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of Caria and the garrison commander at Caunus; this seems preferable to treating the plural as a stylistic device indicating only the provincial governor (so Bengtson, Strat. iii. 175). ITpa.TOVLICEla.v ••• 1rap' :b.vTLoxou Tou IEA£uKou: the manuscript reading Ka£ EEAEVKov is preferable to Niebuhr's ToiJ, followed by Hultsch and Buttner-Wobst. On Stratoniceia see :21. 3 n. For 'Antiochus and Seleucus' four possibilities have been canvassed: (a) Antiochus I and his son Seleucus (who never reached the throne); (b) Seleucus II and Antiochus Hierax before his revolt c. 240 (the names could be reversed to avoid hiatus) ; (c) Antiochus III and the later Seleucus IV (co-regents from 189 to 187); (d) Seleucus II and 457
XXX. 3I. 6
EMBASSIES AT ROME FROM PRUSIAS, ETC.
Antiochus III (with reversed order). Fraser and Bean, Ioz-s, are undecided between the first two; but the first seems improbable, for Antiochus will hardly have made the city over to Rhodes so soon after its foundation, and indeed is virtually excluded by an inscription published by Robert (Melanges Levy, 553-68), which makes 276 a terminus post quem for the foundation of the city. The second cannot be excluded; see van Gelder, Rkodier, 197-8; Meyer, Grenzen, 6o; Gnomon, 1954, 475; Schmitt, Rom und Rhodos, uz n. I; Antiochos, 247 n. 7, zBo; Jones, CERP'•, so and n. 34· The third is supported by Holleaux, Etudes, iv. 2o4n. 3; v. ro7 n. 6 'vraisemblablement vers Ia fin de 197'; cf. Magie, ii. 879--Bo n. 73; Briscoe on Livy, xxxili. x8. 22. This passage of Livy reads: 'nequiquam inde obsessa oppugnataque urbs est, nee recipi nisi aliquanto post per Antiochurn potuit' and might seem to exclude the third interpretation of J1VTt6xov Ka~L'eAEVKov; but although recipi often means 'be recovered' (cf. Livy, xxxvili. 3• 4) it can also mean 'to be taken' without any implication of previous possession (cf. Livy, ii. 39· 4, xxxii. 18. 7, 24. 7 and other passages quoted by Briscoe on Livy, xxxili. 18. 22). The fourth rendering is also possible and indeed attractive (cf. Aymard, REG, 1945, xiv; Robert, Melanges Levy, 564-5 n.; Schmitt, Rom und Rhodos, 219, add. to n2 n. 1, reporting Aymard's view without comment). On this view Seleucus II gave Stratoniceia to Rhodes, but it later fell into Philip V's hands (cf. xvi. 12 n., where the statement that Rhodes got it only later would need correction) and was recovered with Antiochus III's help and restored by him to Rhodes in 197 (cf. xvili. 44· 4 n.). Thus Astymedes correctly mentioned both kings; the order may be reversed to avoid hiatus, but since two separate events would be involved, P. would be under no obligation to mention the remoter first. As between the three interpretations (b), (c), and (d) it does not seem possible to decide with confidence. 7. EKa.Tov tca.l ~Ei~toat TMO.VTa.: we have no other evidence for the tribute raised by Rhodes from its continental possessions, nor do we know what proportion each paid. 8. Eanpt)f1e9a. Twv rrpoa6Swv, 9eAoVTES: 'we have surrendered these revenues by our ready acceptance' ; 'if we consent • . . ' (Paton) introduces an inappropriate note of indecisiveness. 10. Ka.Ta.A(AuTa.L ••• ~ ToG Atjl&vos rrpoaoSos: not entirely; cf. § 12 n. u~v Ai]Aov fL~V OTEA~ Trfi:TrOLfJKliTIJJV: Buttner-Wobst's punctuation, with a comma after instead of before flp.Wv {followed by Paton), is awkward and may be a printer's slip. Delos had been assigned to Athens (zo. 2-9 nn.); for its rh·l.\na see too Strabo, x. 5· 4, C. 486. This measure benefited Italian traders, who increasingly settled in Delos and were active in the eastern Mediterranean trade; for bibliography and discussion of the question of how far trading 458
EMBASSIES AT ROME FROM PRUSIAS, ETC.
XXX. 31.
IZ
interests affected Roman political decisions see Schmitt, Rom und Rhodos, I66 n. 3; add Hill, g6-97 (Senate's attitude towards commerce); Badian, 101 (action punitive). &.~nPTJJJivwv 8€ T~v ToG 8i)11ou 1T11pPT)a(av: cf. § 16, xvii. 4· 7 n. As in the rest of the speech, OfjJ.Los is the whole Rhodian people, not 'the popular element' (as in vi. 57· 7). Trap(YI)ala is closely associated with the concept of democracy (cf. ii. 38. 6, ltrf}yoplas J
that Rhodian democracy has been impaired (cf. van Gelder, Rhodier, I 57; Schmitt, Rom und Rhodos, 164); Fraser, CR, 1959, 67, suggests that the Rhodians had themselves introduced emergency regulations to this end. In fact, however, Rhodian democracy (moderate, as always) continued to exist (cf. Cic. rep. iii. 48; epigraphical evidence in Touloumakos, 131--42), and though there could have been a temporary suspension of normal procedures, none is attested and it seems more likely that Astymedes is referring to something external. 71"app7Jula means the freedom and disposition to speak out which is the characteristic of a free people in its relations with others, whether a democracy or not; Touloumakos, 131, quotes Cato, HRR, i. 88, fg. 95 g, 'Rodiensis superbos esse aiunt .•. sint sane superbi. quid id ad uos attinet? .. .', and it is noteworthy that the word linked with Trap(YI)ala in § 16 is not ltrf}yopla but laoAoyla. In xxiv. 10. 9 P. says of the Achaeans that, prior to Callicrates' visiting Rome . I 8 I I0 en • , , , E<;,rfll •e.a , , , I(IJ.'Ta' 7TOU011 ' tUOilOytav ' \ , ill €XEW 7rpo;; •pWfLIJ.WVS, The meaning in § 16 will be similar; and both there and here P. is probably indicating that such freedom to speak out as an equal was no longer possible under the shadow of Roman domination, since all utterances had to take account of this. See further Bleicken, Gnomon, 1959, w; Touloumakos, 131-2. Tfj<,;; 6.p11otouO"'}s 1TpoaTau£as: 'with fitting dignity' ; 7rpoaTaala (cf. v. 43· 3· go. s. xii. 28. 6) signifies both authority and the outward display which characterizes it. 12. Loss of Rhodian revenues: a much debated passage, with a dubious reading. The l>.AtfLlv,ov had hitherto brought in I,ooo,ooo dr. (sc. per annum) : viiv EOplJ
"
'
1
459
XXX. 31. 12 EMBASSIES AT ROME FROM PRUSIAS, ETC.
changed to that port (Schmitt, Rom und Rhodas, 161 n. x). If duties were the usual2 per cent, Rhodian trade will hitherto have amounted to at least so,ooo,ooo dr. (Rostovtzeff, SEHHW, iii. 1486 n. ¢), since P.'s figure will be what the tax-farmer paid the state, not what he collected. With 0.4>TJP~KaTE (Hultsch, Btittner-Wobst) the sense is 'you have taken away 15o,ooo dr.'-which leaves Sso,ooo, a figure which would scarcely support Astymedes' complaint (cf. Ferguson, 333 n. 1); moreover, the natural comparison is between what was then and what is now. Hence &4nf'11KaTE is to be rejected (though accepted by van Gelder, Rhodier, 156 n. I; Niese, iii. 196; De Sanctis, iv. I. 356 n. 317; Fraser, Alex. ii. 28o n. 246). Keeping E-fJp~KaTE Hiller von Gaertringen (RE, Suppl.-B. v, 'Rhodos', col. 797) suggests a Roman control of the harbour; but the phrase is directed to the Senate and especially to Ti. Gracchus and his colleagues who were present and had recently visited Rhodes (cf. § 20, 30. 7 n. for Gracchus' speech there; see Schmitt, Rom und Rhodos, 163). The use of Ei'JplaKEw in two different senses in the same sentence is not a serious difficulty, for P. was not sensitive to this kind of repetition. That the audience is being addressed is confirmed by the words ifJ a!iOpEs 'PwJLatot. 14. n1TCWTa.~ n1ToAwAlrra.s &1T' a.UTOU TOU 81}f10U: instigated by c. Popillius Laenas (xxix. 27. 1-13 n.; Livy, xlv. to. 4-15); cf. § 20. 15. 1rpo~ Tau~ liAAous ••• 1Tp<;J-OTa.To\ tc:a.l. ll-Eya.Aoo/uxoTa.Tol: attitudes proper in dealing with inferiors or subjects; cf. i. 8. 4 (Hiero at Syracuse), xv. 17.4 (Scipio addressing Carthaginian ambassadors). 16. n1TOAWA€tc:WS ••• TUS 1Tpoao8ous, T~V 1TappfJO'Ca.v, T~V lO"oAoyia.v: for the revenues cf. § 1:2 n., for "TTapp'fJa{a and kToAoyla § 10 n. Realistically Astymedes puts the revenues on an equal footing with "TTappYJala and laoAoyla-for if the latter assured the former (§ 10), in the long run the reverse was equally true. 17. ~tc:a.vA.s ~xwv 1TATJyas: cf. ii. 32. 3, v. 4· 12; the phrase usually means 'with considerable losses'; but '1TATJY1/ can be a blow of a whip, and there may be some reference to the simile in § 3· See Wonderer, i. 67. T~V npxi]s O.lpEO'lV Kat +lMa.v: 'your original friendly attitude' (Paton), i.e. before the Romans became irritated. The phrase is irrelevant to the question of when relations were instituted between Rome and Rhodes (so correctly Schmitt, Rom und Rhodas, 23-24). 19. OL 'll'Epl TOV TE~ipLOV ap7L 1Ta.pa.y£YOVOTEs: cf. 30. 7 n. 20. ICO.TO.KEKpi<79a.L 9a.vaTOU: cf. § I4 n. f:Trou]aa.vTo T~v 1rpos 'Pw11a.£ous au1111a.xla.v: the awkward change of subject will be due to the excerptor; cf. for the fact Livy, ep. 46, 'societas cum Rhodiis deprecantibus iuncta est'; Zon. ix. 24. 6, Kat lTvxov rijs cnrov8ijs, &X\' Jt/J€. Given a fairly early response, the treaty will date to the first part of ~~; for other views, some impossible.
is
460
EMBASSIES AT ROME FROM PRUSIAS, ETC.
XXX. 32.
10
see Schmitt, Rom unit Rhodos, x68 n. 2. The nature of the treaty can only be surmised. .Magie, ii. 957 n. 70, thinks there was no joedus, but that the Rhodians resumed amicitia et societas; but 5· 4--6 and § 17 above seem to imply ajoedus, and technically this was probably aequum (cf. Horn, 62--65; Taubler, 204 ff. ; Schmitt, Rom und Rhodos, 168-9, less confidently). 32. 1. o1va.p0. Twv )\xa...Wv vp~a~t:\~: cf. 30. tvToAO.s aKoAou8ws Ta.is avoKplat:a\v
KT
1
n.
X.: cf. 29. x, recording the
indignation this reply aroused; here P. tells us what it was. 3. Eopea.v: cf. 30. I n. v6.X1v €~ apxils: so Casaubon; but the manuscript a:ihfjs should be kept (cf. xxviii. 8. 9, w&A.w Jg aUri}s). The sense is 'without delay'. ouTt: ... aK.fJKot: ••. oun KpLa\v oOSt:1:1£a.v vt:"'I''tT)TO.\: this is confirmed
by the account in Paus. ·vii. 10. 9-10: Xenon protested that he was guiltless towards Rome and offered to stand trial in Rome or Achaea, whereupon the unnamed Roman representative (ov?la.p.wS' ls BtKa.too-Uvr;v wp68vp.ov) seized upon this to have those Callicrates named sent lv &KaaTTjplcy Kplmv 'TijJ 'Pwp.a.lwv vfi~OV'TIJ.S'. P.'s own account is lost; cf. 13. n n. 5. 1:1Laovov.fJpws ••. To'ls ahloLS: 'to deal rigorously with those found guilty', not (as Paton) 'with the accused' (most of whom, it was expected, would turn out to be innocent). 6. s,a. To va.vTa.xo&t:v €~t:X~xt:a8a.l: 'as they were under pressure from all sides'; cf. xxviii. 9· 6 n.; Galen, vi. 323, xv. 902 Kuhn. 7. To'ls «J>lAoLS a.OTwv: the pro-Roman party in Achaea. 8. au1:11:1uaa.VTt:S: so Casaubon and Reiske for the manuscript avp.p.~a.I"TeS': the sense is 'keeping their mouths shut'. 9. oliTt: To'l~ u1:1ET~po1s StifLOLS: 'nor to your peoples'; Larsen (GFS, 484) takes this to mean 'to the Greek states', and he assumes that a reply given to the Achaeans was interpreted as applying to all the Greek detainees. This seems most likely; cf. § 8, mentioning those in other states. Freeman (HFG, 533 n. x) takes the meaning to be 'to the separate cities of Achaea', and sees in it 'another blow at that Federal unity which it (i.e. the Senate) so deeply hated and dreaded'; but had the Senate wanted to dissolve the Achaean Confederacy, it could have done so. 10. 'll't:pt Tous avo.Kt:KAfJ1:1Evous: 'those summoned (to Italy)'; cf. xxxi. 23. s. xx.xii. 6. 4, xxxiii, I. 7, 14. This was not limited to the Achaeans nor (despite Paton} does P. say it was. .Mauersberger s.v. J.vaKaAlop.a.t translates 'die achaiischen Geiseln': both noun and adjective are incorrect. According to Zon. ix. 31. I, many committed suicide. vt:pi Tous "EAAfJva.~: i.e. the Greeks in Rome (ct. 4· 10, xxxii. 6. 6); the reaction in Greece is described in § II.
XXX. 32.10
EMBASSIES AT ROME FROM PRUSIAS, ETC.
Twv dKATJpoovTwv: 'the exiles'.
[The manuscripts have a passage between §§ 10 and n, which has been rightly transposed to form 30. 7-8: see ad loc.] 12. ot Tll'>
rs.
(For the placing of xxxi. I. r under res Asiae of Ol. 153, 4 and so in this book, see ad loc. (cf. p. 35).)
=
r65/4.
BOOK XXXI 01. 154 r64/3-16x/o; see pp. 34-37. Chs. r---9 deal '\\':ith 164/3, chs. ro-19 with r63/2, chs. 2o-21 with r6z/r, and chs. 22-33 '\\':ith r6rfo. [1. 1. Ti. Gracchus subjects the Cammani to Rome
The Cammani are the inhabitants of Camrnanene (Pliny, Nat. hist. vi. 9), or Chammanene, on the right bank of the Halys in north-west Cappadocia (Strabo, xii. r. 4, C. 534, z. ro, C. 540; Ptol. Geog. v. 6. rz; Ruge, RE, 'Cham(m)anene', col. 21o7). This excerpt from de legat. gent. cannot belong to res Italiae of 01. 154, r = r64/3, and should stand after xxx. 32. 12 in res Asiae of 01. 153, 4 = 165/4; see p. 35· Since Ti. Gracchus returned from Asia before the hearing of the embassies in winter 165/4 (see xxx. 30. 7-8 n., 31. 19-20 n.), it must refer to the beginning of the olympiad year, i.e. r65. Gracchus' mission is known to have included Cappadocia (3. 4); but there is no further reference to the subjection of the Cammani, nor do we know what force Gracchus could command as a legatus; the combination of force and deceit may suggest the seizure of their leaders, perhaps during negotiations. Legati would have enough men with them for that. Metzung, n, took the Camrnani to be a Gallic people (cf. Ptol. Geog. ii. ro. 8) against whom Gracchus operated as consul in 163; but he spent his consulship in Corsica and Sardinia (d. Broughton, i. 440), and in any case P. would hardly describe a campaign of 163 in Liguria before the embassies heard at the beginning of that consular year. Biittner-Wobst accepts Metzung; but see, against him, Steigemann, 96.)
1. 2-8. Eumenes' envoys at Rome: legati sent to Greece and Asia Minor (r64/3) Though continuous in de legat. gent. with 1. r, this excerpt is from res Italiae of Ol. 154, I 164/3; it describes the hearing by the Senate of foreign embassies at the beginning of the consular year 163. See Diod. xxxi. 7· z; above, p. 35· 1. 2. 1fAELovwv 'lfa.pa.yeyovoTwv (11'peu~euTwv): in Diod. xxxi. 1· z the Pergamene envoys are heard first. On Eumenes' brothers, Attalus and Athenaeus, see xvlii. 41. ron., xxiii. I. 4 n. 3. npouuLa.v ••• I(Q.TB TOV E{,j.LWT] Ka.l TOV ~VTLOXOV: i.e. the previous
XXXI.
I.
3
EUMENES' ENVOYS AT ROME
year; for Prusias' allegations of a conspiracy against Rome by Eumenes and Antiochus see xxx. 30. 2 n., 30. 4 n. Habicht, RE, 'Prusias (2)', cols. III3-I4. thinks Prusias sent a further embassy now, but P. does not say so. llVTioxov: Gronovius for MS. aTTaAov.
To(Jc; r a.A6.Ta.c; 1Ta.pwsuK€va.~: cf. XXX. 30. 2. Touc; Ie>.yei'c;: on Selge see v. 72. I n.; cf. Trog. prot. 34, 'bellum regis Eumenis ... in Pisidia cum Selgensibus'. Magie, ii. 1136 n. I2,
suggests that the renewal of the treaty of friendship between Termessus and Adada (TAM, iii. I. 2) belongs to this war; Wilhelm, who gives an improved text (5.-B. Wien, I6o, I9IO, pp. 3 f.), puts it later under Attalus or even during Aristonicus' revolt. For the complaints of the other Asian peoples cf. xxx. 30. 4· 5. nj.i.Y)9€vTEc;: i.e. to Eumenes' detriment; cf. xxx. I. 1-2. ro. 6. ra.~ov IoA1TLKLOV Ka.L MO.v~ov IEpyLoV: c. Sulpicius Galus, cos. I66 (cf. MUnzer, RE, 'Sulpicius (66)', cols. 8o8-II); for his harangue to the troops about the eclipse at Pydna, when military tribune, see xxix. I6. 2 n. According to Cicero (Brut. 78), 'maxime omnium nobilium Graecis litteris studuit' ; see Cic. rep. i. 23 for his close relations with Aemilius Paullus (cf. Lehmann, 377). His colleague is theM'. Sergius M'.f. who figures as a witness on the S.C. on Thisbae (Syll. 646 = Sherk, 2 1. I6) in 170. According to 2 Mace. xi. 34 a letter was sent to the Jews on rs Xanthikos of year I48 s.E. by two Roman legati named Q. Memmius and nToa fWVLoa epvLOa; the second of these names has usually been interpreted as T. Manlius, but M'. Sergius is perhaps more probable (cf. Niese, iii. 239 n. I; Hermes, 1900, 485 ff.; MUnzer, RE, 'Sergius (I6)', col. 1692). Since the Seleucid dates in I and 2 Mace. seem to depend on a Seleucid era which began in autumn 3I2 (cf. Heinemann, RE, 'MakkabaerbUcher (I and II)', cols. 783-4), I5 Xanthikos I48 s.E. should be March I64, and this would make M'. Sergius' embassy r64 (if he is indeed the co-author of the letter). However, this letter is preceded by one from Antiochus V to Lysias (cf. 7· 2 n.) and one from Lysias to the Jews, the latter also being dated to year I48 s.E. ; and since by the era used in I and 2 Mace. Antiochus IV died in year I49 S.E. (I Mace. vi. I6), it follows that the date of the letter is unacceptable, the more so because Antiochus IV is now known to have died in autumn I64 (SachsWiseman, Iraq, I954. 209: the year is not on the tablet, but its restoration seems certain). Broughton, i. 439 (cf. Steigemann, 46) dates the embassy of Sergius and Sulpicius in A.u.c. 590 164; but it must fall at the beginning of A.u.c. 591 I63 (see p. 35). If the date in 2 Mace. xi. 34 is false, however, there is no reason why the legatus there mentioned should not be identified with M'. Sergius; but his mission (and the letter, if it is genuine) will belong to 163. Normally such embassies had three members, and Niese, Hermes, I9oo, 487 n. n, suggested a lacuna after .EoA1TlKLov, to be 464
L:EGAT I SENT TO GREECE AND ASIA MINOR XXXI. z. z
filled with (Ka.l K&i:(vrov}), i.e. Q. Memmius, the cosignatory of the letter recorded in 2 Mace. xi. 34· See further M~kholm, 162-5, arguing that that letter is a falsification. 7. TOLS Meya.Ao1roMTa.Ls ~
2. 1-14. The Senate's decision on Syria: legati sent to lwfacedonia and Asia (163) This further excerpt from de legat. gent. refers to events of early 163, when news of Antiochus IV's death has reached Rome (§ 4 n.); seep. 35·
2. 1. AT]tJ-T)TpLos b ToO Ie>.eu~
XXXI. z. z
THE SENATE'S DECISION ON SYRIA
had associated a son Antiochus on the throne with him; cf. xxvi. I a In. But the plural probably means simply; in general tenns, that Demetrius ought not to act as hostage for Epiphanes' sons and (§ 4) that his claim to the throne surpassed theirs (cf. Zambelli, Riv. ftl. I¢jo, 368-7o). 4. TOTE 8i: in 163, after Antiochus IV's death was known at Rome. Ka.9i)KEW yAp a.OT{i! ••• TfJV &pxi)v: as the elder son of Seleucus IV, the lately deceased Antiochus IV's elder brother. 5. ,.uiA~aTa. 'lfpoa8pa.JlOVTOS lv T{i! >.eyEtv: 'particularly sought their favour by sajing'; for this sense of 7rpoaTplx€tV cf. xxvii. IS. I2. Tous S€ ~ou>.t:uTcis: 'senators'; a usage found in authors (but not in official documents). It does not appear elsewhere in P. See in general Mason, 31. ITt vf)1nos: despite the clause in the treaty with Antiochus III (xxi. 43· :z2) requiring the hostages to be not younger than eighteen; this supports the view(§ 1 n.) that the substitution of Demetrius for Antiochus was a special transaction instigated by the Senate. 7. &'lf~solllvt) TTJV aKp.tiv TOU AT)JlTJTfl~U KTA.: this motivation is repeated by App. Syr. 46; Zon. ix. 25; it will reflect the view of P.'s circle of friends among the Greek detainees. The son of Antiochus whom the Senate confirmed as king was Antiochus V Eupator (cf. II. 8). 9. Ka.Ta.
THE SENATE'S DECISION ON SYRIA
XXXI. z. 12
168 see Livy, xlv. 11. 9, 12. 7 (Polybian); d. I Mace. i. 17, z Mace. iv. zo; cf. McDonald and Walbank, ]RS, 1969, 38; Ml3rkholm, 27 n. z8. Tous iAi~a.vTa.s v£up01com;aa.L: cf. xxi. 43· 12 (forbidden in the treaty of Apamea). For the use of war-elephants in Judaea by Lysias see I Mace. iii. 34. vi. 30 ff., z Mace. xi. 4. xiii. z, 15· It is not clear why the Senate decided to act now and not earlier. 12. cl.1)8£LS . . • S1)p.o~epa.nKt1s ~ea.~ auv£SpLa.~efjs voALT£la.s: 'unaccustomed to democratic government based on a council' in contrast to government by kings. The implications of the phrase have been much discussed. Under the system established in Macedonia after Pydna (cf. xxx. 13. r-un. for the meeting called to Amphipolis by Aemilius Paullus to announce the decision; Livy, xlv. 29. 1-14) the country had no central organization (as Feyel argued, BCH, 1946, 187-98), but was divided into four regiones, each with its own concilium; according to Livy, xlv. 32. 2, 'senatores, quos synhedros uocant, legendos esse, quorum consilio res publica administraretur'. Larsen (CP, 1949, 73-90) concluded from this that the Macedonian regions (merides) possessed only representative councils; but Aymard, Etudes, 164-77, argued that there is no evidence to prove or disprove the existence of primary assemblies as well. However, when he describes the measures adopted to avoid providing opportunities for demagogues, Livy, xlv. 18. 6-7 mentions only the setting up of regional bodies rather than a central one; and Musti, Annali di Pisa, 1967, 184--6, remarks on his omission of any reference (such as might have been expected) to a contrast between a primary body and a representative one, and concludes that there was consequently no move over to a representative system. The political conflicts mentioned here he regards as more likely to have arisen in a primary assembly. As Aymard saw, the evidence will not allow a firm answer. Nevertheless, if there is any truth in Livy's statement that the Senate hoped to eradicate the influence of demagogues (Livy, xlv. 18. 6-7), this would seem to be against their having set up primary assemblies; and since we know from Livy, xlv. 32. z (Polybian) that there were elected representatives called aVV£Opot, it is hard to reject Larsen's interpretation of the present passage as meaning 'democratic and representative government' (a phrase taken from Thirlwall). Whether or not a primary assembly existed, the real business would seem to have been transacted by the synkedri. Larsen and Aymard agree that 'democratic' here means primarily 'republican, without kings' (cf. Larsen, CP, 1945, 88-91; Aymard, Etudes, 171 n. 4), whereas Musti (Annali di Pisa, 1967, 155-zo7) would accord the word a fuller content. aTa.aLntnv vpbs a.uTous: within the regional synedria; or P. may refer to something more violent.
XXXI.
2.
13
THE SENATE'S DECISION ON SYRIA
13. Tli 'ITEpl TOUS r a.AO.Ta.s KTA.: on Ariarathes IV's dispute with the Galatians see 8. I-8. · 14. Tous ~v ;6.Xe~a.v8peL~ ~a.cnAeis: despite Popillius' exhortation (xxix. 27. 9) strife had continued between Ptolemy VI and Ptolemy VIII. For an incident involving one Dionysius Petosarapis, who later escaped to stir up a native rising in the early I6o's, see Diod. xxxi. I5 a; Otto, 6. Ptolemaer, 9I n. 3· Shortly after October I64 Ptolemy VIII expelled Ptolemy VI (cf. Diod. xxxi. I8. 1-:2; Livy, ep. 46; Val. Max. v. r. I; Trog. prol. 34; Porphyry, FGH, 26o F 2 § 7; Zon. ix. 25. 3), who fled to Rome. For some of the outrages committed in Alexandria at this time by Timotheus see Diod. xxxi. 17 c, zo (in reverse order); above, xxviii. 1. I n. (on Timotheus and Damon). Papyri show that Ptolemy VI had been restored by 29 May (29 Pharmouthi) or possibly by 24 May (24 Pharmouthi) I63 (T. Reekmans and E. van 't Dack, Chron. d' f:gypte, I952, I49-95. especially I5<J-6o; Skeat, 34) ; for a petition to him by twin temple-servants at Memphis see Wilcken, UPZ, i. no. 4I ll. 4-5 ; and for an amnesty granted by Ptolemy VI see Wilcken, ibid. no. III (a letter from the king to the strategos of the Memphite nome; d. Will, ii. 303). (For a fragment of what may be this amnesty see L. Koenen, P. Kroll; cf. Volkmann, RE, 'Ptolemaios (z4)', col. 17I2.) This suggests that his restoration was effected independently of the legati, who were perhaps given their instructions at the time this was done. (Otto, 6. Ptolemiier, 92 n. s. who wrote without the newer evidence, dates both Ariarathes IV's death and Ptolemy VI's restoration several months too late.) It is likely that L. Canuleius and Q. Marcius accompanied Ptolemy VI back to Alexandria (d. 10. 4 n.). If Cn. Octavius was murdered in Syria in 162 (Obsequens, 15), it was only then that the embassy reached Egypt. Shortly afterwards Ptolemy VI made a formal agreement with Ptolemy VIII (cf. xxxix. 7· 6, KaTa avv8~Kas), by which the latter was granted Cyrene (Livy, ep. 47, 'foedus ictum ut alter Aegypto, alter Cyrenis regnaret' ; Trog. prol. 34, 'Romani inter fratres regna diuiserunt'; Zon. ix. 25. 3; Porphyry, FGH, 260 F 2 § 7). How far the Romans were involved in this agreement is controversial; see Io. 6 n. 3. 1-5. Embassy from Ariarathes V
This, the next excerpt in de legat. gent., evidently belongs to res ltaliae of the same year, 01. 154, I = r64/3. 3. 1. !ApLa.pcl.9ou ••• vewuTl. ••• T.qv Ka.'IT'ITa.8o~ewv ~a.uLAela.v: Ariarathes V Eusebes Eupator succeeded his father Ariarathes IV Eusebes probably early in 163 (cf. Diod. xxxi. 21); but the words KaTa nlv aV!-6v Katp&v may not be stressed, since they could be the excerptor's. 468
EMBASSY FROM ARIARATHES V
XXXI. 4·
2
According to Diod. xxxi. I9. 8, his father had previously offered him co-regency, which he declined. He was a pupil and friend of Carneades at the Academy, who addressed letters to him (Ferguson, 30I), and he was patron of the Dionysiac technitai at Athens (OGIS, 35 2 )· O.va.vewa6f1EVOL T~v TE cj)LALa.v Kat O"Uflfla.x(a.v: cf. Diod. xxxi. I9. 8; below, xxxii. Io. 4· For the original admission of Ariarathes IV as a Roman amicus see xxi. 45 n. There was no foedus ; cpt>..la Kai O'VJLJLaxla. (cf. § 3) is a pleonasm without legal significance (cf. Reuss, Volk. Grund. 26 n. I; Dahlheim, I63 ff.). 4. Sui To ••• T e~epLov ••• eucj>TiflOUS Myous 1I'OL~aa.a9a.L: Ti. Gracchus visited Asia in I66, returning in I65 (xxx. 27. I, 30. 7-8, 31. I9-2o); for his action against the Cammani see 1. I n. This passage
gives no support to the view that Ariarathes V had shared his father's throne (so Niese, iii. 248 n. 5). 4. 1-5. 5. Rhodes and Caria (I63) These two excerpts from de legat. gent. probably belong to the res Asiae of 01. I 54, I = I64/3; but Rhodian affairs generally stand between res Graeciae and res Asiae, and one cannot be sure in each case to which they belong (d. xxviii. I6 (ambiguous), xxii. 5 (Asian)). Here they could be under res Graeciae (as in Bi.ittner-Wobst). 4. 1. TtlS ••• Suaxepe(a.s: their long period of strained relations with Rome from the Third Macedonian War to the granting of a treaty in I64 (xxx. 31. 20 n.). KXea.y6pa.v: unknown. 2. KO.XuvSa.: this town on the border of Caria and Lycia lay about 8o stades (8 miles) south of Caunus, and east of the river Indus (Dalaman ~ay1); cf. Herod. i. 172; Strabo, xiv. 2. 2, C. 65I (who puts it 6o stades from the sea); Pliny, Nat. hist. v. Io3; Ptol. Geog. v. 3· 2. According to ATL, i. 504, ii. 86 it paid a talent to the Delian League, and in the mid third century it was independent but under Ptolemaic suzerainty (P. Cair. Zen. iii. 5934I: 247 B.c.). The visit of Delphic theoroi in 200 (Plassart, BCH, I92I, 6) suggests that it was still independent then (contra Jones, CERP 2 , so), but early in the second century (Schmitt, Rom und Rhodos, I75, put it as late as I66) it fell under Caunus. Occasional second- and first-century coins are found: cf. B.M.C. Lycia, xlvi, 48. The site has not been firmly identified, but the hill of Kozpmar, c. 4 km. from Dalaman ~iftligi towards Fethiye (Telmessus), with an early Hellenistic ring-wall, overlooking and commanding the Dalaman ~ay1 valley (Indus), and with the Kargm ~ay1 (probably the Axon) at its base, was identified as Calynda by Arkwright (]HS, I895, 97), a view still 469
XXXI. 4·
2
RHODES AND CARIA (163)
regarded as likely by G. E. Bean, who visited it in 1946 and 1950 (description in]HS, 1953,26 n. 82); Robert, Et. anat. 493 n. 2 is noncommittal. See Biirchner, RE, 'Kalynda', cols. 1771-2; Meyer, Grenzen, 46 n. 2. For the background of the Rhodianrequest see 5· 1-5. 3. 'II"Ept .•. Twv ~XOVT(a)V ~v Tfi Autc£~ Kal. Ka.p(~ tmlO'f:~S: dating from the Rhodian domination. For the assignment of Lycia and Caria to Rhodes in r88 see xxi. 46. 8 n., and, for their liberation in 167, xxx. 5· rz n. The Senate's decision on these property-rights is not recorded. 4. KoAoo-o-ov o-Tijo-a.~ Toil 8~11ou Twv 'Pw11a.l(a)V: on such colossal statues see xviii. r6. 2 n. ; on the spread of the cult of Rome (Dea Roma, Urbs Roma or d 87jtto> & 'Pwtta.lwv) see xxx. 5· 4 n. It is attested at Rhodes from the first century, when an inscription, dated by J. and L. Robert (Bull. epig. 195I, no. 153) to after 65, mentions a lEpelis 'Pc!JJJ.as (M. Segre, Parola del Passato, 1949, 73 f.) and a trieteric 'Pwp.afa festival existed (IG, xii. r. 46 and 730 = Syll. 724). Cult and festival need not have been set up simultaneously. Holleaux (Etudes, i. 381-6) put both in 196, and Moretti (Riv. fil. 1950, 339) put the setting-up of the festival in or just after 189. Schmitt (Rom und Rhodos, 175-6 n. r) suggests that both cult and festival may originate now and that this statue was linked with the event; though plausible, the theory must await confirmatory evidence. A thirty-cubit statue would be nearly 45 ft. high. iv Tit' rijs >\&r]vas tEp~: probably in the temple of Athena Polias, on the citadel; for remains see Clara Rhodos, i, 1928,48. Jacoby, FGH, vol. iii b (Noten), z6s, thinks rather of a statue in the temple of Athena at Lindus. 5.1. Twv Ka.Xuv8~wv lnroO"T
of the sending of Cleagoras' embassy.
470
GALUS ENCOURAGES ACTION AGAINST EUMENES
XXXI. 1·
2
6. 1-6. Sulpicius Galus encourages action against Eumenes (I63)
On the position of these excerpts from de uirt. et uit. (§§I-S) and de sent. (§ 6) see pp. 34-35; they go naturally in res Asiae of 01. I54. I= I64/3•
6. 1. xwpis 'TWV O.pn pTJ8ivTWV d.AOYT)JlQT(&)V: probably Sulpicius' acts in the Peloponnese, especially at Achaean expense (d. 1. 7 n.); so Lehmann, 3I2 n. 362. 2. £ts I6.pS£lS: in Eumenes' own kingdom (Niese, iii. 203). 6. Tous QEAATJva.s vpoaoltct:louafla.l: see for example OGIS, 763 = Welles, no. 52, a letter from Eumenes to the Ionian League acknowledging honours voted him in I67j6, immediately after his dismissal from Italy (cf. xxx. I9. 8--9) ; Holleaux, Etudes, ii. I53-76. Eumenes' growing popularity in Greece is also reflected in the changed attitude of Rhodes towards him (31. I~3). For this and other instances of benefactions to Greek states at this time see Hansen::., I27 . .,.~ 8A~~o11~v~: 'to the oppressed'; cf. Welles, p. 339·
7. 1-4. Ariarathes V and Lysias, Antiochus V's minister (I63) On the placing of this excerpt from de uirt. et uit. in res Asiae of 01. IS4. I = I64/3 see p. 35·
7. 1. To us ••• 'II'Pf:O'~t:uTcis: heard at Rome earlier in the year, 3· I-5· Tous tlYf:Jlovas : 'his chief officers'. 2. vpos ••. Auala.v: Antiochus IV had appointed him grand vizier and guardian to his son, the later Antiochus V, whom he left as regent when he set out on an expedition in the eastern parts of his kingdom in I6S (Otto, 6. Ptolemiier, 85 n. I for the date). According to I Mace. iii. 32, Lysias controlled the western parts of the kingdom cirro TOV 1TO'Tap.ov Etupparov Ka~ [w, optwv Alymrrov (cf. App. Syr. 46; Ioseph. Ant. Iud. xii. 295-7; Porphyry, FGH, 26o F 57, 'qui Antiochiae et Phoeniciae praeerat'). He may be the Lysias sent as ambassador to Flamininus by Antiochus III in I96 (xviii. 47· 4 n.); but the name is not rare. See Obst, RE, 'Lysias (9)', cols. 2532-3; Bengtson, Strat. ii. I65, I68 n. 2; and for his relations with the Jews, during the revolt under the Maccabees, see Will, ii. 287-8. Ta Tijs d.St:A+fis teal JlTJTpos baTO.: Ariarathes IV married Antiochis, daughter of Antiochus III (Diod. xxxi. I9. 7), and, according to the sensational story in Diodorus, palmed off two supposititious children, Ariarathes and Holophernes (Orophernes), on him, being barren; having later borne two daughters and a son, Mithridates, she revealed the truth, and the two false princes were sent to Rome and Ionia 47I
XXXI. 7· z
ARIARATHES AND LYSIAS
(Orophernes perhaps to Priene: cf. xxxiii. 6. z n.), while Mithridates changed his name, to succeed eventually as Ariarathes V. It was Antiochis and one of her daughters who were apparently at Antioch when news arrived of Antiochus IV's death, and whom Lysias murdered, presumably lest they support Demetrius' claims (cf. 2. 4). See Niese, iii. 220 (he erroneously calls Antiochis Laodice); Schmitt, Antiochos, 25. 3. Ti}s "11'po9eaEws: i.e. recovery of the bones. ~SI~&~Ita.T&Kcl.c,; ••• EVToAas: 'instructions simply to make the request' (cf. XX. 9· 9 n., Xxxii. 3• 16).
8. 1-8. Roman envoys in Cappadocia (163) On the position of this excerpt from de legat. Rom. see p. 35· 8.1. ot "'I'Ept Tov MapKov 'loovLov: probably M. Junius Brutus, cos. 178, who was on an eastern embassy in 171 (xxvii. 3· r n.), rather than M. Junius Pennus (cos. r67): see Broughton, i. 441. He had evidently been sent before the other envoys (§ 4) and before news of Ariarathes IV's death reached Rome. TG 'll'pOS TOO$ r aAaTa.s Sta.+tpovTa.: cf. 2. IJ. 2. oi TpoK~toL: one of the three Galatian peoples; for the Galatians' defeat at the hands of Cn. Manlius Vulso in 189 see xxi. 39· 14 n. ; on that occasion Ariarathes had helped them (Livy, xxxviii. 26. 4). The Trocrni inhabited eastern Galatia along the Halys, perhaps including the right bank; cf. Strabo, xii. 5· 2, C. 567; Pliny, Nat. kist. v. 146; Stahelin, 42 f.; Magie, i. 202, ii 731-3 nn. IJ-IS. Ti}s Ka'll''ll'a.SoK(as: the north-western part, north of the Halys. On P.'s notion of the Cappadocian frontier see fg. 54 n., v. 43· I. It seems likely (from fg. 54) that P. somewhere had a digression on Cappadocia and on how a Persian who saved Artaxerxes 'or some other king' from a lion received it as a grant; this could well have been in book xxxi. ~KoSo~~oiJaa.VTo Tijv 8£KTJV ~11'LI3aMI'EvoL ToA~~oav: so Biittner-Wobstz following the manuscript (though U has o&r<7Jv) ; in the apparatus, however, he suggests l!ca~v looaav ~v OLK7JV ~11'tPaJ.6p.£Vol T£ ToAp.O:v. I am not convinced that this is right, any more than the other suggestions recorded in the apparatus ; but I cannot think of anything better. It is just possible that 1/Jr
DEATH OF ANTIOCHUS IV
XXXI. 9.
I
9. 1-4. Death of Antiochus IV Tills excerpt from de uirt. et uit. could stand here or before ch. 7 ; seep. 35· Antiochus IV's death occurred in or just before NovemberDecember 164 (cf. I. 8 n.), and is assumed in 7· 1-4; P.'s account of it (and that of Diodorus, who followed him) is mentioned in Porphyry, FGH, 26o F 53 = Hieron. in Dan. xi. 36 (cf. Diod. xxxi. 18 a). Bouche-Leclercq's view (Seleucides, i. 297-3o6) that the present passage refers to Antiochus III, whose sacrilegious death (Diod. xxviii. 3, xxix. 15) became the basis of a similar version for Antiochus IV in Jewish historians, is to be rejected; cf. Holleaux, Etudes, iii. 255-'79· 9. 1. Ka.Tn T1]v Iup(a.v: probably the excerptor's words (Holleaux, Etudes, iii. 265 n. 4), for Antiochus, since he opened his eastern campaign, had been active in Armenia (Diod. xxxi. 17 a; App. Syr. 45-46 and 66; Porphyry, FGH, 26o F 38 and 56), perhaps in 165 (so Ms:Jrkholm, 167), when he defeated Artaxias, but left him on the throne, and possibly in a campaign along the Persian Gulf (on the controversial and dubious evidence for this see Ms:Jrkholm, 167-7o). He is unlikely to have returned to Syria before invading Elymais. On Tac. Hist. v. 8. 4-5 and the various theories concerning Antiochus' aims in this eastern expedition see Tarn, Bactria, I83-224 (to restore Alexander's empire by conquering the eastern satrapies); Bevan, Seleucus, ii. 158; Niese, iii. 216; Debevoise, 20 (against Parthia); Altheim, Weltgeschichte, ii. 36; G. Le Rider, Memoires de la mission archiologique en Iran, 38 (Paris, 1¢5), 'Suse sous les Seleucides et les Parthes', 3II-I2 (Parthian expedition); M0rkholm, 172--Bo (the Parthians did not seize the eastern provinces until the 14o's; Antiochus was not concerned with them). To TTjs :A.pTtfl..Sos lEpov ds T.fJv 'EXo11a.t~a.: Elymais is the Hebrew Elam, the region between Babylonia and Persis, often included in Susiana in Hellenistic times; it was in effect independent, though allied with the Seleucids. The whereabouts of this temple of Artemis is unknown. It could be that of Anaitis, which contained tame lions (Aelian, Nat. an., xii. 23). Tarn, however, following 2 Mace. i. 13, argues (Bactria, 29, 463-6) that Artemis is the Elamite goddess Nanaea, and that her temple, Ta J!'apa, stood at Susa, possibly outside the walls. Against this M0rkholm, 170 n. 15, points out that Strabo (xv. 3· 2-4, C. 728, Io-II, C. 731, xvi. I. 18,C. 744) distinguishes Susiana from Elymais; but the two are often confused in Hellenistic times, and Tarn may be right. For another attempt to locate the temple (near the pass of Tang-i Sarvak) see J. P. Guepin, Persica, 2, 1¢5-6, 19-26. App. Syr. 66 makes the temple that of Aphrodite. Josephus, c. A pion. ii. 83-84, refers to Antioch us' foray and mentions 473
XXXI. g.
I
DEATH OF ANTIOCHUS IV
P. See Weissbach, RE, 'Elymais', cols. 2458--67; Gray, OCD 2 , 'Elymais', 381. 2. SLa TO llTJ auyxwpEiv ••. Tous l3o.pl36.pous: 'would not permit the outrage' ; the wording implies, not fi.ghting, but the rejection of Antiochus' demands (d. Holleaux, Etudes, III, 265; Morkholm, 170 n. 16; Ghirshman, CRAI, 1970, 664-5). Ioseph. Ant. Iud. xii. 358, expresses surprise that P., dyaOoS' wv al"'jp, should have attributed Antiochus' death to his having merely wished to despoil Artemis' temple b IUpaatS' (sic), since in fact it was due to divine retribution for despoiling the temple in Jerusalem. Porphyry, FGH, 26o F 56 records that 'in Elimaide prouincia, quae est ultima Persarum ad orientem regia ... uolens templum Dianae spoliare, quod infi.nita donaria habebat, fugatus a barbaris est, qui mira ueneratione fanum illud suspiciebant.' 3. iv T 6.13o.Ls TllS nEpa£Sos i~iAnrE TOV 13iov : cf. Porphyry' FGH' 260 F 56, 'et mortuus est moerore consumptus in Tabes oppido Persidis'; cf. Curt. v. 13. 2 for the place: '(Alexander) Tabas--oppidum est in Paraitacene [MSS : partelacene, parte lacae nae] ultima-peruenit.' This is against the hypothesis that the place is Fci{Jat, the forerunner of a suburb of modern Ispahan (so Ed. Meyer, Ursprung und A nflinge des Christentums, ii (Stuttgart, 1925), 220 n. 2; Tam, Bactria, 214-15); but Tabae, though in the same neighbourhood, has not been located. See Weissbach, RE, 'Tabai (4}', cols. 184o-1. App. Syr. 66 attributes Antiochus' death to consumption (rflHvwv}; and the Jewish tradition (1 Mace. vi. 1-17 (cf. Ioseph. Ant. Iud. xii. 354-7), 2 Mace. i. 13-17, ix. 1-29) preserves many lurid and confused accounts of his death as being due to his behaviour towards Yahweh and his temple; cf. Gran. Licin. 6. 1 ff. Flemisch; M0rkholm, qo-1. 4. So.LtJ-OVTJO"O.S ••. SLa TO yEvia9o.L nvas E"'I"LaT)tJ-O.O"LO.S ICTA.: d. Porphyry, FGH, 26o F 53, 'quibusdam phantasiis atque terroribus uersum in amentiam'; for similar Jewish accounts (though the god was a different one) see the previous note. For P.'s qualifi.ed attitude towards belief in divine vengeance see xxxii. 15. 14 n. 10.1-10. Ptolemy VIII and an embassy of Ptolemy VI at Rome
This, from de legat gent., is the fi.rst surviving excerpt from res Italiae of 01. 154, 2 = 163/2; seep. 35· 10. l. tJ-ETa TO tJ-Epiaa.L •.• TTJV 13o.aLAEia.v: the restoration of Ptolemy VI with Roman help by May 163 was followed by this division of the kingdom; Cyrene was assigned to Ptolemy VIII (§ 5), and Ptolemy VI kept Egypt (cf. 2. 14 n.). Egyptian records from the time of Ptolemy VI's restoration to his death in 145 are dated without reference to his younger brother (cf. Skeat, 33-34).
474
PTOLEMY VIII AND EMBASSY OF PTOLEMY VI
XXXI.
10.
6
1r
suggests that Ptolemy VIII was heard and sent back with T. Torquatus and Cn. Merola (§§ g-ro) before news reached Rome of Cn. Octavius' death in Syria in r62 (n. r n.). Clearly then the other two members of Octavius' embassy had not yet reached Egypt (following their instructions: 2. 14) when Ptolemy VIIIleft; cf. Otto,6. Ptolemiier, 92 n. 6. For Ptolemy VIII's arrangements in Cyprus during his absence see r8. 7. 2. K
475
XXXI. xo. 6 PTOLEMY VIII AND EMBASSY OF PTOLEMY VI
colourless sense of 'lrpayp..a:wcws, 'wishing to make a division that would be politically advantageous, since it was their responsibility'. However, this implies that OLEAdv is 'to complete or make operative the division already carried out', which is strained. Perhaps then the COming division is meant, and the phrase aVTWV ••• OW.!.pi.UEWS defines 1rpayp.anKw<;: 'wishing to make a division that would be politically effective, inasmuch as they themselves would have made it' or 'wishing to make a division that would be politically advantageous (sc. to themselves), since it was their responsibility'-implying that the Romans would tie the recipients of the decision to themselves for the future. The change from the singular f3ov,\oplVTJ to the plural of the genitive absolute is rather more difficult if the phrase aV-rwv ••• otatpiaEws is virtual oratio obliqua (as it is if these words explain 1rpayp.a·nKws) ; and that interpretation might imply that the previous year's division was not the work of the Romans (so Winkler, Aegypten, 42 f.). But these are not decisive objections; and as regards the second, the distinction could be between a settlement in which the Romans had merely played a part {or so it might seem) and a formal decision of the Senate announced in response to an appeal from the brothers. So this interpretation is clearly possible. However, it is perhaps simpler to translate: \vishing to make a division that would be politically effective, since they were responsible for the division'. The phrase aV-rwv .•• OtatplaEws explains f3ov,\oplVTJ (not 1Tpayp.an~ews) and the division is that of the Ptolemaic dominions considered generally so as to include (probably) the act of 163 and the forthcoming revision of 162. t1ri T~ acfJe:T£p~ auJJ.cfJ£povn: for this emphasis on Roman selfinterest at this time see § 7, n. I I {acceptance of Antiochus V), :u. c (decisions against Carthage); it evidently reflects P.'s impressions at the time of these events (cf. Walbank, Polybius, 168-7r). 7. 1rpa.yJJ.a.TLKws: cf. § 6. The word implies political acumen, but i!: morally neutral. P., to whom it is a word of approbation, here describes Roman policy with cynical objectivity (or detachment?) which reflects his reaction to what he observed during his early years in Rome. Against the view that he regards Roman policy of this kind as a mark of moral decay (so Susemihl, ii. III n. 108; Petzold, Studien, 6o f.) see Walbank, Polybius, 172-3. xa.p,~6JJ.Evo\ ••. Tous d.JJ.a.pTavoVTa.s: in this case Ptolemy VIII. Both by reason of his friendship with Menyllus (§ 4 n.) and following the lead of Scipio Aemilianus (Athen. xii. 549 D-550 A, evidence of Panaetius, whom Athenaeus wrongly calls Poseidonius; Plut. Mor. 201 A; Scullard, Pol. 2 230 n. 4), P. inclines towards Ptolemy VI in this quarrel (d. xxxix. 7· s-6). 9. Thov TopKOUQTOV Kni rvlnov MepoAa.v: T. Manlius Torquatus was pontifex (Livy, xliii. II. 13) and praetor (probably) in r7o, and 476
PTOLEMY VIII AN'D EMBASSY OF PTOLEMY VI
XXXI. ro.
10
consul in I68 ; he is perhaps a witness to the senatus consultum on the dispute between Magnesia and Priene contained in a letter of I43 (Syll. 679 b = Sherk, 7l. 4o). For his severity in condemning his own son for maladministration in Macedonia, and again after his son's suicide see Val. Max. v. 8. 3; Cic. fin. i. 24; Livy, ep. 54; Miinzer, RE, 'Manlius (83)', cols. 12CJ9-IO. Of the background of Cn. Cornelius Merola nothing is known; see Munzer, RE, 'Cornelius (269)', col. I407, and for his embassy of I 54. xxxiii. II. 6. TEAELwcroVTa.s 3.1-La. Tijv ~KELvwv Ka.t Tijv a.1hwv 1rpo8Ecrw: 'to carry out at once the kings' intentions and their own'. That must be the meaning, if iKdvwv is kept, for it must refer to both Ptolemies; and that is difficult unless we follow Strachan-Davidson's hypothesis that P. is quoting the senate's words, which he takes to be hypocritical: 'you are to carry out the intentions of the princes, which we approve and adopt, by assigning Cyprus to the younger.' But this is very strained, for P. has made it clear (§ 6) that the Senate's verdict coincided only with the request of the younger brother. The simplest solution is to adopt Bekker's €Kdvov; and though most editors print iKEivwv, Schweighaeuser, Paton, and Shuck burgh all translate it as if it were singular, without comment. Otto, 6. Ptolemiier, 95 ff., sees the reasons for the growth of Roman support for Ptolemy VIII (a) in a resurgence of new imperial ambitions in Ptolemy VI; it was probably at this time, for instance, that he encouraged the Jewish high priest Onias to set up a rival temple in the Heliopolite nome (Ioseph. Ant. I ud. xii. 386 f., xiii. 62 ff., xx. 236), a disturbing event; (b) in the 'testament of Ptolemy VIII' (SEG, ix. 7; xiii. 6I6), leaving his kingdom of Cyrene to Rome, a much-discussed inscription discovered in Cyrene in I929, which can hardly be the original text of the document, and which Otto believes to have been written in I62/I, secretly communicated to the Senate immediately-thus influencing that body in Ptolemy VIII's favour-and eventually made public in ISS ; it seems far more likely however that the king devised the document after the attempt on his life in ISS (xxxiii. II. 2; cf. Will, ii. 305). That Menyllus' share in the flight of Demetrius I (12. 8-14. I3) influenced the Senate against his king is unlikely, for it was probably unknown at the time (on this see Winkler, Aegypten, 45 f.). But there were probably different views on the Egyptian question inside the Senate, and we can no longer ascertain what swung opinion. For M. Porcius Cato's support of Ptolemy VI see his later speech against L. Minucius Thermus (Malcovati, ORFJ, i. M. Porcius Cato, fgg. •77-I8I). 10. xwpts 1TOAEf.LOU: the restriction indicates either a limited commitment or perhaps confidence that the Senate's aims could be achieved by diplomatic means. For the sequel see 17. 1-19. 4·
477
XXXI.
II. I
DEMETRIUS I'S ESCAPE FROM ROME
11. 1-15. 12 Demetrius I's escape frqm Rome This section, from the exc. de legat. gent., belongs to res ltaliae of Ol. 154, 2 163/2; see pp. 35-36. Demetrius' Hight was in the advanced summer of I62, since Cn. Octavius' murder was already known at Rome. The use of the present tense in relation to Carthage (n. n) indicates composition before 146, and P. probably wrote his account soon after the events took place (see Vol. I, p. 293; Ziegler, RE, 'Polybios (I)', cols. 1485-6). It is likely that P. acted with the connivance of prominent Romans. That the Senate as a whole were involved (so Bouche-Leclercq, Lagides, ii. 46 n. r) is not credible; but that members of the Scipionic family were privy to the escape is a view that has attracted wide support (d. Nitzsch, 6o-6I; Susemihl, ii 85; Ziegler, RE, 'Polybios (I)', col. I452; Volkmann, Klio, 1925, 385-6; Will, Aufstieg und Niedergang, i. 1. 623 n. 36). Pedech stresses (Methode, 525 n. 59) Ti. Gracchus' sympathy for Demetrius (d. 33· 4). The fact that he had Scipio Nasica's election to the consulship annulled (see Broughton, i. 441-2, for the evidence) would not exclude his having had influence with P.; but no such link is attested and P. despised Gracchus {cf. xxx. 27. I, 30. Sn.). The theory that P. acted alone and that the escape was intended to promote SyroEgyptian action against Rome (so Cardona, Polibio: Storie interpretateinlingua italiana (Naples, 1948), i. xxxix) lacks all plausibility. It has been argued by Lavagnini (Atti Ace. Palermo, 1941, pp. 13, 'Polibio, ovvero la storia maestra della vita') that P. based his plan for Demetrius' escape on that used by Hannibal to escape from Carthage in 195 (d. Livy, xxxiii. 47· 3-48. n; Iustin. xxxi. 2, 1-6; based on P.'s (lost) account in xix). But the resemblances could well be coincidental, given the similarity in the two situations; and there is no reason to suppose that P. had already studied the events of 195 as early in his stay at Rome as 162-though indeed we know nothing of the order in which he did his researches nor indeed what his sources were for those events of Carthage. Hence this theory must be adjudged non liquet. 11. 1. ~~:a.Tcl TOv Ka.tpbv ToliTov: what preceded is not known; but the summer was well advanced (see above, n. 1-15. 12 n.). Tl'pOO'TI'E
DEMETRIUS I'S ESCAPE FROM ROME
XXXI.
12. IX
3. ou j3ouAollt'll'l'] KTA.: the Senate seem to have been strangely unmoved by this murder of a legatus, in contrast to their response to the murder of the Coruncanii in 230 (ii. 8. 3 n.); see xxxii. 3· 1o-n. 4. ATJiloqTplo<; 1TT01J8EI.s hrl Tois 'l]yyEAil£vOLs: 'excited at the news', since it offered Demetrius (2. 1 n.) opportunities (§ s); the sense is hardly 'terrified' (so Schweighaeuser, Lex. Pol. s.v.; LSJ). waAw ~VTUXEiv ~eTA.: for the recent adverse decision see 2. 6. 5. llTJ 81.,. ••• 'IT'TO.LELV: cf. 12. 1; for this proverb see Corpus paroem. graec. i. 65, ii. 22; von Scala, 285. P. presumably used proverbs to avoid openly implicating himself. 6. )\1ToAAwv~: he was Demetrius' r:nl11Tpo4>os (13. 2-3), a more specific word than atnn/IJTJs; on r:nl~~Tpo4>oL see v. 9· 4 n. 8. )\vTLoxou ToO vo.L80t,;: Antiochus V (cf. 2. 10 n.); on the unreasonableness of Demetrius' position as hostage see :z. 2 n. 11. Ta 8{tco.Lo. ••• To <7Uil+eptw: P.'s cynical analysis of Roman policy corresponds to his comment in 2, 7; for claims that the Romans preferred self-interest to justice on other occasions see 10. 6-7, 21. 6. 12. ~vEw el~eos 1\v tcTA.: for this rationalistic way of arguing cf. i. 61. 2, iii. 109. 3• ~~~<7o.t,; TO tcotcveLov: so Schweighaeuser for ~'avlaa<;; for the phrase cf. xxx. 4· 7 n. Ka.Aws ••• 0 noM~lOi: the repetition of the proverb
12. 1.
the manuscript
(cf. I I. s) underlines its aptness and the wisdom of the man quoting it. 3. ALo8wpos Tpo+tos: 'foster-father'; known only from P. For the position cf. OGIS, 148 (Helenus, uvyycvt,s Ka~ Tpo4>t£V<; of Ptolemy VIII ; cf. ]HS, 1888, 251 no. 109; 1937, 35-36 no. xo; Otto and Bengtson, Niedergang, 12 n. 6, 95 n. 3); 256 (Craterus, Tpo4>ti.J<; of Antiochus IX). See Corradi, 279-So; Bikerman, 42; Bellinger and Welles, Yale Classical Studies, 5, 1935, 126 n. 21 (an example from the court of king Gadhimat of Taniikh, 3rd cent. A.D.). 4. eJC Twv ToO ~a.<7LAews q,£).wv: Lysias not least; cf. n. 2 n. 8. MevuAAov ••• Tov !b.Aa.j3a.v8€a.: cf. 10. 4 n. wa.pa ToO '11'pE<7j3uT€pou j3o.<7LAews: so Ursin us for the manuscript '~~'pea{3JTov; but that reading should perhaps be kept (cf. xxviii. 23. 4, and xviii. 35· 9 n.). t<1xupA C7uv!)8eLo. tca.l. vt<7·ns: 'firm friendship and confidence in him'. Paton's version, 'had long been intimate' introduces an idea not in the Greek. There is no need to assume that P. made Menyllus' acquaintance in Asia Minor in 190 (so Werner, s-<>; Susemihl, ii. 82 n. 5), for it is unlikely that he took part in that expedition (cf. xxi. 3 b 1-2 n.). The friendship may have arisen at Rome, or Menyllus may well have visited Achaea earlier as a Ptolemaic envoy (cf. xxiv. 6. 1 (18o), xxix. 23. 1-8 (169/8), where such envoys are not named). 11. lv T4,i o-ro11a.TL Tou TLj3epws: at Ostia (cf. 14· 7). 479
XXXI. u.
II
DEMETRIUS I'S ESCAPE FROM ROME
Ka,px"lSov(cw va.f.iv te:pa.ywy6v: Meiggs, Ostia, 34, suggests that the captain of the ship had brought a cargo of tom to Ostia, and was delaying in the hope of passengers to help finance the remainder of the journey to Tyre (§ 12). But it is unlikely that the Carthaginian government would have allowed the carrying of d:rrapxal to be financed in this casual way and it is not at all certain that the ship was engaged in a sacred office at this time (Niese, iii. 245; Volkmann, Klio, 1925, 381 n. 5). P. merely says that it was a specially good ship-perhaps a quick one-used for that purpose (but now it seems engaged in ordinary trade). 12. O'U!'~a,(ve:L ••• AGil~nvEria.L: the present tenses suggest composition (but not of course publication: De Sanctis, iii. I. 202-3) before 146; cf. Vol. I, p. 293. cis TTJV T upov ~K'IrE!J-'IfOUO'LV ••• Tas ••• &.1ra.pxns: probably to Melkart (Heracles); for Arrian, A nab. ii. 24. 5, relates how, when Alexander took Tyre in 332, there were present Ka.pxrJoovf.wv nvJ!; 8Ewpot Js 7'Lfi-~V rov •Hpatdu!ov!; ~
all the more reason not to combine the voyage with desultory trading ventures (§II n.). See Diod. xx. 14. 1-3, for the resumption of sending tithes in 310 after the Carthaginians had been defeated
outside Carthage by Agathocles-a defeat due to laxity in this observance. ds TTJV lSLav &.vaKoi'LS.ftv: this throws light on how official envoys might organize their journey (since Menyllus was at Rome as envoy of Ptolemy VI: § 8). 13. TTJV ••• Twv E'ITL!'TJVi
DEMETRIUS I'S ESCAPE FROM ROME
XXXI. 13. u
der I Balas; in describing the honours paid to Jonathan after his defeat of Apollonius, Iosephus (Ant. lud. xiii. ro2) therefore asserts that Alexander pretended to honour him. Bengtson, Strat. ii. 177 n. 3, accepts losephus, but the version in I Mace. is perhaps more likelyin which case Apollonius may be Demetrius I's cAAn-pocpos (so Habicht, CJ~.iron, 1972, 109 n. 19). On Meleager see xxviii. I. 1 n., zz. 2, For Menestheus see IG, ii2 • 9Bz (with Addenda). On their father Apollonius see the next note. 3. ~:rroAAf.t.I\ILOU KQ.TQ cpuow uw£: 'the sons of Apollonius'; on Kcmi
XXXI.
13. II
DEMETRIUS I'S ESCAPE FROM ROME
Cyrenaei tropis et figuris (Diss. Bonn, 1¢5) 54 ff.; Helm, Festschrift Vahlen, 359 ff. (I am grateful to G. Giangrande for these references.) Only P.'s second line has been identified precisely; it is Eurip. Phoen. 726. Wunderer, ii. 53, suggests that line I may also be from Euripides, but that lines 3-4 {which go together) are P.'s own composition, since they so closely echo the sentiments of II. 5. ,, \. ' • ~ ' ,, '"' " \ \ •• ~ Q -\ ' J:t: sUCh a.lll\ 6' ti:O.VTql TQ.S El\"lTWO.S E](ELV KO.L TOt'f"'U.V TL pO.ULI\HO.S "'!,WV, gnomic wisdom is common, however, and P. may have appropriated all four lines, especially if (as Wunderer, following a suggestion of Elter, inclines to believe) he was using a collection of 'sayings'. P. here uses yvwJULt in the sense 'political maxims' (cf. Arist. Rhet. ii. 2I. I394 a 2, I395 an); it appears nowhere else in the extant parts with this meaning. The fifth line is from Epicharmus, and is also quoted at xviii. 40· 4 (see note). Wunderer, ii. 53, rightly rejects Elter's proposal to transfer verse I to after verse 4, so as to make the initial letters read wt~:ov: this unnecessary elaboration of P.'s point involves the loss of the correspondence tfol.pwv .•• tfolpn. 12. o Spwv ••• +ip..,v: i.e. Menyllus; but the line could mean 'uir strenuus fructus laborum praeripit segni' (Schweighaeuser). iaov +£pEL vu~. KTA.: Eur. Phoen. p.6: Eteocles addresses Creon. The sense is evidently: 'Night brings the same dangers (to the bold and tiinid alike); but it brings a greater reward to the bold.' 14. vii+E: much to the point; cf. § 8 n. The verse is Kaibel, CGF, fg. 250· ~'~~"l aKTJV..,v: 'at his lodging'; LSJ does not give this meaning, but aK~v"w is a general word for billeting and need not imply lodging in tents (cf. Thuc. i. 89. 3, olKla., ..• iv a.Cs o.&rol iuK1]vwaav). The absence of the article suggests a common locution. Touo;; ••• civnnTT)8Elous: i.e. for the enterprise. Aa.j36VTa.s Ta Atva. Ka.t Tooo;; ~euvas: this implies that Demetrius had an establishment at Anagneia (ct. 13.6 n.), where he kept his huntingdogs and nets. i'ITt To Klpt
14. 2.
482
DEMETRIUS I'S ESCAPE FROM ROME
XXXI. 15. I3
11. Ka.Ta Tp£TT)v ~uAa.KT]v At\youaa.v: in Italy the night was usually divided into four watches. The time here mentioned would be about 3.0 a.m. at the equinox; but we do not know in what month Demetrius' flight occurred. From Rome to Ostia is about I6 miles. See Sontheimer, RE, 'Tageszeiten', cols. 202o--2. 15. 3. ilipa.j.tEV ewt TO K£pKa.Lov: presumably to invoke his master's protection; clearly Anagneia was not very far away. 4. et'i TTJV 'Pwj.tTJV : 'in the direction of Rome' ; so Anagneia was not on the direct route from Rome to Mons Circeius. This is about 6o miles from Rome; despite lTpexev the slave is unlikely to have reached Rome in less than two to three days, which accounts for much of the delay. 7. Tou wopOj.tou Tou Ka.Ta LLKEALa.v: the Straits of Messina; cf. v. no. 2. They lie rather under soo miles from Ostia; since the average speed of cargo ships was 3-4 knots (Starr, OCD 2 , 'Navigation', 725), continuous sailing would have brought Demetrius there in five days, especially with a favouring wind (§ 8). 9. wpea~euTns: on Ti. Sempronius Gracchus, cos. I77 and I63, see XXV. I. I, 4· I, XXX. 27. I, 30. 7~, 31. I9-20, XXxi. I. I, 3· 4 D.; he had previously visited Asia in I66Js. L. Cornelius Lentulus Lupus was curule aedile in I63; as praetor urbanus in I6o he gave the Tiburtines the reply recorded in the S.C. de Tiburtibus (ILS, I9 = Riccobono, Fontes, no. 33), and he was consul in IS6 (cf. Miinzer, RE, 'Cornelius (224)', cols. I386-7). Of Servilius Glaucia not so much as his praenomen is known (cf. Munzer, RE, 'Servilius (64)', col. I796). 10. Ta wpos TOlh r a.Aa.TO.'i avnAeyOj.&EVa.: for relations between Eumenes, Ariarathes, and the Galatians see xxx. 28 n., 30. 2 n., xxxi. 1. 3, 8. I-S (Cn. Octavius' embassy); and for Gracchus' interview with Ariarathes on this occasion see 32. 3 n. 11. a.uTo'lrTTJv yeyoveva.t: in I66/s; cf. § 9 n.
15. 13. Fragment on Demetrius 15.13. ATJ~-&tlTPLoc;: according to Zon. ix. 25 Demetrius sent a message to Rome from Lycia claiming to be acting against Lysias (7. 2 n.) in order to avenge Cn. Octavius (n. I n.). He next went on to seize Tripolis in Syria, alleging Roman support, and advancing on Antioch took Lysias and Antiochus V prisoner, executed them and recovered his kingdom. Schweighaeuser attributes this fragment (from Suidas) to the situation after Demetrius reached Asia; and it could well refer to Diodorus (I3. I n.). or more probably to some messenger sent by him to Lycia or Tripolis. P. probably wrote his original account of the affair in one piece; and he may have described the events in Syria continuing from the account of the escape (so 483
XXXI.
rs.
I3
FRAGMENT ON DEMETRIUS
Metzung, r3). However, when he adopts that procedure later in describing the restoration of Ariarathes (xxxii. ri:. 3), he speaks of it as if it were new; it is more likely that Demetrius' arrival in Asia was narrated under res Asiae. However, in that case, the present fragment can remain in this position before 16. x-z, which probably 16J/z (though one cannot also forms part of res Asiae for 01. 154, z then exclude the possibility that it goes after 16. r-z); seep. 36. 16. 1-3. Ariarathes rejects a proposal by Artaxias (162)
For a rather fuller and clearer account of the incident related here see Diod. xxxi. 22. The date is probably 162--if this excerpt from de sent. is from res Asiae of 01. 154, z 163/z; but one cannot exclude the possibility of its being from the next olympiad year (see p. 36). 16. 1. :A.pTa.~La.s: king of Armenia (cf. xxv. 2. 12 n.). According to Diod. xxxi. 22, Ariarathes restored a certain Mithrobuzanes to his ancestral domain, whereupon Artaxias sent envoys to suggest that each should murder the young man who was at his court and that they should divide Sophene-presumably Mithrobuzanes' kingdom, an area between Cappadocia and Armenia-between them. Evidently the two young men referred to-Mithrobuzanes and another-were both claimants to the throne of Sophene. Mithrobuzanes may be the son or grandson of Zariadris, who made himself independent after Magnesia (xxv. z. 12 n.); see Weissbach, RE, 'Sophene', col. 1016. From Diodorus it is clear that the object of ~{Jo.JivETo J11'av£Ma8at is the unnamed rival claimant at the Armenian court. With Mithrobuzanes established in Sophene, Artaxias had of course nothing to gain from murdering his protege. ~V1'LJ.L01'Epov ••• TJ11'POTEpov: this is not in Diodorus. l. 'lj .•• Tou 5LKa.(ou +uats: von Scala, z:n, attributes this sententious remark on the power of justice to the Stoa; but he quotes no firm evidence for this earlier than Seneca and M. Aurelius. 3. Good looks a recommendation. This gnomic remark (also from de sent.) is attributed by Diog. Laert. v. 1. to Aristotle; the context is unknown. 17. 1-19.4. Roman envoys fail to reconcile Ptolemy VI and Ptolemy VIII {r6z)
These two excerpts from de legat. gent. clearly come from res Aegypti of 01. 154, 2 = 163/2, and describe the situation in Egypt after Ptolemy VIII returned from his embassy to Rome (ro. I-IO). Hence they refer to summer r6z. 484
ROMAN ENVOYS WITH THE PTOLEMIES (162)
XXXI. 17. 8
17. 1. va.pa.yeyov~s ds T-ttv 'Ei..i..ci.8a. JUTa TWv vpEa~ci.K~ ToO<; auv€6pous: describing the site of Pella, Livy, xliv. 4fi. 6 (following P.) writes '(arx) Phacus in ipsa palude, qua proxima urbi est, uelut insula eminet, aggeri operis ingentis imposita, qui et murum sustineat et umore circumfusae paludis nihil laedatur'; and this hill has been identified, standing out amid the former marsh, now rich agricultural land, to the south of Pella and the Salonica-Edessa road: see P. M. Petsas, Balkan Studies, r¢o, u5-16, 122-4. Excavation has revealed settlement from prehistoric times; but it is an outer defence of Pella and quite separate from its citadel. The present passage suggests that the Council of Macedonia III (xxx. 13. I-II n.) met here at Phacus, which had served as a treasury at any rate for the later kings (cf. Livy, xliv. 6. 2; Diod. xxx. II. I, where Perseus in panic sends his ftqaavpo,Pvl.a' Nicon, with orders fl]v b -rc{J tfld.K<:J ydtav xa~ -rd. XP"lJLaTo. KaTa7roVTfnat; see xxvili. n note following§ 3). For bibliography on recent work see Petsas, MaKESovtKd, 7, 1rj57, 306-8; 8, 19&}, qo-5. The
XXXI. 17.8
ROMAN ENVOYS FAIL TO RECONCILE
~11't Tov "A11'lv:
cf. r8. 3· Two towns called Apis are known, one (Strabo, xvii. I. 14, C. 799; Pliny, Nat. kist. v. 39) 100 stades west of Paraetonium, and regarded by Scylax, 107, as the western frontier of Egypt, the other (Herod. ii. 18) near :Marea in the north-west of the Delta, and perhaps to be identified with the Egyptian Amu, at or near Kum el-I;Ii!}n. The former, modern Bun Aguba, is probably referred to here; cf. Pietschmann, RE, 'Apis (2) and (4)', coJ. 28o7. 18. 4. auv£~o~ouu9El1Tos •.• Tois 'ITponpov: 'when he behaved like those who had previously been sent', i.e. Torquatus and his retinue; for the reason see § 5· 6. KupT)vo.ious Q4>EaTavo.~: Bouche-Leclercq (Lagides, ii. 37 n. I) and Berve (Tyrannis, i. 431; ii. 724) associate with this revolt Polyaenus, viii. 70, the account of an Aetolian Lycopus who led the Cyrenaeans. If this is so (and it is uncertain, for there were several Egyptian wars against Cyrene: d. Beloch, iv. 2. 6I5), he could be the Aetolian envoy mentioned in xxi. 25. n (see note on this); but the name is common. On the obscure history of the Cyrenaean constitutional changes see Musti, Annali di Pisa, r¢7, 164ft., and, more fully, G. I. Luzzatto, Stu,d. et doc. kist. et iur. 1941, 259-3I2. It seems likely that Ptolemy VI had a part in this revolt; cf. Otto, 6. Ptolemiier, III n. I. Tns 11'oAus: the other towns of the Pentapolis, viz. Apollonia, Ptolemais, Arsinoe (Taucheira), and Berenice. nToh£~0.l0'\l T0'\1 Iu~1TETi}aw: his joint control of the Penta polis and the Libyan xwpa (§ 7' i7TIJ.I.€Aelav T(.Oll oltwv) was unparalleled since the early days of Ptolemaic suzerainty, when Ophellas (xii. z n.) and Magas (x. 22. 3 n.) held such a position. See Otto and Bengtson, Niedergang, 122-3 n. 4; Bengtson, Strat. iii. 157; above, xv. 25. 12 n. His title was probably Q'TpaT'I]yos: (hardly o brl nov 7Tpayf1.chwv as Corradi, 257, suggests). 7, TOY '!TAouv ds TTJV 'PW~T)'II: cf. 10. I. 9. ds Tov .Uyo.v ••• Ko.Tu~o.9f16v: 'the Great Slope', a fortress and harbour 86 m.p. west of Paraetonium, today As-Salliim (Sollum) (Ptol. Geog. iv. 5· 3; Strabo, xvii. 1. s, C. 79I, I. 13, C. 798, 3· I, C. 825, 3· 22, c. 838; Pliny, Nat. kist. v. s8-39; Mela, i. 40; Sall. lug. 19. I). The name was also given to the plain where it lay. Catabathmus was the boundary between Egypt and Libya (as it is today), and was called the Great Slope to distinguish it from a Small Slope which Ptol. Geog. iv. 5· 14 locates further east at Akabah es-seghir. See Kees, RE, 'Katabathmus (2)', cols. 2449-50. T~S 5uaxwpio.s: the pass leading up on to the escarpment behind Sollum, where no doubt the ancient road followed the modern line more or less (hence the name 'Great Slope'). The modern road ascends steeply west past the barracks of Sollum, and on to Musaid 486
PTOLEMY VI AND PTOLEMY VIII 0 0
,.,.,
-...........
XXXI. 18. n 10
5
5
15km
10miles
_____ ,
;""
'----.6 Sicti Azeiz-- .... ,
'' .,
Gulf
' ', '
of
Sollum
6 THE REGION OF THE GREAT SLOPE (from S. 0. Playfair, The Mediterranean and Middle East (History of the Second World War) ii, p. I6I)
FIG.
and Fort Capuzzo, where it turns north and reaches the sea again at Bardia, 21 miles (by road) from Sollum. It was probably here that Ptolemy proposed to intercept the Libyans. SeeS. 0. Playfair, The Mediterranean and Middle East (History of the Second World War), ii, map rs (p. r61), map r6 facing p. 163. 11. KO.Tcl1rAa.y£vTwv Ti}v &.~!f>oiv ~!f>o&ov: P. does not say that the attack was actually mounted on both sides; the Libyans will have
is
487
XXXI. 18.
II
ROMAN ENVOYS WITH THE PTOLEMIES (162)
observed the departure of the fleet, drawn their conclusions and withdrawn (asP. says). Tfl<; U1TOKEl!l~VTJ'> Tnpa.1rupyia.c;: nTpa7rvpyla or Tt!TpamJpytov (cf. Plut. Ettm. 8. 5 (Phrygia); Ioseph. Ant. Iud. xiii. 36 (Syria)) signifies a square building with a tower at each corner (cf. Procop. Aed. iv. I. I8; Rostovtzeff, Ramsay Studies, 374n. I; D. W. S. Hunt,]HS, I947, 72). This one evidently lay just beneath the summit of the pass on the seaward side, since Strabo, xvii. 3· 27, C. 838 describes it as above the harbour (which he calls II>.wos). 12. ~KE s,a. Tijs EP~tLOU: from Sollum to Cyrene is rather more than zso miles, a hard six days' going. 13. Twv e1rL Moxup(vou: 'the force under Mochyrinus', who is otherwise unknown: presumably he was an Egyptian. Niese, iii. 2II n. I emends to give a reference to an unknown place, Mochyris, but unnecessarily. Mochyrinus may have been mentioned earlier in the full text. Taus KupTJva.lous: in view of§ 15, the forces mentioned here are likely to represent a maximum levy, indeed a levy en masse. The small figure of soo horse is therefore significant against the v-iew that Cyrenaica (and Libya generally) was a great horse-raising country; I owe this point to E. Galili. 14. EK Twv (Komi) TTJV :A.Ae~av8peu:1V 1TE1rpuyllevwv: for outrages committed there during Ptolemy VI's brief exile in 164/3 see 2. 14 n. 16. ~<:a.t TEAos i]Tn19TJ: judging from the scale of the preliminaries P. will have described this engagement in some detail (his source is unkno·wn); but the excerptor lost interest and abbreviated his account. 19. 1. To'i:s ••• 8totLoAoyoullevoLs: cf. Io. r. For the unV~illingness of the legati to put pressure on Ptolemy VI see I8. 5· 2. KotLO.VOV KO.t nToAEtLO.lOV: see xxviii. 19. In. for Coman us; Ptolemy was his brother. Evidently the family had thrown in their lot with the younger royal brother. 4. ,.a. ... Ka.Ta TfJV ... Kup
20. 1-6. Embassies at Rome from the Ptolemies: the Senate breaks with Ptolemy VI (r62j1) This excerpt from de legat. gent. records from res Italiae of OL I54. 3 = 162/r the hearing at Rome, in winter 162ji, o{ the envoys dispatched the previous summer (19. z); see p. 36. Diod. xxxi. 23 is based on P. and records the same.
EMBASSIES AT ROME FROM THE PTOLEMIES
XXXI.
21,
I-8
19. 2 (Coman us) ; ro. 4, 12. 8 (Menyllus). l. TtTOV KO.t rvcuov: Torquatus and Merula (cf. 10. 9 n., I7· I-19. 4)· Otto's theory (6. Ptolemiier, rn n. 2), that they had previously worked with Ptolemy VI and now tried to hide this under enthusiasm for a new cause, is unnecessary, and links with his belief that Ptolemy VIII's testament had been published in the meantime; cf. IO. 9 n. 3. i8o~e Tfi uuyKATJT'l' KTA.: on the changed policy towards Ptolemy VI see 10. 9 n. EK TTJS 'Pw!-lTJS: Diod. xxxi. 23 says l.K Tfj;; •ITaMos (which may be right). 4. no1TALO!j i\1TOOO'TI.O!j Ka.t r 6.LOS AEVTAOS: Ursin us, .:47TOVCJ1'LOS for manuscript dcrrov{3£os. P. Apustius is unknown (cf. Klebs, RE, 'Apustius (3)', col. zgr). Since Gains occurs nowhere else as a praenomen of the Cornelii Lentuli, Tv&•os should perhaps be read, and this man identified with the consul of 146, L. Mummius' colleague (xxix. 3· 3, 8, 6); see Munzer, RE, 'Cornelius (175, 177)', cols. 1358,
lO. 1. KofLa.vov .•• MevuAAov: cf.
1361. e(s T~"' KuptiV1'Jv: Ptolemy VIII was again in power there; cf. rg. 4 n.
ll. 1-8. Masinissa and Carthage
This excerpt from de legat. gent. is from res Africae, probably of 01. 154, 3 = r6z/r (though r6r/o cannot be excluded; see p. 36). It mentions friction between Masinissa and Carthage over a few years (cf. § 8, on the revenues involved); but since the Roman decisions are described in terms similar to those used of others mentioned about this time, the events in question probably belong to the middle sixties, and Masinissa's attack may have started about r67/6 (so DeSanctis, iv. 3· IZ n. 25)· (Beaumont, ]RS, I9J9, 79 n. 20, suggests that it was in connection with these disputes that the Punic treaties (iii. 22-25 n.) were brought into prominence-by senators welldisposed towards Carthage.) Whether P. had dealt with trouble arising between the end of the Second Punic War and this date is not known; clearly it would have been less significant in the context of a History planned to end in r67 than in one ending in 145. But the reference to a long peace (§ 3) need not imply no earlier encroachment; indeed, given the ambiguity of the peace-terms folloY.ing Zama (xv. 18. 5 n.), that would be unlikely. Appian (Lib. 67) mentions an early Numidian claim against Carthage, confirmed by the Romans and followed by a treaty between Masinissa and Carthage, at s~ip.£wav €s €7'7} 'lT£vnJKOVTa, which would fit P.'s long peace. But Livy, following annalistic sources, records constant friction from 195 489
XXXI.2I.I-8
MASINISSA AND CARTHAGE
onward; and though details are suspect, such disputes are not necessarily inconsistent with a long peace. For discu!ision seeP. G. Walsh, ]RS, I965, I57-9· The passages are: Livy, xxxii. 47· 7-8 (I95): Roman embassy at Carthage to look into the frontier problem (and in fact to act against Hannibal; on the source see McDonald, OCT Livy, xxxi-xxxv, p. xlii); Livy, xxxiv. 61. I6-62. IS (I93): Scipio Africanus sent to deal with Masinissa's encroachment on Emporia; Livy, xl. I7. I--6, cf. 34· I4 (ISI}: Masinissa seizes land, and a Roman embassy is sent; Livy, xlii. 23-24 (qz): Carthaginian appeal to Rome and counter-charges by Gulussa: decision against Masinissa. Of these passages Livy, xxxiv. 6I -62 raises special problems in relation to P., since it states (under I93) that Masinissa seized several maritime states belonging to Carthage, and imposed tribute upon them: 'Emporia uocant earn region em: ora est minoris Syrtis et agri uberis: una ciuitas eius Lepcis: ea singula in dies talenta uectigal Carthaginiensibus dedit' (Livy, xxxiv. 6z. 3). Shortly afterwards, Carthaginian legati at Rome supported their claim to this territory by adducing Masinissa's request to pursue Aphther, mentioned here (§ 7): 'Carthaginienses iure finium causam tutabantur, quod inter eos terminos esset quibus P. Scipio uictor agrum qui iuris esset Carthaginiensium finisset, et confessione regis, qui cum Aphthirem profugum ex regno suo cum parte Numidarum uagantem circa Cyrenas persequeretur, precario ab se iter per eum ipsum agrum tamquam haud dubie Carthaginiensium iuris petisset' (Livy, xxxiv. 6z. 8-10). Livy's use of the form Lepcis and his reference to Cyrene indicate that he refers to Lepcis Magna and not Leptis Minor (as P. W. Townsend, CP, I94o, 279-82, believes); Lepcis Magna is of course also the more important place (see on this Kahrstedt, iii. 78--79, 334n. I; DeSanctis, iii. 1. 33 n. 88; Warmington, I66). The relationship between Livy's account of this and P. is disputed. Saumagne (Rev. hist. I67, I93I, 246 ff.) argues for a common source; but this must be rejected (seeS. Rossetti, Parola del Passato, I96o, 34I-3 and, more generally, Passerini, Athen. I937. 26 ff.). Greek information lies behind Livy, since he calculates the revenue of Lepcis in talents (d. DeSanctis, iv. 3· 9 n. 22), but the main source is annalistic (despite Nissen, KU, r6s; doubts in McDonald, OCT Livy, xxxi-xxxv, p. xlii; see Soltau, Phil. I893, 694. Walsh, JRS, I965, I 57 thinks the source is P. with annalistic additions to give circumstantial detail, but he does not discuss the Aphther passage). Badian, 295--6, would reconcile P. and Livy with the hypothesis that in I9J Masinissa secured Lepcis and the coast east of the Lesser Syrtis, and that the dispute in the sixties concerned the area farther west in the Lesser Syrtis proper; Livy's source, he suggests, confused the two occasions and transposed the reference to the pursuit of Aphther to 490
MASINISSA AND CARTHAGE
XXXI. 21.4
the former. But if Livy's reference to Cyrene (Livy, xxxiv. 62. 10) is an integral part of the Aphther incident, and this belongs really to the 16o's, it follows that at that date Masinissa still needed Carthaginian permission to cross this area towards the Greater Syrtis; and this can hardly be reconciled with his possession of Lepcis Magna since 193. It seems more likely that Livy's source has confused some other point of friction in 193 with the dispute over Emporia, and has therefore transferred to 193 rna terial from the later date (cf. Kahrstedt, iii. 592-3; Gsell, iii. 315-17, who rightly observes that Scipio's embassy must belong to 193; Hoffmann, Historia, 1960, 326; Rossetti, Parola del Passato, 196o, 34o-6). 21. 1. Ti)v ~LKpav Iupnv ••• 'E~vopLa.: on these see i. 82. 6 n., iii. 23. 2, xxxiv. 15. 8. The two are identical, but the area is variously defined within the limits of Thapsus in the west and a somewhat indefinite boundary in the east. Procopius, A ed. vi. 4· 14, takes the Lesser Syrtis from Tacape (modem Gabes) to Girgis, south-east of Djerba, but Strabo, xvii. 3· 18, C. 835 makes the eastern boundary Lake Zouchis (which may be Kelab--so Treidler, RE, 'Syrtis', cols. I812-17----or the Bahiret el Bibane--so Gsell, ii. 124). Scylax, Periplus, no (GGM, i. 88) confuses the region opposite Cercina with that farther north off Hadrumetum; and Ptolemy, Geog. iv. 4· 3, agrees with Strabo that Thaenae marks the western extremity of the Lesser Syrtis. For full discussion see R. M. Haywood, CP, 1941, 251; Reynolds and Ward Perkins, 76-77. To 1r~:ij8os Twv 1rpoaoSwv: cf. § 8 n. According to Livy, xxxiv. 62. 3 (quoted above, 21. 1-8 n.), Lepcis Magna paid Carthage tribute equivalent to one talent a day; he quotes this to indicate the likely revenue from the whole province, when one town (una ciuitas) produced so much. It has been argued that this figure, clearly exaggerated as it stands, represented the proceeds of the region of which Lepcis was the administrative centre (so Haywood, CP, 1941, 251--6; Reynolds and Ward Perkins, 76-77); but this is not Livy's meaning, and it seems just as likely that this is simply a tall story (Kahrstedt, iii. 34-35). In any case, it is not indeed certain that the indirect source of this figure in Livy is P. 2. ou 1Tollo'i:s aVWTEpov XPOVOLS: 'not long before'; perhaps a year or two (but the phrase does not mean 'not many years before' as Paton translates it); see 21. 1-8 n. 3. 8La Ti)v voA.uxpovLov etpT)V1Jv: since the end of the Second Punic War and the treaty made shortly afterwards with Masinissa; see 21. 1-8 n. 4. TWV 8E voA.ewv OUK E8uv1]81') YEVEa8a.L KUpLOS : towns such as Achulla (Acholla), Thapsus, and Tacape (Gabes) in the Gulf of Gabes (cf. Treidler, RE, 'TaKrlTrr/, cols. 2052--6) but also perhaps those 491
XXXI.
2r.
4
MASINISSA AND CARTHAGE
of Tripolitania, Oea, Sabratha, and Lepcis Magna (see 21. x-8 n., § 1 n.). 5. TrpEo-~EuT.;w TroAAaKl~ EATtAu86Twv: probably over a series of years in the sixties, since there were several adverse decisions against Carthage (§ 6) ; nor was the Senate wont to give repeated audiences on the same topic in a single year. 6. ol.t Toi; l>lKa.tol~ KTA.: for allegations of similar motivation in other decisions see 10. 6-7 (the Ptolemies), n. II (Antiochus V). Hoffmann (Historia, 1960, 330 n. 54) suggests that the Senate aimed at interposing Masinissa between Carthage and Cyrene, in view of the situation in Cyrene (10. 1-ro, 17. 1-20. 6). This would of course imply that Masinissa did not already hold Lepcis Magna (21. r-8 n.). 7. xpovol; oo TroAAois avwTEpov: cf. § 2 n. ; a date in the sixties is implied (not 193. as in Livy, xxxiv. 62: see 21. r-8 n.). l>LwKwv T(w :A.+9fipa.: cf. Livy, xxxiv. 62. ro (quoted 21. r-8 n.); Livy specifies that Aphther had a body of Numidians, and that he was uagantem circa Cyrenas. Apparently Masinissa's vassal, he is otherwise unknown. 8£ol>ov nriJo-a.TO TOOS Ka.px'18ov(ous: cf. Livy, xxxiv. 62. IO. ol 8' oox l.tm}Kouaa.v: Paton, CR, 1920, 54-55. omits the phrase as an intrusion on the grounds that (a) the words ws; ov8€v a-?n-{j; 'TTPOa'TJKDVaTJ>: are better taken as an explanation of why Masinissa asked, rather than of why the Carthaginians refused, (b) that is the meaning in Livy, xxxiv. 62. 10 (cf. 21. r-8 n.). The suggestion is attractive, but cannot be accepted, in the face of a clear manuscript tradition and a text which can be justified ; though the words quoted add nothing to the Carthaginian argument, they provide circumstantial evidence that the territory was Carthaginian de iure (since Masinissa asked permission to cross it) and de facto (since permission was refused). But it remains true that the fact that the territory was Carthaginian is not a good reason for the Carthaginians' rejecting a request which admitted that fact by implication. 8. TfEVTa.Koo-La TaAavTa ••• TTjs KapTrE£a.~: the revenue from the area (cf. § I, T6 TrAfjOo> Twv 1rpoa&Swv), not its produce (cf. x. 28. 3, 1Cap1TeJew). Since the time involved is not known, no conclusions are possible concerning the revenue which the area yielded, nor can these 5oo talents be correlated with the talent which Livy, xxxiv. 62. 3 gave as the daily payment from Lepcis Magna (§ 1 n.). 22. 1-30. 4. On Aemilius Paul/us and Scipio Aemilianus This long digression (cf. 30. 4) from exc. de uirt. et uit. and de sent. (25. 5) belongs to res ltaliae of OL 154, 4 r6r/o, and was probably introduced in connection with Aemilius Paullus' death (in 16o) ; see pp. 36-37. It is likely to have been written after Scipio's death in 129 492
AEMILIUS PAULLUS AND SCIPIO AEMILIANUS
XXXI.
22.4
(cf. xviii. 35 n.) and inserted in this book at this convenient point. xviii. 36. I, which foreshadows it, will also be a later insertion (cf. xviii. 35 n.); see 22. 4 n. On the contents see Diod. xxxi. 26. 1-27. 8. On the several problems of inheritance raised here see G. Boyer, RIDA, 1950 (=Melanges de Visscher, iii), I7I~7. 'Le droit successoral romain dans les o:mvres de Polybe'. At.,..~).iou: L. Aemilius Paullus, the victor of Pydna; cf. xviii. 35· 4 n., xxix. 1. I, and passim. Biittner-Wobst detects the excerptor's hand (because of hiatus). J.lETa.AAO.~a.'II'Tos TOV ~Lov: d. Livy, ep. 46, 'L. Aemilius Paulus, qui Persen vicisset, mortuus. cuius tanta abstinentia fuit, ut, cum ex Hispania et ex Macedonia immensas opes rettulisset, uix ex auctione eius redactum sit, unde uxori eius dos solueretur.' This evidently goes back to P. On the date, t6o, see pp. 36-37. For an account of his death see Plut. Aem. 39· 3. 1rAELO'TOV ••• TWV Ka.O' a.{ITOV Eg 'I~T)pta.s xpuaov ••• J.lETEYT)YOX~S: cf. Diod. xxxi. 26. I; Livy, ep. 46. Aemilius was praetor in Spain in I9I/o, with the insignia and imperium of a proconsul {Plut. Aem. 4· I; Livy, xxxv. 24. 6, xxxvii . .2. n), and after a defeat in Bastetanis in 190 (Livy, xxxvii. 46. 7~; Oros. iv . .2o . .23} he himself defeated the Lusitanians and overthrew .250 towns (Livy, xxxvii. 57· s-6; Plut. Aem. 4; above, xxix. I7. In.). A bronze tablet found east of Cadiz, and evidently set up during his command (ILS, 15) refers to him as inpeirator: 'L. Aimilius L.f. inpeirator decreiuit, utei quei Hastensium seruei in turri Lascutana habitarent, leibeirei essent; agrum oppidumqu., quod ea tempestate posedisent, item posidere habereque iousit, dum poplus senatusque Romanus uellet. Act. in castreis a,d. XII k. febr.' For his elogium cf.ILS, 57· Despite the gold he brought back, the Spaniards chose him as their patrontts in bringing a charge for extortion in I7I (Livy, xliii. 2. 5}. J.'EY(O"Twv ••• &TJo-a.upwv ••• ~v Ma.KeSovicz.: cf. xviii. 35. 4 n. ; Diod. xxxi. 26. I. 4. Toao(hov U1r~AEl1rE TOV fStov ~(ov ItT A.: cf. Diod. xxxi. .26. I, roaoihov (hriaxf.ro roD acp€r£plaaafla{ n nov XftTJp..arwv WO'TE P£Ta T1]v 7'f.AEI>'T7Jv TOVS vlous aih-oii TOVS ooflbras Els vo8
22. 1. Aeutdou
493
XXXI. 22.4 AEMILIUS PAULLUS AND SCIPIO AEMILIANUS 'movables', which can be sold for cash and no doubt include cash (see 27. 5 n.). The name of Aemilius' second wife, whom he married after divorcing Papiria, the mother of Scipio Aemilianus and Q. Fabius Maximus Aemilianus, is not recorded (d. Plut. Aem. 5· 3, €-dpav 'ljyayero); see 28. 2 n. On the difficulties encountered in repaying Aemilius' widow her dowry of 25 talents see xviii. 35· 6 n.; and for Scipio Aemilianus' obligations over the dowries of his adoptive father's sisters see 27. I-I6. d 1-LTJ Twv tyye(wv ••• KTtjaewv: 'without disposing of some of the real estate'; cf. vi. 45· 3 for iyynot KnJUH>, a phrase also found in inscriptions (cf. Syll. 593 1. 9). ~ Tois npo TOuTwv: cf. xviii. 35· 6 (which also mentions the sale of household goods and slaves as well as land), 36. I. But the phrase iv Tot> Trpo Towwv more naturally signifies 'in the previous book', and taken in conjunction with 23. I suggests that somewhere in book xxx P. repeated the promise to discuss the restraint and generosity of Aemilius Paullus and Scipio Aemilianus (cf. 23. In.). This may have been in the context of events after Pydna and of Aemilius' Greek tour (xxx. 10); but it could equally well have arisen where P. described the beginnings of his acquaintance with Scipio Aemilianus, which probably (but not certainly) were in Rome (cf. 23. 4 n.). 6. s~so .... ~vwv XPTJJ-LGTW\1 ini T TOU S&SOVTOS O"UJ-Lt~POVTI: 'money offered with a view to benefiting the giver', i.e. a bribe. On the prevalence of bribery in Greece of P.'s time see xviii. 34· 7; for financial dishonesty, vi. 56. I3-I5• Ap~CTTELSTJ": cf. ix. 23. 6. Aristeides' incorruptibility (despite the accusation of bribery recorded by Craterus, FGH, 342 F IZ = Plut. Arist. z6. I-2), his moderation, and his poverty were traditional from Herodotus' time (Herod. viii. 79· 1, 95) and that of his contemporary, Timocreon of Rhodes (in Plut. Them. 21. 4); see Plato, M eno, 94 A; Gorg. 526 A-B; Andoc. iv. II; Aeschin. ii. 23, iii. I8I; Arist. Rhet. ii. 23. I398 a 9 ff.; Diod. xi. 47· 2, xxvi. 1. I; Judeich, RE, 'Aristeides (I)', cols. 883-4. 'EnaJ-LtwwvSuv: often mentioned by P.· He was traditionally poor (cf. Plut. Pelop. 3· 5; Mor. 579 E, 583 C-F, 584 A-B, 585 D; Pans. ix. I3. I) and incorruptible (Plut. Mor. 583 F; Apophth. I3, 14, 2I (Mor. I93 B, I94 A); Arist. et Cat. comp. 4· 4; Nep. Epam. 4; Aelian, Var. hist. v. 5. xi. 9). See Swoboda, RE, 'Epaminondas', cols. 2676-7. 8. f.LGA&a-Ta 'PwJ-La(ous ••• Ta ~uj3A(a TauTa: von Scala, 290 (d. Pedech, Methode, 566) concludes that P. is referring to his later books and that since Greeks were increasingly alienated by these, P. was aiming rather at a Roman audience. More probably Tcl f3vf3Ala TaVTa are P.'s Histories generally, and the Romans are mentioned simply as a guarantee of the truth of his account of Aemilius' incorruptibility (hard though his Greek audience would find it to believe 494
AEMILIUS PAULLUS AND SCIPIO AEMILIANUS
XXXI. 23. 5
this!). See Walbank, Polybius, 4 n. r8; and for a similar concern to establish his own credentials, below 30. 2 n. P. does of course also envisage Roman readers; cf. iii. 21. g, vi. II. 3· 23. 1. ri]s ••• Ka.Ta Tl]v liL-IJY'flOW tcfu.)Sou: 'the progress of my narrative'; d. iii. r. II for a similar (but not identical) sense. Tidv Ka.Lpidv: 'the occasion' or 'the period of time'. To Ka.Ta Tttv TrpoTepa.v ~o~Xov tv (Tra.yyt:Alll- Ka.TaXc;L«jj9ev: 'the promise which I made in my previous book and left unfulfilled', i.e. in book xxx. For this sense see iii. 40. 7, iv. 28. 2, 28. 6, 37· 4, 66. Io; and for the likelihood that P. had repeated in book xxx the undertaking given in xviii. 35· 6, 36. r, see 22. 4 n. TC>v tLA'flKowv EvEKa.: 'for the sake of my readers'; q,,>.~Koot suggests those reading for interest rather than instruction, but in no derogatory sense (for the contrast cf. vii. 7· 8; see too ix. I. 4 n.). 2. 90.TTov ft Ka.9ijKEV t~eAa.Jl"'t:v: 'became so bright unexpectedly early'; in 25. 6 P. uses €~<:Ad.p.l/Jat of the extravagance with which Scipio's reputation is here contrasted. 3. ~wo; Tijos 'ITa.Alaos Ka.L Tijs 'EAM.Boo;: Mauersberger takes lw> here to mean 'to the frontiers of Italy and as far as Greece'; but this over-subtle interpretation might cause the reader to ask: 'did his reputation stop short at the frontiers of Greece?' The sense must be 'as far as and including' (just as Ew> Tov llvva,-ov means 'to the limits of the possible'); translate therefore 'throughout Italy and Greece'. Tttv a.tpc;ow Kat aul-'m:pLtopO.v a.1iTwv: 'their affection and companionship'; on a.!pt~cn> cf. Strachan-Davidson, 7; Welles, p. 310. 4. ~K Two.,; xp-l)ac;w.,; J3u~A(wv: 'from the loan (or use) of some books'; the sense 'use' is adopted by Leo, 4-Bo and Gelzer, Kl. Schr. iii. 178 n. 133, and is the commoner meaning of xpijut>, but either is possible. In any case, if P. means that Scipio and P. read and discussed certain books, this could have involved lending and borrowing. Gelzer, loc. cit., rightly assumes that the books in question were from Perseus' library, which Aemilius Paullus had given to his sons (Plut. A em. 28. 6; cf. Haywood, n). Ziegler, RE, 'Polybios (1)', col. 1451 n. I, assumes less probably that P. had brought his books and papers with him from Megalopolis, and that he lent these to Scipio; but it is unlikely that when he left for Rome he expected to be there for sixteen years. 8t:B'flAWKa.!-LEY: perhaps in book xxx, when he undertook to recount Scipio's early reputation and the beginnings of intimacy with himself (cf. §§ 1-2)-probably at Rome (cf. 22. 4 n.). 5. TWV Ava.KEKA'fli-L€vwv: cf. xxx. 32. ro n. E'IFL TnS 'IFOAug: mainly those of Etruria (Paus. vii. ro. II). M. H. Crawford suggests to me that these are likely to have been primarily the Latin colonies of Southern Etruria such as Cosa, Spoletium, i95
XXXI. ZJ. 5 AEMILIUS PAULLUS AND SCIPIO AEMILIANUS
Namia, Nepet, and Sutrium, all within a fairly short distance of Rome ; Campanian prisoners had been lodged at Veii, Sutrium, and Nepet in 210 (Livy, xxvi. 34· 7, 34· 10). o TE IPO.~ws ~<:a.L b Itn11'£wv: cf. xviii. 35· 6 n. for these two sons of Aemilius Paullus, and the circumstances in which they were adopted into other gentes. For a suggestion that the Q. Maximus and P. Scipio mentioned as testifying to the importance of imagines in Sallust, lug. 4· 5 are these two brothers see Pedech, Rev. kist. rel. 1965,42 n. 2. 11'pos ToY aTpa.TTJyov: probably the praetor urbanus, whose authority would be needed to allow P. to remain exceptionally in Rome. Roveri, 153, suggests that the Romans made the concession partly to keep an eye on P.; this seems unlikely, for the detainees must have included more experienced statesmen than he. 23. 6-25. 1: the beginning of close friendship between P. and Scipio. This passage fulfils the second part of P.'s promise {23. 3), to de~ scribe the growth of his friendship with Scipio; the first half, the account of Scipio's rise to fame, is fulfilled in 25. 2-30. 4· P. devotes 23. 6-24. 11 to the beginning of the friendship; its development is treated summarily in 24. 12-25. I. P. Friedlander, A]P, 1945, 337-48, argues that P.'s account of the encounter with Scipio is depicted in terms which owe much to Plato's Greater Alcibiades. In his favour are several apparent parallels of phrasing, which will be mentioned ad loc. But P.'s acquaintance with this dialogue seems unlikely, and the suggested parallel between Scipio and Alcibiades would hardly be likely to appeal to the former, whatever he thought of P. identifying himself with Socrates. In fact, there are many difficulties in both comparisons and Friedlander concedes (AJP, 1945, 341) that the 'harmony is to a high degree one of opposites'-not least since Alcibiades was destined to be 'the most brilliant figure of Athens and its destroyer'. Friedlander's theory is just possible; but I do not myself believe it, and Momigliano, Atti Ace. Torino, 1972-3, 695, is also dubious. See, however, Ziegler, RE, 'Polybios (r)', col. 1459 n. I. 23. 6. auyt<:upTJp.d n TOLOUTOV: 'the following incident'. 9. Suo Tj>Wyop.ev n8eX4to£: for suggested emendations see the apparatus in Biittner-Wobst (F. Piejko adds Suo rot y' lap.f.11 or 8Vo ro' lap.f.11); but P. may be reproducing a colloquial, perhaps proverbial, phrase used by Scipio to cover his embarrassment: 'we are two brothers at one table.' The phrase is not however paralleled elsewhere. ~p.t 8e 1Ta.ptmEp.11'ELS: 'but me you treat with contempt' (d. xxx. 19. 17 n.); P. takes up the phrase in 24. 3· 11. T)auxtos T~s ~<:a.l vw8p6s: 'quiet and indolent'. Scipio fears to fall short of the aristocratic virtues prized in contemporary Rome. 496
AEMILIUS PAULLUS AND SCIPIO AEMILIANUS XXXI. 24.
1
D. Earl, Historia, r96o, 255-6 (cf. Moral and Political Tradition, 24-26; Gelzer, Kl. Schr. i. 87 Nobility, 83) compares the ideals implicit in Lysiteles' speech to Lesbonicus in Plautus, Trin. 642 ff. Here Lesbonicus is accused of betraying his ancestors by his desidia (cf. ~<Wxtos ... Ka.i. vwOp&s), of failing to play a part in the forum; he is urged, 'in foro operam amicis da' (cf. Kp{u,ts ovx o.ipofiJ.«l' My.,tv), and his friend adds that his ancestors, father, and grandfather made the path to office easy, 'honori posterornm tuornm ut uindex fieres' (cf. rf,v ~· olK£o.v ov tfoo.ut Towihov b7f'T'£'Cv 1Tpoi1Tcl:rqv). The concern for the family shown in that passage precisely parallels the present context. KfiX.WpLO'p.ivos Tfjs 'PwJJ.a.i:Kfjs a.lpEO'EWS Ka.t vpcl.~Ews: 'with no share in the energetic character of a Roman' ; cf. i. 20. I I (where, however, Tijs 'Pwp.a.l.wv o.i.plu£ws may mean either 'the (vigorous) Roman character' or 'Roman policy or conduct {on that occasion)'; cf. Strachan-Davidson, 7-8). ~eplo-ELS ollx a.tpouJJ.a.L ).€yEw: on the importance to Roman nobles of activity in the courts as patrons see Gelzer, Kl. Schr. i. 75-89, especially 87 (=Nobility, 7cr-S6, especially 83). Scipio, perhaps therein following the practice of his father, Aemilius Paullus (Plut. Aem. 2. 4), rejected this custom, preferring to go hunting (29. 9-12). 24. 1. ou ••• vAEov in7JV oKTWKa.(OEKa.: cf. Diod. xxxi. 26. 5 (referring this inaccurately to the year of Aemilius Paullus' death). Scipio's birth can be dated with some certainty to 185. If the detainees were released late in 150, in the seventeenth year of their detention (cf. xxxv. 6 n.). P. arrived in Rome in 167 or 166; and since Livy mentions the detainees' arrival with Aemilius Paullus, and since he triumphed I I I I , I I I , prid. k. decem. of A.u.c. DXXC{VI) {calculated from 752) i.e. early September 167 (Julian) (cf. DeSanctis, iv. 1, 351 n. 301; Derow, Phoenix, 1973, 355), the year must be 167. (In the Fasti tr. the year has to be emended, but it can hardly be nxxc{VII), since Aemilius will not have delayed his triumph until the autumn of 166.) According to Uvy, xliv. 44· J, Scipio was in his seventeenth year at the time of the battle of Pydna, i.e. 22 June 168 (4 Sept. by the Roman calendar; cf. xxix. 16. r-3 n.) ; Diodorus (xxx. 22) has 7r€p4 ( Td) E1TTa.Ka.tolKo.TOv y~ryovws lTos. These figures are consistent and suggest that Scipio was born in 185. According to Cicero, de re pub. vi. 12, he had completed or almost completed his fifty-sixth year shortly after thejeriae Latinae (which were variable in date, but probably still held in the early part of the year) of 129 (cf. Astin, 245 n. 1), and this also points to 185 rather than 184 (as Mtlnzer assumed: see xviii. 35· 6 n.). The e·vidence of Schol. Bob. Mil. p. u8 Stangl and Veil. ii. 4· 6 is inconclusive. See for discussion P&lech, Methode, 324 n. 55; Astin, ::45-7· 497
XXXI. 24. 3 AEMILIUS PAULLUS AND SCIPIO AEMILIANUS
3. lv ( T€) T(1LS 6.1To+aaEO"L K(1l O"U!Joj3ouALa,l<;: a7T~MIM Can be 'statements' or 'replies' (so :Mauersberger); if the latter, the nuance may be 'in replying to questions and in proffering advice'. 4. €K -ra,uT1}s ri}s oiKla,s: the Cornelii Scipiones (not the Aemilii Paulli). STjAos yO.p •• ~a, +povwv: 'for this shows you have a high spirit'; the phra.''>e suggests a generous mind (J.u;ya>..6cf,pwv, magnanimus), and here implies that Scipio possesses a proper ambition. Astin, 20 n. I, takes the meaning to be 'that Scipio is shown to be concerned about matters which are really worth while', and translates 'you have a serious mind'. This does not quite render the aristocratic note sounded by J.teya. cf,povf:'i:v. Friedlander, AJP, 1945, 342, thinks the phrase echoes Plato, I Alcibiades, 104 c, where Socrates, after listing Alcibiades' advantages, adds that although he is also rich, SoKEfs 8l J.l-O' t1T' 'I'OVr
AEMILIUS PAULLUS AND SCIPIO AEMILIANUS
XXXI. zs. z
tion of the difference in rank and fortune between the Greek detainee and the heir of a distinguished patrician gens, and of the sort of relationship possible between them. Though P. represents it as a close friendship-and this need not be doubted-in Roman eyes it must have been a relationship of patronus and cliens. 25. 1. 1TO.Tp~Ki]v Ka.t uuyyEV~IC~V , • , a.tpE11W ICO.L ~LAOCITOpyla.V: 'the sentiments and affection characteristic of a father and son or of close relations'. 25. 2-29. 12: the character of P. Scipio A emilianus. P. divides this into three sections; (a) 25. 2-8, his moral abstemiousness; (b) 25. 9-28. 13, his generosity in financial matters; (c) 29. 1-12, his courage. In all three P. stresses the deliberate emphasis on the quality in question, and the successful exploitation of it to bring Scipio publicity and popularity. In thus representing Aemilianus' reputation as the result of a conscious attempt to capture and foster popularity, P. reminds us of his similar interpretation of Scipio Africanus' motives and character, as he portrays them in his account of what happened at New Carthage {x. 2. 1-20. 8 n.). P. also emphasizes the extent to which Scipio's behaviour was at variance with orthodox Roman attitudes towards finance (26. 9) and activity in the lawcourts and forum (29. 8). For discussion see Astin, 26--34, who suggests that this course of action was encouraged by P. who, as an Achaean, rated popular favour higher than the traditional activities of the Roman nobilis; but, as he admits (Astin, 31), an anecdote in Plut. Mor. 199 F (cf.Mor.66oA) tells how Scipio observed P.'s advice 'never to leave the forum without making an acquaintance and friend of somebody among those who spoke to him' (a very Roman precept). No other political advice of P. to Scipio is recorded. Diod. xxxi. 26. 5 is the only writer to attribute philosophical teachings toP., and this as an insertion in a Polybian passage and of no independent value (cf. 24. 6 n.). 25. 2-8: Scipio's moral restraint: cf. Diod. xxxi. 26. 6-z7. 1; Cic. off. ii. 76, 'laudat Africanum Panaetius, quod fuerit abstinens.' For Scipio's speech delivered as censor (142), supporting traditional morality, see Gell. iv. 20. 1-10 (Malcovati, ORFJ, i. 124-6). 2. opfl~ Ka.l t-i}Ao.,; T(;)v ~~:a.Awv: 'his eager disposition to lead a virtuous life'; there could be Stoic echoes here (cf. Foucault, 49), but they are not of great significance. In iii. 4· 6 P. gives as a reason for extending his Histories his intention of describing TdS opp.ds Kat TOVs '~Aovs prevailing among the various peoples in private and public life. This passage is an example. T~v E1T~ c:rw~pouuvn SO~a.v: not just uaxppocrov'l itself; on the publicist aspect see Astin, 32, and below, § 8. 499
XXXI. 25. 3 AEMILIUS PAULLUS AND SCIPIO AEMILIANUS
3. 8tG -rTjv ~1ri TO X'ipov optJ.TJ": cf. Diod. xxxi. 26. 6-7, xxxvii. 3· 1-5
(similar material introduced in relation to the year 91, but clearly referring back to the mid-second century). Gelzer, Kl. S chr. iii. 215, connects this passage with vi. 57. 6, U.pg,, ... rijs l-rri. ·ni x<:tpov p.e"rn{JoJ..ijs; but even if extravagance is one of the factors making for this p.eTa.~ {Jo>.l,, constitutional deterioration is something quite different from vicious tendencies in young men. Moreover, Cato's forebodings(§ sa) were voiced as early as his censorship (184) and cannot be fitted into P.'s schematic theory of political decline (cf. Brink and Walbank, CQ, 1954, 105-7). Moralists and historians propounded various dates for the onset of moral corruption at Rome. Piso (HRR, i. 137, fg. 38 Pliny, Nat. hist. xvii. 244) dated it to I54· when the decline was portended by a fig-tree which sprang up on the Capitol; and for P.'s view see xviii. 35· I n. See also A. W. Lintott, Historia, 1972, 626-38 (especially 629, where the argument that by 8w.11611'T~o£ 1ToAEp.ot (xviii. 35· 1) P. means the First Punic War does not convince me). For P.'s criticism of Roman mores see Lucilius, fg. 557 Diehl (= 1174-6 Marx), discussed in Macrob. iii. r6. 17-18, and the speech of C. Titius recorded by Macrob. iii. I6. 15-16. This was delivered, according to Macrobius, in support of C. F annius' sumptuary law of 161 ; but Cicero, Brutus, I67, makes Titius a contemporary of Crassus and Antonius; on the problem see Malcovati, ORFJ, i. 2o1-3, no. 51; A. E. Douglas, M. TuUi Ciceronis Brutus (Oxford, 1966), 128; G. V. Sumner, The Orators in Cicero's Brutus (Toronto, 1973), roi no. R n2. P.'s comments on Scipio's morality are consonant with his attacks on alleged breaches of ancestral mores in his later speeches; cf. Malcovati, ORFJ, I27-33, no. 2I, fgs. 17-26, 30, attacking P. Sulpicius Galus (142), Ti. Claudius Asellus (140), L. Aurelius Cotta (138), and the corrupt youth of his time in his speech against Ti. Gracchus (129). See Earl, •'-foral and Political Tradition, 37-38. 5. Ta.p£xou nov-rucou KEpcl.tJ.~OV TPLClKOtr£wv 8pa.xtJ.GlV: salted fish was poor man's food in Greece (and later in Rome); but evidently in the second century commerce in it had not yet developed, so that it was still accounted a rarity at Rome (cf. Orth, RE, 'Kochkunst', col. 964, salsamenta). Diod. xxxvii. 3· 5. gives the price as 400 dr. Various sorts of fish were salted, but mainly tunny. Discussing an inscription listing fish-prices at Acraephia in Boeotia in the second century (now republished with a further section by F. Salviat and C. Vatin, Inscriptions de Grece centrale (Paris, 1971), 95-109), M. Feyel, BCH, 1936, 27 ff., no. 2, shows that tunny cost It obols a p..va. lp..11opt.d] (= 6oo-8oo gr.), which is enough for two to three persons. Prices quoted in the comic passages in Athen. vi. 224 f. are probably exaggeratedly high; cf. Wilhelm, Jahresh. 1909, 148. We do not know the size of K!p&p.,ov mentioned here; KEpd.p.£a of 5, 6, 8, and I2 choes are known, but that of 8 choes is most usual (cf. Videbantt, RE, 500
AEMILIUS PAULLUS AND SCIPIO AEMILIANUS XXXI.
25.8
col. 254). A clwus was between 2 and 3litres, according to the local system used, hence a jar of 8 clwes would hold between 16 and 24 litres. Clearly 300 dr. (probably 300 denarii) is very dear for that amount of fish, when at Acraephia the same sum would have purchased over 1,ooo kg. of tunny (fresh or salted?). -nip~xo~ came from both Spain and the Euxine; for full discussion see Besnier, DS, iv. Io22-5. Sa. MnpKOS (O.ya.va.KTwv): Heyse added ayavaK'TWV from Diod. xxxi. 24, an excerpt from de sent., where that word was Dindorf's reading; it is however improbable, for Mai read avayKwV, and Mercati's proposed ll.'T'TtKwv gained the approval of Boissevain, who records that litterae TTl vix despiciuntur. Diodorus' text therefore reads: l(€p&fUOV 8€ IlovnKOU -raplxov Tp£aKoutwv opaxf'WV l1'T'T£1(WV MapKo<; II6pK£0<; Ka-rwv IITA. Hence the word ayavaKTWV should not be introduced into the text of P. (which for §§ s-sa draws on de sent.). d1ri 1TOTE 1rpos Tov Sijf-Lov: perhaps in his speech against the repeal of the lex Orchia, or in support of the lex Fannia, a sumptuary law of I6I (d. § 3 n.); see Diod. xxxi. 24, xxxvii. 3· 6. Malcovati omits the passage from ORFJ. Twv tEuy1JAO.Twv: as Frank, ES, i. I95· observes, this indicates that Cato put the price of a ploughman at under 300 dr. {i.e. denari,). This is low, for the I,2oo enslaved Romans found in Achaea in I95 were manumitted at soo dr. each (Plut. Flam. I3. 4-5), and Frank {loc. cit.) reckons that a normal price for an able-bodied labourer. 'Luxury slaves' cost figures far in excess of this {though such figures may be exaggerated) ; cf. Diod. xxxvii. 3· 5, four talents for a gifted chef, 'many talents'-P. says one talent-for a catamite. 6. O.Si)pLTov ••• ~~ouaU..v: 'their universal dominion was undisputed'; see xv. IS. In. on the date {I68) when Rome attained this. This is of course what P.'s work is about (cf. i. 1. 5 n.). For the relation of this to the growth of extravagance see vi. 57· 5 n.; the beginnings of constitutional decay, however, are there put in the future, and there is no reason to think that P. is referring to that process here, despite Cato's remark (cf. § 3 n.; Walbank, ]RS, I97o, 252; Polybius, 173; against Petzold, Studien. 89 f.). 7. TWV iK Ma.KESov£a.s .•. xop1Jylwv: for the amount involved cf. xviii. 35· 4 n. 8. 1TnO'O.lS TO.LS t1TL8Uj-LtO.lS: Diod. xxxi. 27. I adds (from P. ?) cnUTTEp 'K€pa1.uov',
na~ 8'fJp/m<;.
Of-LOAoyouf-LOOOV KO.l aufl4»wvov: 'coordinated and harmonious'; both words have Stoic echoes {cf. § z n.). For Of£0Aoyovl-'€vws {ijv in Zeno cf. SVF, i. 45 fg. I79; the concept is taken up by Panaetius {van Straaten, 14o-58, fg. I09) and Antipater of Tarsus (SVF, iii. 245 fg. I3, 252 fg. 57). See Cic.fin. iii. 2I, 'summum ... bonum ... cum positum sit in eo quod ol-'oAoylav Stoici, nos appellemus conuenientiam' ; 501
XXXI. 25. 8 AEMILIUS PAULLUS AND SCIPIO AEMILIANUS
and, further, SVF, iii. 5 fg. 12, 48 fg. 197, 63 fg. 262, 72 fg. 293. The notion of a cni!Lwvo<; fJlo<; goes back to Plato; cf. Laches, 188 D. Pohlenz (Antikes Fuhrertum, no--n) sees Panaetius' influence here, but unnecessarily. Nor should one envisage P. as giving Scipio a strictly philosophical training; his teaching was much more practical ; see Pedech, Methode, 229 n. 115, 'la pratique des vertus doit gagner a Emilien la faveur publique'; ibid. n. 117 (though I cannot accept his suggestion of a moral ideal passed on by P. to both Scipio and Panaetius). f:v t!1(o)'ii 1TWTE TOi'ii 'll'p4To~'ii ETEa~: cf. Diod. xxxi. 27. 1; P. is reckoning from the date of their association (167-162).
25.9-28. 13: Scipio's reputation for generosity (and integrity?). See Diod. xxxi. 27. 1-7; on his integrity see 25. 9 n. 25. 9. p.ET~ S~ Ta.i:lTa. Ka.Tn To auvex~'> KTA.: the same difficulty in interpretation arises here as in xx. 4· 4 (see xx. 4· 2 n., 4· 4 n.). The meaning is (a) 'After this he immediately set out to distinguish himself etc.' or (b) 'After this he sedulously studied to distinguish himself' or (c) 'Next in order he sedulously studied etc.' !LETtt miiTa. normally implies a time sequence but it can refer to importance; ~
.
~
apxlTtJ?TOV. Ka.AO.s • • • iK cJloaEhl'ii bpp.C..s • • •
~1rt To 8iov: 'good natural impulses towards the right' (Paton). TnliTOIJ.aTov: 'chance'; on the expression see Vol. I, p. I7· For the 502
AEMILIUS PAULLUS AND SCIPIO AEMILIANUS XXXI.z6.4
help given by Fortune to Aemilianus cf. 29. the right relatives died at the right time.
2
n., 3o. 3 n. In this case
26. 1-10. Aemilianus gives the ornaments etc. of Aemilia to his mother 1. ~ToG Ka.Ta 8Eaw tra.Tpos Jl~TTJp: Aemilia Tertia (Val. Max. vi. 7· 1) was the daughter of L. Aemilius Paullus, who fell at Cannae (iii. 16. 7 n.), and the wife of P. Cornelius Scipio Africanus (cf. Livy, xxxviii. 57. 6, Aemiliae uxori) ; since she was the sister of L Aemilius Paullus, the victor of Pydna, she was Aemilianus' aunt (Ka:ra
Stemma I. The Family of Aemilius Paullus <:.It
.2
L'Aemilius Paullus (cos. 219, 216)
P. Cornelius Scipio Africanus (cos. 205,194)
j
I
I
Papiria =I L. Aemilius Paullus (cos. 182, 168) =I ?
Aemi!ia
(See Stemma II)
a.
I
I
Fabius Maximus
•~m•T(oo•1<5)
P. Cornelius Scipio Aemilianus = Sempronia (cos. 147, 134) (See Stemma II)
a. Aelius Tubero
--r-----r-= Aemilia
Aemilia 7' M. Porcius Cato
Two sons (d. 167)
a. Aelius Tubero
a. Fabius Maximus Allobrogicus (cos. 121)
M. Porcius Cato (cos. 118)
C. Porcius Cato (cos. 114)
Stemma II. The Family of Scipio Africanus P. Cornelius Scipio Africanus (cos. 205, 194)
P.
Co'~""( Soiplo
I
eo,!.lio
T Aemilia
i P. Co~li" Solplo NM. . Co=lcm (ore. 162. 155)
eo,!,,,] To
S~"""'" G,~h" (=. 177. 163)
P. Cornelius Scipio Nasica Serapio (cos. 138)
(adopted)
I
I
P. Cornelius Scipio Aemilianus (cos. 147, 134) = Sempronia
FIG.
7
I
Ti. Sempronius Gracchus (tr. pl. 1~3)
THE FAMILIES OF AEMILIUS PAU LLUS AND SCIPIO AFRICAN US
I
C. Sempronius Gracchus
(from Astin, Scipio Aemilianus, 357)
AEMILIANUS' GIFTS TO HIS MOTHER XXXI. 27. r
Pompeian wall-paintings. The cups were for libations. P. elaborates his account of Aemilia's magnificence on these occasions in order to emphasize Aemilianus' generosity in bestowing it all on his mother. 6. EOwfl"1craTo Ti\ JlTJTpt: hiatus suggests a lacuna, and Buttner-Wobst, comparing Diod. xxxi. 27. 3, where Papiria's name must derive from P., suggested (Tfj lla:rretp/.q., Toiho yd.p .ryv ovofLa ri)> 'TI'poetpTJfLlVTJ> yvvatK6>) i.e. one line of the original (cf. 27. 7). Papiria was the daughter of C. Papirius Maso, cos. 231 (d. Munzer, RE, 'Papirius (57)', cols. 1o62-3; 'Papiria (78) ',col. Io75), and of course the sister-inlaw of the dead Aemilia. If Aemilianus succeeded as nearest agnatus (d.§ 2 n.) his adopted father, P. Scipio, must already have been dead. KExwptcr9aL ••• a:rro TOU AEuK{ou: the reason for the divorce is unknown; cf. Plut. Aem. 5· I, xp&vov D"VVDtK~D"aS' 'ITDAVv a
sos
XXXI. 27. r
AEMILIANUS PAYS RESIDUE OF DOWRY OF
criticus in Biittner-Wobst; see too Carcopino, Gracques, 65 n. 59, who suggests -rov Ka-rfl (OI.rnv) 1ra-rp6s, (-r6?Tov 7't>fi Ka-rO. tf>6cnv laVTwv 1ra-rpds) >..a{J611'Tos. But laVTwv is only masculine in P., and the rest seems dubious Greek. 1. b ... 1faTtiP: it would be superfluous to observe that it is of course Africanus who made these provisions for his daughters, had not Carcopino (Gracques, 65 n. 59) assumed that P. is referring to Africanus' son, Aemilianus' father by adoption. In close conjunction with Ovya-rlpwv this is impossible ; they must be the daughters of the 7Ta-r/jp, as they are of the ILftT7)p in § 3· If 'll"a-r/jp meant Aemilianus' father by adoption, and he had constituted the dowries, moreover, the payment of half of these could hardly have fallen on the girls' mother, Aemilia; see Boyer, RIDA, 1950 (=Melanges de Visscher iii), 174. 1fEVTtiKovTa TaAaVTa: equating the drachma with the denarius (ct. ii. 15. r n. with addendum, Vol. II, p. 63o, wrongly listed under JOO,ooo denarii HS r,zoo,ooo. The elder book i), so talents Cornelia was betrothed while Africanus was alive (Livy, xxxviii. 57· 2); but the sources disagree about whether the younger Cornelia's betrothal and marriage took place before or after his death. Plutarch (Ti. Gracch. 4. 3. cf. r. r-2) records that, according to P. (the passage has not survived: see Pedech, Methode, 367 n. 82), Cornelia's relatives betrothed her after Africanus had died leaving her G.vi.Kao-rov Kat d.vl.yyvov; and the alternative version seems to have been fabricated by Roman annalists in order to link the betrothal romantically with the misfortunes of the Scipios, and to have been elaborated by rhetoricians (cf. Livy, xxxviii. 57· 3-8; Val. Max. iv. z. 3; Gell. xii. 8. r-4; Dio, xix fg. 65. I; Cic. de inuent. i. 91; Elder Seneca, contr. v. 2, 3; Sen. cons. ad Helu. 12. 6; nat. quaest. i. q. 8; both Senecas falsely allege that the dowry of Scipio's daughters was paid by the state). Clearly Africanus must have undertaken to give each daughter a dowry of so talents-probably in his will-before a particular marriage was in prospect. See Mommsen, Rom. F orsch. ii. 478 n. 129; Boyer, RIDA, 1950 (Melanges de Visscher, iii), 174--6, who in a discussion of the legal situation suggests that Africanus disinherited his two daughters, leaving his wife Aemilia as his heres (cf. 26. 2 n.)-not necessarily sole heres-but provided handsomely for their future by a legacy per damnationem, which required the heres, or a named coheres, in this case Aemilia, to pay a named sum as dowry for each. This legal provision treated the daughter as the legatee, though in fact the future husband (whose identity was not necessarily known when the will was made) was to receive the dowry (cf. D. 30. 6<) § 2, 31. 77 § r-a case parallel to this, where the disinheriting of the daughter is specifically mentioned). See further Boyer, loc. cit. 175 n. 14, for this form of legacy. so6
AFRICANUS' DAUGHTERS BEFORE IT IS DUE
XXXI. 27,5
3. 6.1To9vi!crKouo-a.: two years before the death of Aemilius Paullus (28. I), which was in x6Ij6o (cf. 22. 1-30. 4 n.), hence in 163/2. 5. Ka.Ta BE Taos 'Pw11alwv vo11ous: according to Ulpian, Reg. vi. I, xi. 20 (cf. CTh. 3· rz. 3), 'dos aut datur aut didtur aut promittitur.' Dotis dictio involved a unilateral promise, dotis promissio an undertaking of a bilateral kind, frequently given in accordance with the formula of a stipulatio (c£. Weiss, RE, 'stipulatio', cols. 254o-8; Watson, Obligations, r-9). P. gives no indication of the procedure used here; but he implies that if no other arrangements were made, a dowry (or, as here, an outstanding part of a dowry) had to be paid in three annual instalments. This is confirmed by Cicero's difficulties in raising money to pay off Tullia's dowry to Dolabella (Cic. Att. xi. 2. 2 (second instalment due I July 48), 4a, 23. 3, 25. 3 (third instalment due I July 47)). Such a provision perhaps implies a custom among patrician families of giving dowries of a size bard to meet out of liquid assets (cf. xviii. 35· 6 for the 25 talents of Aemilius Paullus' second wife; Plaut. Gist. s6r for 2o talents dowry for the daughter of a rich house (perhaps exaggerated; cf. E. W. Handley, The Dyskolos of Menander (London, I965) on 1. 843); above 27. I for so talents due for each of Africanus' daughters; Boyer, RI DA, I9SO (Melanges de Visscher, iii), r83 n. 40). P.'s remark offers no support for the assertion that 'the immovable could be claimed immediately after marriage, the non-fungible movable after a year, and the fungibles in three annual instalments' (Corbett, r66); see against this Watson, Persons, 65, who finds no evidence for such a rule under the republic. The stipulation referred to in D. 45· r. 140. I (Paul. 3 ad N erat. )-' annua bima trima die id argentum (sua : Mommsen) quaque die dari ?'-on the meaning of which there was disagreement, may refer to an express compact for the payment of dowry (cf. Mommsen, Rom. Forsch. ii. 490 n. 152; Watson, Persons, 6s). Ta.is yuva.lsl: whether this goes with d1roooiivcu or with 1Tpoaorf>EIA6p.~;va., the sense is virtually the same; cf. § I2. For Carcopino's interpretation of this sentence as a general provision, with rat; yvva.cfl meaning brides generally and not the Corneliae, see the next note. In Greece and the Greek-speaking East rfoEpV'lj remained the wife's property (cf. Mitteis, Reichsrecht und Volksrecht, Leipzig, 1891, 231 f. ; Corbett, ISS)· At Rome dos remained the husband's legal property, subject to the obligation to return it in certain specified circumstances; and this obligation led to its being frequently treated in practice as the wife's patrimonium (cf. Corbett, loc. cit.). It may be either this fact or his knowledge of the Greek practice that leads P. to treat the dowry as payable to the women rather than to their husbands. Since the date for the payment of the residue of the dov.TY is the same for both husbands, the original conditions must in each case have provided for the deferment of this until after 507
XXXI. 27.5
AEMILIANUS PAYS RESIDUE OF DOWRY OF
Aemilia's death. Both marriages were considerably earlier, that of the elder Cornelia to P. Scipio Nasica at least as eatly as 181 (since their son P. Scipio Nasica Serapio will have been at least 42 in 138, when he was consul; see Astin, Lex Annalis, 46), and that of the younger Cornelia to Ti. Gracchus probably about the same time, since according toP. (d. Plut. Ti. Gracch. 4· 3; above§ 2) the betrothal was arranged soon after African us' death. Mommsen (Rom. F orsch. ii. 490-1) dated the younger Cornelia's marriage no earlier than 165; against this view, which depends on combining the statement (Pliny, Nat. hist. vii. 57) that Cornelia had twelve children, male and female alternating, with the false assumption that the praenomen of Ti. Gracchus the tribune (who was born in 162, since he was under 30 when murdered in 133: Plut. C. Gracch. 1. 2) indicates that he was the eldest son, see Carcopino, Gracques, 47-83; Earl, Tiberius Gracchus, 54-58. As Earl points out, the praenomen merely indicates that no boy was alive when he was born; but this was a fainily with a high mortality (Sen. ad Marc. 16. 3-though this may exaggerate). '11'po8o8EvTwv 'll'pwTwv Twv E'II'('II'Awv t:t~ 8EKa. tLiJva.~: so editors since Schweighaeuser; but the manuscript reading Tiiiv 7rpwTwv (7rpcfJTwv Valesius) £7Tl7T'Awv should be kept. P. uses -ra £m7TAa here to mean 'liquid assets' (d. 22. 4 n.); and since the husbands inquire (§ 7) whether Scipio has instructed the bankers about the money (m'p~ -riiiv XP7JfLd-rwv), -ra 7rpw-ra E7Tt7TAa will mean 'the first instalment, consisting of movables' (convertible into cash). A reference to handing over movables in advance (i.e. of the main payment) would be irrelevant, whereas the date fixed for the first payment of the residue of the dowry is highly relevant, as subsequent events show. Translate: 'the first payment, of the liquid assets, to be made within ten months'. This period must represent a traditional provision; subsequent payments are at the end of the second and third years. Carcopino, Gracques, 61, has the usually accepted reading, but makes the clause 7rpo8ofUVTwv ••• fLfivas conditional, and renders the preceding words as a general statement: 'd'apn~s les lois romaines, on a trois ans pour verser aux femmes le montant de leurs dots, ce qui est l'usage courant.' But P. is speaking of the two Corneliae, not of Roman brides generally ; and even if 7rpo8o8lvrwv ••• fLfjva; referred to handing over personal belongings in advance, there is no reason why the fulfilment of that provision should be a condition for the application of the other provisions for payment. Paton translates: 'the personal property being first handed over within ten months'; but that again would be irrelevant in a situation where the date for payment is reckoned, not from the marriage (which occurred several years earlier), but from a subsequent event, viz. Aemilia's death. 7. T t:Pt:p(ou ••• Na.a~Ka. IKL'!I'lwvo~: on Ti. Sempronius Gracchus, cos. 508
AFRICANUS' DAUGHTERS BEFORE IT IS DUE
XXXI. 28.3
177, husband of the younger Cornelia, see§ In. Concerning his age, marriage to Cornelia, and career see Earl, Tiberius Gracchus, 49-66. On the elder sister's husband, P. Cornelius Scipio Nasica Corculum, see xxix. 14. 1 n. voLouvTos T~v SLa.ypa.q,T)v: 'making the payment'. Scipio had deposited the money with the banker; Staypar/>~ is literally the strikingout of the entry by him upon his paying the money to Gracchus and Nasica. For a comparable usage see IG, vii. 3I72 VIII c; and see the discussion in Kiessling, RE, Suppl.-B. iv, 'Giroverkehr', cols. 698--9; Hasebroek, Hermes, 1920, 119; Frank, ES, i. 206. 11. cl.KpL~ELa. vEpt TO SLcl.q,opov: cf. 26. 9· 12. To KT)SE~:.~.ovLKov E!.l.q,a.v(~ovTES: 'showing their consideration'; cf. iv. 32. 4; Welles, p. 157 no. 36 l. 5, p. 345· 16. OL ••• vEpt Tov T E~EpLov: Gracchus and Nasica. KO.TEyvwKoTEs ••• Tils a.uTwv !.I.LKpoXoy(a.s: a Polybian touch; the two men had no reason for embarrassment about their behaviour-Dn the contrary they had resisted Scipio's gesture, which given the nature of Roman aristocratic tradition was calculated to place them at a disadvantage. That, if anything, not their own f.LtKpoAoy{a, was likely to embarrass them. 28. 1-6. Scipio surrenders his half of Aemilius' property to his brother Fabius and pays for half the funeral games given by Fabius ; cf. Diod. xxxi. 27. 5-6 28. 1 . ....ETa. s· ~TT) SUo: on Aernilius Paullus' death in I6o see 22. 1-30. 4 n. c&>cl.~Lov: cf. 23. 5 n. ; the lex V oconia of 169 would debar Aemilius Paullus from leaving his second wife or his daughters coheredes (though of course, had he wished to do so, this law could have been circumvented; cf. § 8 n.). 2. TOUS s· KXXous ULOUS ••• vcl.vTa.s !.I.ETT)XXa.xEVO.L: by his second wife Aemilius had had two sons (for whom he had brought the Athenian Metrodorus to Rome as tutor; Pliny, Nat. hist. xxxv. I35). Of these the elder died, aged I4, a few days after his triumph over Perseus, and the younger, aged 12, a few days before (Livy, xlv. 40. 7-8; Vell. i. 10. 3-5; Val. Max. v. Io. 2; Cic. Jam. iv. 6. I; Plut. A em. 35; App. Mac. 19; Diod. xxxi. II. I); see Klebs, RE, 'Aemilius (114)', col578. The proximity of the deaths indicates some infectious disease. 3. uvEp E~TJKOVTa. Tcl.Xa.vTa.: over HS 1.44o,ooo (cf. 27. 2 n.)-a moderate fortune (Shatzman, 243); but it is not clear whether this is calculated before or after the repayment of the dowry of 25 talents= HS 6oo,ooo to Aernilius Paullus' widow (xviii. 35· 6). The inheritance was probably ceded by an act of in iure cessio hereditatis (Gaius, 509
XXXI. 28.3
SCIPIO SURRENDERS PROPERTY
Inst. ii. 35-36, iii. Bs-86; G. Boyer, RIDA, 1950 (=Melanges de Visscher, iii), 179 n. 32). In thus accepting th'e responsibilities of a co-heir without the financial advantages Scipio acted with unusual generosity; cf. Cic. leg. ii. so, for the older pontifical doctrine, prior to P. Mucius Scaevola, laying dm.,.n the principle that the sacra went with the property~hence, presumably, other similar financial obligations (cf. Boyer, op. cit. 185). 4. yEVoj.Lf:vou ••• 11'£pl~ot\Tov: thus contributing to the reputation he was concerned to foster (25. 9}. 5. JlOVolla.xia.t; €1!'t TQ 'll'a.Tpl. 'll'ol.:iv: gladiatorial funeral games probably originated in Etruria (cf. Nic. Damasc., FGH, 90 F 78, referring however to games accompanying banquets), perhaps as a substitute for human sacrifice (Serv. ad A en. iii. 67, x. 519); contests are portrayed on Etruscan grave urns. The first recorded funeral games at Rome are from 264, when three pairs fought in the Forum Boarium at the funeral of D. Iunius Brutus Pera, at his son's expense (Val. Max. ii. 4· 7; Livy, ep. 16; Serv. ad A en. iii. 67; Auson. ld. xi. 36). These spectacles became increasingly popular and the number of pairs increased to 22 (in 216), 25 (in 2oo}, 6o (in 183), 74 (in 174). It was at the games for Aemilius Paullus in 16o that the audience were enticed from the performance of Terence's Hecyra, which ·with the Adelphoe formed part of the entertainment; cf. Ter. Hec. 31~32, 'quom interea rumor uenit, f datum iri gladiatores, populus conuolat.' SeeK. Schneider, RE, Supp.-B. iii, 'gladiatores', cols. 76o--z; M. Grant, Gladiators (London, 1967 ), 13; G. Ville in Problemes de la guerre a Rome, ed. Brisson (Paris, Ig6g), !85-95· 6. out( €M.TTWv f) avll'll'ii.aa. Tpul.l(oVT« Ta.AavTwv: HS 72o,ooo, half of the whole fortune left by Aernilius Paullus (cf. § 3 n.). On the devotion of Roman nobles at this time to conspicuous display, even when as here it was beyond their means, see Gelzer, Kl. Schr. i. III = Nobility, IIo-II.
28. 7-9. On his mother's death Scipio gives aU her property, including his gifts to her, to his sisters; cf. Diod. xxxi. 27. 7 28. 7. flnt\AAa.g.:v T) fltiTYJP: Papiria (26. 6) evidently died a little after Aemilius Paullus, hence in 16o or 159 (for his death in 16o cf. p. 37).
8. cipTtws : 26. 6. TlJV Ao~-rrTJv ovaLa.v: in addition to the gifts he had made her out of
the deceased Aemilia's property. n'll't8wl(£ TO.i~ 0.8.:Acpa.'ls: cf. Plut. Aem. S· 4-s, for two daughters of Aemilius Paullus and, presumably, Papiria (though this is nowhere stated), one the wife of M. Porcius Cato, son of the censor (cf. Plut. Cato mai. 20. 8, 24· 1; on difficulties concerning the date of the 510
SCIPIO GIVES PROPERTY TO HIS SISTERS
XXXI. :28. u
marriage cf. Klebs, RE, 'Aemilius (18o)', cols. 592-3), the other that of Q. Aelius Tubero, who was legatus to his father-in-law in the Pydna campaign (Livy, xlv. i· I; cf. Klebs, RE, 'Aelius (154)', col. 535; RE, 'Aemilius (151)', col. 59o). As with the gift to his brother (§ 3 n.), Scipio will have used in iure cessio hereditatis; see Boyer, RIDA, 1950 (=Melanges de Visscher, iii), 18o-I, who remarks that the poverty of Q. Aelius Tubero was almost legendary (cf. Plut. A em. 5· 4-5, 28. 6--7; Val. Max. iv. 4· 9) and that since Scipio gave the property to his sisters, and not to their husbands, the marriages were probably without manus. ~s oVBtv a.l!Ta.l:s 'ITpoaftKE Ka.Ta Tous v6~ous: why not merely Scipio's gifts to Papiria, but the rest of her property too, reverted to him on her death, to the exclusion of his elder brother Fabius and the sisters (if she was in fact their mother) needs explanation. Since, on her divorce from Aemilius Paullus Papiria passed out of his manus (if indeed it was a manus marriage), none of her children counted as her agnati; consequently, she must have made a will leaving Scipio Aemilianus her heir. Why Fabius and the girls were excluded is not recorded; but perhaps she was grateful for Scipio's generosity. It is unlikely that the girls had no claim on the estate solely because of the lex Voconia of 16<) (cf. 26. 2 n.), as Schweighaeuser thought; but, had that been so, Papiria could have circumvented it by the legatum partitionis (cf. Watson, Succession, 129). 9. T~)y ••• KOO'!'OY KO.L T~Y 'ITEpl
aw+poauvn KO.~ Ka.AoKaya.9tfi4: cf. XXXV. 4· 8. £~Tj~eovTa. TuAa.YTa. 8a.1ra.vt1ua.<;: P.'s calculations
are not very clear. Buttner-Wobst, Klio, 1903, 167, assumed 30 talents paid to Fabius(§ 3). I5 talents for half the cost of the funeral games(§ 5). and the rest interest forgone on the dov.Ties paid at the end of 10 months, instead of at three yearly intervals (27. 6); hence, he concludes, interest was being calculated at 36%1 But if the 6o talents at which Aemilius Paullus' estate was valued (§ 3) represent its value before paying the dowry of Aemilius' widow (xviii. 35· 6), then Scipio here sacrificed only 30- 12} I7t talents; and this with the 15 talents for half the cost of the games comes to 32} talents. Since however the remaining 27! talents (6o -32}) should include the outfit and appointments made over to Papiria and later to Scipio's sisters, the amount attributed to lost interest (and the rate of interest) is not ascertainable. See further, in criticism of Btittner-Wobst, K. Fuhr, BPW, 1903, 828--9 (cf. Bursian's ]ahresbericht, 127, 1903, uo). 11. taws
XXXI.
28. II
THE COST OF SCIPIO'S REPUTATION
To 1TpOKELf1evov Ka.Tepyaa6.f1evos : 'having achieved his purpose', or 'having achieved the above-mentioned result': T4:l Kc:u~ Tfjs SoaEws: i.e. Scipio chose the moment likely to give the best return in terms of publicity; or, on a more sympathetic interpretation, he chose the moment when his gift would be most appreciated; or both. T~ XELplafl~ TTJS xaplTOS: 'by the gracioUS manner he displayed'; it is less likely that the phrase means 'by the way in which he inspired gratitude' (xapLs then being the recipients', not his). 13. 1'1'a.p' 8Xov Tov ~iov: an indication that P. is writing after Scipio's death in 129 (d. xxxviii. zr. 3; Svoboda, Phil. r9r3, 482; Ziegler, RE, 'Polybios (1)', cols. 1485-
29. 1-12: Scipio wins a reputation for courage: cf. Diod. xxxi. 27. 8 (so abbreviated as to be incomprehensible without reference to P.). 29. 1. Toil KaTa ri]v O.v8pela.v (flEpous): cf. Diod. xx.xi. 27. 8, Tov 8! KO.Tct Ti]v av8pdav fLlpovs (Aomov OYTOS); the two texts here allow reciprocal emendation. 2. Ka.ft.Ov .•. lila Tfjs TOXTJS ••. ouv~PYTJfl«: cf. zs. w, where Tat!TofLaTov means the same as TVxrJ here (d. Siegfried, 62). 3. flEYLaTTJV ••• cmou8i-Jv 1'1'Ept TdS KUVTJyeaia.s: on the interest in hunting in the Hellenistic monarchies see Roussel, REG, 1930, 361-71; Edson, Harv. Stud. 1934, 226-32; and the next note. 5. Tolls TE KUVTJyous ••• To(Js ~a
SCIPIO'S REPUTATION FOR COURAGE
XXXI. 29.9
of Heracles Kvvayl3as (d. Edson, Harv. Stud. 1934, 228 n. 3: three inscriptions from Moranli, Tsepigovo, and Gratziano; ibid. 1941, 125-6, a dedication by Philip V from Pella) ; and Edson suggests that the {JacnAtKoi Kvvrrrol in Macedonia formed a Kotvov charged with the worship of Heracles Kvvayf.3as on lines found elsewhere (IG, vii. 285o, Haliartus; ix. 1. 44, Stiris in Phocis; SEG, i. 214, crovKvvT}yol from Astacus in Acarnania; Roussel, REG, 1930, 368, nn. 4-6). The KvvT}yo£ Chartas and Attulus mentioned in an inscription from Beroea (republished by Cormack, BSA, 1939/40, 14-16) may be royal officials, but they may equally well be members of a private association of hunters with a sanctuary (or not even hunters at all: see Cormack, loc. cit.). On KVV7tyol see further L. Robert, Et. ipig. 78 n. 1. 7. Ka.9cl.1rep euyevou!; OKUAO.KO!;: Plut. A em. 22. 4 relates how Scipio returned late from the battlefield of Pydna, covered with the blood of those he had slain wU"1Tep aKJ>.ag yevvaios, carried away by the uncontrollable pleasure of the victory-evidently one ~3oY1] he did not resist. The passage will go back toP.; and it recalls Plato, Rep. ii. 375 A, where a vmv[aKos et}yeV1js is compared by Socrates to a yevvatos aKtJ>.ag els ,Pv>.a!djv (d. Friedlander, A]P, 1945, 343-4). In the formation of Scipio's character, as portrayed especially in this chapter, Strasburger, Hermes, 1966, 72, detects the influence of Xenophon, whose Cyropaedia is reported by Cicero (ad Quint. frat. i. 1. 23; Tusc. ii. 62) to have been Scipio's favourite book. Tl}v 1rEpt TCt.!; KUVT}yeata.!; op ....ftv: for Roman approval of hunting as a pursuit see Hor. Sat. ii. 2. 9· 8. TOV TOU noAU~LOU ••• ev9oua~a.a....ov: see 14. 3 n. Ta!i KpiaeL!i Ka.l TOU!i xa.~penai-Lou!l: legal cases and salutationes; for the latter cf. Syll. 6s6ll. 21-22 (see Herrmann, Z. Pap. Ep. 7, 1971, 72-77), an inscription of 166 from Abdera, where envoys to Rome are praised for having endured .foVXtK~V afl-a Ka~ aw[}.tanK~v] ••• [K]a[K]o7Ta(}{av • • . 3ta TfjS Ka(}' ~fl-Epa[v Kap]TeP'l]aEWS'; cf. l. 26, TfjS Ka(}' ~~pa[v yevofJ-Ev}l]s €,Po3elas- E'1T~ TWV •iTpEwv. See further Gelzer, Kl. Schr. i. 105 n. 343 =Nobility, 104 n. 343; and on the context of the inscription cf. xxx. 11· 4 n. On the importance for a political career of exercising patronage in the courts see 23. I I n.; and, on the salutatio, Gelzer, Kl. Schr. i. IOS-7 = Nobility, 1o4-6. 9. Ka.AALw OO~a.v e~ecJlepETO: P. implies that Scipio's achievements were well publicized; cf. Sallust, I ug. 6. 1 (on Jugurtha), 'non se luxu neque inertiae corrumpendum dedit, sed, uti mos gentis illius est, equitare, iaculari, cursu cum aequalibus certare; et, cum omnis gloria anteiret, omnibus tamen earns esse ; ad hoc, pleraque tempora in uenando agere, leonem atque alias feras primus aut in priinis ferire, plurimUm facere, minimum ipse de Se loqui' (cf. §II, epycp 7rpos- >.oyov afl-t>.>.wwvos-). For Sallust's peculiar and paradoxical condemnation of hunting (and agriculture) as seruilia officia (Cat. 4· 1), s
513
XXXI. 29.9
SCIPIO'S REPUTATION FOR COURAGE
perhaps a reflection of changed values, see Syme, Sallust (BerkeleyCambridge, I964), 44· · 11. E~E<JlEpETo TTJV Ew' civ8pdq. 86~a.v: but for genuine courage (not merely in the chase) something was still lacking (cf. xxxv. 4· 9. Tij!; •.• br' d.vopdif
a
31. 1-3. The Rhodians and Eumenes This excerpt from de sent. forms part of res Graeciae of Ol. I54. 4 = I6I/o; unless, indeed, it should be classified under res Asiae. On the ambiguity of Rhodian affairs in this respect see 4· I-5- 5 n. P. draws a distinction between the subsidy now accepted from Eumenes and the gifts received (with due dignity) after the earthquake of c. 227 (v. 88---<JO n.). 31. 1. a~~ovns TTJV ••• 11'poOTa.a(a.v: cf. v. 88. 4, aqwws Kat 'TTpoGTanKws; 90· 5, rijs 'PoSlwv 1TEp' Kowa 1TpOGTaula!;. 514
THE RHODIANS AND EUMENES
XXXI. 3L 3
crhou J1Upul.8a.s ottTw tta.t Etttoa\: 28o,ooo metlimni. This corn was to
be sold, the proceeds invested, and the interest used for the purposes mentioned. Grain prices fluctuated according to place and conditions of sale, and it is impossible to determine how much this amount would have raised (cf. Rostovtzeff, SEHHW, L 259). For a similar offer to Achaea (which was rejected) see xxii. 7· 3, 8. 1-13; this contrasting Achaean decision may have influenced P. in his condemnation of Rhodes. On Eumenes' benefactions see xxxii. 8. 5 n. ; and on Rhodian skill in attracting royal benefactions see Diod. xxxi. 36, which mentions that on his death (in I 59/8; cf. xxxii. 8) Eumenes still owed 3o,ooo medimni; Diodorus also records the gift of 2oo,ooo medimni of wheat and roo,ooo medimni of barley from Demetrius I of Syria. 11'0.~8EuTa.ts ICO.l s~Sa.
2. Tov th86J1Evov Tois 8l8a.ai<~Aots J1ta8ov ~pa.vLtE
XXXI.
.32. 1
ENVOYS SENT TO ROME FROM ASIA
32. 1-3. Envoys sent to Rome from tf.sia (r6r/o) This excerpt from de legat. gent. is taken from the res Asiae of 01. 154, 4 r6r/o; see p. 36. Cf. Diod. xxxi. 28.
32. l. npoualaS, •• JJ-ETa raAaTwv: for an earlier embassy sent to Rome, to complain about Eumenes see r. 3 n., xxx. 30. 2 n. (r65/4)· Meanwhile Eumenes had been aiding Attis, the high priest at Pessinus, against the Galatians, and Prusias' present complaints probably concerned this. For inscriptions recording correspondence between Eumenes II and Attalus II and Attis see xxi. 37· 5 n.; Welles, nos. 55-61; OGIS, 315; Stahelin, 82; Hansen:~., 126; Habicht, RE, 'Prusias II (2)', cols. nr4-I5. These show that, despite the Senate's decision to grant independence to Galatia (xxx . .:z8 n.), Eumenes had intrigued there, and Prusias had been active in the area against him. 2. 1r-.TTaAov: cf. I. 2 n. Attalus had probably already been designated co-ruler by Eumenes. Syll. 671 and 672 are Delphic decrees dated to the archonship of Amphistratus (r6o/59; the date 159/8 in Manni, Fasti, 77-78 n. 3, neglects the relationship between the inscriptions of Amphistratus and those of Emmenidas, as described by Daux, 122), which show that Attalus was already king early in 159, and Eumenes was still alive three months later (cf. Daux, 502-3, 686, 69o; Hansen 1 , 127); and IG, ii 2 • 953 shows Eumenes entrusting the government to someone who is almost certainly Attalus in the Attic year 161jo (Dinsmoor, Archons, 26o; Hansen1, 127). 3. :A.p,apalh-Js: on Ariarathes V of Cappadocia see 3· r n. Tfi •.• 'PwtJ-n aTe.Pavov ••• ~'ll'EJ.L+E: the 'crown' (d. xx. 12. 5 n.) was of ro,ooo gold staters (not x,ooo, as Paton). For the sending of 'crowns' to Rome see xxx. 5· 4 n.; and for a statue of the populus Romanus (with which Rome is perhaps here equated) cf. 4· 4 n. Since a gold stater was worth :zo Attic silver drachmae, this 'crown' was worth over 33 talents. TTJV 11'pos Tov T E~ep~ov ci.'ll'aVTTJatv auTou: the embassy of Ti. Gracchus had been sent to Asia after Demetrius' escape in 162 (d. 15. 9 n.); its duties included looking into the sentiments of the other kings and their relations with the Galatians. P. 's account of Gracchus' meeting with Ariarathes has not survived (33· I); it will not have taken place before 161 (since the envoys had business in Greece before going on to Asia: 15. 10), and was more likely in I6o (see 33· 1 n.). According to Diod. xxxi. 28 (d. xxxii. I. 2 n.) Ariarathes had agreed to abandon a proposed marriage alliance with Demetrius I (cf. Iustin. xxxv. I. z) and to break off friendship with him. On the arrival of Ariarathes' embassy at Rome. and the granting of an audience to it this same autuxnn (16o) see xxxii. x. 1-3. SI6
DEMETRIUS MAKES HIS PEACE WITH ROME
XXXI. 33· 5
33. 1-5. Demetrius makes his peace with Rome through Ti. Gracchus This excerpt follows the previous passage in de legat. gent. and also comes from res Asiae of 01. I54. 4 I6Ifo; see p. 36. 33. 1. MflvoxO.pous: perhaps the man known as an bru:rroi\oyp&.rpo~ of Demetrius I from a Delian inscription (Insc. de Delos, I543); see xxx. 25. 16 n. Evidently Demetrius had sent him to meet Ti. Gracchus in Cappadocia early in I6o, when the Romans were interviewing Ariarathes (32. 3). 3. Ets no.f14>uX£a.v ••• Els 'Potlov: evidently visited by the Roman envoys on their way back from Cappadocia. I 1fQVfO.
' 1fO~f1U€lV
'" ' t:l ~ I "A , , , "€WS E!>ELpya.aa.TO t"O.UU\EU!i • , , '11'poaa.yopEUVf1VO.\;
slightly ambiguous; but the most probable meaning is that Demetrius succeeded in getting himself called king by the envoys (vrr' a.th-wv; d. Badian, Io8 n. I), not in gaining official recognition at Rome; d. xxxii. 3· 13 n. See Niese, iii. 247; Otto, 6. Ptolemiier, 82-83 n. 5; Briscoe, Historia, Ig6<), 52-53. Gracchus' goodwill helped Demetrius to establish himself (Ka9t~<:la9a.t ~<:a.l ICTI]aa.a9a.t ·ni KaTa -rTJv apx~v), but did not gain him recognition at Rome; and it is dubious whether he ever obtained this (Badian, 1o8 n. I against Scullard, PoP.. 23o).
5. -ruxci!v -ri}s ••• 0.4>opf.Li}S: 'having gained this advantage';
rlcfoopJl~
refers to the support of Gracchus, which gave him a basis for further efforts at Rome; it does not mean 'legitimation' {Mauersberger) or 'his object' (Paton). a-r£4>a.vov: it amounted to Io,ooo gold staters (xxxii. 2. I). T6v O.UTOXElpa. TOU rva.tou: Leptines, the murderer of Cn. Octavius (u. I n.); see xxxii. 2. 4 n. 'laoKpnTT)v: d. xxxii. 2. 4 n.
BOOK XXXII 01. ISS = I6o/S9-IS7 /6; see pp. 37-39. Chs. I-3 deal with I6o/S9. chs. 4-8 with IS9/8, chs. 9-I2 with IS8/7, and chs. 13-14 and 16 with IS7/6. Ch. IS belongs to book xxxiii (seep. 39). 1.1-7. Ariarathes V's embassy and Attalus at Rwne {I6o) This excerpt from de legat. gent. belongs to res Italiae of 01. ISS· I = I6o/S9 (see p. 36), and records the arrival at Rome of the envoys whose dispatch by Ariarathes was described in xxxi. 32. 3; hence the date is autumn I6o (d. Steigemann, 49; Metzung, I4-IS, makes it IS9 because he equates Ol. ISS, I with IS9 rather than with I6o/S9)· Ct. Diod. xxxi. 28. 1. 1. Ka.TA Tov Ka.Lpov TouTov: the phrase indicates that this passage did not open the res Italiae of I6o/S9· 'll"a.p' :A.pta.pcl.9ou '11"pea13ets: cf. xxxi. 32. 3· 2. * * * Ka.i TouTwv: the lacuna, detected by Schulze, Excerpta, S3-S4. can be filled in a general way from Diod. xxxi. 28, 8£aaaofiv-n:s ff]v EVVO£av TOfi /3a.atAtW> -i}v EXE£ TTp6, 'Pwp.aiov,, E'T£ (,~ rryv ot' iK€lvov> YEVOfdVTJV am~pp'Y}atv
TOfi
Yclf.LOV Kal
,p,)..la, TTp6> L1'Y}f£7}Tp£0V.
JlnpTupa.s ••• To us 'II"Ept Tov T el3eptov: cf. Diod. xxxi. 28 (following the passage quoted in the previous note), avvETT£f.LafYTVpoVVTWV D~ nov TTEP~ Tov FpaKxov TTpwf3evn!ov, ~ aVyKA'YJ'To> KTA. On Gracchus' eastern embassy see xxxi. IS. 9 n., 32. 3 n., 33· I n.; it evidently returned to Rome in summer 16o. 3. Tov TE aK('II"wva. Ka.i. Tov H..e4>cl.vnvov Si4>pov: both the ivory sella curulis and the sceptre, also of ivory, are among xap£l77'7jp£a Tfj> avf.£f.Laxla> (cf. App. Lib. 32) bestowed by the Romans on friendly kings;
similar gifts included gold and silver vases and cups, the gold crown, toga purpurea, and tunica palmata which, with the sceptre, recall the costume of the triumphator (on which see Versnel, s6 ff.), and the toga praetexta to accompany the sella curulis. Livy (xxvii. 4· 8-10) records the gift of a sella eburnea and toga purpurea to Syphax and Ptolemy IV in 2IO; but the embassies mentioned there are of dubious authenticity (d. Klotz, Livius, I8o; and for the one to Ptolemy see ix. I I an.). Both sceptre and sella curulis are among gifts bestowed on 1\iasinissa (Livy, xxx. IS. II, xxxi. II. I2; cf. App. Lib. 32; Badian, 29s n. M, queries the authenticity of this, however), on Eumenes II (Livy, xlii. 14. Io; Diod. xxix. 34) and, in the early empire, Ptolemy of Mauretania (Tac. Ann. iv. 26 mentions the sceptre, but both 518
ARIARATHES V'S EMBASSY AT ROME XXXII.
2.
5
appear on his coins). See Hug, RE, 'Sceptrum', col. 372; Kubler, RE, 'sella curulis', col. r314; S. Weinstock, ]RS, 1957, 148 n. 38; E. Rawson, ]RS, 1975, 155 (for the equation between king and triumphator; cf. Dion. Hal. v. 35). 4. 1rpo Toll XELfLC>Vos: perhaps October-November; cf. xxix. 3· t n. For the occasional hearing of envoys in late summer or early autumn cf. xxv. 4· 2 n., xxviii. 2. I n. 5. )\Tn1Aou 11'a.po.yEVTJ9EvTOS: cf. xxxi. 32. I-2 . .fiSTJ TCIV 01!'aTwv TO.s O.pxO.s ElATJ<j)oTwv: Cn. Cornelius Cn.f. Cn.n. Dolabella and M. Fulvius M.f. M.n. Nobilior, coss. A.U.c. 595, who took office on the Ides of March, 159. The case against Eumenes was thus heard at the normal time. Pedech, Methode, 462, argues that id. mart. 159 was therefore before the winter; but P. does not indicate how long elapsed between the dismissal of Ariarathes' envoys and the entry into office of the new consuls. The Cappadocians were heard early so that they might return that autumn, hence no conclusions can be drawn concerning the state of the Roman calendar (cf. Derow, Phoenix, I973. 355--6). See Briscoe, Hermes, 1977, 249. 6. 11'AELovwv ETEpwv 6.1ro Tfjs )\a(a.s: cf. xxx. 30. 4, xxxi. I. 3· 7. auVTJU~E Tbv "TTa.Aov: for avvatfEw, 'increase the power of', common in chancery language, see Welles, p. 365.
l. 1-3. 13. Envoys from Demetrius I (r59) This excerpt from de legat. gent. follows the last passage and also r6o/59 (seep. 36); 3· 7--9 is also belongs to res Italiae of OL I5S. I in exc. de sent. On Demetrius' embassy cf. Diod. xxxi. 29-30; Zon. ix. 25. 5; App. Syr. 47. Like that of Eumenes, its hearing followed the entry of the consuls for I59 into office.
l. 1. t.'lfLTJTp(ou ••• M'lvoxO.pTJv: cf. xxxi. 2. I n., 33· I n.; and for this embassy, xxxi. 33· s. For the 'crown' cf. xxx. 5· 4 n. TOV 11'pOUEVEYKO.VTO. T~ rva.t'll TCllj XEi'pa.s: on the murder of Cn. Octavius at Laodiceia-on-Sea cf. xxxi. rr. I n. 3. Tous ••• 6.v8pw1rous oo 1rpoaE8ESO.TO: on the motives cf. 3· II-I z. 4. At:11'TlVTJV: cf. xxxi. 33· 5; Kroll, RE, 'Leptines (5)', col. 2074. Nothing further is known of him. •raoKpnTTJV: cf. xxxi. 33· 5; also unknown othernise. RE has no article on him. 5. Tas 6.KpoaaE&~ 1I'O&OufLEvWv: 'who give public lectures' (not 'declaim in public': so Paton). XO.Aos Ka.i 11'Ep11'Epos Ka.l Ka.To.~eop,;s: cf. xxxi. :z6. xo (of women), xxxix. 1. I (of A. Postumius). ~~:a.l. Toi's "EAA'f}aw: i.e. in Greece proper. "AKo.iov: probably Alcaeus of Messene, a poet of the late third and 5I9
XXXII.
2.
5
ENVOYS FROM DEMETRIUS I
early second century, who wrote epigrams against Philip V and others; see xviii. 34· 2 n. Many of his poems .are preserved in the Greek Anthology; see A nth. Pal. v. 9, vii. 247, 4I2, 495, ix. 5I8, 5I9, 588, xi. I2, xii. 64, xvi. 5. 7; cf. vii. I, 5. 55· See further Susemihl, ii. 544-6; Walbank, CQ, I942, I34-45; I943· I-I3; Edson, CP, I948. u6-2I; T. B. L. Webster, Hellenistic Poetry and Art (London, I964), 233 ff. He has probably no connection with the Epicurean philosopher J:L\.Kws mentioned in Athen. xii. 547 A (manuscript: :4.\wv; :4AKafov in Aelian, Var. kist. ix. 12). tv ra'i:s IuyKptat:aw: these critical Comparisons may have been a work resembling his attack on Ephorus; ct. Porphyry ap. Euseb. Praep. eu. x. 3· 23.467 d (= FGH, 70 T q), recording that Alcaeus orwvAo£06pwv lcif-Lf!wv Kal l7T£ypa[L[LQ'TWV 1TotTjr-l]S" 1Tapc(l87]KE ras 'Ep6pov KA01TaS" lgeA.£yxwv (perhaps deriving his material from Lysimachus, who wrote two books 1rept rijs 'E
contribution, this may be one respect in which his work resembled that of Cercidas of Megalopolis (ii. 48. 4 n.); cf. Walbank, CQ, I943. I O-Il.
6. vepi TW\1 tolwv tm'"JOEUI:LaTW\1: literary topics. 7. vpa.yi:La.nKns &.vo~O.aus t~e~a.At:: 'make pronouncements on political matters'. rljs O.veOTJV £~oua(a.s: 'their unrestrained exercise of power' (Paton). 8. imJIOAoywv: 'abusive remarks'; d. xii. 8. 5 n.
3. 1. tv r'fi Aa.oOLKt:tq.: Laodiceia-on-Sea was founded by Seleucus I and named after his mother Laodice (Strabo, xvi. 2. 4, C. 750; App. Syr. 57); with Apamea, Antioch, and Seleuceia it made up the Tetrapolis, and stood on the site of modem Latakia; see Honigmann, RE, 'Laodikeia (I}', cols. 7I3-I8. The description in Strabo, xvi. 2. 9, C. 75I-2 depends on Poseidonius. 3. I:LTJOE ~OUA€UEa9a.L I:LTJOE\1 ouaxep£s KTA.: that Demetrius was deterred from treating the people of Laodiceia harshly by the intervention of the Epicurean mathematician Philonides may be indicated by a passage in P. Hercul. Io44 (ct. Cronert, 5.-B. Berlin, I9oo, 942-59; Usener, Rh. Mus. I90I, I46-8)-though indeed the text is fragmentary and the restoration uncertain (see R. Philippson, RE, 'Philonides (5)', cols. 63-73. especially 66; and, better, L. Moretti, Riv. fil. I965, 285-6, commenting on an inscription from Dyme (SEG, xiv. 369; cf. SEC, xiv. 368; Bingen, BCH, I954. 396-8; Habicht, Historia, I958, 376-8)). Moretti here suggests that the Hagemonides honoured in this inscription had also rendered his services to Dyme on this occasion. Hagemonides was in the Seleucid service ; cf. 2 Mace. xiii. 24. 7. 9ea.I:La. 9a.ui:LaaLov: P. is filled with amazement (but, apparently, 520
ENVOYS FROM DEMETRIUS I
XXXII. 4· 1-3
no compassion) at the spectacle of this man who seems to have been driven insane by these experiences. 12. &u:rT' ~xew E~ouo-(a.v ••• xpt)o-a.cr&a.l TOtS EyKAtt!-!.O.Gl: P.'s interpretation of the Senate's motives is in line with that put forward elsewhere; cf. xxx. 1-3, 18. 7, 19. 5-13, xxxi. IO. 6-7, II. n, 21. 6, xxxii. IJ. 9; Walbank, Polybi~~s. 166-73. The alternative explanation, Roman apathy, seems less probable in an affair in which a Roman had been murdered while on an officiallegatio. 13. eO.v T6 ~K0.\10\1 1T0Lft KTA.: cf. Diod. xxxi. JO, quoting the same reply, but adding (perhaps in a Polybian phrase omitted by the excerptor) that it was
This excerpt follows the previous one in de legat. gent. and Ursinus printed it as part of the same passage; it describes a further embassy to Rome at the beginning of the Roman consular year 159, and forms part of res Italiae of 01. 155, I = I6o/59· See p. 38. 3. 14. 1Ta.p0. T&:lv .:4.xa.t.Wv 1Tp€a!3els: for an attempt to have the detainees released in I64 see xxx. 32. 1-u. SEvwva. Ka.( TrtAEKA~v: Xenon of Aegium (xxxiii. I. J, 3· I) is distinct from Xenon of Patrae, who was deported to Rome (xxviii. 6. 2 n.); see Schmitt, RE, 'Xenon (7)', col. 1538. Pedech, Methode, 36o n. 33, is over-cautious ('peut-etre un homonyme'). Telecles accompanied Xenon on a later embassy about the detainees in 155 (xxxiii. 1. 3), and yet again visited Rome without him in 153 (xxxiii. 3· 2, 14) ; he was from Aegeira, and Syll. 675 is a decree of Oropus in honour of his son Hiero (cf. Lehmann, 315 n. 368). See n. 5 n. ToG ITpa.TCou: on Stratius of Tritaea see xxviii. 6. 2 n. 15. TOO!; ••• A0l1TOUS o-x£80\1 a1fa.VTO.S KTA.: yet they had been detained for only between seven and eight years. Eventually, in ISO, about 300 of the original I,ooo were still alive to return home; Paus. vii. to. 12. There is no reason to see any expression of contempt for the other detainees here (so von Scala, 274, who also suggests, rather strangely, that they were so insignificant as to be of no use as sources toP.; see Walbank, Polybius, 75 n. 42). 16. EvTOAa.s • , • ci.1TAW<; a~l!U!-I.O.T~Kci.S: cf. xxxi. 7· J n. 4. 1-3. Aetolia after Lyciscus' death
This passage, made up of two excerpts (4. I-2 and 4· 3) from de sent., forms part of res &aeciae of 01. ISS. I = x6oj59; see p. 38. The first 5'21
XXXII. 4· 1-3
AETOLIA AFTER L YCISCUS' DEATH
three lines are oddly worded and betray the compression of the excerptor. 4. 1.
Au~e~aKou:
4· S, 4· 9,
on Lyciscus of Stratus see xxvii. rs. I4 n., xxviii. I3. 4, I3. II. au0"1'0.aus: 'national groups' (cf. xxiii. 1. 3, xxx. I3. 6).
XXX.
2. E8v~~e«s Here P. is thinking of federal states such as the Aetolian Confederacy; but, as the phrase Tas oAouxepd~ 8w.
THE ACTIVITIES OF CHAROPS IN EPIRUS
XXXII. 6.
2
"' KO.TQ.' TT)V ' "H 1TElpOV ET " ' EV ' O.ICO.TUO'TO.O"lO.lS' ' ' .'1 •tV! Up t 0 th e t'lllle 5 , TO.' oE of Charops' death; by inserting 'however' Paton wrongly suggests that the disturbances continued after this, but the reference to a 'purgation' indicates that that is not P.'s meaning. (ws ICa.Ta) Tou; i1ravw xpovous: see xxx. xz n.; that Epirus was torn by faction during as well as after the war with Perseus is shown by the attempt to ambush A. Hostilius Mancinus in 170 (xxvii. x6). 6. AEuKtov :A.vliClOV ICa.t (Afi:uiCtov Al!-l£Atov &.vEAeiv): so BiittnerWobst following Reiske; cf. Livy, xlv. 34· 9, 'et post paucos dies Anicius conuentu reliquorum Epirotarum Acarnanumque acto iussisque in Italiam sequi principibus, quorum cognitionem causae <senatui) reseruarat, et ipse ... in Italiam traiecit.' This action was evidently concerned with the details of when these men should go to Italy; they had already been named (xxx. 13. 6; Livy, xlv. 31. 9). That Anicius issued a supplementary list seems unlikely (see Deininger, 204 n. 14 against Oost, 84-Ss). P. could scarcely exonerate Aemilius Paullus from having carried through the massacres in Epirus (xx.x.. xs); but it is by no means certain that his name should be introduced here (Oost, 133 n. Io4) and it is preferable to bracket Kal (so Hultsch) rather than add
6. 1. dufiyov Els TOv Sijp.ov: to a federal assembly sitting as a court; cf. Livy, xxxiii. I6. S-II {Acarnania), xlii. 43· 8--9 (Boeotia); and for Achaea see Aymard, ACA, I82-3. See Giovannini, Untersuchungen, z8 n. 22; and see the next note. 2. TWv fiv Tfj ~ow£Kn: cf. 14. In. Since 170 the Epirote Confederacy had been in effect dissolved, as the Molossians had then joined Perseus {x.x.vii. I6, xxx. 7· z; Hammond, Epirus, 629); but Syll. 523
XXXII. 6.
2
THE ACTIVITIES OF CHAROPS IN EPIRUS
653 A and B (c. 165) is a catalogue of states honouring a certain Cassander, son of Menestheus, one of which is ,-6 icowdv Twv 'H1retpwTwv [,-wv] 1Tepl4>owbc7J[v] (on this inscription see Franke, Munzen, 295 f.).
For the view that this is not the Epirote Confederation, now dissolved, but a regional grouping based on Phoenice, see Hammond, Epirus, 641-2, who points out that it was not usual to mention the 'capital' in defining a federal state, nor is any such city mentioned in connection with the other federations which figure in this list. Coins with the legend IJ'>OINIKAIEQN were probably issued by this regional league; see Franke, Munzen, II2 f.; Hammond, Epirus, 643-4. However, by c. 155 (cf. Syll. 654 A [,-]6 Kotv6r [,-wv] 'H1Tetpw,-w[v]), and perhaps by 157 (cf. 14. 1 n.), the Epirote Confederation had evidently been restored, and it may be to this restored league that Charops brought his victims; however, the date of its restoration remains uncertain. For coins which may have been issued by this restored confederation see Franke, Munzen, 325 f.; but Hammond, Epirus, 644, 725, prefers the orthodox view which dates them before the Third Macedonian War. 3. olhm ••• ~~uyov: despite the death sentence (§ z); it was probably intended that they should evade it, as was customary at Rome (cf. vi. 14. 7-8). X&.poljl WPI'TJO'~v Ets 'l'i]v 'Pwi'T)V: probably in early spring 160, since he found Aemilius Paullus still alive (§ 5): cf. Deininger, zxo n. 12. 4. KclAA~O'TOV • • • s~iYJ.L
THE ACTIVITIES OF CHAROPS IN EPIRUS
XXXII. 7· 3
distorted version of the Roman answer; and in fact he probably died at Brundisium in spring r59, never reaching Epirus (5. 4 n.). No record has survived concerning the conclusions reached by the envoys who were presumably sent in 159 (§ 8) to Epirus. 7. 1-5. Athenian and Achaean envoys arrive in Rome to discuss Delos (159/8)
This excerpt from de legat. gent. belongs to res Italiae of 01. 155, 2 = 159/8. In the absence of other indications it is likely that the embassies mentioned were heard at the beginning of the consular year 158. 7. 1. 1ra.pa Twv ~811va.£wv ... 1rp£a~EL~;: their names have probably been omitted by the excerptor. 9ea.plSa.v Ka.l IT£cl>a.vov: Thearidas was P.'s elder brother, who had been allowed, for reasons unknown, to remain in Achaea. He is honoured on an Epidaurian inscription (IG, iv. 1422; see note to Syll. 626): Beapl8av AvKop·Ta MeyaAoTToMrav a 1T£~ALS' TlUV 'Em8avp{wv aperas fVEKEV Kat efJvolas lis- EXWV 8tanAei.' ets attrcW, and he himself Set up at Lycosura a dedication for his homonymous grandson (IG, v. 2. 535: see note to Syll. 626): Beaploas AvKopm Beap{oav l!>tAoTTolp..evos rov rofi vlov vtov L1ea1rolva~. (The grandson made a gift of 20 minae towards the restoration of the wall of Megalopolis after 146, on his own behalf and on his daughter's: IG, v. 2. 442.) P.'s brother Thearidas was active on the commission sent to organize Messene (d. xxiii. 17. 2 n.); hence earlier political inactivity cannot be invoked to account for his omission from those detained. See Stahelin, RE, 'Thearidas (2)', col. 1382; Ziegler, RE, 'Polybios (1)', col. 1445 (rightly explaining the name of Thearidas' son, Philopoemen, as a token of admiration rather than as evidence for relationship). Stephanus is otherwise unknown. 2. So8El0'1')S &.1roKp£aews 1ra.pa •pw..,.alwv: in 167/6; see xxx. 20. 2 n., 20.
8--9·
3. 1TOALToypa.cl>"l8evTes: there is no evidence to show whether these Delians were enrolled as citizens of any specific Achaean city. In the case of Cassander, whose grant of citizenship by several states is recorded in Syll. 653 A. 10 (c. 165), no city is mentioned in connection with the Achaean grant ; but that was of course a more formal and honorific grant (cf. Aymard, ACA, 113-14n. 2). Evidence from other confederations (JG, ix 2 • 2. 393 ll. 2 ff. (Acarnania); Bull. epig. 1967, no. 335 (Epirus)) suggests that the new citizens could choose their city; nor is there any evidence that in such cases the consent of the city in question was needed (cf. Kalbe, Z. Sav.-Stijt. Rom. Abt. 1929, 139 ff. esp. 153, reprinted in F. Gschnitzer, Zur griechischen 525
XXXII. 7· 3
ATHENIAN AND ACHAEAN ENVOYS IN ROME
Staatskunde (Darmstadt, 1969), 375 ff.). See Giovannini, Untersuchungen, 31. ~ea. TO. To 1rpos Tous ~xa.1.0us auJ.Lj3oAov: evidently a commercial treaty between Achaea and Athens prescribing the procedure to be followed in settling disputes; cf. xxiii. I, 2 n. 4. J.LYJ8Ev ••• TllS 8~Ko.~o8oa£a.s Ta.uTYJS: see xxiii. I. 2 n. for OtKawooa{a as a technical term in connection with a mJfiiJo>.ov. ijvouvTo puata. ••• Ka.T!l Twv ~8'lva.\wv: cf. iv. 26. 7 n., 53· 2, xxii. 4· 13, for reprisals, a recognized procedure when peaceful methods produced no satisfaction. In view of P.'s remarks in xxx. 2o. 8--9, it appears that Achaean reprisals against Athens had been going on for some years (cf. Ferguson, 323-4); the point at issue between Athens and the Delians may have been the interpretation of the clause in the Roman order which allowed the latter to take their property with them (Larsen, GFS, 486). 5. Kup\o.s €tva.~ Tlls ••• Y€YEVflJ.LEva.s ••• oLKoVOJ.L,a.s: this implies that the Senate accepted the Achaean claim to apply to the new citizens from Delos the terms of their existing avJ.Lf3o?..ov with Athens. Whether the points at dispute were now peacefully settled is not recorded; but the affair of Oropus soon soured Achaeo-Athenian relations still further (n. 4-{i n.).
8. 1-7. Assessment of Eumenes II This excerpt from de uirt. et uit. (with some fragments from Suidas) is part of res Asiae of 01. I55· 2 I59/8 and appears to be from an obituary passage on Eumenes II ; on this, and on the date of Eumenes' death see p. 39· The latter is controversial. Strabo (xiii. 4· 2, C. 624) gives Attalus II 2I years and Attalus III five; since Attalus III died in spring IJ3 (Livy, ep. 58), this would make Attalus II's ac~ cession 159. However, Attalus I died in I97 (see Vol. II, pp. 572, 6o3); and if the 49 years assigned by Strabo (xiii. 4· 2, C. 624) to Eumenes' reign is emended to 39 {so Meischke, Symbolae ad Eumenis II Pergamenorum regis historiam, Diss. Leipzig, I892, IJ, i.e . ..119 instead of Mt9: 49 must be wrong), this would bring Eumenes' death down to 158, which fits the dating of this excerpt to 159/8.
8. 1. EGJ.LEVflS: see xviii. 41. Io n. and passim; on his physical debility cf. xxiv. 5· 2, xxx. 2. 5 n. (referring to 168{7). Tfi •.• Tils ~uxils Ao.p.1TpOTflTL: cf. xxix. 8. 2, 'l!'avovpyoT
ASSESSMENT OF EUMENES II
XXXII. 8. 5
time of Attalus I's death his kingdom was diminished see xxili. II. 7 n.; cf. Strabo, xili. 4· 2, C. 624, 1rp&repov {i.e. before the treaty of Apamea) 8' ~v Ta 1rEpl. lllpyap.ov ov 1To.Ua xwpla p.fxp• TijS' Ba.Adrr1J~ rfj~ ~raTa Tov 'E>o.atT'TJV ~roA1rov ~eai Tov :48pap.VTT7Jv&v; above, xxi. 22. 15 (cf. Livy, xxxviii. 54· n f.); Hansenz, 70. Eumenes' gains were after the war between Rome and Antioch us; cf. xxi. 24. 6-8, 46. 2-12. 4. oo 'I'UXYI 'I'O 1TAEiov auvepy~ XPWtLEVOS: like Hiero (d. vii. 8. I, oVx bE:pov ovaiv (K rfjs ro'X'}S ETOtp.ov 7rapa>.a{lwv) ; whereas Scipio Aemilianus had some help from Tawop.aTov (xxxi. 25. ro, 29. 2, 30. 3 n.). See Vol. I, p. 22 nn. 5 and 7· Fortune here means 'good luck'; see Siegfried, 55, 61 ; von Scala, 173, 179 n. ouS' EK 1TEpL1TEn(a.s : cf. xxxviii. 9· 2 ; there too the sense is simply 'by chance', though usually 1rEP'1rETHa means 'sudden misfortune' (d. Siegfried, 48 n. 81) or 'reversal of fortune' (for the better or worse'; cf. xxi. 26. 16, 26. 18). ~TL 8£ 1rp6.~ews Tils a.(J'I'ou: cf. § 6; probably 'political dexterity, or ability' rather than 'industry, energy' (Paton), or 'personal labour' (Shuck burgh), which is the meaning of •'Ao1rovla; cf. ii. 47· s. -rrpfitw ZxoV'I'a Kat o-Ovw•v, 'a man of practical ability and sound sense'; iv. 77· x, 77· 3, 1rpae,v Kai TDAp.av, 'ability and daring'. See Schweighaeuser, Lex. Polyb. s.v. 1r~'S'· 5. 1TAdaTa.s ••• 1r0Ans 'EAATJv£Sa.s eOt:py~TTJO"E: d. Livy, xlii. 5· 3, ' .•. cum Eumenis beneficiis muneribusque omnes Graeciae ciuitates et plerique principum obligati essent, et ita se in regno suo gereret, ut, quae sub dicione eius urbes (essent), nullius liberae duitatis fortunam secum mutatam uellent'. That passage echoes a lost part of P. book xxvi ; see p. 289. Examples of Eumenes' patronage in Greece are : his donation for a shrine of Dionysus Ly·seius at Thebes (d. Fraser, REA, 1952, 233-45); the sending of workmen to Delphi to repair the theatre and the votive offerings (Syll. 671 B 11. 12-13), and perhaps the construction of the larger stoa outside the sacred precinct to the west and on the level of the temple terrace (Hansen2 , 295); the building of a stoa at Athens (Vitruv. v. 9· 1), usually identified with the large hall, nearly 540 ft. by 58 ft., which stood on the lower south slope of the acropolis below the Asclepieum and between the theatre of Dionysus and the later Odeum of Herodes Atticus {d. Hansen:, 295 n. 181 for bibliography); his gift of corn to Rhodes, to be sold in order to set up a fund for paying teachers (xxxi. 31. 1-3) ; his gift of 3t talents to Delphi to buy grain (Syll. 671, 672); the extensive gifts and concessions, political and economic, and the furnishing of oil for young men, grain for food and seed, and exemption from tribute through his general Corragus (d. Livy, xxxviii. 13. 3, xlii. 67. 2 f.) to an unnamed city which may be Apollonia-on-Rhyndacus; SEG, ii. 663; Holleaux, lftudes, ii. 73-us; Bengtson, Strat. ii. 2n-26. These and 527
XXXII. S. 5
ASSESSMENT OF EUMENES II
no doubt other benefactions are reflected in the many statues set up in Eumenes' honour at Delphi (Syll. 628, M9 (= IG ix:z.. x. 179) II. IQ-13, 630 II. 19-23; cf. Daux, 272-3, soo-r, 504-5 n. z). See further llansenz, ro8-9, 293-8. 1TAElaTous ••• ~awtJ-a.To'll'olT}aE: an example is the The ban leader, Pytheas (xxxvili.. 14. r-2). 6. aSeAcpous ••• TpELS: cf. xviii. 41. IO n. Ka.Tci TTJV 1\ALKla.v Ka.t 1rpii~w: the lacuna following these words rerequires some phrase which makes crvvluxE 1m8a.pxoiJJnw; a.vr(jJ surprising and memorable: Biittner-Wobst, oi!Ta.s Ofl.O«miTovs at'rrip, meets this requirement excellently. On the loyalty of the Attalids to Eumenes and each other see xx.iii. II. 6, xxvii. r8. 3; llansen2 , 128.
9. l-5. C. Fannius sent
to Dalmatia (rs8/7)
This excerpt from de legat. gent. is part of res ltaliae of 01. 155, 3 = 158/7; see p. 38.
9. l. 'laalwv ••• 'II'E1Tpea~£uKbTwv: on Issa (mod. Lissa or Vis) see ii. 8. 5 n. Since its deditio in 229 (ii. u. IZ) it will have been technically a Roman amicus; for its naval contribution to Roman wars in the east see Livy, xxx.i. 45· ro, xxx.ii. 21. 27, xxxvii. r6. 8, xlli. 48. 8 (but it is uncertain whether it had afoedus; cf. ii. n. 12 n.). After the fall of Genthius in 168 (xxix. 13. 2 and following note) L. Anicius announced at Scodra the Illyrian settlement (Livy, xlv. z6. II-IS; above, xxx. 10. r-2 n.; the date was 167), including the clause: 'non solum liberos, sed etiam immunes fore Issenses et Taulantios, quod incolumi Gentio ad Romanos defecissent' {Livy, xlv. z6. 13). Ceka, Questions, 155-{), would emend Issenses to give a reference to Lissus, in view of coins with the legend .thuutTav, which he dates now; this would avoid the assumption that Issa. had joined Genthius and then returned to Rome (which Livy, xlv. 26. 13 would imply). See, however, Fluss, RE, Suppl.-B. v, 'Issa', cols. 348-9; Zippel, 98; and earlier works quoted in Sherk, no. 24 (S.C. de lssaeis (?) of 56 B.C., mentioning Tragurium). AEA!J.a.Teis: the earliest reference to this Illyrian people, whose territory stretched from the Narenta (Naretva), where they marched with the Daorsi (§ 2), northwards to near the Titius (Krka); Pliny, Nat. hist. iii. 139-41; Ptol. Geog. ii. r6; Zippel, IZ!f-30; Patsch, RE, 'Delmatae', cols. 2448-55 ; Wilkes, Dalmatia, 30 and, for the society and economy of the Dalmatians, 177-91. 2. 'E1renov Ka.l Tpa.yup,ov: Epetium (mod. Stobret; Ptol. Geog. ii. r6. 3) lay about five miles east of Split on the south coast of the Split peninsula ; later, under the empire, it fell within the territory of Salona (cf. Patsch, RE, 'Epetium', cols. 2732-3; Wilkes, Dalmatia, 3o, 220). 528
FANNIUS SENT TO DALMATIA
XXXII.
10. 1-8
Tragurium (mod. Trau or Trogir) lay west of Salona on a peninsula between the mainland and the island of Bavo (mod. Ciova). Originally Illyrian, both probably received Greek settlements from Issa (cf. Strabo, vii. 5· 5, C. 315, for Tragurium), but how long they had been Issian possessions is obscure. Braun (RE, 'Tragurium', col. 2076), Fluss (RE, SuppL-E. v, 'Issa', col. 348) and Patsch (RE 'Epetium', col. 273z) all quote the present passage as evidence that Issa controlled the cities c. 220; this is not a justifiable assumption, and Wilkes (Dalmatia, 30) suggests that Issa's control was recent, and reflected an effort, under Roman protection, to dominate the trade with the mainland peoples. For a Greek inscription from Tragurium, which may date from the period of Issian control, see Robert, Istros, 1935--6, 18-20. Aa.opuwv: cf. Livy, xlv. z6. 14 (r67): 'Daorsis quoque immunitatem dare, quod relicto Carauantio cum armis ad Romanos transissent' (cf. Zippel, 84, g8). This Illyrian people had formerly been under the Anliaean kingdom; they lived near the Narenta, on its left bank (cf. Ptol. Geog. ii. 16. 5; Strabo, vii. 5· s. C. 315). Inscriptions have the form Dauersi and d
10. 1-8. Ariarathes and his enemies come to Rome (158/7)
Like the previous passage, which it follows in de legat. gent., this excerpt also belongs to res Italiae of Ol. 155, 3 158/7. Since the 529
XXXII. 10. I-8 ARIARATHES AND HIS ENEMIES AT ROME favourable reception of his embassy in I6o (d. I. I-4) Ariarathes had been expelled from his throne by his brother Orophernes (iii. 5· 2 ; Diod. xxxi. 32; Livy, ep. 47; App. Syr. 47; Iustin. xxxv. I; Trog. prol. 34; Zon. ix. 24. 8). An inscription from Priene concerns Ariarathes' struggle against Orophernes (OGIS, 351 Sherk, 6; see xxxiii. 6). Ariarathes was helped by Eumenes (Zon. ix. 24. 8), who died in the first half of I58 (cf. 8. I-7 n.); but Orophernes got support from Demetrius I, who was incensed by the breaking of the marriage proposal (I. 2 n.; Iustin. xxxv. I. 2), and Ariarathes was defeated (Zon. ix. 24. 8) and expelled from his kingdom, evidently in 158. 10. 2. Ii~Tov 'louALov (Ka.l AEuKLov Aopi]ALov): Sex. Iulius Sex.f. L.n. Caesar and L. Aurelius L.f. L.n. Orestes, coss. A.u.c. 597 = 157. See Munzer, RE, 'Iulius {I4B/9)', cols. 475--6; Klebs, RE, 'Aurelius (I79)', cols. 25I4-15. Aurelius' name is added by Biittner-Wobst. Pedech, Methode, 462, says that these consuls entered office en Oeptd.a.s OVaTJS (§I); but that phrase dates Ariarathes' arrival in Rome. For the argument that id. mart. A.u.c. 597 fell in late October (or possibly mid-November) 158 see Derow, Phoenix, 1973, 355--6. The present passage renders the proposal of B. Simonetta, NC, 1961, 15-16, to date Orophernes' usurpation to r6r-59, untenable; see M~rkholm, NC, 1964, 24-25 (not answered by Simonetta, ibid. 91). otKda.v ••• vEpi.O"'"ooEw~: 'adapting his dress and outward style to suit his present unhappy circumstances', i.e. as a refugee from his kingdom. 3. MLATL6.8"1v: this envoy of Demetrius I is not known from elsewhere. 4. 'Opocj>£pv"l~: cf. iii. 5· 2 n., xxxi. 7· 2 n. and below, II. I; he was Ariarathes' elder (putative) brother (cf. Lenschau, RE, 'Orophernes (2)', cols. n68-71). TL!l09Eov Ka.l ALoyEv"lv: Orophernes was alleged to have made Timotheus a present of so talents (and one of 6oo talents and a promise of a further 400 to Demetrius); cf. Diod. xxxi. 32, who also mentions a separate gift of 70 talents to Demetrius. These two envoys are said (Diod. xxxi. 32 b) to have hatched a plot against Ariarathes on the voyage back, but were apprehended by him and put to death at Corcyra. See Olshausen, RE, Suppl.-B. xiv, 'Timotheos (7a)', cols. 796-7. TTJV cj>LA£a.v KO.l TTJV O'U!l!lO.Xia.v lwa.VEW0'0!1EVOU~! cf. XXXi. 3· I n., 3· 3 for the renewal of societas et amicitia with Ariarathes V. 8. Tou "'EuSous ivLKpa.TouvTos: for P.'s cynical interpretation of these events see Walbank, Polybius, r69. Ta vpc:l.ylla.Ta. KO.Ta yv~ll"lV xwpELV: the Senate decided that Ariarathes and Orophernes should share the throne (App. Syr. 47, Kal 'PlJJp.a.loiS ~86KE£ p.lv, ~s MEA
ARIARATHES AND HIS ENEMIES AT ROME
XXXII. n. 5
(§ 4 n.) and eluding other agents of Orophemes at Corinth, Ariarathes reached safety at Pergamum with Attalus (Diod. xxxi. 32 b). 11. 1-10, 12. A discussion of the organization of the account of Orophernes' downfall, which has been described before the res Graeciae, and of the affair of Athens and Oropus, which P. now proposes to treat in one single passage
This passage, made up of excerpts from de sent. (u. 1-7, u. 8--9) along with an extract from Athen. x. 440 B, describes a dislocation of P.'s usual procedure, by which the various regions are treated in a fixed order (§ 2 n.), and is itself included in the res Asiae of 01. I55. 3 = I58/7; see pp. 38-39 (where it is argued that u. Io and I2 should stand before n. I--9)· 11. 1. Ka.t "''O 1FVEU!-La. vpoa£8tJKil.V "''OL~ XPTJ!-1-Il.O'LV: cf. xiii. 2. 5 n. The sense is 'they delivered up their lives to money', implying that they lost both; P. may also be thinking of Archias, the governor of Cyprus (xxxiii. 5· 4). 'Opocp£pvt"J~
o "''ij~
Ka.vva.5oK(a.~ ~a.O"LA£6~:
cf.
IO. 1-8
n.,
IO.
4 n.,
xxxi. 7. I n. By his extortion of money (some of which he deposited at Priene, xxxiii. 6. 2) he alienated the people of Cappadocia (Diod. xxxi. 32). Avc!!AE"''o Ka.i • • • £~£vEa£V: hysteron proteron to a void hiatus; cf. ii. 2. 2 n., viii. 14. 6 n., x. 23. 2, xi. I9 a 1, xiv. 10. 9, xxiii. 16. 8 n. 2. auyKEcpa.Aa.Lwa0.!-L£VOL "''TJV "1'o1hou Ka.Bo5ov: already related in a lost section (cf. § 3, 1TpoaEA.&.{Jop.Ev), in which P. passed directly from res Italiae to Tct Ka.Td. ~v Ka.=MoKla.v (§ 3), treating these as an extension of res Italiae, but not dealing with other res Asiae at this point. II. 10 and I2 probably belong to this narrative. "''TJV d8La!-L£vt"Jv ..,.a,~Lv KTA.: cf. xv. 25. I9, Vol. II, p. I; Walbank, Polybius, III-I2; Yale Stud. I975· 203ft. 3. "''OV ••• a'I!"O'II"AOUV KO.L TTJV ••• Kn8o8ov: cf. IO. 8 n., and below 12 n. 4. 'II"Epi "1'00~ a.OTOU~ Ka.Lpo.O~: in I58/7. 5. vEpl....ftv "''WV 'fipwvlwv voALV :the coastal town of Or opus lay on the Epirus, about 7 km. east of the mouth of the Asopus, and directly opposite Eretria; it is modem Skala Oropou (d. Bursian, i. 2I9-21; J. Wiesner, RE, 'Oropos (I)', cols. n71-4; E. Kirsten and W. Kraiker, Griechenlandkunde 2 (Heidelberg, 1962), 178ft.). Oropus was famous for the cult of Amphiaraus; and, lying on the frontier of Attica and Boeotia, it had a stormy history. From 288 to I7I it belonged to the Boeotian Confederacy (cf. Touloumakos, 48 n. I), but upon the dissolution of the confederacy in 171 (xxvii. 2. 10 n.) it became independent and remained so until 146. The dispute with Athens 531
XXXII.
II.
5
ATHENS AND OROPUS
began with an Athenian raid into Oropian territory for reasons unknown; the Oropians appealed to the Senate which, perhaps as an indication of goodwill towards Achaea, appointed Sicyon to decide the matter, and the Sicyonian arbitrators fined the Athenians (who did not appear at the hearing) soc talents. In IS6-s the Athenians sent three philosophers to Rome, and they succeeded in getting the fine reduced to Ioo talents (cf. xxxiii. 2 n.). On all this see Paus. vii. II. 4· Later the Athenians introduced a garrison into Oropus and took hostages; when the garrison inflicted injuries on the Oropians and they got no help from Rome, they appealed to Achaea (which already had strained relations with Athens over Delos: cf. 1· s n.), and bribed the general Menalcidas (see xxx. r6. 2 n.) to persuade the Achaeans to intervene. On learning of this the Athenians withdrew from Oropus, after plundering it, and Menalcidas, who had won Callicrates' support by promising him a share in the bribe, urged an invasion of Attica, but was restrained (Paus. vii. n. s-8). Pausanias' account goes on to describe the consequent intrigues inside Achaea; it can be supplemented from Syll. 67s. an Oropian decree honouring Hiero, son of Telecles, of Aegeira (on Telecles see 3· I4 n.), which shows how, after an appeal to an Achaean avvoSos-, and the summoning of a avyKATf'TOS (see xxix. 24. s-6 nn., appendix, p. 414) to Argos, the Achaeans took diplomatic and perhaps other steps (though this is not clear), resulting in the restoration to Oropus of its population, which had at some stage been expelled. Pausanias does not mention this expulsion, and perhaps only the anti-Athenian party was involved (Regenbogen, RE, Suppl.-B. viii, 'Pausanias (q)', col. ro35; Lehmann, 3I6 n. 374); the pro-Athenian party may be referred to in Syll. 675 11. I8-I9, '1Tp0S" 'TE: )t01[VO.lovs- ICO.t Toils a>.Aovs- 'TOiJs- aV'TL'1Tpm~eVOV'T(JS .qp.[i'vJ. The Athenians set up a cleruchy, which will have issued coins marked DPDlliDN (AM, I879, 262 ff.; Ferguson, 327). Menalcidas' strategia was probably in ISI/o (cf. Paus. vii. n. 7, 12. 3; Ehrenberg, RE, 'Menalkidas', cols. 703-4; Lehmann, 3r6 n. 373), and it is not clear how far P. extended his account of the Oro pian affair (cf. § 6, Ta p.Jv dva.Spap.oVT€S", Ta S~ '1Tpolta~oVTes- Tots- xp&vots- avyK€
ATHENS AND OROPUS
XXXII.
II.
8
The relationship between Pausanias' slightly pro-Athenian account and P.'s (lost) version is not clear. Wachsmuth (Leip. Stud. 1887, 271 ff.) postulates a post-Polybian source for the former, but Niese (i. 14 n. 7, iii. 5) regards it as a free rendering of P., and this is the view of Regenbogen, RE, Suppl.-B. viii, 'Pausanias (q)', cols. 1034-5 (cf. Wilamowitz, Hermes, 1886, 91 ff. = Kl. Schr. v. 1 ff.; Hiller von Gaertringen, commenting on SyU. 675), and Lehmann, 315 n. 369. Niese's view seems the more likely, and suggests that P.'s interest in the Oropian affair arose out of its close connection with the Achaean intrigues which led up to the Achaean War. But whether at this point he took the story down to 151/o is uncertain, given the fragmentary nature of books xxxiii and xxxv. The passage from Apollodorus quoted in Philodemus (cf. Mekler, Acad. phil. index Here. (1902), 82; Ferguson, 325 n. z) is too fragmentary to be of use. On the Oropian affair see Ferguson, 324-8; Lehmann, 314-18; Ehrenberg, RE, 'Menalkidas', cols. 703-4; Gruen, ]HS, 1976, 51-53, and other works mentioned above. 6. KQ.Tcl "''pos a.uTi}S oil<TI'JS ouS' 8J\ws ~-rrupa.vous: 'since it was a scattered episode and not at all clear'. EUTEAi} Ka.l &.aa.cjli}-rrou7.11J.EV TTjv Sn\yTjaw: 'produce an account that is trivial and obscure', i.e. trivial because the separate parts were of no consequence in themselves and obscure because these separate parts were not in themselves clear or because, if related separately, their relevance one to another would be hard to grasp. Pedech, Methode, 504 n. s6, suggests emending EVTEA?l to chEA?l, 'incomplete'; but this is unnecessary, and seems to rest on a misunderstanding of the meaning of E~TEA'ljs (cf. Walbank, Polybius, II3 n. 8z). 7. Tois Ka.Tcl!J.Epos EK 8La.O'T'I)!J.a.Tos A£YOIJ.EVOLS: 'when it is told disjointedly under different dates' (Paton). Somewhat inconsistently P. rejects the argument advanced here in xxxviii. 5· 3-4, where he defends his normal procedure against the Ephorean treatment KaTct ylvos.
8-9. Orophernes' reaction to failure. This passage seems to refer to Ariarathes' restoration, the account of which preceded §§ 1-7 ; but its position in de sent. fixes it firmly here. We do not know how far §§ 1-7 were prolonged in the original text, nor the context in which this comment on Orophernes and Theotimus was introduced ; hence the fragments should be left in their present order. 8. Ka.Tci ••• Tas &.-rroTuxla.s: after the failure of Orophernes' envoys in their plot against Ariarathes (1o. 4 n.) and the latter's arrival in Pergamum, where Attalus gave him help (1o. 8 n., u), Orophernes' position weakened and he was led to plunder a temple of Zeus under Mt. Ariadne (which enjoyed davMa) in order to pay his mercenaries (Diod. xxxi. 34). EAKw8ELS: 'irritable, over-sensitive'; for the medical metaphor see 533
XXXII.
II.
8
ATHENS AND OROPUS
Wunderer, i. go (who, however, wrongly translates it 'ansiissig, hostile'). 9. eEoTi~~: an otherwise unkno\\'ll supporter of Orophemes. 10. n)v 'la.KT)v Ka.t TEXV~TLK~V aowTia.v: 'the refined debauchery of Ionia'. Contempt for the Ionians as weak and effeminate goes back at least to the fifth century; cf. Herod. i. 143. 2, v. 6g. r, vi. 13. r; Thuc. v. g. r, vi. 77- r, vii. 5· 4, viii. 25. 3, 25. 5· Xenophanes (Diels, FVS, i. 129-30, fg. 3} accused them of O.f3pocn5vTJ avw,PEA~s. learnt from the Lydians (Aesch. Persae, 41, speaks of af3poOtalTwV ..• Avowv ~x>..os} and Bacchylides, r8. 2, makes them af3poj3wt. See further Corpus paroem. graec. i. 144; Athen. iv. 132 F, 159 D, xii. 524 F, 526 D; Theoplrr. fg. 86 Wimmer. P. uses the same expression of the Egyptians (xxxix. 1· 7}, and his characterization owes something to the association between character and climate first made by Hippocrates and to be found in Aristotle, Pol. vii. 7· 1-3. 1327 b 19 (cf. Gelzer, Kl. Schr. iii. 4-5; Walbank, Harv. Stud. 1972, 156-7); but it also reflects the idealization of Sparta and the Dorians (cf. Plut. Lye. 4· 3, where Lycurgus compares Tas 'lwvtKa> 7ToAtn"EAElas Kai Tpv,PO.s with the severe and simple civilization of Crete, as a doctor compares healthy bodies with those that are unsound and sickly}. See further E. Will, Doriens et I oniens (Strasbourg, 1956). TEXV£Tt~v is Kaibel's correction of cod. A of Athenaeus, which here reads TEXVTJT£K~v. Schweighaeuser already had made the suggestion in his lexicon, perhaps in the belief that P. was referring to the conduct of technitai of Dionysus, since he would also emend 'laK~v to 'laKX'~v (against this see Wonderer, i. no); nevertheless it is probably right, since TEXVTJTtKo> is not found elsewhere. 12. Attalus' restoration of Ariarathes; cf. Justin. xxxv. r. 2. This was in spring 157 (d. M('lrkholm, NC, 1964, 25); and Eumenes' death and Attalus' succession were recorded under the previous olympiad year, 01. I55· 2 = rsg/8 (cf. 8. I-7 n. and p. 39)· This passage and II. ro should probably stand before rr. r (see p. 39). TTJS a.(JTou vpoa.Lpeo-Ews Ka.L vp6.~Ews: 'of his policy and political skill'. Diod. xxxi. 32 a (where 'Eumenes' is an excerptor's error for 'Attalus'} illustrates this 7Tpart>; he relates how Attalus prevented Demetrius, whose help Orophemes had bought with a payment of 6oo talents and a promise of 400 more (ro. 4 n.}, from giving further assistance by inciting a pretender against him, the later king Alexander Balas. (xxxiii. 2: for the possibility that this account of the Athenian embassy of philosophers to Rome (r55) in Aulus Gellius draws on a passage of P. which was included in the res Graeciae of this year, 01. 155· 3 = 158/7. see ad loc.) 534
ROMAN WAR AGAINST DALMATIA XXXII. 13.9
13. 1-9. Roman decision to make war on the Dalmatians (157{6) This excerpt from de legat. Rom. forms part of res Italiae of Ol. ISS. 4 = I57/6; see p. 38. 13. 1. r CLLOV ~aVVLOV: cf. 9· 3 n.; he had been sent to Dalmatia probably in spring IS7, and his return will have been in the same autumn. Tous ••• ~auKovTas Q.lhKE'L
535
XXXII. 13.9
ROMAN WAR AGAINST DALMATIA
cf. the incidents at Tarentum (i. 6. 5 n.), before the First Illyrian War (ii. 8. I2-13), in Liguria (xxxiii. 9· 1-8), and at Corinth in 146 (xxxviii. I2. I-4)· For the case of Cn. Octavius see 3· II-I2.
14. 1-2. Epirote envoys heard by the Senate (I57/6) This excerpt from de legat. gent. is likely to belong to res ltaliae of 01. I55. 4 = I57/6, following I3. I-9; seep. 39· Ka.~pov TouTov: winter I57/6. 'H'Ir€(pou KTA.: faction had evidently not ended in Epirus with Charops' death (5. 4 n.) in I59· Those 'holding Phoenice'
14. 1. Ka.TO. Tov
wpEa~EuTwv f:~
are probably his successors, and the phrase may refer to the reconstituted confederacy (cf. 6. 2 n.); see Franke, Munzen, 2I8 n. s; Sarikakis, i1px. Ecp. I964 (I967), I07 n. 7; Hammond, Epirus, 644 n. I. The exiles were of course opponents of Charops' party. 2. TOLS ••• !lETa. r a.tou Ma.pKLOU: c. Marcius C.f. Q.n. Figulus, cos. A.u.c. 598 = I56; see note following xxviii. 11. 3 n., I6. 3, 16. 6, 11· Io. He commanded the Roman forces in Dalmatia in this year, and the wording perhaps implies that the envoys were to go out with him, not that he led the commission. Once across the Adriatic, they presumably went south to Epirus; see p. 39· But some distortion of the wording by the excerptor cannot be excluded.
15. 1-16.5. The war between Prusias II and Attalus II Of these two chapters, I5. I-I4 is from exc. de uirt. et uit. (with some quotations from Suidas), and I6. I-5 from exc. de legat. gent. Habicht, Hermes, I956, Ioi-IO, has shown convincingly that I6. I-S stands correctly in res Asiae of 01. 15s. 4 = IS7/6, but that IS. I-14 belongs to the next book, immediately following xxxiii. 3· I--2, where it forms the first extract in res Asiae of 01. I56, I = 156/5; seep. 39· [15. 1-14. Prusias marches on Pergamum and ravages the Nicephorium and other sanctuaries (ISS)
See above for the placing of this passage after xxxiii. 3· I-2. For the beginnings of the war between Prusias II and Attalus II see 16. 1-5 n. ; and for the events of this chapter cf. Diod. xxxi. 35 and App. M ith. 3· A verse epigram in honour of a Bithynian named Menas, who perished in a battle near Corupedium (Peek, GVI, 613), may refer to this campaign. See B. Bar-Kochva, Scripta classica Israelica, I974. 14-28.
15. 1. npoua(a.s •.• 1rpos TO nf:pya.p.ov: the excerptor's words, as Biittner-Wobst indicates; cf. Habicht, Hermes, 1956, 108 nn. 2-3. According to App. Mith. 3, which follows P., the attack on the Nicephorium was preceded, not by a victory over Attalus, but by 536
PRUSIAS MARCHES ON PERGAMUM
XXXII. 1.5. 4
a treacherous attempt to overwhehn him by an attack during a conference organized by the Roman legati (cf. xxiii. 1), and this had forced Attalus to seek refuge in Pergamum; cf. Diod. xxxi. 35, a'ITOTVX
sculpture in the third century to marble in the second, but this was only a trend and bronze work continued to be produced. 4. TO T:.\aKATJ1TLOU ••• liya.AJ:LO. ••• U1TO ¢1upoJ:LO.xou KO.'TEaKEUO.ajLEVOV; d. Diod. xxxi. 35· Phyromachus, like his fellow Athenian, the sculptor Niceratus, was active in third-century Pergamum; Pliny, Nat. hist. xxxiv. 51, assigns him to 01. 121 = z¢/:z, and elsewhere (Nat. hist. xxxiv. 84) records that 'plures artifices fecere Attali et Eumenis aduersus Gallas proelia, lsogonus (Epigonus, Michaelis), Pyromachus (sic), Stratonicus, Antigonus.' (Which Attalus and Eumenes are meant is uncertain, but probability favours Attalus I and Eumenes II; cf. Hansen 2 , 302 n. 23.) The form of Phyromachus' statue has been much debated. Both seated and standing versions 537
XXXII.
I5.
4
PRUSIAS MARCHES ON PERGAMUM
of Asclepios appear on Pergamene coins, but Phyromachus probably kept close to the Athenian standing draped figure, with right hand resting on a serpent-entwined staff (cf. 0. Deubner, Das Asklepieion von Pergamon (Berlin, I938), 8; Hansen2 , 30I with n. IS, for the controversy). See further Lippold, RE, 'Phyromachos (2)', col. 1033, listing his works. 5. ~:the antecedent is, a little awkwardly, ,-J4aK~:rpnoiJ. 6. 1rp6Tepov dpTJKa 1rou ••• 1-'a.v~Kas: cf. v. 9· I-I2. 8 for P.'s discussion and condenmation of Philip's behaviour at Thermum. But Philip had also sacked the Nicephorium (xvi. 1. 2-6), and this must be in P.'s mind here. Against Holleaux's view that Philip's attack on the Nicephorium is also referred to in xvi. Io. I (Etudes, iv. 2I6 n. 2) see Vol. II, p. 499· 7. yovu1TETwv Ka.t yuva.~K~~oi-'Evos: P. is impatient of excessive religiosity (and of Prusias: cf. xxx. I8. 5 for his servility and yvva£Ktap.os towards the Senate). The alliteration conveys contempt. 8. +uxf)s l€ED'TfJKu£as TWV Xoy~a....Wv: madness made him behave in a way directly opposite to that which would achieve his object; cf. xv. 24. 6 for Philip's behaviour at Thasos. 9. Ka.Ta Tas 1rpoaj3oXcis: 'in his assaults', i.e. on the temples; there is no evidence that he attacked Pergamum (so Paton and Schweighaeuser). 1rpos 'EXa.£av: on its position see xxi. 10. 2 n. Prusias' march was south-west along the Caicus, and mainly on its left bank. 10. Iwaa.v8pov TOY ••• avVTpocflov: for rrJVTpo~os see v. 9· 4 n. Sosander is known from several inscriptions. A letter of Attalus II to the priest Attis of Pessinus (cf. xxi. 37· 5 n.), dated c. I55· mentions him among ,-wv d.vay~<:a.lwv, i.e. a member of the royal council (Welles, no. 61 OGIS, 3IS, vi, 1. 4). His death is mentioned in a letter of 142 from Attalus II to his cousin Athenaeus, mentioning his tenure of the priesthood of Dionysus Kathegemon (since the reign of Eumenes II), and his replacement by his son Athenaeus; and in 135 Attalus III commends this son Athenaeus to the council and people of Cyzicus (Welles, nos. 65-66 = OGIS, 331 ii and iii) in a letter which enables the following genealogy to be constructed: Athenaeus
r Apollonis = Attalus I Eumenes II
I
Attalus IIJ
Attalus II
Phiietaerus
l I
Meidias Athenaeus
I
Athenaeus
I
daughter
I
=
Athenaeus
Sosander
PRUSIAS MARCHES ON PERGAMUM
XXXII. •S· 14
See Hansen2 , 45 n. 93, following C. Radinger, Festschrift fur C. Wachsmuth (Leipzig, 1897), 126. On the priesthood of Dionysus Kathegemon see Hansen 2 , 452. Cf. Corradi, 272-3. hrt 8ua.TELpWV! hiS route emerges from references to temples and sites plundered, viz. the temple of Artemis at Riera Come (§ n), the sanctuary of Apollo Cynneius near Temnus (§ 12), and the territory of Methymna, Aegae, Cyme, and Heraclea (xxxiii. 13. 8). Evidently Prusias marched south from Elaea, keeping west of the Giindag massif, and following the modern route from Pergamum to Smyrna (Bergama to lzmir) ; en route he ravaged the land of Aegae and Cyme (cf. v. 77· 4 n.). Turning east up the Hermus valley to the foot of Temnus (cf. § 12 n.), he crossed the Hyrcanian plain to Thyateira, and thence continued via Stratoniceia on the Caicus and central Mysia to Bithynia. See L. Robert, Et. anat. III-I7; Magie, ii. n97 n. 42; above, Vol. I, sketch-map on p. 6o2. This seems his likely route, whether or no the Heraclea ravaged is the small and insignificant place near Temnus (cf. xxxiii. 13. 8 n.) or Heraclea Pontica (attacked perhaps by Prusias' fleet). 11. KO.Tcl ••• ...T)v br6.vo8ov: on his journey back from Elaea to Thyateira (Robert, Et. anat. n4). To Tfj~ ~PTEJLLSo~ kpov T']s ev 'IEp~ KwJLn : on the site and temple of Anahita, the Persian Artemis, see xvi. I. 8 n. The inviolability of the sanctuary was recognized by the Pergamene kings; cf. Welles, no. 68 = OGIS, 333 (a letter of Attalus III; this may imply an earlier grant from the Seleucids). On the cult see Pans. v. 27. 5; first century B.c. coins show the goddess (B.M.C. Lydia, 102 no. r). See Magie, ii. 1019 n. 65. 12. To Toll Kuvvdou ~1TOAAwvo~ TEJLEVos To 1TEpi. T']JLvov: on Temnus see v. 77· 4 n., and, for its relations with Pergamum, Welles no. 48, recording Eumenes II's subsidies to the town. An inscription (Robert, Et. anat. go-no) records a Temnian decree replying to one of Smyrna, which shows that the sanctuary of Apollo was outside the city; a coin of Temnus portrays a laureate Apollo (cf. Hansen 2 , 483; B.M.C. Troas, 143, pl. xxix. 1). 13. Tois O.v8pw1rots ••. Ka.i. Tois 8Eois 1TE1ToAEJL1JKW~: cf. iv. 62. 3 n. 14. ETO.AO.t1TWPTJC1E ••• TO 1TEtlkOV O'TpaTEUJLU: cf. Diod. xxxi. 35 (following P.) ; evidently P. next related a sirnilar disaster to Prusias' fleet: Tov yap O"ToAov xe,p.U:nn 7Ta.p«A6ycp 7Tep,7Teao~JTos lv Tfi llp07ToV7"lfn avvlf3TJ 'TWV VTJWV 7TOAAas p.& a.V..oiS' 'TOLS avopaa£V U7T6 rijs O«AaaUTJS l
quoted by Robert, Et. anat. III n. 2.) For the possibility that the fleet had attacked Methymna (and Heraclea?) cf. xxxiii. 13. 8 n. EK 8Eo1TEJL1TTOU ••• JLTjvw: according to Diod. xxxi. 35, dysentery among his troops (ol 1TAEiO"Tot • •• owf>OaPTJaa.v) and the disaster to his 539
XXXII. 15. I4
PRUSIAS MARCHES ON PERGAMUM
fleet constituted TdS' rrpwra<; d.f£ot{3tis rijs t:l<; TO 6t:iov aut:j3££as. This reflects P. in general, though he is less committed to the doctrine of divine vengeance, saying merely OoKt:iv drryvriju6at, just as in xxxi. 9· 4 Antiochus' madness exemplified divine vengeance----Ws lvw{ if,arnv (see Vol. I, p. 21, for other examples of retributive Fortune; Walbank, Polybius, 65). For later proof of divine retribution on Prusias see Diod. xxxii. 21 (Polybian) and App. Mith. 7, where Prusias appropriately perishes at the hands of assassins sent by his son in the temple of Zeus at Nicomedeia (cf. Habicht, Hermes, I956, I04 n. I). On the present passage see Alvarez de Miranda, Emerita, 1956, 58-59. who rightly stresses the inconsistencies in P.'s religious attitudes.] 16. 1-5. Attalus informs the Senate of Prusias' attack (156) For the placing of this excerpt in res Asiae of 01. ISS· 4 = 157/6 see p. 536. It is the first excerpt dealing with the war between Attalus II and Prusias II; see p. 39· On the war see also App. Mith. 3; Trog. prol. 34· Prusias' attack was in I56, and resulted, at first, in the defeat of Attalus (§ I). The causes of the war are not recorded; but Prusias was seeking to expand, perhaps on his son's behalf (App. Mith. 6). On its course see Habicht, RE, 'Prusias (2)', cols. 11I5-2o; McShane, 186---9; Vitucci, 75--82; Will, ii. 32I-z. It seems also to have been treated by Eratosthenes, son of Agades, in his Galatika (FGH, 745 F 5; cf. Momigliano, Atti Ace. Torino, I972-3, 693-4); but this author's date is unknown. 16. 1. TJTTT)8Et<; 1TO.pa npouu(ou: presumably in SUmmer, I56. ~8-i)va.tov: cf. xviii. 41. 10 n., xxiii. I. 4 n. J.LETa TWV 1TEpi TOY no1TAtov: P. Cornelius Lentulus, cos. sufi. I62 (cf. xxvii. 2. 12 n.), who had evidently been sent to Bithynia this year. For an earlier embassy sent by Attalus to Rome in I56 see § 2; and for the arrival there of Lentulus and Athenaeus see xxxiii. 1. 1. 2. ~vSpov£Kou: if this is the man mentioned in OGIS, 323 11. I7-2I, as going on Attalus' behalf to Rome iv Tots dvayKawTlf.rots Katpo'ts to ask for help against an aggressor (cf. Holleaux, Etudes, i. 373 no. 24; M. Fraenkel, Insch. Perg. i. 224; addendum in ii. p. 509), he was the king's aJVTpoif,os. In sending him Attalus was following the policy enunciated in his letter to Attis; cf. Welles, no. 61 = OGIS, 3I5, vi, 11. zo-22, EKptvov o3v ds f£~V T[~]v 'PWJ.LYJV at:~ 1TEf£1TEW Toils UVV£XWS' dvayyt:Aovv[ras] T[ti Sw]T[a]{oJ.LEVa KTA. Sent again to Rome in I49, Andronicus successfully opposed Prusias' attempt to have his fine remitted, and involved his son Nicomedes in an effective plot to dethrone his father (App. Mith. 4-7). The Philopoemen, son of Andronicus, who was lrr~ rijs aif,pay'tSos and perhaps commanded the Pergamene forces who took part in the capture of Corinth (M. Schede,
540
ATTALUS REPORTS PRUSIAS' ATTACK XXXII. r6. 5
AM, 1919, 3o-3r, no. r6), was perhaps this Andronicus' brother. See
Hansen 2 ,
20I-2.
4. Tou ••• NucoJliJ8ouc;: later Nicomedes II Epiphanes, the son of Prusias and Apama (cf. xv. 22. In.). According to Livy, xlv. 44· 4 f.,
Prusias took him to Rome and recommended him to the Senate ; but Niese (iii. zor n. z) questions the reliability of this annalistic passage. Later, according to Justin. xxxiv. 4· I and App. Mith. 4, relations were soured between Nicomedes and Prusias, who allegedly plotted his murder and was in turn dethroned and murdered by him (see § 2 n.); but P. represents the embassy of this year as undertaken in his father's interest by Nicomedes. See xxxvi. 14. r-s n. 1>.VTi4n>.ov : otherwise unknown. 5. ~,n8ulo-a.cf>ouJlEVTJS ri)c; "1TflO.YJlO.TE£a.c;: not at the hands of Athenaeus and P. Lentulus (so Broughton, i. 448), since their arrival at Rome is not reported until the next olympiad year (xxxiii. r. r}, and results in the dispatch of a further embassy. AeuK~OV i\"'TOATJLOV Kat r clLOV neTpWVLOV: probably L. Appuleius (Saturninus), praetor r66 and decemuir agris dandis assignandis in Liguria and Gaul in 173 (Livy, xlii. 4· 3-4}; cf. Klebs, RE, 'Appuleius (28)', col. z6r. C. Petronius is not the man mentioned in a corrupt passage of the Oxyrhynchus epitome of Livy (ep. 52 L I So), but is otherwise unknown (cf . .Munzer, RE, 'Petronius (86) and (89)'. coL 1231).
541
BOOK XXXIII Ol. 156 rs6j5, 155/4, 154/3, and 153/2; see pp. 4o-43. Chs. 1-3 (with xxxii. 15. 1-4) deal with 156/5 (though ch. 2 could follow xxxii. u), chs. J-II, 4 perhaps 5-6 (though these may belong later in the olympiad), and 12-13 "\\ith I55/4. chs. 14-15 (followed by xxxv. r. x-6) and 16-17 with 154/3, and rS-19 with 153/2 (though 19 may concern 155/4); chs. 2o-21 are of uncertain provenance. 1
1. 1-8. Embassies at Rome from Attalus and, on behalf of the detainees, from Achaea This excerpt from de legat. gent. belongs to res Italiae of 01. 156. 1 = 156/5 (see pp. 30, 4o), and records the hearing of envoys at Rome that winter (156/s). 1. 1. ;T, Ka.TO. XEL!Joi:lva.: cf. 12. I ; the phrase indicates the later part of the winter (Pedech, Methode, 462-4, esp. 464 n. r87). Since A. Postumius Albinus, praetor A.U.C. 599 = xss. was already in office (§ 5). the session of the Senate is probably shortly after the (Roman) Ides of March of that year. TWV 1TEpl. TOY n61T}uov AEYTAOV: see xxxii. !6. I n. for his return with Athenaeus from Pergamum. 2. KtYTwva. ••• 'OpT~<nov ••• AupoyKoA*oY: i.e. C. Claudius Centho (cf. Miinzer, RE, 'Claudius (w6)', col. 2695), L. Hortensius (praetor in charge of the fleet against Perseus in 170; for honorary decrees in his favour cf. IG, iiZ. 907; Insc. de Delos, no. 461 A a, 83; Munzer, RE, 'Hortensius (4)', col. 2466), and C. Aurunculeius (otherwise unknown; Klebs, RE, 'Aurunculeius (3)', col. 2555); on their return in 154 see 7· I. 3. lmep TWY Ka.TEXO!J.EYwv: the detainees in Italy (cf. xxx. 13. 8-u, 30. I, 32. 1-12 (164), xxxii. 3· 14-17 (159) for their deportation and earlier attempts to secure their return). E:f.vwva. TOY Aty~ka. Ka.l. T TJAEKAEa. TOV AtyELpcl.TTJY: cf. xxxii. 3· 14 n.; Wilamowitz corrected the manuscript a.ly.::aTIJv on the basis of Syll. 675 1. 2, 'Upwv T7JAEKMovr; AlynpaTIJ>· 4. Tov ~ha.~ouALou '~~'poTE9EvTos: 'when the debate was opened', or 'when proposals were put forward' (cf. xii. 25 k 5, xxvii. 7· 3, xxix. 24. n); Paton's rendering, 'upon the matter being put to the vote', is less likely, for it was the vote that decided the matter against the Achaeans. The envoys "\\ithdrew before discussion began; cf. von Premerstein, RE, 'legatus', col. II37· 542
EMBASSIES AT ROME
XXXIILz
'!Ta.p' OALyov ~AOov n'ITOAUoa.t KTA.: for the view that about this time
the Senate was becoming more well disposed towards the Greeks see Lehmann, 312-13. 5. AoXos nooTO~LOS: A. Postumius Albinus, praetor urbanus rss. cos. rsr (xxxv. 3· 7); on his philhellenic pretensions see xxxix. 1. 1-12. See Munzer, RE, 'Postumius (31)', cols. 902-8; and, for P.'s view of him, Lehmann, 374-7. On the Greek term for the praetor with his six lictors see M9mmsen, St.-R. ii. r. 197 n. s; Mason, 158; above, ii. 23. S· 7. ~h"lp~m1 Tas SUo Ka.8oXtt<ws: the magistrate in charge could decide which sententia he would put forward for the Senate to vote on (cf. Mommsen, St.-R. iii. 2. 987 n. 2; O'Brien-Moore, RE, Suppl.-B. vi, 'senatus', cols. 71s-x6). The praetor on this occasion asked the Senate to decide between letting the detainees go and not letting them go. But P.'s account is ambiguous; for the third view, passed over by Postumius, can be taken in two ways. Most scholars, editors and translators have taken it to mean 'to let them go, but not at once'. This version neglects the use of the two verbs a1ro)n1£Lv and imcrxEw, contrasted by piv and Sl; but they are not easily regarded as identical, and differentiated only by the addition of Komi To "'Ta.pov with the second (cf. § 8 n.). Moreover, when the debate is about whether the detainees shall now be released, to say 'Release them, but continue to hold them for the time being!' comes very near to being nonsense. An alternative meaning (so Lehmann, 376) is 'to release them, but to hold them in Italy for the time being'. Hitherto the debate had been about d-m)/.vats (§§ 4-5), with no strings attached. The supporters of the third motion now introduced a. nuance into the debate by distinguishing between 1hroAt:t;w, 'release from detention', and irrtcrxEtv, 'hold in Italy' for the time being. By ignoring this, and making the issue a straight vote between release (with freedom to return home), dtlva.t, and continued detention, Postumius certainly revealed his hostility towards the Achaeans, in a. way which helps to explain P.'s attitude towards him (cf. xxxix. r). To us civa.KEKA"l~.Evous &.~LEva.L: 'to let go those who had been summoned to Italy' ; the words clearly convey the idea of return to Greece. For TOVS ava.KEKATJpivovs cf. XXX. 32· 10 n. 8. E'ITEXELV ••• G'ITOAU£Lv ••• ci~r.EvTwv: see § 7 n.
2. Three Athenian philosojJhers come as Athenian envoys to Rome The embassy mentioned in this extract from Aulus Gellius (vi. 14. 8-ro) took place in ISS; but, since P. related the dispute between Athens and Oropus in a passage (d. xxxii. n. 5 n.), the passage in P. describing this embassy may have stood in 01. 155. 3 = rsS/7, i.e. in book xxxii between xxxii. 11. 9 and xxxii. 13 (see p. 4o). The visit of the three philosophers was famous; cf. Cic. A cad. ii. 137; 543
XXXUI. z
ATHENIAN PHILOSOPHERS AT ROME
de or. ii. 155; Tusc. iv. 5; Att. xii. 23. 2; Fin. ii. 59; Pliny, Nat. kist. vii. II2; Plut. Cato mai. 22; Aelian, Var. 'kist. iii. I7; Lact. Hist. v. 14. 3-5; Macrob. i. 5· 14 (based on Gellius). 2. (14. 8) uti multam remitteret: cf. xxxii. 11. 5 n. for the soctalent fine imposed by Sicyonian arbitrators on Athens (Paus. vii. 11. 5; Plut. Cato mai. 22. r), and reduced by the Senate on appeal to roo talents. (14. 9) Cameades ... Diogenes ... Critolaus: Carneades of Cyrene succeeded Hegesinus as head of the Academy before 155 (cf. xxxi. 3· r n.). He lived from zr4/13 to 129/8, but retired from his position in IJ7/6. His main doctrine as founder of the New Academy was one of sceptical reserve concerning the truth or falsity of wpdJTovs A.6yovs- a.&rwv wpds T'i)v crvyKA1JTOV tlv~p ~'I'Tt
ATHENIAN PHILOSOPHERS AT ROME
XXXIII. 4· 1-4
Rutilius is al~ linked with P. as a source for the date of Africanus' death (d. xxiii. 12. r-14. 12 n.; Livy, xxxix. 52. 1), no doubt an indication that he used P. as a source (cf. Munzer, RE, 'Rutilius (34)', cols. 1269-80, especially 1276 ff.; Badian, Latin Historians (see last note), 23-25). For fragments see HRR, i 2 • pp. x87-9o; FGH, 815. sui cuiusque generis facundiam: P. almost certainly heard the public speeches of the philosophers, since he was in Rome at the time. Hirzel, ii. I. 878 n. I, thinks he indicates a preference for the Stoic Diogenes; but that is not clearly so.
3. 1-2. Return home of the Achaean envoys (rss) This excerpt from de legat. gent. follows I. 1-8. Biittner-Wobst classifies it as res ltaliae, but it should fall under res Graeciae of 01. I 56, 1 = 156{5, perhaps coming straight after the senatorial audience and so effecting a transition to the Greek theatre.
3. 1. Twv ••• 1TpEa~EIITWV: cf.
I. 3 n. 2. ot 1TOAAo' ••• ~1TEf.1.vov: this suggests a decision taken at a synodos. ~va.s(8a.f.1.ov: Anaxidamus took Xenon's place; for his previous diplomatic experience see xxx. 30. r n., 32. 1-r2.
<xxxii. 15. 1-14, describing Prusias' march on Pergamum, should stand here in the res Asiae of 01. IS6, 1 156{5; see ad loc.) [4. 1-4. Character of Aristocrates of Rhodes This brief excerpt follows xxxii. 15. r·-I4 in de uirt. et uit., and asP. normally treats the affairs of Rhodes before those of Asia, it should 155/4. after II. I-7; see pp. 41-42. The probably stand in 01. IS6. 2 context is the war which broke out late in 155 or in 154 between Crete and an enfeebled Rhodes ; the details leading to this are lost. See Trog. prot. 35. 'bellum piraticum inter Cretas et Rhodios'; Diod. xxxi. 37-38, 43-45 (probably drawing on P.); Niese, iii. 324-5; Schmitt, Rom und Rhodos, 177; van Effenterre, 268--9; van Gelder, Rhodier, 16o. An inscription from Carpathos relevant to this war is published by Segre, Riv. ftl. 1933, 38o, and goes with Sytl. 570 JG, xii. r. 1033); d. Blinkenberg, Insc. Lind. 1007 ff. Syll. 673 mentions a Cretan War, which some scholars have taken to be this one (d. Blinkenberg, ibid. ro10; Fraser and Bean, 148-sr); but Holleaux's arguments in favour of the Cretan War of 204-201 (cf. xiii. 3-5. 6 n.) are convincing (d. W. Thompson, TAPA, 1971, 6I6-J7). See further xxvii. 7· 3 n. The Cretans seem to have acted in unison, perhaps led by Gortyn (but cf. 16. r). T
545
XXXIII. 4· 1
CHARACTER OF ARISTOCRATES OF RHODES
4. 1. ~pl.l7ToKp6.TI'J<,; A Tc'i'IV 'Po5(wv aTp<1TI'JYO ... : he could be the son of ETpd:rwv l4pt(11'0Kpd.T£VS, a Delphic proxenos in ISo/79 (Syll. 585 L 103).
but the name is not unusual. Aristocrates will have been navarch (d. van Gelder, Rhodier, 251); (1'Tpa:rT)yos is probably the excerptor's word. l. 'l}yEjl0\1<1 ••• orou 1fOAEj10U: against the Cretan pirates; cf. 4· 1-4 n. 3. Kn66.'11'Ep TO. K~~Sf1A<1 Twv voj1tal16.Twv: d. Diod. xxxi. 37, who adds (clearly from P.) illotos Jq,d.VTJ Ka~ Tov TroA£p.ov Tois l8lots ~>.arrwp.cu:nv 1Jae1Ja£V. For the metaphor cf. xxi. 20. 7 n., xxix. 17. 2, xxxix. 3· 6, fg. 26. St)Xov 6.'11'' noTwv Twv ~pywv: Diod. xxxi. 38 recounts the worsting of the Rhodian fleet by one of smaller vessels (their names are probably corrupt in the manuscript of the excerpt, which is from de sent.); Diodorus, in a simile probably taken from P., who elsewhere riveals an interest in hunting (cf. Walbank, Polybius, 33 n. 6), compares the Rhodian fleet to bears attacked by small hunting dogs, which bite their heels and force them to sit until the hunter administers the coup de grace. This vivid comparison does not however enable us to reconstruct the Cretan tactics. The war continued \\ith Cretan raids on Carpathos (Syll. 570; Riv. fil. 1933, 38o ff.) and Siphnos (Diod. xxxi. 45). The Rhodians had to divert some ships to help Attalus (13. 2 n.) and appealed unsuccessfully to Achaea (cf. 16. I-I7· 5).] [5. 1-4. Intrigue between Demetrius I and Archias, tire Ptolemaic governor of Cyprus If 4· 1-4 should stand under 01. 156, 2 155/4. the present chapter, from which§§ 2-4 follow 4· 1-4 in the exc. de uirt. et uit., must belong
either to that or to one of the two following years; it probably belongs (together with 6. 1-9: see ad loc.) to res Asiae of 155/4 (see pp. 41-42, where the uncertainty of its position relative to 12. 1-13. Io is made clear). H. Volkmann, ZN, 1924, 53 f. (cf. RE, 'Ptolemaios (24)', col. 1714) would date Archias' treason to ISI/o because of a special gold issue that year, which he argues was coined for Cyprus; but this would go beyond 01. 156, and that is irreconcilable with the order of the fragments of P. See, against Volkmann, Manni, Riv. jil. 195o, 241 n. I. The dating proposed by Otto, 6. Ptolemiier, Il2 n. 6, (158/7) is equally impossible. §§ 1 and :za from Suidas clearly belong to the context of §§ 2-4. 5. 1. •"' "' 'll'poTdvE&V nlrr~ 1fEVTnt<6a'n TQJ..nVTa.: the subject is Demetrius I of Syria (cf. § 2, which likewise identifies a.V-rcp as Archias). n)v xpdnv T
DEMETRIUS I AND ARCHIAS
XXXIII. 6. r
persuaded to come over to Alexa