e land is the cit y Epidamnus. A river flows by the city, by name the Palamnus. Then from Epidamnus to Apollonia, a Greek city, the j o urne y on foot takes two days. Apollonia lies fifty stades from the sea and the river Aias flows by the city, From Apollonia to Amantia the distance is 320 stades . From Amantia more within the Ionian Gulf is the city Oricus. The j ou rney to the sea of Oricus is ei gh ty stades, of Amantia sixty. Bou nding all these on the south are the Atintanes, below Oricus a n d Chaonia as far a s Dodona. Around this area are the Ceraunia n mountains in Epirus , and nearby is a small island, named Sason. From there to Oricus the voyage is one thi rd of a day. 27 These arc the IIIyrian peoples , extendin g from the Bulini up to this point . The opening of the Ionian g ulf extends between the Ceraunian mountains and the Japygian peninsula. And to the city of Hydru ntu m from th e Ceraunian mountains the cro s sing is around five hundred stades. This is the entrance to the gulf, and that which lies within is called the Ionian gulf, There a re many h arbours in the Adriati c : the Adriatic and Ionian gulf are one and the samc.4
In this surviving version the Coastal Passage attributed to Scylax contains confusions, later interpolations and plain errors. Yet this first authentic account of the Adriatic lists the names of several IIlyrian peoples on the east coast down as far as the river Aous (Vijose). Their northern limit was the river Catarbates, beyond which dwelt the Liburni, Istri and (V)eneti who are not included among the IIIyrian peoples. From the 4 Scylacis Caryandel1sis Pe ripIus maris ad Utora habitata f.uropae et Asiae et Libyae, GGM vol. 1, pp. 15-96 (Greek text with Latin version),
lJ7
hasis of this donlllll'llI. alollg with illtOl'lIIatioll trolll other writl'rs. it is possihle to fl'l"Ollstrlll't a politicll geography of the l'astl'rIl Adriatic.: as it was knowll to the (;rcl' k world around the middle of the fourth century Ill. III a latl'r w or k of the same l·harac.:tl'r, the
Coastal Voyage (/'aiegesis) attributed to
Sl'YIllIHIS and c.:ompilcd at the cnd of the sec.:ond century BC, a
narrower definition of IIIyrians excludes the Bulini and Hylli to ma ke lIIyrian territory commence on the coast around Sibenik, Ilorth of Split, In the previous century the geographer Eratosth l'nl'S had moved the limit of the Illyrians northwards to the Neretva but excluded the Nestoi who dwelt around the river Nestos (Cetina). These definitions of Illyrians may have been academic until around 200 BC when Illyria meant the kingdom
on the south Adriatic. The later extension of lllyria/lllyricum to all the lands between Adriatic and Danube came only in the Roman era . .) Beginning in the south the first IIIyrians near the coast were
the Bylliones beyond the river Aous in the hinterland of Apol IOl1ia. Their hill-settlement developed later into the town of Byllis, at Gradisht on the right bank of the Aous. The identity and location of thc Atintani/Antintancs remain a problem. One recent solution is that there were in fact two groups of this name, the Atintanes in Epirus and the Illyrian Atintani in the region Germenike north of Elbasan. Another view locates Atin tancs among the hills on the right bank of the Aous i n the Mallakastra north of Tepelen and perhaps as far as the area of Skrapar. This places them in a key strategic situation on the route between the Adriatic and Thessaly via the Metsovo pass or to Macedonia via the Korce basin. Whether or not the commonwcalth (koinon) of thc Illyrian Bylliones attested after 232 BC belonged to these Atintanes, who according to Thucyd ides were connected with the Molossians, is not clear. Thcir chief settlement at Gradisht had acquired an urban character
by the middlc of the third century.6 The Taulantii werc a group who at various times dominated .� Anonymi rScymni Chii ut fertur] Orbis Descriptio, GGM vo!. 1 pp. 196-237 (on Adriatic, l i nes 369-443). 6 Atintani/es: Hammond 1967b, 1 9 89 (two peoples), Papazoglu 1970c (against division); Bylliones: N. Ceka 1984, 1987a, 1987b.
( ; ,." " /.: lII)'1i,/II.� m llch o f t h e p l a i n bet w een t h e A O I l 'i a n d t h e D r i l l . It w a 'i I l I yri a n Ta u l a n t i i from E p i d a l1l llll'i wh o m:n l p il'd t h e 'i itl' o f Apol lonia befo re th e arri va l o f th e C reek co l o n i s ts a ro l l n d (' 0 0 B C. Oncc thcy wcrc callcd i n by the Greek sett l e rs t o Sl'i Zl' Epidamnus, a fter they had been ejected hy the Lihu rni. A mo n g group s who may have belonged to the T aulantii, kno\\'n to Greeks for thcir m cthod of prepa ri n g mcad fro m h oncy, w e re the Ab r i , named by the sixth-century writer Hecataeus as neigh bours of the Chelidones, thc ' snai l -m en ', who may have lived on thcir n orthcrn borders to w ards the Mat o r Drin vaIJ eys . 7 Bchind the co a s t II1 y ri an s bordered the C haone s , the Ep i rote people of whom the Dexari or Dassaretae werc the mos t n orth erly and bor dcrcd thc Illyrian Enchelei , the 'eel-men ' , w h os e n a mc poin ts to a location near Lake Oh ri d . According to Polyb i u s (5 . 1 08 ) , the Dassaretae possessed several towns, though none has yet been defini tel y located, including Pclion, A nti patr ci a (probably Berat), Chrysondym, Ge no u s or Gerous and Creonion. Livy's reference to ' P iru s ta e of th e Dassareti' (45 .26) in t he s eco n d ce ntu ry BC may be an error of the manuscript: Pi rustae dwelt some way to the north in Bosnia and northcrn Montenegro and were a mong the last of the Illyrians to surrender to the R o m a ns . North of Dassareti s i n
the middle and upper valley of the Genusus w a s the territory of the Il \yrian Parthin i , likely to have been part of the Taulantii until they firs t appear as Roman allics l ate in the thi rd century BC.8 The region of Lake Lych n i ti s (Ohrid ) , which abounds in fish, l ies at a narrow p oint of the A driatic-Acgcan watcrshcd and th ro ugh it passcs not only thc main east-west route but also one between north and south . This was the territory of the Enchelei, whose rulers cla ime d descent from thc h ero Cadm us . S aid to h a v e come from Phoe n icia, h e arrived in G ree ce and,
after many adventures, founded and ruled over Thebes along w i th his wi fe Harmonia . Later thc y movcd to thc Enchclei, then at war with J I I y ri a n s, but who had received an oracle that 7 Hammond 1966. A bri and Chelidones: Hecataeus, FGrHist vol. 1, Fl OO- l ; Taulantian honey : Aristotle, On Marz!ellous Things Heard 22 ( Le!. vol . 1 4, p. 246) . H
Hammond 1 966, 1 96 7 b, 606-7.
N,';ghhf llll ... "l ,f,,' ( " ' I'I'�"
vid ory wo uld I ll' t1ll'i rs if t111'Y !"l'n' l ved ( :adl1l lls ;I s k i llg, A f ter ;\ S fo retold, ( : .. dl1ll l s alld l larll lonia r llled over thelll alld fOllu d cd t h e tOW II' ot HO llthoc ( Hu dv a ) and I .yrh llid u s (Ohrid ) . III t h e end king and q l l een wt.'re trans fo rmed hy l.l' I I S into d r a gons and rem o v ed to Elysilllll, w h i l e his son
t h i 'i had co 1 1 H .' a hollt
I l Iy rills or Polydorlls succeed ed to h i s t h ron e . The Periplus p l a n's the Enchelci on the coast north of the T au lantii and attrih lltes to them B o u th oe, on the coast near the Gulf of Koto r , w h i ch also figures in the Cadmus legend. If the Taulanti i l' x «.'nded north to the Mat valley the Enchelei may have con tl'Ol kd the l ow e r Drin and the plain around Shkoder. At this point the Periplus, as we h ave it, is muddled over the river N a ron, the modern Neretva, a nd the Arion, wh i ch must be the allcient D ri l on, the Al banian Drin. It seem s best in th is matter to fo l l ow the sol ution of M. Suic that the lake is in fact the La ke of Shkoder, i nto and out of which the Drin has flowed a t va rious times in its history. Accepting th is makes it possible to p l a ce the Autariatae beyond the l ake and north of the lower D rin, wh ich makes better sense than much further north in the
mountains around the upper Neretva. 'J Wi th the Enchelei on the lower Drin and the Black Drin up to the source at Ohrid, their northern neighbours will have heen the Autariatae, dwel l i ng beyond the mou ntains wh ich now divide northern Albania from Yugosl avia. What Greek sources tel l of this remote people amounts to h a rdly more than a necdote. Whether or not the Ardaei already occupied the coast between the Lake of Shkoder and the Neretva rema i ns in do u bt. The rise to power on the Adri ati c during the third cen tury of these neigh bours of the Autariatae will have involved the absorption of several smaller groups recorded for th at area, i ncluding the . Labeates, who appear to have retained their separate identity into the early Roman period. The Illyrian Manii dwelt on th e lower Neretva on the long narrow bay formed by the northwards-projecting peninsula Pcl j eSac, and n am�d Manius Bay after them. To their north the Nesti occupied the coast and hinterland around the Nestus (Cetina ). This region was later occupied by the Dclmatae but �
Katicic
1 977b,
Suic
1 95 3 , PapazogJu 1 96 3 , 1 9 7 8 , Martinovic 1 966.
1 00
thei r n a m e does n o t a p pea r 1 1 1 1 1 i I l h l' sl'(o l l d (l' l l l l I ry 1\( , Oppo s i te t h e Nesti O i l l h e m a i n l a n d w e re I h l' b rgl 'r D a l l l l a t i ;l I1 isl a nds, Mclite ( M l jct), Black C orc y r a ( Ko rt': u l a ) , w h i dl l i es dose to the tip of PcljcS a c, and then Pha ros ( H v a r) and [ s s a (Vis). In Crateia wc m a y discern the name B ratti a (Brat':) and i n Olunta that of Solentia (50Ita ) , which l ie nearer to t h e ma i nland opposite Split. If the river Catarbates which marks the so u th ern boundary of the Liburni is the Krk a , thc ancien t Ti tus, which flows in t o the Adri atic through Lake Pr oklj an near 5 ibenik, then on thc short stretch of coast betwecn t h a t and the Nestus (Cet ina ) arc to be l o cated some lesser llly ria n
groups, the Bul i n i , Hierastamnae and Hyll i, There seems to bc no connection between these and the Dclmatae l ater so domi nant in this region, nor is there yet any refercnce to Salon a a t the head of its great b a y or to Traguri um (Trogir ) and Epetiu m (Stob r ec) which were once possessions o f the Greek colony on Issa. The Hyll i take their name from Hyl lus, a mythical son of Heracles, and the n ame persisted into Roman times as that of the headland on the coast south of 5ibenik, the p eni n s u la Hyllica, a p lace connected also with the cult of the hero Diomede. The name of the Bulini may be recalled by Bulinia, a place somewhere in this area on the Peu ti n ge r Map, a late Roman road map which surviv es in a medieval copy discovered in the sixteenth century by Co n r ad Pell ti nger . There seems little doubt that these smaller Il I yr i an com m unities known individu ally in th e fourth century were later absorbed by the Delmatae. This is the case with the Caul ici , Mentores, Syopii and Hyth mi tae l i s ted i n the region by Hecataeus of Mi letus of the sixth century and with the Ismeni and Mentores n amed in the sccond c ent u ry BC by the Periegesis. lO The Liburni arc placed by Hecataeus on the inncrmost part of th e Adriatic gul f. In the Periplus they dwell on the northcast Adriatic between I I Iy r i a n s and lstri , where m uch of the coast is closed off from the inte rio r by the VeJebit mountains and screened by the islands of t h e Dalmatian archipelago. The Liburnian n a me seems to have passed into ge n e r al use from thc time when t hey dominated not only the enti r e Dal matian 10
Suit 1 95 5 . Hecataeus, FGrHist
vol . l ,
p. 20, F93-6.
I() I
\,'O;lst h u t C Vl' 1l f or " tillll' held ( :o rl y r.1 ( : 0 1' 1 1 1 ) f ro lll whil.'ll t lll'Y Wl'lT l' jl'\.'I l'l1 hy Corillthl;1I1 '>l' \ tl e r s ill till' l'ighth l:l'lltury , A I . i h ur ll i a ll m a r i t i llH' s u prl'llIacy , or thala sson;l l' Y , rl'l:alls a h i stor i cll tra d i t i oll fro m a t i m l' whl'n Pl'OP I l' S were poss i b l y
Li burnia i nto P i C l' 1H 1 1n and from I I I y ri a i n to Mcss a p i a a n d J apygi a , The ga r h l nl l i st o f p l a ces on the Li b u rn ian coast in thc Periplus h a s hl'l'n reco n structcd to n ame Ta rsatica (Trsat ncar Rijeka ), I .ops i ca (Sv J u raj ) , Scn ia ( Senj ) and Ortopula (Stinica), all in t h l' n o rthern part of h istorical Liburnia. The difficul ty here is t h a t this i nt erprctation necessitates the identification of the river Catarbatcs with the Zrmanj a (the ancient Tedan ius) north of Zadar, placing the southern limit of thc Liburni farther to t h e north than was evcr later the casc. Another, and more p l a u s i b le, rcconstruction lists Apsyrtae, the modern islands Cres and Mali Losin j in thc Kvarner, Alypsoi of the later Lopsica a m ong the northern Liburn i, and some of the major settlements on the pl a i n bchind Zadar, including Nedinum (Nadi n ) , Acn ona (Nin ) a n d Jader (Zadar) . In th at case thc Catarbates, l i terally the 'stecply-fall ing', is the Krka, which marked the bou ndary bctween Li burnians and Dalmatians in Hel lenistic and Roman times. Finally, a long-standing associ ation betwecn the head of the Adriatic and the amber tradc explains the namc Elcktrides (from elektron, the Greek word for am ber) fo r somc islands of the Kvarncr gul f, i ncluding eres, Krk and Mali Losinj . The Mentores named by Hccataeus and othcr writcrs may denote othcr islands, such as Rab (ancient Arba ) or Pag (Gissa). The reference to the Istrian pen insula as an island of around 40 by 1 5 miles is a not uncharacteristic error of the . Periplus. 1 1 For all its con fusions thc Periplus leaves no doubt that the i nland peoples between thc Adri atic and Sava were, if not al together unknown, at lcast not in regular contact with the Greek world of the fourth centu ry BC. A possible reference by Hecataeus to the Japodcs, who occupied the Lika plain behind the Vclebit, - 'Japygia a town in Italy and in JIIyria' - docs not alter th is picture. Aside from amber there may h ave been l I Ioving a c ro s s t h l' A d r i a t i c fro m c a s t t o Wl'st, from
1 1
Suic
1 955,
I f)!
( ; ,." " k III\'rI, /II�
l i tt l e to a l l ra d ( ; n'l' k s t o wa rds t i l l' I . i h l l rn i a l l s h orl' ( I f t h l' I I p pl' r
Ad riatic, l' Vl'1l i f W l' t rl'a t a s l' x a ��l' ra t i ( l l l t h l' rl' l l l a r k ( I f ;t "' i t i Zl'l 1 of cl assical A t h e n s tlu t sl'n d i n � a s h i p i nt o t h l' A d r i a t i c a t a l l was a n act o f madn ess. A n u n fa m i l i a r i ty w i t h the u pper A d r i a t i c is implied by the wide currency of the story that a branch of the Danube flowed into it, by which it w a s possible t o sa i l bctwccn the Black Sea and the Adriatic. Thc fa ble was somehow bound up with a similarity in name between th e Adriatic Istri and Ister, the Greek name for thc (lower) Danube, as they camc to know it from the di rection of thc Black Sea . Also connected with this was a bel ief th at there existcd an isthmus between the h ead of the Ad riatic and the Black Sea, repeatcd by Theo pompus, a h istorian of the fourth-century BC, from whom it was copied by the Coastal Voyage attributed to Scymnus of Chios, by which time the story had becomc cmbedded in myth s of the h eroes. This vcrsion actually has a branch of thc Danube cntcring the Adriatic. Th i s is the background to one version of the retu rn voyagc of the Argonauts, up the Danube and Sava to enter the Adriatic by the Po, which appears in thc poem o f the third-century Apol lonius of Rhodes. Absyrtus, the slaugh tered half-brother of Medea, was com m emoratcd by an island in the northern Adriatic, whilc another story has it that Olcin ium ( Vicini) on the coast of Montcncgro near the Lake of Sh koder was a foundation of the pursuing Colchians. 1 2 The fantastic story o f thc rcturn voyage o f the Argo ma y echo voyages by Greeks i n the remotc past, venturing far beyond the known limits of thei r world. That they shoul d return v i a the distant Adriatic m a y derive from the routc of a known trade link with Central Europc. A similar basis may bc suggcstcd for Herodotus' story (4. 3 2 ) of thc Hyperborean offerings : 'According to the Delians, certain sacrcd offerings wrapped up in wheat-straw comc from the Hyperboreans into Scythia, whence they are taken ovcr by the neigh bou ring pcoplcs in succession until they get as far wcst as the Adri atic; from therc thcy are sent south, and the first Grecks to rcceive
1 1 Beaumont 1 93 6 , KatiCic t 970, 1 976c, Hcca taeus, FGrHist F97 Uapygi a ) .
vul .
1 , p. 20,
N,'/ghhl ll l l ... I II ,h" ( ; "" ,h
101
t h t' m a re d l l' J ) o d o l l 'll'a I l S ' ( 0 1 I )Od O I l , I , t i l t' f a l l1 0 l l s O LH : k 0 1 Zl' l I S i l l I :. p i rll s ) , SOl l1l, t h i l lg o f t h l' I I l l'C h a l l l l's o f p rl' h i s t or i c t r.Hk i s n' v l',l l l'd h y t h t' m a l l l l l' r i l l w h I c h t h ese g i fts, vv h idl m a y h a v e ht'l'1l p i el'l's o f a m be r d esti l l t'd l o r t h e A po l l o o f Ddos, Wl' rl' pa ssed from onc gro u p to a n o t h e r o n thei r j o u rn e y . A no t h er v o y age o n this scale m a y l i e beh i nd th e story of the t rl'ach ero ll s Tro j a n A ntellor who trav elled to the Adri atic after t h e fa l l of Tro y , w h ere he i s sa id to have founded several towns. O n c t rad itio n con nects him with Black Corcyra (Korcula ) . A n other, a l ready c u rre nt i n the ti me of the fifth-cen tury drama t i st S op ho c les , tells of a descent of the (V)eneti fro m the (H)eneti of Asia Minor which was the background to y e t another tale that An te no r , who had led them to Thrace, then journeyed to t he head of the Adriatic and founded the town of Patavium (p a du a ). U
The cl assical Greeks had only to travel a short distance to north or th e northwest to find themselves in a l and that was remote and strange. Soon after the sailor turned north out o f the Gulf of Corinth a short voyage brou gh t h i m to the river Achelous, where the Greek wo rld ended . Beyond this the Greek com m un i ties of Acarnania and around the Ambracian gul f were outposts in a barbarian world. Futher north again Thesprotia was a remote land at the cnd of the world, and even the fa mou s oracle of Zeus at Dodona among the Molossians w a s not e asily accessible. Greek writers such as Th ucydides viewed the ' mainland' (epeiros) from the perspective of Corcyra with its Corinthian colony facing across the strait. For the educated Athenian, people of th i s land lived in the old primitive ways, though this view was also taken of the Aetolians who, though Greek, had not yet advanced to the civilized urban l i fe. Beyond Corcyra there were no city-states (po/eis) bur only tribes (ethne) , such as the belligerent Chaon i ans. Few comprehended their languages, they dwelt in un fortified villages, ate their food uncooked and knew l ittle of the vine. Though more accurate information must have become available over the centuries the
I.l
Katicic
1 988
(An tcnor),
1989
(Diomcdes).
1 04 m a n y lat e r w r i ters Sl'l' l l l c d l"I l I l t c n t t o pass on t h i s p o r t ra y a l h y Th ucydidcs, Fo r E p h or u s , wri t i n g i n t h e fo u rt h Cl' l l t ll ry 1\( , Acarnania was th e cnd of ( ; rl'CCl' i n th a t d i rcct i o ll . 1 4
A s wc have already seen, the Periplus sets the sout h c rn l i m i t of Illyrians around Apol lonia, whcrc Chaonia began, but offers no eth nic defini tion for scvcral groups between I I I yrians and Greeks, including Chaonians, Thesprotians, Cassopaean s and Molossians, Though Polybius' doubts as to whether the Aetoli ans werc really Greeks ( 1 8 , 1 , 5 ) may be di scarded as the partial view o f an upper-class Achacan towards a rival power, there docs appear to have been a consisten t tradition from the time of Homer that Greeks end cd with Acarnanians and barbarians bcgan with Thesproti ans. To Pl utarch , who camc from Chaeronea in Boeotia, Greeks living north of Acrocera unia (Cape Linguetta/Kep i Gjuhezes) wcre exiles. Nevertheless thcre does seem to be evidence that these pcoples of Epirus between Acharnania and Illyria spoke a l anguage akin to Greek, though this is contested by Al banians who would have them to be JI Iyrians. From th is point of view the use of Greek by these peoples by the middle of the fourth century must bc reckoned as an al ien official l anguage, employed by a king (3 70-3 68 BC) of thc Molossians for two decrees at Dodon a. Perhaps more tel l i ng in favour of their non-IIlyrian character is that well born Molossians were admitted to the m ajor ath letic festivals of Greeks, an i nvitation never extended to Illyrians, ' 5 Greeks
among Illyrians
The fuI J development of an iron-using material culture among IlIyrian peoples by the eigh th century BC coincides with the start of l asting contacts with the Aegean civilizations of archaic and classical Greece. The intensive use of iron ore and the mastery of iron-working techniques led to economic and social change. 'Ibe exchange of commodities between different groups increased in volume and was a catalyst in the formation of
14 1\
Cabanes 1 9 8 8 a . Ca banes 1 98 8a,
.H (Molossian decrees).
N" /gh 'lI IlIn 1 1/ ,1" , ( ; / I'I,h
t r i h a l � ro l l ps , w i t h a l l i l l lTl'a S I l l � l O I l Sl..' i o l l s m'ss o f col l ec t i v l' i d cl l t i t y u ml t- r i l l d i v i d u a l r u i ns . T h l' L l l l' r s t a �l'S o f t h i s nl l t LJ r c a rI..' m a r k cd by p r i n n' l y b ur i a l s w i t h r i l.. h gra v c goods. I n "
a d d i t i o l l t o t h e I t a l i a n con ncl.." t i ol l s i t h a s bccn suggested that t ra ccs o f a rch a i c Grcck i n fl ucncc ca n be seen in some of the o rn .1 I11 c n t , nota b l y in the wa rrior frieze on the from Vacc, I n the western and cen tral Balkans
famous situla the devel oped I ro n Age a mong the lIlyrians is still viewed principally through t h e contents of tu muli burials on the Glasinac pl atea u, wherc t h e persisting conservatism of II Iyrian burial traditions has long been recogni zed. The distinguish i ng objects of this culture are double-arched fi bulae, bracelets and iron weapons, notably swords, axes, sh ields, etc. A love of amber, for beads, necklaces and cha rms, was evidently common among the Illyrians and is often cited as a distinguish ing feature of their burial groups. The cli max of this culture is evident in rich burials of the sixth and fi fth centuries, when the princes and princesses of the warrior elites were buried clad in all their finery, with gold and sil ver belts and girdles, bracelets, spears, varieties of pottery, j ewellery, hairpins and pendants. A featurc of some of these burials i s the presence o f high-quality pottery, metal ware and jewellery of Greek origi n . In addi tion there are other obj ects of similar character which may be the work of Greek craftsmen b ut whose design and ornament suggcst that they were created speci fically for IIIyrian and othcr 'barbarian' tastes . Th i s group of objects h as been much discussed over thc yea rs. Some schol ars have a rgued that they are the work of Illyrian craftsmen imitating Greek fashions and from this notion has stem med the concept of a 'Greco-Illyrian' matcrial cul turc of the sixth to fi fth centuries nc. 1 6 The principal finds-spots o f Greek imports i n the IIIyrian territories include the following: Atenica (princely tombs of thc late sixth/early fifth centuries BC with Ionian glass, glass-paste and amber beads and an Attic plaquc depicting a wil d boar) ; Glasinac (South Italian archaic objects, bronze vessels, Ionian pottery, classical (proba bly Attic) metalwork, armour and 16
Mano-Zissi 1 973 , Popovic 1 975, Pa rovic-Pesi kan 1 9 85, 198 6 ,
( ; " " 'k 1 11"/,/, /11,,
o rn a l l l l'l l \ s ) ; N o v i I 'a /.a r ( I a r).:l' Lll" i l l' ot IT).:a l i a , ).:o l d a l l d s i l v er
jewel lery, hl'a d s , a n d A t l i ( pol l ny ) ; " a �a n i ( \v a r r i or W;l V l'S o f the late sixth t o e a rl y fi ft h Cl' l l \ u ry w i t h A r t i r pot t e r y , ( ; !"l'l'( ) T 1 l yrian hel mets a n d s i l ver jc\w l l c ry ) ; Lj u bo m i r ( v,'a r r i o r h u r i a l s with fi fth cent u ry Atti c pottery , p i n s a n d b roochcs ) ; M ra ll l o ra c ( bu r i a l s with silver belts and bracel ets with orna m e nt i n a Greek style, p ossibl y l a te sixth cen tury) ; Umeari ( burials w i th sil v er belts, pins, brooches, etc. w i th Greek o rn a m e nt ) ; Rahna (cemetery of a round 5 0 0 BC containing G re c o - Il l y ria n hel met) ; Bel a Crkva (burial with miniature pots im i tati n g Greek forms of the l ate fi fth century ) ; Sremska Mitrovica (' boat'-e �rri ngs and go ld neck l ace, possibly Ionian of aroun d 5 00 ne) ; Siroko (settlement remains w i th Greek pottery and jewel lery) ; Batinci (silver belts with Greek-style ornam ent) ; Tuzla (tombs with ' Greco-Illyrian' obje c ts, glass - p aste beads and pins) ; J osainicka Banj a ( Hellenistic pottery, including Megarian bowls, i n settlement) . Among the southern most l llyrian communities sev eral cemeteries have p roduce d some of the best-known evidence for this Greco-TIIyrian cul ture. Easily the most famous arc the burials at Trebeniste near Lake Ohrid, where the contents of p rincely burials have been much d iscussed s ince the first finds were m ade during the First World War, particularly th e gold face-masks and sandals. Greek i m p orts i n the tom bs, which con sist of relatively modest burials of around the mid - si x th century, princ e ly burials of the earl y fifth century and some later b u rials, incl u de Ionian and other bronze tripo d s , b ronze crater, h ydria , a candelabrum base, lekythoi, kylices, filigree jewel lery, silve r brooches, glass amphorae and m i n iat u re s . Other sites i n the same area incl ude Saraj, Brod near Bitolj (Greek p ottery or local imitation s in p oss i b l e seventh century Cori n thian form), Visoi near Bitolj (two g roups of bu r ials, Visoi I with Gree k p o ttery and j ewel l ery, Visoi 11 l ater crem ations with finds sim i l a r to Trebeniste) ; Radol iste near Lake Ohrid (tombs w i th Gree k i m p o rt s of late si xth or early fi fth cent u ry, pins, brooches, bronze vessels, earrings and Greco Illyrian hel met dated to the second half of the sixth century ) ; Karaorman i n Paeonia near S tip (six tombs with Greek painted pottery and j ewellery , with a Greek coin of around 4 8 0 BC) ; Treben i sko Kale (tombs dated to the fo u rth to se c ond centuries
1 111
w i l h pOI l l' r y i l l I k l l l' l l i s l i l' t O rl l l S ,1 1 1 1 1 I " wl' l I l' 1" Y ) ; a l l d I k l l l i r i( ;l p i j a , a I O I l � l's l ;l h l i s h nl sl' l I k l l l l' l l l O i l I I I l' V a rd a r sOl l l h o t S l o h i i l l P a l'o l l i a a l 1 I 1 1' l' l I l ra l l l'l' 1 0 1 l 1 1' �or�l' ( ; rl'l' k pot t e ry o f t i h h 10 tO l l rl h Cl' nt ur y i n Sl'I I l l' n l l' l I l o t Macedo n i a n s a n d
( ; n'l'k s ) . 1 "
Hy w h a l m e a n s a n d by wh a t ro u tes these G reek ohj ects ca m e 1 0 l i e a m ong t he treasuries of l I I y r i a n tombs remains l a rge ly a 1 1 I ;l I l e r o f specu l a tion. It m ay be that for a p e r i od an o v e rl a nd I ra n si t e x i s te d from the di r ec ti o n of A sia Minor and th e Bl ack Sl';I , an d it has been su gge s te d that Herodotus' acco u n t o f th e Da n ll be basi n may h ave been b a s ed on i n form ation of Ion i an I ra d e rs s ta rt i n g inland from I st r os near the Danube d e lt a . Another matter of debate h as be e n the extent of c o m merc i al i d i n k s befo re th e e n d of the fifth century from the d i rection o f 1 1l l' Adriatic a n d southern Italy , C er t ainl y th e re ce p tion o f ( ; reek p restige go o d s b y the T I I y ri a n elite a p p e a r s confined to I h e s i xth and fi fth centuries, m a i nl y from the second h a l f o f 1 Il l' fo r m e r a n d from the early years o f t h e l a tte r After the m i d d l e o f the fi fth cen tury Greek i m p orts a rc, with a few l' x ceptions, absent fro m I1 \yrian tombs, and on l y the Gl asi nac tu lll u l i fu rn i s h evidence for a con ti n ui ng reception of Greek i m ports. Hellenistic pr o d u c ts of the fourth to s e cond centu ri e s .lrl: con fi ne d m a i n ly to regions b ord e ring Macedon i a , and th e r e i s a l m o st nothing from a r ea s fu rth e r n or th The brief duration o f t h i s Greco-IlIyrian con n e cti o n m a y be ex p la i n e d by t w o fa ctors, a col l apse o f th e power of native ru lers a m on g th e I l Iyrians a n d the s h i fting balance of pol i tical powe r i n Greece. T h e fact that a significant p ropo rtion of the i m ports ha ve a n Attic or Ion ian origin sugges ts th at t h e cessation of commerce w i th the lI I yri ans was li nked with a decline in Athen ian power a fter th e middle of the fifth century and the l a ter outbreak of the Pel o p onnesian War with S par ta a n d h e r allies . In a l ate r period the mai n d irection of Greek p e netra ti on w a s from the d i re cti on of the Adri ati c and southern Italy. 1 8 .
,
1 7 Parovic-l'dikan 1 964; Tr�heniste : Fi lm... 1 927, VlIlic 1 93 3 , Popovic l 95 6 , Lahtov 1 95 5 ; Novi Paza r : Mano-Zissi a n d l'opovic l 9 6 9 . I H I .isicar 1 973 , Batovic 1 9 84 ( Corinrhian pottery) , P� tric 1 980 (Aplllian imports), Glogovic 1 979 (5. Italian i n I stria), Mano 1 976b, 1 9 8 6 {trade ·
I OX If one Ill a y ao.:ept t h i s rl" ,:O l 1 s t r m: t i o l 1 t h e re H' I I l ;l i l l '> t h e p ro b
lem of what is t e r llled the ' ( ; rel:o - I l l y r i a l l nd t u re ' . Severa l t y pes of object which occur i n si m i l a r wlltexts to t h ose o f t h l' G reek imports listed above have been classi fied e i th e r as Greek p ro d ucts created specifically for an IIlyrian taste or a s t h e p rod ucts of Illyrian workshops working in close imitation of Greek model s. Perhaps the most ·discussed example is the open -faced bronze 'Greco-Illyrian' h elmet. Dated to the late sixth and fifth centuries, these have been found down the Adriatic coast as far as Al bania and i n the Ohrid region. Their origin has been sought in an early Peloponnesian, probably Corinthian, type recorded at Olympia and dated to 700-640 BC. A hel met from Canosa in southern Italy has suggested to some that the traffic in these helmets may have been l i n ked with th is area. It seems unlikely this very distinctive helmet was a l ocal prod uct of scattered workshops but, as seems to be i ndicated by its distri bution, was a type produced specifically for the northern war riors and possibly may be related to somc form of merccnary service by Illyrians. The same uncertainty persists regarding the few isolatcd finds of early Greek objects from the western Balkans, such as bronze running figures from Prizren and from Albania, a macnad from Tetovo on the upper Vardar and the finc bronze-working smith, probably Peloponnesian work, from Vran iste near Bela Palanka in Serbia, all of which arc dated to the same era of prestigious i mports, the late sixth and early fifth centuries. t 9 Several other varieties of jewell ery and ornament are thought likely to be local production in imitation of Grcck models, notably double 'omega'-pins, arched brooches and silver brace lets with snake's head terminals. These were pl aced alongside Greek imports in princely burials and are generally identified from an i n feriority in production technique, notably in thc large variety of obj ects at Trebeniste; but they are also found rou tes in S. lIIyria), Parovic-Pesikan 1 98 5-6 (pottery i mports in Bosnia), Vuckovic-Todorovic 1973 (E. Yugoslavia), Bousquet 1974 (Tetovo epitaph), Parovi c-PeSi kan 1 978 (sixth century inscription at Liplj an). l � Greco-lIlyrian hel mets : Marovic 1 9 76b, Vasic 1 9 8 2-1 , Andreou 1 9 8 5 , Os mani 1 98 8 ; weapons: Vasic 1 9 82a, Parovic-PeSikan 1 98 2 (Greek mach ai ra), Vasic 1 98 3 (bronze vessels), Vasi liev 1 9 8 3 (transport of bronzes).
Nt '/gh/Jo/l /'.- "I ,h,' ( ; " " ,h
1 0 l)
l a t l' r i l l t he l a rge l'l' l l l l' t lT Y a t I \ l Id v , l 0 1 1 1 I l l' A d r i ;l I i l' a ll d a m o l l g t h l' .I a pmks a t K O l l l po l j e i l l t i ll' I . i k .t , I t l I I a y wl' l I hl' t h a t thl' go l d lII a s k s , ga l l l 1 l il' t a n d sa n d a l s i l l Trl'lK' n i s t l', a n d t h e gold and s il ver a nd s il ver belt a ppl ilJ lIl's w i th repo ussc o r n a m e n t i n d l l d i ng G reek moti fs s u c h a s p a l m et tes, a rc loca l , i f Greek i nsp i red crea tions for 1I 1yrian t aste, What appears to have been a s llccess fu l s y m hiosis in material culture between Greeks and the III y r i a n rulers can be comparcd with a similar relationship a l ready i dentified for thc same period in other areas of Europe, n o ta bly thc Celtic northwest, which bordered the highly pro ducti vc Mediterranean cul tures of Greece and south Italy. Dis p l a y of exotic ornamcnt and gorgeous apparel will have served
to undt:rwritc the status of a n ative el i te, who controlled the sou rces of wealth, exportable raw materials including metal ores, t i m b er , hides and cereals along with slaves and mercenar i es, t hat brought such prestigious goods to a chief's stronghold and i n d u e course to his family burials in rcmote lIlyria. The pr eci o u s imports includcd fine dress ornaments and the utensils fo r banq uets and wine-drinking in the grand manner, m a n y o f wh i ch were desti ned for the oblivion of the tomb. How mu ch the IIIyrian princcs had in common with their co n temp o rarie s i n wcstern Europe is hard to j udge but their common taste for objects garishly ornamen ted i n the Greek style appears beyond doubt.·w Greeks were generally reluctant to risk life among lIIyrians and, with two notable exceptions, their settlements ca me late and never amounted to much . North of the Gulf of Corinth they appear to have made l i ttle i mp act on territories west of t h e Pindus. As one travels westwards across the mountainous spine of mainland Greece there arc marked changes in cl imate and vegetation : temperatures are generally lower and the winter rainfall is heavy and prolonged, forming real rivers with a permanent flow. Forests are more widespread and there is excellent pasturage . The movement of flocks revolves around the great seasonal festivals of St George (23 April) and St. Demetrius (23 October) . In this world meat and milk arc
20
Parovic-Pesikan
hinterla nd ) ,
1983
(Apulian
and
Etru scan
imports
to
Adriatic
1 10
( ; ,/,/,k 1 11 ",.,. 111 ...
i m po rtant for t h e d i e t . W O I l 1 l' 1 l h a v e ;\ l l 1 0 re s i gn i t i Gl I l t ro l l' than i n the w o r l d o f t h e d a ss i G1 1 lw/is fl l r t l l l' r ca s t , a l l d t h e extended family rema i n s t h e ba s i l: u n i t o f sOl:i l' t y . A t t h e pol i t i cal level there i s nothing t o (o l l l pare w i t h t h e d o sed all d integrated po/is but a looser and more di spersed federati o n o f groups belonging t o a si ngle tri be. Confron ted with th is s()(iety and its different ways Greek writers soon resort to l a bels such as 'brigan ds' or 'pi rates'. Even a fter centuries of relatively stable contact the Greeks took l i ttle account of changes which had occurred among these peoples, where even the urban settl e men ts that had grown up under their i n fluence still retai ned the character of mountain strongholds.21 If we omit such tales as the settl emen t of Oricu s on the Bay of Valon a by Euboeans fol low i ng the Trojan War, the first recorded advance by Greeks i n the direction of the I1 Iyria n s was m ade by Corinthian s. I n 733 BC Chersi crates, a member of the Ba cch i a d clan rul i ng a t Corinth, esta blished a settlemen t on Corcyra (Corfu ) that served as the principal staging-po i n t on the voyage between Greece and the west. Having ejected some Eretri ans fro m Euboea and some Libur nian s from the northern Adri a tic, the Corinthians soon pro spered . The next expansion of the Corinthian empire came a ro u n d a century later when a joi nt expedition from Corinth and Corcyra founded on th e I1 lyria n ma inlan d the colony Epi d a m n us on the headl a n d D yrrh ach i u m , the name by which the c i ty was l a ter known.22 A long with Apollon i a further south, the new settl e ment brought the short sea crossing to southern Italy under Greek control and was for centu ries a terminus of th e principal highway across the southern Balk ans, l a ter engineered by th e Romans as th e Vi a Egna ti a . These settlements will a l so h a v e secured con t rol of th at rou te to the interior and access to th e sil ver deposits of the region . The foundation myth of the col ony is offered by the historian Appian as a digression from the Roman civil war between Pompey and Caesar in 48 BC
21 12
Cabanes 1 9 8 8 a .
Hamll10nd 1 982b,
(currency ) .
Myrto
1 98 6 , N . Ceka 1972, ]976, Petrova
1980
I I I
I > y rr h a dl l l l l l l s O l l l e Iwhl' v l' 1 0 Ill' r l u' S , I I I I I ' , 1 \ I -'. p l d ,I I 1 1 I 1l I S , O i l a �'(O I l I I l of I h l' f o l l o w i l l g n r o r . i\ ha r h , l I ' I ; 1 1 I k l l l g 0 1 r ill' reg i o l l , h y l l a l l l C I :. p i d a ll l l l l l s , h u i l l a ( i l y 0 1 1 I hl'
(O,lsl
, l I ld 1 l .1 I 1 1 �·d 1 1 a fr n h i l l l se l f.
I >y rr h a d l l l s , r ill' S O i l o f h i s d a u g h l n ,l I l d , ;I S i l w a s b d i l'\'' l' d , o f I 'os c i d o l l , a d ded a h a r b o u r to I h l' c i l Y w h i c h Ill' I l a med lJyrrhach i u m , W h l' l l D y r r h ;l l' h w. w a s attackl'll b y h i s h ro t h c rs, Heracies, retu rn ing
fmlll E ry t h ral' ( w h l'nu' he had ca rried o ff the oxen of k i n g Geryon) l I I a d l' an a l l i a n cl' w i t h h i m in return fo r a share o f his territory. From
I h i s t h e citi zl'llS of Dy rrh a ch i u m
cl a i m
Herades as onc of the ir
fOll lldns beca u se he had a s ha re of their l and, n ot dishonou ring I >y rrhach u s b u t because th ey took even greater pride in Heracles as
m i st a k e n ly killed l on i us , the son of Dyrrhachus, and, hav i n g r ai se d a burial mound,
bl'ing a god . They say tha t in a battle Hera d es
t h rew the body i n to the sea s o that i t wo u l d be named a fte r him, In J a tl'r period t he Bryges, retu rning from Ph rygi a, se i zed the ci t y a n d
a
s u r rou n d i ng t e rri t o r y , th en th e Ta ulantii, an JI I y r i a n peop le , took i t from them a n d th e Liburni, another JII y ria n people, took i t from the la u l.1 nti i . They w e re in the h abit of ma ki ng plundering exped itions a ga i n st th eir ne i gh bo u rs i n v e r y fast s h i p s . And beca use th ese were I he fi rs t the Rom ans c ame up against they bestow the name L i b u r nae Oil very fast ships. Tho s e expell ed from D y rrh ac h iu m by the Lib u rn i
a n s obtai ned help from the C orcy ra e a ns then masters of the sea a n d d rove o u t the Li burn i . The Corc yra e ans mix e d in t h ei r own settlers with them and for this reason it came to be regard ed as a Greek port. But bel ieving it s name to be ill-sta rred , the Corcyraeans c h a nged the name an d called i t Epidamnus from the upper city, and Th ucydi dl's a l so c al ls it by that name, b u t in the en d the old n a me t r i u m p hed and it is now ca ll ed Dyrrhachium. ( Civil War 2 3 9 )
The Illyrian el ement in the Greek colony appears to b e borne out by the con tents of early cemeteries, in wh ich Corinthian grave-pottery of the seventh and sixth centuries is found along s i de cremation urns of the local type. The successive rule of Taulantii and Liburni in the historical tradition may represent the southward movement of Illyrian peoples during the early I ron Age from around 1 000 BC into the area known as IIlyris. The presence of Bryges at Epidamnus in the account of Appian seems to be confirmed by other sources, including the Coastal Voyage attributed to Scymnus of Chios and Strabo's Geogra phy. No l ater record of their presence in th e area survives and nor can any link be established with the Bryges of Thrace, supposedly descended from the soldiers of Xerxes' army, who
I II
a ppea r fo ur n' n t l l r i l's l a t l' !" I n t h l' a r m y o t M , B r t l t l l s d ur i n g
the P h i l i p p i
ca m p a i gn , T h l' sl' t t l l' l I l l' n t a t E p i d a m n l l s hl'C\ m l' a flo u ri sh i ng cen trc fo r COJ\ l I \ W rt.T a n d rcm a i n s tod a y t he p r i n c i pal port (Durres) for the reg i o n , We l ea rn t h a t i t s con sti t u t i o n was o l i garchic and th at many of the inh a b i t a n t s w e r e n o t citize n s , By the sixth cen tury the city h ad erected i ts o w n treasury for dedications at Olymp i a . Thucydides' a cco u n t of
the internal conflicts (stasis) d u ring th e 43 0s BC makes clea r that this was not the first trouble of thi s kind in the col ony. In the st r uggle for power betwee n democrats and aristocrats, the latter supported by Corcyra , the Taulantii con tinued to play a major role in t h e affairs of the city. Wh e n the dem ocra ts gained the upper hand their opponents turned for h elp to the IIIyr i ans, They app eared in strength to besiege the city in 435, in the proccss cau si ng m uch damagc to the city' s econ o my thro u gh their occupat i o n of the surrounding cou n try. H The se cond Greek settlement on thc lIlyrian mainland was Apollonia, traditional ly found ed in 5 8 8 BC on a headland over looking the mo u th of the river Ao u s (Vijose) , ten st ade s from the r i ve r and 5 0 from the sea, It lay d ose to the frontier b etwc e n lllyr i s and Epirus and may have been established to make secure the form e r' s control o f that area, Around 600 RC Corin th is sai d to h ave re s ponded to an lllyrian invitation and contributed 200 settl ers to an alre ady e x i s tin g trading post. Others, especially from Corcyra, fol l owed these. The colony w a s said to have been named Gyl aceia aftcr its founder the Corinthian Gylax, but l ater took thc name from A poll o . For severa l ccnturies Greek and IlIyrian communities appear to have m ainta i ned a separate existence. That is the impre ss ion from cemete r ie s with contents that are quite differcnt, one with imported pottery, the other e x h ibiting the older tradi tion of b u r i al mounds and the rite of i n h umation. Apollonia's pros per i ty during the sixth and fifth centurie s BC was based on herds, well nourished i n the surro u n d ing pastures. The excepl.l Anamali 1 970, Bakhuizen 1 9 8 6 ; cemeteries : Dhima 1 985a, Myrto 1 98 4, Ta tari 1 9 8 7, Hidri 1 9 83 ; pottery production : H idri 1 986, 1 9 8 8 , Tatari 1 9 77-8 (local), D'Andrea 1 98 6 (export ) ; also Ta tari 1 98 5 (building construction), 1 98 8 (Hellenistic house), Zeqo 1 98 6 (stone and terracotta
figures).
I I I l i o n a l r i c h n l'ss o f A po l l o n i a n I n l'l I or y s l I sl a i l 1 l'd a n ot a h l y n a r row o l iga rch i c H'gi m e , deslTi hl'l1 h y A r i s l o t k, w h o cou l d d i s COVl'r n o t ra ce o f d e m ocracy i n a c i t y w h l' re a m i nori ty o f freemcn cont ro l l ed a m a j o r i t y t h a t were n o t free born , The p ri v i l eged w e re e v i d en tl y descend a n t s of the original coloni st s w h i l e t h e i r s u b j ects w ere not c ap t u red or purchased slaves but r a t h e r the native population of the a rea with the sta tu s of serfs i nt egrated i n to the h i ghl y successful e conomy of thc city.24 Epidamnus and Apol l onia were for centuries the principal ports for tra ffic between G reece , the w estern Balkans and thc m i d d l e Danube. In thc H ellenistic period they were first stra tegi c bases fo r the military am bitions of kings of Epirus and M ace d onia and then, especially Apollonia , the principal ports of d isemba rca tion for Roman armies, Apollonia also acquired
a mong Romans the reputation of a centre of higher l earning, a nd may h ave been the ori ginal terminus of the V ia Egnatia. ny the s e co nd and carly first centuries BC the coins of thc two cities were circ u lating w idely in the middle Danube basin, e v idently servi ng as a conven ien t silver currency for merchants and s l ave-traders. Most of the rema i ns of Epida m nus/Dyrrhach ium lie beneath the modern city Durres, Albania ' s prin cipal port, testi fyi ng to i ts continued prosperi ty. Apollonia, by way of con trast, had lost i ts harbour as the course o f th e river altered , and thc ruins of the Hcl lenistic and Roman city sta nd forlo rn on the h i l l of Pojan i . N o Greek settlements are known to have becn established on the mainland north of Epidamnus/Dyrrhachi um. North of the river Drin neither coast nor hinterland invited perm anent settlement and, although Grccks un d o ubted l y lived and tr a ded in several pl aces, the th ree formally constituted colon ies were all on islands, Black Coreyra (Korcula) , Issa (Vis) an d Pharos (Hvar). On the oppositc coast the Po vallcy scttlcmcnts of Spi na and Adri a , wh i ch fl ourished during the fi fth and fourth centuries as the destinations of l ong - di s ta nc e sea trade from Phocaea and Aegina, acquired somet h in g of the ch aracter of 24
Bcau mont 1 952, Bl avatsky 1 966 (fou ndation ), °1 97 1 , Anamali 1 970, Bak 1 9 8 6 ; cemeteries: Mano l 976a, 1 977-8 , Korkuti 1 98 1 (pre-colonial tumul i ) , Nemeskeri a nd Dhima 1 9 8 8 (racial mixture in cemetery), Bereti 1 977-8 , 1 9 8 8 (Triport occupation), Vreka 1 9 8 8 (Hellen istic black-glaze) , huizen
1 14
i.:o l o n i a l Sl' t t k l l l l' l l t s . I I I I l l a l l' r i ;l l I l' r l l l S t h e l"O I l l I l l l' IU' IWI WCl' I l
Greei.:e a n d t h e u pp e r A d r i a t i l" w a s t h e p ro l: u r l' l l l l' l I t o t sa l t , corn a n d cattle, fo r w h i dl t h e ( ; rl'l' k s o ffl'red "v i ne, pottery a n d metal wares.25 Early in the sixth cen tury settlers from Cn i d us i n A s i a M i nor settled on the Dal m atian islan d. Black Corcyra ( Korcul a ) , so named from its dense vegetation to disti nguish it from its la rger namesake further sou th . Thc citizens of thc latter assistcd th e venture after the Cn idians had rescucd 300 boys from thc hosti l e Periander, tyrant of Corinth . The settlers n a med thcir colony after the land of thcir benefactors. The sitc of th e settlcment has not been located but lay either in the west or in the n orthcast at the narrow passage with the pcninsula Pcljdac, wherc the modcrn city Korcula enjoys two excellent harbours. Somc coi n s with a Corcyraean legend may b el o ng to the settlc men t but the venturc appears to have failcd, and the island i s known to ha vc received at least onc other ncw settlement, pro b ab l y in the th ird ccntury BC. Native IIIyrians do not figu re in the story of thc colony on Bl ack Corcyra but they are certainly promincnt i n the carly h istory of the colony settl ed in 3 8 5 BC on thc island Pha ros (Hvar) from the Aegean island Paros, famcd for its marble. In tradition a l fashion they acccpted the guidancc of an oracle, but thc settlers reccived more tangible assistance from Dionysius, thc a m b i ti ous ruler o f Syracuse, who had around thc same timc cngineered an Illyrian attack on thc Molossians in Epirus. The account of Diodorus says that h e h a d a l ready sent a colony to the Adri atic a n d fou n ded 'the city na med Lissus' . The Pari a n s on Ph aros were soon in d ifficul ties with the n atives and needed help from the tyrant. Th i s year the Pari ans who had settled on Pha ros allowed the prev i ous b a rb a r i a n i n h a biLants to remain u n h a rmed in a wdl fortified place,
wh ile they themsel ves b u il t th ci r city by thc sea and encl osed it with
a
w a l l . Later the earlier i nha bitants took offence at the presence of the Greeks and called in the l I I y rians dwel l i ng on the mainland opposite. These crossed to Pha ros in a l a rge n umber of small boats and, m ore than ten thousand strong, killed many G reeks and did
2S
Nikolam.:i 1 97601, Braccesi of Syracllse).
(Oion y s i ll s
1 977,
Bakhu izcn
1 9 87,
Woodhead
1 970
N" lg/'/'"II I ' 1 1/ I I I l I d l d . " " ; I gl' , I l o w l' V l' I' I > I O l l �' � I I ' "
'''I' ( " I'I'�"
I I�
l C l l l l l I l . 1 l 1 d l'l .1 1 1 1 " 1 , , , . " led l i p
w i l h a I . I l'gl' 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 11(' 1' o f t l' l IT l l ll'� . l g. I I I I ' t t h l' I I l y n .1 1 l I l g h l ( r a i l ;l l l d ,
h ;l V l l lg ' 1 1 I l k " l l l l l' ;l l l d Cl p l l l rl'd o l h l T � , k d l n l l l Hl l'l' I h a l l f i v l' I h o l l s a l l d o f I hl' ha rh;I I'I ;II1S .l I I d l o o k ;l ro l l l l l l t w o t l lO l I '; J l l d p r i s o l l l' r . ( l >iotiol'lls 1 ), 1 4)
The t h i rd G reek colony k n O \\' n i n th i s central sector of the I h l l1 l a ti a n coa st was Issa on the north si de o f the island Vis. N o t h i n g is recorded o f its found ation , but coins and internal
orga n i za tion ( recorded on inscripti ons) suggest that it was a Sy raclI s a n settl ement. It has been p roposed th at it was this p l a ce and not L issus far to the south at the mouth of the Drin from ..vhich help came to the Greeks on Pharos, since Issa l ies on l y 25 miles away. The voyage from Lissus was more than t e n ti mes as long, but a garrison at the latter would fit better with Dionysius' schemes involving Illyrians and Molossians. A more sta ble relation sh i p with native l I Iyrians is implied by the decree recordi ng the details of a settlement from Issa on Black Corcyra. On the document, wh ich has been dated to the third century BC, arc named the Illyrians Pul l us and Dazus, w h i l e most of the text specifies the allotment of lands t o individual fa milies, both within and without the walls of the settlement, grouped by the tradi tion al Dorian 'tribes' of Dymanes, Hylleis and Pamphylo i . 2(, A handful of inscriptions and some locally struck coins with a l i m i ted circulation testify to a survival of the Greek settle ments on Pharos a n d Issa, though only the latter appears to have maintained its independence until the Romans appeared i n 229 B C . Pharos was subject to the IIIyrian dynasty of Agron, albeit under the rule of the native Demetrius of Pharos. The site of the colony was Starigrad, a sheltered harbour in the northeast of the island. The near square enclosure of the wal ls lies beneath the modern town, close to the fertile plain of Jelsa . 26 D . Rendic-Mioccvic
1980
(Corcyra Nigra ) , Cambi, Kirigi n and M arin
1 9 8 1 , Kirigin and M a rin 1 98 5 ( Issa necropolis), Zaninovic l 97 8 , 1 9 84b
(hill -forts o n Hvar), 1 98 0- 1 ( l a n d division o n Hvar), Sl apsak 1 9 8 8 , S t anC i c and Sl apsak 1 98 8 , Bintl i ff and Gaffncy 1 98 8 ( l a n d division and su rvey on Hvar), K irigin and Popovic 1 9 8 8 ( G reek '.... atchtowcr), Migotti 1 9 8 6 ( Hellenistic pottery in Hvar), Margetic 1 9 7 1 , D . Rendic-Miocevic 1 970a
(col ony of Issa on Korcu l a ) ,
I 1 (' Th i s h a d hel'll on:up i cd d i v i ded i n t o a rec t a ngu l a r gr i d o f roa d s and p ath s a t t h e t i m e o f t h e ori g i lu l col o n i z a t i o n , a n d i t m a y h ave been th i s w h i c h ca u sed t h e i n i t i a l ;Kco m lllod a t i o n w i t h the II Iyrians to decline in t o h osti l i ty . Thc nca r rectangu l a r walled area o f Issa containe d a p l a n n ed city with p a ra l l el stre ets . Recent di s coveries here i nc l u d e a rem a rk able series o f burials da ti ng to the Hellenistic period, containing Greek p o t tery a nd with some of the inscribed tombstones still in th ei r
original positions. A round thi s period, the first h a l f of the second century BC, Issa appears to have pro sp ered under Roman influence an d posses s ed at l east two settlements o n the nearby mainland, at Tra guri um ( Tr ogir ) and Epetium (Stobrec) , both of wh ich have produced Greek re m ains. When these place s were th reatened by the l oca l Delmatae it was Issa's app ea l to R o me which brough t the first con frontation between the l a tte r and this p o werfu l p e o p l e. The s urv iv al of Issa and Ph aros was owed to their own resources. Perha p s Issa may h ave gained some p ro fi t from l ong-distance commerce, th ough more as a port of call than a s a centre for trad in g with the natives of the m a i nl and.27 Tho u gh far fr om their Greek o ri gin s the two col onies maintained links with their homeland, Ph ar o s on o n e o cca s i on a p p eal i n g to its metro p o lis for ' rep ai r a n d s u pport' . Nevertheless, an i mpression of i s ol ati on a n d gr ad u a l decline is suggested by Pl i n y's reference to 'the fading memory of many Greek town s a nd strong cities' (N H 3 . 1 44) in IIlyria.
27 Nikolanci 1 968-9 (Corinthian pottery on lssa) , 1 9 76a, 1 976b (Asia Minor imports), 1 9 8 0 (inscription ), D. Rendic-Mioccvic 1 970b, 1 976 b (coinage).
5
Enemies of Macedonia
Conquering kings: Philip, Alexander and Pyrrhus 1
I l I yrians first appear in the record of Greek a ffai rs not long hefore the Peace of Nicias ended the first phase of the Pelopon ncsi an War in 42 1 BC. Before Athens suffered defeat at Delium in 424 BC, Sparta had sent an expedition under Brasidas to assist King Perdiccas of Macedonia and other opponents of Athens. At first the Spartans avoided involvement in Macedon's war with Arrha baeus the son of Bromerus, rul er of Lyncus ( Lyncestis), but in 423 they joined an expedition which ended with ignominious retreat by the Macedonians and a bri l l iantly contrived escape of the Spartans. After an i nitial success against Arrh abaeus, Perdiccas persuaded his all ies to await thc arrival of IIIyrian mercenaries. The latter opted instead to join the army of Arrhabaeus and, as the historian Th ucydides observes, 'the fear inspired by their warl ike character made both parties now think it best to retreat.' When the Spartans fina l l y reached safety they proceeded to loot suppl ies from the Macedonian army, causing a rupture of the pact between the king and the Spartans. The historian attributes to the Spartan commander a morale-raising h arangue to his men, clearly shaken by the fea rsome appearance of a new enemy:
1
For accounts
of the fourth and
1 9 8 8 a , Hammond Ham mond and Wal bank 1 98 8 .
th i rd centuries, Cabanes
1 96 6 , Hammond and Gri ffith 1 979,
I IX t h e y Ill a y t n n f y d l l '''l' w l l h ;1 1 1 ; l l I I V l' 1 1 1 I ; l g l l I .1 I 10 1 l . d ll' )' . . .. l' f O l' l l l l d a h k i n o u t w a rd h u l k . dll'i r l o u d y cl i l l l � I .. l l l l hl'.l r.l h k .l l I d t i ll' b r; \ l I d i , h i l l �
o f thei r we a p o n s i n t h e ;\ i r h a s ; \ t h rea t e n i n g a p pea ra n c e . B u t w h e n i t comes to rea l figh t i n g w i t h a n oppone n t w h o s t a n d " h i" gro u n d they are not wh at th ey se(.'med ; thl'y h ave n o rl'gu tl r ord e r I h a t w o u l d m ake t h em ashamed of deserting their positions w h e n h a rd p ressed ; wit h them fligh t and attack a re equ ally h o n ourahle, and afford no test of cou rage; thci r i n d e p e nd e nt mode of fighting never leaving an y one who wants t o r u n a w a y withou t a fa i r excu se fo r so doi n g. (4 . 1 26)l
In the troubled reign of A m yn ta s III ( 3 93-3 70/3 6 9 BC) , father of Philip 11, a powerfu l and appa rently stable regime among the southern I ll y ri a n s first emerges. This marks the begi n n i n g of a succession o f w a r s which were t q end on l y wi th Rom a n in te r vention and the end of the Macedonian monarchy two centu ries l ater. The surviving a cco u n t s are both incomplete and in pl aces contra dictory, although the general cou rse of events seems clear. Diodorus the Sici l i an (c.30 nc) , who probably followed the fourth-century Greek writer Ephorus, d e s cri bes a catastrophic attack by IIIyrians in 3 93/2 BC A m y ntas the father of Philip was driven fro m h i s coun try hy l II yrians who a ttacked M acedo n i a . G ivi n g up hop(.' for his crown, he made a prcsen t to the people of O lyn th us of his terri to r y which bordered on theirs. For a time he lost his k i ngdom hut hc wa s soon rcsto red by thc Thessal ians, regaining his crown and ruling for twenty-four years , Some say th a t after the expu lsion of A m y n tas th e M acedon ians \.... ere r u led fo r two years by Arga c u s and that it was a fter this interval tha t Amyntas recovered the kingship. ( 1 4. 92, 3 )
D i odorus' a ccount of a near identical Illyrian raid ten years l ater is ge ne ra l l y taken to be an erroneous duplication but this i s fa r fro m defi nite. Ce rta inly it would not have been at all u ntypical of the Illyrians to repeat a raid and expl oit thei r victory in the same manner after an interval of a few years. Between the two i nva s i ons of M a ce do n i a , Illyri ans arc said to have l aunched an attack on Epirus in 3 84/5 BC. The instigator is said t o have been Dionysius of Syracuse, eager to interfere 1
Hammond
1 972, 1 04 -7.
"'/1/'/111/ ',\ 1 1/ " , , /, " . /"1110 1
I I 'J
i l l t h l' A d r i a l i l' , O i l I h i s ( l l' l' a S I O I I I I I ' 1 I l ' l 'orl 0 1 A kl' l i a s I h l' k i l l � o t I h l' M o l os s i a l l s . T I l l' S i l i I i , l I l I Y r,l I l 1 (.:0 1 1 1 ri hll l nl .woo l roops ,l I l d S OO Sl'ts o f a rl l 1 O l l f' , i l l w h i l..' h I h l' I I l y r i a l l s set a ho l l l t h l' J\t o l os s i a l l s i l l ha l t l l' .l l l d , il is d a i l l l l' d , k i l l ed more I h a l l I S , O( ) O , w i t h d r a w i ng o n l y w h c l l a S p a r t a n a rm y came to I h l' rl'SClIl' o f t h e Epi rotes. T h e e p i sode m a de plain the rise of I l I y r i a l l power 0 1 1 the n or t h w e s t fri nges of the Greek world, I h O l l gh w h e n they l a u nched a similar attack 25 years l ater t h e M o l oss i a n king H a rr ybas evacuated his non -combatant pop ll l a tion to Aeto l i a and gave the Iilyrians to understand that
t' " i kd
were open to them. The strategy worked and th e M o lossians fel l upon the Iilyrians l aden with booty, and robbed a l l d e x p e l l ed them. l In 3 70 BC t h e worthy Amyntas died fu l l o f years, h aving res to red the fortunes of his kingdom after lllyrian disasters. I l i s marriage to Eurydice of the Lyncestae had produced three SO i l S and a daughter. His eldest son su cceeded through el ection hut t h e rei gn of Alexan der, who was said to have bought off I he l I I yrians and del ivered his brother Philip to them as a hostage, was brief. During a ca mpaign in 3 6 8 or 3 6 7 he was m urdered by h i s kinsman Ptolemy who was h i mself suppressed i n 3 65 by the king's younger brother Perdiccas. The latter died early in 3 5 9 in a shattering defeat at the h ands of the IIIyri ans, not th e first occasion he had fought against them . More than 4000 Macedon ians were killed 'and the remai nder, panic stricken, havi ng become exceedingly afraid of Illyrian arm ies, had lost heart for con ti nui ng the war' ( D iod o ru s 1 6 . 2 , 8-9 ) . The scale o f this disaster may later h ave been exaggerated in order to magnify the achievement of Philip, b u t it seems that once again IIIyrians had brought Macedoni a close to collapse, when the kingdom was also threatened by Paeonians, Th raci ans, Chalcidi ans a n d Athenians.4 The Illyrian victory of Philip early in his reign was to prove decisive for the security of Macedonia in that quarter. Having struck a treaty with Athens late in 359 and dealt with the h i s l a nds
\ Hammond and G ri ffi th 1 979 , 1 7 2-5 (no dupl i cation), Di odo rus SiClllus 1 4 . 92 (3 93/2 tic) , 1 5 . 2 (3 8312 lie), 1 6 .2 (3 60/3 5 9 lIC) . 4 Justinus 7.5 (Alexa n der), Diodorus S iculus 1 6 .2, H a m m o n d and G riffith
1 9 79, 1 8 8 .
I.W
( ,' r," '/': III)'r",/s
Paeo n i a ns l';l r l y i l l t i l l' t o l l o W l l l g Y l';1 1' t h l' n l' W k i n g l'OI H :l' l l t ra t l,d
all h is pOWl' r a ga i l l s t t h l' I l l y r i a n s . W i t h 600 ca v a l r y a n d 1 0 ,000 i n fant r y h e a d v a n cl'd i nt o t h ei r tl' r r i to ry a n d n' j l'ctnl an offe r by the I I I y ri a n r u l e r Ba rd y l i s o f a treaty on till' b a s i s of the status quo, dem a n di ng instead su rrend e r o f a l l the M a ce donian towns they held. Bardyl i s gave battle with a force wh ich matched that of Philip. The Illyrians formed a defensive s q u are and there was a long fight with heavy casualties until the Macedon ian caval ry broke through , and II Iyrian l osses were said to be 7,000. Macedonia now controlled all t h e terri tory as far as Lake Lychn iti s (Oh rid) and was now as wel l pl aced to attack the lllyrians as they had once been to raid Macedonia. It was a famous victory. Though some information abo u t Bardylis is provided by the contemporary historian Theo pompus and by other writers, none i dentifies his regime with any people or tribe other than Illyrian s In the great battle with Philip he is said to have fought on horseback at the age of 90, and there is no suggestion that he did not s urvive the encounter. He was, it is said, by origin a charcoal-burner who amassed a fortune and founded a dynasty by sharing out the booty gained in raids he h ad directed. Nothing stan ds on the record to locate the centre of his power, save for the fact that Ph il ip's victory in 35 8 BC gained control of Lyncestis. A later victory by Ph i l ip over Cleitus the son of Bardylis a pparently reduced the latter to the status of a client, and this may have been ach ieved by operations against Dardanians. In th at case the power of Bard ylis may have been centred among the southern Dardanians of Kosovo and Metohija, from which it expanded to the southwest as far as th e Molossians, south to Lyncestis and, for short periods, southeast to include Macedonia.s Ph ilip 11 w a s soon again at war with IIIyrians, though evi dently not those ruled by Bardylis. Diodorus i n forms us that i n 356 BC k i ngs of the Thracians, Paeonians an d JI Iyrians combi ned to resist th e rising power of Macedonia, by whom each had already been defeated. Ph i l i p moved before the allies .
' Papa7.0glu 1 96 1 Griffith 1 979 ,
and
(Hcraclca Lyncestis) , Diouorus 2 1 3- 1 4 .
Siculus
1 6 .4, Ha mmond
hll'I1l/t"
01
M , 'I I '' /Ol/l, '
III
(m i l d I I n i t l' t l l l' i r fo r-n's, a n d ' s t n l l' k 1 1' 1' 1' 0 1' i n t o t h l' l l ! a n d (Oll l pl' l l ed t h l' l l I t o j o i n t l l l' i r for n's w i t h t i l l' M a n·d o n i a n s ' , The l,'o;l l i t i o n had e v i d e n t l y hl'l' ll (o l l l l' i V l'd hy t il l' A t h e n i a n s , and t h l' n a llll'S o f the rll l ers i n v o l v e d , ( ; ra h l l s o f the I I l y r i a n s , Ly ppe i l l S of t h e Pal'on i a n s a n d Cl't r i p o r i s o f Th ra(e, a rc preserved in a n A t h en i a n dcaee r a t i fy in g t h e a l l i a lKe. The victory ovcr the I I l y r i a n s i n 356 HC, ach ieved by Pannen i o in a major battle, a l ong w i t h th e victory of the royal chariot at the Olympic
Ga mes, were l ater recalled as propitious coi nci dences with the d a y on which Alexander the Great was born. The IlIyrians of Grabus are unli kely to have been the subjects of Bardylis defeated only two years earl ier, though some have suggested ( ; rabus was his son and successor. His name suggests some l'onnection with the Grabaei, a mi nor people of the II Iyrians who l i ved on the southern Adriati c near the Lake of Shkodcr. In 344/3 BC, according to D i odorus: 'Ph i l ip had inherited from his father a q uarrel with the lllyrians and found no means o f reconci ling his disagreement. He therefore invaded Il lyria w i th a large force, devastated th e countryside, captured many towns and returned to Macedonia laden with booty ' ( 1 6.69, 7 ) . Some detai l is furnished by Didym us, an Alcxandrian com mentator on the Phil ippics of Demosthenes of thc fi rst century HC, who records th at among the many wounds sustained by Ph ilip, one came from the Tri balli (in 3 3 9 R c) and another during an earl ier campaign against lllyri ans. On this occasion the king was pu rsu ing the lllyrian Pleuratus, whcn Hippostratus the son of Amyntas and 150 of the elitc corps of the Com panions were casualties. Next the historian Justinus compresses into a single sentence the reference to an Illyria n war wh i ch he p l a ces between 3 4 6 and the end of 343 B C . The enemy are named as 'the Dardani and other neigh bouring peoples', whom Philip defeatcd and took prisoner 'by a deceit'. Finally, under the year 3 3 6/5 RC, in the context of incidents leading up to the murder of Philip by Pausan i as, Diodorus records that, 'as Ph i lip was engagcd in battle with Pleurias, king of the IIIyrians, Pau s anias, one of the royal bodyguard, stepped in front of h i m and, receiving on his body all the blows directed at the king, so met his death' ( 1 6 . 9 3 , 6). From these scraps of evidence onc may reconstruct a series of cal culated forays i ntended to secure the
( ; II 'I '�' 111" 110/11.\
I I l y r i a l l rc a r ot �b l'l'd o l l i . l , p r i or to t i l l' p Ll I l I I l'd l' x pl'd i t i o ll
a ga i n s t t h e Pers i a n k i n � t h a t wou l d rC I I 1 O V l' I h l' hl'sl o f t h e a r m y to A s i a . h The fi rst de monstration of t h e e x cc pt i on a l m i l i ta ry tail- n t of Alexander, son o f Ph i l ip 1 1 , took the form o f a spect
Danube. After a battle in wh ich 3 00 of the Triballi were killed, Al e x and e r crossed the river and defeated th e Getae. The Triballi now formally su rrendered, and among others who came to pay their respects were ' Cel ts from the Ionian gulf' who dwelt 'in a d i stant country that was hard to penetrate', pre s umably the l ands between the head of the Adriatic and the mid d le Dan u be . Expressions of frien dsh ip were reciprocated, th ough the Celts made it clear they were far from being i n awe of the Macedoni ans. Next ca me trouble with the IlIyrians. When the returning army had rea c he d Paeonia, A l e x and e r received news th at Clc itus the son of Bardylis had taken up a r m s and that he was supported by Glaucia s of the Taulantii over towards th e Adri a t ic, and also that the Autariatae were pla n ning to ambush h i s army on the march . Al e x ander knew l i ttle o r nothing o f this peo p l e but he was assured by his ally king Langarus of the Agrianes that th e re was little to fear from th em . With Alex and er's appro v a l he attacked the m and i n flicted severe damage but died before he coul d e n j oy th e pro m i se d reward. At this poi n t the lIlyrians decided t o launch an a ttac k o n Mac ed onia, before Alexander a nd his army returned from the Danube. It was the h DioJorus Sicul us 1 6.22 ( 3 5 6 BC), Plu tarch, Alexander 3, J ustinus 1 2. 1 6 ( birth of Alexander), Isocrates, Phili/JI}, 2 1 , Demosthencs Philippic. 1 .4 8 ( .H O KC), Olynth iac L 1 3 (349 B C ) DiodorLIS S i c u l u s 1 6 .69, . � (344/3 lie), Didym lls Comm. 011 Demosthenes Ph ilippic. col . 1 2 , 64, J lI stinus 8 . 6, DioJorL1s Sicu l us 1 6 .93 (33 6/5 LIe) . Hammond 1 9 66, 245-6, H a m m o n d and Griffith 1 9 79 , 469-74, Hammond l 9 8 1 , Hatzopo u los 1 9 8 7, Tronson 1 911 4 (ma rriage o f Philip I l with lIlyrian Audata) .
Fi�lIre 1 () R ock -cu t tomb at Se/cif
e
Poshtme, A lbania
I l e w s o f Philip's d e a th \vh ich had stirred the n o r th e rn peoples t o action : ' I 1 1 y r i a ns , Th racians, D a rd a n i a n s a n d o th e r barbarian t ri hes of d u b io u s a n d u nt r u stwo r th y nature, who cou l d never he held i n ch eck by any means i f th ey were a l l to revolt a t the s a m e time' U u s tin u s l 1. 1 , 6 ) . A l exander a d va n ce d h i s fo rces li p the river Erigon (Crna Reka) to Pelion, where Cleitus had m oved t o a '.... a i t Gla ucias and t h e Ta ula ntii. Th e site w a s wel l protected a n d was r i n ged by c o m m a n d i n g h e i gh t s , hel d by th e t roops of Clcitll s . One possible location is the i s o l a te d h i l l settlement at Gorier in the plain of Poloske n e a r the river Devo l l , which h a s Hel lenistic and l a ter forti fications, and was clearly a ce ntr a l place i n this part of D a s s a reti s , th e Korce basin sOllth o f Oh ri d. More recently Albanian arch aeologi sts h a v e i d e n ti fied P e l i o n with t h e rem ai n s a t Selce e Posh tme on the u pper cou rse of the Shkumbi n . Here th e most nota b l e rema i n s a rc a group of tom bs, w i t h c h a m b ers and a rch i tectural fa<; ad es carved out of a rock face (see figu re t 0 ) . The i r p r i n ce l y charac tcr h a s suggested a com p a ris o n with the fam ou s royal tombs at Vergin a i n Macedonia, and this has been p a r t l y bornc out by thc con tents o f one of th em. Alcx ander's lllyrian ca m p a i gn is dcscri bed by A rr ia n . Th e Ma ce do n i a n s arrived before G l auc ias and the Taulantii but the I I I yrians, h a v i n g sacri ficed three boys, three gi rls and thrcc black ram s, m a d e as i f to attack.
1 24
( ;f't't'�' lIIynjllls
W h e n t h e M a n'do n i a n s a l so hega n to m o v l' tl1l'Y a h a n donl'd
t h e i r d e fen s i v e pos i t i o n s a n d fl ed i n t o Pl' l i o n , ka v i n g t lw s a c r i ficial vict i m s w h e re t h e y h a d fa l lell . The d a y a fter A l e x a nder began his b l ock a d e Glaucias and h i s l a rge a r m y a r r i ve d , p roh ab l y from the west via the Tsan go n pass, Alex a n d e r now extricated his outnumbered forces from a d a ngerous position and, using fully the disci p l i n e and trai n ing impose d by h i s fath e r on the M ace do n i a n army, succeeded in de feating both Cleitus and Glaucias. Alexander's campaign was fough t not in IIlyris but in Dassaretis, the plains south of Lake Ohrid, though the area had long been under Illyrian control, b e ing open to attack both from the no rth and from the west. The whole episod e is recounted by Arrian as a demonstration of Alexand e r's brilliance as a general, in wh i ch the lllyrians were overawed, outw i tted and humiliated by a trained army, a com bination of the w edge of arm oured i n fa n try (the ph alanx) and h eavy cav a l ry whos e ch a rge , given the right ground, was unstoppable. Yet against the highly mobile l ight i n fant ry a n d ca v alry of the I I I y r i ans a co mm a n der who lost his n e rve could easily lose his w h o l e army, The escape and v icto ry of Alexander and his army brought home to the l l lyrians, or at least some of them, how much had cha n ge d since they had brought Macedonia to i ts knees barely 5 0 years b e fore . 7 Glaucias of the Ta ulantii, though de fe ated by Ale x a nde r in 335 B C , survi v e d for more than a generation and was still ruling in 3 02 B C . In 3 1 7 B C , six years a fter the death of Ale x an der and with power in M aced on i a in the ha n ds of the ruthless Cassander, Glauci as offered asy l um to the infant Py rrhus after the expulsion of his father Aeacides from his k i ngd om among the Molossians. The infant prince was placed i n the care of Gl aucias' wife Beroea, who was herse l f a Molossian princess , Cassander, eager to gain Epirus , took o ffen ce at th is action and offered to pay 200 t a le nts for Pyrrhus but the offer was d ec l ined. Three ye a rs later Cassander came west, de fe ate d Glau ci a s and seized Dyrrhachium and Apo l l onia on the borders of his territory. After another three years, in 3 1 2 BC, Cor cyr a 7 Arrian Ana basis 1 . 1-6. Ham mond l 9 74a, 1 977, Bosworth 1 98 1 (d isputi ng location of Pe(l)lion), Hammond and Walbank 1 9 8 8 , 3 9- 4 9 . Selcc e Poshtme : N. Ceka 1 976, Manastirli 1 976.
1 '.III 'mit'S
11/
M o l , " ' /1 11 / 1 ' /
rl'l"ove rl'd t h e t wo l' i t ies and h ;l I 1 d (' ( 1 l > y r r h a dl i u l 1 1 over to ( ; I a u l" i a s , even tho ugh h e w a s n o w hou n d hy t re a t y not to a n a l" k a l l ies o f M a l"cdon i a . Py rr h u s wew to m a n h ood safe a l1long t h e Ta u la nt i i a n d a ro u n d fi v l' Y l';HS l a te r, 0 11 the death of A ketas the k i n g of Epi ru s , G l a u(' i a s m a r c he d south and l'sta h l i shcd 011 the th rone the 1 2-yea r-old P y rrh u s . In 3 03/2 BC Py rrh ll s ca me to the court of Gla llcias, presumably by now his a doptive fath er, to atte n d the marriage of o n e of h is sons.8 for th e first 20 y ears of his reign the restless and energetic young r u l er of E pirus was m u ch involved in the struggles of A l exa nder's s uccessors . In 3 0 1 BC he fought with distinction in the great b a t tle at Ipsus in Asia Minor on the side of Antigonus, when the ca u se of a c entral power in the empi re of Alexander was finally defeated by a coalition of ri v als . Later he tried to sei ze control of Ma c edoni a itself, where many of the soldiers saw in h i m a new Alexander. Once he fough t h i s brother-in law Demet r ius , th e son of Antigo n u s , in single co m hat. When he finally gain e d Macedonia his regime is said to have l a s ted o n l y seven months ( 2 8 7 BC ) , as the Macedon ians preferred their old ge n era l Lysimachus . Back in Epirus he turned h is a m b ition s to the west, which was to bring him into a m e mora b le con flict with the rising power of Rome in the I t a l ia n peninsula . The reign of Pyrrhus, who died i n 272 BC, for a l l h is adventures d sewhere, saw his kingdom in Epirus rise to a pos i tion of power on the west of Greece and Mace do n i a . Links w i th h i s n eigh b o u rs were strengthened by marriage al l iances. O n c o f his wives was Birkenna, daug h ter of Ba rd yl i s , s o n o f t h e Cleitu s (of the Dardani ?) defeated b y A l ex a n de r . This all iance may h a ve secured the inland Dardani to the north , while his l i nks w i th th e Ta ulantii may h ave assisted his enterprises. It seems dear th a t at some time Pyrrhus was able to annexe the lands of the Tau l antii in the northern coastal plain of A l bania, as wel l as the key port of Dyrrhachiu m ; and the adv a n ce may l'ven have con ti n ued farther north to i n cl ude the area around the Lake of Shkoder, heart of the later Illyrian k i n gdom . 9 Mo re than a century of warfare with M acedoni a and Epir u s H D iodortJs Siculus 1 9 .67, Pol yaenus 4. 1 1 (3 1 4 BC ) , Diodorus a n d 71l ( 3 1 3 (lc), Hammond and W a l bank 1 9 11 1l , 1 54 -5 . 'I
C a h a n e,� 1 976, fra nk!.' 195 5 ,
Hammond
1 96 6 .
Sicul us 1 9 .74
l 2. h
h a d h ro u g h t t h l' A d r i .l l i l.' I I I Y I' I '1 I 1 S hl't W l'l' l l F p i r u s a l l d t h l' r i v l r Nere t v ,l i l l to d i rect a l l d l a s t i l l g cO l l t a c t w i t h t h l' ( ; rl'l' k w o r l d . They were t o l e a d t o m a j o r c h a n gl's i n t h e sm:i a l ,l I l d l'�:o l l o m i c life o f this region, som e o f w h i ch ( a n n o w h e more cl ea rl y observed thanks to the material evi dence gathered by Y u goslav and Albanian archaeologists . Changes in the pastoral econ o m y '
of a population dwell ing i n v i l l ages brought an increase in population and m ore settlements based on a l a n d economy, aiding the growth of central authori ty , at first that of the king. The growth of towns will also have engendered a demand for greater pol itical auton omy th at placed strains on th e traditi onal tri bal structures. To some the evidence suggests a spiritual and mental acculturation to an urban life on the Hellenistic pattern . At the same time there is little sign, even when Roman conquest brought an end to this era of lllyrian development, that genuine urban societes had developed : IIIyrian loyal ties lay with th e traditional figures of chief and tribe (ethnos) . There is a gen eral i mpression from the historical sources that this was a period of growth in the Illyrian population . Attacks by them came frequently and in great strength. The pressu re of such growth on a pastoral economy will have seen a move to agriculture as a means o f increasing the sources o f subsist ence. In the case of upper Macedonia , where con d itio n s were sim i l ar, Philip forced whole co mmunities to leavc the hills for the pl ain, thus increasing his own authority as well as the cconomic base of h is kingdom. In some IIIyrian areas it is possiblc to trace the growth of certai n villages into major local centres for defence, markets and religion, in fact a small local town. Thc spread of agriculturc a mong the southern IIIyrians, inevita bly con fined to the small areas of cultivable land, is hard to measure. Perhaps the abil ity of Illyrians to fight as hopl itc infantry, as against the Molossians in 3 8 5/4 nc, i ndicates an increase of myrian peasantry. 1 0 We know little of Illyrian society i n the fourth and third cen turies BC. Thcy appeared in war as free warriors u nder their chiefs or some overlord such as Bardylis or Glaucias. A t home there is no sign of chattel slavcry on the d assical model. Refer10
Ca banes 1 988a, 1 8 S-90.
"'1//'/11;/ '.\
I I1
I II
M . / I I '. !" /II,I
' I w l o t s ' 0 1 t h e A rd i a �' i h a v �' l x p 0 l \ e d fo r sa l e i n t h e s l a v e l I l a rkl' t s o f t h e I k l k n i st i c ,.... o r l d h u t r a t h e r depc n d e l l t CO III III U l l i t i l' S w h o frolll t i I I l l' to t i lIle cven pa rtict pa t ed i l l c x ped i t i o l 1 s . The s u bject po p u l a t i ol1 a t A pol l on i a w e r e e v i dcn t l y n a t i v e w m m u nities who worked the fiel ds belonging to t h c co l o ny s oligarch y. An au thentic traffic in slaves may h a v c devel oped l a te r th rough the co l onies of Apollonia an d E p i d a m ll u s and may be the explanation for the sprcad of thei r �' I l l'l'S
t o s l a V l's o f t i l l' I > a rda n i a m
or
h e �' n 1 I 1 1ll'h d i sc u ssed . T l l l'sl' W l' n' n o t p r i so n c r s
'
'
,
'
w i n s across th e Balkans in the second and first centuries
BC.
D u ri n g the third century records of the freeing (manumission) o f slaves began to be i nscri bed on stone at Apollonia, Klos, B y l l i s a nd Buth rotu m . As in other societies thc status of a leader was determined by the nu mber of warriors who followed. Obedience to a higher authority such as a king was channelled th rough the collective loyalty of a tribe to the chief. In retu rn he acknowledged the source of his power by offering securi ty a n d protection when needed. Polybius presents us with a n i m age of society i n the Illyrian kingdom as pcasant infa ntry fighting un d cr a ristocratic proprictors (polydynastae), each on e of whom controlled a town with i n the kingdom . The persistcnce of thc old tri bal ties appears to be reflccted by the use of tra d itional tumulus burial as late as the Christian e ra He re thc chief still lay at the cen tre with his compan ions at rest around him. We can imagine th is order of society bei ng based on the many hill-settlements which had acqu irc d defences by the end of the fourth century BC. At Gajtan near ShkodCr an a r ea of nearly five hectares was enclosed by a rampart of u n w or k ed stones but the structures within were merely sh acks of tim ber and clay. Such a pl ace was evidentl y created by a local ruler mainly a s a place of refuge, and there seems little warrant to suggest that it was the first stage of a genuine urbanization, cut short later by foreign conquest. I 1 Livestock remained the principal pro d uct of IIIyrians. Their mutton soon gained a reputation among the Romans, wh ile King Pyrrh us had already gained a place in the reference books for his methods of cattle-breeding. Quantities of cereal were .
1 1
Ca banes 1 9 8 8 a, 1 90-7.
I 2. X
( .. rt't'/..'
Ill",.,,,,, s
prod lll:c d , I h o ugh t ll l' rl' i s 1 1 0 l l l l'a l l S o f I l l l'a S I lr l' l l l l' l l l l' X I..'l' p l fo r req u i s i tions i n t i m e o f w a r, n o ta h l y I h l' l > y r r h .K h i u l l l cl l11 pa i g n during the civil w a r between Ca e s a r a n d POl11 pey . I I l y r i a n vineyards enjoyed n o great rep u tation a ll l o n g G reeks J n d Rom ans, though there is an intrigu i ng po s s ibi l i ty tha t the v i t i c u l tu re
of the Bordeaux region derived from Illyri an Dyrrhach i u m . The background to Roman intervention in Illyri a in 229 BC was i n part com mercial. Italian traders were active along the Illyrian coast at the time, while the founda tio n of a Roman colony at B rindisi in 244 BC indicates an interest in the short crossing of the Adriati c . Tim ber from the IlIyrian hinterland was val ued down to medieval and modern times, notably for sh ips but a l so as a source of fuel . Except for such basic items as cloth or Alpi n e cheese, both val ued abroad, little or nothing was made among the southern I1 lyrians until the growth of towns sti mu lated the in troduction of n ew techniques, masonry construction, brick, tile and pottery manufacture and metal-working. Nothing is so far known of the extraction of silver, a n d the location of Damastion, with its remarkable si lver coinage, remains a mystery. Somewhere to the north or northeast of Ohrid seems l ikely. No r is there yet any evidence for working of the copper deposits in the Shkumbin valley. The deposits of asphalt (Ad Picarias on ancient road maps) inland from Apol lonia were exploited during th e Greek and Roman periods though remains of the working are yet to be found. Speci alized production of pottery in Illyria commences with imitation of south Italian forms at Dyrrhachium, where in the second century BC 'Megarian' bowls with moulded decoration were also produced . There local production and stamping of tiles in k i l ns spreads as far north as the Shku m b i n . The chief centre of production was Apollonia but other centres includ e Gurezeze, Dimale (Krotine) , Klos, Byllis and Margelli<;, but the nam es on stamps are Greek rather than IlI yr ian . In the Korce basin and on the island St Ach il leus in Lake Little Prespa stamped storage jars have been discovered. Stamped amphorae of Rhodian origin (220- 1 8 0 BC) may be significant evidence for long-distance commerce but who were the consumers at this period remains unc1ear. 1 2 1 2 Cabanes 1 9 8 8 a, 1 9 7-204, D i b ra 1 98 1 (hoard near Shkoder) .
of
axes, hoes
and
scythes
/ ',1/1'111/1 ',0; "/ M . / I ,,' /f ll/I./
I ll}
N o I I l y r i a n p ro d u l'I i o n o f l'o i l l S i s k n o w l l hdo rl' K i n g MOl l ll l l i ll s st f l ll' k h i s co i l l s at I > y rr h a dl i ll l l l (sl'e figure I I ) , fo l lownl h y M y t i l ll s a ro l l n d tell Yl'a rs Ja l l' r, A n l'a rl y dating of t h l' fi rst Scod ra co i n s, gener,l l l y l i n h'd w i th the Macedon ian occu p a t i o n a ro u n o 2 U n e , to the m i ddle of the th i r d cen tury is hett e r d i sca roeo, mainly beca use no coi ns are known to have heen i ssll ed hy III y rian rulers of a later period su ch as Agron, Tellta, Scerdilaidas, etc. By around 230 BC, wh en Epirote do mi na tion had waned, coins were circulating around the l ower Aous v a l l e y , from Byllis, A m anti a , Olympe and other places, though never in quantities to m atch those from the two coastal col oni es . The e a r l y Scodra coins are small bronze issues intended for local c i rc u l ation, but the m a i n l ocal currency was based on silver i ssues from the major centres, Dyrrhachium, Apollonia and Epi rus, In the kingdo m of Illyri a an authentic lo c al co i n age a ppears only in th e second century BC under King Gentius. 1 3 Th e 'Illyrian tow n ' has been a m a j o r theme o f research in modern Albania, involving study of the origins, growth, politi cal and social organization and relations with the surrounding
territory, including the establish ment of outlying satellite forti fications in th e border districts of Illyris and Epi ru s . The first construction of fortifications is dated now to the fi fth century
Figure 1 1 Silver coin of 'King Monunius' minted at Dyrrhachium : diameter 2 1 mm
U
Cabanes
t 988a,
204-7, Coin circu l ation: Gjonccgaj
1 984b (Epirus), 1 98 6 (others), 1 976b (Byllis circulation ) .
t 984a
(Corcyra) ,
1 .1 0 lie,
a n d designa tt'd as a ' p rt'-' or ' prow-' u rb a n ph ase defi ned
t h ro u gh i n vestigations at G a j ta n a ro u n d th ree m i l es southeast of Shkodcr. A n a rea of a ro ll n d fou r to fi ve hecta res was en cl osed by a ston e rampart about 3.5 metres wide of u n w or k e d blocks but with two fa ce s of closely fitting stones en c l o s i n g a core of smaller stones. There were no to w e r s in this p h as e and at the most one or two ga tes (see figures 1 2a a n d 1 2b). More th an two dozen sites w ith defences erected i n t h i s manner have been identified, i n cl u ding simple refuges such as Tr e n an d Ventrok in th e Korce b a s i n , G a n jo l le n e a r G a j ta n , and el a bo r a te defensive comp l ex es such a s G a jta n , Sh koder , Marshej, Lissus phases I and 11, Zgerdh esh ph a se I a nd OsaniCi I and 11. 1 4 The forma ti on of proper urban centres takes place in the southernmost districts of I l l y ri s , a dj oining Chaonia and th e Aous (Vijose) valley, before the end of the fifth century BC b u t that stage is not reach e d in the no r th , th at i s, in the Mat valley a nd th e S h k oder b a sin, until around a century later. After 3 5 0 BC I l l yri an towns are believed to have become es ta bl i she d at Lissus (Lezha) and Shkoder and in the interior at An tip a tr eia (Berat) and also at Selce e Poshtme in th e Shkumbin valley, a s uggested location for Pelion. Perh aps the most re m a rkabl e d evelopment took place at Byllis of the Byll iones (see figures B a and 1 3b), w he re the earlier settlement at Klos on its co n fi n ed h i I l - top w a s r ep laced by a new settlement on th e adjoining h i l l that developed the i mposing character of a Hell enistic and later Roman city. The defended area of some of the new I l lyri a n towns reached 30-40 hectares, with p e rimeter walls fortified with strai gh t- si d ed or sometimes round towers, such as survive at Lissus (see bel ow) . The gates were li kewis e well protecte d in a fashion a p propri a te to resisting Hel l eni sti c techniques in s iege warfare employing a rtill ery . This e ra of
1 4 Early fortifications : Prendi 1 976a, N. Cek a 1 977-8, 1 983, 1 985a, 1 986, Karaiskaj 1 976, 1 9 77, 1 977-8 b ( M a rshej near Shkoder) ; typology: Zheku 1 977-8 , 1 9 8 0, Korkuti 1 973 , 1 976, Isl ami 1 976b, 1 9 84, J ubani 1 9 72b ( G ajta n i}m Ju bani and N . Ceka 1 9 7 1 ( Rosuje), 1 986b (Kodra e Pazarit), Fistani 1 9 83 (Kratue near Sh koder), Lera 1 975 (Symize near Ko rce ) . Mon tenegro: Mijovic and Kov a cev i c 1 975 ( ch a llen g i ng Albanian ch ron ology ) , Parovic-Pesikan 1 98 0 (Risan hinterl and), 1 977-8 (Gulf of Kotor) . On A d ri atic settlements, Suic 1 975 .
Fi}:tlre 1 J a) I'lal1 of Hyllis. G radesht. b) Plan of Hyllis. central area
Albania
L,,/ '/II1/'S
I II i\I " 1 /'dOlI l"
I I r ha n dl' V l' l o p n l l' l l I i s " , a r k ed h y t i l l' f i r ... '
U
I ,1 1
In ... , n I l' ! i o n o f p l l h l i l"
h u i l d i ngs, w h i c h a t B y l l i .. W l' l"l' l' v l' n t l l a l l y t o i n (\ l I d l' a t 1l l' a t l"l' , st a d i u ll l a n d d o u h l e port i o ) , a l \ l' X l'I.: l I t l'l1 i n cOllrsl'l1 h l o c k s o f
d ressed stone. B u i l d i n gs o f a d i st i n c.: t 1 y u r ba n c.:h a ra c.:t l' r h a ve rec.:en t l y been revealed in several major sett l em e n t s . The u rban c.:ha rac.:ter of B y l l i s is ev ident by the m i ddle of the third century BC, sur ro u n ded by a cordon of strongholds p rotecting the territories of the commonweal th (koi11011) of the Bylliones, at Gurzeze, M a rgellic;, Rabie, Matohasanaj . These are constructcd in reg u l a r dresscd masonry, with defenccs dated to the late fourth or early third century BC similar to those further south in Epi rus. further north the massive defcnces at Bcrat (Antipatreia or Barguli um) may belong to th e era of direct Epirote rule beforc 23 0 B C . The l ocation of Dimalc (or Dimallum), a scttle mcnt in the territory of the Parthini, at Kroti nc wcst of Berat, depends on tiles stamped DIMALLITAN (in Grcek) . Though thc enclosed area is less than 1 5 hectarcs, there was at least one building of a publ ic character - a portico ovcr 30 metres long with seven niches which appears to imitate si milar build ings at Apol 1onia. At Zgerdhesh (sec figures 1 4 a and 1 4b), southwcst of Kruja, there are defenccs similar to those at Gajtan, dated locally to the sixth to fifth centu ry B C. Imported Apul ian pottery appears at the end of thc fourth centu ry but thc wal ls of coursed masonry bel ong to a later period . Except for a semicircu lar structure in the lower part of the town no pu blic buildings are known in the ten-hectare settlcment, which has been identified as the A1banopolis of Ptolemy's Geography. Studies of the well-preserved fortifications at Acroli ssus and Lissus suggest that the formcr came first and was built in thc l ate fourth century. There was a major reconstruction of the latter in the first century BC, when the more roughly dressed blocks were replaced by smooth, dose-fitting masonry. No intcrior structures have yet been located. The function of Lissus (sce figures 1 5a, i S b and l Sc) near thc mouth of the Dri n was to gua rd the route inland and to furnish a secure anchorage for IlIyrian shipping. Little is known of Il Iyrian Scodra, mainly because the Rozafat fortress has remained in u se until modern times. Similarly few traces arc now to be seen of myrian defences at Meteon (Medu n ) , Olcinium (Ulcini ) and Rh izon
( R i sa l l ) . I I I t l H' Sl'l'O l l d l' l' l l t u ry A l l a I l a t i v {' o f R O l l l a l l R i s i ll i u l l l , w h o h a d r i s{' 1 l t o l'olll m a ml t h {' a r m y o f A fr i l' a rl'l'a l l nl t hl' 'Aeacian w a l l s ' o f h i s I l I y r i a n h Olm" perh a p s a l l u d i n g to Al'anls of Aegina who ass i s te d Apol l o and Poseidoll in b u i l d i ng thl' ,
walls of Troy . Nothing has yet been repo rted o n the sett l e m e n t at Selce e Poshtme, a candidate for the location of Pclion, and there is so far no certain location for Uscan a, the strategical ly pl aced chief settlement of the Illyrian Penestae. 1 5 The rapid move to a fo rm o f urban i zation among the sou thern Illyrians, during the late fourth and early th i rd centuries BC, m atches the rather better observed developments to the south in Epi rus. For the IIIyrians a question remains as to the extent th at this development was a di rect consequence of exter nal sti m ulus, notably Molossian Epi rus in the time of Pyrrh us, and whether there is any genuine evol ution from the earl ier period that warrants the use of such descriptions as 'pre-' or 'proto-' urban. The matter will be resolved only by systematic excavation in the i nterior of these settlements, which so far has not been attempted. What evidence there is at present tends towards a negative conclusion, and it seems likely that many of the roughl y fortified h ill-sites were more likely refuges for herdsmen and flocks on the move or for the inhabitants o f local v i llages i n level country, a n d therefore arc unlikely to produce evidence for permanent occupation.
I � Urban development: N. Ceka 1 98 5b, Cabanes 1 9 8 8b, Anamali 1 976b. Lissu s: Prendi and Zheku 1 9 7 1 , 1 9 72, 1 9 8 6 , Zheku 1 974, 1 976, Prendi 1 98 1 (inscriptions); Shkodcr : Hoxha 1 9 8 7 (B ronze Age remai ns); Berat: Ba�e 1 9 7 1 , Spahiu 1 975 , 1 9 8 3 ; Selce : N. Ceka 1 972 ; ByIlis/Klos: Papaj ani 1 976a, 1 979 (the.atre), Vreka 1 98 7 (Gurzeze near Cakran); Dimale: Hammond 1 968, Dautaj 1 9 72 (brick stamps), 1 976a, 1 9 76 b (economy) , 1 9 84a (coins), 1 9 84b (stoas), 1 9 86 (political organization) ; Zgerdhesh: Islami 1 972b, 1 975 , Papa jani 1 9 77. Also Lahi 1 9 8 8 (Beltoje near Shkoder), N . Ceka 1 975 b (fortifications of Amantini), Anamali 1 972, Prendi and Budina 1 972 (Irmaj , Gramsh), Isl ami 1 970 (Xibri, Mat district), Anamali 1 975 (Podgradec), Bud ina 1 9 8 5 (Antigoneia). Ba�e 1 974 (Kanine), 1 975 (Gulf of Vlora), 1 979, Bereti 1 985 (Tri port), N . Ceka 1 98 7c (Margel li<;), Jubani and N. Ceka 1 97 ] (Rosuje).
" , II, 'I/Ii,',.. 1 1/ 1\ 1 , ,/ /,, /1 1'11, '
1 17
Cel ts, A u t a ri a t a e and I >a rd a n i a ns TIl l' \:o l 1 l i n g o f t h l' Cd t s ' h a s l o n g hccl l a l l a n:epta h l c h y poth l's i s for a n:h a co l ogi sts gra pp l i n g w i t h t h e h u ge q u a n t i t i es of l l I a t c ri a l from t h i s cra, a n d i ts wide a ppli cat io n i n Cen tral and Southeast E u rope has h a d a di rect b e a r i n g on defin i n g the limits a l l d i d e n t i ties of the IIIyr i an pe op le s , n o t a bly in the regi on of t h e m i dd l e Danube and i ts major tri butaries. That in parts of t h i s a rca, incl uding the eas t ern Alps, M iddle Danube and Sava a n d Drava valley, the majority of the settled populati on were ( :c l t i c-spea k i n g is g enera l l y ac cepted from h istor i cal and ono m a st i c evidence . Yet how they came to be there and what, if a n y t h i ng, ha p pened to a n 'existing popu l ati on ' a re quest io n s awaiti ng answers. One central and long- l a s tin g hypothe s i s a mong arch aeologi sts i s that the arri v al of Celtic-speakers in sl.'veral a r ea s north of the A l p s co i n c i des wi th , and indeed is, t h l' po i n t of transition from the earl ier to the later ph ase of the E u ro p ean Iron Age. That named after Ha l l s ta tt in the ea s ter n A l ps not far from Salzb u r g came to an end around 400 BC a n d
was rep l a ced by that of La Tene, after a lake side settlement in Swi tzerland, famous for its e l eg ant style of curv i linear non figural ornament often referred to as 'Celti c ' art. By the l ate second and early first cen t u r i e s BC the two cul t ures had fused i n to a un i form version of La Tene across most of Europe nor t h of the Alps. 1 6 Pto lemy ' s h istor y o f Alexander's campaigns recorded that, fo llo wi ng his brilliant victory on the Danube in 335 BC, an emb a ssy came from the Celts to seek the alliance and fr i end sh i p of the young king. The p oint of the anecdote, as re tol d by Arrian and the geographer Strab o , was to show how t h i s peo ple 'who l i ved a long way off in a coun try n ot ea sy to p e n etrate ' told Alexander that their greate s t fear was n ot him but the sky fal l i ng upon their heads. Alexander, thou gh not a little insulted, granted the alliance and sent the envoys home. They had come from the far west, 'around the Adriati c ' in the version of I h Gustin 1 984, J ovanovic and Popovic 1 9!1 1 , Todorovic 1 96 8 (biblio graphy), Majnaric-Pandiic 1 978 (N. Croatia), P. Popov i c 1 978 ( co i n use), Knez 1 98 3 (Novo Mesto ) . Bolta 1 96 6 ( eelje).
I \X l'to l clll Y p reserved h y S l ra ho ( 7 . . \ , X ) or ' d w e l l i n g O i l I h e I o n i a n gu l f' i n Arri a n ( 1 0 4 , 6 ) . Though i t i s t ru l' t h a t t h e Pe r i p l l l s locates some Celts 011 t h e n o r t h A d r i at i � �oa s t o f I t a l y , i t i s more l i kely that these came from the north "vcst Ba l k a n s or even the ea stern Alps and the m iddle Danu he. The a rr i v al of Cel ts in this area by the early fourth century i s indicated hy the accoun t of Justin us, based on Cel tic tradition in th e work of Pompeius Trogus (Book 24) . Around the end of the fifth century some of the 3 00,000 m igrating Celts crossed the Alps and sacked Rome but the rest, by a progress which caused great devastation, reached the lllyrian coast and made their homes in Pannon ia. They mastered the Pan nonians and for many years continued warring with neigh bouring peoples. 1 7 Thc fourth-century h istorian Theopompus m ay b e the source of an account of fighti ng between Cel ts and Illyrians, hoth equ ally detested by the average Greek, where the one achieved victory by i n fl icting on the other the agonies of severe diarrhoea : When the Cel ts attacked, with a knowledge of (lIlyrian) intem pcrance, they o rdcred their soldicrs to prepa re food in their tents as s umptuous as possible, and thcn to add to i t a type of medi cinal herb wh ich had the effect of emptying and purging the bowel s . When this took effect many werc c a u gh t by the Celts and kille d, while other s cast themselves into thc river from the unbearahlc pain. (Th eopompus, q uoted by Athenaeus 1 0.60)
In a version of the story included by Polyaenus in a collection of Stratagems (7.42), the Illyri ans involved were the Autariatae, whom the Celts lured by feigned flight to consumc the doctored food left in their tents. Yet the story is a commonplacc and m ay have been judged by Theopompus as appropriate to the IIIyrians, fam ed for their l ove of food and drink, perhaps as background material to his account of Ph ilip II's lllyrian victory in 35 9/8 BC. If it ever happened, the likely date for the episode is early in the fourth century. 1 8 Thc Auta riatae were the most rcmote o f the lllyrian peoples 17 IR
M. Garasanin 1 970, Gavela 1 975a. Papa7.ogl u 1 9 7 8 .
b'I'II//" .\ "/ M " , " , 1"1//, ,
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k n o w l I 1 0 t il l' ( ; n'l' k w o r l d i l l t i l l' C r. I o t Pl l I l i p a n d A l e x a n d e r , a n d a f!,oOlf dea l o f w h a l i s rn:l l nkd o f I h c l I I i s l H.'a r fa l l l a s y . Pe r h a p s I h l' o l l l y re l i a h l e e v i dl' l h ."l' i s t i l l' n' p o r l i ll A r r i a n ( fr o m I h l' e Y l'- w i t nl'ss Pto l e lll Y ) that t h l' A l I t a r i a t a e h a d plan n ed a n a t t a c k o n A l e x a nd e r ' s a rm y d ur i n f!, t h e i r homew a rd m a rch in U S 11( . Th i s wou l d a l so ta ll y with the tradition repe a ted by S t ra ho that t h e y wcrc ' once thc g r e a test and most pow c r fu l of 1 Ill' f 1 l y r i a n s ' . Another anecdote, wh i ch probably also or i ginatcd i l l ( ; reece in the fourth century BC, de s c ri b e s a long - r unni ng klld between the Au ta ri a t a c and the Ardiaei over the p o s se ss io n o f a sal t-sou rce near their common bo rd c r. Watcr which flowed out e a ch spring from the foot of a great m ounta i n p ro d u ced l' x cd l en t s alt thr o u gh evaporation within five d a y s , which was t h ell fed to livestock. Thc sitc, not namcd in the sources a n d n o w not easily located ( p oss i bly at O raho v i c a in thc uppcr N c rctva valley) , was far inland and e n a b l ed the Ardiaei to avoid h aving to import salt and thus to have few contacts with other peopl es. Th ere was an arra ngeme nt bctween thc two peoples to extract the s a lt in alternate yea r s but when this h roke down war ensued. The p i ctu re of the Ardi aei remote from the sea and from other p eo p l e does not match thcir later reput a tion for s e a b orne activity and may rel ate to a pe r iod
beforc thcy had movcd to occupy at least part of the c o a s t between the Neretva and the Drin. Evcn so, Appian o b serves t h a t though po w er fu l on the s ea , the Ardiaei were dest r oye d in the end by the Autariatac 'who wcrc bcst on l a nd ' , though th ey too s us tai n ed h eavy losses. I '} Taken together, the intell igi ble sou rces locate the Au tari atae inl and from the Ardiaei and the Lake of S h k oder, e xtend i n g cast to the Dardan i and north , or rather n orth e a s t, to thc Tri ba l l i . In modern terms their territory will h ave i ncl uded the va l l eys of the Lim and the T ara ( perh a p s somehow connected with thcir namc) bcyo nd thc mou n tai n s of n orther n Alb a n i a , and a l so the western Morava, an arca of thc Balkans barely known to the ancient geogra ph ers . It is te m p ting to i dent i fy I � Aristotle, Oil Marvellous Things Heard 1 3 8 (LeL 1 4 . 3 0 8- t O ) , Strabo 7.5, 1 1 , Appian, ll/yrike 3, Perhaps the salt source was 'Stane Vode' (salt water) near Orahovica , a few miles north of Konjic in the upper Neretva valley, Patsch 1 922, 43 note 4.
1 40
( ; rl'I,k IIIY"'III�
these A u ta ri a tae, p ro ha h l y a gl' l l l'ra l l l a l 1 l l' to r a w h o l l' g ro u p
o f smaller peoples k n o w n l a t e r h y t h l' i r i n d i v i d u a l n a l 1 lCS, w i t h the people of the Glasinac c u l tu rl i n e a s t e rn Bosn i a , w h e rc a tradition of tumulus buri a l h a d conti n ued a l most without interruption from Bronzc Age times. I n the early ( H a l lstatt) phasc o f the I ron Age a si milar l ocal tu mul us culture between the D rina and the Morava appears to have spread cast into Serbia by the end of the fifth century sc . This may represen t the expansion of the Autariatae at the expense of th e Triballi until , as Strabo remarks, thcy in thei r turn werc overcome by the Celtic Scordisci in the early third century BC. Similarly the decline or fragmentation of the Autariatae is m atched by a rise to prominence of the Ardiaei on the coast and of the Dardani inlan d. In the matter of m aterial remain s the p rincely burials of the early fi fth century BC containcd in two tumu l i (35 and around 70 metres i n diameter) at Atenica near C acak in western Serbia might wel l belong to the lIIyrian Autariatae in a time of pros perity before the Cel tic migrations (sce fi gurcs 1 6a and 1 6 b ) . The smallcr mound contained a central burial bencath a tru nc ated cone of chopped stones and a secondary interment near the perimeter beneath a similar construction of stones. The l arger mound contai ned on ly a central burial in a tom b con structed of rectangular slabs. All three bodies had been crem atcd outside the tum ulus before bu ri al, and the remains dis persed in the grave. Before thc burial platform of the larger tumu l us was constructed a sacrifice of young animals including a dog, a wil d boar and a wild sow and three oxen (see figure 1 6c ) . Th at the smaller tumulus contained a female burial is i nferred from the m any beads and pendants of gl ass and amber, with birds' and rams' heads, gold and silver appliques, buttons and a silver brooch. The bu rial contained the iron tyres of a chariot or burial cart, wh ich had been cons u med along with the corpse. Thc contents of the second burial were si milar but included also weapons, a spear, bronze arrows and an Attic gold p l aque decorated with the figure of a boar, and undoubt edly was that of a male child. Both burials included pottery and metalwork of Greek (probably Ionian ) origin. The larger tumulus contained a male burial with similar conten ts but included al so a sword, bronze arrows, h arness and the remains '
/ ', 1 / ( '11//( ',\ "/ M,,. /,. 1",/ /,/
14 1
of a l' h a r i o l . A l l l o n g ( ; rn' k i l l l po rt , W(' I'l' a n I o n i a n W I l l C l u g a n d s(' v e r .. 1 b ro n zl' d n.'ss p Lhl l l l's 0 1 s i l l l i l a r o r i g i n a n d a bon(' d a ggl' r h a n d l c . Th i s i so l a t cd h ur i a l o f w h a t w a s p ro b a b l y a si ngk fa m i l y p l a l'cd p ro m i n c n t l y i n t h c broad v a l l ey of the Wl'stnn M o r a v a i m p l ies an esta b l i s hed a u t h o rity that fel t able t o l'onsign h i gh -va l u e p r e s ti g e goods i nto their burial mounds.20 In 1 9 5 7, the yea r before the Atenica burials were d iscovered , a s pcl'tacu l a r find of obj ects dating to the same period was l I l ;l d c b e n ea t h a medieval ch urch near the town of Novi Pazar, w h i dl l i es on a tributary of the Ibar on the borders of Bosnia and Serbia. An iron-bound oak chest ( 1 .85 m by 0 . 8 5 m) l'on cealed in a pit more than two metres deep contained a fine wl l ection of j ewel lery and dress ornaments. No trace of a c rc m a t i o n or skeletal remains were found and i t is possible that t h i s i s an ex ampl e of hidden treasure rather than d e posited grave goods, although on balance a contex t of burial appears
t h c more p robable. In addition to i mported Greek pottery, b ronze
vessels and jewellery described above, the contents of
t h c chest included what some archaeologists regard as typical 1 0(;1 1 productions, among them a gold belt, earrings, gol d, silver and b r o n z e brooches and carved pieces of am ber. O bje ct s that tcn d to be labelled 'Greco-II lyrian' included a bronze wine
strai ner, gold pectorals, aprons an d pla q ues (pteryges) a n d more than 1 000 atta c hm ents of sheet gold in va riou s sha pes. The character of the ornaments and the absence of weapons s u ggests the robes and regalia of several IlIyrian princesses, b u t t h e belts, pectorals and some of the brooches were worn b y males. What the Novi Pa z a r hoard represents remains a puzzle b u t most likely it was the fam i l y treasure of an JI I y rian ruler w i th a marked taste fo r Greek imports of th e highest quality.2 1 The Autariatae had the misfortun e to be driven from thei r homel ands by a plague of frogs which fel l half-formed from the sky, a story which attracted the curiosity of several ancient w riters. This is the version of Heraclides, an Egyptia n civil servant of around 1 70 BC: I" Djuknic and Jovanovic 1 966a, 1 966b ( A tenica), Zotovic 1 972 (Krcmni, l I I yrian cemetery near Uzicc), 1 9 84 (Pi l atoviCi near Pozega ), 1 98 7 (bu ri a l n e a r Priboj i n Li m val ley). I l Mano-Zissi and Popovic 1 969 (Novi Pazar).
1 42 Somewhere in Pa eon ia and Dardania frogs fell from the sky like rain and there were so many that the houses and streets were ful l of them . Du ri ng the first days the people somehow bore it by destroying them and shutting up the houses. But as this achieved n othi n g, and their very cooking pots got filled with frogs which got boiled and baked with the food, and neither could the water be d ru n k, nor could men put foot to the ground for the multitude of them, and as the stink from the dead creatures was odious, the people a bandoned their ho m eland (Heraclides, frag. 3, FHG vol. 3 p. 168) .
No sense can be made of this horror story but it is reliably reported that the people were migrating from their homeland late in the fourth century BC. In 3 1 0 BC they were in Paeonia, where they were on the point of achieving a victory over king
I O I l.14S
10
(a) Figure 1 6 a) Plan of burial tumuli at Atenica, Serbia
1 43
(b)
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il
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Figure 1 6 Continued b) Stone tomb in Tumulus I at Atenica c) Plan of sacrificial areas in Tumulus 11 at Atenica
1 44 A u do kon w h e n Ca ssa l l lk r Cl l 1 1 l' to t h l' rl'Sl' l I l' a n d I h l' I l I y ri a n s ,
a l o n g w i t h the i r fa m i l il's t o t a l l i n g i n a l l 20,000, were sl,tt l ed on M ou nt O rbcl us in ea ste rn Pal'oll i a on the fro n t i e r o f M a ce donia and Thrace, Thcir m igrat i o n w a s attri b u tcd to the plague of fro g s (along with mice or rats ) b u t they were t re ated realisti cally by thc s ini ste r Cassander, who in ty p ical Macedonian fa s hi on sought to e xpl o it thcm as an al l y against the n o rth e rn nei gh bours of his territory , Behind th e th reat of the fro gs and other creatu res may have been the real th r eat from the Celts now p res sin g into the southern Balkans. It is rep o rted tha t Cassander d i d fight with Ce lts in Thracc, p e rha p s to d r iv e off an atte m pt ed raid on M a cedonia . Th e sto ry that the su fferings of the Il lyri an Autariatac was retribution by thc divine A p o l lo o f D elph i for th eir having j o ined i n the atta ck o n his sanctuary in 279 BC is un do ubt ed l y a fi ction by those eager to c l a i m the cred i t for any misfortune s u ffe rc d by the Ill yri an s d u ri ng that perio d . Celtic pressure may have been the rcason for the disper sal of oth e r groups of Autariatae, such as the 2,000 se r vi n g in the army of Ly s i ma ch u s d uring the w i n te r of 3 02/ 1 BC w h o wcnt over to ' O ne - ey ed ' Anti go n u s. Perhaps their mercenary service commenced when Lysi m a chus made expeditions against the Ge tae on the lower Danubc. Whatever the background to th e se incidents it is around the end of the fourth centu ry that the name of the Autariatae vanishes from the h istori cal record, alt h o ugh thcrc is n o th in g in the matcrial evidence from thcir homeland th at indicates any su dden o r d r a m at i c ch a nge .22 Wc are i nde b ted to th c geograp h e r Stbo for a s in gularl y ambiguous portrayal of the Dardanians: 'they are so utte r l y wild that they dig caves beneath their dung-hills and live th e re; but still they have a ta s te for music and are al w ays p la ying m usical instruments, both flutes and st r i n gs ' (7. 5 , 7). Th o ugh their territory and eth n i c associations remain in doubt, the Dardani were for several centuries an end u r ing presence among thc peoples of th e central B a l k an s, 'the most stable and con se rvati ve ethnic element in an a r c a where everyth ing was e xp ose d t o con stan t chan ge ' as the Yugosl av scholar Fanoul a .1.2 Papazogl u 1 970a, 1.978, Cassander and the Auta riatae: Diodorus Siculus 20. 1 9 ; Justi nus 1.5.2; Orosius, Historia 3 . 2 3 , 26; Delphi : Appian, lllyrike 4; Antigonus : Diodorus Sicu l us 20. 1 1 .3 .
1 ', I/ I '/11II ',� "l '1'1 . 11 " . 11 1 1/1. 1
1 4 .'1
Pa p a zog l ll P ll t s i t . Wh i l l' t h e o n u' f O l' l l 1 l d a h l l' A l I t a r i a t a l' h a d v a n i s h l'<.1 l o n g hdo rl' t h e R O l l l a n l o n l j l l l'st . a n d t h e Tr i ha l l i . Sl'ord i sl' i a n d M Ol's i a l l d l'l: l i nl'd t o i n s i g n i f i l'a n t relll n a nts, t h e Da rda n i l' n d l l rl'd . I n t h e ( ; rl'ek a n d R o m a n w o r l d s t h e h u m b l e I 1 1 l 1 s i l- l ov i n g Da rda n i i n th e i r rl' l11ote va lleys beyond Mace don i a Gl l1l e to he l i n ked with a people of the s a me name who d w e l t i n north west Asia M i nor , and who gavc the i r name to t h l' d i strict of Dardan i a from which the modern name Dard a m'l les is derived . Other coincidcnces of ethnic names supported n o t i o n s of a co n n ection between the Balkans and Asia Minor, t he Mysians in the latter match i n g the Balkan Moesians and the P hry gia n s correspondi ng to the Bryges. A curren t cxpla n a t ion cites as a like l y context the large-scale m o v cment of peoples at the end of the Bronze Age (around 1 200 BC) , w hen some of the established powers around the castern Mediter ra nean were a fflicted by the attacks of ·sea-pcoples'. By Roman
t i mes the nature of the connection between Balkan and Asian Da rdani had become altogcther a m ore de li cate matter. Then t he co n nec tion was explained by a m o ve ment in the opposit e d i rection : a certain Dardanus who ruled ovcr many tri b e s in Asia Minor was responsible for settl in g the Dardani west of the Thracians. Tradition had it that th is Dardanus was founder o f thc Trojan ruling housc , a matter of some importance when t h e rulers of so m e of the great powers of antiquity, i n cluding Epirus, M acedonia and Rome, claimed a Trojan ancestry . But if Dardanus a nd his people w ere descended from the Bal kan pcople the lattcr ' s notoriously uncouth ways wil l have been an embarrassment. The a cce pted vcrsion was that the Dardani were a kindred people of the Trojans who had degcncrated in thei r new ho m e to a state of barbarism.23 Though for a time probably subordinate to the powcr of Epirus, the Dardani maintained an i ndependence that was later eroded by Maccdonia and finall y extinguished by the Romans. It s ee ms likely that the IIl yria n Clcitus defeated by Alexander was probably a r uler of the Dardani. After 3 3 5 BC nothing is reported of th em , not even when the neighbouring Paeonians
H On Dardan ians: Papazoglu 1 978, 1 3 1 ff., Srejovic 1 973 (formation ) ; settlements: Mikulcic 1 973, Mirdita 1 975 , M . Garasanin 1 975 a .
1 46
( ; ,." ,,/.: I IIVI'I,ms
J l l \H ;, ft l' r t ill' lka t h o f i\ it- x a n dl' \" u n t i l lH4 II( whcn Lysi m adl ll s SCi l.l'd l:on t ro l of M a l:cdon i a a n d Pal'o n i a , wherc a dcceit ca u s c d A ri s to n , thl' son o f k i n g A u d o it- o n , to take refuge among the Da rd a n i . N o t long a fter the death o f Lysimachus i n 28 1 B C a large force of Celts moved sou th th ro ugh thc central Bal kans and, l ate in 280 or carly in 279, overwhelmed the army of Macedonia under Ptolemy Cera u n u s . During his brief reign the latter h a d faced opposition from Ptolemy thc son of L ys im ach us, who was aidcd by Monunius king of the IIlyrians. A n inscribed bronze helmet found near Ohrid m ay have be l onged to a soldier of th i s ruler (see figure 1 7) . He may have belonged to the Dardani s i ncc a la ter ruler of that p eople bore the same name, tho ugh it also occurs i n the old Thracian territories o f Lysimach us. I t is not certain that he is the samc Monunius who offered help against thc Celts to Ptolemy Ceraunus. The gesture was rejccted with contempt, as if the sons of Alexander's all-conquering soldiers needed help from thc likes of Dardan ians, even when they came as 20,000 men in arms. The Dardanian king's response was to forecast the down fa l l of Macedonia. A co i n of Macedonian type b ea ring the name of Monunius m ay be evidence for thc aspirations of the Dardanian ruler in the kingdom, perhap s in the ti m e of confu sion fol l owing the Celtic invasion. Nor is i t certain if this was the same ruler who ga i ned power over the Taula ntii and struck a coin of Dyrrhach ium with the l egend King Monunius. 2 4 Thc ra pi d decline of Epirus following thc dea th of Pyrrhus in 272 BC may h ave been hasten ed by atta cks from o n ce obedient northern neigh bours. Alexander 11 is kno w n to have fought an l I I yrian war against Myti l u s whose Dyrrhachium coins bear thc royal title. Conceivably the latter was a successor to M on u n ius and ruler of th e increasingly powcrful Dardani, rather than merely a local dynast. While Dardanians may have taken con trol of the Tau l a n ti i , it seems that the principal directions of thcir expansion were now towards the cast and north, agai ns t Paconia and into the Morava and Nisava val leys against the rc bd l nl in
24
24
Polyaenus 4, 1 2, .3
(Monllnius) .
(Audol�on); Justinus 24.
9-1 1 , Pompci us
Trogus
Pro \ .
1 47
Figure 1 7 B ronze helmet inscribed ' Of King Monun ios '
Triballi. Unlike Macedonia, the Dardanians had apparently suffered l ittle from the passage of the Celts throu gh their lan d s , though i t was in th e i r territory that Lonovius and Lutarius deta ch e d them selves from the main force to mo ve ag a i n st
1 4H
( ; rl'I'�' IIIvrj, IIH
Th race, w h i k t h l' rt'st l'Oll t i l l l l l'l1 sou t h I I lH k r l\ rl'I l I l I l S to M a lT d o n i a a nd G n.'l'l'l'. Th e 1 );) rd a n i a n s w e n : n o t s l o w to ;l t t ;K k w h e n t h ey returned n o r t h a ftt' r defe a t , w a n d e r i n g a b o u t t h e c o u n try s ide exhausted w i t h h u n ge r and col d . ! � Save for a doubtful episode early i n t h e l ong rei gn of A nt i gonu s Gonatas, there is n o record of action b y the Dardani o r any other nor th ern e r s in the direction of Macedonia fo r n ea r l y a generation. From later ev i den ce it see m s that this \\'as a period of recovery and consolidation on the northern fron ti e rs of Macedonia, incl uding the construction of new fortifications, watch-towers and other means of defence that rarely attract the attention of historians. Dardanians were again a th reat i n the re i gn of Demetrius II (240/3 9-229 BC), when they invaded Paeo n i a and wo n a v i cto ry over the Macedonian king not long before his death. Longa ru s , the first to be n a med ruler of th e Dardanians, directed the attack. Events in this a rea now b eco m e m o r e p ro min e n t i n th e affairs of Greece and Macedonia, since a thre at from the north was likely to cause the Antigonids to abandon any enterprise under way in Greece an d hasten
home.26 Antigonus Doson, regent for the first decade of Demetrius' son PhiI i p V, claimed a victory over the Dardanians 'exultant a fter th e de ath of Demetrius'. Part of Paeon ia was annexed to Macedonia and Anti gone i a was founded on the river Axius, the main invasion route from the north. In 222 BC Doson won a famous victory over the Spartans at Sellasia, but hastened back home with in a few d a y s when news came that the Illyrians had i nvaded and were l oo ti n g his k i n g do m . Acc o rd i n g to Pol yh ius he found them still in the country and forced them to a battle which he won but he so over-exerted himself in shouting en cou ragement to his troops that he bu rst a b lo od -v e s s e l and fell fatally ill. I t seems likely that these Illyrians came from Dardania, since it was the Dardani who were again prominent in attacks on Macedonia in the first yea rs of Philip V's sole reign. During the Social War against the Aetolians and Spartans (220-2 1 7 BC), ' th e Dardan ians and a l l the neighbouring peoples 25 Passage of Celts : livy Diodorus Siculus 22.9. 26
J 8 . 1 6, Pausan ias 1 0. 1 9, 7;
Pompeius Trogus 2 8 , livy J 1. 2 8 , J ustinus 2 8 3 , 4 .
retreat:
J ustinus 24 . 8 ,
hll'lIIil'.�
"I
M", l'd"III,'
1 4 lJ
who dll' r i s h l'd l' v c r l a st i l l � h a t red ( I t t he M an'doll i 'l Il lks p i scd t ill' you t h o f Ph i l i p a n d n l l l st a llt l y p ro v o k l'd h i m ' (/ lIst i n ll s 2 1.) . 1 ) . Pol y h i u s lk'sni hl's w h .l I m m t h a v l' hl'l'n a ty p i l:a l cpisodc i ll t h l'sl' Yl·a rs . In 2 1 1.) Ph i l i p was i n AGl rn a n i a i n northwest ( ; rl'l'l'l' whcn news Gl m e that the Da rdanians, assu m i ng that Ill' w a s Oil his way to the Pelopon nese, collected their forces for a r:l i d . When Ph i l i p reached h i s capital Pella he found that the Da rd a n i had learned of his return and cal l ed off the attack, l' n a h l i n g Ph i l i p to send h i s men home early for the autumn fru i t-picking. Two years later Philip decided to strike first and sl·i zcd Byla zora, 'the largest city in Paeonia, very conveniently si tuated on the pass from Dardania to Macedonia ' ( pol ybius S . 1.) 7 ) . The situation, probably the modern Titov Veles on thc river Vardar, commands the upstream entrance to a long defile a n d , no less important, a rou te southwestwards into Pelagonia via the Babuna valley and over the Babuna pass or along the Raec val l ey and over the Pletvar pass to Pril ep. The capture a nd, one assumes, the garrisoning of Bylazora appears to have hrought a swi ft end to Dardanian raids, and may be compared w i th the capture and occupation of Lychnitis a century and a h a l f before by Philip II foll owing his defeat of Bardylis. As Macedonia was finally gaining what passed for peace on i ts northern bordcr, Ph ilip, the IIIyrians and the Grceks were concentrating their attcntion westwards on the great struggle bei ng fought in Italy between the Romans and the Carthagi n i a n s under Hannibal ,27 Even the Roman allies who had felt abandoned when the Romans agreed a peace with Philip in 205 BC will have becn su rprised at the speed with which they returned to the area once the war with Hannibal and Carthage was over. Philip had profited from the armistice and his ambitious schemes in the direction of Asia Minor were evidently no longer hindered by troubles on his northern borders , When the Romans returned to I I I yria in 200 BC undcr the experienced commander P. Sulpiciu s Galba, they expected support fro m their former allies. These began to appear at the Rom an headquarters in Dassaretis,
17 Philip V and DarJallia ns: Hammond a n d Wal bank 1 9 8 8 . Polybius 2.70 (Doson), 4.66 (2 1 9 BC) , 5 .97, Miku)cic l 976 (Bylazora) .
( ; " · f · k "'vrt, III ,
Fro m t h e D a r d a n i Cl l l l l' B a l o , son o f I h l' I .o n �a r l l s w h o h a d once fo ugh t a ga i n s t Ph i l i p ' s Lu l ll' r I k n ll' l ri u s 1 1 . Th l' R o m a n com m a nder to l d t h e m h e wo u l d cl l l o n t h e i r h e l p w h l' n h i s
army had entered M acedon i a . .! s The king an tic i p a t e d that the R o m a n l i n e o f a d v a n ce w o u l d be i n to th e Erigon valley and he w a s determ i ned to p ro te c t h i s fla n k s from raids b y Roman al l ies, the A e toli a n s i n t h e sOllth
and the Dardanians in the north . He ordered his son Perseu s to block the pass (probably th e Deb reste pass via the Treska va l l ey ) l e a ding into Pelagonia , When th e Romans m ade their move P h i l i p recalled the troops under Pe rs e us , and h i s caval ry defeat at Ottolobus on the river Erigon, though not a major reverse, was the ou tc o me of a gamble after learning that Illyri ans and Dardanians had crossed the passes in st rength and were a l re ad y in M a ce d onia . Though the i n v a s io n s were co n ce rted, it was the Dardan i a n s w h o did the most damage, Whe n P h i l i p s commander Athenagoras tri ed to am bush th em on the home ward march they rec ov e red from th e effects of th e surprise attack to form up in regular order and fi gh t a ba t tle in which n eithe r side was able to claim victory. L a t e r some of the Dard anians were killed or wounded by the Macedonian cavalry, but no pri s o n ers were taken b e cause these troops do not leave their ran ks i mp u lsively but keep close order both in co m bat and i n withdrawa l ' ( L i vy 3 1 .43 ) . The episode shows how m uch the Dardanians had been influenced by the m ilitar y traditions of the Hel len i stic world. Two years l a te r a Roma n ge n er a l addressing his troops on the eve of t heir victory over P h ili p at Cynoscephalae reminded th e m that they were not u p aga ins t the M acedon ians of Alexander but merely those who not long before had b een a p re y of the Dardanians. N ew s of the Roman v i ctory drew th e Dardanians once again d ow n the Vardar v a l l ey , b ut P h i l i p caught and defeated them near the Paeonian capital Stobi with an army h e h a d h a s ti l y co n s cripted from the citi es of h i s k i ngdo m . The Macedonians continued to ho l d '
'
2K
Liv y J 1. 1 S
(Bato, son of Longarus) .
/ -'/1/'/111/',\
I II hi " , /'' /",//"
I�I
l\y l .l l.o r a .1 I l d I h ro u g h I h a l P o l l'O l l l , I , w h o'l' H' l u m I h l' J ) a rd ;l I l i a l l s W lTl' sl i l l l k m ; J l l d i l l g W Y l' , I r<, 1 .1 1 l' !" .l ft l' !" a l l o t l l l' r m a j o r R O l l l a l l v i � to r y , ." · I n t il l' l a l l' !" y ea rs o f h i s re i g l l Ph i l i p V l a u n � h ed a ll o ffell sive a g;l i n s t h i s northern n e i gh bours, a ho v e a l l aga i n s t the Dardani a n s , T h c R o m a n version i m p l i cs t h a t beh ind i t there lay a plan fo r r c v c n gc o n the Rom ans, e v e n to the exten t of planning a l l i n l"rcd i b l e ove r l a n d expcdition across the Balkans to Italy, Th ough m o s t of the storics regarding t h e aims of Ph i l ip wcrc
l i kely fictions emanating from his enemies in Greece, it scems Philip had grasp cd h ow Rome might be threatened in the a rea where Italy was weakest, fro m across the Julian A l ps in the northeast. Aga i nst a ba c k g ro u nd of rising distr u s t a n d suspicion, both states may h ave become aware of the long but n ot im po ssi ble routc across the Bal kans, down the Morava to the arca of Belgrad e , th en west u p t h e Sava val ley. It may have been during these ye ar s , betwcen th e second and third wars of Rome and Macedonia, that the eastcrn and northern a pproaches to thc llIyrian lands first became known to th e Greek and Roman world, a l th o ugh morc than one and a hal f centu ries w o u ld elap s e before, in the pri n cipate of Augustlls, a Roman a rmy would cross the Danube basin. While on ca mpaign in Thrace in 01 84 BC Philip sent agcnts to 'stir up the barbari ans along the river Danu be, that they might invade Italy' (Livy 39.35 ) . Two years l ater Philip was p leased to learn th at the Bastarnac had accepted h i s all iance and were offe ring a princess in ma rri a ge for o nc of h i s sons Perseus as i t turned out. This formidable people, evi dently o f German origi n, dwelt beyond the lower Danube but were often willing to j oin in expeditions far from their h o m elan d s . In the fo l l owing year we find Ph i l i p founding a new city on the river Erigon, wh ich was named Perseis in honour of h i s eldest son, and at th e same time ordering m ass deportati ons fro m Paeonia, where he then fi l led the towns with 'Thracians and othcr barharians, as being likely to remai n morc s ec u rely loyal to h i m in the coming hour of d ange r ' ( P olyb i u s 23 . 1 0), th at is, war with Rome. Th ree years l a ter, it is reported, a fter he had poss i b l e that
29
L i v y 3 1 3 8- 4 1 ; 3 3 . 1 9
(after CYlloscephalac) .
( .. " 'I'�' 1IIl''''. /II.� asse m h l ed h i s a r l l l Y a l S l o h , ;l I l d I I lo v l'd aga i n s l t i l l' Th LI l' i a n Maedi, h e hea ded fo r I h l' I Lt l' ' ' ' ' ' S l I l o l l n t a i n s hl'CI I l Sl' h e b e l icvcd thc story t h a t fro l l l t h l' t o p o I l l' « Hl l d sce t h l' B la c k Sea, the Adri atic, t h c Da n u be a n d t h e A l ps : ' to h a v e t h ese spread out before h i s eycs w o u l d h a ve, he thought, Il O s m a l l
weight i n determi n i ng h i s strategy i n a w a r with Rome' ( Li v y 40.2 1 ) .JO
In fact Philip's purpose for the Bastarn ae was more spccific to the secu rity of Macedonia : they were to eject the Dardanians and take over their country . It was a ty p i c a l ly ruthless yet real i stic scheme, and was later imitatcd in the Danube l ands on more than one occasion by the Romans. The Romans, or rather some of them, may have been receptive to stories that the Bastarnae were on their way to Italy accompani ed, i t was predicted, by the kindred Scordisci thro u gh whose lands th ei r route l ay . To get the Bastarn ae to Dardania the king had go n e to great trou ble and expense to arrange sa fe passage through the Th racians. They left home after a good dea l of hesitation but had got as far as Amphipol i s when, in the summer of 1 79 BC, news arrived that King Philip was dead. Soon th e re was trouble with the Th raci ans and the Bastarnae retreated to Donuca (perhaps Rila), a high mountain in western Thrace. After fu rther skirmishes some decided to return home and set off for Apollonia and Mesembria on thc Black Sea coast of Thrace, but the rest, under the leadersh ip of Clondicus, pressed on to Dardan i a and set about ejecting the population in accord ance with their arrangement with the late king. A full-scale wa r now ensued. Thc Dar d anian s , faced at first not only with attacks by the Bastarnac but also the Scordisci and Thracians, bla med the attack on the new King Perseus and asked the R o mans for help. The king den ied any responsibility and the Roma n s were inclincd to believe h i m , well aware that thcrc was anyway little that they could do in the matter. The Dardani were at first penned up in their strongh ol ds but held out until the allies of the Bastarnae h ad left and then attacked. The details arc not recorded but the Dardanians ev idcntly th rew .10 Philip a n d Bastarnae: Hammond and Walbank 1 9 8 8 , 469-70, Livy 39.35 (1 84 BC), 40.5 ( 1 8 2 lie:) , 3 9 ) 3 (Perseis). ..
1 ':/II '/IIII'S 1 1/ "'1 " 1 1,' /1 1111"
I(d
o u t t i ll' i n v ;ldl'l"s, from t l H' s t o r y t h , l t I I I I /� II( t i l l' B a s t a m a c l ost I ll a n y mcn a nd h o rscs w h i le lT o s s i n � t h l' IrOl.l' n l > a n ll hl' a n d t h a t a l l l o n � t h l' s u r v i vors w a s ( : I o n d i u l s w h o h a d l ed the pl'op k i nt o D a r d a n i a four yea rs l'a r l i n a n d who w o u l d a ppca r a�a i n s i x years l a t e r w i th his people i n M a�edonia as a potential a l l y o f Pe rseus aga i nst thc Romans, l ! A��e p t i n g the poss i b i l ity that Macedon ia could mount an i nvasion o f Ita l y by the ovcrl an d route through the IlIyrians, it sce m s that some belicved Rome in its turn cou l d get at Mace d o n i a from thc direction of northcrn Italy. This is thc only reasonablc expl anation for the behaviour of G. Cassius Long i n ll s, the Roman consul of 1 7 1 BC sent to oversee Roman i n terests in northeast Italy. The Scnate received a req ucst from t h e re�cntly fou n ded colony Aquileia for help with its defences a �a i nst the h osti l e Histrians and I1Iyrians. When they suggested t h a t th i s m ight be a suitable matter for thc consul Cassius the scna tors werc astonished to hcar that some ti me beforc hc had ascm bled his army at Aquilcia and, with 3 0 days' rations and �lIi des wh o knew the way, had set off for Macedonia th rough the l a n d of the Illyrians. The senators were indignant that thc mnsul had abandoned his provincc, was i n tending to trcspass on anothcr's, was l eading his army by a dangerous route th rough foreign peoples and had left Italy cxposed to attack from all d i rections. The troubles of Aquileia were forgotten as th ree senators were sen t to tell thc consul that he was not to engage any people unless the Senate had already decl ared war on them. Next year we find the Senate rcceiving furious com plaints against Cassius, from the Gauls, Carni, Histri and J a podes. Apparen tly the consul and h is army had sct out for Macedoni a peacably enough but then came back kill i n g, burn ing and looting in all di rections. The Sen ate disclaimcd any responsibility for this conduct and announced that had they known they would never have approved thc enterprise. But the former consul was now a military tribune with the army in 11 Livy 40.57-8 , 4 1 . 1 9 ( 1 76 BC), Polyhiu s 25.6 ( 1 77/6 nc) . A Macedoni an settlement at Isar-Marvinci ( ? Idomene) may have becn devastated in this w a r , Sokolovska 1 979-8 2, Sokolovska and Mikulcic 1 9 8 5 . An o v e r l a n d assa ult on Italy from the direction of the Balkans was latcr contemplated by Mith ridates of Pontus and, reputedly, by (he Dacian king Burebista in 49 li e. =
1 .'1 ·t
( ; r," '/': "h'"o I",'
M a cc d o l l i a a l l l l , s i l l l..'l' h l' l'I l l d d 1 1 0 1
he l' h a r�l'd w i l h I h cse
com p l a i n ts i l l h i s a hsclKc, I h l' Se l l �l I l' l'I l l d d d o n o m o rc t h a l l promise a fa i r h ea r i n g i f t h e y w i s l1l'd t o p roscclI te h i m 0 1 1 retu rn from active serv i ce. I n th e mea n t i m c t h e Sen a t e paci fied t h c aggrieved peoples with s u i table presents, i ncl uding 2 0 0 0 a sses in cash for each of the envoys and for Cincibi l is, the prince o f the Gau ls, a n d h i s brother w h o had come as an envoy, two five-pound neckl aces of twisted gold, five 20-pound silver ves sels, two horses with h arness trappings for head and chest, along with their grooms, caval ry weapons and m i l i tary cloaks, and cloth ing for thc prince's attendants, both free and slave, The Gauls molested hy Cassi us arc descri hed as dwelling 'across the Alps', and they are likely to havc been Cel tic peoplc across the J ulian Al ps, beyond the Carn i and Histri and north of the Japodes. From this area also may have come thc Gallic ch ief Bal anus who came to Rome in thc following year to offcr help against Macedon ia. He too received presents, a two-pound gol d necklacc, a horse with ornamental trappi ngs and caval ry weapon s.·n During the l ong reign of Phil ip V there arc signs that the Macedonians were creating a scheme of defencc to keep out th e Dardanians and other 'eternal enemies'. It was based on well-chosen forti fied strongholds manned with permanent gar risons : Bylazora on the Vardar/Axius, Si ntia probably some whcre to the west (perhaps around Kicevo or Gostivar) and Perseis on thc river Erigon ( Crna Reka). Beyond these places whole areas werc cleared of population and systematically devastated in order to make invasi on and retreat even more hazardous. In the th ird war between Rome and Macedonia we hea r of an em bassy from Perscus to the IlIyri an Gentius early in 1 69 RC leaving Stuberra on the upper Erigon for Scodra and 'crossing Mount Scardus, journeying through the so-called desert of II lyria, which, some years before, had been de populated by the Macedonians to make it more difficult fo r the Dardanians to raid IlIyria and Macedonia. Their journey through th is region was accompanied by great h ardship' (Polybius 2 8 . 8 ) . Along with these strongholds and cordons of .Il
Livy 4 1. 1 -7, 43 . 1 and S .
i ', " , -III1'-S "l M . I I I-. /I IIII.I
dl'v a s t a t i o l 1 it Sl'l' I I l S d l' a r t h a t t h l' dqlO P l I l .l l i o l 1 0 1 Pal'< lIl i a a n d t h e sl, t t l i n g t h nl' o f Th r;Ki a n s h a d l 1 0 t h i n g t o d o w i t h a n y i l11 pl' I l(,l i n g w a r a ga i n s t R o m e h u t w a s y l' l a n o t h e r e 1 e lllent i n t h e d dl' lKl' o f M a cedon i a , When w a r hega n i n 1 7 1 lie, Perseus s t i l l j u d ged it w o r t h w h i l e to m a ke a pre-e m pti v e stri ke against the D a rd a n i a n s , ' by the way, i n contempt of the Roman power a n d a s a d i version ' (Pl u ta rch, Aemilius Paul/us 9), it was clai med, He reportedly kil led many of them and brought back a great amount of booty, Because of this, and because of the now \'Vell-establ i shed cordon of defence, the Dardanians appear to have taken no part in a war which was to bring to an end t h e r u le o f kings in Macedonia.·H
.1.1
Hammond and Wal hank 1 9 !1 !l , Sokol ovska 1 97!l (Dcm i r Kapi j a ) , MikulCic Papazogl u 1 970b, Hatzopoulos 1 9 8 7 (inscri ption from OJeveni nea r Bitoli, recording Macedonian victory over Dardanians by Phili p 1 I or
1 985 (Stobi ) ,
V),
6
Kingdom of Illyrians
A
new
power on the Adriatic I
From the end of the fifth century we h ave seen how it was possible for regimes among the southern lllyrians to exploit periods of weakness in Macedonia and Epirus, nota bly Bardylis of the Dardan i and Glaucias of the Taulantii. Under a Philip, Alexander or Pyrrhus the tide was reversed and the Illyrians were not only held off but even reduced to subject status. Th e dyn asty of the Antigon i ds in third-century BC Macedon ia was far from weak but was more than once distracted from its effort to retain power in Greece by trouble on the northern fronti er. There is now an impression, although it can be no more than that, of a new and more lasting political order emerging among the IIIyrians, not only among the Dardanians. The most notable example of this was the rise of a new power based on the Ardiaei, an lllyrian people on the south Adriatic coast well placed to profit from the decline of Epirus after th e death of Pyrrh us. Agron , son of Pleuratus, belonged to the ruling house of the Ardiaei : ' Agron was king of that part of IIIyria which borders the Adriatic sea, over which sea Pyrrhus and his successors had held sway. In turn he captured part of Epirus and also Corcyra, Epidamnus and Pharos in succession, and established garrisons in them' (Appi an lllyrike 7) . The new
I Hammond an d Wal bank 1 98 8 , Hammond 1 96 8 (229-205 BC), Wilkes 1 969, May 1 946 (2 1 7- 1 6 7 BC), Isl ami 1 9 74, 1 9 76a, Ca banes 1 986.
power d i sposed of ' I he mosl pl l w n t I I I t o rn" hOI h hy l a n d a n d 'il'a , o f a n y o f I h l' k i ngs w h o h a d rl' i g l l l'd i n I I l y r i a hefore h i m ' , Wl' a re i n formcd h y Po l yhius ( 2 . 2. ) . T h l' I l I y r ians u s e d the k m b u s , a s m a l l and fa st wars h i p w i l h a s i ngle bank of oars w h i ch co u l d carry 50 soldiers i n a d d i t i o n to the rowers. Raids hy sea fro m the A d r i a ti c were probably a familiar threat to the north western Greeks. Wh at was new was the use of a land a rm y to follow up and pro fit from victories gained by the J navy . I n 234 BC the royal succession i n Epirus came to an end and -
a federal republic was instituted. In the south, the western part of Acarnani a seceded from this arrangment. Their independence was soon threatened by the Aetolians who began to occupy territory around the Gulf of Ambracia, including Pyrrhus' old capital Ambraci a, which forced the Epirotes to establish a new centre at Phoenice. Besieged at Medion , the Acarnanians sough t assistance from Demetrius 11 of Macedonia, w h o for most of his reign had been at war with the Aetolian and Achaean Leagues. In response to the request the k i ng brought Agron and his IIIyrians on the scene. The IIIyrian attack mounted in either 232 or 23 1 BC is described by Polybius. One hun dred lembi with 500 men on board sailed up to l and at Medion. Dropping a nchor at daybreak, they disembarked speedily and in secret. They then formed up in the order that was u sual in th e i r own cou n try, and advanced in th eir sev eral companies against the Aetolian l i nes. The latter were overwhelmed with atonishment at the unexpected nature and boldness o f the move; bu t they had long been inspired with overweening self-confidence, and h aving full rel i a n ce on their own forces were fa r from bei ng dismayed. Th ey drew up the greater part of their hoplites a n d cavalry in front of their own l i nes on the l evel ground, and with a portion of their cavalry and their ligh t i n fantry they hastened to occupy some rising ground in front of th eir camp, wh ich nature had m ade easily defensible. A single ch arge, however, of the Iilyrians, whose n umbers and dose o rder gave them i r resistible weigh t, served to dislodge the light-armed troops, and forced the caval ry who were on the ground with them to reti re to the hop lites. But the Illyrians, being on higher ground, and ch arging down from it upon th e Aetolian troops formed up on 2
Hammond 1 96 8 (kingdom of Agro n ) .
( ; 'I'I'�' 111,, 11, 111.\ t h t, p la i n , fO u t ed t lW I I I w i t h o u t d l i l i u d t y , Tht' ,\kd H I I l I , l I l s I O l l l t'd t h t' action by sa l l y i n g O l l t of t h e t o w n a nd ( h a rgi ng t h e A e t o l i a l l s , Th u s , after ki l l i n g a g r e a t n u m be r , a n d t a k i ng a s t i l l g rea t t' r I l l l lll bt' f p r i s oners, a n d beco m i n g masters a l so o f t h e i r a rllls a n d baggagt', t h e
lIIyrians, having carried ou t the orders o f their k i ng, con veyed t h e i r bagga ge a nd the rest of their booty to t h ei r boats and i m med i a t e l y set sail fo r their own cou n rry , (Jlolybius 2.3)
This defeat of the Aetolians, famed for thei r vi ctory over the invadi ng Gau l s a generation before, caused a s e n sation in Greece, Agron was heside h i mse l f with del i ght when his ships returned and he learned of the vi ctory from his commanders. The king then drank so much by way of celehration, it was reported , th at th is, and ' othe r similar indulgences', brought on an atta c k o f ple u ris y which killed him within a few days . ; I1Iyrian succes s contin ued when com mand passed to Agron's widow Teuta, who gran te d individual ships a l i cence to uni v er sal pl unde r . In 23 1 BC the fleet and army at tacked El is and Messen ia in the Pelopon n ese. On the way home they called for supplies at P h oeni ce in Epi rus, which, for a consideration, the garrison of 800 G au l ish mercenaries handed o v e r to them. The Epirotes, who had evi dently not been i nvolved in recent even ts, qui ckly assem bled an army to relieve the town . News that the I1Iyrian Scerdilaidas was march ing south th r o u gh the pass at Antigoneia caused the E p i rote s to send pa r t of their forces north to secure th at town. At Phoenice the Epirote s beca me careless and during the night the Ill y rians were able to leave the town, cross the river - after repl aci ng the wooden b r idge whi ch the besiegers had partly dismantled - and take up a good posi tion to offer battle, which they proceeded to w i n the next day. The scale of the fighting now began to i ncrease. The Epiro tes had al ready begged ass i stance from the Greek Leagues, while the II l yrians , having j oi n ed up with the force under Scerdilaidas, marche d inland to Hal icranum (in the plain of modern I o annina ) . Here they were preparing to do ba ttle with the Leagues, and were choo s ing a good site, when orders to wi thdraw arrived from Queen Teuta , on the grounds that some of the IIIyrians had gone over to the Dardani . A truce was .I
Hammond 1 9 67h,
591
and 595 f.
1\ /IIgdl llll
1 1/
1 1/\,// , / 1 1 ,\
aWl'l' d , Phm' n i n' W;I S re t u rned t l l r , I p r i n. . . d o n g w i t h t rn' horn p r i s o n l' l" s , S l a v l's and t h l' loot W l' I'l' p l l t o n t he s h i p s w h i k I h l' a r m y I I n d e r Sn' rd i l a i d a s m a rl'ill'd n o r t h b y the pass at A n t i go n l' i a , Th e con t i n ued I l l y r i a n S l l l'Cl'SS w a s another shock fo r the G reeks : ' fo r seei n g the m o s t securely placed and power fu l ci ty of Epirus th us unexpected l y r e d uce d to slavery, they onc and all began to feel anxious, not merely as in former t i mes fo r their property in open country, but for the safety of t h e i r own persons and cities' (Polybius 2.6) . The Epi rotes signi
fied their acceptance of the Illyrian victory by sending envoys to Teuta promising cooperation with them and hosti l i ty towards the Leagues. Teuta was del ighted with the profits of the cxpedi tion. Phoenice was the m ost prosperous place in Epirus, and ccntre for thc growi ng commerce with Italy. It was Illyrian interference with that commerce which bro ught Roman forces across thc Adri atic for the first time." Even beforc the first war against Carthage (264 -24 1 RC ) , from which they gaincd control of Sicily, the Romans had bccn aware of the danger to the Adriatic coast of Italy from seaborne attack. In 246 a colony of Roman citizens was scttled at Brundisium to keep a watch on thc Ionian gulf. ' From time im memorial JI lyrians had attacked and robbed ships sailing from Italy' ( Polybi us 2 . 8 , 1 ) . During their occupation of Phoen ice a number of the IlIyrian ships had cngaged in privateeri ng against Italian merchants. So many were now robbed, mu rdered or captured th at the Roman Senatc, after ignoring earl ier com plai nts, realized that something had to be done. Polybius (2. 8 ) furnishes a suspiciously vivid account o f a Roman embassy to Queen Teuta, a version of cvents that was intended to j usti fy the Roman invasion of Illyri a. ' It was l ed by thc brothers L. and Gn. Coruncanius. On a rrival they found Teuta celebrating the end of a rebcllion i n Illyria and engagcd in laying siege to the Greek island city Issa (Vis), 'the last town which held out'. When the ambassadors compl ained of injurics to Romans, Teuta promi sed that no royal forces would harm them but said she was unablc to put an end to thc tradition of private enterprise. One of the ambassadors lost h i s temper an d prom-
4
Dcl l l 967b (IIIyrian
motives in 230
BC),
1 ('( )
( ; 'I'I,k IIlvlic llls
i sed 'to i m p ro v e re l a t i o n s Iwt wl'l' n sov e r e i gn a n d s u h j e c t i n I l I y r i a ' , The q u een hea rd t h i s ' w i t h w O l 11 a n i s h passion a n d u n reasoning ange r ' a n d a r ra n ged fo r th e i n so l e n t en voy t o b e murdered on his homeward voyage. News of th i s caused t h e
Romans to prepare for war: legions were en l isted and the fleet assem bled, and there was general i ndignation at 'the queen's violation of the law of nations'.5 The Roman invasion of IlIyria in 229 B C appears to have caught Teuta and the II lyrians completely off guard. As soon as the weather permi tted, the queen had ordered south a naval expedition even larger than those of previous years, with most of the ships h eading for an attack on Corcyra . Some Landed at Epidamnus, entered the city to procure food and water with weapons concealed and almost captured i t ; but they were thrown out after a fight and the careless citizens thus 'received a useful l esson for the futu re' (Polybius 2.9, 6). These ships now joined the main II Iyrian force in the siege of Corcyra. The Corcyraeans, along with Apollonia and Epidamnus, sought assistance from the Leagues of Greece. Ten Achaean ships were engaged by the Illyrians, reinforced by seven warships of the Acarnani ans, off the island Paxos south of Corcyra. By superior tactics the IIIyrians took four tri remes and sank a quinquereme, while the rest of the Greeks managed to escape. Corcyra was surrendered and was occupied by a garrison under the com mand of Demetrius from the isl and of Ph aros (Hvar) . The main Illyrian force sailed north for another attack on Epidamnus. The IlIyri ans were now on the point of controlling all the coastline north of the Gulf of Corinth, including the sea routes to Sici l y and Italy via Corcyra.6 The Roman consul Gn . Ful vius had planned to sail his 200 sh ips to Corcyra to raise the si ege. Even when he l earned the island had surrendered he still sailed there, having already entered secret negotiations with Demetrius, who had fal len out of favou r with Teuta. Thus Corcyra welcomed the Romans and, with the compliance of Demetrius, surrendered the garri son . The city became a ' friend of Rome' and woul d hencefor ward rely on Roman protection from the I I I yrians. Demetrius ; There a rc discrepancies between t h e pro- Roman versi ons of Appian Polybius, Ham mond 1 9 6 8 , 5-6_ n
Polybius 2 . 9- 1 0.
and
I td
now sl· r v l·d a s ;l d v i sl' r t o t i l l' H 0 I 1 1 . 1 1 1 u l l l l l 1 1 a n d l' r s for t h e rest of t h e w a r . M ea n w h i l e t h l' r o n s l I l A. I 'ost 1 1 1 1 1 i l l S b rough t an a r m y o f 20,000 i n fa n tr y a n d .WOO Ll V a l r y a r ro s s from B ru n d is i 1 l 1l 1 to A po l i o n i a , w h i d1 now joi l 1 l'd the Homan a l l i a n ce. The fkl't I I n der Fu l v i u s reached A p o l i o n i a and the two forces a d v a n ced i n the d i rection of Epidamn us, ca using the Illyrians to a ba ndon the siege and disperse their forces. The city was rl'cei v ed into Roman protection and the army now m oved i n l and among the llIyri an peoples of the hinterland. Here the Romans received delegations from m any peoples, including the Ati ntan i and Parthini, from whom a formal surrender was accepted. At sea the blockade of Issa was raised and the city a l so was received into Roman protection. As the Romans approached the Il Iyrian heartl ands there was more resolute opposi tion. The fleet moved northwards and attacked IIIyrian l'oastal towns, at one of which, the unidentified Noutria, Roman losses included a magistrate of the Republic (quaestor) and some military tri bunes, al though 20 ships laden with plun der were intercepted. The besiegers of Issa fled to Arbo (not identified), and the queen herself retreated to Rhizon (Risan) , i n the Gulf of Kotor. The Romans decided that enough had been ach ieved and hostilities ceased. The consuls handed over IIIyria to Demetrius and withdrew the fleet and army to Epid amnus, from wh ich the greater part returned to Italy under fu lvius. Having assembled 40 ships and some troops from a l l ies in the area the other consul remained across the Adriatic to keep a watch on the Illyrian Ardiaei and the peoples under Roman protection. Before the end of wi nter, envoys of Teuta appeared in Rome and a treaty was concluded. According to its terms the queen would abandon Illyris, except for a few places, and promised not to sail south of Lissus at the mouth of the Drin with more than two ships, even then unarmed vessels. The terms of the settlement were conveyed to the Leagues in Greece, where they were wel l received since 'the IIIyrians were not the enemies of this or that people, but the common enemies of all alike' (Polybius 2 . 1 2 ) . So ended the first Roman action against IIIyrians.7
"7
Polybills 2 . 1 1-12 , Appian, Illyrike 8, Cassills Dio 1 2 frg. 4 9 . N. Ceka
1 970 (Parthini ) .
( """ " /': 1 111'1'/,111., Th l' I l I y r i a l l s h a d hel' l l t o rn'd t o gi v e l i p a l l t h e i r n'n' l l t co n q u ests so u t h o f t h l' D r i l l . Thl' R O lll a l l S h a d ga i l l l'd n m t ro l
o f t h e strategic ports E p i d a l l l l l ll s , A pn l l ol l i a ;l I l t! Co rcy r a . I n the h i nterl and severa l o f t h e I 1 l y ri a n peo p l es h a d now t h e sta t u s of Rome c1icnts, as was ce r ta i n l y the case wi th the Parth i n i in thc Genusus (Shkumbin) valley and the Atinta n i fu rther south , Morcover not on ly were the Ardiaci p revented from movi ng a t will by land and sea into Epirus and wcstern Greece - as in 23 0 BC w h en Scerdilaidas appearcd on t h e scene to profit from th e lucky capture of Phoenice but they werc now cut off from the inland r oute to Macedonia, thei r patron and ally against the Greek Leagues, To what extent, if at all , the Romans had Maccdonia in m i nd whcn they made their disposi tions after the first IIIyri an war has been much debated . Thcy may wcll not h avc takcn much account of reccnt events involvi ng Macedonia, IlIyri ans and the Greeks. For thci r part the Mace donians will have been aware that thc Romans now control led the main route to the Adri atic and that t h ey had endcd IIlyrian control of Dassaretis. Macedonia took no part in the events of 229 BC. Hitherto the Antigonids had shown l ittle inte rest towards the Adriatic, and when they might have moved to support their Illyrian ally the kingdom was recovering from the aftermath of a Dardanian raid.8 T h e decade a fter 229 B C witnessed a revival of Il lyrian power under Demetrius of Pharos, who had succeeded Teuta and married Triteuta, mother of the in fant King Pinnes. The alliance with Macedonia was also revived, as the latter's fortunes recovered under the regent Antigonus Doson. In 222 BC an Illyrian corps of 1 600 fought with distinction under the com mand of Demetri u s at Sellasia, where the Macedonians won a conclusive victory over the Spartans. Before then, when Rome was prcoccupied with a war against the Celtic peoples of the Po vallcy in northern Italy (225-222 BC) , Demetrius was said to have detached the Atintani from their Roman alliance and, in contravention of the scttlement of 228 BC, to have sailed south of Lissus and en ga ged in piracy . Thc Romans also sus-
H Ha mmond 1 968 1 967a, 1 970b, Levi
(geography of Roman 1 973 .
settlement) ;
Roman
motives : Dell
I\ l IIg. !l Il// 1 1/ 111\,11 . /1/ \
pl'l"I l'd I h a l I k l l l l' l r i l l s h ;1 l1 SW i l l' sort 0 / I I l l d nSl a l l d i l l g w i l h I h l' l l i s l r i ;1 1 I h l' h e a d o f I h l' A d r i ;l I i l , w h o W l' !"l' i n l n k r i n g w i t h R O l 1 1 a n s u p p l y s h i ps. These W l"l"l' ev i d l' l l l l y I h e ' p i ra tl's ' J t tJl:keJ by a R o m a n fleet in 22 1 1 \ ( ( A p p i ;l I l , lIIyrike X ) . E a r ly in t h e S l I ll1 ll1l' r ( I f t h a t year, w h ell ten s i o ll w a s ris i n g in Greece as M a ceJon i a made a n a l l iance wi t h the Achacan League against t h e Aeto l i a n League, the Illyrians attack cd in thei r trad itional m a n ner. De m c t r i us and Scerdilaidas (presumably the same who
com m a nded a land army ten yea rs earlier) sailed south of Lissus w i th 90 I I Iy r i an warships (Iembi) . After an assault on Pylos in the western Peloponnese had failed thcy separated their forces,
Demetrius taking his chances in pl undering the Cyclades while colleague retu rned north . On putting in at Naupactus with 40 s h ips Scerdilaidas was encouraged by his brother - i n - law Amynas, king of the Athaman e s, to join the Aetol i ans in thei r pl a n n e d invasion of Achaca . Meanwhi l e, back in IIIyria, Deme t ri us contin ued operations during the following wintcr, it is said, attacking and seizing Roman allic d citics in Illyris. Th e Romans, who had hithcrto i gno red the ,a ctivi ties of thei r former a lly, decidcd that the harbo u rs on the coast of IIIyris had now to be made secure, in view of thc threat of another war with Carthage.9 Unlikc Teuta in 229 B C , Demetrius was prepared for the Roman i nvasion. He placed a garrison in Dimalc (Dimallum), a fortress inland from Apollonia, eliminated his opponents in other places and stationed 6000 of his best forces on his home island Pharos. As before, both consuls of thc year accompan i e d the Roman expedition, but the leading rol e was played by Aemilius Pau llus, wh o was to be killed in the great Roman disaster a t Cannae three years later. Having d e cid e d th at Dimale was crucial to D e metrius ' power in the region, the consul prepared to besiege it but was able to take the place by assault with i n seven days. As a result all thc towns of the area subm it ted to Roman protection, each receiving the app ropriate terms and conditions. Next the Romans moved against Demetrius on his island of Pharos, who awaited the attack with good troops, ample provisions and war materials behind strong forti fihis
9
Dell 1 967b, 1 970a. Hammond 1 96 8 .
( ; I'/'/'/': 1 I1)'I'i' lII.\
ca t i o n s , In ordn to a v o i d a l o n g s i q�l' A l' l l 1 i l i ll 'i d l'l.: i d l'll t o r i s k a n o t h e r fro nt a l a t t a c k , T h e a r l l 1 Y was l I l o v l'l1 fro m t h l' I l l a i n la n d to a wooded a rea of t h e i s l a n d , w h i l e a s m a l l for Cl' o f s h i p s
was sent out to tem pt Demetri u s from b e h i n d h i s fo rti fi ca tiolh. The strategy worked, and when the m a i n Roman a r m y appeared from another directi on on the island the IIIy rialls were forced to give battle cut off from th eir city. Demetri ll S deserted his forces (who soon surrendered) and fled to Mace donia , in whose servi ce he died later fighting bravely. Th e Romans destroyed the fortifications of Pharos and before the sum mer was over Aemil ius was back in Rome receiving con gratul ations for a job well done. Any threat to the Rom an hol d on llIyris had been eliminated, a l l the gai ns of the first war had been secured, and the old restrictions of movement imposed on the rulers of Illyria. 1O The career of Demetrius drew Rome and Macedonia closer to conflict. He may in deed have returned to IJIyria and have been attacked by another Roman force, although the regi me of Pinnes, now confirmed as king, was left intact. In contrast, Scerdilaidas who was also an al l y of Philip of Macedonia, managed to avoid any entanglement with the Romans, although his support for Macedonia against the Aetolians in 2 1 8 BC was curtailed by 'plots and conflicts' caused by the rulers of various cities. I n 2 1 7 BC Han nibal defeated the Romans at Lake Trasi mene and his army later moved across to the Adriatic coast of Italy, first to Picenu m and l ater to Apulia. This renewed Roman concern regarding the state of affai rs in the Adriatic. In their first direct communication with Macedonia they demanded the surren der of Demetrius, whi l e Pinnes was ordered to pay the arrears of 'tribute', presumably some sort of reparations i m posed after the recent war. The former demand was refused and no response from the latter is recorded . At this point Scerdilaidas ceased his support of Phi l ip, maintaining that the promised subsidy was in arrears. He dispatched 1 5 ships, osten sibly to col l ect and escort the payment, but at Leu cas south of Corcyra his forces kil led two of Philip's Cori nthian friends and seized their four ships. They then sailed south and began to 10
Polybius 3 . 1 8- 1 9, Appi an, IlIyrike 8 , Cassius Dio 12 frg. 5 3 .
I\ l IIgi /OIl/ 0/ 1 11 ,,", 1 1 1 .\
I h 'i
p l ll l ld n s h i p p i l l l-\ a ro u l l d Ca pl. M a l l..I I I I l h l. SOl l l h l.l" l l Pl' I OPOI l I l l'Sl' _ I I I rcs pO I l Sl' Ph i l i p p rc P . . ..n l . 1 s l ro l l l-\ I l a v a l fo rn', I l dec k ed - s h i ps, e i l-\ h l opell V l'SSl'I S a l l d . W l i l-\h l c ra ft ca l k -cl ' h c m i ol i ae" w h i c h h e a ded south a t fu l l spl'l'd t o d ea l with the l l l y ri a il S , N o w Scerd i l aidas a ttacked M a cl'donia overla n d : seizing s t ro n gh o l d s i n Dassarctis, he l ooted Pissaeum in M aced onian Pl'I agonia and overran some frontier districts of Ph ilip's king d o m , Befo re the w i n ter Philip had occ u p i ed the area of Lychn i tis, cutting off the di rect route from TIlyria, and extended his power to Dassaretis, which brought him into direct contact with the Roman clients in IIIyris. It is reported that Philip was
al ready contempl ating an advance to the Adriatic and possibly an invasion of Ita ly, u rged on by his counsellor Demctrius. In o rder to do th is he had to secure a base on the Adriatic, a port such as Epidamnus or Apol l o nia, and this was not possible unless he comm i tted a fleet to the Adriatic. There he would face n ot only the lembi of Scerdilaidas but also the heavier w a rships of the Roman n avy. ! ! In 21 6 BC Ph il ip sailed towards the Adriatic with 1 00 of h i s own lembi, b u i l t i n Macedonia by Illyrian shipwrights d u ri n g the previous winter. On l earning that the Roman fleet was off western Sici ly he passed Corcyra, apparently heading fo r Apollonia. Near the mouth of the Aous he learned th at a Roman fleet was heading for Apollonia to support Scerdi l aidas. In the event Philip's hasty retreat, sailing non-stop two days and nights to reach Cephallonia, proved a serious bl under si nce there were in fact only ten Roman ships, dispatched to bolster up Scerdi laidas after he had reported Philip's n aval pr epa rations and pleaded for Roman assistance. 'If Philip had not fled from thcse [ships] in such a panic he would have h ad the best chance to attain his am bition in IIIyria' (Polybi us 5 . 1 1 0), was a contemporary verdict on this i ncidcnt. In 2 1 5 BC Philip con cluded a formal treaty with Hannibal : i f Carthage made peace with Rome therc would be no war against Macedonia; Romc would surrcnder control of Corcyra, Apol lonia, Epidamnus, Pharos, Dimale, the Parth ini and the Atintani ; Demetrius and his all ies woul d bc restored to powcr in Pharos and in other 11
Polybius S 95, l O l and 108,
Hammond 1 96 ! L
( ; ,./ ,/,k I/IW/, /II,\ h :rritories thl'll 1 I 1 l d l'l" Romall (Ollt!"ol . The R o m all rl'SpO I l Sl'
was to s tatioll a IIn'! at Tarelltllll l to g l l a rd the coast a mi kel'p watch on the M a cedon i a n s . I I I 2 1 4 1\( , awarl' t h at h i s Ile w ally was engagi ng the Rom ans at Ta rentu m , Ph ilip moved wi th rather more determination that he had shown two yea rs befo re . His fleet of 1 20 lembi tried to seize Apollon i a bt; t wh en they failed to make a quick capture moved south to seize Ori cll s, though this lacked both fortifications and supporti ng man power. The Roman commander M, Valerius Laevinus, having pl aced a garris<1n of 2000 men at Apollonia, headed south with his warships, and some legionarie s embarked on transports and recaptured Oricus, Philip's weak garrison offering only token resistance. Now Laevinus learned that Apollon i a was close to capitulation to a M acedonian siege and sent 2000 m en on warships to the mouth of the river Aous. Under the prefect Naevius Crista they made a detour and managed to enter the city at night by a route unknown to the besiegers. The next night the Roman troops and the citizens, having realized the general state of slackn ess in the Macedonian army, marched into the enemy camp and would have reached the king's tent if the slaugh ter of men near the gate had not raised the a larm , It is reported that 3 000 were captured or killed. The camp was looted and the siege equipment taken over by the citizens for thei r own use in any future attack . Anything else of value was handed over to the Romans. Laevinus moved his ships to the mouth of the Aous to block Philip's escape by sea. The king beach ed and set fire to h i s ships and marched home 'with an army for the most part robbed of its arms and possessions' ( Livy 24.40, 1 7), wh ile Valerius and the fleet wintered at Oricus. lllyria h ad witnessed the first direct clash between Rome and Macedonia, which had ended in a total humiliation for the latter. 1 2 I n spite o f th is setback Philip persisted with his efforts i n the northwest and during the next two years was able to detach the Parthini and Atintani from the Roman alliance. In 2 1 3 or 2 1 2 BC he moved into the heart of lllyria and captured the strongholds of Lissus and Acrolissu s on the lower Dri n . This 12
Po lybi u s 5 . 1 09- 1 0 , Liv y 24.40.
Budina 1 976 ( Oricus).
J\ /I Igdl lll/ 1 1/ 1 11\,1 /, /11 \ S I I C(l'SS a l l r a l'l l'll m o re s l I pport f ro m ; I I I l O l l g t h e I l I y ri ;u l s . T h e t ro l l h l l'so m l' reg i l l l e o f Scerd i l a i d a s w O l l l d 1 l 0 W ;l ppea r 10 h a v e hl'l' l l e l i m i n a t e d w h i le Ph i l i p h a d ;Kq l l i rl'll a I l a v a l base on the A d ri a t i c frolll w h i l' h Ill' cou l d not o n l y t h reaten Roman I ta l y h i l t a l so m a i n ta i n d i rect con t a c t w i t h H a n n i h a l i n Ita l y , The R O lll a n responsl' was a n a l l i a lKl' w i th the Aetolian League a ga i n s t Ph i l i p w h i ch others, incl u d i n g Scerd i l a i d a s and his son P l l' u r a tus, were i n v ited to join. Rome p romised 25 quinque ft'mes to su p port the land operations of their allies : as far north as Corcyra a l l the moveable loot should be the Roman share. Hy this extension of the \var into Greece the history of Illyris and the Illyri ans became dominated by conflicts between Rome
and Macedonia. for the moment, however, all these matters were for the Romans merely a distraction from the effort against Hann i h a l and Carthage. 1 .I For around a century the kingdom of the lI Iyrians was a m i nor but stable power on the margin of the Hellenistic world. No G reek writer is known to have made a serious study of J I l yrians in their homeland and what has been transmitted a hout them is often little more than nonsense, such as th e Hel len i stic historian Alexander's talc of the Illyri an Dando who l i ved to be 500 wi thout becoming senile. Greek writers notably the contemporary h istorian Polybius - depict IlIyrian rulers, especially Queen Teuta, as victims of thei r irrational condu ct and m urderous instincts. In the light of such prej udice it is difficult to make any valid comparison between insti tutions of the Illyrian kingdom and those of the more estahlished powers around the eastern Mediterranean, Macedon ia, Perga mum, Syria, etc. The monarchy was hereditary, indicated by the succession of the in fant Pinnes to Agron (c.23 0 BC) . Control was i n the h a nds of Agron 's widow Teuta, though not the mother of Pinnes, and su bsequentl y of Demetrius of Pharos, who married Triteuta, mother of the infant king. Milita ry command was i n the hands of Scerdilaidas, possi hly Agron 's brother, but the prominent role of women, even in a polyga mous soci ety, may be compared with tha t among other I .l Philip's conquests in lllyria: Polybius I L l 4 - 1 4h (Lissus, Dassaretae, Uscana), Livy 29. 1 2 (Di male, Parth ini and Atintanes ) . H. Ceka 1. 9 7 1 (coin hoard of c.2 l ] IlC). Lissus : Prendi 1 975 b, 1 9 8 1 .
I M!
( ; rt 'I '�' IlIvI'Io /ll.\
H e l l e n i s t i c d Y I l .l st i e s . I . i k l' t h e k i ngs 0 1 M 'H :l'do l l i 'l a l l d E p i r l l s , llI yri a n ru l e rs cOl l t ractl'd a S l I cc<.'ss i o l l o f m a r r i ages a s a mea n s o f sea l i ng a l l i a nces w i t h o t h e r p o w e r s . H The power of the A rdiaean dynasty was cen t red Oil fo rt resses around the Lake of Shkoder, notably Lissus, Scod ra , Metcol l
(Medun) and others on the coast including Bouthoe (Budv a ) , Olcinium (VIcinj ) a n d Rhizon (Risan ) i n the Gu l f of Kotor. I t seems doubtful whether, except fo r temporary success in ti m e of war, the Illyrian kings ever exercised effective control sou th of Lissus, where the coastal plains, productive of cereals and pasture, remained under the control of Dyrrachium and Apol lonia. It was seafaring which brought lllyrians to th e notice of the G reek world, notably their piratical raids in lem bi which, though of no use for the bulk cargoes of merchantmen, were well able to bear away loot and prisoners . Pi racy had long been a familiar and l a rgely accepted h azard in the Greek world . With their forces com bined pirates - notably those of Crete could prove effective allies and some established powers did not hesitate to employ them . As we have seen, the IIlyrians became accustomed to assisting the kings of Macedonia, p ro viding the tcrms were right. The actual responsibil ity of the lllyrians for wh at appears to have been the ch ronic menace of piracy in the Adriatic was grossly exaggerated in a Roman version of history formed at this period. On land the Hellenistic powers made extensive use of mercenaries. Like Thracians to the east the IIlyrians were also an important source of military manpower, and often served as separate contingents under their own leaders. Individuals may have been recruited to the armies of Macedon and Pergamum but none is recorded in any com manding rolc during th is period. 1 5 Something o f the materi al culture o f the subjects o f thc II1yrian kings has been revealed by the contents ot a cemetery of thc late third and second centuries BC excavated in 1 956-8 at Vele Lcdine, Gostil j , in hilly coun try bordering the Lake of -
14
Papawgl u 1 967, 1 9 8 6 ( I1 lyrian 'politarchs' i n 229-205 BC) , Walbank
1 976. 15
Torr 1 8 95, 1 1 5-1 6 ( Iembus) .
Sh k mk r ( Sl't' f i g u rl' 1 H ) , Thl' I . l l to l l l hs l'C l I l t a i n l' d 1 J 6 h u r i a l s, most of i n d i v i d u a l a d u l t s , a l o n g w i t h a n o t h l' r 1 1.) h u ri a l s o f t h osl' w h ose o ri g i n s d i ff ned f ro l l l t h l' res t . Thl' h u r i a l s were not s y m met r i ca l l y a r ra n ged a n d nor Wl'rl' t h e re a n y external i n d ka t i o t 1 s o f t h l' e x i stence o f t h e graves, save for two into w h i c h s pea rs h a d been dr i v e n upright a fter burial had taken p l a n' , G r a v e goods a l o n gs id e thc extendcd corpses included o Hl' r i ngs of food and dri n k and small j ars wh ich probably l' O l l t a i ned perfume. The vessels have Greek forms and most are o f sou th Italian type, whilc the many bronze and silver broochcs hl' l ong to the middle La Tene type. Male burials contained o n l y d o u b l e - p i n brooches, female burials single-pin. Among s e v e r a l coins were issues of Scodra , preceding and during the rei gn of Genti us, along with some from the period a fter h i s
Figure 1 8 Plan of burials in cemetery a t Gostili, Montenegro
1 70
depos i t i o n in 1 6 X I I I Th rn' ... i l v lT hl'lt - pl a t l' 'i and o n e 0 1 h ronzl' o f th e wel l - k n o w n ' ( ; reco- I l l y r i a n ' t y pe w e r e deco r a t e d w i t h figures o f w a rriors ;l ll d m a g i cal symhol s . I . , .
Roman alliance and conquest
Roman al l i ance with th e Aerolians against M acedonia wil l have encouraged the latter's enemies to seek an immed iate profit whi l e forcing its all ies to reflect on the depth of thei r loya lty to the king. In 2 1 0 BC Philip raided some of the most southerly Illyrian com munities in the h i nterland of Apollonia. In 208 BC Phil ip's garrison at Lychnidus was betrayed by its com m ander to a l ocal Icader Aero pus, who proceeded to invite the Dardani into the area . When they reached the plain of Macedonia the king was forced to abandon operations in Greece. A s i m i l a r pattern of cvents occurred in the following year and the Dard anians now hecamc such a threat to th e Macedonian war effort in Greece that thcir actions may have been instigatcd by th e Romans, employing their allics in Illyria as intermcdiaries. Then all changed when the king m ade a separate peace in 206 with the Aetolians and in the following year with the Roman s, after the latter had i nvaded Illyris from a base at Apollonia. For a few years at least Philip could turn his forces against his perpetual cnemies in the north , II Iyrians, Dardan ians and Thracians. 1 7 Both Scerdilaidas and his son J>leuratus arc listed among the parties to the peace of 205 BC, but by 200 BC the latter was ruling alone in II Iyria, when he appearcd at the Roman hcad quarters i n Dassaretis offeri ng to assist the expedition against Macedonia. Thc Roman consul Galba decl ined thc offer but promised to scek II Iyrian help when his army was in Macedonia. Although Pleuratus is rcported to have i nvaded the territories of Philip V at least once, his contribution to Roman victory in 1 9 7 BC would appear to have been mini m a l . Nonetheless the king was rewarded with possession of thc strategic region Lychnitis, which had been in Macedonian hands for nea rly two 16
Basler 1 972, also Ylli 1 9 76 (Lesh nie, S k rapar), Korkuti 1. 972 ( Gajtan near
Shkodcr) . 1 7 Livy 29.12,
Hammond
1 968.
/\ l II g . t1 l1ll "I //1" / /, 1 11 '
171
l'l'n l l l r i l' s , il l l d il l .,o l'C l I l I rol C l V l' I' 1 I1 1' 1 ',l I'l h l l l i , IO l' l l l er R O l l l a n a l l i n. i n t i l l' S h k l l l l l h i l l v a l k y . T h i , p l . l n'd I I n d er I l I y r i a n cont rol I h l' rO I l I l' to 1\1a n'd o l l i a fro lll I Ill' \-V l' s l , h l l l l h l' R O I 1 1 ;l I l i nt e n t i o n wa s J';l I h n to d e n y l'I l il t ro l to !vLl n'd o l l i a tha n to signal their rl'),�a rd fo r P l l' u r a t l l s . B c t h i s a s i t In a y , t h e l l I y r i an k i ng became Ll I l l O l l S fo r \\-' h a t h e
had gai ned fro m loya l ty to the Romans :
' i l l r d l l m fo r doing noth i ng he was made the greatest of the r l l k rs of I I I y r i s ' ( Po l y b i u s 2 1 .23), Pleu ratus was permitted to
the coast of Aetolia with 60 lembi during the next roll n d of wa rfa re in 1 8 9 ne, but received no gains of t e rri tory at t h e concl u sion of hosti l i ties. Nevertheless, for around 20 y e a rs a k i n g of IIJyria p ro fite d from the hostility between Rome il l l d M acedonia, but matters were to turn out very di fferently fo r h i s s uccessor, I II B y 1 8 1 B C the loyal Pleu ratus h a d been succeeded by his son ( ;t,ntius. Th e coast and h i n terland south of the Drin remained l l n d e r Roman control, and noth i ng is known of h ow the IIJyrian k i n gdom ex p l o i te d , if it really ever did, the territories awa rded 10 it in 1 97 BC, notably the area of Lych n i tis a round Ohrid, I n stead the lllyrians moved to increase their power o v e r kindred peoples living to the north and west, Among the islands the Greek ci ty of Issa ha d retained some form of independence p l l l llder
u n der Roman protection but Pharos rem ained an II Jyrian pos session. On the mainlan d th e Del matae and the Daorsi were at onc time subjects, but the former were reporte d to have defected soon a fter the accession of Gentius. IlIyri an strength l ay in thei r ships and it \vas their interference with Adriatic shipping which once more aroused Roman interest in the area . In 1 80 BC a Roman p raetor res p onsi ble for coastal protection a rrived i n Brundisium with some sh ips of Gentius said to have been caught in the act of pi racy. An embassy to IIlyria failed to locate the king; but the praetor discovered that Romans and Italians were being held for ransom at Corcyra ( Korcula in Dal ma tia rather th an Corfu ) . No o u tco me of the affair is reported and it may well be that the Senate accepted a cla i m b y Gentius' envoys that the charges were false. Ten years later,
IN
l)leuratll s a n d Rome: L i v y 3 1 .28, 3 3 ,34, 3 8 .7; Polybius 1 7.47, 2 1 . 1 1 and Dd l 1 977 ( Roman-Illyri a n relations 200- 1 6 8 IIC) .
21.
1 72
( ; ,." " k IlIv,.i, III.\
w h e n R O l l l e w a s gri p ped w i t h w a r - fl'ver a ga i n s t 1 \' rsl' l I s o t M acedon i a , I ssa acclI sl·d <' ;l' nt i Il S o f p l o tt i n g w a r w i t h t h e k i n g and now the llIyrian envoys were den ied a hea r i n g befo re t h e S c n a tc . Instcad thc Romans sei zed 5 4 1I 1yrian I c m b i at a n chor in the harbo u r of Epidamn us. On the c v e o f w a r a Roman senator was sent to I l \ y ri a to rcmind thc k i n g of h i s for m a l friendsh i p with the Roman Republ ic. N o th i n g i s rccorded of r elations at this timc bctween the IlIyri a n s of Gen ti us and th c Dar dani a ns , both Roman allics in the previous war agai nst Macedonia. In 1 69 BC the re was a rcp or t that Gentius had h i s brother Plator killed because h i s plan to marry Et u t a, d a ughter of the D ard ani a n chief Monunius, would have made h i m too powerful and th at he then m arried the p rinccs s himsclf. 1 9 I n 1 70 B C a Roman army failed twice to enter Maccdonia from thc direction of Thessaly, and Perseus used the resp i te to raid Illy r ians from a base a t Stu b erra , in the hope , it is reported, of tempting Gentius to become h i s ally. In mi dw inter 1 7011 69 BC Perseu s launched a s u ccessful raid on the IIIy r i a n Penes ta e a n d ca ptu rcd th ci r ch i e f to w n Uscana ( perhap s Debar on th e Drin or Kicevo on a tr i b utar y of the Vardar) . This people are
not otherwise recorded hut there seems no reason to conncct them with a s ubject class of the popul ation in Thess a ly known by thc samc n ame. During the previous summer Roman forces ba se d a t Lych nidus had, a ftcr an initia l failure, captu red Uscana with the help of Illy rian a llies and expel l cd a Macedonian ga rri s on of Cretan mercenaries. Perseus recap t u r ed th e place with little difficulty along with sever a l other Roman posts in th e area, including Oaneum on a river Aratus , which con trolled the route le a ding west to the kingd om of Genti u s among the L a beates around Scodra. At this point Perscu s sent his first embassy to Gentius, consisting of the JI lyrian exile Pleuratus for his command of the I l lyrian langu age and the Macedonian Adaeus from Beroea . They found Gentius at Lissus and i n for med h i m of Pe r seus ' successes against the Romans and Dardani ans and his recent winter victory among the Penes tae. Thc Illy rian replic d that he lacked not the will to fight the Romans
1 9 Livy 40.42 ( 1 8 0 BC), 42,26 ( 1 72 BC) and 4 8 ; PolybillS 29. 1 3 , cf. Livy 44.30 (fratricide) ,
1\ illgd, Ill/ "1 I IIvlI,III,\
In
hil t o l l l y l h l' 1 l l 0 l l l' y , N o IHO I l I I 'C ' W l' rl' 1 l 1 ,l lk' O i l t h i s poi l l t l' i t l l l' r h y t h i s e l l l h a ssy or a ll o t l l l' 1' Sl' l l t f ro l l l St u he r ra s h o rt l y a ft l' r w a r d s , M l'a l l w h i k, t h e R O l l l a l l l'o l l l l l l a n d e r fa i l ed to reca p t l l l'e l I sca n a b u t t o o k hos tages fro l l l t h ose a ll l o n g the Penestae w h o p ro fessed l o y a l ty , and a l so fro m t h e Pa rth i n i further west, a ll l o n g w h o m h i s t roops were stationed in wintcr qu arters. Pe rse llS conti n ued h is efforts to involve Gentius in the war, prde r a b l y , it was said, at no cost to his treasury. The IIlyrian l'X i k Pleu ratu s raised 1 000 infantry and 200 caval ry from the Pl'l1est a e that in 1 69 BC fought for Macedonia with distinction i n the defence of Cassandrea.20 The Roman invasion of Macedonia i n 1 68 BC forced the king t o p romise a subsidy to Gentius, whose ships m i ght be l' l l l p l oyed to attack the Romans. A sum of 3 00 talents was Illt'n tioned and Perseus sent his companion Pantauch us to make t h e arrangements . At Meteon hostages were agreed and Gentius
accepted the oath o f the king. He sen t Olympio with a del q�ation to Perseus to collect the money, and the treaty was concluded wi th some ceremony at Dium on the Thermaic gulf, Thc 300 talents were cou nted out of the royal treasury at Pella a n d the I1Iyrians were permitted to mark it with their own stamp. An advance of ten talents was forwarded to IIIyria and when this was passed over by Pan tauchus the k i ng was urgcd to commence hostilities against the Romans. When Gentius i mprisoned two Roman envoys sent by Appius Claudius at Lych nidus, Perseus recalled the rest of the subsidy in the belief that Gentius was now his ally, come what may , l I Appius Claudius was succeedcd at Lych n idus by the praeto r L. Anicius Gallus, who was assigned responsibility for oper ations against Gentius. It appears that the Illyrians pl anned onc of their usual expeditions with army and navy in the direction of Epidam nus, and an army of 1 5 ,000 was assembled at Lissus, After detaching 1 000 i n fantry and 50 horsemen under his half brother Caravantius to deal with the Cavi, otherwise unknown, Gentius advanced south for five miles and proceeded to attack 211
Livy 43. 1 8- 1 9 (Uscana and Oancum), Hammond 1 966 and 1 972, 43 f. ( Kicevo) , Frasheri 1 975 (Uscana = Debar/Dibra ) , Kaca 1 98 1 (Dibra region) , Polybius 28,8-9 (em bassy to Gcntius). 21 Livy 44.23 (treaty at Dium), Polybius 29.2. =
1 7·' n a s s a n i a , a t o w n I I n d n R O m ; 1 I 1 l'I l I l I fOI . A n i l' i l l s \\' ;l S ha sl'd a \
Apo l l o n i a w h e fe, i n a d d i t i o n \ 0 R o m a n forn's, t ll l' r e w e f e 2 000 infa n t r y and 200 c a v a l r y from t il l' Pa rth i n i , cO l1 l m a n de d h y t h e ch i e fs Epicadus a n d A lgalsus. Wh a t h a p pe n ed n e x t i s m i ss i n g from the record but it seems that t h e R o m a n s defea ted t h e l llyri a n navy scnt to attack su pply-routes, a n d th e story r e s u m e s with Gentius trapped in Scodra and hop i n g for rel ief from Caravantius. When the king fin a l l y surrendered to the p raetor thc Roman army m a rch ed to thc north end of the lake, where at Meteon they captu red Gentius' queen Etl eva, his b ro th cr Caravantius and his sons Scerdilaidas and P l eu r atu s , a n d released the i m p r i s o n ed Roman envoys. Gentius was plac c d i n cu stod y and sen t to Rome. A n i c i u s, le av i n g Gabi n i u s i n ch a r ge at S codra and G. Li c inius to control Rh i zo n a n d Olci nium, moved his army south to a ttack Macedonian possessions i n Ep i r us. The whole ca m pai gn had lastcd only 3 0 d ays.1.2. At the en d of the season , a fter s ettl i n g h i s army in winter qu a r ters , Anicius retu rned to IIlyri a , where the five com mis sion c rs from Rome had reached Sendra . A l l th e ch iefs from the a re a s a ffec ted by his o p eration s were summoned to hear what the Senate and Roman peo p le h ad decided. The l l l yri a n s were to receive their freedom, and Anicius u ndertook to remove garrisons from al l citics, citadels and s t ro n gho l d s . Not o n l y freedom but also exemptiqn from tribute was confc rre d on I s sa , the Taulantii, the Pi rustae of the D a s s a retii , and a lso on thc peoplc of Rhizon and Olcinium beca u se they had a l l joined the Roman side wh il e Gentius was yet undefeate d . S imi l a rl y the Daors i were granted freedom from tribute bccause thcy had deserted Caravantius and gone over with their arms to the Romans. Half thc tax wh i ch they had previously pai d to the king was i m p osed on t h e Scodrenses, thc Dassarenses, the S e l epi ta n i a n d th e rest of the IlIyrians. Fin a l l y, following thc exam ple of Rome's organization of the defeated Macedon i a n s , IIIyria w a s divided i n to three regi ons. Thc location of th e first is not dear but was probably in the south around Lissus, thc second was Labeatis, around the lake , an d th e th i rd l ay on the
22 Livy 44 . 3 0-2.
1\ II/gd/ J/II "/ 11/\,/ 1,111.\ I B l'l l n l,l' co i n s w l l h s i l l l i l a r t y p es i ss l ll'll h y l , i 'S l l ' ( I i gl l l'l' 1 9 a ) a n d t h e I . a lw a tes ( f i g U IT 1 9c ) m a y hl' l o n g to t h e l i rs t a n d sCl'I l I l d o f t h ese regi o l1s, w h i k t l lO S l' o f t h e [ ) aorsi s tT u c k a p P;\ I'l' n t l y at Osanici possibly t o t h c t h i rd . TIll' cdebrati ol1 o f the pra e t o r ' s t ri u m ph 'over king Genti us a n d the 1 1 1 y ri a n s ' took p lace in Fe bruary 1 6 7 BC, but suffered
l'oa , t ; t ro u l l d I { h i l o l l , A lT l I V l l I l I 1 . l l I d ( ) k l l l l l l l l l . .'
.. o m n.... hat from comparison with the awesome spectacle of the t r i u m p h of Aem i l i lls Pall l lus over Macedon i a which the Romans
h a d wi tnessed the previous Decem ber. As many observed, l' v e r y th i n g was on a smaller scale, but still well-earned for a t ot a l victory by land and sea over the lII yrians, an enemy
l' On fident in thei r terrain and th eir fortifications. In the tri u m phal p rocession were paraded military standards of th e I l I y ri a n s , the royal furn iture, 27 pounds of gold, 1 9 of silver, 1 3 ,000 denari i and 1 20,000 IlIyri an si lver pieces. In front of A n i cius' chariot were led Gentius, his brother, h i s wife and l'h i l d ren and several leading Illyrians. Generous rewards were p;l i d to the a l l ies and the fleet, the same 45 denarii as had been g r a n t ed to Roman citizens who had served in the cam paign. The soldiers were in high spirits during the tri umph and th eir commander was the su bject of many songs. Besides the gol d and si l ver, the booty rea l i sed 20 million sesterces for the treas u ry. The Senate orde red Gentius and his household to be confined at Spo l eto but when its citizens objected they '•."ere tranferred to Iguvium in Umbria. The 220 captu red lI Iyrian lembi were presented to the peoples of Corcyra, Apo l lon i a a n d Dyrrhachium (Epidamnus } . 24 A significan t i ndication of Hellenisti c i n fluence on the l IIyrians is furnished by the l oca l l y p roduced coinages of the th ird and second centuries BC. They arc simi l a r i n cha racter to those issued from the fou rth century B C onwards by Greek settlements on the Adriatic coa st. Th ei r l i mited circulation suggested that they were intended for trade with the native IlIyrians rather tha n wi th th e rest of the Greek wor l d . The ' Greco-IIlyria n ' coi n s tend to be small, rough ly produced H 24
Livy 45 .26,
Triumph of 4S.4.1.
H. Ceka 1 9 84, Hammond and Wa l ha n k 1 98 8 . Italiae XIII pt. 1 , pp. 8 1 and 566, Liv)'
Anicius: inscriptiolles
1 76
( ; " ,/,�, I II v,.,, ,,,.\
bron zes ( s i l v er i s sea rn' , l s l wl'I a l l y l o w a rds I h l' n o rt h ) . TIl l" obverse h a s genera l l y t h e h e a d o t a dl'i l y o r sOlll e l i lll l'S t h a l o f a ru ler, with d i v i ne a t t r i h u te s - s u c h as t h e c 1 u h , ho\.... a n d arrow o f Herakles - on t h e reverse. O t h e r reverse ty pes i ncl ude the fam i l i a r themes of p roduce, corn, the v i n e a n d pottery vessel s, of animals, i n cluding goats , stags a n d does, and im ages of seafaring, i n cluding merchan tmen . The silver and bronze coins of Dyrrhachium and Apol lonia occu r in large numbers not only along the coast but also far i n l a n d , especially from t h e late fifth ce n t u ry s c until produ ction ceased around 1 00 BC. The ci rcu lation of thc coi n s of Damastion i n c l uded Dardan i a (Metohij a and the M o ra v a vallcy) a n d beyond, and to the west the southern Adriatic coast from Scodra to Spl i t. This d ispe r sa l suggests a pattern of commerce among the southern TI Iyria n s less d irected towards the south (wherc the coins a re rare) than towards the central Balkans. Th i s complemcnts th e a rchaeological evidence for a rupture i n the trading con n ections between the I I l y rians and the Greek world after th e middle of the fi fth century BC. 25 One of the first coin issues by the Adriatic Greeks remains som eth ing of a mystery. A city named Hera k leia struck bronze coins to a Syracusan standard wh ich ci rculated lo c ally i n the fourth cen tury B C , but the loca t ion of the city rem a i n s t o be i denti fied, the a rea of Spl i t and t h e island of Korcula being among curren t suggestions. Similarly, coins with the legend DIM or DJ, many overstruck i ssues of othcr citi es, would a p pea r to h a v e been p roduced somewhere on the island of Hvar. Somcthing approaching a local dominance was achievcd by coi n s o f thc colony Ph aros on the same island and Issa on the island Vis. Si lver and bronze issues of the form er are known in whole and fractional (hal f, quarter a n d sixth) denominations. The 16 or so types of I ssaean coinage bcgin i n the mid-fourth cen tury with the 'Ion io' series, the n a me of eithcr a local hero or contemporary ruler, '
15 c.
Dukat and Mirnik 1 9 76, H . Ceka 1 972a, 1 972 b (Bakerr hoard of 200 BC).
1 77
I t n o l a rdl' l"C I h .' l' 1 0 I h l' f i � I I I"l' , " I n w h o m I h l' I o n i a n ( ; l I l f w , ' s n a l l l cd , .' h T h e f i rs t I I l y r i ;l Il rll l e rs k n o w l l 1 0 h a v c i s s l l l'll �( ) i I 1 S w e re k i n g M o n u n i u s a n d h i s S l l (�essor M y l i l l l s i n t h e e a r l y t h i rd century l i t , TIll' m ost p ro d ll � t i v e was G e n t i ll s , wh ose treasury of I l O , OOO p i e�es o f s i l v e r we have seen con veyed to Rome after
Two of h i s m i nts were located at Scodra Dyrrhachium. and the name ( ;t' l 1 t i u s , n o t uncom mon at Dyrrhachiu m , may belong not to I h t' k i ng but to a local magistrate, al though around 3 0 to 40 l' x a m ples of bronze have been recorded with the legend 'king ( ;cnth ios', The coi n s of Lissus, with the Greek legend 'USSI TA N ' ( see figure 1 9a), begin with autonomous issues u n der M a �edon i a n influence (c. 2 1 1 - 1 9 7 BC ) , followed by the issues of G e l 1 tiu s with a gal l ey on the reverse (see figure 1 9b) and a I h i rd series fro m the period after the king's removal. The Scodra w i n s fal l i n to three similar groups, the first and th i rd with the k�end 'SKODRI-NON' (see figure 1 9c) and the second with ' o f k i n g Genthios'. Coi ns of Gentius are rel atively scarce com pa red with those of the otherwise u n k n own 'Ballaios' or ' k i n g Ha l l a i os' (see figure 1 9d ) , who appear s to have ruled after 1 6 R IH at Queen Teuta 's old stronghold Rhizon ( R isa n ) . His silver issues are rare, but bronze coins, without the royal title, occur o n Hvar, both in single finds and in hoards, and at Rhizon in a di fferent series bearing the royal title, The coins of Balla i o s were widely imitated in the region, sometimes so crudely as to he u n i n telligible. Rhizon also produced silver and b ronze coins, some bearing a Macedonian shield type which have been d ated to around 2 1 1 -1 97 BC. Two other coi n age s of Illyrian peoples a re dated to the period fo l low i n g 1 6R BC. Those w i th the l egend DAORSON with a galley on the re v ers e were produced by the Daorsi. They dwel t around Stolac near the Neretva v a l l ey i n Hercegovina, a n d their fortress a t O s a n i Ci shows signs o f G reek i n fl uence. Finally coins with the legend ' LABIATAN' were h i ... d e feat in 1 6 8 He.
. l n d L i ss lls, a n d h i s coins were also struck at I le re t h e royal title i s absent from a silver coi n ,
!(. D . Rendic-Mioccvic ( Ph a ros).
1 970a
( loni o ) ,
1 976b,
Ron acic- M anJic
1 987
(a)
(b)
Figure 1 9 a) Bronze coin of Lissus: head of A rtemis (ohv.), thunder bolt and legend USSI-TA N (rev.), 2nd century BC; diameter 1 2 mm b) Bronze coin of llIyrian king Genthios (Gentius) : Illyrian deity wearing broad hat (obv.), Illyrian ship and legend GENTH (rev.),
1 80-1 68
RC; diameter
2 0 mm
(e)
Figure 1 9 Continued c) Bronze coins of Scodra: head of Zeus (o bv.), IIlyrian sh ip with legend SKODR I-NON (rev.), 2nd century BC; diameter 1 7 mm d) Bronze coin of King Ballaios; diameter 1 6 mm e) Bronze coin of Labeates: Illyrian deity wearing broad hat (ubv.), Illyrian ship with dolphin and legen d LABIA TAN (rev.), 2nd century BC; diameter 20 mm
1 80
G rult lIIyrians
p rod uced by the Labeatae of the Lacus Labeatis (Lake of Shkoder) (see figure 1 ge) and, l i ke the earlier pieces of Scodra, bear on the reverse a ga ll ey , that traditional image of Hellenistic
Illyria.27
Monunius: D. Rendic-Miocevic 198 1 , Picard 1 986; Gentius : Islami 1 972c, Ceka 1 976 b (portrait), D. Rendic-Miocevic 1 972-3 ; Lissitan : Jubani 1 972c, H. Ceka 1 976b, also a 'Redon' legend on Lissus coins, Papazoglu 1 974 (personal name), D. Rendic-Miocevic 1 9 8 5 (lI Iyrian hero); Labiatan: H. Cek a 1 984, Franke 1 976 (coin production); Ballaios : Dukat and Mirnik 1 976, Visona 1985 (in Italy); Daorsi: Maric 1 979c. 27
H.
Part III R oman Illyrians
•
7
Illyricum
Dalmatian and Pann onian Illyrians
By the middle of the second century HC the Romans knew enough of the llIyri ans and their country not to risk l a rge armies in search of glory. Control over the Adriatic coast may h ave been atta ined by the end o f the century b u t the interior was yet to be penetrated. Not until Augustus decided to station the legions arollnd the perimeter of the Empire was the effort made to make secu re the overland route through the Pannonian IlIyria ns between Italy and the East. That could only be done at a great cost and n ot before a rebell ion of IIlyricum brought the regime of A ugustus to the bri nk of d isaster. Wc may begin with the Venetic peoples, Veneti, Carn i , H i stri and Liburni, whose l anguage set them apart from the rest of the IlIyrians. The Veneti, from whom were named Venetia and Venice, were known to the Greek poet A l k m a n i n the l ate seventh century for their love of h o rses . They inhabited the plain between the Alps and the mouth of the PadllS (Po), defined on the west by the Athesis (Adi ge) and on the east by the Piavis (Piave) or Ti l aventlls (Tagl iamento), where they bordered the Carn i . According to Polybills (2. 1 7) the Veneti were an anci ent people, but h ow they were con n ected, if at a l 1 , wi th the Veneti of southern Brittany o r w i th the Slavon ic Vene d i or Veneti (Wends) located by Taci tus on the sou thern Baltic is not known. Thei r name had l i nked them in myth with th e Heneti or Eneti of Pa phlagon i a i n northern Asia Minor, nota b l y in the sto ry of how the Troj an h t:ro Antenor fled
I H4 t o V e l l l' t i ;l , w h l 'rl' I l l' I O l l l l d n l t i l l' I.: i t y o f P;l I a v i l l l l l (pa d l l a ) , b i rthpLKe o f t h e h i s t o ri a n L i v y , Thl'rl' i s 1 1 0 n'u l rd o f a n y conflict bctwccn the R o m a n s a n d t h e VCll ct i . F ro m t h e o u tset the i ntere s ts of th e two scem to have coi ncided, as the R o m a n s came into hosti le contact with neigh bou rs o f t h e Veneti d u ri n g the decade before t h e Seco n d Punic W a r . T h e Veneti gi ve the impression of be i ng a stable lowl and people , with establish ed settlements at Opitergium (Oderzo), Tarvi sium ( Tr ev iso) , Mon tebclluna, Acel u m ( Asolo) and Altinum, in a dd i ti o n to th e major settlements at Ateste (Este) and Patavium ( Pa d u a ) , Th ei r material remains arc known to a rchaeologists as the Este culture, from the discoveries made at the site of A teste . At Pad u a , wh ich likc Este was an undefended se t tl ement, remains of huts buried beneath a dcpth of up to five m e t res of silt have been located, so m e pro tec t ed by a dam of tree-trun ks. The w alls were of day daub, th e floors and hearths were also made of cla y , above which were set day or metal fire - dog s. Their cemeteries, where the ritc of burial was in an urn w i thin a stone cist or l a rge jar, h ave yielded many ob j ects . In th e fifth c ent ury and later some graves wcrc m ar k e d with to m bs t onc s inscribed in the Veneti c script. The cont c n ts of the graves o ffer little i ndication of social differences: most appear to have had an adequate prov i s io n of pe rsonal i mpleme n t s and acco u tr e ments along with a sele cti on of pottery vessels. I Thc Carn i dwelt in a great arc of the eastern Alps (Alpes Carn icae, later J u li a c) between Raeti a and Histria and, accord i ng to P tole my , also extendcd into the plai n of Venetia . On th e coast the l ater Roman colonie s at A q ui lei a , Concordia and Te rges te (Trieste) and, towards the i n terior, Forum Julii (C i v i d a l e di Friuli) were all s e ttled i n thei r t erritory . Inscriptions in the Venetic script , dated to the second cent u ry BC, and personal names on Latin in s crip tions attest the p resence of a Veneti c population in the eastern Alps and Carinthia wh i ch retained i ts identi t y well into Roman t i m es . The Carni are not prominent in the record of Roman wars, and their n ame is b arely mentioned in thc record of a s saul ts on th e colony settled
I Barficld 1 9 7 1 , 1 1 6-26 , (castellieri),
Unterm ann
1 97 8 ,
Karouskova-Sopef
1 983
IIlv,.,(
11111
Aquiil-ia in 1 H 1 III . Ilall a lTlIl\II'y I.lIlT till" (:arni aH' alllong II11' IwoPil-s 'forn'd to l'OIII l' dowlI Irolll the llloulllaillS' named Oil till" 11l0nUllll'Ilt l'fl'cled Ill'ar Aqlldeia to the cOllsul of 12':.1 Ill, ( : . Sl'lllpronius Tuditalllls, though the main enemy on t his o(clsioll were Ilot the Carni hut rather the Japodes, their III
Ill'igh hou rs on t h e south east.1 The Histri, as they were general l y known, inhabited the Istriall peninsu l a . Strabo (7.5, 3) and Appian (lllyrike 8) lksnihe them as IIIyrians, but th e i r languagc was akin to that
of t h e Veneti an d Carni a n d distinct from the rest of the IJlyrians. On the west thc li mit of their territo ry may havc been the ri ver Formio, south of Tcrgeste (Trieste ) , or the Ti m avus further west. On the east they may havc extended to thc K v a rner (Qu ar ne ro ) gulf. As a whole Istria is n ot ferti lc, but its rocky soi l produccs fine olives a nd th e quality of its oil was rl'ckoned d osc to the best. The best harbour was Pol a (Pu l a ) on thc west coast ncar the southcrn tip of the pcninsula. Iktween there and Tergeste lay Pare n ti um (Porec), which l i ke 1'1I1a was later the site of a Rom an colony, and A(e)gida (Koper) . On the east side, between thc Arsia ( Rasa) a n d the sou th ern tip of 'Cape Pola' (promullturium Po[alicum), was N e sacti um and the smallcr Istrian settlcments Mutila and Favcria. Off t h e southwest coast thc islets PuJ l a r ia (Brioni) have becn s ecl ud cd residences for thc m i gh ty since Roman ti mes.� Along with JIIyrii and Liburn i , the Histri a pp ea r in Livy's h istory ( 1 0.2) as notorious pirates, but the first recorded action against them took pl ace i n 22 1 BC. They werc acc u s ed of a t t ac k i ng Roman supply-ships and were also said to h ave been acting in co n ce rt with Dcmctrius of Ph aros , th en rul ing in IIIyria. An expedition under both con s ul s of the year wa s victorious but nothing is reported of the outcomc. By 1 86 BC the Romans wcrc in contact with Gau l s beyond t he Julian Alps . Though thcsc exch anges wcrc for t h e most part fr i en d ly thc
Gabrovec 1966a (ethnic groups in Slovenia), 1 966b (serrlements), Gustill (fortifications), Valic 1983 (Carnium/Kranj)j Carni and Taurisci: Alfoldy 1966, Petru 1968, hey and Gabrovec 1969 (Sticna), Inscriptiones ltaliae XIII pt. 3, p. 73, no, 90 (Sempronius Tuditanus). 2
1978
I Suic 1967a (boundary on Timavus); pre-Roman settlement: Gnirs 1925, BaCic 1970, Mihovilic 1979 (l\fedolillo).
� ,,11/,/11 111,,1'1""\ Romans suspected that the ( :l'lt ... ILld design'> on northeast
Italy, where sOllle had alre_Id}' hegun to construct a fortilled settlement (o/JIJidum). In I XJ 1\( the ROlllans werc ahle to de m olish this and even daimcd to havc disarmcd 12,()()O Celtic warriors wi th out conflict. When the Gauls complained they were told that the i r property would be returned to them if they agreed to go home. An em bassy of senior senators crossed the Alps and a peace was made. This left the Roma n s free to secure the area by p l aci n g a colony at Aquileia among the Carni and, when that was done in 181 BC, dispa tch the expedition against the Histri which the con sul Claudius Marcellus had intended two yea rs before. In 178 BC the co n s u l Manlius Vu l so marched into Istria and lost a legion at T ergeste, but in the next year, with the fleet stationed at the mou th of the Timavus, king Aepulo was defeated at Nesactium. The town was captured an d destroyed, as were al so Mutila and Faveria: 'all Histria was pacified and all the surrounding peoples formally su rren dered and furnished hos tages ' ( Livy 41 . 1 0- 1 1 ) . In spite of these victories the position of the colony was far from being secu re, and in 1 71 ne A quileia was seeking Roman a ssi stance to com plete its defences in the face of attacks by Carni and Histri. The latter were also involved in the operations of C. Sempronius Tuditanus, the consul of 1 29 BC, aga i n s t the .Japodes.4 The fou rth of the Ven etic-speaking peoples around the head of the Adriatic were the Liburn i , who occupied the coast and islands between Istri a and the rive r Titus (Krka) and h ad been known to the Greeks since at least the eighth century BC. Wh ile they were regarded by the Romans as pirates in earlier times some Greeks h ad found them h ospita ble to travellers. The fertility of their flocks was a su bject of comment, though we learn from a Roman source that their wool could not make garments with a soft texture. The com b i nation of seafaring and pastoralism seems likely to have accounted for some features of Liburnian society which attracted the attention of ancient wri ters, nota bly in th e first century RC the learned Ro m a n Yarn>, who had first-hand k n ow led g e o f the a rea. There was
4
Roman expeditions: Appian lllyrike 8, Livy 39.55 (IS I IIC:); 40,18 and (In Kc). Scmpronills Tllditanus (note 2 above),
26; 4 1. 1-5 and 8-13
1/l1'1I(
/111/
IW/
illl 1111I1SlIal lin'lln' lor I.lhllrtll.t1l WOlllt'1l ,llld olll' (;rn'k writlT
rl'llOrts th;1I
the
sOl'il'ty was dOllllllatcd hy W0I111'Il, Tlll'Sl' Wl'rl'
the WiVl'''' (It free Illl'll w h o \v(llIld l'Oh,lhit ,,,,ith their own slaves illld with Illl'll of Ill'ighhourillg distI'il'h, Varro reports the
women and a contcm describe,> a communistic system of ch i l d-rearing, Libur lliilnS possessed their women i n common, it ..vas said, and (hildren \\,ert: reared together until the agc of five, When eight Yl'a rs old, ca ch male was a l l otted to a father according to physical resemblancc. Thi s unusual social order appcars to have lasted i n to Roman ti mes, whcn a kinship grou p (cog11atio) descended through thc fcmale l ine appcars in a Latin epitaph.' Li burni figu re a mong the peoples with pi ratical habits named hy Livy under 30 1 BC, but it sccms to h ave becn a long time before the Romans chose to interfere with thcir activi ties. Thcir O\\'n design of warship, the liburna, with its low frecboard, had al ready bccn adopted by the Romans d u ring the wa rs against Carthage, in prefercnce to the h igh-bulwarked gallcys. The Liburni were affectcd by the activitics of Semproniu s Tudit an us in 1 29 nc, as wc learn from Pliny (NH 3.129) that, on a monument erectcd to the general, there was rccorded th e dis tance 'from Aqu ileia to thc river Ti tus, 2000 stades' (around 250 miles). The end of their sea-power, and with that thcir independcnce, came ncarly a century later, when Octa vian's admiral Agrippa seizcd thei r ships in 35 nc. Four ycars l ate r Liburnian ships may h ave playcd a major part i n the defeat of Cleopatra's navy at the decisive battle off Actium i n n orthwcst Greece.6 The principal settlemcnts of the Liburni lay in the south of their tcrritory, i n the coastal plain around Jader (Zadar), betwcen the rivcrs Tedan ius (Zrman j a) and Titu s (Krka). It seems that the Liburn ian name was only later extended to include the smaller settlemcnts along the coast northwards to Istri a after the fourth century nc. Liburnian possessions also sl'xu a l frl'l'doll1 pl'l'mittnl to unmarried p orary
Pseudo.Scymllus 422 (hospitable), 3 71 (fertile shcep), Pliny NH 8 , 1 9 1 De Re Rustica 2,10, 9 (freedom of women ) , Pscudo-Scylax chap.21 (dominatcd by women), Nicolaus of Damascus FGrHist vol. 2A p, 384 f103d (rearing of children), AIfi)ldy 1961, 196.� (cognatio), h Pallciera 1956 (liburna). .5
(woo l ) , Varro
No 1111/,11/ tllv,.i,II/.� from this tillll' indudl'd till' islands of till' Kvartll'r, Curil:tal'
(Krk), Arba (Rah), Apsyrtides (Cn's-Losinj) and (;issa (Pag). By the m i dd le of the first century IIC they were losing territory to their neigh bo u r s on the south, t h e Delmatae. Over thl' centu ries i t would appear that the Liburnians, having OIKl' con t ro lle d the Adriatic down to Corfu , were being st ea d il y pushed north w ards, p ro bab ly the result of pressure fro m ne ....' Illyrian gro u p s, incl udi ng the Ardiaei and Del matae, movi ng towards the Adriatic. The most fully inve s t i g a te d pre-Roman settlement is the Beretina gradina at Ra d ov i n , 15 miles nor theast of Zadar. The area of the hill -to p (205 by 1 85 m) was inhabited more or less c ontin u o us l y through the Iron Age and Roman p eriod , being finally abandoned in the sixth century AD. In pre -Ro m an times t here were t en rec ta ngu l ar houses arranged in a circle a round the perimeter. Later these acquired t i l e roofs and other improvem ents but the ov e ra ll p l an was not altered . A la rge occupation d epos i t included Greek storage jars, some black-glazed ware and some fine pottery from Apulia. The ramparts of the settlement were kept in repair th ro u gh out, wi th the earlier perimeter of dry-stone walls being mortared in Roman times. No trace was found of any monumental or public architecture.7 The c o a st and hinterland of central Dalmatia up to and bey ond the Dinaric mountains was inhabited b y the Del matae, after whom the Roman province Dalmatia was named, their own name being d e ri ved from their principal settlement Delmi nium near D uvno . Beyond the Dinara, Delmatae occupied the plains of Livno, Glamoc, and Duv no , a nd , between the h igh mountains and the coast, the plains of Sinj and Imo ts k i and the C ikola and Cetina v a lleys. Strabo (7.5, 5) describes how that mounta in, the Adrion, divides their land into two parts, on c fa ci ng towards the sea, the other away from it. Their p re senc e on the Adriatic coast may have been the result of a so uthward migration, p erh a p s c a u se d ind i rectly b y the impact of the Celti c mi grat i ons on the Pannonian Il l yria ns . 7 Li burnian settlements: Bat o v ic 1 9 68 (Radovin), 1974 Uagodnja}, 1978 (Bribir), Mendjusic 1985 ( Bri bi r cemetery), MatejCic 1968 (Rab cemetery), Brusic 1976, 1978 ( S i ben ik area), Cace 1 988 (oppidum on island Murter),
Chapman and Shiel 1 988 (settlement pattern).
Ill"",
11111
Thl' l'vidl'll(l' of nalllcs slIggl'SI" Ihal t111'Y Wl're Illore c!osl'ly linkl'd with the latter Ihan wilh I Ill' Vl'lll'tic IlIyrians or thl' HOlltlll'rn IlIyrians. H Thl' first record of the Dclmatac informs LIS that t h ey had Olll'l' heen subject to the lIIyrian king Pleuratus but had b ro ken away on the accession of Ge n ti u s in 1 81 BC, whe n t h ey pro n'l'lkd to attack neigh bouring communities, forci n g them to pay tr i bu te in cattle and corn. In 1 58 BC th c Greek city of Issa wmplained to h e r Roman ally that the Dclmatae were m o lest ing their mai n l a n d settle m ents at Tra g uriu m (Trogir) an d Epet ium (Stobrec) ; similar comp l a i nts were r eceived from the l>aorsi, neighbours of the Delmatae on th e south, who h a d hl'en r ewarded in t h e settlement of Illyria ten ycars before. A Roman ex - consul , C. F a n nius Strabo, was sent to i nv estig ate and report on affairs in Illyria and in p arti cular on the acti v ities of the Delmatae. Accordin g to Polybius (32. 1 3) the embassy rt.'ported that the latter h ad not only refused t h em a h ear i n g hut made no p rov i s i on for th eir accommodation and even stoic the h orses th ey had borrowcd for the j our n ey. In fear for the i r safety t hey ha d dep arted as discreetly as p oss i bl e . The Senate was in di gnant , but , observes thc hi s tor i an, the decision to send an exp e d i t i on across the Adriatic was a matter of considered policy. IIlyria had been n eglected since the defeat of D emetri u s in 219 BC and i t was h igh ti m e Illyrians werc reminded of Roman a uthority . Moreover, t h e Senate felt that as 12 years of peace h a d elapsed since the war against Perseus of Macedon it was ti mc to rekindle the mil i tary ardour of th e Romans. These were t h e true causes for the war, but for publ i c consu mp ti o n it
was thc insult to Roman ambassadors. Th i s was not to be the only occas i on a Roman army was sent across the Adriatic for battle practice. Thc e xp ed ition in 156 BC led b y the consul C. Marcius Figulus was cau ght off guard while p i tc hin g camp and driven back to the river Na renta, h av i n g per h ap s advanced from the territory of the Daorsi. Next thc Romans ev ide n tl y marched via the Trebizat v al l e y to D elmin ium , but fa i l ed to catch thei r enemy unawares a n d could only set up a blockade before winter set in, thou gh some lesser strongholds were take n . H
Zaninovic 1 966,
1967.
IlJO
N / 'Ill"" 111",.,,111 ...
[n the tollowing Yl';lI' the co ns u[ 1'. Corm'lius Scipio torn'd ;1 surrender, The fortifications were destroyed, the place W;I� turned i nto a sheep-pasture ;1I1d the consul returned hOllle to celebrate his triumph o v e r 'the Dellllatae'." The Delm ata e were fa mous for their hill-forts, many (It which were oc cupie d from prehistoric to late medieval times. A riversi de settlement of the Del matae on the Cetina near Sinj sim ila r to the Japod ian and Pannonian examples may be excep tional. The ir hill-forts, or grad ina , tend to be locate d on ridges ove rloo king the plains not on the hei ghts but on projecting spurs. The neck of the spur was usually wel l defended but often the rest of the perime te r relied on steep sl o pes and ravines.
Some figure prom i nentl y in accounts of Roman campaigns a nd tend to be descr i bed as castella or oppida, including Andetrillm (Muc), Bariduum (in the upper Cetina vall e y) , Burnum (on the river Krka), S y nodi ll m , Ninia (Knin), Osinium (Sinj ) , Salvia, Setovia (in the Cikol a v alley) , Tilurium (Gardun), Neraste, Pitumiu m , Promona (Tepl j u) , Rider (Danilo), Oneum (Omis) and Salona. 10 So mething of th e nature and distribution of these places has been l earned from recent fieldwork in the plain o f Duvno, wh ich lies at an a l titude of 890 to 900 metres and is an oval of a roun d 20 by 9 kilometres. The s ubter ranean river S uica crosses the plain, of wh i ch the c entral area is marshy except in s u mm er, and the fringe s are suitable for cul tivation. M ost settl ements still fol l ow an a n ci en t pattern of distribution at the ma rgins of the pl a i n . The l ater Roman city, the m unicip i u m Del m i nium, l ay near Duvno, which rema in s t h e modern admin i s tr ative centre. Around the edges of the pla i n a ring of fortifi cations occupied the lower hills and promontories (see figu re 20). Most were enclo sed with a ra m p art of h ea ped - up stones surmounted with a wooden palisade. Out of a total of 37, the majority lie along the southwest and no r th ea s t sides of the pl ain , a n d com bine an easil y defended location with a go od Appian l/Iyrike 11, S tra bo 7.5, 5 (Dclminium), Zaninovic 1961-2. Hill-forts of Delmatae: Cace and Juric (Met k ovic area), Marovic 1975 (Salona), Oreel987 (Posusje), Petric 1978 (Peljdac), Za n i no v ic 1968 (Burnum), 1982 (hill-forts on islands), 1971 (continuing occupation in Roman pe riod ). 9
10
I II"m
1
Figure 20
1/11/
I'll
si tt'
• •
•
Lines of intervisihility
Fortified places
around the /Jol;es of Duvno, Livno and G lamoc with lines of intervisibility
view over the surrounding terrain. A few h ave yielded evidence for occupation in the Bronze Age but the finds tend to be concentrated in the third and second centuries BC. By this period there had been created a scheme of defence for the communities
in the l>lI v n o a rl';\ that inl:llI lkd ,It least l'igh t fo r t itil'd obser vation posts lK'yo n d the im lll ediate vic i n ity of the pla i n, Till' ma i n points of cntry wcre guarded by pai rs of fo rtiflcatio n!'> which can ncver have functioncd as independent strongholds.
The fo rt re ss on the Lib hill n i ne kilometres from Duvno W,t:-, e xcep tion al in serving as an acropolis for the l arge r settlement on the terr a c es below. Here was evidently the central p l a ce that had reached a stage of proto-urban development and which remains the most likely location for Delmin ium. In some hill forts mounds of stones si milar to burial tumul i were raised at a point on the defen siv e peri meter often, though not always, most exposed to attack. Whatever their defensive function , the discovery of human bones suggests that their pr i ma ry purpose may h a v e been to serve as burial mounds. The peri meter defences of the Duvno plain ceased to function after the Roman conquest, although some were occu p ie d piecemeal as refug es i n late Roman times, I I While the Romans were l au n ch i n g their first attacks on the Delmatae, wc hear little of the southern Illyri ans fol l owing the defeat of Gentius. In 13 5 BC Ardiaei and Pleraei are reported to have made an attack on 'Roman Illyri a' and, on refusing to make a m ends, were the target of an expedition by the consul Servius Fulvius Flaccus (Appian IlIyrike 1 0), Something is known of the Daorsi, once subject to Gentius but whose ti mely desertion was rewarded by the Romans. They dwelt on the left (south ) bank of the Neretva and their pr i ncip al settlement was OsaniCi, on a steep hill a b ove Stol ac in the Bregava valley, where coins bearing the Greek l egen d DAORS have been found. Excavations from the 1960s have revealed a complex succession of defensive constructions and a s soci ate d buildings. The earliest was a straight wall across the most exposed side of the hill around 60 metres long and b uilt of cou rs e d masonry with blocks around 2 by 1 m etre (see figure 21a), Later this was stren g then ed by two square towers (c,10 m), involving demo l ition of part of the wall and the constru ct i on of a covered entrance passage 4.5 metres wide (see figure 21b). The main 1 1 Benac 1975a, 1985, Govedarica 1 980 1 (Veliki Gradac), 1982, Bojanov ski 1975 (Dclminium), Marijan 1985-6 (communal grave near Livno), Milo -
sevic 1986 (2nd century
He
hoards of iron tools from Delmatac),
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figure 21 a) Wall masonry at OsaniCi, Hercegovilla b) Gate at OsaniCi
path leading to the inner acropolis ran al on g the so u t h side of the hill and wa s terr a ce d an d s te pp ed into the rock at several places. Inside there was a cistern 11 by 7 metres cut 2.70 m e t r es into the ro ck and lined wi th fine plaster. The final elabo ration consisted of an outer defence on the east in the form of a 'zig zag ' wall and several short lengths of curved wall in a similar 'zig-zag' arrangement. The central area is dominated by a mound of stones, in whi ch traces of re tai n in g wal l s have been dated to the fift h cen tu ry BC and may represent the earliest phase construction on the site. The wall, to wer s and entrance
194
on the cast arc assigned to the fourth Cl'ntury
1\(,
partly from
a co m p a riso n with fortifications in Alb.lnia. The settlement a ppea r s to have been d e st r oy e d in the first century I\e and was not reoccupie d . 1 2 The fi nd s from OsaniCi, which include i m po rted pottery, an.' dated from th e fourth to s e co nd c enturie s BC. In s pite o f ex ten si ve inve s tigation almost no trace was discovered of i n t ernal arrangements or d ome s ti c b ui l d ings. Some evidence for the economy of the settle m e n t came to l i gh t in 1977 wi th the discovery of a remarka b le hoard of 245 metal ob j ect s of b r on ze and iron weighi n g in all 345 k i lograms, hidden in the crevice of a n ea rb y cliff. The in v entory i n cl u des moul d s for b ron z e o rna m e n ts, for me tal re l i ef plate s and for reliefs in silvered tin; there are a l so moulds for m a king bronze pails an d dishe s , an iron anvil, cutters, chi s els , hammer s and punche s , compasses and some unused bronze plates (see figure 22). For making fine jewellery there are si l ve r wire for so l d ering, a small a nv il , a so ld ering tool and j ewel l ery scales , along with s everal un w o rke d o r half- fi n ished pie c es of gl ass . The b lac k s m i th ' s tools include tongs, h am m er s , wide metal cutters, clamps, adzes and pick axes. Fo r wire-making there are iron plates with ho l es of d iffer ent d ia m eter for draw i n g wire along and clamps for use in the process. Carpentry i s re presented by chi s els, knives and calipe rs . This cache of tools, which must have come from wo rk s hops in or n ear OsaniCi, i ndicates the ra n ge of sp ecialist skills carried on at the chief settlement of the Daorsi. The d e po s it has been d ated to the second century BC and was likely made in the face of some danger, altho u gh a few obj ects date from an earlier per i od , notably the bronze moulds of around 300 and 200 BC, a j e w e l box of around 300 BC and a bronze pai l of the fourth or th ird century. The key ev idence for the date of deposition are the silver-wire brooches that match those in the warrior burials at Go stilj near the Lake of Shkoder of the first half of the s econd century BC. 13 Nearly 40 years passed before the next Roman attack on the Dclmatae, but the motives, accord ing to Appian, were no less
12 OsaniCi: Maric 1976, 1979a-c, Marijanovic 1984, Maric 1975b (fortified settlements). 1.1 Maric 1978, 1979d ( belt-plates), 197ge (bronze moulds).
lIIyrimll/
Figure
22 Bronze-casting mould
19.,
from OsaniCi
dubious. In 118 BC the consul of the previous year, L. Caecilius, Metellus, led an expedition against them for which he was awarded a triumph and the title Delmaticus. War was declared, we learn, not because the Delmatae had done anything wrongl but merely in order to procure another triumph for the Metelli fa mil y. In the event 'they received him as a friend and he, wintered among them in the town of Salona, following which he returned to Rome and was awarded a triumph' (Appian IlIyrike 7), although other versions suggest that this may nor be the whole story. The next reported campaign was altogether
� f 1/1/,111 IlIv,.,,,l/s
a Illor� s�riol l s hllsin�ss, although l i l tk is known of it t"Xl:t"pt
Coswnius, proba hl y in tht" y�ars 7H to of t h e Ddmatae in a two - y � a r l:ampaign which concluded with the capture of Salona. from Sf! to 50 BC th e Delmatae were i n the cha r ge of J u l i us Caesar, proconsul of Gaul and also of IIIyricum , th o ugh the commander was abk
th a t tht" proo>nslIl C. 76 BC, ov e r c a m e most
to give little attenti on to his Adri atic responsibilities. During th e su b s e q uent civil war between Caesar and Pompey the Dclmatat" supported the latter, in opp ositio n to the communities of Roman settlers at Salona, Narona and elsewhere, who remained loyal to the party of Caesar. Late in 48 RC the Delmatae ambushed a Caesarian army of 1 5 i n fa ntry cohorts and 3000 cavalry under the ex-consul A. Gabinius at Synodi on, pro b a b l y somewhere in th e C i kola val ley. Five cohorts were ov er whelm e d a n d thei r sta nd a r ds c aptu r ed . Gabinius reached Salona but was so short of s upplies that he had to pl u n der them from the Del m atae, leading to further l oss es . Ro m an p roco n sul s con tinued to e ngage the D e lm at a e a fter Ca e sa r ' s vi ctory over Pom pey. In 45-44 BC P. Vatinius wrote from Narona more th an once to Cicero pleading the great ma n ' s h e lp in securing his tri umph . He complain s that there were not merely 20 oppida as was generally believed but nearer 60. In the end Vatinius ob tai ne d his tri um p h , celebrated on 31 Jul y 42 BC. The Delma tae w er e still proving tr oub les o me and it m a y be that C. Asinius Pollio, leading poli ti cia n and patron of the poet Virgil, achieved som e success against them when, durin g h i s co nsuls h i p in 40 BC, h e moved his forces down the Adriatic from northern Italy
to Macedonia.'4 After eli m ina ting the di sruptiv e power of Sex. Pompeius in Sicily in 36 BC, Cae s a r ' s heir Octavian d ev oted the foll o win g years to ope rations across the A d r iatic, first in 35 RC aga i n s t the Ja pode s and Pannonians then, in 34-33 BC, against the D elm atae . N o t o nly had th ey remained in arms since the depar tu re of Vatinius ten ye ars befo re, but th ey still held the five Roman standards sei ze d from Ga bin ius ' army in 48 BC. We can follow the course of th e campaign from the com mander's own report, pres e rved by App i a n . First the army moved aga i n st 14
Morgan 1971 (Metellus), Wilkes 1969.
IIl)'rlf 1/111
197
Promon a, w h ere thl' war-kadl'l' Vl'l'/,O h a d statiollcd most ot his army ot 1 2,000 n1l'n, Aftl'l' SOl Ill' lighting t he � i t a de l was taken, Vl' rzo kilkd and t h l' Iklmalal' ordered to disperse by his Sll�l'cssor Testimlls, whik t he Romans atta�ked against strongholds, The army advanced up the Cikola valley, where Ga b i n i us had lost the standards at Synodion . In a battle at Setovia (p rob a b ly the Sutina gorge) Octavian was wounded
and left the scene, handing over command to Stati l ius Taurus, who organized a winter blockade that brought some of the Dcl matae to capitulate, Early in 33 BC Octavian returned to receive their surrender, along with the standards of Gabini us, some booty and a p romise to pay the arrears of tribute unpa id since Caesar's ti me. Though other peoples of the region were i nvolved in the surrender it was the victory over the Delmatae that j ustified onc of the three triumphs celebrated by Octavian, on 13 August 29 BC, followed on successive days by those granted for the Actium campaign of 31 BC and the Egyptian campaign of 30 BC. This happens to be the last explici t record of Delmatae at war with the Romans, though the victory of Octavian in 33 BC is unlikely to have embraced the whole people. In what became known as the Dalmatian war of AD 9 Bato, leader of the Pannon ian Illyri ans, was trapped in the fortrcss of Andetrium (Muc) barely 20 milcs in l and from Split. By then, however, the name of the Delmatae had begun to be applied to the area between the Adriatic and thc Sava valley, as the Rom an province Dalmatia was established. IS Thc japodes, who dwelt north of the Dclmatae and beh ind the Libu rn i, arc generally described as IIIyrians. Hecataeus in the sixth century BC knew of them and they retai ned a separate identity into Roman times. On the north an d west they bor dered the Carni and Histri and on thc north the Cel tic Taurisci beyond th e upper Sava. In the west they were later confined by the Velebit range, and their southern boundary was the river Tcdan ius (Zrmanj a), where they bordered the Liburni . Within these limits the japodes inhabited thc Lika plain and the Una valley around Bihac in western Bosnia. Before the second cen-
15
Schmitthenner 1958, Wilkes 1969, Mirkovic 1 969.
1{1I11/"" 111"""".\
tury lIt
they Illay also havl' held the (oast hl'tWl'l'lI Istria alld
the Tcdanius, latlT on:upied hy the I.ihlll"lli, Str;lho h;IS SOIlH' interesting observations on the Japodes: Next in order comes the voyage of onl� thousand stadcs I Co 125 mi!cs I along the coast of the land of the Japodes. They arc situated 011 Mo unt Albion [probably the Vdebit range], the last mountain of thl' Alps, which is very high and rea ches down to the interior on OIlC side and to the Adriatic on the other. They arc indeed a war-crazy pe op le but have been u tterly worn do wn by Augustus. Their citie� are Metulum, Arupium, Monetium and IAlvendo. Their lands arc poor, the people living for the most part on spelt and millet. Their armour is Celtic but they are tattooed like the rest of the JIIyrians and Thracians. (7.5, 4)
Strabo's 'Celtic element' has proved hard to detect in the rich m a t eri al culture of the japodes, while Celtic names on inscrip tion s need not, it appears, be connected with their 'Celti c Illyrian' character. Some major settlements and associated cem eteries of the japodes have been examined in the northern Lika, at Crkvina, Kompolje near Otocac and Vi tal near Prozor, wh ich have been identified respectively as Avendo of the Avendeata e and Arupiu m of the Arupini, both of which were a ttacked by Octavian i n 35 BC. Acro ss the Kapel a mountains the japodes are known from riverside settlements and cemeteries in the Una valley around Bihac, but not those in the San a val ley, which belonged to the Pannonian Maezaei.16 The most intrigui ng relics of th e japodes are the 15 or so engraved stone cremation chests whose figured decoration and date arc still a matter of debate. The first to he found was the fragm ent from jesenice in 1890, on which the engraving of a helmeted warrior holding a drinking horn i n his right hand and a spear in th e other was dated to the period of transition from the Early to Late Iron Ages (c.450-400 BC). Later finds of japodian burial urns, as they arc gene ra ll y known , include several in tact examples with engraved scenes on the inner and
I '; Rapanic 197$ (Lika i n general), Orechsler-Bizic 1966, 1971 (Kompolje), 1970 (Trosmarija), 1975c (fortified settlements), 1986 (houses), 1988 (Prozor cemetery), Kur7. 1967a (economy), 1967h (ethnic identity).
1//" "1 1111/
1 '1'1
! l 1 I 1 l' !" , ur l a l'l's ( see l i g l l l"l' 2 \ ) , ! 'I \ l' i"l' pn l l l l l"l' 01 l i g l l rl'd SlT l \ l'S
. (' l .l I l'S 10 l u n l'Lt ! r i l l l a l a n d t h e l' 1 I 1 t 0 1 t l H' dl'l"l'a sed a n d i n c l l l des prol"l'ss i o n s , sOll1e of I l l o u n t l'd w a rr i o rs, a n d d a n l'cs. The dl' p a r t nl sO l l l s ;l rl' rcp rcscn ted h y serpcn t s in Sl'cncs where l i ha I i o n s a re po u r ed to thc m c m o r y of the departed, s o m e of w h o l11 ;l rl' p o r t ra yed in the m a n n e r of a classical hero, Some .
Figure 23 I n cis ed scenes of warriors drink ing and funeral dancers on a 1apodian IJUrial-chest from Ribic, BOSl1ia
2.01 1 have o h Sl' r v l'l1 a l"o r respo l l d l' l l l'l' hl' t W l'l' 1 l t h l' i m a gl' r y o f t h l'
J apodia n u rns and that of t h e ' S i t u l a CU l t url" i ll t h l' nort h w est , for cxamplc, the scene of a h i rd pe rched on t h e hack of a bullock . Most are agree d tha t thc d ecora tion of the ur n s helongs to a time when the Japodes of th e Una val ley were i n dose contact with the cultures of nor th east Italy, and the majori ty should th us be date d to the fifth or fourth century BC. C o mp l i cations arose when the Saraj e v o archaeologist Dimitri Sergejev ski sugges ted that one of the u rns (from Ribic) bel o nged to thc Roman period , while another (from Jeser i ne) had a sec o n d cen t ury L a tin epi t ap h inscribed on one surface. The Rihic example can be explained as a secondary us e and a Roman date for the collection as a whole m ust be ruled out, if only beca usc of the generally Greek - and at that tending to a rchaic Greek - rende ri ng of the s cenes . 'There have been a t temp t s to di s t ingui s h an early group of urn s , whose ornament echoes Situ la art, from a second, sl i gh tly later group, in which Greek i n fl uence i s st ro nge r . A th i r d group bel ieved to ex hibi t minimal influence from either of the a bove sources is viewed as a later degen e ration of Japodian art. In thi s group a re those with Latin epi taph s of the Roman period (first to secon d century AO). Con ti nuity in a loc a l tradition of e n g raved ornament is to bc seen on o ther monuments of the Rom a n period, incl u d i ng altars dedicated by chiefs of the Japodes at the sh rine of B i nd u s Neptunus at a spring near Bihac (see figure 30).17 The first reported contact between j apo des and Romans occurred i n 1 7 1 BC, when the Senate apologi z ed to them and other peoples for the scandalous conduct of th e consul Cassius Longinus. In 129 BC they were attacked by the consul G. Scmpronius Tu d i t anus who, in the course of a hastil y prep a red campaign , was saved from di s aster only by the experienced general D. Junius Brutus; howe v er, he was safely back in Rome to celebrate a triu m p h ov er th e J apo de s on 1 October . Situated south of the main ro ute betw een Italy and the Danube, the Japodes figu r e little in the Roman conquest of Illyricu m . There w as an attack on them in the seven ties BC by a certain P.
17 Rau nig 1971 b, 1 972, 1 975 , Vasic 1967, 1 977-8 (Japodian urns),. RendicMiocevic 1 982, Sari, 1 975 b, 1983-4 (Lib urns ) .
11/)1/'11 /1111
2() 1
I . i c i l l i u s , ;1 n i n c i d l' n t rl'ca l l l'd tor I w. Iw i n g d l'Cl' i vl'd hy t h l' i r p n' l l' l l Cl' o f a n t n',I t . Thl' hl' s t rqlo r l nl e p i sode i s t h l' m a rch of ( k ta v i a n t h ro u gh t h e i r cou n t r y i l l Vi 1 \ ( , S t a rt i n g p roba bly trom S el l i a (Sl'n j ) O l l the coast, t h e a r m y crossed th e Velebit by t ill' Vratn i k pass a n d attacked the 'Cisa l pine' japodes o f the I .i b p l a i n . The i n h a bitants of Moneti um (Brinje) and Avendo ( n ea r Otocac) s u r ren d e re d at their approach , but the Ar u p i n i of Aru p i u m ( o n t h e V i ta l h ill n ear Prozor) held out for a wh i le, t h e n scattered in to the forests. A fter surrender they were a l l o wed to retain thei r s t ro n gh o l ds intact. Next a crossing of the Al bius ( K a p e l a ) b r ough t the invaders up against the 'T r a n s a lpine j apodes. The fortress of Te rp o n u s (Gornje Modrus) was s oo n captured, b ut Metu l um ( p erhap s VinCica Ilear Ogu l i n ) was a different proposition . Here the de fe n de rs made ef fect i ve use of Roman siege e q u i p m ent captured from a Roman army which had a tte m p ted an impossible overl and m a rch from Italy to M a cedo n ia during the civil war in 43 BC. When eve n tu a l l y captured, Metulum, th e greatest s ettl e m en t of the area, was destroyed by fire. This was the first occasion when t h e s e japodes surrendered to the Romans: it is also th e end of the reco rded history of the ]apodes. 1 H B y th e second century B C t h e eastern Alps and the plains between th e river Drava and the Danube were populated by Celtic-speaking p eo pl e s , repre s en te d by names on epi t a ph s of the Roman era. South of th e river Drava, i n the Sava val ley and its Bosnian tributaries as far south as the Ardiaei and Delmatae, dwelt the Pannonians, Strabo tells us (7.5 , 3 ) . Their names have mu ch in common with the southe rn lI Iyrians, the Delmatae and the ]apodes to th e i r south and west. East of the Pannonians the S co rdi s ci h av e an II ly ri an n a m e pe rh ap s connected with the m ons Scordus or Scardus (Sar planina west of Skopje) . Th e i r recorded histo ry begins in 279 BC when, according to Appian (Illyrike 5 ) , the survivors from the Celti c bands defeated at Delphi returned north to settle around the lower Sava and Drava and a dop ted the n a m e S cord i s c i . N oth i n g further is reported of them u ntil 1 79 BC, when th ey are cited '
'
18 Livy Epitome 59 Uunius Brutus), Julius Frontin us, Strategemata 2.5, 2S (Licinius), Appian ll/yrike 1 6-20 (Octavianus), Schmitthcnncr 1 958.
a s p O l l' l l I i a l a l l i es o f I h l' Ih... t .l l' l l a l' i n a p r o j l'l' I n l i n v a s i o n o t I ta l y , B y till' m i d d l e o t I h l' sl'cOI lll cl' l lI u r}, t h e Scor d i sl: i posed a serious t h rca t to R o m a n M a l.'l.'doll i a , c u l m i n a t i n g in t h e i r inv asion of G reece a n d sack of De l p h i s h o r t l y h e fore SO 11(, Their power appears to h ave ended a fter defe a t by a Roman arm y sent to pun ish th ei r sacrilege, and l a ter they were su hject
to the Dacians, I 9 Stra ho tells us that there were really two groups o f the Scordisci, a 'Greater' dwelling on the Danube between the con fluence of the river Noa rus ( ?Drava or Sav a) and the Margus (Morav a), and a 'Lesser' between the Margus and the Tri balli and Mysi, who in habited the Timok valley (7.5, 1 2). The material cultu re and eth nic affinities of these people are sti l l much debated. Several wel l-fortified oppida and some open settlemen ts along the Serbian Danube below Belgrade have been connected with the Scordisci. Yet the matter is further compl icated by a 'Geto-Dacian' element i n the 'Cel tic' m aterial culture, and there is contin uing debate wheth er the oppidum at Z idovar across the Danube from the mouth of the Morav a was a Celtic or Dacian settlement. In later phases stone defences strengthened with cross-timbers enclosed smal l huts with sun ken floors, thatched roofs and doors with lock and key. A circular enclosure containing small pits has been identi fied as a form of shri ne. The wheel-made pottery has both grooved and painted decoration and metalwork i ncl udes bronze and si lver hracel ets with serpent-head terminals. Singidunum on the Kalmegdan hill, Belgrade, overlooks the con fluence of Danube and Sava and was later the base of a Roman legion ; it may h a ve been a settlement of the Scordisci, to whom belonged a nearby p re-Roman cremation cemetery at Rospi C uprija.2() The Romans first came into contact with Pan nonians from
19 111
Papazogl u 1 9 78. Todorovic °1 966 ( mater ial culture) ; Zi do v a r : Gavela 1 9 5 2 , 1 969, 1 975 ; Bdgra de: Rozic 1 98 1 a, M. Popovic 1 982, Todowvic 1 96.� , 1 9 67 ( R o spi C u p r i j a ) , 1 97 1 (Karaburma), £ r ce govic 1 96 1 (Zemun), Todorovic 1 973-4 (Ritopek warrior-grave) ; Gomo/ava: Petrovic 1 9 8 4, Jovanovic l 9 77-8 (Dacian pottery), Jovanovic and Jovanovic 1 9 8 8 (settl ement) ; coinage : Crnobrnja 198 3 (minimi), P. Popovic 1 987, Jovauovic 1973-4 (art) , Bozic 1 98 1 b (astragalus helts).
11/\'1/ 1 11111
2. 0 . 1
t i l l' W l'st rat her I h ,l I 1 f rolll t h e d l l'l'l l l O Il o f M 'Kl'llollia, although w h c lI alld under what ci rn l l l l S Ll I 1 n'," t il l S too k pla cc rcmaills tar from d ear, ( ) IlC ITcollstr u C l ioll of t h e sourccs dcd u (('s all attac k hy t hl' cOl1sul of 1 5 6 1\( O i l I h l' P a l l lloll i a n set tl em e n t Scgcstica, t h c lalc r S i sci a ( S i sa k ) , i n t h e s a m e y e a r t h a t the R o m a n s fi rst a t t a cked the Dcl m atae. The gene ra l scarcity of rdl' fcll ccs to P a n l1 0 n i a n s may be a refl ec t i on of thei r su bjection to t h e Scord i sci . P a n n o ni a ns do not figure in the m igration of t hl' GlTl11 a n Ci m bri in 1 1 3 BC across the middle Danube basin as fa r as the Scordisci and then west to th e Taurisci of the eastern A l ps , where, at Noreia in Carinth ia, they re p ul sed a t reach eroll s attack by the Roman consul Cn. Papirius Carbo. St ra ho (7.5, 3 ) identifies th e Pannoni a n peoples as Breuci, A Il J i zetes, Ditiones, Pirustae, Maezaei and Daesiti ates. This is sign i fica n t for a correct identification of the Pannon ians before t h e Rom a n p r ovi n ce s Dalmatia a n d Pannon i a bega n to ca use con fu sion, s i n ce among the peoples named by Strabo only the Brell c i and An dizetes were i ncl uded in Pan nonia.2 1 The Pannonians of Bosnia and western Serbi a exhibit no h o m ogeneous or distinctive m a terial culture. The gen era l i m pression i s of long-established comm unities gradually adopt
i ng new ways o f li fe fro m more advanced societies o f th e p l a i n s t o the north and east, but receiving few i mports from Green' v i a th e Neretva or from Italy via the Sava valley . Their l a n d s w e r e proli fic in timber and rich i n m ineral deposits, especi a l l y a l o n g the m a i n river v a l le y s , the Sana, Vrba s , Bosn
l04
N OII/.III 1 I{",.i. llls
stonc wall and W( )( )lil- n pali sadc, many f i rs t on:lIpicd ;l I 1 d fort i fled i l l the B ron zc A gc . A Sl' l l k lllC n \ o f this typl' has hCl'n pa rtly excav a ted a t Pod Ill'a r B u go j llo, in sou thwes t Bo s n i a o n ; \ terrace arou nd 40 metres a bove a tribu tary of th e Vrhas. The plateau was first occupi ed i n the Bronze Age but was then deserted for arou nd four centuries unti l the e a rl y I ron A ge (e. ,
700 BC) . The plateau of around 150 by 1 00 metres was encl osed
by an earth rampart to which a stone wall was added in the second half of the fourth century. At least 1 6 l e v el s indicate a continuous occupation down to the end of the first mil l enium B C . The interior was traversed by two principal streets at ri ght angles. Excavation in the northwest and southwest quarters revealed a regular arrangement of rectangu l ar houses within a grid of streets or al leys. This rem ained unal tered th roughout the life of the settlement, the only noteworthy alteration (sixth century BC) bei ng the removal of part of a house adjoining the main intersection to leave an open area around six metres square. Each house contained up to three hearths and several ovens or furn aces. Large amounts of iron slag and of bronze a n d i ron waste, along wi th clay moulds and crucibles, indicate the m a n u facture of weapons, domestic implements, vessels and jewellery in bronze and iron, including also implements for cloth -making. Much of the local metalwork seems to have been influenced in form and orn ament by imports from southern and central ltaly. Commerce with those areas was indicated by the presence of bronze and pottery vessels. The settlement at Pod was no ordinary hill-fort. In spite of its small a rea the place had a distinctly urban ch aracter, while the evidence for metal-workin g suggests a central place in the economy of Pan nonians along the Vrbas valley. South of the hill a subu rban settlemen t grew up to cover m ore than 1 000 squ are metres. Wh en the hill -fort cam e to be abandoned in the Roman period this became the principal settlement; it flou rished into late Roman and medieval times, with an early Ch ristian basi lica and associated cemetery being succeeded by a n even larger medieval burial ground. A similar fortified settlement, with a long occupation continuing into Roman times, existed on the Dcbelo brdo hill near Sarajevo. 22 22
Covic 1975b (Bugojno).
1 11), 1 /(
1 / 11/
I I I e a s t e rn Ho s l l i a t h e l I se of t i l t' ( ; l a s i n ;H : p la t e a l l fo r h u r i a l s t h ro u g h o l l t m o s t o f t h e f i rs t m i l k l l i l l l l l 1\( sll ggl' s t s a co n t i n u i ty o f popu l a t ion , poss i h l y t h e A u t a r i ;I t ;l e , ...... h o m a y have been
of the h i s t or i c a l D a e s i t i a tes a n d Pi rllstae. In the Glasi t h a t i s hetween t h e ROl11 a n i j a h i l l s and the middle I > r i n a , a tota l of 47 fo rtified pl aces has been identified. Twenty seven of these l i e on the G lasinac pl ateau itsel f, onc for each I () sq u a re k i l o metres of the 270 square kilometre area. For most of these pl aces no dating evidence is available, al though t h ey are l i kel y to belong to the p re-Roman Iron Age with some h e i n g occupied already in the Bronze Age. An early deduction t h a t the regul ar disposition of forti fied places on Glasinac reflects a concerted scheme of defence implies that most of t h c lll were in use at the same period. What remains uncertain i s wh ether or not they were forti fied settlements or merely stro n gholds for use in times of danger. In the matter of size, 3S h ave dimensions ranging between 30 and 90 metres ( most 50 to 60 m ) , four a re between 90 and 1 5 0 metres diameter and two no more th an 20 to 30 metres across, hardly more than forti fied blockhouses. Two exceptionally l arge enclosures ( Komina near ParizeviCi and I1ijak near Konovici) were major strongholds more than 200 metres across with areas of 15 to 1 7,000 square metres, Only a few of the enclosures are not round ( 1 8 ) or oval (9) in plan . Most are enclosed \vith a si ngle ston e or stone-and-earth wal l , 2 . 5 to 5 metres th ick and reaching heigh ts of 2 to 4 metres. One or two h ave traces o f dou ble ramparts and some have onc or more towers protecting single entrances. n As we have seen, Pannonians do not figure prominently i n the historical record of the second and first centu ries nc. Unlike Celts or Daci ans, they seem to have l acked any instinct for cohesion or obedience to a common authority. As Appian ( borrowing fro m Caesar Octavianus) puts it: a lKl'stors n ;l c a rea ,
Pannonia is a wooded cou n try extending from the J apodes to the Dardani, They do no t live in citi es but in the coun tryside or in v i l l ages related by ki nshi p. They do not assem ble togethe r for any common council nor a re there any with a u thority over all of them . I n time of
2.1 Covic l 975a ( Glasinac h i ll-forts) .
batt k' t h e i r l"( 1 I 1 1 h I llCd � t r c l I gl h ; \ 1 I 10 1 I 1 I 1 � t o O I l C h l l n d rl'd t h ( } l I �a n d ; b u t they l I e v e r j o i n l i p t ogl' t l ll' r 0 1 1 a l"l"Ol l n t o t a l a ll o f a n y n'n t r a l authority , (JIlyrike 2 2 )
This first account of Pannonians i s derived from Octa v i a n ' s report of h i s expedition in 3 5 B C . Having a l r ea d y overcome the j apodes the army entered the Colapis ( Kulpa) valley and ma rched through Pan n onian territory for eigh t days to Segesta at the confluence with the Sava. When the natives showed no disposition to su rrender, orders were given to devastate villages and fields. The town stood in the angle of the rivers and was further protected by fortifications, where a Roman a rmy later excav a ted a ca n al so that it was protected by water on all sides. The capture of Segesta is descri bed at length . Octavian asserted that the ships he had ordered to be built were not for the purpose of attacking the pJace but for lIse against Dacians and Bastarnae. He req uested that he might use the pl ace in order to further this project, but though the rulers agreed the common people sh ut the gates and he was compel led to storm it. Another version has it that, though th e people had ca used no offence, Octavian w anted to give his soldiers battl e practice against a foreign people. In the event, Octavian's ship s , which h ad been obtai ned from unnamed 'all ies in the vicinity', were seen off by the Segestani in an action which cost the l i fe of the experienced admir a l Menodorus ( Menas) . The Romans captured the place after 3 0 days and, leaving a garrison of 25 cohorts in a wal led off part of the town, Octavian and his army returned to Italy. After the tak i n g of Segesta, the later Sisci a, nothing is reported of the Pan nonians for 2 0 years. By then the Romans had fough t another civil war and Octavian ruled the world as the emperor Augustus.24 The emperor recorded his con q uest of the P ann onians in his Res Gestae or Summary of A chievements (chapter 30) : 'Through Tiberius Nero, then my stepson and legate, 1 brough t under Roman authority Pannonian peoples wh ich no Roman army h ad approached before 1 became princeps and advanced the boundaries of IlJyricum to the bank of the Danu be.' Th is 2� Sch mi tthenner 1958,
4 2 II C from near Siscia).
Dukat a n d M i rn i k
1 9 8.3 - 4
(Roman gold
coin
of
1 11\,/1, 1/11/
2.07
1 1 0 1 o il I hl' l' X p nll tloll of Vi 11< h ilI the PaIlIlOIl i all War , w h i dl lastl'd al t o�l't h l' !' f rolll 1 4 1 0 X 11< In t he n rs t t wo season s Roman ;lrmies ad vann·d l· ;l s t vvards d o w n the Sa va and J )rava v a l leys. In 12 1 1 < Ti lw ri lls , t he la ter e m peror, over Cll1 le t h e H rl' u ci with h e l p fro m the Sco rd i sci, r e c e n t l y a cq u i re d al l ies of the R o m a n s . Th ree fu r t h e r years of fighting probably
daim was hasl'd
•
h ro u gh t t h e s u h m ission of th e r e s t of t h e Pannon ians. The war was a savage a ffa i r and the main res i s ta n ce to the Ro m an s came from the B reuci and Amantini in the Sava valley. The
y o u n g m a les were rounded up and sold as slave s in Italy, a q u i te exceptional action even for the Ro mans. fifteen years later a new gen e rat i o n of Pannonians rebel led a gai n s t the i n j ustice of R o m an rule and brought on th e worst c ris i s faced by th e Romans since the war against Hannibal. The rising bcgan a mong th e D a e s i t i a tes of c e ntral Bosnia under thcir lcader Bato hut t h e y were soon joined by th e Breuci . The fou r - y e ar war wh ich l a ste d fro m A f> 6 to 9 sa w huge co n ce n t r a t i on s of Roman forces i n the a rea (on one o c c a s ion te n l eg i o n s and thcir auxili a ries in a single c amp ) , with whole armics operating across the western Balkans and fighting on more than one front. On 3 A ugus t AD 8 the Pan nonians of the Sava va l l ey surrendered, but it took an other winter blockade and a season of fighting b e fo re the surrender of thc Daesitiates c a me in Ai.) 9, 'after the loss of many men and immense wealth ; for ever so many l egi on s were mai nta i n ed for th i s campa ign but v e ry l i ttle booty wa s taken' (Cassius Dio 5 6 . 1 6) . All IIIyrians were now subject to Roman rule. In the reign of N er o (AD 54-6 8 ) th e ancient city of Aph ro d i s i a s in Asia Mi n or celebrated the victories of the Caesars wi th a monument i n co r p o r a t i n g figu r e d re l i e fs de picti ng the imperial t ri u mp h s over i n d i v id u a l peoples. Among the several IIlyrian groups sin gl ed out were Japodes, D a rdan i ans, P ann o n i a n Andizetes and Pi r u st ae . 2s
Pax Romana
No IIlyrian resistance is known to R o m a n rul e a fte r A f> 9, l e ss an i n d i cation of n ative c o m p l i a n ce than of the state of human 25
M6csy 1 974, Anamali 1 987, Smith 1 98 8 (Aphrodisias).
2()H
� t llII'lII 1 11)'1"11 111.\
e x h au s t i o n to w h idl t h l' I l I y r i a n l a n d s h a d hl'l' n rl'd l ll:l'll . l I nt i l the col l a pse of t h l' n o r t h e rn fro nt i e rs fo u r cen t u r i es l a tl'[ I l Iy r i ans remained pa rt of t h e R o m an Em p i re. M a n y y e a rs passed before any s i g n s appear of an I I I y ri a n parti c i p a t i o n i n the Roman state to match those o f the Celtic and Iberi an peoples
i n the west, Roman organization of the IIlyrians for a long time reflected the strategic priority of keeping control of the overl and routes between Italy and the east, at first the Via Egnatia and later the great Balkan highway along the Sava valley .26 Roman treatment of the IIIyrians south of the Drin had reached a brutal cl i max fol lowing the victory over M acedonia in 168 BC. In attacks by the Roman army on Macedonian al lies in northern Epi rus (Molossians) and lllyris, 70 communities were destroyed, 1 5 0,000 of the population enslaved and the countryside devastated. The effects of th i s lasted well i n to the Roman period and are reflected in the meagre remains from the region of that era. A century and a half later Strabo records the state of the region : 'Now although in those earlier ti mes, as I h ave described, all Epirus and lllyris were rugged and full of mountains, such as Tomarus and Polyanus and several others, they had an abundance of popul ation; but at the present time desolation prevails in most parts, while in the a reas still inhabited they survive only in villages and among the ruins' (7.7, 9). As we h ave seen , similar atrocities accompanied the imposition of Roman rule on other Illyrians in the course of the century that followed.27 By the middle of the first century the Romans were using the name Illyricum for their Adriatic territories n orth of the Drin , south of which the province Macedonia began. When the command of Gaul and Illyricu m was assigned to J uJius Caesar in 59 BC some form of administration for the area appears to have been based on Narona (Vid) near the mouth of the Neretva, the starting point for campaigns against the Delmatae, More recently the Romans had gained possession of Salona, near modern Split, which may have finally secured Roman control of the coast between Istria and Macedonia. By this time
26
Wilkes 1 96 9 . 45.33, Hammond a n d Walbank 1 988, 5 67 (suggesting Penestae).
z7 1.ivy
lOll
111"",, //11/
1 I I I I I I hers o f R O l l l a l l set t l e r s w e r e Ill'U l I l l i l l g l's t a h l i s l l l'd a l o n g
, hl' Da l m a t i a n (oast , a s t ra li t- r s a l l d f a r m er s , t h o u gh o l llta (ts w i t h t il l' n a t i n' peop i t-s, in pa r t i c u l a r t h e I k l l l l a tae, w e re o ften lIot fr i en d l y , We l ea rn i n the t i llll' of Lll'sar t h a t
Na rona had
h l' l'O l l ll' a flouri s h ing (c n t re o f com m erce: C i ce ro had t r aced ( lI l l' of h i s runa w a y s l a ves to the p l a ce , b u t his friend the Roman gow rn o r cou l d on l y re p ort ( 1 1 J uly 45 BC) the fugi tive's escape to the I I l yrian A r d i a ei (G c ero , Letters to Friends 5 , 9 ) , The
l' x i stence of l I I y ricum as a separate co mmand is confirmed hy the suc c ess ion of proconsuls d u ring the decade followi ng Caesa r's administration, but the n orthern Adriatic, i ncludin g t h e Li bu rni, seems to have been regarded as an extension of ( :isa l pine G a u l (Po valle y ) . The attraction of IIIyric u m north of t h e D r i ll a to the west, while the most s o u therl y of the IIIyri ans,
t h e province of Macedonia, adhered to the east, is revealed the divisi on o f the Roman world made by Oct a v ian and A nt o ny at Brundisium in 40 B C . When the latter received th e l'ast and the former th e west the point of division was fixed at Scodra . Al most i m mediately the architect o f th is pact, the consul Asinius Pol lio, was ordered by Antony to attack the I I I yrian Parthini in the Shkumbin valle y . 2.8 Following the conquest of the Pannonians in 1 4 -8 BC, IIIyr i c um was put in the charge of Caesar Augustus . Th e bo undary with I taly was fixed at the river A rsia ( Rasa) in eastern Istria, th us placing the Liburn ians i n the new province but leaving the Veneti and Histri in the Tenth R egi o n of Italy. The loss of priv i le ge s by some native co m m unit i e s in the northern Adriatic a s the result of this demotion to provincial status may h ave been o ffset by grants of 'Italian status' to selected groups among t he Li burnians. When the Pannonians fi n ally surrendered in AV 9 the huge command of IIIyricum whi ch under Tiberius Caesa r had contained two consular Roman armies was divi ded alo n g the southern confines of the Sava valley between Dal matia and Pannoni a, an arrangement that was to rema i n unaltered for the next three centuries. As far as we can tell the eastern boundary of IIlyricum ran from somewhere on the lower Sava west o f Belgrade down to the Scardus mons ( S ar plan i n a) west of i ll
in
2H
Wi lkes 1 969,
Dcniaux 1.98 8 (Cicero's
connecti ons in
llIyris).
U t llI/ , I I/ 111\,11, / 11 \
2. 1 0
S k o p j e . T h o u gh i t � l i l K i , f .l r f ro l l l �:e rt a i n t h l" r l 'l'l' I I I � l i t t k '
dou bt th a t most o f t i l l' I > a rda l l l a l l ' \\l CH' e x c l u d ed frO I l 1 I l I y r icu m a n d \\lere t o beco l l l c ;1 pa rt o f t h e p ro v i n ce of I\1 0es i a org an i z e d i n the reign o f C l a u d i u s ( A l l 4 1 -5 4 ) . A ftcr t h e d e fc a t o f th e Scordisci e a rly in the fi rst cen t u ry He the D a r d a n i a n s appear a s trouhlesome neighbours o f Rom an Macedon i a , and in the seventies the Roman army waged war aga i n s t them w ith exceptional cruelty. Their final subm i ssion to the Romans m a y h a v e occurred w h e n Macedonia wa s in th e ch a r ge of Antony (40-3 1 BC), though any record of that achievement is likely to have been suppressed by his rival Octavian. When established under Cl a u d i u s, the province of Moesia extended from the Skopje basin in the upper Vardar on the south to th e Danube above and below the Iron Gate i n the north.29 Al th o ugh II Iyricum continued to be employed as a geographi cal and l a ter a pol itical r egio na l expression, it did not reappear as an ad ministrative term u n til Diocletian's reorganization at th e end of the third century AD. Then the Il Iyrian areas of Pan n o n i a were incl uded in the n ew p r ov in c e s o f Savia, in the southwest, and Pa n no ni a Secunda, i n the southeast. Dal matia was unaltered, excep t for the interesting separation of the a rea around the Lake of Sh koder - corresponding to the old lllyrian k i n g do m - to form the new provi nce Praev alitana based on the II l y r i a n towns of Sco dra , Lissus and Dodea. While Dal matia and the Pa n n on ian provinces were grouped in a Diocese of th e Pannonias, later IlIyricu m , Praevalitana was pl aced in the D i oce s e of the Moesias on the east. Here the old name of Dardania appears as a new province formed out of Moes i a, along with Moesia Pri m a , Dacia (not Traj a n ' s old province but a n ew formation by A u rel i an ) , Epirus Nova, Epi rus Vetus, Macedonia, Th essalia and Achaea. Th e ' New Epirus', formed o u t of the earlier Macedonia, corresp o n ded to the old IIlyris, centered on Dyrrhachium and Apollonia. One m ay even sce in these a rrangements s o m e th i ng of the l asting ti c s of places and p eople s which had o n ce held together the monarchies of Mace d o n i a and Illy ria being understood in the changes made by that
2"
Cass i u s Dio 54.34, Pliny NH :� . 1 3 9 ( I ta l i a n status) , NU)csy 1 974 ( J I l yriclI m
and
N-iot:sia ) .
21 1
1 11),1 /1 //111
l I l o � t pl' r n' p l i v e o f R O l l l a l l l' l I q ll'l'O " � , ( ) l I ll' p i l I h a l k O i l t h e
i l i a I' I l l y r i u l I l l IWlO I I H .'S a Ll I l l i l i ;l l' 1 I ,l l l l l' i l l t h l' h i st o r y o f t h e f o u rt h n' l l I l I r y /\ 1 > , TIll' �n'a t f i e l d a r l l l i e � w h i ch l' l l l l' r�cd i ll thc I O I l � rl' i � 1 I o f Con s t a n t i n c I ( ,\ 1 ) 3 0(1-3 3 7 ) "'lorC s o o n csta bl ished
rl � i o n a l forccs com m a nded b y cou n ts (comites) and marshals (1IJIlgistri) , Thc Practorian Prefects, now the perma nent secretar ies o f thc i m pcria l a d m i nistration, were similarly iden tified. l J n d e r Con sta n ti n e the Dioceses of the the Pannonias, the M ocs i a s and Dacias werc united under the Prefecture of lIlyr i U l Ill , a n a rrangement which continued with few changes until t h c d i v ision of thc Empi re between the sons of Theodosius I in
as
'
AI)
3 9 5 . \Cl
By the end of the first century A D the attention of Roman a rm i cs in II Iyricum had turned away from the Pannonians to wa tch the free peoples beyond the river Danube, now defined a s the northern frontier of the Empire. Until th i s change came ;l bout the ex-consuls appointcd to admi nister the llIyrian prov i nces were experienced commanders who were often retaincd i n thcir posts for several years. Taxation was always one o f t h e harshest features of Roman r u l e and w a s the responsi bil ity of an imperi al agent (procurator Augusti) who, until the Flavian period, remained responsible for Dalmati a and Pannon ia tog ether. Indirect taxes, customs, sales, slave-manumiss ions, ete., were the responsibility of various tax bureaux staffed by i mperial sl aves and freedmen. Most of the Danube lands belonged to the tax di strict of llI yricum ( Publicum portorii JIlyrici) controlled from Poetovio ( Ptuj on the Drava ) in Pan nonia. l J The legions that conquered the IIIyrians bel onged to a new professional Roman army created by Augustus during the ycars following Actium, each recruit serving for a fixed term later standardized a t 25 yea rs with an assured reward on co mpletion of service. Each l egion consisted of more than 5 000 infan trymen, all h eav i ly armed and h ighly trained Roman citizens. Seven were based in th e IIIyrian prov inces, three in Pannoni a and tw o each i n Dal m atia and Moesia. These formidable troops
{It v, Popovic 1 984
11
Sasel 198 9.
(Praevalitana and Epirus
Nov a ) .
.l l .l w e re a l'co l l l p a n i e d h y a u x i l i a r y r;I v ;I l r y a n d i n fa n t r y , o r i gi n a l l y eth n i c u n i ts fro lll v a r i o u s p ro v i n l'l's o f t h e E m p i re, fo r w h o m a similar term o f se r v i ce w a s rewa nkd w i t h t h e Rom a n c i t i ze n ship. These were more m o b i l e a n d fle x i b l e th a n t h e legions a n d
were oftcn de p loyed at major ro a d j u nctions with t h e job o f keeping watch on n at i ves in the area.l..! Effective control over I I I yrians in th e ir forests and glens was achiev e d by that most distinctive of Roman dev i ce s , thc great military roa d . The first was the fa mous Via Egnatia constructed across the new p rovincc of Macedon i a from Dyrrhach i u m to Thessalonica in the late 1 40s BC under thc proconsul Gn. Egnatius. This was marked with milestones for a distance of 535 miles as far as the border between Macedonia and Thrace at the river Hebrus (Maritza) . Until thc more northerly route across Il l yr icu m was op e ned unde r Au g u s tus the Vi a Egnatia was Rome's princi pal link w ith her empire in the east, and alon g i t were fo u ght the civi l wars which destroyed the Repu bl ic and brought the rule of emperors. After the defeat of the Pannonians in AD 9 se vera l roads were constructed across the Dinaric ranges, an enormous achievement of engineering, not yet matched in modern times, thou gh dou btless carr i e d through with the labour of ensla v ed n atives . Five were completed, two in AD 1 7 and th ree in AD 20, and all commencing at Salona, from which the new p r ovince Dalmatia was administered. At the same time the Pannonian legions were at work on the Pannonian hi ghway between Ita ly and the middle Danube, although under conditions which caused them to mu tiny in AD 1 4. The second instrument used by th e Romans for consolidat ing their conquered territories was the colonial settlement of Romans on lands con fiscated from the n atives. Refined in the Ital ian peninsula, the institution was soon being employed successfully in overseas territories such as Gaul, Spain and Africa . In th e l ate Republic, co l oni es , in Italy and overseas, became a d e v ice used by leading commanders to reward their ve te ra n s , a system later p er fected by Au gustus and his s uc ccssors . In I II y r i an Macedonia, colonies were se ttl ed at Byllis
12
Mocsy
1 974
(Pannonia and tl.1oesia),
Wilkcs 1 969 (Dalmati a ) .
/lty,.,(
1/111
2 11
a n d I > y r r h a dl i u l I l ( S l'l' figures ! 4 a a n d 2 4 h ) d ur i n g t hl' ( i v i I w a rs. ( ) n t h e D a l m a t i a n (oa s t sl' v l' I"a l e x i s t i n g R o m a n Sl't t l c I I l l' I l l S a p pl'a r t o h a ve hccn s t rcngl h cll l'l1 and o r g a n i zed as l'o l o n i cs, i n d ll d i n g S a l o n a , N a ro n a and Epid a ll ru m , J ader and SCll i a . 0 1 1 the (oa st o f Istria col on i es were settled at Pola, Tl'I"gcstl' a n d Pa ren t i u m . The l ist o f Roman settlements incl udes SO I 1 1 C o f the old centres o f the IIIyrian kingdom, Risinium ( R h i zo n ) , Acru v i u m , Butua (Bouthoe) , Olcinium, Scodra and
I .i ss u s . At first most of these p l aces were dominated by famil ies o f s e t t l e r origin, but with i n two or three generations there are signs of native Ill yri a n s a mong the municipal aristocracies. A l a t e r generation of Roman colonies, often established at or
Ilcar the sites of vacated legionary bases, were intended to aCl:ommodate the veterans discharged from legionary service. S u ch new cities included Emona, Savaria and Poetovio on the Pannonian h i ghroad, Siscia and Sirmium at either cnd of the Sava valley, Aequ u m among the Delmatae in Dal matia and Scupi (Skopje) a mong the Dardani in Moesi a . :u Though its beginnings were marked by atrocity, Roman rule i n the longer term turned out to be no more harsh than that experienced by other communities of a similar character else where in the Empire. There was no deep source of spiritual resistance such as that which led to the defeat and subsequent dispersal of th e Jews two generations later. Yet there was l i ttle prospect of the Romans being able to welcome a reconciled native aristocracy into the ruling order of their empire, as appeared to be the case in Gaul and Sp ai n . Here, when some of the tribal leaders had been seduced into joining an abortive rising, a Roman commander put before them the case for Roman rule: 'Stability between nations cannot be maintained without armies, nor armies without pay, nor pay without tax ation. Everything is shared equally between us. You often command our legions in person, and in person govern these and other provinces. There is no question of segregation or 11 Sasel 1 9 7 7c (military roads); Vi a Egnatia: Hammond 1 9 72 , 1 974b, Wal ban k 1 977, Ccka and Papajani 1 971 (Shkumbin valley), J anakievski 1 976 (west of Heracle a ) , Boj anovski 1 974, 1 978 (Dal matia ) , Nikic 1 9 83 (LivIlO, Glamoc, Duvllo l ; colonies: Wilkes 1 969 (Dalmatia), M6csy 1 974 (pan non ia and Mocsia ) .
(a)
(b) Figu re 24 figured tombstones in the Roman colmlY at Dyrrhachium. 1 st cen tu ry AD: a) Ex-slave Caecilius Laetus (Happy) b) Domitius Sa rcina to r (Clothes-mender) and h is wife Titia
111,,1 /( 1111/
l' x d I I s i o n ' C LKi t l i S , 1 1 ;s/or;cs "' . 7 "' ) . ' I 'h . 1 \ 1 1 1 l i s t hc sct a l ongs i d l' a n o l h er a n a l y s i s o f R o m a n r l l k . W h l' n a s k l'll hy Ti lw ri l l s w h y h i s IK'Op k h a d rche l led, B a l o, I c a d c r o t t ill' P a n n o n i a n s , i s sa i d 1 0 h a v c rL'sp o n dcd : ' Y ou R om a n s .l re 1 0 b la m c fo r t h i s ; fo r Y O I l s c n d as gua rd i a n s of your tl ocks, n ot d ogs or shepherds, hut wolves' ( C a ssi u s Din 5 6 . 1 6 ) . 14 The R o m a n s were p repared t o allow th e m a x i m u m possi ble lk-gree of a u tonomy to ha rmless ex-enem ies. In prep a r i ng the co l l s t i t u t i o n of a new province the Roma n s would usually d i s m a nt l e any exi sting pol itical association, federation, l eague or a l l i a n ce which existed above the basic unit of city or tribe. In the case of the fo rmer, institutions would be left i ntact with s u i t a b l e s a fegu a rds again st mob rule, as these were best s u i tcd for col lecti ng taxes and for m a i n tain i ng order at the l ocal level. Except in Li burnia there were no cxi sting II lyri an city-statcs to wh ich th i s policy co uld be app l i cd, and the native lllyrian communities (civitates) were grou ped i nto j udicial assi zes (conventus) based on somc of the major coastal towns, where they would be required to attend for official and legal busi ness. Such an organization had already existed in the time of Caesa r, when 89 civitates were requi red to a ttend at Narona. The Roman organi zation of IIIyricum bro ught many ch anges a mong the native com munities : some were combi ned to form l arger units more su itable for admini stration, while othcrs, i n cluding somc wcIl -known Pannonian peoples, were di vi ded . The Eldcr Pliny's Natural History (3 . 1 42-3) , completed in the 70s A [l, furnishes lists o f th e peop les in Dalmatia based on the official registers, as they were groupcd into three conventus and with a n u merical total of decu riae for each civ i tas as an i ndication of size. Th i s Rom a n tcrm may have been equated by the Roman officials w i th some subdivision within a peoplc, either kinship group or v i l lage com mun ity. The two conventus centred on Salona and Narona incl uded the names of several well -known peoples, but m any are quite ncw, derivi ng fro m amalgamations or di visions determ i ned by a gents, most l i kely army officers, of the provi nci al governor.35 .14 Though s o m e Pa nnonians knew Roman 'di scipline, l a ngu age a nd writi ng', Vclleills Pa terclIlus, Compendium of Roman History 2. 1 1 0, i\MlCSy 1 9 1 0 . 15
M6csy 1 974, 6 9-70 ( m i l i ta ry administrat i on ) .
2 16
I� t 11/1,111 1 11)'11 , 111,';
The Sca rd o n a CO n V l"l1 l l l s , s l 1 l a l l l"st o f t h l' t h ree, i n d l l lkd t h e j a podes a n d 1 4 civ itates o f t h e l . i hu rn i . [ n t h e S a l o n ;! co n V l'n t ll s the l a rgest gro u p w e r e Od m a t a e , w i th 3 4 2 decu r i a e . [ n the Narona conven tus the 1 3 civ i ta tes incl ude scveral gro u p s for med by amalgam ation of the m uch l a rgcr tota l in thc c a r l i e r Narona convcntus . The Ardiaci, or Vardaei as they were k n o w n t o the Romans, 'once t h e ravagcrs o f Italy' and n o w reduced to a mere 20 decuriae, and the Daorsi or Daversi, with 1 7 decuriae, still reta ined their id entities sou th of the Neretv a . On th e other h and , the Derae m estac (30) were formcd from several smaller groups in thc vici n i ty of the ncw Roman colony estab l ished at Epidaurum ( Cavtat near Dubrovnik) . Several peoplcs who h a d formed the nucleus of the IlIyrian k i ngdom, includi ng, as Pliny (NH 3.144) makes a point of observi ng, the IIly rii 'properly so-called' (proprie dieti) , were joincd to form thc civitas of th e Doclcatae with 33 dccuriae, whose ccntral pl ace at the confluence of the rivers Zeta and Moraea becamc a Roma n city in Flavian times. Beyond the D i n aric mounta i n s the Panno n i a n s of the Bosnian valleys wcre treated i n similar fash ion. Hcre the civi tates were larger th an those near th e coast. In th e Salona conven tus were the Ditiones (239 dccuriae) of southwest Bosn ia, thc Maezaei (269) of the Sana and Vrbas valleys, and the Sardcates (52) around jajce an d t h e Dcuri (25 ) around Bugoj no, both in the Vrbas vallcy. Further east the formidable Dacsitiates of ccntral Bos n i a retained their name. Thc great rebellion of A D 6 had been led by their chief Bato, and thcir relati vely low total of 1 03 decuriae l i kely rcflccts the i r heavy losses at th at time. One of their fortresses, the castellum Hedum, was the destination o f one of the military roads constructed from Salon a a fter the end of the war in AD 9. The Narensi ( 1 02) of th e samc conventus arc likely to be named from the river NaronlNa renta (Ncretva) and wcrc perhaps a grouping of communities along its middle and uppcr course. Th e reason why the Pirustae do n ot appear among the l ists of Pliny seems to bc explained by a com m ent of Velleius Patercu l us, -officer in the Roman army and an eye witness of the Pannonian uprising: ' for thc Perustae and the Des i d i a tes, Dalmatian tri bes who were al most unconquerable on account o f the position o f their strongh o l d s in the moun ta i ns, their warlike temper, their won derful knowledge of fight-
1 11\1/,/, 11/1/
217
i n �, ;l n d , a ho v l' a l l , I h l' n a rrow p a s se., i l l w h i l'h t ll l' Y l i v l'l l , WlTl' I h cll al last p ;l l" i f i c d , 1 1 0 1 1 I O W U l l d lT I h l' I l l erl' �l' n l'r a l s h i p h u t h y t h c s l rl' n �t h i l l a r lll s o f (Ti hni u s ) ( :al'sa r h i lllsd f, a n d then on l y w h c n t h c y wnl' all h u t l' x t l' rlll i n a tnl ' ( 2 . 1 1 5) , The P i r u s tac, w h o i n h a h i ted t h e h i gh v a l l e y s of southeast Bosn i a a n d northern M o n tellegro , seem to h a v e been div ided between the Cera u n i i (24 decuri a c ) , w h ose n a m e deri ving from the Greek for ' th u n derbo l t ' l i n ks them with high mou n tains, Siculotae (24 ) , G l i n ti d i oncs (44) and Sci rtari, who dwelt a l ong the bord er w i th Macedo n i a . In northeast Bosnia th e D i n d a ri are located by the record of one of their chiefs (principes) in the Drina v a l l ey. Whether or not th ey, along with the Celcgeri of Moesi a, were created from the oncc-powerful S cordisci rem a i n s uncer tai n . .1 6 Less is known of the Illyrians i n the province of Pannonia, and Pliny does n ot furnish any details of conventus orga n ization or of rel a tive strcngth according to num bers of decuriac. He names the following civitates : along the river Sava, down stream, the Catari, Latobici, Varcian i , Col apiani, Osseri ates, Breuci , Amantini and Scordisci ; down the Dra v a , the Serretes, Serapilli, Jasi a n d Andizetes ; and down thc Danu be, the Boii, Azali, Eravisci, Hercuniates, An dizetes, Cornacates, A m a n tini and Scordisci . Between the SerapiHi and Boii dwel t the Arabi ates . Some of these names bel ong to pcoplcs k n own before the conquest, i n cl uding Boii, Breuci , Andizetes, Amanti n i , Scordisci and Latobici . Others a re derived from pl ace n amcs, Cornacates from Cornacum ( S atin on the Dan u be a bove Belgrade ) , Va rci ani from Varceia and Osseriatcs from somewhcrc on the m i ddle Sava, or from rivers, Colapiani from Cola pis (Kulpa) and Arabi ates from the Arabo (Raab ) . In the Sa v a v alley the strength of thc once-bel l igerent Breuci and Amantini was broken up into smaller groups such as th e Cornacates on the lower Sava a n d the Osseriates and Colap i a n i wcst of t h e Breuci . The Illyri an Azali may have been deported northwards from thc Sava val l ey to dwell between th e Celtic Boii a n d E ravisci on th e Danube. Given these locations the eviden ce of personal names helps to i denti fy the IlIyri an com m u n i ties i n southern Pan n onia. The
.16
Wilkes 1 969"
� 1 1 1 1 / , 1 1 / I lIvII""s Ca t a r i a ro u n d h l l o n a h ; l v l' I l a n l l" 01 V l' I l l' t i l' o r i gi n a n d n l ;l Y b c a gro u p o f t h l' Ca rn i . F x n' p t 1 0 1' t i l l' L a t o h i l' i ;l I l d V a rr i a n i , whosc na nll�S a n: CCi t i l', t h e r i v i t a tcs o f Co l a p i a n i , .I a s i , B rc u r i , Amantin i and Scordisci wcrc I I l y r i a n . There is l i tt l e k n o w l l o f thc civi tates i n Moes i a . I n t h e sO llth the D a rd a n i rem a i n ed a single gro up, while the c i v i tas o f the Ccl egeri in the north w est may be newl y formed out of the Scordisci . p Th u s the IlIyrians disappeared i n to th e Roman Em pire. Wh en we next hear of them they are Roman II Iyri ans, army com manders a n d em perors repelling invade rs and reconstructi ng the Empire. Before we come to those re m a rkable events we may pause to take a cl oser look at Illyrians duri ng the period when they were assi m i l at i n g the richer and more varied m ateria l culture of t h c Grcco-Rom a n worl d. Thc more durable remains from Roman times tel l us much about thc way of l i fe a m ong JIl yrians and, taken along with evi dencc from the p re-Roman era, provide our clearest v iew of IlIyri ans at a period when they were begi n n i n g to Jose much of thei r own i de ntity within th at of Universal Rome.
17
M6csy 1 974, Dusanic 1977<1 (Amantini), M i r d i ta 1 976 (Dardani ) .
Life and Death among Illyrians
Ways of Iife l D ur i ng a scene in the Roman comed y Th reepen ny piece'
( Trinummus) a stranger is i ntroduced : 'indeed this man is the
Ill ushroom type; he covers the whole of h i msel f \...·ith his head. The m a n 's look appears IIIyrian; he co mes here with that dress' ( l i nes SS 1-3 ) . It is relevant to note that the dramatist Pl autus came from Sarsina in Umbria on the eastern si de of Italy and i s likely to have been fam i l i a r with what he terms the 'lll yrian look' (Hilurica facies) o f persons wearing a broad hat (causea) i n the Macedonian style. More than four centuries l ater the histori an Herodian strikes a condescending note: ' Pa n n o n i a n s a re tall and strong, always ready for a figh t and to face d a n ge r but slow-witted' (2.9). That appears to have heen the com m on Roman view of their Danubian provi ncials, good fellows bur best kept at arm's l ength, at a time when they \...·ere an uncomfortable presence in and around the capital following the victory of Septimius Severus in the civ i l wars at the end of the second century A l) . In the matter of physical character skeletal evi dence from prehistoric cemeteries suggests no more than average heigh t (male 1 .65 m, female 1 .53). Not much rel iance shou ld perhaps be placed on attempts to identi fy a n IIIyrian a n th ropologica l type as short and dark-skin ned similar to modern Albanians. I
Sti pcevic 1 977a.
no
N 111/1,/11 1 11)11'/,/11 S
N o r s h ou l d ( 1 I 1 l' hl' kss C;I U t I O U S t o w a rd s t h e ;l ll t h e l l t i l:i t y 0 1 the v i v i d port ra y a l s o f d dea t ed I l I y r i a n s h y Ro m a n snd p tors, su c h as the t rop h y fro lll Ti l u r i u lll o r t h e fragmen t o f a n i m peri a l statue from Pola, Onc might see m e n t i tled t o assu m e th a t t h e portrai t on tombstones conveys an authentic l i k eness of the
deceased. Yet wh ile undou btedly likely to be correct in dress , hairstyle and j ewellery, the facial image was s u b j e ct t o fa s h i o n s and stereotypes emanating from the centre of thc Empire. Some Illyrians were apparently clean-shaven, and their razors have been found in their tombs. Strabo tells us that IIIyrians tattoocd their bodies, and needles with wooden handles suitable for this p urpose are known from Glasinac and Donja Dolina. Leaving aside Strabo's comment on the dirty habits of thc Dardanians, there is l ittle on which to j udge the general heal th of the IlIyrian population. Estimates of life-expcctancy, males 39 and females 36, from the remains at St Lucia can bc valid only for that settlement, while deductions from the age of death givcn on tombstones are now judged to bc unreliable. Life has always been hard in the Illyrian lands and countless wars of resistance against invaders arc testimony to the durability of their popu lations. In the first century BC thc learned Roman Terentius Varro, who knew IlIyria at first-hand, dcscribes how IIIyrian women gave birth with the minimum of interruption to their toi l in the fields, 'holding the new-born i n their laps as if they had found i t rather than givcn birth to it' (De Re Rustica 1 . 10) .2
for many Illyrians agriculture was l ess important than live stock, hunting and fishing. Agriculture was successful in the broader valleys whcre the riverside settlements have yielded a quantity of organic remains. Crops attested in placcs such as Ripac and Donja Dolina includc brcad wheat, oats (used for brewing an ale), millet and vegetablcs (peas, beans and lentils). Thc cxtent of viticulture among the Adriatic Illyrians before the arrival of the Greeks remains uncertain. Ancient writers imply that I1 Iyrians had not learned to cultivate the vine, l
Skeleta l evidence : Stipcevic 1 977a, 262 note S; A l ba nian evidence : Poul Nemeskeri 1 9 86, Dhima 1 9 82, 1 98 3 , 1 98 5 b, 1 9 8 7, a l so Zivoj i
ianos 1 976,
novic 1 9 8 4 (Trcbeniste) . , Mikic 1 9 78 ( G l asinac ) , 1 9 8 1 .
1 93 7.
Sculpture : Abramic
1 1/(' I / IId I kil l " , I II/I II/� 1 11)'11 1 / 1 1 ,\
2.2 1
a l t h o u � h gr a p c sl'l' d s h a v c hcc l l f O l l n d i n t h c t w o set t l e m e n t s n a med a ho v e a n d a l so a t O t o k o n t h c u p per Cct i n a . I n agricu l t u re t h c h a s i c i m p l e m e n t a ppea rs t o h a vl' hccn t h c m attock, a t fi r s t i n hone h u t b te r o f i ro n . The u se o f t h e coulter plough fo r t h e h ea v i e r so i l s i s bel i e ved to be an i mport, either from t h e Celts to the north or from t h e Greeks to the south. The fu l l y devel oped plough was evidently not used before Roman t i m e s or even the Middle Ages. The spread of iron brough t i nto use a wide range of farming implements, including the
spade, rake, shovel , balanced sickle, scythe and bill-hook, but i n m o s t cases the Roman p er i o d brought a marked increase in t h e efficiency of such equipment. Though not highly regarded for their a g ric u l t ure or viticu l tu re, Illyrians were c e rta i nly knowledgeable concern ing the m ed i c i nal qualities of flora in their native lands. Several writers refer to the properties of the Illy ri an iris (iris JIIyrica), the stern of which can heal boils, relieve headaches and, mixed with honey, even induce abortion . The plant was used in several perfume recipes, while Roman l a d i es used the extr act as an antip ers piran t A dried iris was also bel ieved to relieve the misery of teething a mong small children. Although well known beyond the confines of IIlyria, the yellow gentian (gentiana lutea), employed for the treatment of boils, was said to be named by king Gentius, who was the first to recognize its qual ities (PUny, NH 2.5.7 1 ) . 3 B y the Rom an period both the vine and olive were cultivated by the Adriatic II Iyrians, but the Pannonians long continued to import wine in casks through Aquileia (Strabo S . 1 , 8) . lstrian wines were highly regarded, but the planting of vines on the hills north of Sirmium was a famous initiative of the late third century emperor Probus, a na tiv e of the area. To the Greek world the IIlyrians appeared heavy drinkers, from the drinking bouts of the Ardiaei from wh ich intoxicated men were conveyed home by their women, who had also participated, to the over ind u lge n ce of their kings Agron and Gentius. As an alternative to wine the Greeks learned of an excellent recipe for mead made from honey and water from the Taulantii near D yrrh ach .
-
.1
Beck M anagetta, 1 8 97 ( Ripac) , Maly (Donja Dolina), Bcnac 1 95 1
(prehistoric diet ) , Grmek 1 949 (lllyrian
iris).
l.2 1.
1� l IlIIo '" 1 1I)'l'Io "' s
i ll l l 1 , s t i l l l"O n M l n ll'd h y t l H' P.l n no l l i a n I I l y r i a n s in t h l' a gl' of Atti l a t h l' H u n , S t .I n O I l l l', w h osl' hOIlll' l a y a l l l o n g t h l' n o rt h western J I I y r i a n s 011 t h e h or d e r o f Dal ll1a tia a n d Pa n l1 o n i a , tcl l s about the ordinary m a n's bec r l:a l kJ sabaiul1l, madc fro lll barley, Late in the fourth I:entury the emperor Valens ( A I > 3 6 4 -3 7 8 ) , who came from a Pannonian fam i l y of peasa nt origin, was so fond of his native brew that he gained the nickname 'sabaiarius'.4 Sheep and goats were the commonest l ivestock among IlIyri ans. Some of the riverside sitcs (Donja Dolina, etc.) havc yielded significant quantities of pig bones, but these seem to diminish towards the Adriatic. It is hard [0 assess the importance of hunting in the economy of scttlcd commun ities. In thc fcw large deposits so far recorded the quantities of bones from wild animals are no more than a smal l fraction, and some of these were deer antlers that were useful as i mplements. The wild boar was hunted with the spear but many smaller ani mals were hunted for their skins with bow and arrow. We learn from thc late Greek medical writcr Paul of Aegina ( De Re Medica 6 . 8 8 ) that some of the inhabitants o f Roman Dalmatia applied to their arrows a poison called ninum. This was a non-botanical variety which, though lethal to animals, did not contaminatc the Aesh and was obtained from snake-vcnom. Fishing was no doubt practised by thosc who had the opportunity but there i s n o evidence for fish tanks ( vivaria) before the Roman period. In rivcrside settlements such as Donja Dol ina fishing was a major activity, indicated by the hugc dumps of fish-bones and discarded tackle, including hooks, tridents, harpoons, wooden floats and weights, along with remains of d ugout canoes from which the nets were cast. In the small Liburnian coastal town of Argyruntum (Starigrad Paklenica) a cemetery of the carly Roman period yielded a variety of fish hooks deposited in thc graves. The salt that was essential for communities dependent on their l ivestock was obtained mainly from the coast but also from a fcw sources inland. Salt produced by evaporation along the coast was conveyed i nland over thc many 'salt roads' which 4 Mead: Priscus FHG 4, 83, J erome C()mmentary on Isaiah 7. 1 9 , I I Iyri a n dri nk: Grmek 1 950, Zan inovic l 976a ( wine among Adriatic lllyrians ) , Da ut ova-Rusevljan 1 975 (wine amphorae in wreck near Rab),
22.\ ( O l l t i l l lll'd i l l I I Sl' d o w l l 1 0 I l I l H I l' t" 1 l U l l l l· ... . T h e sa l t sou rn' I h a t w a s a �:a U Sl' o l co l l f l i d hl'l w l'l' l I t h e I l I y r i a l l A rd i a l' i a l l d A u t a ri a t a l' l I I a y I w t h a t a t ( ha h ov i ca i l l t h e I I pper N l· n· t v .l v a l l e y Ilea r K O l l j i l' . A p p.He l l t l y w h e l l t h e s.l I t sol l l t i o l l w a s drawn fi v e days s u fficed fo r t h e e v a po ra t i o l l . Fo r a period the two peoples had agreed t o e x t ract i t i n a l ternate years . ' A l though there i s evidence fo r glass manu facture among the
.I apodes, meta l -worki ng was the foremost industry practiscd by l I Iyrians. Some have l i nked its sprcad with the arrival of Celts i ll the fourth century RC, Until thcn most weapons, implements, utensils and ornaments wcrc produced in bronzc, a tradition wh ich continued into the Roman period. During the late Iron Agc most IIIyrian communities had acquired the techniques for working the abundant and varicd mineral deposits in their lands. Many Illyri an sites have produced mctal-working i mplements, i n cl uding picks and mallets for cxtracti ng and crush ing the orc. Smelting-furnaccs, someti mes resembling bread-ovens, occu r w i thin hill-forts. Stone and clay moulds for bronze-casting are common in Bosnia, while ingots suggest the existence of itinerant craftsmen . Burials of metal-workers at San ski Most in northwest Bosnia have yielded a pouring scoop and thc rcmains of a bellows.6 Thc appearance of silvcr objects in graves of the Late Iron Age indicates thc working of l ocal silvcr deposits. Among the southern lllyrians the deposits which provided Damastion (Strabo 7.7, 8 ) , somewhcrc in the Oh rid region, w ith a silver coinage may be the same ones that attractcd Corinth ian i nterest in the area. In the Roman period the main centre of silvcr mining was the aptly namcd Argentaria district in castern Bosnia on the middle Drina. Th e large settlement u ndcr i m perial control at Domavia (Gradina) was latcr an important sourcc of silver for thc imperial mint. Though poets refer to thc gold of Dal matia, and an exceptional strike of 50 pounds in the course of onc day was reported in the reign of Nero (AD 54-6 8 ) , the location of workings rcmains a mystery (Pliny, Ni l 3 3 .67). , Animal bones: Woldrich 1897 ( Ripac), 1 904 (Donja Dolin a ) , Boessneck and Stork 1 9 72 ( Duvno area ) , Abram ic and Coin ago 1 909 (Argvruntum). ' 6 Fiala 1 8 99, 302 (San ski Most) . sprea d of meta l -working: Co vie 1 98 0b, 1 984a, also 5ripcevic 1 977<1, 27 1-2 note 24 (furnaces in gradinas) .
224 Wc a rc i n formed t h a t t h e Il rst �OV l'rnor of l >;l l ll l a t i a for lTd till' natives to wash o u t t h l �( ) I d , t h o u �h t h ey were too ignora n t to appreciate its v a l ue, a n d there was a n i m peri a l b u r e a u fo r the Dalmatian gold mi nes hased i n Salona ( F l o ru s, Epitome 2 . 2 5 ) The most likely source seems to he river gold i n central Bosnia, where remains of working from di fferent peri ods have been identified.7 Though Roman mines and quarri es werc worked with the labour of condemned cri minals among the IIIyrians, mining remained a traditional skill that was h i ghly valued by the Romans. Early in the second century A D there was a new organization for the silver, copper, l ead and iron workings i n the central Balkans, controll ed by imperial agents (procurators) . The names of some mining settlements appear on a local bronze coi nage introduced early in the second century, including Met alia Ulpiana (around Pristina) and Dardanica (Kopaonik moun tains east of the lbar) . Around the same period whole commun i ties o f lllyrians moved to work the rich gold deposits o f western Transylvania, in the recently conquered Dacia . Several com munities arc recorded, including 'castdla' of the DeLmatae and a village (vicus) of the Pirustae, who may wen have been willing participants in the Dacian 'gold-rush' of the early second century A D . 8 The archaeological evidence for IlIyrian commerce consists exclu sively of imports of manufactures from Greece and Italy. IlIyrian exports will have consisted of natural products such as cereals and skins, and, in some regions, slaves. The Greeks as a whole appear to have distrusted the Adriatic. The Athenians kept out of it (Lysias 32.25, Athenaeus 1 3 . 6 1 2d ) , although a fourth-century inscription from Piraeus describes a project to found a settlement somewhere in the Adriatic area for the purpose of importing wheat. Most likely commerce in this quarter was in the h ands of local Greeks from southern Italy and Sicily. Onc exceptional import to the Illyrian lands was '
.
7 H a mm o n d 1 9 72, 93 f. (locating Damastion n e a r working of argentiferous lead at R esen , north of Ohri d ) , Wi l kes 1 9 69 (Argentaria, Domavia), Pas a l i c
1 967 ( m i n i n g in Bosnia ) . 8 Du sanic 1 977b, Covic 1 984a, Jovanovic 1 98 2 ( Rudna Glava copper
mine) , Daicovici u 1 958 (Dal matians in D aci a )
.
1 " /1' ,lil t ! 1 k,"" , /ll/t l/lg 1 11 \,1 /, 111.\
a m he r , t il l' loss i l i l.l'd o r a n gl' n's i n f ro l l l I IH' sou t h s h o rl' 0 1 t h e Ba l t i c con v l'Yl'l1 sou t h h y a f a l l l o u s mu t e a l o n g l h l' V i s tu l a al'rOSS t h e C a r pa t h i a n s to lhl' h l' a d o t t h e A d r i a t i c I l I yrians h a d a spl'l: i a l l i k i n g for a m ber a n d l a r gl' a m o u n ts o f i t h a v e IWl'n fou nd i n their tom bs, m a i n l y as beads and p end ants of a l l s h a pes and si zes but sometimes as inset decoration on metal h roochl's. Th e lIlyrians believed i n its magical and protective q u a l ities and a l m ost everyone seems to have worn it as an a m u l et. Some a t te m p te d to procure a local substitute from the re si n of co ni fers but noth i ng co u l d rcp l a ce the gen ui ne article, and l a boratory a nal y sis has revealcd that I i l yr i an amber came from the Baltic, ra the r than from inferior sources in H u ngary or S i c i l y . Thc arriva l of the Celts in thc D anube basin appears to have d i stu r be d thc amber tradc and o th e r long- d i st a nce commcrce of the Ill yri a ns . They m ay be res p ons i ble for the i ncreased p r od u ct i o n of metal objec ts among some I l lyr i ans , but t h e ir silver coinagcs, modelled on the fourth - c cnt u ry issues of Macedon ia, do not appear among the Illyrians.9 Most of the p rc - Rom a n coins p rodu ced in the IIIyrian lands
were ini tial l y imitations of issues by Dyrrhachium and A p ol lonia which bega n in the fifth ce nt u ry BC. Greek colo n ie s in the Adriatic coined fo r local u s c and their curr ency did not circulate amon g pcopl es on thc m ai n l and , who, we are told, had no use for coined moncy. Si m i larl y the coi n a ges of the IIlyrian k i ngdom and later native issues fol l owin g thc Roman conques t are of no more than local eco n o mic importa nce. Roman coins appear for the fi rs t time among a fcw large hoards in the no rt h wes t of the second century BC, whi ch contain a cu r io u s mixture of Me d iterra n ea n issues and are i n ter p reted as thc result eithcr of lon g- distance trade or p iracy . The s tc reo type of the Illyrian pi rate became widespr ea d i n thc Greek and Roman world and a cq uired a notoriety th at far exc�eded any a ctua l misdeeds. Thc Dalmatian s ho re , with its many islands and inlcts, was ideal for quick raids by se abo rne robbers, while � Stipcevic 1 977a, Sasel 1 9 77b (prehistoric trade across the Julian Alps), Mano 1 975 (trade in S. JIIyria); amber: Malinowsky 1 9 7 1 , Tedan 1 984a, Todd, Eichel, Beck and Macchiarulo 1 976 (analysis of amber), Orlic 1 98 6 (shipwreck near Cres), Radic 1 98 8 (terracotta ship-altars), Archaeological Museum Pula 1 9 86b (Istrian shipping) .
I� 1 1 1 1 1 " 1 1 I/I\''''. /II.� s h i p p i n � i n t h e A d r i a t i l· t l' l H h l t o p re k r t h e sl'l" l I r i t y o f t i ll'
east shore to that of I t a l y , h a r ho l l r l e s s hetween B r i n d i s i a m i Ancona. T h e D a l m a t i a n s h a ve th ro u g h o l l t t h e ages heen fo rm i dable sailors. I n anti q u i ty thei r d istinctive cra ft w a s the km h u s . Highly manoeuvrable and wi th a 10\,..' freeboa rd , these cou l d h e devastating in concerted attacks on the average Medi terra nean transport or war galley . It has been well a rgued that I I I y r i a n piracy was a gross exaggeration by Greeks and Romans o f t h e third and second centuries BC. 1 0 The history of thc IlIyrian lands down to the present day demonstrates how a rugged terrain produces a recurri ng tend ency to political fragmentation. In the matter of settlements there were no great concentrations of population among the pre-Roman IIIyrians to comparc with some of the great oppida among the Cel tic pcoples. The most distinctive feature of the typi cal Illyrian settlement, the fortified hill -top (see figurc 25 ) is the large n umber that appear to have existed at the same timc o ften in barrcn and isolatcd situations. Most of the surviv-
'.
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.
Figure 25 The prehistoric village and caste/here in lstria as ream stmcted by R . F. Burton 10 Kos 1 986 (coi n circulation in southeast Alps), Mirnik 1 982, 1 98 9 (North African), Kozlicic 1 980-1 (ships on coins of Dao rsi), Dell 1 967b (Adriatic piracy ) ,
I . l/t' ./IId 1 ), 0. 1 1/1 & / llIl IlIg 1 1I\'n. /II.�
227
I l l /-: H' l l l a i l l S on: l l r I l l' a !" t i l l' A d r i a t i l' i l l t h e I l I I 1 1' s t 0 I l l' a rl'a s, b u t I Iw H' i s 1 1 0 rl' a s o n to d O l l b t t h a t s i l l l i l a r 1 I l l l l l lwr!> l' x i stl'J i n I\os n i a or ;uo l l n d t i l l' S a v a a n d D ra v a v a l k y s , Link i s k n o w n o f i l l t l' rn a l ,U r,l I l /-:c l l l l' n t s , I n I st r i a sl' v e r a l p l a ccs had a 'spider's web' a rra n gc m c n t o f streets s i m i l a r to that which survived in the R O ll l a n co l o n y at Pol a . I n other areas houses were constructed a ga i n s t the peri meter walls and then extended towards the i n t c r i o r . The nature of larger IIl y rian settlements, specifically t h l' q u estion of developing urbanism, has been much debated, n o ta b l y in Albania, In many places Roman conquest led to the
a handonment of the fortified hill-settlement and the emergence of a central place on lower ground, later organized as a ci ty Oil which the local population became dependent for trade, rcl i gio n and the law, Few of these places became impressive
urban centres, although several major settlements in Istria and Li burnia seem to have been easily endowed with public build i ngs i n the Roman fashion. Few IIlyrian settlements have been l' xtensivcly examined, except for a small number of riversid e v i l l ages with pile-dwellings where organic remains have been preserved in the river silt. These include Donja Dolina on the Sava, Ripac near Bihac on the Una and Otok near Sinj on the Cetina. There is no evidence for a distinctive Illyria n dwelling. Stone houses or huts are known, sometimes in larger blocks with party walls, many of rough stones with thatch roofs. Roman rule had little i mpact on TIIyrian houses even in some larger settlements such as the Radovin gradina in Liburnia, where the roofs of limestone slabs are identical with those in use today. These were residences of the leaders, and the majority were content with a much more humble structure such as the cone-shaped bunje, still the typical shepherd's hut of the Illyrian lands . 1 I The common garment worn by the IIIyrian male was a tunic or long shirt, over which the heavy cloak was worn, as depicted on a Japodian cremation urn from Ri bic near Bihac. On Roman reliefs the familiar style of the I1\yrian tunic has broader sleeves 11 Stipcevic 1 977a, 95-1 05, Benae 1 975 a (gen eral surveys), Truh lar 1 9 8 1 (Sl ovenia ) , Faber 1 976 (Adriatic coast), Kurti 1 979 (Mat region) , Ceka 1 975c ( I I I yrian urban culture), Ba�e and Bushati 1 9 8 9 (domestic dwelling in A l ban i a ) , Suit 1 9 76a, ch . 2 (ph ysical evol ution of IIIyri a n settlements),
22H
Ruman,lIyrians
and a belted waist, as O il the rem arka b le re l i ef from Zenica i n which the scul ptor has attempted to imitate wood-carv ing (see figure 26) . This version of the IIIyri a n tu nic may be the origin of the dalmatic, the favoured garment of late Roman secular and church dignitaries and which survives today as a ch urch vestment. Illyrians also wore the heavy cloak, the Roman sagum similar to the earlier Greek chlamys, fastened at the shoulder by a metal clasp. Breeches were a Roman stereotype of bar barian dress and may h ave been widespread among lllyrians. They are depicted on a Japodian crem ation urn and on a grave
Figure 26 Four male figures on a tombstone from Zenica, Bosnia, 4th century AD
Zl9 I
rel ief from Liv n o :lmong the Dcl m a tac. Among a v a riety of dose- fitting caps the fami l a r Ba l ka n skul l-cap (Albanian qcleshe) appea rs on a rel ief from Zenica. The con ical fur or l ea th er cap (the S la v subara) i s also r e prese n ted . Th e rem a rk a b l e h e a d ge a r worn by the j a pode s of the Lika has no pa r a ll e l el se w he re , except for some helmets in the Dolens ko district ot Slovenia. The leather moccasin was a n I l Iy ri a n footwea r a dopte d wid e l y b y the Slavs (opanci) . Ve rs ion s of it a ppea r od a japodian urn poss i b l y of the fifth cen tu ry BC a nd on the Roman m onument from Tilurium. They were made from � s i ngl e sheet of leather with the point turned back toward s the leg and h e ld with a leather strap around the a n kl e . 1 2 The dress of Illyrian women, which i s better repres en ted on monu m ents of the Hellenistic and Roman era s , comp ri s e d three el ements : an u n derg a rm ent that rea ch e d us u a ll y to the feet, a � upper ga rmen t and a cl oak . The first had l ong sleeves bUI otherw ise was not m uch different from th e male tunic. In so mf cases women are d e p icte d wearing only this garment a n d :l s leevel e ss garment fastened at the shoulders by cl a s p s and belted at the waist. Another ove r- garment was cl ose- fi tti ng in thf upper p a r t but fully pl e a ted and bell - shap ed in the lower . Th i � dres s is common on gra v e reliefs of the Rom a n era and is alsc the garb of female deities, such a s Diana and the Nymphsl a l th ough it is a l so worn by dancers on the early j apodian urm (fifth to fourth centuries BC) . A ver sion of this I II y r i a n dres! survives in northern Albania and in the Kosovo region. Il ly r i a � women are also shown wearing a form of hooded cloak, on reli efs from northern Al b a n i a (Krotine near Berat) and Livnq among the Delmatae. Some ancient sources refer to a Liburniar hooded cloak (cucullus Liburnicus) . Il lyri an women are alsc shown wearing a variety of the Balkan he ad sc a rf, with the end�
12 Sti pcevi c 1 977a, 86-90,
I
Cremosnik 1 963, 1 964 (native dress on Romar relief sculpture in Bosnia-Hercegovina), lsidore of Seville, Etymologies 1 9.22 9 (dalmatic), Terzan 1 984b (dress and society) , Gjergji 1 97 1 (Albania� continuity of Illyrian dress), Jubani 1 970.
lW
N i l"',," t llvl'l, "' s
t i l'd o r u n t i t'd , M o rt' CO l l 1 l 1 1 0 n ;I I'l' t h t' sh a w l s w h i l'h l'o v l' I't'd hoth h l' a J a n d s h o u l d e rs , a l rt' a d y lkp i l'tl'd O i l s i l ll l a l' of t h l' Early Iron Agl' from Dokn s k o , I \ Among the ohjects o f dom esti c l i fe there do not a p pea r to have been distinctive types or forms of lIIy rian pottery. T h e
potter's best products were the burial urn, often rich l y decor ated with paint, mouldings or incisions. IIlyrians continued to make their pottery by hand down to the Roman period, except in the northwest and the south where con tacts with Italy and Greece led to the use of the potter's wheel . There were no centres of l arge-scale production and the few ki l n s known suggest that they produced only for the needs of the l ocal settlement. The production and use of metal utensils remained for the most part confined to the northwestern com m unities, where Italic influence brought the m anufacturc of huckets (situlae) and cauldrons. Otherwise metal vessels, like those in tomhs at Glasinac, the Mat valley and Trcbeniste, were Greek imports. Just as with pottcry, so there was no distinctive II lyrian version of the axe, probably thc most common working tool found in thcir settlements, made in stone, hronze and iron. A distinctive type known in Istria and Slovcnia, a single-edged bronze long axe sometimes decorated where the handle was insertcd, was intended for combat rather than domestic use. Another common tool was the chisel, from the heavy stone- or timber-splitter used with a hammer to the h andled varicty for wood-carving. 1 4 lIlyrians used the traditional saddle quem for grinding their corn, where the grain was spread on a concave stone and then crushed by a smal ler oval stone laid a bove. Some communiti es still used this quem i n the Roman period, but by thcn most had adopted the more efficient rotary quem (mala versatilis), likely to h ave been first introduced by thc Greeks. The mill I .l (:remosni k 1 963, 1 964, Terian l 984b, Drcchsler-BiZic 1 96 8 O a podian hea dgear), Komata 1 98 4 (Dyrrhachium rdief of lllyrian Kleiti a with h ead shawl), 1 4 Komata 1 97 1 a (pottery kilns near KlU; i Zi near Korce), Anamali 1988 (lamp manufacture at Byllis), Vinski-Gasparini 1 968 (manufacture of b ronze pai l s among northern I I I yrians), Pus 1 976 (impreg nation of pottery with birch-bark resin), Stipcevic 1 960-1 (lI Iyrian tools),
1 // / ' , 1 11' / I )/', lIh , 1II/l lIIg 11/\,1/ , 111.\
.' \ I
l'I l I l s i S I l'd o f I I , I rgn l o w l' !' rO l l l l d s l O l l l' w i l h ,I �: O l l V l' X l o p (JIICld ) f i x l' l l i l l a w o o d t' l I S I ;1 I 1 d , O i l w h i d , ...... a s p l a l't'd t h e C O I I CI V l' I I ppn s l o m' (c,llilllfs ) . T h t' l a l t e r h a d a l l o p e n i n g a t I h t' t o p i nt o w h i c h I h e g r a i l l w a s fed a l l d t h e m i l l ed ",... heat ,
Cl I 1 l l' out a l the s i d e s . Th i s m a l l Y Ba l k a n cOlll lll u n i t ies
i m plement rc m a i n ed in use a mong lIntil modern tim es. There is no t r a c c of I I lyria n s using the donkey-powered capstan mill found i l l some Roman settlements. Many of the known Illyrian houses t:o n ta i n ed ovens or hearths for baking bread, for example, at Don j a Dolina. A Slav method of baking bread using a heavy d ay l i d (pekva) that was heated and placed above the dough i l l the fireplace was inherited from the lllyrians, from the l'V i d e n c e of a complete example found at Ripac near Bihac. ' s Among basic i mplements o f the livestock economy the Illyri ans employed the simple spring form of cutting shears, sti l l used today for shearing sheep. Almost every excavated settle ment has yielded numbers of loomweights of fired day, some ti mes decorated wi th patterns and symbols. Their deposition in gra ves h as suggested that these designs have some inner meaning, perhaps representing the souls of ancestors as guard i ans of the hearth . Most Illyrian households will have had a weaving loom , while the domestic debris from several sites i ncludes spinning-wheels in several materials, bone needles, sh uttles and spindles. 1 6 Illyrians loved ornaments, and on festive occasions their womenfolk would appear heavily draped with all manner of jewellery, while the men bore their highly decorated weapons (see figures 27a and 27b) . The brooch (fibula) used for fastening clothing was worn by both sexes. Several varieties appear to have had a distinctive evolution in the Illyrian lands, notably the 'spectacle' -brooch of two concentrically wound spirals attached to the pin. The Glasinac fibula was a variant of the simple bow-fibula which is common among many lllyrian groups. Other forms which appear in the Early Iron Age include those with bosses on the arch, ani mal-shaped brooches, serpent shaped and plate-brooches, the l ast being distinctively LiburnIS C ovic 1 962, Truhelka 1 904 and 1 909 (Donja Dolina), Stipcevic 1 9 77a, 269 note 42 (pekvas). 1 6 Stipcevic 1 9 77a, 1 3 1 -2 .
(a)
(b)
Figure 27 a) Bronze pectoral from Zaton, near Nin, Liburnia b) Jewellery and ornaments worn by IIIyrian women
I tl,' , l I I d 1 ),',111,
. t l l l l l"g 1 1I ",.,, , , , s
211
i a l l , A s i gl l i l i l' ;1 I 1 1 L l I n i m po rt w a s I I I l' I l l'a v y h rood l w i t h l a rgl' ; l r r h a mi l o n g a r m l l ;l I 1 1ed fro m t hl' s i t l' of ( :e r t o s a Ilea r Uologn a , A n o t h n d i s t i n ct i v e h roo�: h , o ft e n m ad l' ill s i l v l' r a n d w i th a w i d e ;urh i n t he for m o f op en pl' ta l s i s n a med from the fine e x a m p l es fO l l n d a t Strpri o n t h l' D ri n a nea r Gorazde. This type see m s to h a v e hee n p o p u l a r among the southern Illyrians and is hel ieved to he modelled on Greek forms. 1 7 The m ost remarkable III yrian headgear must be that worn hy the women of the j apod e s in the Lika plain, which incl uded ,
diadems and elaborate pendants (sce figures 28a-e) . The dia dem was also worn by other II Iyrians, including the Liburnians, where they were made of sheet bronze with geometric decor ation. IIIyrians could have been found wearing almost every ronceivablc size, shape and design of pendant, Among the Japodes and Liburnians the h uman face was a common image, while the bird was pr e ferred among the southern Illyrians, i ncluding those buried at Trebeniste. The triangle, often rep resenting the human figure, was the most common geometric ornament. The IIlyrians wore bracelets with terminals in the form of animal s , in particular serpents' heads. The finest examples of this type arc the gold Mramorac bracelets from near Belgrade dated to the fifth or fourth centuries sc. Other examples are known in silver, while their general distribution towards the south in the direction of Macedonia suggests they may have come from Greek workshops. In addition to their necklaces of a mber, Illyrian chiefs wore heavy bronze torques around the neck. One can only wonder at the way their robes with rich metal ornaments and fa s te nings were often taken to the funeral pyre or the grave. The chest ornament (pectoral) must often have presented an intimidating aspect of shining metal. Some of the most elaborate come from Liburnian tombs, consisting of decorated bronze plates from which a variety of pendants and other ornaments were suspended. The Illyrians liked decorated belt-buckles or clasps (see figure 29) . Some of 1 7 Alexander 1 965 (spectacle-brooches) , Gabrovec 1 970 (double-loop Glasinac), Bodinaku 1 984, C:ovic 1 9 75d, Vasic 1 98 5 , 1 987, Vinski-Gasparini 1 974 (bow-brooches), Vasic 1 975 (spear-form), Stare 1 9 76 (boat-shaped), Terzan 1 977, Tezak-Gregel 1 98 1 (Certosa brooches) , Batovic 1 95 8 (plate brooches) , Drech sler-Bizic 1 9.5 1 (brooches in Bosnia-He rcegovina) .
(b)
(a)
(c)
(d)
Figure 28 a) Anthropomorphic bronze pendant from Loz, Slovenia, 5th century BC b) Bronze pendant from Kompol;e, Lika, 25 cm long c) Bronze temple-band from Gorica, �lovenia d) Japodian metal headgear from Kompo/;e, Lika
(e)
(E)
Figure 28 Continued e) Japodian leather helmets with metal studs and mail from Kompoije, Lika
f) Bronze and amber jewellery from burial tumulus at Sticna, 6th century BC
Figure 2 9 Silvered bro nze belt-plate with scene of co m bat between warriors and horsemen, from Se/cif e Poshtme, Albania, 3rd century B C
gold and silver, with openwork designs of s tyliz e d birds, h ave a similar distribution to the Mramorac bracelets and may al so have been produced under Greek influence. 1 8 For II Iyrian social organization the available picture is not only incomplete but often distorted by statements of Greek and Roman writers. There was little in the Illyrian way of l i fe that they found appealing. No writer produced a balanced account of IIlyrians: the promised description of the Panno n ian s and Dalmatians by Velleius Paterculus (2. 1 1 4), based on his experi ences in the war of AD 6-9, evidently did not materialize. Most of what we have comes from second-, third- or even fourth hand, sometimes with an i n terval of centuries. We h av e no IlIyrian words for political or social organization. The material evidence, while abundant, is often hard to decipher. Some have argued that already in the Bronze Age there was a class possess i ng special functions and expertise whose subsistence was produced by others. Yet what this amounted to in regard 18
Stipcevic 1 977a, 1 1 1-24, Kilian 1 975; pins: Kilian-Dirl meier 1 98 4
(N. Albania), Veyvoda 1 96 1 Oapodian double-pins), Vasic 1 9H 2b, 1 974a (decorated buckles), Drechsl er-BiZic 1 968, Kastclic 1 960 (diadem), Ma rkovic
1 9 84 (ornaments in princely tomb, Lisijcvo pol je, Ivangrad, Montenegro), Teri:an 1 978 (dress-fittings from Kriina Gora), Stare 1 970 Oapodian pecto ral ), Pus 1 978 (anthropomorphic pendants from I.jubl j ana), J ubani 1 96 7 (significance of pendant forms in Mat region ) .
217 � l I d l WO l l p S a s p n l's l s , na lt s l l l l' l l o r w a r rio rs i s h a rd 1 0 I d l . I\y t i l l' l' i gh I h n'l l l my lIt a l i d I h e d l' v l' l opl'd I ro l l A gl' a t: I t'a r I y ddi nl'd d a �� o f w a rr i o r d i l l' h a d n U lll' i n l o l' x i �tl'll t:(:, a t least \0
a rl'a�, w h osl' s t a tu s W l' t:;l l l j u d gl' from the q u a n tities o f wea p OIl S , a r l l l o u r a lld o t h e r p rl,t: i o u s t h i n g s de pos i ted in I h l' i r tomhs, The fo r m a t i o n of t r i b a l u n i ts will have e nge nd ere d w a r fa re and g i v e n t h e special ist fi g h te r a h igh status, Th ere is no way of j u dg i n g the extent to which outside i nfl uences wll tri huted to these developments. The import o f some h igh
ill
S O l l l l'
lJ u a l i t y goods from the Greek world does not represent any d i r et:t influence over the I ll y ri a n s oci a l o rd er , a lthough con t ro l ling the supply of matcrial su pp l i c d in cxchangc for such i tems must h a v e remained a s i g n i fi cant concern on the part of the ru l i ng e1i te . 1 ':I The growth of urban centres among some o f the s o uth ern l I I yrians can be l i n ked to d i re ct contacts with the Greek world in the H e ll e ni s tic era. Similarly, what is known of the internal
o rganization of the Illyrian ki n gd o m points to imitat i on of n e igh b ou ring Ep i rus and Macedon i a. Accounts of the regi me i m po s ed on III y r i a n s fo ll owi n g the Roman co n q u e st convey
little or nothing of native tribal institutions. Thcrc sccms littl e to be gain e d from m atch i ng the 342 decuriae attribute d b y Pl iny to the Delmatae w ith Strabo's estimate of 50 s ett l e m e nt s or t h e claim of Vatinius that they exceeded 60. Som e inscribed boundary stones from their territory record smaller groups, probably the i n h abitants of si ngle pl aces, th e Narestini o f Nare s t e (Jesenice), the Pituntini of Pituntium ( Podstr a n a ) and the On as tini of Oneum (Omis), along the coast south of Salona. Similarly there were the Barizaniates of Bariduum and the Lizaviates i n the Vrl i k a reg i on of the upper Cetina valley. S trab o ' s much discussed comment (7.5, 5 ) th a t among thc Del matae land wa s redistributed evcry cighth ycar m ay rel a tc to th e p eculi a r conditions of thc seasonally flooded p ol j e, where col lective o wn ership of the land may have las ted into the Roman er a . 2 0 The II lyri an tri bal aristocracy under Roman rule appears
19
Suit 1 967b (ancient references to Illyrian 'ethnology' ) ,
2 0 Gabricevic 1 953 (communities of Dclmatae in Vrlika area), Wilkes 1 969,
n u", .. "
' ''y' ''f''�
be fore the end of thl' fi rst l:cntury A I > with thc tit l e l: h i c f (princeps) a n d even l:om m a nder (praeJJOsitus) . A t least one o f
the leading fam i l i es of the Del matae ba s ed at Rider recei ved Roman citi zenship from the emperor Claudius ( A D 4 1 -54) . Further south in the old Illyrian kingdom we meet a chief (princeps) of the Docleatae and a relative who was chief of the local fortress Salthua (p robably R i j e ca n i near Niksic), though neither of these was yet a Roman citizen. The title of princeps sti ll persisted after some of the large native settlements had been organized as Roman cities. Among the ] ap ode s around Bihac, altars we re dedicated by leaders of the tri b e to Bindus Neptunus , deity of the local spring (see figu re 30) . In add ition to the (presumably) hereditary title of chief (princeps) one has the title commander (praepositus) and a reference to his receiv ing Roman c i t i ze n ship from Vespasian (AD 69-79) . This appears to i mply that by the Flavian era the native chiefs were replacing the senior centurions and regimental commanders appointed to control the civitates after the conquest. Little is k n own of the status of women among the I II yri ans save fo r two intere s tin g comm ents by a n cient writers. The Coastal Passage (Periplus) attributed to Scylax of Caryanda reports that the Liburnians were subj ect to the rule of women, who were free to have sexual relations with slaves or foreigners. On a sim ilar note the Roman Varro, writing in the first cen tu ry BC, obse rv es that Liburnian women could, if they chose, cohabit before marriage with a nyone they pleased. These passages have been used to support the belief that the Liburnians represent some survival of non- Indo - Eu ropeans among the I II yria n s, a l tho ugh the r ol e of Qu een Teuta among the southern II ly rians suggests that, in politics at least, women played a leading role among other Illyrians. 2 1 The p romi n e nce of warfare in ancient accounts of the II ly r i ans is matched by the large and various quantities of arms recovered from th eir graves. Their principal offensive weapon was the single- edged curved sword, simil a r to the Greek machaira, a form of weapon that can be traced back to Bronze Age times. Although a short curved sword was used by several
21 Wilkes 1 969.
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am I J
I 'o tll ,'/III IIt� I fI vrJ, / I/$
Figure 3 0 Altars with Latin text dedicated by chief of the Japodes Pri//ilica spring, near Bihac, Bosnia, 1 st century A D peoples around the Mediterranean the Romans regarded the sica as a distinctive IlIyrian weapon, used by the assassin (sicarius) . Equally well represented in the evidence is the long heavy spear (sibyna) which is described a an Illyrian weapon by the Roman poet Ennius (Annals 5 .540 Apart from these distinctive types Illyrian graves contai n variety of knives, battle-axes, swords and bows and
HO
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( see figu re . � I ) , g n'a ves a n d 1 l l' 1 1 1 1 1' l s Wl' rl' t il l' p ri v i kgl' o f a minority, with a kw e x a l l l p l es of fu l l hody p rotec t i o n hei n g known only in th c D o k n s k o regi o n o f S l ov e n i a , At G l a s i n a c there are some chest-protectors covered w i t h b ro n ze studs, dated to the seventh century ne. Bronze greaves of th e s a m e period include a pair from a pr i n c ely tomb a t Ilijak, on which there is repoussce and engraved decoration of exccptional i n tcr est, including thc Illyrian (Liburnian) warships rendered in a striking geometric style. Metal hel mets are the most com mon protcctive armour in the early graves (see figure 3 2 ) . More than 30 examples from the Dolensko region fu rnish a series o f designs evolved i n local workshops. Helmets at Gla sinac were imported, including one prototy p e of thc so-called Grcco1I1yri a n helmet, whose origin and manufacture has been much debated. An Albanian vicw insists that this represents a wholly
Figure 3 1 (above left) B ronze cuirass from Novo Mesto, Slovenia
Figure 32 (above right) Bronze helmet (rom a warrior-burial, Kaptol, Slovenia
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i nd i gl'n o u s I l I y ri a l l t Y lll', i ll U S l' t w m t h l' sl'vl, n t h to t he sc(ond (cn t u r ics IH , a l t h o u g h t h l' m a jor i t y v i l'w is that t h a t t y pe h ad �one o u t of u se by t he fo u rt h ((' I l l l l r y , .'.!
Burial and belief know I I I y rians m a i n l y th ro u gh th e i r bu r i a l s , i n to w h i ch t h e y p u t a grea t dea l , both spi ritual l y and physically. Thc gcneral l ack of u n i fo r m i ty i n bu r ia l p ra cti ce has tended to be
W('
(i ted as e vi d en ce for the mixcd origins of the Illyrians, incl u din g both Indo-Eu ropean and n on - I nd o - Eu ro p e a n elements, Onc d i sti n ct i ve fe a t u re of the I l Iy ria n burial ritc was the mound of sto n es and earth heaped ovcr thc gra ve . Though s u c h tumulus bu rials arc fou nd in several areas of Eu rop e du r i n g the Bronze Age, the I I I y r i an s sta n d out for their co nti n ua tio n of the pra cti cc even, in some regions, wcll i nto the R o m an p e r i o d. The s i ze of the mound, pcrhaps also the location, as wel l as th e q ua l i ty of the co n tcn ts were in ten ded to m a ke an explicit statement of status in the com m u n i ty on the p a rt of the family or kinsh ip g r o u p. The bu ri a l s o f chie fs or princcs were a l s o m arked o u t by the la rge numbcr of s eco n dary b u rials i n serted with i n t h e m oun d , oftcn in a re gu lar arrangemen t, of compan i on wa rriors or oth e rs of the k i n group. A p a rt from these fea tures th e re a p pears to h a v e been no me a ns by whi ch the identity of thc d ece a se d was in d i ca te d to the cas ual on l o ok er ; in th e a bsence o f skeletal re m a i n s, on l y the in terred ob j ec ts can distinguish between a male and female burial, as is th e case with the pri n ce l y buri a l s a t Atenica near Cacak . .B There is not a grcat dcal of informative cvidence for religio u s o r cult p ra cti ce s associated with the I1 Iyri an dead. Coffin-burial s
lZ Stipcevic 1 977a, 1 7 1 -3 (swords), Frey 1 973 (hopl ite panopl y in southeast Alps), l sl a m i 1 98 1 , Stam ati 1 9 8 1 (cu i r a s se s ), K i l ian 1 973 (greaves from lI ijak,
Glasinac).
14 Stipcevic 1 9 77a, 229-3 6 , faber 1 984 (tumulus construction), Pa la vestra 1 984 (pr incely to m b s) , D. G arasan i n 1 976 (Bal kan tu m u l i graves), l .azic 1 98 9 (tu m u l i in Serbi a and Montenegro), Ceka 1 9 75a (chamber tom bs in cities), Manastirli 1 976 (rock-cu t tombs), Cambi 1 975 , �aric 1 975a (sarcophagi and cremation chests in Li b ) .
bl' l l l'ath t i l l' f l o o r h o a rd .. o f hO I I '. \' " , 1 1 I ) o n j ;l I )olin a s l l ggl' s l I h;1 I a few i nd i v i d l l a l s ( 1 l l 0S I Iwo p k Wl'I"l' h ur i l'd in I h l' n c a r h y cemetery) h a d a spn: i a l ro k a s g l l ;l rd i a ns o r p ro l n:tors o f till' hearth . The exca v ;l tor o f th at sl'tt l e l l l e n t be l i e v ed th a t the d a y hearths, decorated with meanders a n d swast i k a s , i n t h e h o u scs may have served also as shrines related to th e cul t o f the dead (sce figure 3 3 ) . The practice of burying the corpse i n the cro lll: h
position, common i n Bronze Age Europe, persisted among the Li burnians, and this is cited as further evidence for the s urvival of non-Indo-European elements among that people. The grad ual shift from the rite of crem ation to that of i n h u m ation d uring the Roman era is generally i nterpreted as sign of a greater concern with the afterlife. In the Early Iron Age an older tradition of inhumation among lllyri ans began to be replaced by cremation, and th i s is seen as evi dence for a spi ritual change or even 'crisis'. In regional te rms cremation was more com m on among northern lllyrians, while the other persisted as the dominant rite in the south. It is hard to assess such changes, dimly seen over a l ong peri od of ti me. In the Vrl ika region of
Figure 3 3 Decorated
clay hearth from J)rmja J)o/ina, H osllia
1 ,/,' ,1/1,/ 1 ), ', 1 1 1 , , / l l / f ll/g 1 11\,11, 1/1.\
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t h e I I p pl' !" Cl' t i n a v a l l l' Y , h a rd l y � o l l I i l l's f l"l l l l l t h e sea h i l t s t i l l a rl' l l 1 o t l' a r ea , I l I y r i a l l t l l l l 1 l 1 l l 1 s h U rI .l l s cl r r i l'd O i l t h e I ra d i t i o l l s o f t h e B ro n l.l' A ge a t l e a s t d o w n 1 0 t i l l' sl' co l l d Cl'll t u r y A [ I . I n t il l' ri l l' o f L Tl' m a t i o l l t h e o l d r i t u a l o f ra k i n g t h e cha rred bones a n d a s h e s of the p y re togl'tha as ti l l i n g for the grave was gr;l ll u a l l y gi v e n u p in preference for the small stone cremation r l l l'st, usua l l y deco rated and inscri bed, that became widespread d u r i n g the Roman era, Perh aps the most distinctive form of I l I yri a n grave mon ument rendered in stone was the circular Li b u rnian tombstone, representi ng a roun d house or hut with con ica l roof of tiles or stone slabs. Most of these appear to helong to the early Roman period (fi rst to early second centuries A D ) . Anoth er form of the Roman era reflecting native traditions occu rs around the Gulf of Kotor, where some tom bstones arc surmounted by small pyramids, representing the roof of a
d we l l i ng.24
There is no evidence for religious practice or observance a mong lllyri ans to compare with that for the ritual of burial . We have no means of setting in context the reference to h u man sacrifice carried out by some IIlyri ans in the face o f t h e expedition by Alexander of Macedon in 335 sc. The blood thirsty ways of Illyrians are mentioned with disgust by G reek writers, notably the custom of using the skull of an enemy a s a drinking tankard. The practice of m utilating prisoners m a y b e the reason why the Autariatae kill ed their O\vn wea k a n d wounded, s o that th ey did n ot fall i n to the hands of the en e m y live and edi ble (Nicola us of Damascus, Collection ol Customs, hag. 1 1 5 , ed . j acoby, fGrHist HA). At the more spiritual level II Iyrians were certainly much taken with the force of spells or the evi l eye. Pliny's story that there were among III y ri ans those 'who coul d gaze with the evil eye, cast a spell and even kill someone' (Nl f7. 1 6) is repeated in the follow i ng century by Aul us Gelliu s (9.4, 8) in his compendium of table-talk among
.!4 Stipcevi c 1 98 4b, Benac 1984b, M . Garasanin 1 9 8 4 (anth ro pomorph i c tombstones ) , Ga briccvic 1 9 !1 3 ( S i n j tombstones), Fadic 1 9 8 8 (Libu rn i an tom bstone ) , Zotovic l 974 (Pil arovici ) , 1 9 84 (Sase b uria ls), Dobrun a-Salihu 1 9 !1 1 , 1 9 8 7, Mirdita 1 98 1 ( Kosovo).
244 R o m a n i nt l, l I e C i U ;l k TIll' forn' of t i ll' l' v i l eye re l l l <1 I 1l S w i d l'
sp re a d i n the Ba l k a n s , b u t t h e r e i s n o rl';l SOI1 to bd i l've t h a t i t h as a s p e c i ficall y I I I y r i a n o r i g i n , Un l i ke Celts, Daci ans, Th rac i a n s o r Scyth i a n s , there i s no indication that I ll y rians dc v elop cd a u n ifo rm cosm o l ogy on which their religious practicc was centred , An etymology of the I lI y ria n n a m e l i nked w ith se rpe n t wou l d , if it is true, fit with the many rep res e n t ati o n s of that sp ec i es in the s o uth e r n Bal k ans. Na m es o f in div idual pe o pl es may have been formed in a si m i la r fashion, Taulantii from 'swallow' (cf. the Albanian tallandushe) or Enchelei the 'eel-mcn' and Chelidoni the 'snail men'. The name of the Delmatae a ppe ars connected with the Albanian word for ' sh eep ' (de/me-) a n d the Dardanians with t h a t for ' pear ' (dardhe). Some pla c e - names appear to have similar derivations, including Olcinium (Ulcini ) from ' w o lf' (ukas), al tho u gh the ancients p r e fe rr ed a con n ection with Col chis, There is no question but that Il I y r i a ns a ck no wled ged supernatural forces and identified deities whose power was exp re s sed in the vicissitudes of dail y life , health and sick ness , natural abundance and d i s a ste r. Symbol i c forms appear in every vari ety of ornament, Most common of all is that of the sun, to wh i ch were related birds, serpents, horses and the s wasti k a , which is seen to re p resent thc so lar movemcnt. Among thc Liburnians and their Vcn cti c neighb o urs thc image of the sun boat depicts the sun-disc being born e across the firmament. In Slovenia models of a ho rse-drawn cart m ay represent P h a e thon ' s ch ario t, a Greek my th centred around the head of th e Ad ri atic . A m ong the northern Illyrians symbols a ssociated with sun -wo rs h i p i nclude those o f w a ter -fo w l and h o rses al ong w ith several gco metric m o tifs , but in the south the serpent is more prominent. The cu lt of the sun among the Paeon ians, wh o dwelt between the M a ced o n i a n s and D ardan ia n s , i s described by a write r of the second ce n tu ry A D as focused on a small disc at the top of a long po l e (Maximus of Ty re , Philosophoumena 2.8, 6).25 H Benac 1 98 4a ( spirit ua l culture), Stipcevic 1 9 8 1 (cult symbols ) , Vasic 1 974b (Paconian sun-worship), Marovic t 970 (Li burnian sun-worship), Medini t 9 75 Oapodian religion), Orec t 987 (hill-top sanctuaries near Pos usj e and Lj ubuski) , Stare 1 973 (sceptre in Smarj eta burial), Crem o s ni k 1 9 68 ('orans'
1 , ,/,' ,111'/ / )" , /1/1 . ,II/, II',ll. 11Il'1/' 1II.�
Thl' i l1l agl' of t ill' Sl'J"Pl'llI was a potl'nl sy m hol, especi a l l y a mong thl' sOll t hern I I I y rians. Evcn i n t ill' R o m a n period altars Wl'rl' ded icated i n Dardania (near SkOpjl') to the serpcntine pair Dracon and Dracacna . It was the com mon terminal ornament (or pins, bracelets, n e c klaces, pendants, etc The symbol of ferti l i ty and potency, the serpent was later seen to represent a challcnge to the hold of Ch ristianity on the spiritual life of the I I l yrians. Th i s emerges from the account of St Jerome (a native of IIIyria) of the life of St Hilarion, who came to Epidaurum in AD 365 to free its people from the scourge of the giant sc rpent Boas, reputed to devour cattle and people. The saint k i l led the serpent, and the Christians long remembered the victory (Life of Sf Hilarion 9). In that region the image of the serpent evoked not only the legend of Cadmus but also the connection between IlIyrian Epidaurum and the cult of the healing divinity Aesculapius from Epidaurus in Greece, in which the repti le was also prominent. The slaying of the serpent by 5t Hilarion must have had a symbolic impact on the people of that region. A list of the figures and d e vices which appear to have had some s piritual meaning for Illyrians would i nclude more than 60 items from the pre-Roman and Roman peri o d s Some came from elsewhere, from the plains to the no r th the swastika with horses' heads, from the Celts the use of red enamel, from the Bronze Age Aegean the double-axe, doves, lions and funeral masks, and from further cast the sphinx and the cat. The p rotective and beneficial force of amulets is evident in the many examples of such forms as the phallus, the hand, the leg and animals' teeth.26 IlIyrian deities are named on monuments of the Roman era, some in equation with gods of the classical pantheon (see figure 34). There seems to have been no single or dominant Illyrian deity and some were evidently worshipped only in particular regions. Thus several deities occur only in Istr i a, including Eia, Malesocus, Boria and Iria. Anzotica was the Lib u rnian Venus and appears in the traditional image of the classical goddess. Other local deities were Latra, Sentona and the nymph lea, .
.
praying in rel ief sculptu re), Knez 1 974 ( ritual vessel), Ba�e 1 9 84 (temple architecture in U1yrian Albania). 2 & Stipcevic 1 9 8 1 , G l ogovi c 1 98 8 (sna ke brooches) .
14h
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Figure 34 R elief of Diana and other deities at OpaciCi, near Glamoc.
Bosnia
wo rshippe d in eastern Istria at a spring still known by that name today. Among the ]apodes alta rs were d e d i c a te d by th e tribal leaders at the Privilica spring near Bih ac to the local deity Bindus, i d e nti fie d with Neptune, the classical god of spr i n gs and seas. N o r th of the j apodes, the altars to Vidasus and Thana dedicated at the hot springs of Top u s ko reveal the local
247
idl'lltities o f S i l v a llus and D i a n .l , . 1 fa m i l i a r I:om b i llatiol1 on many dedkati ons i n the territory of the Dcl m a tae. Someti mes the name of a local deity is rCI:o rdcd only i n the Latin form, for example, Armatus at Dclmin i u lll ( D u v l1o) who was evidently a war god of the Dcl matae, and the Latin Liber who appears with the attributes of Silvanus and Terminus, the protector of houndaries. The identity of Taden us, an identity or epithet of Apollo at the Roman spa near the source of the Bosna, at I1idza, the ancient Aquae S., is not known and the name may he of Thracian origin. From the same quarter of the Balkans the cult of the Thracian horseman spread into the Illyrian lands du ring the Roman period, appearing in the familiar image of the galloping rider with the short cloak streaming out behind. The IIIyrian town Rhizon ( Risini u m ) on the Gulf of Kotor had its protective deity Medaurus, named on dedications to Aesculapius at the legionary fortress Lam baesis in Africa by the legate, a Roman senator and native of Risinium, in the reign of Marcus Aurelius ( 1 6 1-1 69 ) . The god, who is also commemorated at Risinium, is described in the verses of th e text as riding on horseback and carrying a lance.27 IIIyrian taste in artistic ornament was non-representational and geometric, with combinations of triangles, diamonds and diagonal l i nes incised on metal objects and pottery. The absence of figu red ornament may reflect the apparent lack of mythology or anthropomorphic cults. This seems to be the only consistent feature in the art of the Illyrians that appears with the developed Iron Age of the eighth century BC. Later developments may he attributed to outside influences, notably archaic Greece and Etruscan Italy. By the sixth century a new warrior elite at Glasinac and in Dolensko shows a taste for imported objects with figured decoration. From this may have developed some technical skill in producing figured ornament. The remarkable Situla art with its great variety of figured decoration appears to have been a transplant from northern Italy. Even if Illyrian chiefs were patrons of the local craftsmen making the situlae, along with decorated belt-plates, the objects and the scenes 27 Stipcevic 1 9 77a, 1 93-6, Wilkes, 1 96 9 , 255 (Mcdaurus), Dcgrassi 1 9 70 1 (Istrian cults), Cambi 1 98 0 (Anzotica) , Medini 1 984 (Latra), Zaninovic 1 9 84a (Liber), Patsch 1 900 Uapodes).
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- - - - - -R nmiiil lIIyrliins
they depict do not appear to he matched in the l oca l mate culture. Hence the current theory that they were the work immigrant craftsmen using a repertoi re of exotic scenes � motifs. The origin of the ornament on Japodian funeral u is less clear. Some of the carving, which seems to imitate
Figure 35 a) Tombstone of mother and daughter in native style Greek epitaph, from near Apollonia
u
Figure 35 Continued b) Family tombstone with relief portraits, from Ko/ovrat, near Pri ;epol;e, Serbia, late 2nd century AD
Figure 35 Continued c) Portrait reliefs on family tombstones from near Glamoc, Bosnia, 2nd century A I )
Figure .H Continued
d) Tombstone with Latin epitaph, with depictions ofjewellery (above) and textile motifs (below), from near Sini, Dalmatia
2 '2
H, 1 I1111111 (1I)'I/oIIIS
incised o rn a mcllt o f m c t a l , m a y dai v l' fro l l l t h c s i t u l a e, h u t production appea rs t o h a v c bee l l t h e w o r k o f n a t i v e craftslllen working in the more a us t e re I I I y ri a n geometric trad i tion . Therc seems to be little i n com mon between t h e excepti o n a l s i t u l ae and Japodian urns and the many locally produced p e nd a nts in human and animal forms found in the Japodian cemeteries o f around the same period. These portrayals of animals - horse, cock, fish, etc. - in bronze pendants and glass beads, some with h uman features, may have been produced among th e ]apodes but hardly amount to a distinctive ]apodian style, while the much discussed items of carved amber with human features from the grave at Kompolje are likely to be imports.28 The stone sculptures from Nesactium in lstria have no paral lel in the Illyrian lands but are comparable with other finds from Adriatic Italy. The carvings appear to have been near life size statues of domestic deities, probably erected at a shrine in the Early Iron Age. The most striking piece depicts a naked woman cradling a child in her arms, carved in high relief from a s i ngle block. Another fragment, perhaps belonging to the same piece, depicts a male rider and horse. There are also several naked male figures, a female head and a horse's head, while some other fragments are decorated with spiralform orna ment, meanders and swastikas. Since they were discovered at the beginning of the twentieth century, estimates of their date and signi ficance h ave varied greatly: one opinion linked them with the art of Mycenaean Greece, but now a local origin and a somewhat later date for the ornament is preferred. On the other hand, the double-headed fragment of sculpture, now in Pul a but perhaps also from Nesactium, has a distinctly Greek appearance in the 'barbaric' style. An obvious connection with the Greek world is Spina, a trading post near the mouth of the
lR Stipcevic 1 963, Grbic 1 97 1 , Covic 1 984b, Gabrovec 1 9 84, ( north w es t Illyrians), Va si c 1 98 6 (metal ornament), Kn ez 1 9 84 (Situla ornament), Vasic 1 9 69 (Japodian pendants), Fo l t i n y 1 970, Dular 1 978 (an i ma l ornament i n
Slove n ia) , Rendic-Miocevic 1 9 84 ( a rt among IIIyrian Ridi ta e) , Sti p cevic 1 976
( lIIyrian and Albanian symbolism ) , A. J ovanovic 1 9 8 9 (iconography o f
lIlyrian belt-plates) .
1 1/(' 'lI/cI I )(',11/1 ,/lIII III,� I lIvI'/,lI/s
Po l's t a h l i s l l l'd 1 I 1 l dn ( ; rl'l' k h q.:e l l l o I l Y i l l t h e s i x t h (l' l l t u r y III , t h l' d a t e w h idl i s a l so w i d e l y ;! (l"l' p t ed fo r t h e N es;Kti u m
snd ptures , 2 " I t is h a rd to detl'(t a n y i mpa(t 0 11 I I I y ri a n art from the a r riv a l o f Cel ts i n the Danuhe hasin, hut the reverse is the case when l I I y r i a n s came under Roman rule, Thanks to the r ap id spread of stone carv i n g, the early Roman period offers a n unpreced ented range of a uthentic I I Iyri an i mages, hoth figured and abstract,
which vividly portray local identities and traditions even among the more remote communities (see figures 35a-d). Liburnian 'house' tombstones and the cremation chests of Delmatae and Japodes have a lready been n oted , but there are also the anthro p om o r p hic stelae fr om Sinj and the tombstones, some still in situ, from a cemetery of the early Roman period at Pljevlj a in northern Montenegro, where the h uman features rendered in l ow rel ief have eerie unrealistic proportions, with el o nga t ed faces and pointed chins. Some local craftsmen appear to have been so conditioned by the long traditions of wood-ca rving that they reproduced in stone the l atter ' s familiar texture and longitudinal graining. This may be the ex p lanation for the remarkable late Roman fune r al relief from Zenica in centra l Bosnia de p icting four figures in traditional Illyrian dress (figure 26). Illyrian figurative art dis so lves in a local Roman p ro vinc i a l art, though its co ncluding p hase proved to be its richest and most varied . One can, it is true, discover in later eras the survival of IIIyrian forms and ornament, but the artistic evol ution that began with the developed Iro n Age of the eighth century BC finally vanished with the Slav settlements of the sixth and seventh centuries AD.JO
29
Mladin 1 966, 1 980, Stipcevic 1 9 77a, 2 1 7-1 8 (Spina connectio n ) , Rendic-Miocevic 1 9 84, Gabricevic 1 980, 1 98 3 , Cremosni k 1 95 7 (Bosnia), Cermanovic·Kuzmanovic 1 973 , 1 978, 1 9 8 0 (Pljevlja), Srejovic and Cerma novic·Kuzmanovic 1 987 (Serbi a ) . .10
Imperial Illyrians
Emperors from IIlyricum
Until a ro und the time of H adrian ( AD 1 17- 1 3 8 ) the Roman Empire was in the charge o f a r uli n g m i nority , mainly of Italian origin, that was easily d istinguishable from the subject peoples i n the provinces. The latter's tribute provided m o s t of the pay for the professional army. They were ruled by Rom a n senators with near absolute a uth ori ty, either as legates of the emperor, commander-in-chief of the arm i es and chief citizen (pril1CeIJs) of the Roman state, or, in the case of the more civilized areas, as an acting magistrate (proconsul) appo i n ted by th e Roman Senate. Unlike some of the n a t i v e aristocracies in Gaul, Spain or North Africa, the IIIyrian native el ite made little headway with i n this i m perial hierarchy. As a whole the JIlyrian contri bution to the E m pire during the two centuries fol lowing the conquest consisted m a i n l y of mi l ita ry service, conscripted or voluntary, in the auxiliary regiments o f the army, which after service brought the rew a r d of Roman citizenship, and in the imperial fleets. On th e civi l side the incorporation o f n ative JI I y ria n communities as Roman cities (mullicipia) spread the citizenship among l ocal families, wh o s e social status and liab ilities to civic office woul d, i n theory at least, be de fi ned by the p e rio d ic census of Roman citizens and their property. Except among the Liburnians, no existing IlIyrian communi ti e s we re o r ga n i z ed i nto Roman cities befo re the F l a v i a n era (AV 69-9 6 ) . When the l i m i t of Italy at the head of the Adriatic was fixed in eastern Istria, the re l egati on of the Liburnians to
1 111/11'1'1, ,1 Ill", ',111.\
p ro v i n �:i a l s l a l l l s l I l a y h a v l' hl'l' l 1 O I f Sl'l hy �J'a l l l s o t l' i l y sl a l l l s , a l l d i l l a kw Cl "l'" o t h a l i a n s l a l l l ", 1 0 l l I a l l Y s m a l l co m ll l ll l l i t i l'S I I I t h a t a rea , Few Li h l l rn i a n n a l i \l 'l's a rl' J'l'l:o rdl'll w i t h o u t t h c R O l l l a n l: i l i zl'l l s h i p ;1 I1d m a l l y h a v e r il l' fa m i l y n a m cs of ea r l y R o m a n l'm pcrors, .I u l i us or C l a u d i u s . I n southern Liburnia ,onll' o t t h e l a r gc r p re- Roman scttlem e nts appear to have been r;l pi d l y con verted i nt o u rban centres in the Roman style, with p l l h l i c b u i l d i ngs and other amenities being inserted within the pa i m cter of earl ier \.... alls, notably at Asseria (near Benkovac), hut si m i l a r conversions took place elsewhere. In this area only
wlonial settlement at Jader (Zadar) remained under the of settlers, During the Julio-Claudian period the coasta l towns established by settlers from Italy appear to have rem a ined estranged from the native population : at least that rcm ains the i mpression from the epigraphic evidence which gcneral l y depicts the well-to-do, although the labouring and serv i le classes arc likely to have been of n ative origin. I The Romans appear to have made good use of the seafaring talents of the Illyri ans, some of whom m ay have made a sign i fl cant contribution to Augustus' decisive victory at Actiu m i n J I lie. In the course of the civil wars that fol lowed the death of Nero in AD 68 we learn that the imperial fleet stationed at Ravenna consisted of recruits mainly from the Illyrian provinces Pannon i a and Dalm atia, and that state of affairs is borne out by the epitaphs of sailors not only from Ravenna a n d o t h c r stations b ut also, though to a lesser degree, from the other major fleet based at Misenum on the Bay of Naples. It is interesting to observe i n the recorded tribal origins that recru i t s were drawn not o n l y from the coastal peoples b u t from those of the i nterior, such as the Maezaei in north west Bosni a, and that the qualities deman ded for the service were not necessarily of those brought up to the sea. During the Julio-Cl audian and Flavian periods I1Iyrians were not enlisted in the legions, for which the citizenship was required, and legions stationed among the J1Iyrians continued to draw recruits from Italy or from the colonies established in the Danube region . On the other h and, one cannot rule out the possibility that several of Ihl'
d o m i n a tion
I
Wilkcs 1 969, S uit
1 971
(Bribir), 1 976 a,
N 1 1 11/, /11 IlIvr","s
t h ose w h o a p pea r
011
t o m h ... t o l ll· ... w i t h R o m a l l l l a l ll l'S a n d
origi ns were i n fa c t n a t i Vl' I I l y r i a l l '" w h ose I ;Kk o f kga l lJ u a l i ti cation was suppressed b y t h e rel Tu i t i n g offl (lT d l'spera te to makc up his quota . There i s n o tKk of evidence for t h e u n pop u larity o f military servicc among tl'le llIyrians.2 Nativc urbanization among the Illyrians gets u ndcr way with the Flavians. In Pannon ia thc Flavian municipia at Neviod unum and Andautonia appear t o have been established among the prcdominantly Celtic com munitics of the Latobici and Varciani. Only later, i n the rcign of Trajan (AD 98- 1 1 7) , does the Roman citi zenship begin to appcar among the llIyrian communities of southeast Pannonia, the Andizetes, Scordisci and Breuci. Some of those who bear Trajan's family name Ulpius may be cx soldiers or belong to thei r families, to whom the grant of Roman citizenship was normal ly extended. In Dalmatia the Flavian municipium at Scardona (Skradin) may havc owed i ts existence to a settlement of ex-soldiers, including some from the lcgion at Burnum higher up the river Titus (Krka), where a new city had been organized by the reign of Hadrian. Among the ]apodcs of the Lika the chief settlemcnt Arupium, attacked by Octavian in 35 BC, became thc city of the region with Monetium and A vendo pro bably no more than villages on its territory. New Roman cities were created at Ri der (Danilo), a major settl ement of the Delmatae near S ibcnik, and at sevcral places in the interior, 'Old' Bistue (in the Rama valley) , 'New' Bistue (in the Lasva vallcy near Travnik) and in the Drina valley at Rogatica and Skelan i.·� The Flavian municipium Doclea near the Lake of Sh koder l ay at the confluence of the rivers Zeta and Maraca. At the now descrtcd site there arc still visible remains of several build ings erected during thc early years of the F1avian municip i u m . Within the wal ls, a tri umphal gate led to a paved strcet flanked with statues of emperors. Near the centre lay the forum (60 by 55 m ) to which were attached the basilica (for trials and large mcctings) and the council chamber (curia ) . Across the street lay the civic baths and two classical temples, each in its own 1 Vulpe 1 925, Marin 1 977 ( III y rians in Italy), Prota se 1 978 (in Dacia), Tacitus, Histories 3 . 1 2, 5 0 (Ravenna fleet) , Sta rr 1 94 1 , 74-7 . .l
M6csy l 9 74 (J>annonia), Wi l kes 1 9 69 (Da l m a ti a ) .
P H'l" i I l l"l , O l ll' o f t h e o fl i l" i ,1 I I >ca R O l 1 l a , t h e o t h l' r to J > i ;l l l a . Sl' V l'r a l I .a t i l l i l l SlT i p t i o l l 'i reco rd l l l a g i s t r;l \ l'S a ll d bl' l l l' fa c to rs o f t h e c i t y 's ea r l y y e a rs . T h e b a s i l i ca w a s a gi ft fro m Flavi us " ' ro l l t o a l l d h i s w i fe H a v i a Tt' r u l l a , d l' d i ca t l'd to the m e m o r y o f t h l' i r 1 5 - Y l' a r - o l d SOil Hav i u s Bal b i l l ll s , a fter he had held 'all t h e offi ces p l' r m i tte d to h i m by l a w ' . Beh ind th e Roman fajfade of Ilew n a m e s a n d a rch i tecture wc can re c ogni z e th e h e i rs to t h l' ol d I I I y rian k i n gs still pre-em i n en t i n their kingdo m . The i nscribed base of Fronto's statue records that he had undertaken l' x pensive o ffi ces not only in his na tive Doclea b ut also i n several o th e r Roman cities of th e area, including tw o p l ac e s w h i ch h a d once been c o lonies of Rom a n settlers.4 I n the co ur s e o f th e second century AD m ost I I I y rians belonged to a city of the Roman Empire, in the majority of cases based on the l ocal unit (civitas) defined by the Ro m ans following the conq uest. Cities were o rg ani zed for the plains (polje) i n h abited by the inland Del m a tae, incl ud i n g D clmin i u m ( near D ll v no ) , Pel va (near L i v n o ) , Salvium (Glamoc) , N ovae ( n e a r Imotsk i ) a n d Magn u m ( i n the C ikola valley). I n Popovo pol j c the Derae mestae may h ave been incorporated within the new municip i u m at Diluntum (Lj u binje) . Several cities were created i n the m ore r e mote regions of northeast Dalmatia , i ncl udi n g the mining centre at Domav i a (Gradina) , M al v e sa (Skel a n i on the Dri n a ) and th e m unicipium S. (thc name survives only i n th i s a b brev i ated form) a t Pljevlja i n northern Montenegro . Anoth er fortress of the J a podes a ttacked by Octa vian in 35 BC, Metu l u m , wh ich probably lay in the area of J os i pdo l , also b eca m e a city probably before th e end of the second century. In Pannon i a , Bassiana (Petrovci) was orga nized out of the Scordi sci and Cibalae (Vi nkovci) from thc Corn acates, both p l aces situ ated o n the major roads of the Danube arca . Other Hadriani c cities among the Pannonian Illyri ans include that of thc Jasi at the spa centre Aquae Bal i ssae (Daruvar) in thc Papuk h ills . In Moes i a Hadrian's on l y known foundation w a s Ulpi a num ( Gracan ica ncar Pri5ti n a ) , likely to have been cl osely linkcd with the m ines (meta l l a Ulpiana) on mount Z e go v ac . Cities were also
4 Wilkes 1 969, S uic 1 976a, Cermanovic-Kuzmanovic, Srejovic and Velimir ovic·7.i fic 1 9 75 (cemetery).
I� / 111/"" I II"noms orga n i zed at t h e s t ra t e g i l' lTos s ro ;lds N a i s s l I s ( N i s ) and at t wo pl aces i n the M or a v a v ;� l ky , M a rgl l ll l ( O r a s j l' ) , nea r the m o u t h , a n d Horreum M a rgi ( C u p r i j a ) , ;I n i m porta n t r i v e r (ross i llg. I I I th e south the n ew city a t Soca n i c;l i n the I ba r v a l l e y , p ro h a b l y named munici pium Dardan i cu m , w a s another ' m i n i n g tOW II ' connected with the local work i n gs (metalla Dardanica) . ' Most o f these new cities were a means of con cen trating loca l a u thority and resources along the major roads, with i n easy reach o f central auth ority . When compared with oth er p rov i n cia l s t h e I 1 I yrians were 'late developers' i n t h e spread a n d reception of urbanization . T h e second century AD s a w i n creas ing interference i n local a ffairs b y the cen tral authorities . The co mpul sion to u n dertake magistracies and other expensive civic offices was now i n tensi fied and 'office-dodgers' were pu rsued, as more and more of the wea l th y strove to gai n the precious exemptions from the burdens of local m un icipal office. It is hard to see any of th ese n ew cities, in which the natives were forced to concentrate thei r wea l th , amou nting to much m o re than a nother element in what was becom i n g regarded by the state as the essential fabric of government. Th ose local worthies who a ppear as magistrates w i l l h ave become l ocked into a system of imperia l req uisitions and burdens for which they and the i r fam i ly property would be held accounta ble, especially when there was a war on, as there o ften was somewh ere on the D a nube frontier. Descendants of these Illyrians could only improve their condition by advancing h igher within the system, and for most Illyrians the only real prospects l ay with a career in the army. 6 Th e n ew ci ties will h ave affected not only the upper cl asses who a ppear on Lati n i n scriptions holding municipal office but also the mass of the people whose l i fe was still based on tribal relationships, a process of change wh ich may have already begu n among the sou thern lllyrians in the Hel l e n i stic perio d . In th e previous chapter we h a v e seen h o w i n scri pti ons a n d sculptures of the Rom a n period furnish val uable evidence for ' Wilkes 1 9 69, M6csy 1 974. Also Pasa l i c 1 9 67, Bojanov ski 1 98 8 (Bosnia Hercegovina), Mirkovic 1 968 ( Moesia ) , Cvetkovic· Tomasevic 1 98 3 ( Ulpiana), Ba<;e 198 6 (Roman cities in lIIyrian Albania) . " f..1 illar 1 98 3 (municipal bu rdens and exemptions).
III/II t'n,t! 111",.,, /11\
Ihl' w a y 0 1 l i l l- , I I H I hl' l i ef s O l l l , l I l V l' I l I y ri,l l I s . I I I I hl' I I Ll l l n 0 1 , ' SSl'SSil l � R O l l l a l l i f a l i on I hl' pnsi S I l' l l l'l' 0 1 l I a l i v e l I a l l l l'S a n d ol h e r I ra d i t i o n s 1 l' l I d s 1 0 I ll' j l l d �l'd a s a n i n d i cl t i o n o f the
s l I p e r f i l." i a l i t y ;w d wea k n ess o f R O l l l a n i l l l l l l l'IKe. Another view, ;, d v a m:ed hy the H u nga r i a n sch o l a r A. fvh>cs y , a rg u e s th at the t r ue p i c t ur e is q u i t e d i ffe ren t . The e x i stence of any sort of e p i gra phic and scu l p t u r a l e v i dence m u st in itsel f bc regarded as t e l l i n g evidence for p ro found Rom a n infl uence. Rom an i n fl uence was not presen t when there i s no evidence of this
sort, and m a n y llIyrian comm u n i ties fal l into this category . In the m a tter o f religious cults some h ave a rgued that Silvanus, wh ose worship was widespread among the II Iyrians, was really a n a ti v e deity and that his popularity down to the th ird century i n d i cates a resi stance to th e offici al Roman panthco n , Jupi ter, J u no, Minerva, M a rs, etc. Some have discovered in the rep resentations of Silvan us w i th an erect phallu s a connection with pre-Roman ferti l ity cults. Aga inst this Mocsy responds th a t there is really nothing in th e IlIyri an version o f Silvan us that i s not also t o be fou n d in th e origi nal ltalic version. Rather th a n being regarded as an a ssertion of native l I I yrian i denti ty the cul t is cxpress i ve of standardizcd, colourless Latin-spea king Rom a n provinci al cu l turc. This was the cultu ral backgro u n d o f the unsophisticated b u t conscientious Illyri an e m perors of th e thi rd and fourth ccnturies. The Roman epi thcts o f Sil v a n u s a l s o indi cate th e range of h i s appeal t o thc rura l l I lyria n s , Domcsticus, a bearded countrym a n w i th th e v i n e - or fru i t pruning kn i fe, with his dog; Messor is Silvanus the protector of the harvest, and Silvestris, often with Dian a and the N y m ph s , is the rural woodland idcntity, incl uding hunti ng . 7 Thc R omans of IlIyricum came to prominence in the Empi re sudd e n l y as a result of the civil war fol l owing th e death o f Com modus in A D 1 92. On 9 April 1 93 the governor o f Upper Pa n non i a L. Septimius Scverus was procl aimed emperor by his legions and wi thin less than two months h e was ruling in Rome. The new emperor dismissed the exi sting Praetorian Guard, 7 Mocsy 1 974. Local Silvan us: Rendic-Miocevic 1 967, 1 979-8 0, 1 975 h (Dclmatac), Cambi 1 9 68 (Attis identity), Gunjaca 1 96 1l-9 ( Riditae), Boja n ov ski 1 977-8, Pashalin 1 979 (Silvanus and Nymphs), 1 9 85-6a, 1 9 8 5-6b, Mati jasic 1 9 8 5 ( lsteia).
2 MJ
R UIII"" 11I\,,.i, /II.�
w h idl w a s rl"lT l l i t l'd 1 I l 'l i n l y f ro m I t a l y , a n d I'l' p l a n'd i t w i t h a f() r�l" o f t w i �e t h e s i :t,l' ( over 1 0 ,(00) d ra w n fro l l l t i l l' Pan no n i a n a n d a d j a�e n t p ro v i n ce s . W i t h i n a few y e a r s .1 1ll' V.' legion, recruited from t h e s a m e a rl'a , w a s stationed at A l ba n ll ll l a few m iles outside the capital . Th e i m pres sion m a d e h y t h l' troo p s of Severus on th e p eo p le of Rome is d e s c r i b e d b y th l" hi s torian Cassius Dio, Roman senator a n d eye-witness of these event s : 'Severus filled the ci ty with a throng of motley so l d i ers most savage in appearance, most te r r i fy ing in speech , and most b oorish in convers ati o n ' (75 .2, 6). U n fortun atel y the soldiers from IlIyricum were a l as t ing presence in Rome, as new recruits to the Guard continued to be drawn from the Danu be l ands, a reward to the pro v i n c ial sol diers for loyal service, with p ros pects of further p romo tion . The Rom an s as a whole did n o t like them : 30 years after their arrival we hear of a n i ght ti me assault on the j urist U lp ia n , then head of the imperial adm i n i stration, and on a n o th er occasion a three-day battl e new
between the townspeople and the Guard ended only wh en the worsted soldiery began setting fi re to major buildings , C a ss iu s Dio himself was hounded out of the capi t al because he had once been an un p opular governor of the soldiers' homeland. To the Roman middle and upper classes t h e Dan u b ians were cl u msy, stupid and uncultured - they l acked humanitas - while writers were not slow to embellish ol der stereotypes of brutal so l diery from current exp e rien ce . 8 Though he was a nati v e of Lepcis Magna in Africa and married to a S yrian princess, Severus and his regime were most attentive to the army and i ts homel and which had put them in power. At its beginn i ng the Severan camp aign had been bles sed by loc a l native p ri ests, while the personal links between the im p e r i al family and the frontier towns were fostered. A fter the conclusive victo ry at Lyon in 1 97 over h i s western rival some officers of the Severan ar m y set up thanksgiving altars to the Pannonian and Dalmatian mothers who had nurtured and sustained the fighting power of the Danube l egions. The pre eminence of that r egion in the Empire is s ignal l ed by the return to currency of Illyricum, a regional rather than eth nic iden tity
1I
M6csy 1 974, Sasel 1 9 82 (Genius IIIyrici ) .
1.(, 1 i l l t h e h n p i rl' , whosl' ka d i l l � l l t l !.!' I I " Wt' l'l' k llown a s I l I y r i l' la l l i , Thl' o ri � i l l o f t h i s Sl'll Sl' o f i d e l l t i t y w i t h i n t ill' Ro m a n w o r l d i s t o h e fO l l n d i n the F a rs o f w ;l r L, I'l' 0 1 1 t h e ( );l Il l1be aga i nst ( ;l' r m ;l Il S alld I r a n i a n S a r m a t i a n s who sO ll�h t t o e n ter the
A u rdius (AO by the first attacks the in Pann onia. Attacks Wl'rl' m a de on peoples across the Danube, possibly with a view to extending the Empi re into Slovakia and the Hungarian plain, h u t in the reign of h i s son Commodus (AO 1 8 0-1 92) an even more elaborate cordon of forts and watchtowers was erected a l on g the Roman bank of the river. Though there are signs of local disturbances, notably with 'bandits' in the southern Balk a n s , the TIlyrian provinces enjoyed more than hal f a century of peace and rising prosperity. 'J During the early decades of the th ird century the army of l I l yricum became more reluctant to comm it its strength else where, while insisting that resources were contri buted from other areas of the Empire to sustain the exposed frontier on the Danube. When that support was threatened the IlIyriciani did not hesitate to establish their own emperor as a means of keeping their hold on the imperial support-system , After the end of the Severan dynasty in A D 235 the frontier began to he threatened by large numbers of migrating Goths, When this happened during the reign of Philip (AO 244 -249), Pacatianus, the field commander at Sirmium, w as made to a s s u m e an imperial authority by the local interests. He was replaced a t Sirmium by Messius Decius, a well-connected Roman senator who came from a village near Sirmium. His reign acknowledged the TIlyrian sense of identity, with coins bearing the legend 'virtus IlIyrici', while he too was said to have been an unwil l i ng usurper at Sirmium against the authority of Philip, For the next few years the central authority kept its hold over the Sirmium command until local power was again asserted following disas ters in the reign of Valerian (AD 253-260) until his successor Gallienus (AD 260-268) regained control through a ' foreign' army drawn from Britain and Germany under his ch ief general Roman
Em p i re d u r i n g the reign
o f M a rclI s
1 6 1 - 1 HO) , A ftl'r the devastation ca used l' l 1 1 pcror h i msel f spent several seasons
9
M6csy
1 9 74 ,
N 1 111/"" 1 11,, "' 1 11 .\
A l I rco l l l s . A I I I l l' sa l l H' 1 1 1 1 l l' I I ll' p O W l' !' 01 1 I 1 1' I I I y r i a n I q� i o n s w a s a c k now kd f!,l·d w i l h sl'I' i n 0 1 l'( l i n s lwa r i n f!, , h c i r I l a mes a n d
titl es. 1 0 Th e I I I y rici a n i rose fro m h u m h l e, o ftell r u ra l , h a c k f!,l' OlI n d s , through service i n th e a r m y . O n c o f t h e fi rst to d o so ....· ;\ S Valerius Maximianus from Poetovio i n Pa n no n i a , w h o w a s p romotcd du ri ng the rei gn o f Marcus Au rclius to comm a n d several l egions a n d achieved the co nsu lship. H e w a s a ' m a n o f action' a n d the record o f his career incl u des win ning a h a n d to-hand com bat with a tribal ch ief fro m across the D a n u h e . I n the next generation t h e fi rst D a nu b i an t o hecome empcror w a s Maxi minus (AD 235-23 R ) , general l y known as the 'Th racia n ' but p ro hably origi n ating fro m near the Danube i n Moesia on the border of the III yrian l a n ds . After com pleti ng a cam paign i n Germany he moved th c army to Sirmium to face thc loo m i n g danger from the Goth s. I n spite of h i s conscien tious work o n the frontiers t h e Roman establishment treated Maxim i n u s as a usurper, affronted by his i n difference to the Senate a n d by h i s incessa nt demands for money, a n d in A D 238 tw o senior sena tors were chosen as emperors. Maxi m i nus th en entered Ita l y but suffered h u miliati n g fai lu re in an a ttack on Aquileia a n d w a s rejccted hy h i s o w n troops. I I Wi th the accessi on of M . Aurclius Cla udius i n AD 268 follow ing h i s victory over the Goths at Naissus, thc Emp i re came under th e control of the l eading Illyriciani a t Sirmi u m . The new rul e r came from southern Illyricu m , either Dalmatia or Dardania, but h i s reign ended with his death from a plague at Sirm ium in A D 270. Rej ecting the Senate's proposal of Claudius' brother, the Illyrici ani chose instead onc of th cmselves, the formi d a h l e Domitius Aurelianus, pro hably a native of Sirm i u m . H e ended the fragmentation of the Emp i re in t h e east h y defeati n g Zcnohia o f Pal myra, a n d i n the west by deposing the Gallic emperor. 1 2 His most deci s i v e i n i ti ative was to aban don what was left of the province of Dacia and settl e the Roman evacuees in a 'New Dacia' south o f the Danube, in which the two l egions of ol d Dacia were stationed. Th ere must have been a j u dgement th at the old conq uest of Tra j an was now 10 1 1 Il
M 6csy 1 9 74. Syme 1 9 73 (i mperial M6csy 1 974.
origins).
11II/1t ' 1/, t! 1 1/\'1 1. 111\
,' x lw n d a h k in t i l l' i n t lTl's t s of I I I Y l' l n l l l l . I 1 t h l' rl' i g n ot A l I I"l' l i a n l I Ii1 rhd t h l' h i gh poi n t o f I l I y r i 'l I l p O W l' I" i t W ; I S a l so t ill' per iod w l w l l t i l l' rl'gi m l' o f t h l' I I l y r i l"i a n i m o v l"ll fro m S i rm i l l l1l to t h e l l' l l I re , a n d t h e l 1 l o h i k a r m i e s , l"O l1 1 llOSl'd o f l1l a n y u n i ts with I l I y r i a n t i t l e s , l ost t h e i r c l ose l i n k s w" i t h t h e i r I l I y r i a n homelands. A u rl' l i ;1 1l \\-' a s S l l \XlTded h y P rohus ( A I > 276-2 8 2 ) , a nother I l a t i v e of S i rm i ll l 1 l , who fel l out of fa vour with th e a rmy when hl' Ilt'ga n to t a l k o pen l y of a retu rn to a peace-time econ omy. I l e i s said to h a ve been k i lled by some of his own troops w h i l e l'nga ged i n p l a nting vi nes on the Almus mons (fr u s k a Gora ) I l or t h o f h i s na ti v e S i rmiu m . The bi ograp h e r imp li e s that his l k a t h w a s caused by his e xp re ss ed a m bition to m ak e thc army rnl ll n d a n t, a d a ng e r ou s notion in any age : 'Soon th er e w i l l not he a R o m a n soldi er. The wh o l e worl d will m a n u facture no weapons and th e r e will be no requisi tions of produce, thc ox w i l l be reserved for th e plough and the horsc he bred for peace. There \\' i l l be no wa rs an d no pr is o nc rs ' (Augustall History, Life of Probus 20) . The army chose another of the IlIyrici a n i t o s u ccee d h i m . Carus, who may h a v e co me from Narona in D a l m atia , w a s a nother competen t general but d i e d on cam paign i n P e rs i a a fter r e i gn i n g on ly ten month s. In the Autu m n of 284 t h e a r m y , while on i t s march back from the cast, ch ose another o f the I I I yri c ian i , C . Val eri u s Diodes, l ater known as Diocl eti a n , a n d t h e Roman Empire entered a new era . Age d around 40 at h i s accessi o n , Diocletian was a n o the r o f th e Illyriciani schooled and p r o mo t ed by Aurdian , and h a d ri se n from a h um bl e origin in Sa lon a o n t h e Dalmatian coast. When he s o u ght a co l le ag u e to share t h e burden s of rul e h i s choice fel l o n Maxi mianus, a n old army co m r ade a n d a n at i v e of Si rmium. D i v id i ng the many pressing tasks between them the two Augu st i found their arrangement so successful that in A D 293 they chose two j u n i o r emperors or C a e s a r s to assist th em. Gal erius a n d Constanti us wcrc both Illyrician i , p ro b a b l y from Aurelian's New Dacia. For 1 2 years this col lege of four, thc Te t r arch y , ruled the E m p i r e with i n c r e a s in g succcss, tho ugh th e i r last years were marred by an ill-j udged persccution of the Ch ristians. Half a cen tury later the historian Au rel i u s Victo r pays a qu a li fi ed tribute to their a chievement. IIIyricum was th e homel and of them all. For all their lack of culture, their upbringing in the hardsh ips of the country and their military careers proved to be the be s t possible for the state. Whereas it is
I� 1 111/0 /" 111\,/,/1 1",\ CO I l l I l l O I I k l l o w l nl gl' t h a t I l I gh I l l I I H I l'l1 a l ld w d l - ed l l cl t nl I l l l' l I t l' l l d t o I w I l l o re rl'a d y t o l i l l d la l l l t , t l l l IW w i t h a l l e x perie l l L'l' 0 1 l i f'l" , h a rd sh i ps, w h i l e j ll d g i n g l'v e r y o l l l' hy t h e i r I lleri t , pay Ins .l t t el l t i o l l
t o s u c h de t a i l s And thq' l o o k u p to V a kri u s I D iodct i a l1 ll s l a s a father, as one ",'(mi d to a m ighty god . B u t the h a rmon y of thl'se men was p roo f that their natu ra l a bility and use of sou n d m i l i t a r y experience, such as they h a d acquired u nde r the command of Aurel ia l l and Probus, almost m a de u p for th e i r l a c k o f n o b l e cha ract e r . ,
(Liber d e Caesaribus
.1 9 .26-2 8 )
The new regime made great changes in the runn ing of the Empire. Frontier armies and defences were strengthened ; prov inces were subdivided to make the civil adm i nistration more effective; currency and taxation were reformed; and govern ment intervention extended even to the regulation of service and commodity prices, though that proved a failure. The Tetrarchy was the cl i max of more than half a century of rule by llIyriciani. 13 Diocletian's plans for an orderly transmission of power through the promotion of Caesars to Augusti foundered on family ambi tion. After several years of confusion following the retirement of Diodetian in AD 3 05 , Constantine, the son of Constantius Caesar, defeated Maxentius, the son of Maxim ianus Augustus, in a battle at the Milvian bridge on the outskirts of Rome in AD 3 1 2. The battle, which decided who was to rule in the west, was later famous for Constan tine's use of the symbol of Christianity, and was commemorated by the arch erected in his honour at Rome. In AD 3 24 it was as the champion of Christianity that Constantine was able to el iminate his rival Licini us, in a battle which marked the victory of the western Roman armies over those of the Danube lands. The house of Constantine ruled until A D 3 6 3 . In general they paid little attention to Illyricum, although when new emperors had once again to be appointed the army chose llIyriciani, Jovianus from Singidunum ( Belgrade) and then Valentinian from Cibalae (Vinkovci) in Pannonia. Though regarded by the historian Amm ianus as the leader of an 'Illyrian cl ique', Valentinian paid no special attention to the needs of his homeland. He did not I �
Wi I liams 1 98 5 .
I '''/It'ri.,1 IlIvn.m.� rl'si dl' a l I h l' o l d h l' a d q l l ; I r l l' l''> 1 1 1 S i r l l l i l l l l l a l l d l 1 1 a dl' l i l l k rl'spO I l Sl' 1 0 pl' l i l i o l l s fro l l l h i , d i s l l'l'ssl'd k l l o w -n l l l l l t rY l l l l' n d u ri l lg h i s v i s i t i l l A l l .PS, t h e y l'a r o f h i s (ka t h , S i rm i u ll l w a s no l o n glT t l u : v i t a l h i n gl' o f t h l' E m p i rl' b u t m l' re l y a peri pheral rl'gi o n Iwtwl'l'll l'a s t and wes t as t h e two h a l ves began to move a p a rt towa rds the end of the fo u rth century , I 4 R o m a n I 1 l y ri c u 111 ended on 9 August A D 3 7 8 , when the l'm peror Va l e n s and his a rmies were wiped out by the Goths i n :1 battl e at A d r ianople in southeast Thrace. These, a long w i th A l a n s and Huns, had been permitted to enter the Emp i re a few years earl ier. Within a year a large numbe r of the invaders Ill oved west a nd took possession of a good deal of Roman Pannonia. They could not, l i ke earl ier settlers, be incorporated in the structure of Roman T Ilyricu m , There were too many of t hem and they had no intention of being settled on marg i n a l l a n d a s farmers and taxpa yers, The Rom a n a d m inistration col l apsed and th e barbarian s took to raiding other a reas for th e s u pplies they needed. The poet Cl a u d i a n depicts Pannon i a i n these years as being i n a state o f perm anent s iege. St Jeromc, an I l Iyrian who cam e from a town cal led S tridon near the border of Dalmatia and Pannonia, presen ts a d istressing accoun t of h i s native land. In AD 3 8 0 he writes that h i s home town was i n ru i n s (Famous Men 6S) and th en a few years l ater that 'everyth i ng h as peri shed' ( Commentary 011 Ze{Jhaniah 1 .676 ) . Other writers of the period also refer to a devastated IlIyricu m . Early in the fi fth ce ntu ry what rem a i ned of the overland route across I I Iyricu m l i n king east and west w a s severed by further invasions. The roads w e r e packed w i t h refugees fleeing south t o Italy and the Adriatic. O n th e Dal m a tian coast the i r n u m bers a n d di strcssed con dition became a p roblem for thc author i ties. The sense of final i ty fel t at th e time i s rcflected by the removal of martyrs' bon es from shri nes that wou l d soon have to be a ban doned to the most feared of all i nvaders, th e Huns. 1 5 Th e pcrsistence o f Roman place-names i n several a reas o f Illyricum suggests the survival of Latin-speaking com munities, 14
Miles}" 1 974.
Claudi an, On Stilicho's Consulship 2, 1 9 1 -207 (I .C.L vol. 2 p. 1 9 74 (translation of martyrs) , 15
1 6), Maesy
U " 1 / 1 , 1 1 1 I II"II, IIIS
n o t a h l y in t h ;1 I reg i o l l I l ea r t i l l' Da l l u he w h lTl' A ur d i a l l h a d
settled t h e peo p k 1 l 1O V l·d O l l t 0 1 J ) ;ll'i a . I t ,... a s from t ll l'se a n d
sim i l ar com m u n i t i es i n t h e so u t h e rn B a l k a l l s t h a t e l l l l Tged t i ll'
Vl a ch s and the Roma n i a ns, ",,· h ose v a rieties
o f R o m a lKe l a n g u
a ge are descended from Latin-spea king pastora l i sts. I n D a rd an i a t h e o l d Roman ci t y of Scupi (Skopje), destroyed by a n ea rth q u a k e in A D 5 1 8, was a ba n do n ed as i t s Roman ized popu l a t ion chose to remain i n the s u r r ou n d i n g h i l ls, n e a r to the s a fcty of h ill - top refuges. The n e e d for local security was upper most in the great p rogra mme of fortress b u i l di n g and rc co n struction throughout I I Iyricum dcscribed in the sixth ccntury by P ro co p i us . In the southern Bal ka n s it was the d i sp e rsal of thc L ati n - s pea k i n g popu l ati o n fr o m t he m a j o r centres which lcd to a su rv i v a l of Roman t ra di t ions in several re mo te areas. In s o m e p laces these cha n ges involved the reoccupation of t h c a n ci e n t l lly ri a n hill-forts. Whcn the emperor J u stinian s o u gh t to re-establish Ro m an II I y ric um in t h e sixth ce n t u r y AD, that essential foun d ation of strategically placed citics in thc valleys c rea ted in the firs t and second centuries AD, linked by po l i ced roads and b ri dgcs, no lo n ger existed. Alo n g si de Lati n the native Illyrian s u rv i ved in the country areas, and St J cr o m e claimed to speak his 'sermo gc n ti l is' ( Commentary on lsaiah 7. 1 9). In Dalmatia many lll yri a n names survived into th e M i ddl e A ges but for Illyricum as a whole the i nvasions at the end of the fourth century des t royed n o t o n l y t h e structure of t h e Roman p r ov i n c e but p oss i b l y a good deal of thc oldcr native ll Iyri a n cultu res which had survivcd within it. In the words of M6csy ( 1 974, p. 3 5 8 ) , the 1 l l yri a n s , like the Celts and Th r a ci a n s, 'dissolved in thc sca of later conquerors, simply for the reason that d urin g the long period of Roman rule they had lost their native cultu re a n d were unable to u t i l i ze their language a s a means to a pol i tical l i fe of their own. ' The q uestion of Illyrian su rvival and that of a continuity b c tw een thcm and the Albani ans during the e a rl y Middle Ages will be considered i n the second part of this chapter. 1 6 16
Winnifrith 1 9 8 7 (Vlachs ) ; Scupi :
Chronicle of COUllt Marcellinus
AD
518
('\1GH Chronica Minora 2, p. 1 00) , Late Roman refugia: Boj anovski 1 979 (Kliue, Bosn ia), Cerova 1 98 7 (Alba n i a ) , Pahic 1 9 8 1 , Ciglcnceki 1 98 7 (Slovenia ) .
11II1't·/ ,.I1 1 111'11,/11"
!. h 7
M l' d i c v a l a n d modern l I I y r i a n s W h l' n I .l'( ) w a s l' l l 1 pl'ror in Consta n t i n op h : ( ;\ 1 > 45 7- 474) t h ree y o u n g I l I y r i a n pea s a n t s escl ped ru ra l poverty by wal k i ng to t h l' c a p i ta l from t h e i r v i l l age of Bcd e r i a n a in Da rd a n ia to j o in t h l' a r m y . Wh cll they arri ved w i th n o th i n g but some bis cu it
w r;l pped i l l their cloaks, th eir fi n e ph y s iq u e gained them admis s i o n to the gua rd. One of them, J ustin , rose to co m man d the Pa l a ce G u a r d and became emperor on the death of the aged A n ast asi u s in AI) 5 1 8 . Justin (AD 5 1 8-527) and h i s nephew .J ustinian (AI) 527-5 6 5 ) were the l ast IIIy rian emperors a n d, l i ke their predeces sors of the th i rd and fourth centuries, applied themsel ves to th e tas k of ru li n g with energy and determination. l i mi e r J u st i n i an t h e E m pi r e recovered te r ritori es lost in the p r e v i o u s cen tury, Africa from the Vandals and Italy from the O s t ro go th s . The sixth-century I I I y ri a n s were, a l so like their p r e d eces s o rs, mocked for their l ack of e duc ati o n , notably b y Procopius who m akes Justin a ne a r illiterate. Justinian, who c a m e from the neigh bouring v i l l a ge of Taure s i u m, had been ca l l ed by his un c l e to the capita l for his education and was soon m a n a gi ng affairs of statc on the l atter ' s behal f. The o ri gi n of t h e family in northern Dar d a n ia was l ater m a rked by the ne w city J u s ti n i a n a Pri ma, on a r i dge above the village o f Ca riCin G ra d i n sou t h er n Serbia, 20 miles west of Les ko v a c . The walls enclo s e an area 500 by 2 1 5 m e tr es , wi th an i nne r a c r o poli s at the northwest. Intern al arrangements were based on two streets fl a n k e d with col onnades, with a circular forum at the i n terse cti on . Most of the interior appears to have been taken up with se v era l churches, some of wh ich h a d mosaic decoration. Jus ti n i a n a Pri ma was m ade the seat of th e a rch bi s hop of Dardania and w a s g ra nt e d many privileges by a l aw
issued i n AI) 535 . 1 7 The no rth ern regions of Roman Illyricum, the o l d provi nce Pannonia, were occu p i e d b y Avars a n d Lombards, but s o u thern Illyricum re m a i n ed an i m portant s o u r ce of manpower for the 17 Procopius Secret History 6.2 ( j ustiniana Prima ) .
( j ustin ) ,
Kondic and Popovic 1 977
N 1 111/1111 I II \'f /IIllS
i m pe r i a l a r l l l y . M o s t ot t h l" rl"l"I l I l l l l l l"S I S i l l t h l" Wl'S t lT l I M l"d i t lT r a ne a n w e re a c h i evcd hy t roops f ro l l l t h e so u t h e m B a I k a n s . Th e security o f these h o m e l a n d s w a s n o w h:l sed O i l l oca l s t ro ng h o lds , either new or refurbi s h e d , many of w h i c h a rc l i s ted h y Pro copi u s in his work Buildings. Al though the h i stori a n (red i t s J u sti nian with the new fortifications, they we re the re s u l t o f a recon s truct i on begu n p ro b a b ly by A na s tasiu s . The network o f small forts, whose construction will have been a b u rden on l oca l communities, represented a passive defence from a basis of l im i ted control over the countryside . Be l ow S i n g i d u n u m (Belgrade) the Danu b e wa s i n te n s ively fortified. A new c i ty Justi no p oli s was created in Dardania and the defences of Ulpi anum, N a iss u s and Serdica were repaired. In the southern Balkans 43 new forts were bui l t a n d 50 exi sti ng ones re pa i r e d i n the provinces of Old and New Epirus, 46 in Macedonia a n d a sim i l ar number in Thessaly. In spite of a ll these effo rts , accordi ng to P rocop i us in his hostile Secret History ( 1 8 .20) , Il Iyr i cum w as ra v a g ed almost every year of Justinian's rei gn b y
Huns and Slavs, causing many Roman casualties and so much d es t ruc ti on that the place became ano th e r ' S c y thian desert ' . l � The migrations of the Sl avs from the regi o n of Poland began ea rl y in th e Christian era. By the fourth ce n tury th ey had reached the old p ro v ince of Dacia, wh ere th ey we re overrun by the Hu n s . Early in t h e si x th ce n tury th ey moved across the Danube in the direction of Epirus and Macedonia. By 5 3 6 they had reached the Ad ria ti c , in 548 D yrrhach iu m , and in the foll o win g years there are several repo rts of S lavs on the move in l llyri c u m. Though hardl y we lco m e , th e n ewco m e r s we r e not e v eryw here destructive raiders and made no c h allenge to imperi al authority. Some, it is true, were feared for their c r uelty and were said to leave behind a trail of corpses. Their weapons were spears and the bow , someti mes u sing po i soned arrows. They co u l d cross maj o r rivers but learned only later how to take towns with l adders and machines. In the e n d it was the dominance of th e Turkic Avars in the Pannonian p la i n that made the Slav raids such a threat to I l l y ricu m d uring the later decades of the sixth ce nt u ry , esp ecia lly when the Avar kha gan lK
Procopi us Buildings 4. 1-4, V. Popovic 1 98 8 (Epiru s Nova ) .
na i a n cl p l u rl'll S i r m i l l l l l i l l S X2 l o l l o w l I l g a l o n g s i l'gl' . A ft l'r
Y l'a rs o t S U l"u'ss l u l l"l's i ., l a n l"l' R o m a n I l I y r i n l l1l fi n a l l y d i s i l l l eg ra l ed d u ri ng t h e � h a ( ) l i c r e i g n o f Ph oG.l s ( 6 0 2-6 1 0 ) , w h e n l a rgl' n u m he r s o f S l a v s l 1 l o v l,d to o��lI p y M acedon i a a n d Thessa l y . M o s t o f m a i n l a n d G reeCl' w a s a l so overru n , and i n 6 2 6 A v a rs a n d S l a v s com b i n cd w i th Persia i n a n attack on C o n s t a n t i n o p l e . In the Wes t we l earn from the I-etters of Pope ( ; rl'go r y th at S l a v s were th reatening Roman towns in Dalmatia, a n d in 6 1 1 they raided Istria . In or soon after 6 1 2 thc Dalmatian c i t i es o f Salona, Naron a , Dodea , Scardona, Risinium and Epi d a u rll m were a bandoned i n favour of more protected pl aces o n the main l a n d or islands. By n ow the Slays were free of Avar d o m i nation and began to form the groups from which thc Slav s t a tes of the Middle Ages bega n to cmerge. l ,) Thc earl iest account o f the Slays who occupied Roman IIlyr i l"u m was written by the em peror Constan tine VII Porph yrogen i tus, who died i n 959. In his 'On Administering the Roman E m p ire ', composed for his son Romanus, eigh t chapters describe the Slavs of IIlyricu m , with digress i o n s on the earl y history of Croats and Serbs . Hc lists the surviving Rom a n com munities a l o n g t h e coast, incl udi n g Decatera (ancien t Acru v i um, modern Kotor) , Ragusa (Dubrovnik) , to which the i nhabitants of Epidaurum had fled , Split (Aspal a thos, Spalato), Diocl eti an's villa on th e coast occupied by re fugees from Salona, Tetrangourin (Tragurium, modern Trogir) and D iadora Uader, mod cm Zadar) , and on several islands in the Quarnero, Arbc ( Rab), Vekla (Curictae, Krk) and Opsara (Osor ) . Constantine asserts tha t the settlement of Croats an d Serbs had taken p lace with the acquiescence of thc cmperor Heraclius in th e seventh century, as part of a scheme to expel the Avars, th ough most likely th is was a latcr fabrication intcnded to bolster thc claim of imperial authority over them . One modern theory holds that the two groups were not actually Slavs but perhaps a rul i ng minority of Iranian Sarmatian origin , similar to the Turki c S O I I l l'
1 9 Dvorn i k 1 956, Toynbee 1 973, 6 1 9-5 1 , V , Popovic 1 978 (invasi ons), Ku)iiiic 1 9 7 9 ( Slav paganism). During ( h e si ege a citizen of Sirmium wrote on a brick a prayer in Greek begging for God's deliverance from the Avars, Brunsmi d 1 8 93 . Miletic 1 9 8 9 (early Slav cemeteries in Bosnia-Hercegovi na), Pasi c 1 975 ( Vardar val l ey).
DO
N OII/, '" 1 1I\'1'Io "'.�
B u l ga rs , a n a l i l' n l' l i l l' l a l l'!" a hsur hl'd i n l o 1 Ill' l: l I h l l rl' o t t lll' i r
Slav s u b j ects. Consta l l t i l l l' ' s an:ol l l l l o t I h l' C ro a l s i s a v a l u a h l e primary sou rce, l i s t i n g e l e v e n 'co u n t i es ' ( z u p a n i as ) a n d n i n e towns, of which three had been R o m a n cent res, m a i n l y i n t h e south and near thc Adriatic but, s i n ce i t p ro b a b l y deri ves from a local Roma n source, omits those communities of i n l a n d Dalmatia or Pannonia. The Scrbs cvi d ently arrived later a n d never reached thc Ad riati c , but are con fined in thei r hi storic heartland of the upper Drina and its tri b uta ri es, Piv a , Tara , Lim an d Uvac, the upper Morava, Raska and lbar. Between there and the Adriatic were thc Zachlumi ('in beh ind the h i l l s ' ) who held the coast between Ragusa and the N e retv a . Next to these on thc south were the Terbuniotes of Treb inje in Popovo poljc and the Kanalites of Konavle (near Dubrovnik ) . All three were connected with th e Serbs and also are said to h ave settled there with the ap p ro v al of Hcraclius. Between these and the imperial territory arou nd Dyrrhachi u m were Diodetiani, named from the then deserted city Diodea (Dodea near Ti togra d ) . A rep u tatio n for piracy atta ched to the pagan Naren tani, who con trolled the coast north of thc Neretva and most of the major islands.20 The new s e ttlers d i d not strive to eradicate the existing Illyrian and Roman cultures, and several of their major settlc ments grew up on the sites of Roman citie s. Aftcr more than three cen t u ries of sile n ce Latin-speaking comm u n it ies begin to emerge, such as thc 'road-travelling' Vlachs at the end of the tenth ccntury, and several others are identified in medieval sources, Koutzovl achs, Morlachs, Cincars an d Aroumani. Archaeologica l evidence has so far been unable to fill the gap between th e end of R o m a n Illyricum and the tenth century. Few ca rl y Slav villages , with their hand-made pottery and cre m ation burials, have been identifie d in thc Illyrian lan d s. Some Sl avic material has becn found on the sites of Roman cities and therc arc traces of an early settlement near C apljina Porphyrugenitus De Administrando Imperio, ed . G . 2 0 Consta" tine Moravcsik, trans. R. J . H . Jenkins, 2 n d edn, Wa shington D C , 1 967, and Commentary by R. J . H. Jenkins and others, London, 1962. T h e rel evant ch a p t ers are 29-30 (Dalmati a), 31 ( Croats), 3 2 (Serbs), 3 3 (Zachumli), 34 (Terbun i otes and Kanalites), 35 (Diocletiani) an d 3 6 (Paga n i or (N) a rentani).
17 1 i l l I h t' N t' rl' l v a v a l k y , I t Sl'l' I l l S n' a s o l l a h k to a S S I I I l l l' I h a l S O l 1 l l' of I h t' loca l l.· h a r a c t er i s l i cs l'x h i h i l t'd l a l l'r by Slavs i n t h e I l I y ri a n l a l l d s w e re a (O n sl' q l l e l Kl' o f a s s i m i l a t i n g e x i s t i n g l o c a l culture ( Sl'l' figu re 3 6 ) , The I 1 l y ri a n h e r i tage o f t h e Adriatic Slavs is l'V l' n today regu l a r l y i n voked by S l o ve n e s and eroats, wh ile t h e A l b a ni a n clai ms to an IIIy r i a n ancestry have e n co ur aged Slavs to sear c h for tr a ces of th e ir own IIlyrian herita ge . These i ncl u de similarities in burial rites, stone-lined graves and the s m a s h i ng of pottery; perio d i c redivision of l and on the island
similar to that reported for the pre-Roman DcImatae; u se mould known i n the Illyrian Iron Age; the tasselled Lika cap of the J a po d e s and the taste fo r tattooing wh ich still survive in that area; and the possible descent of 'Mother Jana', forest goddess of the Balkan S lavs , from th e l I I yrian ver s i on of Silvanus. Medieval documen ts i ndicate the s urv i va l of IIlyrian p er son a l names, Ucca from Licca/Licco, Batoia from Bato, Pletto from Plator, etc. In the mountai nous areas the two medieval sources, the twelfth - ce n tu ry priest of Duk l j a (Diodea) and Thomas the Archdeacon of Split, refer t o the Svacics ( S n a c i cs ) , who were evide n tly of pre-Slav o r i gi n . The Il ly r i a n contribution to Slav popular culture incl uded sev eral less easily documented examples : the ' c i rc l e ' (kolo) dances of the southern S lavs which seem to resemble those on fu neral mo n uments of the Roman era ; the shepherd's panpi pes, fi ve pipes of une q ua l length cl am ped toge th e r, which a ppea r on situlae and on some Roman reliefs of S i l v a n u s ; and some polyph o n ic musical patterns, confined to the Slavs of the I I I y r ian lands, which may be of ancient origi n . Taken together, a n d there are p roba bl y several more examples which cou ld be cited, they i ndicate a signific a nt cultural inheritance but not necessarily an ethnic descent from IIIyrians. In con t ra s t a direct continu i ty from ancient 1I 1yrians has been claimed, and con tested, for the modern Albanians.2 1 Today's Albania occupies the ancient provinces of PraevalitPag,
of a bread-making
21
Slav fortresses: Bu ric 1 9 8 7 (Bribir), Boskovic, Mijovic and Kovacevic 1 98 1 s u rv i v a l : surveys in B�nac 1 9 69, Batovic and Ostric 1 969, Brozovic 1 969 ( l a nguage), I .j u bi n kovic 1 96 9 (social organization and material culture), Stipccvic 1 977a, 72-6, 24 1-3 ( m usic and dance ) , 2 6 1 note 1 1 0 (Svacics), Suic 1 967b, 1 03- 4 (Pag), Rendic-Miocevic 1 949 (name survivals),
(Ulcini ) . IIIyri an
Figure 36 Early medieval stone relief with traditional native circle: and Christian cross from near Sinj. Dalmatia
17.l (in part) a n d Old a n d New E p i r u s . Th e �on d i tion o f t h i s a t t h e end of the Rom a n e r a i s h a rd to assess, but there see ms to h a ve been a col l a p s e of t h e i n l and towns which arose in t h e Hel len istic pe riod, w h i l e t h e more secure coastal cities ;1 1 1 <1
re g i on
contin ued to enjoy a rel atively prosperous existence. Some i n l and pl aces were protected with the latest type of defences, i n clu ding Scampis (Elbassan) on the Via Egnatia and Vig near Scod ra. The damage caused by the passage of Alaric's Visigo th s a ro u nd AD 400 a nd Theodoric's Ostrogoths later in the same century may have been soon repaired. Their presence may have
caused the building of several new hill-fortresses, such as Sarda overlooking the river Drin (see figures 37a and 3 7b). Dating of such places is not secure but the ho r ses ho e - shaped towers and lack of brick in the construction point to a date after the fifth century AD. Around the same time the emperor Anastasius ensured the security of his native Dyrrhachium with a new perimeter of walls. Little is known of secular architecture, but several well- a ppoi n ted Ch ristian basilicas have been excavated. The provincial capital Scodra and Dyrrhachium were seats of the metropolitans, and there were bisho ps at Lissus, Doclea, Lychnidus ( Oh rid) , Scamp is, Apollonia, Amantia, Byllis and Aulona. The p opulation of this area were Latin-speaking pro vincials, in the interior ma i nly of IlIyrian origin, but more cosmopolitan in the coastal towns. The demarcation between the areas of the Latin and Greek languages followed ro u ghly the valley of the Shkumbin.22 The dispersal of Slavs in the southern Balkans foll o w i ng the unsuccess fu l siege of Thessalonica in 5 8 6 resulted in an occupation of Praevalitana and the region south of the Shkum bin, a distribution indicated by place-names of Slav origin. During the seventh and eighth centuries Dyrrhachium and the coast remained under im p erial control but the old cities of Lissus and Scodra shrank to within their acropolis. The key evidence for the population of this period is the Komani-Kruja group of cemeteries (see fig u re 3 8 a ) . Most are situated below fortresses and some have a church nearby. Their distribution
22 Anamali 1986, V. Popovic 1988; late cemeteries: Karaiskaj 1 977-82 (Zgerdhesh, 3 rd-4th cent.), Kurti 1976b (Mat valley).
--,Ulma" mynan!
Figure 3 7 a) Plan of Sarda fortress, A lbania b) Gate of Sarda fortress
is centred on Dyrrhachium, and the general character of the remains suggests communities that were town-based and Chris tian . In the opi nion of several Albanian specialists these cem eteries represent evidence for a continuity between late Roman IlIyrians and the medieval Albanians. This view is contested by Yugoslav scholars and the argument turns on the origins and character of objects deposited with the burials. The graves, made of rough stones sometimes with re-used brick, are mainly
Figure 3 8 a) Early medieval cemetery at Komani, near Shkoder, Albania, 7th-9th century A D
N I 111/.1" IlIv""III.�
o Figure 38 Con tinued b) Ornaments and jewellery from Komani- Kruja burials, 7th-8th century A D
orientated west-east, with the arms of some of the deceased crossed on the chest in the Christian fashion. The plentiful contents include pottery and gl ass, decorated in Byzantine style. Jewellery includes filigree earrings, belt buckles, disc-brooches with Christian ornament, small pectoral crosses and finger rings engraved with Greek words (sce figures 3 8 b and 3 8c). Some of these objects were imports through Dyrrhachium but others appear to be local imitation of Byzantine types, and are
1.7 7
Figure c)
38
Continued
Gold jewellery from Komani burials, 6th-9th century A I )
not paralleled elsewhere. Dating of many of the graves remains uncertain, while some contain several corpses, presumably from different generations. The cemeteries seem to have gone out of use by early in the n inth century, when the new military command (Theme) of Dyrrhachium came into existence. 2.3 The Albanian case that the Komani-Kruja cemeteries rep resent a continuity of lllyrians rests on several arguments, notably the IIIyrian character of the ornaments and the shapes of some grave-goods, hemispherical buttons, biconical heads, 2.1 Anamal i 1 966, Prendi and Zh e k u 1 9 8 3 (Lissus), Tatari 1 9 84 ( Durres) , Mij ovic 1 970 (Mijcle near Lake o f Shkoder), A n d re a 1 9 8 8 (Germenj ), Dhima 1 98 8 (skeletons), Spahiu 1985 (signet rings), Komata 1 9 7 1 b (medieval pottery ) . Cri tique of Albania n analysis: V. Popovic 1 9 84, 1 9 8 8 .
U f llI/, /I/ I II \'/'I. / I I �
hran' l e ts , t h l' h ro l l zl' h ;l l l /-\ i l l g- t r i l l gl's rl'cl l l i l lg I l l y r i a l l o rn a
ments
from t h e M a t v a l l e y , These (( ) m p a risolls ;l re..' n' r!;l i n l y val id, b u t thc Albanian GI Se..' i s wea k e lled h y a h i gh l y i m p ro ba h le.. recon structi on of IIIyrian history i n th i s pe r i o d , Th i s m a k es the I I I y rian s recover th e i r lost i n dep c n dcn cc during the col l a pse o f the l ater Roman Empire and reassert thc i r cthnic identity th rough I ibcration from Greco-Roman do m i n a n c e i n matcrial cu l t u re , Th i s view re g a r d s thc ncw fortifications i n the area a s measures against the i nde pe n de n t I l I y r ians . Out of this popu lation camc the Arberi o f the tenth and eleventh ccnturies, rcprcsented by an carly tumulus cu l t ure in southern Al bania. The weakness of these a rg u m e nts for an area \.... here histori cal sources a re n on - e x isten t seems obvious. Thcrc can s ur e l y be no doubt that the Komani-Kruj a cemeteries i n dic at e thc s urvival of a non-Slav population between the sixth and n i n th centuries, an d th e i r m ost l ikely idcntification seems to be with a Roman ized population of I IIy ria n origin drivcn out by S l av settlements further n o rth, the ' R o man oi ' men tioned by Constantine Por phyrogenitus (c.32) . Th i s i n terpretati on is s u p p o r tcd by the concentration of Lati n p l a ce - n a m e s around thc Lake o f Sh koder, in the Drin and Fan valleys and along t h e road from Lissus to Ulpiana in Kos ov o , with somc in the Black D r i n and Mat va l l e y s , a distri bution limitcd on the s outh by the line of the Via Egnatia.24 The Albanian language, which b e l o ng s to th e I n d o- E u ro p c an group, has a distinctivc vocabulary, morphology and ph on e t i c ru les which have cngaged the attention of many p h i l o l ogi sts,
of whom several have confidently proclaimed its origin from a n c i ent I I l yr i a n . In the A l ban i an v oc ab u l a r y it is p o ss ible to detcct somcthing of the phys ical, social and economic con d i ti ons prevailing at the time of its formation, th rough the evi dence of b o rr ow i ng from other l a ng u ag e s, including Latin and S l a v . Those fro m the former rel ate to city-life, fami l y
24 1l1yrian-Al banian contin uity in material c u l t u re: Korkuti 1 97 1 , Vu lpe 1 976, Stipcevic 1 976 (symbols), Meksi 1 976 (institutions), G j ergj i 1 97 1 , 1 976, Jubani l 9 70, Zozzi t 976 (dress and ornament), Tirtja 1 976 (sun worship), Sako 1 976 (dance ) , Spah i u 1 9 8 6 (ancient survivals in medieval A l banian cemeteries). Criticism of Y ugoslav studies: Mirdita 1 972, Buda 1 982, but see now V. Popovi c t 988 ( Roman ized survival).
2 7 1)
� I n l l' l l l n' , a g r i u i l l l l n' , p LlII l � a n d t n l l l � o t 1 I 1 1' p l a i n � a n d I l l a r s h l a l i d s , The s l l l a l l n I l l l l l l hn o t Sla v 1 0 ;l I I s n' l a l l' 1 0 d wd l i ngs, a g r i l' l l I l l I rl' and l';1 I 1 i l'- rl'a r i l l g , PLl I I l n;l I l 1 1'S o f S l a v o r i g i n s u g
�l'SI t h ;\ l co n l ;K t s t oo k pLll'l' w h l' l l A l ha n i a n s d wel t i n t h e fo rest z o n l' hel Wl'l' n 600 a n d l)OO I1ll'tn's in a l ti tu d e , w h i l e the words rl' L1 I i ng to the p rod u cts of higher a l t i t u des, i ncl udi ng m i l k, a re A l ha n i a n , Th is i m p l i es ;1 pattcrn o f season a l movement between p a s t u res si m i l a r to that recorded for the Dalmatian Mavro v l achs who j o u rneyed to the Adriatic towns with cheese a n d "'001 t o exch a nge fo r the invalua ble salt. This pattern of exist l'n ce expl a i n s the l ate entry of thc Alban i an s i n the h istorical reco rd, d u ring thc years 1 040 to l O R O, when Arbanites a rc fou n d serving in th e i m peri a l army. If the Komani-Kr u j a ccm l'teries represent a R o m ani ze d Chri stian popu lation bordered h v n ew Slav settlements on th c n orth and south , then the a ;Kestors of the historical Al ban i an s were p a s toral communities on the h igher ground beh i n d the plains. The tripart i te l i n gu i s t i c d i v i s ion of the a rea has been recognized i n some l a te medieval documents relating to th c Sh koder regio n . l'i We first learn of A l b a n i a n s in th eir native l a n d as the Arha n i tes o f A rbanon i n A n n a Comncn a ' s a cco u nt (A lexiad 4) o f I h e troubles i n that region caused i n thc r c i gn o f h e r fa t h e r A l ex i u s I Comnenus ( 1 08 1- 1 1 1 8 ) b y th e Norm a n s . There seems t o h l' n o doubt that thc root A l b- o r Arb- i s earl ier tha n S h q i p - , fro m which thc modern n a m e of the state (Shqipcri a ) d erives, a n a m e which appears only in the time o f thc Turk i s h i n v a s i o n s . We can n ot be certain that the Arbanon of A n n a Co m n e n a is th e same as Al banopolis of thc Alban i , a p l a ce l ocated on the map o f Pto lemy (3 . 1 2, 2 0 ) and also n a m ed on a n a n cient family epita ph at Scupi, wh i ch has been identified \vith the Zgcrdh esh hill-fort near Kruja in northern Albania. Moreov er, Arbanon is j u st as l i kely to be the namc of a district - the p l a i n of the Mat h as been s u gge s te d - rathcr than a particular pl ace. An indication o f movement from high e r altitudes in a much earlier period has been detected in the distrib ution of placc-names ,
2 5 <,:abej 1 9 5 8 (pl a ce- n
V.
Popovic
1 9 8 8 ( s i gn i ficance of loan-words
in Albanian) .
280
Roman IIlyrians
ending in -esh that appear to derive from the Latin -ensis or -esis, between the Shkumbin and the Mat, with a concentration between Elbassan and Kruja. This movement will have been another of the migrations from the hills similar to that which marked the Illyrians' entry into history at the beginning of the fourth century BC, and in that sense the migrants may be seen as their descendants. On the other hand, it is to be hoped that the un fortunate distortions which have marred outstanding progress in Albanian archaeology wil l soon be corrected. As new guide-books are demonstrating, the Albanian culture, as fascinating and varied as any in that quarter of Europe, is an inheritance from the several languages, religions and ethnic groups known to have inhabited the region since prehistoric times, among whom were the Illyrians.26 ,
26 Stadtmiiller 1 966, Anamali 1 97 1 , V. Popovic 1 98 8 , Koch 1 9 8 9 (guide book).
B ibliography
Notc: Publications in Serbocroat and Albanian arc listed by titles of appended precis or summ ary. Abramic, M., 1 937. 'lrber Darstel lungen der IIIyrier a u f anti kcn Denkmalern', Casop is za zgodovino in narodopisi;e (Maribor) 3 2 , 7-1 9. Abramic, M., and Colnago, A., 1 909. 'Untersuch ungcn in Norddal matien', l OAf 1 2 , Beibl att 1 2-1 12. Alexander, J . , 1 965. 'The spectacle fibulae of southern Europe', AlA 69, 7-23. 1 972. Jugos la via before th e Roman Conquest, London. Alfoldy, G., 1 96 1 . 'Die Stellung der Frau in der Gesell schaft der Liburner', AAnt. Hung. 9, 307-1 9. -- 1 963 . 'Cognatio Nantania: zur Struktur der Sippengesell schaft der Liburner' , AAnt. Hung. 1 1 , 8 1-7. 1 9 64a. ' Die Namengebung der Urbev<)lkerung in der romischen Provinz Dalmatia" BzN 1 5 , 55-1 04 . 1 964b. 'Des Territoires occupes par les Sco rdisques', AAnt. Hung. 12, 1 07-27. 1 96 5 . Bevolkerung und Gesellschaft der rom is ch en Provinz Dalmatien, Budapest. --1 966. 'Taurisci und Norici', Historia 1 5 , 224 -4 1 . 1 969. Die Personennamen in der romischen Provinz Dalmatia, Heidel bcrg (BzN Beiheft 4). --1 974. Noricum, London. Anamali, 5., 1 966. 'Le probleme de la civil isation haute- medievale albanaise a la lumiere des nouvelles dec{)uvertes archcologiques', SA 3 , 1 99-2 1 1 . -- 1 970. 'Les villes de Dyrrhachion et d'Apollonie et leu rs rapports avec les Illyriens', SA 7: 2, 8 9-98 . --
--
--
--
--
.! X .! --
l l) 7 I . ' I >to h l I \' d l � ,1 I 1 1 1 1 1 h ,l l I l l' I I l l'd l l' V ;d l' . d h . I I I .I I Sl" , I I I " o r k l l l i
1 9 7 1 , I l) . � - l) .
lIiri
1 97 2 . ' Am a n l i c',
'Podgradec',
-- 1 9 75 .
5 , 23-40.
--
1 976b. 'l)onnees epigraphiqucs sur qucl q u e s cites de I ' I II y ri e du sud', lIiria 6 , 1 3 1 -7.
9 8 2 . ' Les IIIy riens et I cs villes de l 'IIIyric du sud dans lcs inscriptions de la G rcce ', Iliria l 2 : 1 , 1 0- 1 4 . -- 1 98 5 . 'Dcs l 1 I yriens aux Al banais', Iliria l S : 1 , 2 1 9-27. -- 1 9 8 6 . ' Processus de tran s formati o n dans l a region mcridionalc illyrienne aux ler-IVe si e d e s ' , lliria 1 6 : 1 , 5-4 1 . --1 9 8 7 . ' L'insurrectio n illyricnnc des annces 6-9 de n . ere', /liria 1 7 : 1 , 5-23 . -- 1 9 8 8 . 'Deux ateliers dc l ampes esta mpill�cs a Byllis', Iliria 1 8 :
-- 1
1 , 2 1 6-1 9 . An dre a , Z., 1 975 . 'Ban,; ( Ko rce) " Jliria 3 , 4 1 5-20.
-- 1 976a. 'La civi l i sation tum u l aire Ju bassin Jc Korce ct sa placc Jans les Bal kans d u s ud-est', J/iria 4, l .B -5 S . -- 1 9 76 b . ' Lcs tu muli de Kw; i Z i ' , Wria 6 , 1 65-2 .':U . 1 9 7 7 8 ' Les t u m u l i de K m ; i Zi', Iliria 7-8 , 1 2 7-5 S . -- 1 9 8 5 . ' A p ropos d c l a genesc c t d e l a continuite J e la cultu re d e M a t a I 'cpoq ue d u Bronze', J/iria 1 5 : 2 , 1 63-74 . -- 1 9 8 x . 'Tom bcs de pe ri o de s a ntiq uc et medicvale a Gcrmenj (distr. d e Lush n j e ) ' , Iliria 1 8 : 1 , 1 69-9 7 . And n:ou , I . , 1 9 85 . ( l I lyrian helmet in loannina University), Iliria 1 5 : --
-
.
2, 2 X I - 4.
Arch aeological M u seum Pu l a 1 9 8 6 a . Il movimen to illirico in Croazia, Ca taloguc 22, Pllla. -- 1 9 8 6b.
Shipping an d Seamanship i n [stria il1 Classical Timl�s,
Catal ogue 2 3 , Pul a .
Arheoloska Najdisca Slovenij, 1 975 . ( A rch aeological Sites i n Sl ovenia ) , SAZU (Arh. I n st. ) , Lj ub l j a n a . Bac;e, A . , 1 9 7 1 . ' La vil1e fo rti fie e de Berat ( A n tipatrei a ) " MOl1umell tet 2, 43-6 2 .
-- 1
974 . ' La v i l l e forti fice de Ka ri ne', Monumentet 7-8 , 25-5 4 .
-- 1 9 75 .
'Lcs
centres fo rti fies du golfe de Vlore d a n s l' anti q ll i te',
Monumelltet 1 0, 5-2 0 .
-- 1 979 . 'Apen;u s u r l ' a rch i tecture des forti fi cations a n tiq ues d a n s
n o s pays ', M 0l1umentet l 7, 5- 4S. -- 1
9 8 4. ' Ape r � u s ur l a foi et I ' a rchitectu re de cuite chez les l I 1 yri
ens', Monumentet l 9 8 4 : 2, 5-3 2 .
dl" v i l ll" dc l ' I I I �' n l' d .l I l � k, . ! l I l l l·l·' - ! 1 2 d l' 1 1 . l' n' " 1 1/1'/,' 1 (, : I , l l S -l l . ' Ha,l' , A . , a l l d B l l s h ;l I i , V . , I l) S l) . ' A pc r , " s ur I h a bi t a t i o ll p rc h i stori q u c l' l a m i l l l l c l' l l I I I Y rlc l·t e ll E p i rc', ,\lI01tl1l11l'll (e( 3 7 : 1 , 5 - 4 X . Ba,c, A . , a n d C c ka , N . , I Y X l . ' Les Stoas d e la peri ode u rbaine i l l y rien ne', i\1011lIllU'll/e( 2 2 : 2 , 5-5 4 .
-- I l) S 6 . 1 6S
av.
'
1
11.
, ; 1 , r l' l l l' l l l l'l' I I I' h ;1 i I l l'
lTc
Baci c, B., 1 9 70 . 'Beit rage z ur Ken ntnis d e r u rgesch ichtlichen Burgfort ifikation in Istrien ', in M i rosa v ljev i c ct a 1 . 1 9 70, 2 1 5-22. Bakh u i zcn, 5., 1 9 8 6 . ' Between I l l yrians and Greeks : the cities of Epidamnos and Apol l onia', lIiria 1 6 : 1 , 1 65-77. -- 1 9 8 7. 'The con ti nent and the sea : notes on Greek activities in I onic and Adriatic w a ters', in Cabanes 1 9 8 7, 1 1 5-1 7 . Barficld, L., 1 9 7 1 . Northern Italy before Rome, London . Ba rtosiwicz, L., 1 9 8 5 . 'Most na Soci : a prel i m i n ary fau n a l analysis at the Hallstatt period settlement', A V 3 6, 1 0 7-] 0 . Basler, D . , 1 9 7 1 . 'Crvena Stijena, PetroviCi, p res de N i kiiiC', i n Novak et a1 . 1 9 7 1 b, 1 45-6 . -- 1 9 72. 'The Necropol i s of Vele Ledine at Gost i l j ( Lower Zeta ) ',
WM B HL 2, 5- 1 25 .
-- 1 9 8 3 . ' Palaeolitische KlIltu rcn i n d e r adriati schcn Region J u gos
lawiens', GLMS 3 8 , 1-6 3 . Basler, D., Benac, A., Malez, M . , Bru n n a cker, K . , and Pamic, J . , 1 975 . Crvena Stijena, Niksic, Batovic, S., 1 95 8 , 'Plattenfibel aus Kroatien (Hrvatska ) " Germania 3 6 : 3 -4 , 3 6 1-72.
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�
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In dex
a b o rti o n , induced by plants, 22 1 Absyrtus, b roth er of M e d ea , 1 02 Aca rnania, 1 04 , 1 49 ; Acarn a n i ans and Il Iyrians, 1 5 6 , 1 60 Ace l u m (Asolo) , settlement of Veneti , 1 8 3 Achaeans, 1 04; Le a gu e , 1 5 7; aga i n st IIlyrians, 1 60; Aetol ians and M ace d oni ans, 1 63 ; Achaea, Roman province, 2 1 0 Achelous, r., 103 Acroceraunia (Cape Linguetta), 10 4 Acrol i ssus, fortifications, 1 3 3 ; captured by Ph i l i p V, 1 66-7 Acruvi u m , in region of IIlyria, 1 74 ; Roman settlement, 2 1 3 Acti um, battlc, 1 8 7, 255 Ad Picarias near Apol lon ia, asphalt dep o si ts, 1 2 8 Adaeus of Reroea , envoy o f Perseus, 1 72 Adria, 1 1 3
..
A egean migrations, 3 3 , 3 6-8 , 40; civilization, 1 04 A ( e)gida (Koper), 1 8 5 Aegina, trade, 1 1 3
A em i li u s lla ullus, Roman commander in TII yria, 1 63-4 Acnona ( N i n ) , 71 , 1 0 1
Aepulo, k i ng of Histri, 1 8 6 Ae q uu m , Roman colo n y, 2 1 3 A e s cu l a p iu s , cult o f h ealing, 245, 247
Aeto l i a , A e to l i an s , 1 0 3 - 4 ; and
M a ce d on i a , 1 1 9, 148, I SO ; against I1 l y ri an s , 1 5 7-8 ;
M a ced o ni a n s and Achaeans, 1 63-4 ; Roman a l l iance, 1 6 7, 1 70 Agrianes, 1 22
a gr i culture, III yrian, 220 Agrippa, admi ral of Octavian, 1 8 7 Agron, k i ng o f IIIyrians, 1 1 5 , 1 29 ; vi«..1:ories, '1 5 7-8 , 1 67
Adrianople, battle, 265
Aguntum , 7 7
Ad ria tic, 32-3 , 3 7, 3 9 , 4 1 , 45 , 5 1 , 5 6-8, 63, 68, 70, 8 4 , 8 7; Greek t ra de and exploration, 9 1 , 94-7,
A l a ric, a n d Visigoths, 2 7 3 Albania, Albanians, 1 1 - 1 2, 20,
1 02-3 , 1 0 7, 1 1 9, 1 5 2 ;
distr u s ted , 224
Adrion ( D i na ra ) , mt., 1 8 8
Aea ci a n Wal l s, Risinium, 1 3 6 Aeacid es of Molossians, 1 24
Aeacus of A egi na, '1 3 6
A l a ns, i n Pannonia, 2 6 5
24-7, 3 0, 32, 3 5 , 3 8 , 4 1 , 44, 46, 6 8 , 70, 73- 4, 8 7 ; imports, 92, 1 07-8 ; plain of, 1 25 , 1 3 9 ;
fortifications i n , 1 94 ; I I Iyrian origins, 266, 271 ; l angu a ge, 278 ; cul ture and origi n, 2 8 0
I "t /,',\' A l h.l I u .po! ! , U /,�l' rd hl', h ) , I 1 1 ; 0 1 A l h ' l I l I . 2 7 lJ
A n . I \ I 'I ' I I I ' , 1' l 1 1 pl'l'Or, 2 h 7 X , 2 7 1 A n u m , l . 94
A l ha n l l l l l ( " I ha n o ) . k�lon a l . 2 h O
A n d a l l l o n i a . I l l l l n i l' i p i ll l11, 2 5 6
A l h i o n , 111 1 . . I <J X , 20 I
A n dl' t r i l l l l l
A l h l l r l l llS ,\' ia i or . I };t r i ' I , 7 ,'i A lcetas, k i ng of Epi rlls, I l l) , 1 25
Alci nous, l)5 ale, brewed by I l I y rians, no Alexander, historian, 1 6 7 A l exander I, ki n g of Macedonia , 119 A l ex ander H, king of Epi rus, 146 A l ex a nde r t h e G reat, king o f Macedoni a : birth, 1 2 1 ; Balkan campaigns, 1 22-3 , 125, 1 3 7; and C e l ts , 1 3 7, 1 3 9, 146, 1 5 0, 1 5 6 Al f6ldy, Geza, 70, 74 A l ga l s � s, chief of Parth ini, 1 74 Alj u d o v Man asti rica, 48 Alkman, poet, 1 8 3 A l m ll s mons, (Fruska Gora), planted w i t h vines, 263 aloiri5, pl ant, 8 5 Al pes Carnicae/juliae, 1 84 Alps, 3 7, 6 8 , 9 1 Altinum, Venetic settlement, 1 84 Alypsoi ( Lopsica), 1 0 1 Aman tia, 96; coi ns, 1 2 9 ; bishop, 273 Amantin i, 8 1 Amantini ( Pannonian ) : defeated by Romans, 207; ci vitas of 2 1 7-1 8 am b e r : trade, 1 0 1 -2, 1 05 ; carved, 1 4 1 ; imported , 225 ; necklaces, 233 Ambracian g u l f, 1 03 , 1 5 7 Am m i a n u s Marcellinus, hi storian, on J I l y ri a n s, 265 Amphipol i s, 1 2 2, 1 5 2 amphorae: gl ass, 1 06 ; Rhodian stamped, 12 8 Ampsi (lopsi), 95 A m yn a s , king of A th amanes, I l I y rian ally, 1 63 Amyntas 1lI, k i n g of M acedonia,
1 1 8- 1 9
Anamali, S , ' 1 1
( M III'),
fortress, 1 ':1 0,
1 ':1 7
Andi zetes, 203, 25 6 ; civitas of, 2 1 7 A n icius C a l l us , Roman commander
in l I I y ria, victory, 1 73-5 a nimals, in l I I yrian art, 25 2 A n n a Comnena , historian, on Alba nians, 279 Antel1or, Trojan, 1 03 , 1 8 3 Antigonei a , 1 5 8-9 Antigo n i ds of M acedonia, 1 5 6 Antigon us (I Monophthal mos), 1 25 , 1 45 Antigonus Doson, 1 4 8 ; victory over Spartans, 1 62 Antigonus Gonatas, king of Macedonia, 1 4 8 Antipatreia (.Bera r), 9 8 , H O A n to l1 i n u s Pius, emperor, 9 1 i\ntony, pact a t Brundisi um, 209 A n zo t i ca , Li hurnian Ve n u s, 245 Aous (Vi jose), r" 92, 98, 1 1 2, 1 3 0 Apol lo, 1 3 6 ; o f De1os, 1 02, 1 1 2; of Del phi, 1 44 Apo l l o n i a : museum, 1 0 ; G reek colony, 96-7, 1 04, 1 1 0 , 1 1 2, 124, 1 52, 2 1 0 ; subject p eop l es , 1 27; sta mped ti les, 1 2 8 ; coins, 1 29, 225 ; bui l d i ngs, H 3 ; in l I I yrian ".... ar, 1 60, 1 62, 1 6 6 , 1 68, 1 70, 1 74-5 ; coin cir cu l a tion, 1 76 ; bishop, 273 Apollonius of Rhodes, 1 02 Appi a n , h i storian, 82, 9 1 -3 , 1 1 0 ; on IIIyrian kingdom, 1 5 6 ; on piracy, 1 6 3 ; on Histri, 1 8 5 ; Delmatac, 1 94-6; Scordisci, 20 1 ; Pannonias, 205 aprons, gold, 1 4 '1 Apsy rtae, 1 0 1 ; Apsyrtides (Cres, Mali Losinj ), 1 8 8 Ap u l i a , 68; pottery, 1 3 0 ; Hannibal in, 1 64 Aquae B a l i s sae (Da ruvar), city, 25 7
/""1'.\'
\2H " q u a l' S . ( ! I . d :; ,. ) , 'pa , 2 4 7
"q uilei a : u , l oIl Y ,
1 5 J , I H 4 , I H 6-7 ;
wine i mports, 22 1 attacked by Maxi minus, 262
" ' " I I U S I'l I l 1 i l l , a l l d l k l l l 1 a l a l', aspha l t , I I l' M Apol l o n i a , 1 2 1l Asscri a (Bcnkovac), city, 255
Arabiates, civitas, 2 1 7
Atenica, burials, 1 05 , 24 1 Ateste (Este), 76; Vcnctic
Arabo (Raab) , r " 2 1 7 Aratus, r., 1 72
settlement, 1 84 Athen agoras, Macedon ian
A rba (Rab), 1 8 8 Arbanon, A rbanites, medieval
com mander, 1 .5 0 Athens, 9 3 , 1 0 "1 , 1 0.� , 1 07;
1 96
Al banians, 278 A rbe (Ra b ) , late Roman settlement,
Athenians, 1 1 9-20, defeated at Oelium, 1 "1 7 ; avoid Adriatic, 225
269 Arberi, medieval A l banians, 278 Arbo, I I Iyrian town, 1 6 1 Arch o f Constantine, 264 Ardiaei, 99 ; helots of, 127; and Autariatae, 1 3 9-40; rise of, 1 5 6, 1 62, 1 8 8 , 1 92; and Romans, 201 , 2 1 6 ; drin k i ng bou ts, 22 1 ; and salt, 223 Argaeus, ruler of Macedonia, 1 1 8 Argentari a , sil ver mines, 223 Argo, voyage of, 1 02 A rgonauts, 1 02 Argyru ntum, cemetery, 222 Arion, r., 96, 99 aristocracy, native llIyrian, 2 1 3 , 237 a ristolocheia makra, plant, 8 5 Ariston, s o n of Audoleon, 1 4 6 Ari stotle, on Apollonia, 1 1 2
Ath esis (Adige), r., 1 8 3 Atinta nes/A tintani, 96-7 ; Roman allies, 1 6 1 -2 ; all ies of Philip, 1 66 Attica, imports from, 1 40 Attienites ( Seni tes) , 95 Audoleon, king of l>aeonia, 1 44
Armatus, war god , 247 Armenian, language, 73
armou r, l OS, 239; supplied to Iilyrians, 1 1 9 A roumani, 270 Arrhabaeus, son of Bromecus, 1 1 7.. Arrian, histori an, on Alex ander i n
Augustan History, on Probus, 263 Augustlls, emperor, 1 2, 8 2 ; Danube conqu est, '1 5 1 ; controls llIyricum, 1 8 3 , 209; Pan nonia, 209; victory at Acti um, 255 Aulona, bishop of, 273 Aul u s Geilius, writer, on evil eye, 243 Aurelianus, Dom iti us, emperor, 2 62-3 ; and lllyrician i , 263 ; evacuation of Daci a , 266 Aurelius Victor, historian, on Tetrarchs, 263 Aureolus, army commander, 262 Austria, 6, 1 9, 25 Autariatae, 75 , 92-.\ 96, 99, 1 22,
205 ; an d Celts and Ardiaei, 1 3 9 ; expansion, 1 4 0 ; a n d Antigonus, 1 44 ; decline of, 1 45 ; pl ague of frogs, 1 4 1 ; sa lt, 223 ; killed
wounded, 243 auxilia, Roman in I l I yricuOl, 2 1 2 Avars, i n Pannonia , 267-8 ; and
IIl yria, 1 23-4, 1 3 5 , 1 3 9-40 Arsia ( Rasa), r., 1 85 , 209 a rt, lllyrian, 247 arti l l ery, siege-warfare, 1 3 0 A rupin i , Acupium (Prozor) , Japodian settlement, 1 9 8 ; attacked, 20 1 , 256
Slavs, 269 Avendo (Orocac), J apodian settl ement, 1 98 , 20 1 , 256 axes, 105; Skodran, 3 8 ; II lyrian, 2.� 0 ; battle, 2 3 9 ; dou ble
Asia Minor, 3 1 , 33, 3 9-40; m igrations from, 6 7 ; imports,
sym bolic, 245 Axi upo l i s, 49
1 07
Axius (Vardar),
r., 148
'Ild" x AI..l " , X I ; Ba h l l l l a ,
,', v I L I ' ,
r.,
hel l o w s , sm i t h 's, 2 2 . \ Ikl ori(, ,\4 h d t s , 1 05 ; M ramorac, l Oo ; h d t p l a tes, 1 08 , 247; go l d , 1 4 1 ; s l, i ve r, 1 69 ; b u ck l es , 2.1 3 , 27 Benac, Alojz, 9, 3 9- 40 Bera t, 1 5- 1 6 ; defences, LB Ber l i n , Congress of, 5"": 8 , 26 Beroea , wife of G l aucias B i h ac, 79, 1 9 7;
217
1 49
Ban: h i a d s of Co r i nt h , 1 10
6
Backa pl a i n , 23
Bagrd a n defile, 20 B a i a n , khagan of A v r s , 26 8-9 Bakony hills, 1 3 Balan us, chief o f Ga u l s , 1 54 Balaton, Lake, 68
a
S4, S7,
Bal laios, k i n g, coins, t 77
1 9 8 ; shrine, 2 3 8 Bilisht, 1 7, 47
Ba l ta Verde, 4H
Baltic Sea, 3 7 ; languages, 73 Banat plain, bandits, in south B al ka ns, 26 1 Banjal Llka, 22 ba n q u e t i ng u te n s i l s , I 09 Bara j evo, 48
bill -hook, i ron, 22 1
23, 30, SS
�
e e
1 90
Barizan i , 237
Basarabi, 48, 58
Bassania, Illyrian
,
Bla lo, Korcula, 5 'I Blaz, Mat v a l l e y , ,� o
to wn , 1 Tl Bassiana ( Pe t ro v ci ) city 2 5 7
l V:
Ba s t�rnae , a n d Ph i ip 1 5 1 -2 ; allies o f Scordisci, 202, 2 06 Batinci, 1 06 Baw, Pannonian l e a d e r, 1 97, 207 ' 2 15-16 Sato, son of Longarus, 149 Batoia, (�ato), llIyrian n a m e' 2 7 1 B a tov ic, Si me, S 6 B a y of Ca tl e (Kastelanski Zal i ) ' 16 beads, t 05 ; g las paste, 1 06 ; amber, 1 1 8 , 225 ; bico n i ca l , 277 beans, grown by l I 1 y rians, 220 Bederiana, village in Darda n i a, B la Crkva , 34, 1 06
s s
s
Bc1 acevac, 4 H Belgrade, ,� O , 4 8 , 6 8 , 83 ; 9 Bel lovode, 4 7
Bilvane�ti-Vint, 48 , Bindus Neptu nus, s h ri ne ' 200 , 246 B r k en n a , d a u ghte r of B a rd y l i s 1 25 Bt stra mountains, 1 8 Bistue, 'New' and ' Old', Roman cities, 256 Birola ( Monasti r ) , ! H , 4 9 Bj elasnica 111 t S. , 2 1 Bl ack Drin (Drin i Zi), L , 1 7- 1 9, .� O, 45, 4 8 Black Sea, .13 , 5 5 , 1 0 2, 1 07, 1 5 2 B l a n do n a , 71
238
Barakovac, 4 1 Bar�, 3 7, 46 Ba r d y l i s , 120, 1 26, 1 4 9 ; of Dardani, 1 5 6 Barguliu lll ( ? B er a t) , 0 3 Bariduum, s ettl m n t of Dclmatae'
e
1 24 �emeteries'
267
museu m,
boar, wild, 222 ' Boa s, serpent cult, 245 B oeo t ia 1 04 Boii, 82; civitas, 2 1 7 b o i ls , healed, 22 1 B oj ana , r., 1 5 Bologna, 4 0 bone, d agg r handle, 1 4 1 Bononia, 8 3 Boria, lstrian deity, 245 Bosanska Gradiska, 5 1 Bosna, r . , 22, 5 1 , 203 Bosn ia , 22, 24 32-5 3 9 4 1
,
e
5 0- I , .'14,
S7-8, 6.S , 7(l-I:74 '
140 B o s u t r., 5 5 Bouthoe (Budva), 9 6 , 9 9 , 1 6 8 bows and arrows, llIyrian, 239 B r a c (Brattia), is., 5 , 5 0, 1 0 0
,
/". 11 '_\' h r,l(l' ll' t s , l O S - h . I O S • .!. \ \
1 1 1 1 rn'l . ..J I
Brasidas, Spa rt,l I l , 1 1 7
1 1 1 1 1' 1 0 1 1 , R l dl Md , (,
bread, hearths and ovell S , 23 I ; bread wheat, 220 breastplates, IIIyrian, 2 3 9 breeches, worn by lIlyri ans, 22S Breuci, 81 , 203 , 2S6; defeated, 207; civitas, 2 1 7- 1 8 Bri bir, 5 6 brick, construction, 1 28 brigands, 1 09 Brigetio, 8 1 Brindisi (Brundusium): Roman colony, 1 28 , 1 5 9, 1 7 1 ; pact of
2 1.1
Bylazora (Titov Vclez), Macedonian stronghold, 1 4 9-50, 1 54 Bylliones, 9 7 ; koinon, 1 3 3 Byllis ( Gradisht), 97, 1 2 7, 1 3 0 ; ti le production, "1 28; coins, 1 29 ; Roman colony, 2 13 ; bishop, 273
Caeak, 20 cacal ia, plant, 85 Cadmus the Phoenician, 96, 98, 99, 245 Caecilius Metel l us, Roman commander against Del matae, 1 94 -5
Cakran, 32 Cal abria, 6S Calafat, 55 candelabrum, bronze, I 06 Cannae, battIe, 1 63 canoes, d ugout, 222 Canosa, helmet, 1 0 8 Cape Linguetta ( Kep i Gj uhezes), 15
..
27 1 Bur i m , 3 0
Burn u m : fortrcss of Delmatac, legionary base, 256
..J 'i
H l l t h rot l l l l l , 1 27 Blltlll i r, Ilcol i th il- sitl" 8, ,�4 l:I utrint, lTI useu m, 1 0 buttons, hemispherica l, 277 Butna (Budva ) , Ro m a n settlrll1enr,
40 BC, 209
Brod near Bitolj, 1 0 6 Bronze Age, imports, 3 7-8 bronze crater, 1 06 ; vessels, 1 0 5 ; hydria, 1 0 6 ; brooches, 1 05-6 ; figu rines, 1 08 ; G reek imported, 1 4 1 ; pendants, 252 bronze-working, smith, figurine, 1 0 8 ; OSanici, 1 94, 204, 223 brooches, gold, silver and bronze: i mported, 169; spc{.1: acle, 203 ; with amber, 225 ; Libu rnian, n l ; Cerrosa, 5trpci, 23 3 ; disc, 276 Brutu s, conspirator, I I I Bryges, at Epidamnus, 1 1 1 , 1 4 5 Bubanj, 35 bu ckets and cauldrons, 23 0 Budva, 1 5, 1 0S Bugojno plain, 22 Bulgars, Bulgarian empire, 1 1 , 1 9, 4S ; origin, 270 Bulic, frane, 6 Bulini, B u l i nia, 95-7, 1 00 bunje, shepherd's hut, 227 bura (bora ) , 24 Rurgenae, 83 burials: princely, 1 06 ; A ten ica, 1 4 0 ; practice, 24 1 -2 ; early Slav,
•
190;
caps, II1yrian, 229; tasse l led, of Li b, 271 Capljina, Slav settlement, 27 1 Cara ntanus, mons, 77 Carantu m, 77-8 Caravantius, h a l f-brother of Gentius, 1 73-4 Caricin Grad Oustiniana Pri ma), 267 Carinth ia, 77, 8 1 ; Carni in, 1 84 Carni, 77, 1 53, 1 83-6, 1 97, 21 8 Carniola, Lower and Upper, 4 1 , 5 7-8, 63, 77 Carnuntum, 78 Carpath ians, mts., B, .B carpentry, tools, 1 94
U I ( . . 1 1' 1 . . . 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 , 7 2
1 1 1 .1 1'101 : I I I hl l l' l a l . 1 4 0 ; 0 1
( , I rl h a �:I' , W , I! w l l h R O I I H' , 1 4 '1 , I 'i '1 C ; I I " 1 " , 1' 1 1 1 1 '1'1'01" , 2 ('\
d l . I C I I I S , 1 0,'i
C a , s a l l dlT, k i , , � 0 1 :-o. b Cl'll 0 I I I a , 1 24, 1 44
Cass i u s Di o , h i s l O r i ;l ll : O i l ROlllilll lIliSt:O llcilll:t, 2 1 S; on I 1 l y rians in Rome, 260 Cass ius Longi n u s, R om a n con sul, 153; attac k s J apodes, 2 0 0 Ca ssop can s, 1 04 caste l l a ( fons), of Dcl m atae, 1 90 castell ieri, T s trian , 63 cat, T I Iyrian s y mb ol , 245 Carali, 77 Ca tarbates (Krka ) , r., 95-6, 100-1 Carari, 7 7, 8 1 ; civitas o f, 2 1 7- 1 8 cattle : t rade i n , 1 1 ,� ; bn:eding, 127; tri bute, 1 8 9 C a u l i ci , 1 00 causea, broad cap, 2 1 9 Cav i , attacked by Caravan ti us, 1 7.1 Celegeri, ci vitas, 2 1 7-1 8 Cel tic: na mes, 7 1 , 75-7, 79, !l 1 , 83_4; l anguages, 73-4 ; dress, 75 Cel ts, 1 2 , 63, 82, 8 7, 92, 94; m i grati o ns, 67, l ll 8 , 20 1 ; and Alexander, 1 2 2 , 1 37; a n d I l l yri a n s, 135; i n vasions, 1 3 7, 1 4 0 , 1 44, 1 46-7; on A driati c, 1 3 8 ; in Po val ley, 1 62 , oppidum, 2 2 6 ; oppi d um in K. l ta l y, I !l6 ; in Roman Empi re, 201l cemeteries : Hel l enistic, issa, 1 1 5 ; prehistori c, 2 1. 9 centum l anguages, 73 Ceraunian mts., 96 Ceraunii, ci vi t a s, 2 1 7 cereals: exports, 1 09 , 224; production, 1 2 7 , 168 c,:ermcnikc, 9 7 C ct i n a , r . , l 11 ll , 1 90 Cetriporis, ru ler of Th ra ce, 1 2 1 Ch.licid ians, 1 1 9 C h a on i a, ChilOl1 i il llS, 47, 9 1 -2 ,
95-6 , 9 H , 103- 4 ; u rban centres, 130
I ' h ' I l' l hOI l , 2 4 4 ( :h .l l l .: h i r s a , 4<)
a l pine, 1 2 H ; tra de, 279 Chelidones, 98 ; 'snai l - m en ' , 244 ch eese : I 1 l y ri a ll
Ch crsicrates, 1 1 0 chi ldren, among Libu rn i , I !l 7 chisel, for stone and ti m ber, 13 0 Ch ri stian ity, a n d serpent cult, 245 ; Christian basilicas: Pod, Bugoi no, 204, in Alba n i a , 273
Ch rysondym, 9 ll Cibalae ( Vinkovci ), home o f
Va lentinia ll , 2 5 7 Cicero: a n d Vatini us, 1 9 6 ; slave i n lII yria , 209 Cicevica, 1 9 C: i kola, r., 1 8 8 , 1 97 Cimbri, migration of, 203 (:inamak, 4 1 , 4S Cincars, 270 Cincibilis, pr i n ce o f G a u l s , 1 54 eisalpine Ga ul, 209 cities, Roman among I 1 l yrians, 2 5 7 citizenship, Ro ma n , 238 civita tes, native T I 1 yrian, 2 1 5 C l a udian, poet, on l>a nnonia, 265 Cl a u di u s , Appius, Roman t:ommander a t Lych n i dus, 1 73 Claudius, empero r , and tvloesia, 210 Claudius, Marcus Aurc1 ius, emperor, deieats Go t h s , 262 Clei t us, king o f lIIyrians, 1 20, 1 22-,� , 1 45
Cleopatra, q ueen, navy o f, 1 8 7 clima te, western G reece, 1 09 cl oaks , m i l i ta ry, 1 .) 4, 12ll-9 Clondicus, leader of Basta rnae, 1 5 2-3 doth, T I 1 yrian, 1 2 1l Cnidus, settlers, 1 1 3 Coa stal Navigation ( Per ip l u s ) of Scy lax, 97, 23 1l Coastal Voyage ( Periegesi s ) of Scymnus, 97, 1 02
H!
/11' /" ,\
Ul lt i l l - h ur i ;\ I �, 2 4 1 - 2 l'o i ns : ( ; rcck l ' O lOll ics, 10(" 1 1'1 , 1 75 ; o i Apol l oll i a a l l d Dyrrhach i ll lll, 1 U ; Co rcy r a t';\ n ,
1 1 4;
silver, 1 2 9 ; Illyrian, on Roman
1 29-:�0, 1 75-6 ; m i nes, 224
Col apiani, 8 1 ; ci \'i tas of, 2 1 7- 1 8 Col apis (Kulpa), r., 8 1 , 206, 2 1 7 Colchians, 1 02 ; an d Olcinium, 244 colonies: Rom a n in lIIyricum, 2 1 2 ; veteran, 2 1 3 Commodus, emperor, 259 Con cordia, Roman colony, 1 8 4 Constantine I, emperor, 264; field armies, 2 1 1 Constantine VII Porphyrogenitus, emperor: on Slavs i n Illyricum, 269-70 ; on Roman survival, 278 Consta ntinople, attacked by Avars, Slavs and Persians, 269 Constan ti us, Ca esar, 263 conventus, j udici al assize, 2 "1 5 copper: deposi ts, 1 2 8 ; mining, 224 Corcyra (Corfu ), is., Corcyracans, 69, 95, 1 0 1 , 1 03 , 1 1 0- 1 2, 1 25 ; attacked by Illyrians, 1 5 6, 1 60, 1 62 ; rewarded, 1 75 ; u n der Liburn i , 1 8 8 Co rcyra (Koreui a), Black, is., 9 5 , 1 0 0 , 1 03 , 1 1 3-1 S ; Roman, 1 7 1 ; coins, 1 76 Cori nth, Corinth ians, 1 0 1 , 1 03 , 1 1 0, 1 1 2 ; Gu l f, 1 60 corn ; trade, 1 1 3 ; on coins, 1 76 ; tri bute, 1 89 ; and silver, 223 .. Cornacum (Soti n), 8 3 , 2 1 7 ; Cornacates, civitas, 2 1 7; city, 257
Cornelius Scipio Nasica, against Delmatac, 1 90 Coruncani i , L and (;n., Roman envoys, 1 5 9 Cosconius, against Delmatae, 1 96 cosmolot,'Y, lIIyrian, 244 (:ovi c, B . , 3 9 Crateia (Brae), i s . , 9 5 , 1 00
, 1 ,' 1 1 1 .1 1 " ,1 1 d l l'�l s : h l l l' l . 1 1
nI ,' ,
.I .I ", .de\,
I 'I ){ - 'I ,
2 4 2-3
( : rl'l >l 1 i o l l , lJ){ ( 'rcs, i s . , 3 2 , 1 0 1
pira tes, 1 6 8 ; mercena ries a t Uscana, 1 72 Crna Gora, S kopsb , mts . , 1 8 Crna Reka (Black River) , r., 1 8 C rn oljeva, mt., 1 9 Cmatia, 4 1 , 5 6 ; Croa ts, 2 6 9-70 ; Illyrian heritage, 2 7 1 Crvena Stijena, cave, 2 8-9 Crvenica, .5 0 Cuccillm, 8 :� ClIrk-tae (Krk), is., 1 8 8 CUSUIll, 8 3 Cycl ades, plundered , 1 6.3 Cynoscephalae, battle, 1 5 0 C rete;
Dacia, 7 5 ; late Roman province, 2 1 0 ; Diocese of, 2 11 ; gol d mi nes, 224; evacuated, 2 6 2 ; occupied b y Slavs, 268 Dacians, 8 :� , 8 7 , 206 Daco-Moesians, 1 2, 3 4 Daesitiates, 8 0 , 2 0 3 , 205 ; defeat of, 207; civitas, 2 1 6 Dalj, .55 Dalmatia, .50, 65, 70, 74, 1 0 1 ; Roman province, 92, 1 97, 20.3 ; legiuns in, 2 1 1 ; roads, 2 1 2 ; colonies, 2 B ; gold mines, 224 ; sailors from, 226; th reatened by Slavs, 269-70 Dalmatian coast, 26, 35, 71 dalmatic, tu nic, 228 Damasti un: location, 1 2 8 ; coins of, 1 76, 223
dances, lllyrian, ' kola', 2 7 1 Dando, aged lllyrian , 1 67 Dan ilo Gornje, culture, ,B Danuoe, r., 1 3 , 20, 23-4, 3 1 , 3 3 , S S , 68, 7 2 , 77-8, 82, 8 .�-4, 20 1 ;
branch o f, 9 1 , 1 02, 1 1 2, 1 22 ; Roman frontier, 2 1 1 ; fortified, 268
Danubians, Roman disdai n , 260 Daorsi, 92, 1 8 9 ; su bj ects of
I"d, ',\
I I I
( '1' 1 1 1 1 1 " . 1 '/ 1 ; 1' ' '' 1 1 1 1 1 1 I ... ' 1 1 1
2. . J . I ; "'1' 1 I 1 . I I I I I I I , h ," h . 2. ' 1 ;
I I d l l l l l' , 1 7, 1 ; , 0 1 1 1 ' . I ' � . 1 7 7 ; 1 1 1 1 1
d (' I I I Il" ' ,1 . ('1' 1 ' ' ' 2. ,.J.! ; R O I I I . I I I
l o . . h . 1 '1 2. ; , I V I I .I ' . 2. 1 h
, i l ll" , 2 'i 6- 7
1 >.101'1 1 . 0 . '1 2.
i >.-l l I I i l l i u l I l
D.l n L l I l l ' l l l" .
247;
J\lan:dol1 i
U 9-40, 1 4 2 , 1 44-6, 1 5 0, 1 5 2,
Celts,
1 > 11 \, 11 0 ) , Ll p l l ;1 1 0 1
city, 257
Dl'lo" is"
8 4 -5 ; l 1 <1 m ,·s, 8 6 ; ;l 1 I d
\ 1 1 1';l r
I >d ll l a t a l' , I H H-l) ; si te, I YO, I Y2,
Dcl i a ns, 1 02
a ttacked hy
Delphi,
Celts, 1 44,
20 1 -2
1 4 8 ; and Bastarnac, 1 5 2 ; a n d
Demetrius 1, son of A n ti gonus, 1 2 5 DCllletri u s 1 1 , k i n g of ,Macedonia,
TCllta, 1 5 8 ; attack Macedonia, 1 62, 1 70; Roman al lies, 1 71,
Demetrius of Ph aro s ,
1 55;
slaves o f,
1 27; and
205 ; Roman province, 2 10 ; wars
1 4 8 , 1 5 0, 1 5 7
1 1 5 ; controls Corcyra, 1 60 ; succeeds Teuta, 1 6 1 -3 ; defea ted , 1 64 ; and Phi l i p
with ROllle, 2 1 0 ; Roman colony, 2 1 3 ; civitas of, 2 1 8 ; d i rt" hahits, , 220 ; serpent deity, 245 ; a r ch bis h o p , 26 7 Da rdanus, 9 2 ; fo und er of Troy, 145 dardhe, 'pear', 244
Demir Kapija : go rge , 49; settl ement, 1 06 Demosthenes, Ph i l i ppics, 1 2 1 Deraemestae, ci v itas, 2 1 6, 2 5 7
Da rius, K. of Persia , 94
D e u ri, ci vitas, 2 1 6
Da ssarenses, tri hutary
to Rom e,
Dassaret i i , Dassaretis, 92, 9 8 ,
frolll
Illyri a n s ,
1 62 ; occupied by Mace d onia,
( Dassa retae),
dia d em , lllyri a n , 2,B Diadora
U a d er ) , late
98
Roman
Diana: deity, 229, 247; temple of,
Dassaro, 92 Da7.us, on Black Corcyra, 1 t 5
Roma, temple, 257
Dehelo brdo, near
D i dym u s, com mentator on
Sarajevo,
34, 4 1 ,
204 1.50
Decatera (Acruv ium), 2 6 9 Deci us, Messius,
decuri ae, R.o man
257; and N y mp h s, 25 9
Dibica k near Suva Reka , 45
De bar, 1 8, 2 5 , 45
Debrdte, pass,
Dexari
settlement, 269
'1 6 5 ; Roman ba se, 1 70
Dea
Devoll, r., 1 7, 1 9, 1 23
Dev oll i an ware, .1 S , 46
1 74
1 23- 4, 1 49 ; taken
V, 1 6 5 ; marriage, 1 6 7; and
Histri, 1 85
emperor, 2 6 1 division o f native
stamped bricks, 1 3 3 ; held hy Demetrius, 1 63
peoples, 2 1 5, 237 Odi u m , hattl e, 1 1 7
Dillaric, mts., 13- 1 4 , 1 7, 20- 1 ,
Ddmatae : names, 70-2, 74-6, 79-8 1 , 84, 8 7 ; and I ssa ,
Demosthenes, 12 'I Diluntum, cit)" 2 5 7 DIM on IIIyrian coins, 1 76 Di m a le, Dimal l u m ( Krotine), 13 3- 4; t i l e p roduction, 128 ;
99,
1 1 6 ; s u b j ects of l l l y ria, 1 7 1 ; settl ements, R o m a n wars, 1 8 8- 1 97, 20 1 ; Roman co lo nies,
188
Dindari, civitas, 21 7 Diodetian, emperor: reorgan ization of J I I y ricllm, 2 1 0; from Salon a, 263- 4
2 1.1 ; civitas, 2 1 6 ; m i ners, 224;
D iodorus
name,
1 1 8-2 1
land redistribution, 237;
Siculus, h ist o ri a n, 1 J 4,
U4
I "d, ' ,
l >i O I l 1 l'dl', 9 4 , 1 00
1 ) i Ol I )' s i ll s I of
Sy raul sl" 1 1 4 -- I 'i ,
I IX
Di oscucides, Pedanills, dol'tor, X 'i Ditiones, Pannonians, 203 ; civ itas, 216 Dium, i n Macedon ia, 1 73 Doboj, 29 Doclea, (Own, 2 1 0; Docleatae, civitas, 2 1 6 ; princeps, 23 8 ; Roman ci ty, 256; bishop, 273 Dodona, o rac l e, 96, 1 03-4 d o es, on llIyrian coi ns, 1 76 D o lens k o, 5 8-6 1 , 6." 6 6 ; helmets, 240 ; warrior elite, 247 Domavia ( Gcadin a) : sil ver mines, 223 ; city, 257 Domesticus, epithet of Silvanlls, 25 9
Donja B rn j i ca , 48 Donja Dolina: site, 8, 5 1-2, S S , 6 6 , 2m ; needles, crops, 220 ; fishing, 222 ; settl ement, 227; burials, hearths, 242 Donja Toponica, 48 D onje Ocizace, 49 Donuca ( Rila), mt., 152 Do ri a n tribes, I t S doves, Illy cia n s ym b ols , 245 D racon, Dcacen a, serpent deities, 245
Drau (Dcava ) , r., 22-3 Draudacum, 8 6 D rava , c . , 35, S4-5, 6 8 , 77, 79, 8 1 , 8 3 , 8 7, 20 1 , 207, 2 1 7 dress, JIlyria n , 227-9; imported, .. 1 09 ; orna ments, 1 4 1 Drin (Dcilon), r., 1 3, 1 7, 1 9, 45 , 74, 93, 9 8-9, 1 1 3, 1 15 , 1 33 , 1 3 9 ; l i m i t of JIl y r i a , 1 6 1-2, 2 7 3 , 278 Drina, r., 2 1 , 8 2-3 , 203, 205 , 209,
2 1 7; and Secbs, 270 Drino, c., 1 6 Dcinovci, 5 0 Drzhanica, 48 Dub, 4R
1 ) l I k l l . 1 ( 1 )I l Idl';I ) , p m'sl 0 1 , IlIst orr;I Il, 2 7 1
.\2 - d 1 I 1 1 1 1 I l l , i l l n a m l'S , 7 2 Du rrcs, Ill u seu m , 1 0, 1 5 I ) l I l l .l rl·"
Du vno, pl a i n , 1 8 8 ; hill-ions, 1 ')0-2 Dvorovi near Bjelina, 4 1 Dymanes, Dorian tribe, 1 1 5 Dyrrh achiulll (Durres) : Greek co l ony, 72, 1 1 0- 1 1 , 1 2 4 ; and Pyrrhus, 1 25 ; civil war campa ign, 1 2 8 ; pottery , 'l 28 ; coi n s 1 29, 225 ; Monu nills and Mytilus, 1 46 ; control o f plain, 1 6 8 ; rewa rded, 1 75 ; coin circul ation, 1 76; Roman, 2 1 0, 2 1 2 ; colony, 2 13 ; attacked by Slavs, 268, 270; later city, 273 ; and Komani cemeteries, 274; Theme o f, 2 74 Dyy rta, 95 ea rrings : imported, 1 06; gold, 1 4 1 ; Byzantin e, 276 Egeta, 8 3 Eggebrecht, A . , 1 1 Egnati us, proconsul, and Via Egnati a, 2 1 2 Egypt, 95 Eia, Istrian dei ty, 245 El bas(s)an, 1 5, 97, 280 Elektrides, is., 95, 1 0 1 elektron (amber), 1 0 1 His, attacked, 1 5 8 Emona (Ljubljana), 22, 71 , 76; Roman colony, 2 1 3 , 2 1 8 Enchclei, 1 9, 92-3 , 96, 9 8-9 ; 'eel-men', 244 Ennills, poet, on lllyrian weapons, 239 Eordaea, 49
epei ros (main land), 1 03 Epetiu m (Stobrec), 72, 1 00, 11 6, 1 89 Ephorus, historian, 103, 1 1 8 Epicadus, chief of Pa rth i n i , 1 74 F.pidamnos/Dyrchachillm, 72, 93,
I "d, ',\ '/h , 'I X , 1 1 0 III
1 1 I y 1" 1 01 1 1
I f , . . It-,
1 1 ; , I . I V ('
W ; I I" ,
F p i d 'l l I f l l l l l : R O I I I , I I I (01 0 1 1 )-"
2 1 6 ; Sl'I'Pl' 1 I 1
1 17;
l 'i h , I h O, · l , 1 7 \
1 1 ,\,
n l l l , 14 � ;
6 lJ, Y 2-. l , w " of, 1 1 2 ;
invaded : hy lII y r i a l l s , I I ll , 1 25 ; b y Cassander, 1 24 ; coi ns, 1 l 'J ; deciine, 1 46 ; contro l o f Da rdania, 1 4S ; m a so nry defences, 1 :n ; urba n i zation, 1 3 6 ; and llIyrians, 1 S ll ' Epi rus N ova a m I Vews: Roman pro v i n ces , 2 1 0, 2 73 ; Byz a nti n e fo rtresses, 268 Eratosthenes, 97 Eravisci, 82; civitas, 2 1 7
r.,
1 23 , 1 5 0,
154 Erythrae, 1 1 0 Este, 40; cu l t u re , 1 8 4 Etleva, queen of G ent i u s ,
1 74
Etruscans, .5 9
Etuta, 8.5 ; married to Gentius, 1 72 Euboea, 1 1 0 E u ryd i ce, queen of M acedonia, 1 1 9 Evans, Arthur, 6, R evi l eye, in IIlyria, 243 exports, raw ma ter i al s , 1 09 exten ded fa mily, 1 0 9
face-masks, gold, '1 06 278 Fannius Stra bo, envoy to JII}'ria, 1 89 Fav eri a , lstcian settlement, 1 8 S-6 fieri, m useum, 1 0 finger-rings, 276 fish, ornament, 252 ; fishing, 220-2 ; hooks and harpoons, 222; tanks, 222 Fiume (Rijeka), 25 Flavian cities, 256 Flav ius honto, of Dodea, 25 7 fleets, i m pe ria l, recruitment, 2SS Fan, c., 45 ,
di Frill l i ) , I X4 i m peri a l , 2 1 1
h ml ll1 .I l 1 l i i ( C i v i d a it'
1 04, 1 5 6-7; k i llgs
E retrians, 1 1 0 Eridanus, r., 94 Erigon (Crna Rek a ) ,
l 'O I' l I I io, r . , I X � l o n i l i , .l t i o l l s , I l I y ri a l l , I . W
frl'l'dmcn, Roman
a l>;l l 1 d ol l t'l I , 2 6 9
E p i rtlS, 1 2, .l X , 4 7 ,
1 001 W ( " ; 1 1' , 1 1 1 ), 1"1 .1 1 1 , L ! '/
Fri ll l i , 2 2
frogs, pl ague of, 1 4 1 , 1 44 huska Gora, 23 FlIlvius, Roman comm ander, Fu lvius Fla ccus, Roman commander, 1 92 funeral : ritual, 1 99 ; Roman m o n um e n t s , 271
1 6 '1
Ga binius, attacked by Delmatae, 1 9 6-7 Gabrovec, Stane, 6 1 G a i l, r" 76 Gaj , Ljudevit, S Gaj ta n , 1 27, 1 3 0, 1 .1 3 Ga la s , 9 2 Galatea, wife of Polyph emus, 92 G al at i a n s , 9 2 Galerius, Caesar, 263 Ga l ic i ca, mts., 1 9
gal ley, o n I I I yri a n coins, 1 79 Gallienus, emperor, 26'1 Ganjolle, Gajtan, 1 JO G auls, 1 53 ; and Ro m a n s , l X 5 gauntlet, gold, 1 0 8 gcns, gen tis , 72-J gentiana, plant, llS ; hea l i ng, 21 1 Gent i us (Genthios), son of Pleuratus, king, 70, 72-3 , 8 5 , 1 54 ; coins, 1 2 9, 1 77 ; su c ceeds t o power, 1 71 ; accused, 1 72 ; a n d Macedonia, 1 73 ; defeated, 1 74, 1 92 ; imprisoned, 1 75 ; and Delmatae, 1 8 9 ; and medici nal p l a n ts , 2 2 ] Genusus, r . , 9 3 , 9 8 Germanic languages, 73 Germans, wars against, 26 1 GertouslGerous, 9 8 Geryol1, k i ng, 1 1 0 Getae, defeated by Alexander, 1 22 Gev ghel i , 49
girdles, 1 05
'lId" x ( ; i ssa
( I';lg), i s . , 1 '1 '1
G j i rokastra, I h
Glamoc, pl a i n o f, I H S Gl asinac: burial s, S, 1 07 ; p l a teau, 2 1 , 3 4, 4 1 , 44-8 , 5 0, 52, 54, 66,
1 05 , 205 ; and Au rariatae, 140; needles, 220; body armour, 240; warrior elite, 247 gla ss: paste beads, 1 05, 223 ; maki ng, 22 3 Glaucias, ruler of Ta ulantii, 1 22-4,
Gregory I, pope, Letters, 269 C rude, 50 Gu bavica, 4 1 Gura Padinei, 4 S G u rina-Alpe, 76 Gurzeze: strongh old, 133 ;
tile production, 1 2 8 Gylaceia, n a m e of Apollonia, 1 '1 2 Gyl ax, fo u u de r of Apol lonia, 1 1 2
126, 156
Glinditiones, civitas, 2 1 7 Glogovi k, 4 1 Gnjiljane, 20 goats, 222; on I l l y ri a n coins, 1 76 Godljevo, 4 1 gold: sheet attachments, 1 4 1 ; necklaces, 1 5 4 ; o f Gentius, 1 75 ; deposits, 203 ; i n Dalm atia,
Hadrian, emperor, 254, 25 6 Haemus (Stara plan i n a ) , mt. , 1 22, 152
Hahn, J . G. \'on, 5 hairpi ns, 1 05 Haliacmon, r., 49 H a l i cc
223-4
Golij a planina, 2 1 Golubic, 5 7 Gomolava, 5 5 Gorica, 50 Gorice, in Pol oske plain, 1 23 Gorizia, 25 Gomja Dolina, 52 Gom j a Radgona, 60 Gornja Strazava, 48 Gornja T uzla, 30 Gorno Pole, 49 Gosrilj, Vel e Ledine, I l l yrian cemetery, 1 68-9, 1 94 Gostivar, '1 8 Goths: migrations, 26 1 ; defeated, 262; defeat Valens, 265 Gotovusa, 4 1 Grabaei, 70, 1 2 1 Grabak cave, 34 Grabovca b rdo, 29 Grabus, ruler of Il lyrians, 1 2 0- 1 graves, warrior, 1 05 Grdel ica gorge, 20 greaves, llly ri a n , 240 Greco-Illyrian cultu re, 1 05 Greece, /l 2
( ; n·(· k : Ll II)!.II ;l )!.(·, 7 , l , 1 04 ; n a l 1 l es , 79; i m po r t s , 1 05-7, 2 3 7 ; v i t i cu l t ure, 2 2 0 ; co i n s , 225 G ree k s : m odern , 1 1 , 2 6 ; a n cient, 1 2, 3 1 -3, 3 /l-40, 5il, 6 9
158
Hal l sratt, 6 3 ; Iron Age, 80, 1 3 7, 1 40
Hanniba l : war with Rome, 149, 2 0 7 ; vi cto ry at Trasimene, '1 64; and Macedonia, 1 65 Harmonia, 96, 9 8 , 99 Harrybas, 1 1 9
..
headgear, of ] apodian women, 23] hearths, Donja Dol ina, 242 Hebrus (Maritz,l ) , r., 2 1 2 Hecataeus of Miletus, historian, 9 /l , 1 0 0- 1 ; o n J a podes, 1 9 7 Hedum, castel lum of Daesitiates, 21 6
hdmets: Greco-lllyrian, 1 05-7, 240- 1 ; Corinthian , 1 08 'helots', of Ardiaei, 1 2 7 h e m io l i a e , ships of Philip V, 1 65 Hemioni (Hegini ) , 95 (H)eneti, 1 02 ; of Pa phlagonia, 1 83 Heradea, I ll y r i an, 95; coins, 1 76 Heradea, Italian, 94 '
'
Herades, 1 1 1
Heracl ides, on frogs, 1 4 1
1 1 "/
'11. 11 '.\' I I t ' L ' , I l l . ' , l' I I ' l lt'I'OI' , .l I I d S I . . v "
2 h 'l- 71 1 I k ra k l l" , O i l I I l y .. . . 1 I 1 H c rcq.:- N o v i , I .� H l' rccgov i n a , 5 0 , S 7
nlln"
1 71>
Hl'rcu n i a tes, c i v i t a s , 2 1 7 Herod i a n , h i stor i a n , o n Pa n ll o n i a n s, 2 I I;) Herodotus, historian, 1;) 3 , 1 02, 1 07 hides, exported , 1 0 9 Hierastamnae, 9S, 1 00
I d , . ",.
( I.. r,,, ' "'a ) ,
'I S
1 I 1 1 .• k , ( ; I " ' l n , . ( , 6 6 ; Sl'l I l l' I I ' l' l l I , 205 ; t o m b , 2 4 ( )
I I l y ri • • I I : rvt ovcnll'll t , 5 ; e m pe rors, 1 2 ; l a n g u ages , 73 ; p rov i n ces,
R o m a n governors, 2 1 1 ; ' 1 I 1 yrian
look' ( H i l u rica facies ) , 2 1 9 I l I yriall s ; ' real', 74 -5 ; 'proprie dicti ' , 92 l I I yriciall i , i mpe r ial regi me of, 26 1-2, 264
Hil desheim, exhibition, 1 1 hill-forts, 2 27 ; of Dcl matae, ·1 90 H i ppi us (Ceti n a ) , r., 70
IIlYCiCUlll, 87, 97; Roma n houndaries of, 209-1 0 ;
Hippostratlls, son of Amymas, 1 2 1
IIlyrike of Appian, 9 1
Hisar, 48 Histrians, 1 S3, 1 8 3 ; J I I y rian allies,
l I I yris, 4 5 , 70, 74, 93, 1 1 1 - 1 2, 2 1 0
1 63 ; pi rates, 1 8 5 ; in Ital y , 1 9 7, 20 9 Hol de r, A., 6 9 Homer, 1 04
Imotsko polje, 5 1 , 1 8 8 i m po rts, G reek, 1 06, 1 08
honey, in medici n e, 2 2 1 hopl i te i n fantry, in J I Iyr i a , 1 2 6 Horreum Margi ( C uprij a ) , city , 25 8 h orses, in ornament, 25 2 ; horseharness, 1 54 ho uses, of Liburni, 1 8 8 Hrustovaca Peti na, cave, 34 human sacrifice, by J I I yri ans, 1 2 3 ,
reorganization, 2 1 0
JIIycius, 92-3 , 99
Indian Ocean, 94 Indo-Eu copeans, 8 6 ; langu ages, 67; names, 7 1 Indus, r . , 94 inh uma tion, b urial cite, 242 Ion ian : Sea, 94 ; pottery, 1 04 ; imports, 1 07 ; traders, 1 0 7 Ionian Gul f, 9 6 ; Celts from, 1 22 ; under Romans, ·1 5 9 lonio, o n coins of lssa, 1 76
Hungarian plain (Al f6Id), 13
l o n i us, son of Dycrhach u s , 1 1 1 lpsus, battle, 1 2S
H ungary, 6 8 ; amber, 225 ; plain, 26 1
Iranian la nguages, 73 Tria, Tstria dei ty, 245
Huns: i n Pannonia, 2 6 S ; attack
i ris, Illyrian, 22 1
JIIyriculll, 268 h unting, 220
iron-working, 1 04, 204, 223- 4 ;
2 43
Hvac, is., 3 2 Hydruntum, 94, 9 6 HylIeis, Dorian tcibe, 1 1 5 Hyl l i , 95, 1 00 HylIica pen ., 1 00 Hyl l us, SOil of He rcu l es, 95, 1 00 Hyperborean Offerings, 1 02 Hythmitae, 1 00 I b ar, c., 1 7, 1 .9 , 20- 1 , 258, 270 I berians, in Roman Empire, 208 lea, Liburnian d eity, 245
Iron Ga tes, gorge, 1 3, 2 1 0 tools, 1 94; deposits, 203 ; sp rea d of, 22 1 lsel, c., 77 Tskar, r., 4 8 lslami, S . , 1 1 Tsmen i , 1 00 lsonzo, c . , 2 6 Issa (Vis), i s . : Greek colony, 9 5 , l OO, 1 13 - 1 5 , 1 8 9 ; co mm e rce, 1 1 6 ; atta cked by IIIyrians, 1 5 9 ; Roman a l l y , 1 7 1 -4 ; exempt from
t rib ute, 1 74 ; coins, 1 76
UH
I " c I" .\'
b I n ( f );u l I I lll' ) , r . , 'J S , I l l . 1 I s t r i a , 6, 1 6 , 2.4 -5 , ) 6- 7 , 6 . 1 - 5 , 6 X , 70- 1 , 76, 8 7, <)5-6 , 1 0 0-2., I X 5 , 1 9 7, 2 0 8 ; h i l l - forts, 22 7 ; ra ided
by Slavs, 269 Italian pottery, 1 28 Ital ic: peoples, ancient, 1 2 ; l anguages, n Italy : mod ern, 2 5-6 , 3 5 , 3 9- 40, S I , 5 9-60 ; Southeast, 6 8-9, 7 1 , 77, 1 1 0 ; harbours, 2 2 6 ; boundary v"ith ll l y ricllm, 254 Jablanica, mts., 1 8 J a blan i ca , r . , 20 Jader (Zadar), I O l , 1 8 7; Rom an colony, 2B, 255 Jajce, 22 ]akupn ica, mt., 1 8 Japodes, 5 4, 57, 71 , 74, 76, 1 0 1 , 1 08, 1 5 3 , 1 85, 205-6 ; n am es , 7 9 ; atta cked in 35 BC, 1 96-8 ; b u ri a l urns, 1 9 8 , 200; ta ttooed, 1 98 ; civitas of, 2 ·1 6 ; gl ass making, 223 ; cremation u rns, 227-8, 248, 252-3 ; h eadgear, 229, 233 ; pri nceps, 23 8 ; altars, 245 ; art, 252 ; settl ements, 256 ]apyges, 94 Japygia, 94, 1 0 1 ; pen_ 96 J asi, 8 1 ; civitas, 2 1 7-1 8 ; city of, 257
Jelsa, Hvar, plain, 1 1 5 Jesenice, cemetery, 1 9 8 jewellery: Greek i m ported , 1 05-6, 1 08, 1 4 1 ; lI1yrian, 23 1 ; Byzantine in llIycia, 2 7 6 .. Jezerine nea r Rihac, cemetery, 8, 57 J osainicka Banja, 106
Jovi anus, emperor, 264 Julian Alps, 1 3- 1 4, 25 , 70, 76, 1 85 Julius Caesar, in Gaul and Jilyricum, 1 96, 208 Junius Brutus, Roman com mander against Japodes, lOO Juno, R oman deity, 259 Jupiter, 2 5 9 J usti n 1 , emperor, 267
1 1 1 ' 1 1 1 1 1 . 1 1 1 I, l' l I I l'l' I'O C , 1. 6 6
.I I I s l 1 1 1 1 ; 1 1 1 .1
I ' C I I I 1 .I , hi r I h l ' l a n' o f
J us l i n i a n , 1. 6 7
J u s t i nopo l i s , city i n Da rdania, 2. 6 X J usti nus, h i storian, 1 2. 1 , LD , 1 3 8 ,
1 49
Kacanik go rge, 1 8 Kacanj, 4 1 , 1 0 S Kakanj (Obre), .B Kal nik h ills, 23 Kamen, Bosnia, 2 9 K a nel i tes, S l a v , settl ers, 2 70 Kapehl, mt_, ·1 9 8 Kaptol, 54 Karagac, 4 8
Ka r ao rman, mts . , 1 8 ;
near Stip,
106
Karawanken, mts., 1 4, 2 2 Katicic, c . , 7 0 , 7 4 Ka vaje, p l a i n , 1 5 Kenete, 45 Kicevo, 1 8 kilns: tile, 1 28 ; pottery, 2 3 0 kinship g ro up (cognati o), 1 8 7 Klagen fllrt, 22 kl ematitis (wormwood), 85 Kl os: hill settl ement, 1 2 7, 1 3 0; tile prod uction, 1 2 8 knives, llIyri an, 2.� 9 Knossos, exca vations, 6 Kobarid, 65 Koch, G., 1 1 Kolsh, near Ku kes, .� O Komani-Kru j a , cemeteries, 273, 277-9
Komina, Glasinac settl ement, 205 KompoJje, I .ika, 5 7 ; i mports , I 0 8 ; J apodian settlement, 1 98 ; gmves, 252
Konjic, 75 Konopnica, 4 8 Kopaonik, 1 9-20 Koper (Capodistria), 26 Kopri v n i k, mts., 1 9 Korab, mts., 1 7- 1 8 Korce basin, I t , 1 7, 25, ,1 0, 3 6 , 46-7, 97, 1 23 , 1 28
lilt/" .\" I\ o r n d a , 'I I , I I \
Il'gl l ) I I ' , i{ o l l U I I i l l
1\ 0 H· I .I , 7 2
1\ 0 r\.; I I I i , �v1 . , I I l\ o s l l l " I , 1 1 1 1 . , X . I - 4
Kosovo:
rq.\i o l l ,
2 (, 0
lekythoi.
1 1 , I X- I <.J , 20,
2')-6, 4 5 , 4 7- S , (lX, 75, S 6 , 1 20 ; survival of La tin n a m es, 2 7 S K o to r , 1 5 ; G u l f, 9 9 , I 6 S ;
tombstones, Kotschach, 76
I I l y ri .l l 1
p ro V I I I H'S, 2 1 I ; rl'lT U i l l l l l' n l , 2 '1 .'\ .
24.�
ship, 1 5 6, 1 6] , 1 65, 1 72 , 2 2 6 ; Macedonian, 1 6S lent i l s , grown by II Iycians, 220 Lco, emperor, 267 Lepcis .\lagna, home of Severus, 260 Lepenac, r., 1 8 Le s k ov a c , 20 Lellcas, battle, 1 64
Kollt7.0vlachs, 270
Kozuf, m ts . , 1 8 Krahe, H . , 6 9 K ra l je vo , 2 0 Kcapina, 2 8 Kriva Reb, 4 1 Kcivodol, 3 5 Kcizna Gora, 63 Krk, is., 32, 1 0 1 Krka, L , 1 6, 5 6 , 1 00- 1 Krka (Slovenian), C., 22, S 8 Krotine, relief, 229 Kruja, pl ace-names, 280 Kruma, 45 Krusevac, 20 Ku<; i Zi, 47
Lezha, 1 4
Lias (Alos), 95 Lib, h i l l-fort, 1 92 Li bec, deity, 247 liburna, ship, I I I Liburni, Liburnia, 3 9 , .'16-7, 64-5, 68, 70- 1 , 74-6, 84, 95-6, 98, 1 0 0- 1 , 1 1 0- 1 1 , 1 9 7-8 ; namcs, 76, 78; pirates, flocks, 1 8 3 , 1 8 6 ; wacships, 1 8 7 ; i n Roman province, 209; civitates of, 2 1 6 : settlements, 227; tom bstone, 243 , 253 ; R o m a n cities, 254 Licca (Licca/Licco), l I Iyrian namc,
Kukes, 1 9, 25, 45
Kumanovo, basin, 1 8-20 KUllovi C u ki , 4 9 Kupa, r., 5 8 Kushi, 4 1 Kvarner, gulf, W l , 1 85 kylices, 1 06 La Trne, 6", 13 7 Labeates, 9 9 , 1 72 ; coins, Laclls, 1 77 Lago l e di Calalw, 76
106
k�m bll s : III y ri a n
271
cival of Constantine, 264 Licini us, Roman commander and Licinius,
]apodcs, 20 1
1 75 ,
1 80 ;
La ia nci, 77 Lakc1and, A l bania, 6 8
land-division, on Hvar, 1 1 5 I .a nga rus, k i ng of Agrianes, 1 22 L a ti n , l a n g u a ge, 7 6 ; survival in Ba l k a ns, 2 6 (,
I .atobici, S I , 2 .'1 6 ; l'i v i tas, 2 1 7- 1 8 I .atra , L i h l l rn i'l I l lki l y . 24S lead-work i ng, 224 Ledecata, S.l
life-expectancy, 220 Li b, plain, SI, 63-4, 70, 1 02 ; namcs, 79, 1 97-8 , 20 1 Li m, C . , 1 3 9, 270 l ions, lllyrian symbol , 245 Lipci, nea r Risan, 2 9 Li siciCi, .H Lissus ( L ezha ) , 1 1 4- 1 5 , 2 W ; forti fications, 1. 3 0, 1 3 3 ; l i m i t of I l I y ria, 1 6 1 -3 ; captured by Philip V, 1 6 8 ; base of Genti us, 1 73-4 ; coins, 1 75-7 ; Rom a n s et t l em ent, 2 1 3 ; bishop of, 2 73 Li ttle Prcspa, La ke, 1 7, 1 9, 47 l i v estock , l I I y rian, 1 2 7 , l20 Liv no, p l a i n , I S H ; rd i d. 228-9
\40
'lIdl '.\"
L i v y , h i storl a Jl , I S 4 ;
Ph i l i p V
at
Oil
d d l',l I " I
A p o l l oJl i a , 1 66
Lizaviates, 2 3 7 Lj ubic, Sime, 6 Lju b ljana, 21, S 8 , 70, 77; m useu m, 9
Lj ubomi r, 4 1 ; Greek imports, 1 05 I .ombards, in Pannonia, 267 Longarus, ruler of Dardanians, 1 48 Lonovi us, Celtic leader, 1 47 looms, weaving, 2 3 1 Lopsica (Sv. j uraj ), 1 0 '1 Lotus ca ters, 95 Lower Palaeolithic, 1R Lu bclj (Loibl ) pass, 22 Lucania, 94 Luscici, 29 Lurarius, Celtic leader, 147 Lychn idus (Ohrid), 9 9 ; M acedonian garrison , 1 70; Roman hase, 1 72 ; bishop of, 273 Lychnitis, 49; La ke, 98, 1 20 ; Macedonian occupation , 1 49, 1 65 Lyncesti s (Lynchus), 1 1 7, 1 20 Lyon, battle, 260 Lyppeius, ruler of Paeonians, 1 2 '1 Lysimachus, king of Macedonia, 1 25 , 1 46 ; Danube expedition, 1 44
Ma cedonia, Macedonians, 1 2, 23-4, 35, 3 R , 40- 1 , 44, 49-50, 5 8 , 69, 7 9, 84, 9 1 , 97, 1 06- 7 , 1 1 3 ; war with lIlyrians, 1 1 7-20, "1 25 , 1 5 6 , 1 62-3 ; and Cel ts, 1 44 ; and Dardani, 1 45 ; end of monarch )" 1 5 3-5, 203, 206; and G reeks, 1 63-4; Roman province, 202, 2 09 ; un der Antony, 2 1 0, 2 1 2; col on i es in, 2 12-B ; Byzantine fortresses, 268 machaira, Greek sword, 23 8 Maedus, Maedi, Thracians, 92; attacked by Philip V, 1 5 2 maena d, figurine, 1 08
� 1 . 1 l· / a l' l , S O , I <) S , 20 I ; < 1 \l L I S ,
2 1 (' , 2 .'i 'i 1\ 1 a �d'l k l l s ka C o r a , 5 '-)
m a gi s t rates, i n cities, 2 5 X M agnum, city, 257 Makarska, 1 6 Malea, Cape, lIIyrian raids, 1 65 l\-Ialesocus, Istrian deity, 245 Mali Losi nj, is., 3 2 , 1 0 1 Mali Obljaj, 5 7 Maliq, 3 5 , 3 7 Mallakastra, 9 7 Malo (Little) Kosovo basin, 20 Malvesa (Skclani), city, 257 �lanii, 95, 9 9 Man ius B a y , 95, 9 9 Manlius Vu lso, Roman com mander, 1 8 6 manumissions of slaves, 1 27 Marcellus, Claudius, Roman commander, I R 6 Marchesetti, Carlo, 6 Marci us Figulus, Roman commander against Dclmatae, 189
�larcus Aure/ius, emperor, 262 Margelli�: tile produ ction, '1 28 ; stronghold, 1 3 3 Margum ( Orasje) , 25 8 �-farglls (Morava) , r., 102 Maribor, 22 marriages, of IlIyrian rulers, 1 68 Mars, Roman deity, 259 Marshej , forti fications, n o ma rtyrs, remains removed, 265 Marulic, Marko, 5 masks, gold, I 0 8 masonry construction, 1 28 Mat, r., 1 4, 1 6 , .� o, 3 7, 4 1 , 45 , 4 7, 9.\ 9 8 -9, 1 3 0 ; su rvival of lIlyrian ornament, 278-9 �1at()hasana j , stronghold, 1 3 3 mattocks, bone and iron, 22 1 Mav rovlachs, in Dalmatia, 279 Maxenti us, son of Maximianus, usu rper, 264 Maxi m ianus, emperor, 2 6 3
HI ,1,'\ . 1 \ 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 ' .
' d l l'
Ti I !" .I ' I , I I I ' .
l' I I I I " "" H . 2 h 2 I\b \( i l 1 1 l 1 � o f T y re, p il i l o .. "plll . .. .
,\ 1 1 "' 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 . Oil
l 'a l'o l l l .1 I 1 S . 2 4 4 M a }'l:r. A , . f, l)
m t' a d , rccipe fo r, 2 2 1
t ln'l h.I\l', .!. '\ �
,\l i l ro " i l a . I\ m o v .. k a , 1 '1, S I>
Illeat, d i et, 1 09 Mcda urus, I 1 l yrian deity, 247 medicinal plants, SS, 1 3 8 , 221 Medion, Acamania, I S 7-8 !vfegarian bowls, I 06, 1 2S Melite (J\lljet), is., 9 5 , 100 Menodorus (Menas), Roman admiral, killed, 206 J\icnrores, 1 00-- 1 Men torides, is. , 95 mercena ries, 1 0 9 ; I I I �'rian, 1 6 8 Mercurialis tomentosa (Hairy Mercu ry) , 8 5 Mesembria, 1 52 Mesolithic Age, 2 9 Messapia, 1 0 1 ; �lessapian language, 68 !'.iessenia, attacked by IIIyrians, 1 5 8 Messor, epithet o f Silvan us, 25 9 metal ores: exported, "1 0 8 ; Attic, 1 05 , 1 4 0 ; wares, 1 1 3 , 2 3 0 metalla Dardanica , mining settl ement, 224, 25 8 ; Ulpiana, 224, 257 metalwork ing: I1lyria, 1 28 , 1 4 1 , 223 ; hoa rd, OSaniCi, 1 94 Metapontll m, 94 Meteon (Medlln), forti fications, 1 3 3, 1 68 , 1 73 ; captu red, 1 74 Merohija basin, 1 4 , 1 9, 26, 84 l\.-1etsovo pass, 97 Metulllm (VinCica ) : Japodian settlement, 1 9 8 , 20 1 ; city, 257 mil i tary service, lilyrian, 234 milk, diet, 1 09 millet, 1 98, 220 mills, donkey-powered, 23 1 Mi lvian Bridge, battle, 264 Ill i ners, IIIyrian in Tra n sylvania, 224; mining, 224 J\1inerva, Roman deity, 259
r.. 1 . i l .. Y , A "
70, I'l l) ;
d i sa ppl'a ra n ce o f
Oil
I 1 l yria ns,
Mocs i , decl i n e oi, 1 4 S M oesi a : Rom a n province,
266
2 1 0; Diocese of, 21 0- 11 ; legions, 2 11 ; col ony, 2 1 3 ; cities i n , 257 Moesia Prima, Roman province, 210 Moesia Superior, province, 70 Mokra Gora, 1 9 M61 1 , r., 77 !vlolossians of Epi rus, 97, \ 03-4, 1 1 4, 1 20, 1 24 ; ensla ved, 208 Monetiulll (Brinje), J a podian settlement, 1 9 8 , 20 1 , 256 Montebell una, Venetic settlement, 1 84 Montenegro, Montenegrins, 2 6 , 3 2 , 3 9, 4 1 , S4, 87, 92, 1 02 Monunius, king: coins, 1 29, 1 46-7, 1 77; k i n g of Dardani, 1 46, "1 72 Moraca, r., 1 5 , 2 1 6, 256 Morava, r., 1 5 , 1 7-20, 24, 48, 68, 8 2- 4; (Angros), 93 , 1 40, 1 46, 1 5 1 , 2S8, 270 Morlachs, 270 Mosko, 4 1 Moslavacka h i l l s, 2 3 !vlother Ja na, Slav goddess, 2 7 1 Mothers, Pannonian and Da l matian, 260 Mralllorac, 4 1 , 1 06 ; bracel ets, LB , 236 m llnicipi a, Roman cities, 234 mllnicipill m DardaniclIm, city, 25 8 Illunicipillm S. (Pljevlja), city , 157 Mur, r., 2 2 , 60 Mu rsa (Osijek), 83 Illusic, polyphonic patterns, 271 �l11ssolini, B., 25 m usic, Dardanian, 1 44 Mlltila, (strian settlement, 1 85-6 mutton, I 1 l y rian, 1 2 7 Mycenaean Bronze Age, 3 6 ; fo rt resses, 40; and (stria, 252
1 " , 1" .\' J\l )' � l a I 1S, ,hl . 1 1"' 1 1 101" , 1 4 .'1 tvt y t i l us, k i l1�, (Oi I l S , 1 2. 9 , 1 4 6 , 1 7 7 Myzeqej a, p l a i n , 1 5
Naevill s Crista, Roman comm ander at Apollonia, 1 66 Naissus (Nis), 8 6 ; ci ty, 25 8 ; defences repaired, 2 6 8 Napoleon I , 25 Narensi, civitas, 21 6 Na re n t afN a ro n (Neretva), r., 1 8 9, 216
Na rentani, pagan Sl avs, 270 N a rona ( Vid) : name, 7 1 ; Roman settlement and base, 1 9 6 ;
con ventus, 2 0 9 , 2 1 5- 1 6 ; Roman co l on y , 2 1 3 ; possible home of
Carus, 263 ; aband oned, 269 Nau p.ictus, 1 63 Neanderthal Man, 2 9 necklaces, i mpo rted , 1 05-6, 2 3 3 Ned i n ll m (Nadin), 1 0 1 needles, ta ttooi n g, 220 Nega u (Negova) h elm et s , 60 Nemercke, mts., 1 6 Neolith ic Age, 2 9 ; Adri at i c, 3 3 ; Italian, .15
Nep tu n e , of Japodes, 246 Neraste, fort of Dc l ma ta e (Naresti n i ) , 1 9 0 , 2 3 7 Neretva (Naron), r., 1 3 , 1 5- 1 6 , 70, 74 -5 , 9.5, 97, 99, 1 26, 1 3 9, 203 , 208, 2 1 6
Nero, em pe ror , 223, 255 I\'erodimka, r., 1 9 Nesacti u m : lstrian settlement, 64, 1 8 5-6 ; sculptures, 2S 2-3 .. Nesti, Ne s to i, 9.5, 97, 99- 1 00 Nesrus, (Cetina), r., 95 , 9 7 , 9 9- 1 00
Neviodu num, flavian city, 2 5 6 New· Dacia ( Da ci a Nova), 262; home of emperors, 26.1 Ne z i r cave, 3 7 Nicolalls o f Damascus, h istoria n, on Au tariatae, 2 4 3
Nidze, mts . , 1 8 Nin, 5 7
N I I I I . I ( " 1 1 1 1 1 ) , I o n 0 1 l >c l i l l a t al', 1 <)0 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 , POISOI I , 2. 2. 2.
N i s, 2.0
N i s;l v a ,
r., 1 46 ;:-':oarus ( ? Orava a n d Sava ), r . , 2.()2 Noreia, i n Ca r i nt h i a , 203 Nuricll lll, HI ; na mes, 77-8 Notranj ska ( I n n e r Carn i o l a ) , 6.� NOll tria, I I l yrian town, 1 6 1 Novae (lmots k i ) , ci t)" 2 5 7 Novi Paza r, 1 9 , 2 1 , 4 1 , 7 0 , 10 5 ; hoard, 1 4 1 Novo Mesto, S B-60, 66 Nymphs, deities, 229
Oa neum, Roman base, 1 72 oats, 220 Obre, near Saraj evo, 30 obsidian, 3 1 Octavian Caesa r: against Del ma r a e, 1 96 ; vi ctor)" 1 9 7 ; against J a po d es 20 1 ; agai nst Pan n onians, 206, 209
Ohrid, Lake, 14, 1 7- 1 8 , 25-6 , 9 3 , 9 8 , 1 0 8 , 1 24, 1 2 8
Olci n i U Ill (Ulcinj), 8 6 , 102, 1 .3 3 ;
exempt from tri bute, 1 74 ; R o m an settlement, 2 1 3 ; I1
244
olive: cu l tivation , 22 1 ; oil, Istrian , 1 8 .')
Olunta (Solenta, Solt a ) , is., 95 , 1 00 Olympc, coi ns, 1 2 9 Olympia, 1 0 8 , 1 1 1 ; Games, 1 2 1 O l ympio, envoy o f PerseLls, 1 73 Olynth us, t I ll Oneum (Om is) : fort of Delmatae, 1 90 ; Onasti ni, 237 Opitergi ll m ( Oder7.0) , 1 8 4 oppida, of Scordisci, 202 Opsara (Osor), is., late settlement, 269
Orahovica, sal t so u rce , 1 3 9, 22.1 Orbel us, mt., 1 44 Oricus, 96, 1 1 0; capture, 1 66 Orion, mt., 94 Orlovi Cuki, 4 9 Ortopula (Stinica), 1 0 1
I 10 ; , 0 1 1 1 ' , 1 7 � , 1 7 7 ; h i l i 1 0 11' 1 , 1 " 2 , \ ; l i l l . ! S , 1 94
( )\.I I I I ' I : 1 0 r l l l i , . I I I O I I "
Osi, 9 �
Osi n ill ll1 (Si n j ) ,
;
Ottolobus, ba ttle, 1 5 0 Otto man empi r�, '1 1 , 9 3
Padus (Po), C . , 1 83 Paeon i a, Paeonians, 4 9 , 1 1 9-22,
1 42, :1 4S-8 ; depop ula tion of, 1 5 1 , 1 5 5 ; s u n - c u l t, 244
Pag ( Gissa), is., 1 0 1 ; land division, 27 1
10
Pl e ra
ll tu s, 1 7 1 ; Po1 lio, 209
Pateh, 49
Patsch, Carl, 1 0
Paul of Aegin a, m edical writer,
222 murderec of Philip 11,
121 Pautarchus, envoy, 1 73
Paxos, ba ttle, 1 60
Pazhok, Devoll valley, 3 7, 46 llcinja, c , ' 1 8 pear (dardhe) , 8 S peas, grown i n Pei:, R 6
JIlycia, l20
pectora l s : gold, 1 4 1 , 2.13 ; aosses,
29
Pa l a m n us, C . , 96 Palmvra i n Rom an Empi re, 262
tcibe, 1 1 5
70- 1 ,
91 ;
province, 203, 2 1 7; legions, 2 1 1 ; civ itates, 2 1 6 ; Diocese of, 2 1 0- 1 1 ; Rom
in, 270 Pa n n on i a Secu nda, prov ince, 2 1 0 Pann onian, plain, 2 0 , 2 2 ; Urnficld, 52, 6 4 ; Wa r, 1 4 - 1 8 RC, 207; highway, construction, 2 1 2 Pannonians, 74 -5 , 8 7 ; n a mes, 79-8 1 ; defeated by Cel ts, 1 3 8 , 1 8 8 , 20 1 , 206 ; Roman con q u e s t , 209; ch acacter, 2 1 9 ; i mport wine, 22 1 ; drink mead, 222 Papazoglll , F., 70 Pap u k , h i l l s, 23 Papirius Cacbo, a ttacks Ci m b r i , 203 Pacentiu lIl (poree), 1 8 5 P a ri ns , on P h a ros, 1 '1 4
a
a l l il's,
llat a v i um (Pa d u a ) , 76, 1 03 ; foundation, 1 8 4
Pausanias,
Pacati anus, usurp�r, 2 6 1
p l
ROlll a n
pastora l eCOl oIllY, 126
Ostrogoths, in h a l y , 267 Os u m , C . , 1 4, 1 7 Otok, s�ttl ement, 22 1 , 227
Pa m hy oi, Docian Pannonia, Roman,
under
at ta c ke d by
Osovo, G l a s i n 'K, 6 6
�.,
sl,tt l l'llll'nts, I .B ;
1 66 ;
I 'JI )
Osseriates, civitas, 2 1 7
Pal aeolithic,
l '.m lll'II i , I'.m h i l l i , " 2- , \ ; " H ;
1 6 1 -2, 1 74 ; Macl'doll i a n a l l ies,
Oso r, i s . , 3 6
Paj a k o".'ski,
1 '. 1 1 ' " "' " 1 0 , g'· I I .... . r I , 1 2 1
276 Pedetae ( O rtopu l etae), 95 Pelagonia, 49, 1 4 9-50
Pclion, Illyrian fo rtress, 1 23 , 1 3 6 Pe l i n , mt_, 9R
o
Pelister, m., 1 8 P l es a c pe ni n s u l a, 5 1 , 99- 1 00, 1 1 4 Pel l a, c api ta l of Macedonia, 1 4 9 ;
cj
tcea Sllrv, 1 73
�
Pel oponn se, 95 ; Pclopollllesian War, 1 07, 1 1 7 ; attacked by I l l v ri a ns , 1 6 3
�
Pelv , ci ty, 257 penda n ts, 1 05 ; a m ber, 22S, LB Penestae, 1 3 6 ; under 1 72-3
Perdiccas,
PcrsclI s,
king of Macedonia,
defeated by Illyrians, 1 1 7, 1 1 9 Peria nder t)' ra n t of rin t , 1 1 4 Periegesis �f Scymnus, 1 00 Pe ri plus, of Scyl ax, 94, 9 9 - 1 0 1 ,
:
Co
h
1 04, I l l , 1 3 8 Perch a ebi, 9 2 Perseis, f u n atio n , IS 1 ,
o d
1 S4 Perscus, king of Macedonia, 1 5 0-2, 1 54; a n d Rome, 1 1 - 2, 1 8 9
7
1 " . 1" ,\, I 'ns l ; l , A d l ; l l' l 1 ll'l l I I l , 4 I ; k l l l l-\ 0 1 , 1 2 2 ; R o m a l l C l 1 1 1 1) ; 1 1 1-\ 1 1 ' , lld Pctrov i c i - R a k itllo, S O- I Pe ut i ngc r �1 ap, 1 00 ph allus, s ym bo l a mong Il l y ri a n s , 245 Pharos (Hva r ) , is" Gceek col ony, 95, 1 00, 1 1 3- 1 6, 1 5 6 ; under lIIycians, 1 60, 1 63, 1 7 1 ; coins, 1 76 Philip 1 1 , k i n g of Macedonia, 1 1 8- 1 9, 1 49, 1 5 6 ; I I I y ria n victories, 1 20- 1 , 1 3 8 l'hilip V, king o f M acedo n i a, 1 48 , 1 54 ; peace with Rome, 1 49 ; Balkan expedition, 1 5 0-2 ; d eath, 1 5 2 ; and IIlycians, 1 64 ; Lychnidus, 1 6 5 ; inva d es Adriatic, 1 65 ; an d H an ni b al , 1 65 , 1 67 ; capture of Lissus, 1 66-7 Ph i l i p, emperor, 26 1 Phil ippi, 1 1 1 P h oc a e a , trade, 1 1 3 Ph oca s, emperor, 269 P h o e n i ce, E p i ro te capi t al : atta cked by I l ly ci an s, 1 5 7-8 ; recoveced, 159 Ph rygia, 1 1 1 ; Ph c ygi a n s (Bcyges), 145 Piave (Piavis), r" 76, 1 8 3 Picenum, 6 8 , 1 0 1 ; H a nn i ba l i n , 1 64 pig, bones, 222 Pil atoviCi, 4 1 pi le-dwellings, 227 Pincum (Vd i ka Gcadiste), 83 .. P i n d u s , mts., 1 3 , 1 8-'1 9, 1 09
P i n nes, king of l l I y ria , succession, 1 62, 1 64, 1 67 pins: i mported Greek, 1 06 ; d ouble omega, 1 08
pirates, 1 09 ; p ira cy of T I ly ri a ns, 1 6 8 , 22S ; alleged, 1 7 1
Pirustae, 8 0 ; of D assaret ii , 9 8 ; exempt from t r ib u te , 1 74; Pa nnonian, 203, 205 , 2 1 6- 1 7; miners in Dacia, 224
1 ' 1 ,,1 , '} .j 1 ' 1 " ,ll' l I m , i l l I 'l' LII-\Oll i .l , l oolnl, 1 ("
Pi l l l l l t i l l l l l , fort of I k l l l l a t ;IL', 1 90 ; I ' i t u l l t i l l i , 2-3 7 Piva, r . , 270 place- n a m e s : survival of Roman, 265 ; Lati n in A l b a n i a , 279-8 0 Plakenska, m ts . , 1 8 Plana, 4 1 p l a nt names, Slav i n Albania, 2 7 9 Pl ator, brother of Gentius, ki l l e d, 1 72 Pla utus, d ra matist, on llly rians, 2 1 9 Pl etto ( Plator), l l I y ri a n name, 2 7 1 Pleraei, attacked, 1 92 Pletva r pass, 1 4 9 Pleurarus, I I I yrian exile, 1 72-3 P leu ratu s , son of Gen ti us , captured, 1 74 Pleurarus, son of Scerdi l aidas, Iilyrian ruler, 1 2 1 ; all i a n ce with Rome, 1 67, 1 70- 1 ; and Dd matae, 1 8 9 Pleurias, king of Illyria, 1 2 1
Pliny the Elder, 92, 1 1 6 ; on D a l mati a , 2 1 5 ; on l l I y rii , 2 1 6 ; o n Il l y r i a n spells, 243 Pljevl ja, 80, 84; tombston es, 253 Pliicken pass, 76 pl ough, co u l ter, 22 1 Pl utarch of Ch aeronea, 1 0 4 ; on Dardan ians, 1 5 5 Po, c . , 1 02, 1 1 3 Pod, Bugoj no, 34, 50, 204 Podravina plain, 23 Poetovio (Ptuj ) , R o m a n co lony, 21 1 , 213 Po h o rjc pl a teau, 22 Pola ( Pu l a ) : harbour an d cape, 1 85 ; colony, street-plan, 227 Po l y ae n us , Stra t agem s , 1 3 8 Pol y a n u s, mt., 208 Polybius, historian, 98, 1 04, 1 48 ,
o n I I I yrians, I S 6, 1 5 9-6 1 , 1 6 5 , 1 6 7; on Veneti , 1 83 ; on Ddmatae, 1 8 9 1 54 ;
polydyn astae, proprietors, 1 27
H 'i l 'o l Y I ' hl'l l l l l S , ( : y d l l l '" I/o! 1 '1 I 1 1 1 1 '1'I I I S, '>I' '' ' I I � , ill '> I l' i l y , 1 '1 (, 1 '0 1 l l l'1' I I I S Trogl l s ,
h , , ' or i .I I I ,
I .\ X
1 '0 l l l Pl'Y , I >y rr h a c h i l l l l l ca ll1 p a i g l l , 1 2X
I'ontus ElIxinus, �5 popu l a t i u n growt h , I I l y r i a n , 1 2 6 porti cos, Byllis a n d Dimale, po r t ra i t s , I I I yrians, 2 2 0
133
Posa v i n a, 2 3 Poseidon, 1 1 0 Postranje, 5 0
Po st umi u s , Ro ma n com ma n de r , 161 Po s u sj e, 5 0 pottery, 1 05, 1 1 3 ; Hva r , 3 6 ; Daun i a n , .'1 6 ; G rt:ek, 56, 1 06, 1 40 ; South Italian, 5 6 ; Apulian, 59, 1 8 8 ; Attic, 59; Cori n th ian, 1 1 1 ; lI I y r i a n , I 28, H O ; on coins,
1 76
Pozega, 2 0 Pozega, Sl avon i a n , 23 , 54 praepositus (commander ) , of civitates, 2 3 8 P r aeto ri a n g ua rd : P re fe cts , 2 1 1 ; dismissed, 259 Praevalitana, provi nce, 2 10, 271 Praschni ker, Ca m i l l o, 1 0 Prekom urj e, 22 Prendi, Fr., 1 1 Prespa, La ke, 1 7-1 8 Pr i b o j , 20 Pri j epo l je, 84 Prilep, 1 8 , 4 9 , 1 4 9 pri n ceps (chief), of Dd m atae , 23 8 prisoners, mutila tion of, 243 Pristi na, 1 9, 8 6 Privilica, Bihac, spring, 246 Prizren, 48, 86; i mport , 1 08 Probus: emperor, 263- 4 ; plant s vines, 22 1 P ro cop i u s , h i s tori a n, Secr et H i s tory : on lllyricll m, 266, 2 6 8 ; on I I I y rian emperors, 2 67 ; B ui ld ings, 268 procurator Augusti : D a l m a ti a and Pannonia, 2 1 1 ; o f mines, 224
I 'ro . l l ' . V le' lw, I 'ro k l , ; 1 I 1 ,
LI ke,
1 00
I ' ro k u p l W h a s i l l , 20 I 'rol llo l l a
(Tcpl jll),
fort
of
Ikl m <1 rac, 1 90, 1 96 Protcri u s , i s . , 9.5 Prozor, 5 7 Psunj hills, 23 pteryges (aprons), 1 4 1 Ptol emy , Geography, 1 3 3 ; Alb an o po l is , 279
011
Ptolemy, historian, 1 3 7, 1 3 9 Ptol emy, k i n g of Macedonia, 1 1 9 Ptolemy, son of Lysimachlls, ki n g of Maced on i a , 1 46 Pto l emy Cera unos, king of Macedonia, 1 46 Ptuj , 22 Publicum portorium J I l y rici, tax dis t ri ct , 2 1 1 Pu l a (Pola ) , 25 ; s c u l p ture , 2 S 2 Pul l a ris ( Brioni ) , i s . , 1 85 Pull LIS, on Black C o rcy ra , 1 1 5 Pylos, a ttacked, 1 63 pyramid tom bstunes, 243 Pyrrhus, king of Epirus, I 24-5 , 1 3 6, t s 6 ; dea th , 1 46 ; catt l e b reeder, 127 Quarn ero (Kvarner) g u l f, 1 6, 269 quarries, Roman, 224 querns, rota ry and saddl e, 230 Ra b ( Ar b a ) , is., 1 0 1 R a b i e , st rongh o l d, I .H
Radanjc, 49 Radi m l j a, 4 1 Radoliste, near Ohrid, 1 06 Radovin, s ett l eme n t , .'1 6 , 1 8 8 Raec, r., 149 Rae t ia , 1 84 Ragusa (DlIbrovnik), 6 ; in Constanti ne Porphyrogenitus, 269 R a j ce, Al ba n i a , 30 ra ke , iron, 22 1 Rapal l o, T rea ty of, 25 Raska , r., 270 Rati aria ( A rchar), 84
/"e /,',\'
,' ''' " R . 1 Vl· 1 1 I 1 . 1 . l in"
h . I "· . 2 " "
, . l b . I I I I ,/,. l h. I I . I . I w l'l . I l l) . 2 2 0
R a v l l a ( , mol . 2 , 1
s . l l n f i u· . '1 1 1 1 1 1 1 .1 1 .
R a v l l i KOI,l ri , 5 6 . 7 S
... . l l· v ' l I es . 77
R a zana, 4 1 , 10 6 razors, uSt'd by l l I y ri a n s , 2 2 0 refuges, in llJyria, 1 3 6
Remesiana , 8 6
Rendie-Miocevic, D . , 70 R e ll fre '...·, C, 6 8 resi n, coni fer, am b e r su bstitu te, 225 Rcy, Le o n , l O rh inos
( ' fog' ) , 69
Rh izon (Risan ) , Risin i u m , 96, 1 3.� ; l l Jy ri an settlement, 1 6 1 , 1 6 8 ; exempt from tribu te, '1 74, 247 R h o di a n a m p h o r a s. 1 28 Rh odopc pl a teau . 20 Ri bie, 5 7 ; ja podian urn , 200, 2 2 7 Rider (Danilo), 70- 1 , 75 ; fort of Ddmatae, 1 90 ; city, 256 Rijeka, 1 6 Ripac: c r o p s, 2 2 0 ; settlement, 227 Risinium (Rh izon ), R oma n settlement, 2 U ; abandoned, 2 6 9
Ritti um, 83 roads, Roman in I I Iyricu m, 2 1 2 Rodisie, 48
256 Rogozna, mts., 1 9 Rogatica, city,
Romaja near P r i z f e n , 45 Roman ci tizen sh ip: Li burnia, 255 ;
Dal mati a, 256
Roma n i a , 48 ; Roman ians, origi ns,
266
Romanija, h i lls, 205 Romano i , Ro m a n i z ed llIyrians, 278 Rome: and Issa, 1 1 6 ; a r m ie s , 1 1 3 ; .. sack by Ga uls, 1 3 8 ; I I I yri an wars, 1 60, 163; A etoli an
aliiance, 1 6 7-70
Ros p i C u p r i j a . cem etery, 202
Rozafat, Scodra, fo rtress, l .B Rozanci, 4 8
Rtanj, 4 8
Rudovci, 4 8 R ussu , J. 1 . , 6S-9 Sa bae, 4 1
1 40
SI A ch i l l cll s, I .a ke L i n k Prcspa.
1 2S
SI Demetri us, festi v a l , 1 09 S t George, festival, 1 09
Hilarioll, at Epitb u cum, slays serpent, 2 4 5' SI jerome : on J I l y ri a n beer, 222; on St H i l a rio n , 245 ; on ru i n of IllYl'icum, 265-6 St Luci a, cemetery, 6.�- 4, 66, 220 S a l o n a , 1 6, 7 1 , 1 00, 224; c.lplllre, 1 95-6, 208 ; settlers, 1 96 ; co l o n y . 2 1 3 ; convcntus, 2 1 5- 1 6 ; roads from, 2 1 6 ; home of Diodetian, 263 ; a bandoned, 269 salt: trade, 1 1 3 , 279 ; source of, 1 3 9 , 223 ; production, 222 S al thu a , settlement of Dodeatae, St
2]S
Salvia, fort of Dclmatae, 1 90 ; Salvium, city, 257 Samnitcs, 94 S a n a , c . , 34,
5 1 , 54, 1 9 S , 203 , 2 1 6 sandals, gold, 1 06, 1 OH Sa nski Most, 5 1 , 5 4 . 2m Sanskrit, 73
Sar planina, 1 5 , 1 8- 1 9 106 Sarajevo, 2 1 , 3 9 ; museum, 8-9 Saranda, m u s e U Ill, 1 0 Sarda, late antique fortress, 273 Sardeates, civitas, 2 1 6 Sa rmarians, wars w i th , 26 I satelll ( Old Iran ian) languages, 73 Sava, r . , 23 , 3 3 , 35, 5 1 , 54-5, 68. 79, S I , 1 0 1 -2, 1 5 1 , 20 1 , 207, 209, 2 1 7 Saraj,
Savaria, colony, 2 1 3
Savia, prov ince, 2 1 0
Savinski, mts., 2 2
Sazani (Sason , Saseno), i s _ , 2 6 , 96 Sca m pi s (El bassan), late defences, bishop, 273 Scardona (Skradin ) , 7 1 ; convcntus, 2 1 6 ; city, 256; abandoned, 269
1".1" ,\ "',a l'd l l ' ( �,I I' ) . 1 1 1 1 . . I '1 , 1 . � O l . �Ol) "'(l'l'd i L l l d ' l s , 7 1 ; I I I y n , I I 1 I' l I l l' r , I � l) ; l"l l 1 1 p,l i ,.: n s , I S X - 9 . I h � , I h'i ; a l l y o f �1a(l'll o l 1 i a , I (,4 ;
Roman a l l y,
1 6 7, 1 70 Sn�rd i L1 i d a s , SOli oi ( ;c n t i ll s ,
ca ptured, 1 74 Schober, A rn o l d , 10 Schiin brll n n , Trea ty of, 4 Scirtari, civitas, 2 1 7 Sco d ra (Shkoder) , J I I yr i a n ca pital , 1 3 3 , 1 54 , 1 68 , 1 74, 2 10; coins, 1 29, 1 6 9 , 1 77, 1 80 ; Roman settlement 2 13 ; provincial capi ta l , decline of, 27,� Scodrenses, tri buta ry, 1 74 Scordisci, 8 1 -4, 92, 140, 2 5 6 ; decline of, 1 45 ; and Bastarnae, 1 5 2 ; n a m e , 20 1 ; an d Romans, 2 0 7 ; defeated, 2 1 0; civitas, 2 1 7- 1 8 ; citi es 2 57
Scupi (Skopj e), 8 5 , 8 6 ; colony, 2 1 3 ; aba n d o n ed after
14 7 X I, 1 4 0 ; in ( ;0 l 1 s l ;1 I 1 ( i lIl'
l 'or p h y ro !-\l'l l i I U S , 2 6 ':1 ;
sl'n lcmt'nts,
270 Serdica (Sofi a ) , defellces, 268
Sngcj evski, D.,
200
serpe n ts: on J a podian u rns, 1 99 ; i n
orn ament, 2 3 3 ; in re l i gion , 2 4 4 -5 Serretes, civitas, 2 1 7 Setovia, fo rt o f Delmatae, 1 90, 1 97 shawls, worn by II l y r i a n w o men, 2 29 shears, sheep, 23 1 sheep, among J I I y r i a ns, 222 shepherd's pipes, 27 1 shields, I O S ; Illyrian, 2 3 9 s h i ps, m erc h ant , on coins, 1 76 Sh kodCr ( Scodra ) , Lake, 1 4 - lS , 2 1 , 70, 72, 7.'1, 92-3 , 9 9 , 1 02, 1 2 1 , 13 9 , 1 6 8 , 2 1 0, 278 ; u n d e r Pyrrh u s, 1 25 ; forti fications, U O ; l a n guages, 279 Shkumbin, r., 1 4, 1 6- 1 7, 4 5 , 1 23 ,
ea rthqua ke, 266, 279 Scylax of Caryanda, 94, 97
2 73 ; wpper deposi ts, 1 2 8 shovel, iro n , 221
Scymnus of Chios, 97, 1 02 sc y t he, i ron, 22 1
Shqiperia, name of Albania, 279 S i ben i k , 1 6 , 32, 70 , 97, 1 00 si ca, I I l y rian short sword, 23 8
Scythia, 1 02 'Sea Peoples', 145 Sebatum, 77
Si c il y , 9 2 ; u n der Rome, 1 5 9 sickle, balanced, iroll, 22 1
Segesta/Siscia (Sisak ) , 203 ;
Siculotae, civitas, 2 1 7
Se Ice e Poshtmc ( ? Pe l i o n ) , tombs,
Sil\'anus, d e i ty of D d matae, 247; l I I yrian cult, 259, 27 1
captured , 206
1 23 , 130, 1 3 6 Selepitan i , tribu tary, 1 74
S i l vestris, epithet
of
Silvan us, 2 5 9
Sel lasia, battle, 1 4 8 , 1 62 Sem a n , r" 45
s i l v e r : deposits i n JI lyria, 1 1 0, 203 ; extraction of, 1 2 8 , 223- 4 ; coins, 1 29, 225 ; of Gentius, 1 75 ; in
Sem pronius Tuditanus, attacks ] a podes, 1 8 4 , 1 8 7, 200; Carn i , U ;5
Singidulllll1l (Bel grade), 72 , 8 3 ; o f Scordi sci, 2 0 2 ; home of Jovian,
Senia ( Sen j ) , 1 0 1 , 20 1 ; colony, 2 1 3
Sent o n a , I .i bu rn i a n deity, 245 Septi m i u s St'Vl'rLlS, cm peror, 2 1 9, 259 Sera pi l l i , ci v i l a s, 2 1 7
Serbi a , S e r h s , I 1 - 1 2 , 22, 24, 26, 30, ,H, 4 1 , 4 7 - X , 'i 'i , 6 '1 , 70, 74,
graves, 223
264; fortress, 268 Sinj, p l a i n , 1 8 8 ; tom bstones, 25-'
S i n t i a , fortress, 1 5 4 S i r m i u lll, 8 1 ; co l on y, 2 U ; home of Dec i u s, 26 1 ; i m pe r i a l centre, 262, 26S ; capt ured hy Avars, 1.(,':1
/11, 1" ,\ Si roko, Sisci a : 22 1
4X, 1 06
co lony, 2 13 ; v i ne� pblltl'd,
Sitn i ca , r . , 1 9
Sirula A rt, 5 9 , 6 2 ; cu lture, 200 ; Doicnsko, 230, 247; p rod u cti o n , 252
Skelani, Roman city, 256 skins, animal, 222, 224 S kocja n (St Kanzian) , 63 S k opj e, 1 8 , 49; museum, 9; b asi n , 68, 2 t o S k r a pa r, 9 7
slaves: ex p orted , 1 09, 224; in Dard ania, 1 27; mark e ts , 1 2 7 ; captured b y II I y ri a ns , 1.) 9 ; of Liburn i , 1 8 7; Cicero's 209 ; ma numissions, 2 1 1
Slavic langu ages, 73 S l a von i a , 23, .15 , 48, 54 Slavs: settlements, 25 3 ; migrati ons, 26 8 ; Macedonia and Thessaly, 269; J I I y r i a n SlaYs, 27 1 ; di s pe rsa l, 273 ; words in Albanian, 279 Slovakia, .� 7, 2 6 1 Sl ovenia, 3 5 , 4 1 , 44, 52, 54, 5 6 , 6 0 , 7 0 , 77; S l ovenes, 1 I 1 yri a n h eri ta ge , 2 7 1
Sm i h e l , 63
Smilcic, Zadar, 3 1 Sobunar, 4 1 Soca (Isonzo), r . , 64 So ca n i ca , city, 25R Socerb, 63 society, Illyrian, 236 Sophocles, dramatist, 1 03 sopitis, herb, R 5 Southern Morava, r . , 1 9-20 s pa d es , iron, 2 2 1 Sparta, Spartans, 1 07; IIIyrian expeditio n , 1 1 7; defeated, 1 48 ; spears, 1 05 ; JIIyrian s ib y n a, 239 spectacle- brooches, 23 1 s pe i t, 1 9 8 s p h i n x , among J I I y rians, 245 Spina, S pi ne s , r., 94, 1 1.1 ; Greek t rad in g settlement, 252
'Pl l l l l l l ''':. w h et · l .. . 1 I l d , h l l t t h- .. , 2 . \ I
S I, l i t , 1 6 , 7 0 ;
I I I 1 1 S('I I I I I ,
( A spa lathos),
latc
"
<). <) 7 ; 2 h <)
Roma n ,
Srem distri�·t, 5 5 S remska i'v1 i t r ov i GI , 5 5 , 10 6 stadi u m By l l is, 13 3 s t a gs , Oil coins, 1 76 Stalac defile, 20
Stanje l , 63 Slar Karaorman, 49 Stara planina, "1 3 Sta rcevo, 30, .n St a r i gra d , Hva r, 1 1 S S t ati li u s Ta urus, R o ma n commander, 1 97 Sticna, S 8 , 60, 6 6 Stip, 49 Stipcevic, Aleksandar, 1 0 Stobi (Gradsko), l R , 1 06 ; ca p i t a l of Paeonia, 1 5 0, 1 S 2 Stogovo, mts., 1 R Ston, 5 1 storage jars, 1 28 Stra bo, Geography, 49, 69, 82, 1 1 1 , 1 3 7, 1 3 9 ; on Dardani, 1 44, 220, 23 7; on Histri, 1 85 ; Del matae, I R R ; Japodes, 1 98 ; Pannon ians, 20 1 , 20 3 ; Sco rdisci, 202; on J I 1 y r i s and F.pirus, 208 strainer, bronze, 1 4 1 St ri don, home o f St .Jcrome, 265 Srrpci, 4 1 ; brooches, 233 Struga, 1 8 Stu bcrra , 1 5 4 ; base of Perseus, 1 72-3 Suica, r. , 1 90 Sulpicius Gal ba, Roman commander, 1 49, 1 6 7 sun, lII yriall symbol, sun-disc, 244 Susak, 25 Suva G o r a , 1 8 Suva Reka, 48 S"acics (Snacics) , p r e- Sla v communiti es, 27 1 s'...·astika, s ymbo l s , 244 -5 swords: G reek, 54, 1 05 ; l l l y ria n , 23 8-9
syb i n a,
spear, 69
I"d,'\" <; �' t l l l l " , · F
<; Y l Iod tOIl ( ' i lw L t I· ; t l l " y ) ,
1 '10,
1 96-7 Syop i i , 1 0 0 Syrant sl', sct t kl1l�,1 1 t
011
Vis, I 1 5
Tacitlls, h i stori a n : on Vellcti DU ; Rom a n rule, 2 1 3- 1 5 Ta den us , dei ty, 247 Tagl i a tnento, r., 22 Talia tae, H3 Tara, r . , and A utariatae, 1 3 9, 270 Ta rentlltn, 94; Roman base, 1 66 Ta rs ati ca (Trsat near R i jeka), 1 0 1 Tarvi sium (Treviso), 1 84 tattooing, 1 9 H , 220 ; of J apodes, 27 1 Tau ern, High , mts . , 22 Ta lllan t i i , T aulas, 92-3 , 96-8, 1 1 1 ; and Pyrrh us, 1 25 ; unde r Dardan i, 1 46 ; exempt from tri bute, 1 74 ; recipe for mead, 22 1 ; 'swal low-men', 244 Ta u resium, home of J u stinian, 267 Taurisci, 1 9 7, 203 Tallru n um, 83 taxes, Roman, 2 1 1 Ted a nius ( Zrm a n j a ) , r., 1 0 1 , 1 8 7, 1 97-8 Tepelen i, 1 6 , 97 Terbuniotcs, Slavs, 270 Tergeste (T rieste), 77, 1 8 4, 1 85-6 Termin us, deity, 247 Te rpo n ll s (Comje Modrus ) , 20 1 Testillllls, leader of Delmatae ' 1 95 Tetovo, 1 8 ; import, 1 0 8 TetrangOll r i n (Tragu rium), late Roman settlement, 2 69 Tetra rchs, refo rms of, 264 Teu ta, q ueen : n ame , 72, 8 0 , 1 2 9, 1 5 8-9 ; a n d R o mans, 1 60, 1 62, 1 6 7, 23 8 Thana, lIIyrian deity, 24 6 theatre, Byl li s Thebcs ( ( ; reece) , 9 8 Theodori c, and O strogot h s , 273 Theodosi us I, e mpe ro r, sons of, 21 1
1 'I 1 l'O I 'O I l l I ' I I S , h t , I o n a l l , 1 02 . 1 20 . US TIll" l' rot i a , 9 1 - 2, 1 03 - 4 Thcssa loll i cl , O i l V i a Egn a t i a , 2 1 2 Thcs s a l y , T h essa l ia n s, 97, .1 1 8 ; R o m a n provill ce, 2 1 0 ; Byzantine . fo rtresses, 268 Thomas the Archdea con, histori a n , 271 Th race, 9 1 , 1 03 ; Celts i n , 1 44, 148, 15 1 Thracian h orse ma n , cult, 247 Thracians, 1 2, .14 ; n a m e s 69 ' 73 82-4, 8 7, 1 1 9-20, 14 1 5 2; settled i n Pannon i a , 1 S 1 ,
l2i-3,
<
1 S5 ; attack Macedonia " 1 70 ' tattooed, 1 9 8 'lbraco-Cimmerians, 4 1 , 5 5 Thucydidcs, histo r i a n , 9 7 , 1 04, I lt , 1 1 7 Ti berill s, emperor, a n d Panno n i ans,
206, 2 1 5 , 2 1 7 Til aventus (Tagl i a tnenw), r., 1 8 3 tiles, stamped, 1 2 H Ti l urium : fort of DcJ matae, 1 90; Roman troph y, 220, 229
Timavus, r., 1 8 5-6 timber, exports, 1 0 9, 1 2 8 Timok, r . , 8 3 , 202 Tirana, 1 5 ; museum, 1 0 Tisa (Tisza), r., 23 Titov Veles, 1 7- 1 8
Titlls (Krka), r., 70, 76, 1 00, l H 6 Tol min, 65
Toma rus (To m o r ) , tnt., 2 0 8
s , I l Iyrian p r i ncel Y' 1 07 ' 1 0 9 ; tombstones, Roman 256
to mb
:
tools, working, 230
Topl ica , r., 20 Top l u ga basin, 4H
Topusko, hot springs, 246 torques, worn by I I I y ri,m s, 233 to wn s , growth
129-30
of
in I l I 'vria , 1 26 ,
trade, Greek colonies, 1 1 6 Tra gurillm (Trogir), 1 00, 11 6, 1 89 Trajan, emperor, 2 5 6
t " c I" ,\, T ra l l ' l' l v a l l l , I , 4 S
V a l'l" " 'I , 1 0'l
V a l l'l l s , l'111 p l' ro r : and hl'l'r, 2. 2. 2. ; ddl'
Wh, IO S Trd)l' l l i :i k o K
Trl'hl' l l i s t l', h l 1 1" 1 , l I "
Tn:biiat, r" 1 8 ';1 Tren, Korcc basin, forti fications, 47, 1 3 0 Treska, r" 1 5 0 Tri balli, 92, 121 , 1 .1 9 , 1 4 7 ; and Autariatae, 140; decl ine of, 1 45 , 202 tribe (ethnos ) : a mong lII yrians, 1 26-7; formation, 2 3 7 Tricornium, 8 3 Trieste, 6, 1 6, 2 5 , 3 2 tripods, bronze, 1 06 Tritcuta, mother of Pinnes, 1 62 Troy, 1 0 8 ; Trojan War, 1 1 0 ; Wa lls of, 1 3 6 ; Troj ans a n d Dardani, 1 45
Valerius Laevin lls, Rom a n Heet commander, 1 66 Vale ri us Maximianus, oi Poeto vio, 262 Valona, Bay o f, 1 1 0 Vandali, 4 ; i n A frica, 267 Vara zdin , 22 Va rceia, 2 1 7 Varci ani, 8 1 ; civitas, 2 \ 7- 1 8 ; Celti c, 2 5 6 Vardar (Axios ) , r . , 1 4 - 1 5 , 1 7-20, 24, 30, 49, 84, 106, 1 08 , 1 4 9-50 , 2 1 0 Vardarac, wind, 24 Varos, Croatia, 3 0 Va rro, Roman writer: on Libu rni,
Tsangon pass, 1 2 4
tu mul us, burial, 1 2 7, 1 40 , 24 1 Turkey, Tu rks, 6, 8, 1 9, 26 Tuzla, tombs, 1 06 Ty rrhen i, 94 ; Tyrrheni a n Sea, 94
1 8 6-7; women , 220, 2 3 8
Va ti n i us, Roman commander, 1 96, 237 vegeta bles, i n Illyria, 220;
ukas, 'wolf', 244 Ulci n j , 1 5 U l m , 13 Ulpia n , j u rist, atta cked , 260 Ulpianum (Graeanica ) : city, 25 7 ; defen ces, 2 6 8 Umbri a , Um bri, 94 Umcari, 4 1 ; bu rials, 1 06 Una, r., 5 1 , 54, 57-8 , 70, 1 97-8 , 200 UneSic, Sibenik, 3 6 U n termann , J . , 6 9-70 urban buildi ngs, 1 33 urbanizatio n, 1 27, 1 3 6, 227; Roman, 25 6-7 Urnfield Culture, 3 8 , 5 8-9 Urosev ac, 1 9 Uscana, o f Penestae, B 6 ; captu red by Perseus, 1 72-3 Utinadius, 8 6 Uvac, r " 270 l Izice, 4 1
vegetation, west Greece, 1 09
Vekla (Cllrictae), late Roman
settlement, 269 Vdebit, mts ., 1 5 , 3 2 , 5 7 , 1 00- 1 , 1 97, 20 1
Vel leius Paterclllus, h i storian, on Pannonians, 2 1 6, 236
VenedilVeneti (Wends ) , Sl avonic, 1 83
..
Veneti, 5 9 , 93- 5 , 96, 1 02, 1 83 , 1 8 5 , 1 8 9 ; script, 1 84 ; in Italy, 209
Veneti , of Ga u l, 1 83
Venetic language and names, 70-9, 87 Ven ice, Repu blic, 25
Ventrok, Korcc basin , 1 .10
Vergi na, royal tombs, 49, 1 23 Verzo, leader of Del m a tae, 1 96 ; ki lled, 1 9 7
Via Egnatia, 1 9 , 11 0 , 1 1 3 ;
construction, 2 1 2, 273 , 2 7 8
V l l· I .I I l I b ,
Ih;Il ,
'i 0
V l d a .� I I � , l Il'i l y , l 4 1> V i cn n a , 7 S ; Con g ress o f . Vig, !a t l' fo rt rl'ss nea r Scud ra , l 7 . 1
V i j osi\ r"
1 4, 1 6, 4 5
V i rn i n.Ki u m , IU , S S
V i n ca C u l tu r c .n vine: on l I I y r i a Il coins, 1 76 ; cultivated, 220- 1 ; p l a n ted by Probus, 263 Vinica, Sl avon i a , 5 7 'vi rtus UI y r i ci', on coins, 2 6 1 Visegrad, 2 1 Visoi, 49, 1 06 Vistu l a , r . , 36 Vi lal, Prozor, Japodian settlemen t, 1 98 Vlach s : origins of, 266; em ergen ce, 2 70 Vl asko C u l ture, 32 Vlora, 1 5 , 26 Voj vodina, 30, 55
\'\\'s l l' l" n
( /.a "'l d n ; l ) 1',,1 0r.l v;I ,
r.,
lO,
S I , 1 \,;1 , 1 4 1
w h l'a l : i m ported, 2 2 4 ; m i l l i n g, 23 1 W h i tl' D r i l l , r., 1 4, 1 9 w i ne-dri n k i ng, 1 0 9 ; t rade, I 1 3 ; strainers, 1 4 1 ; j ugs, imported, 1 4 1 ; Istrian, 22 1 wi re-making, at OsaniC i , 1 94 Wolf's Pass ( G ry ke e Uj kut) , 47 women : role of, 1 09 ; i n Liburn i a , 1 8 7; childbirth , 220; banquets, 22 1 ; sexual fredom, 2 3 8 wood-carvi ng, i mitated i n stone, 253 woo l : of I .iburni, 1 8 6 ; trade, 279 Wu rzen pass, 22
Xerxes, army of, l l 1 Yugoshw Archaeol ogical Society, 1 0, 25-6
wa rsh ips, I I I yrian o n greaves, 2 4 0
Zach lumi, Slays, 270 Zadar (Zara), 2S, 56; m useUI11 , 5 Zadrime 45 Zagreb, 6, 23 ; m u seu m, .5, I.) Zagvozd, 5 0 Zegovac, I11 t., 257 Zel ena Pecina cave, Hvar, 34 Zen i ca, 2 2 ; rel ief, 228-9, 253 Zenobia, queen of Pa lmyra, 262 Zeta, r., 1 6, 2 1 6, 256 Zeus, oracle o f, 9 8 , 1 02-3 Zgcrdhesh near Kru j a , fortifications, 1 3 0, 1 3 3 ; i denti fied with Alba nopol i s, 279 Zidovar, oppidum, 202 Zi rovnica , 48 Zlati ste, 4 1 Zlot, 48 Zrma nja (Tedani us), r., 1 6, %-8 ,
water-fowl, lIIyrian sym bol, 244 wea pons, 1 05 ; ca v a l ry, 1 54
Z upa n i a s, 'counties' of Croats, 270
Vra n i ca, mts., 2 1 Vraniste, 1 0 8 Vra nje, 20 Vranovo, 4 8 Vratnik pass, 2 0 1 Vrbas, r . , 2 2 , 5 0- 1 , 203-4, 2 1 6 Vrebac, 5 7 VrIika, b u rials, 242-'> Vrtiste, 4 8 Vucedol, 3 0 , 3 5 Vu kovar, 23
Wallachia, 48 warfare, J I I y rian, 2 3 8 wa rrior elites, 1 05 , 2 3 7
10 1
