A Historical Commentary on Polybius, Vol. 3: Commentary on Books 19-40

of Caria and the garrison commander at Caunus; this seems preferable to treating the plural as a stylistic device indicating only the provincial governor (so Bengtson, Strat. iii. 175). ITpa.TOVLICEla.v ••• 1rap' :b.vTLoxou Tou IEA£uKou: the manuscript reading Ka£ EEAEVKov is preferable to Niebuhr's ToiJ, followed by Hultsch and Buttner-Wobst. On Stratoniceia see :21. 3 n. For 'Antiochus and Seleucus' four possibilities have been canvassed: (a) Antiochus I and his son Seleucus (who never reached the throne); (b) Seleucus II and Antiochus Hierax before his revolt c. 240 (the names could be reversed to avoid hiatus) ; (c) Antiochus III and the later Seleucus IV (co-regents from 189 to 187); (d) Seleucus II and 457

XXX. 3I. 6

EMBASSIES AT ROME FROM PRUSIAS, ETC.

Antiochus III (with reversed order). Fraser and Bean, Ioz-s, are undecided between the first two; but the first seems improbable, for Antiochus will hardly have made the city over to Rhodes so soon after its foundation, and indeed is virtually excluded by an inscription published by Robert (Melanges Levy, 553-68), which makes 276 a terminus post quem for the foundation of the city. The second cannot be excluded; see van Gelder, Rkodier, 197-8; Meyer, Grenzen, 6o; Gnomon, 1954, 475; Schmitt, Rom und Rhodos, uz n. I; Antiochos, 247 n. 7, zBo; Jones, CERP'•, so and n. 34· The third is supported by Holleaux, Etudes, iv. 2o4n. 3; v. ro7 n. 6 'vraisemblablement vers Ia fin de 197'; cf. Magie, ii. 879--Bo n. 73; Briscoe on Livy, xxxili. x8. 22. This passage of Livy reads: 'nequiquam inde obsessa oppugnataque urbs est, nee recipi nisi aliquanto post per Antiochurn potuit' and might seem to exclude the third interpretation of J1VTt6xov Ka~L'eAEVKov; but although recipi often means 'be recovered' (cf. Livy, xxxvili. 3• 4) it can also mean 'to be taken' without any implication of previous possession (cf. Livy, ii. 39· 4, xxxii. 18. 7, 24. 7 and other passages quoted by Briscoe on Livy, xxxili. 18. 22). The fourth rendering is also possible and indeed attractive (cf. Aymard, REG, 1945, xiv; Robert, Melanges Levy, 564-5 n.; Schmitt, Rom und Rhodos, 219, add. to n2 n. 1, reporting Aymard's view without comment). On this view Seleucus II gave Stratoniceia to Rhodes, but it later fell into Philip V's hands (cf. xvi. 12 n., where the statement that Rhodes got it only later would need correction) and was recovered with Antiochus III's help and restored by him to Rhodes in 197 (cf. xvili. 44· 4 n.). Thus Astymedes correctly mentioned both kings; the order may be reversed to avoid hiatus, but since two separate events would be involved, P. would be under no obligation to mention the remoter first. As between the three interpretations (b), (c), and (d) it does not seem possible to decide with confidence. 7. EKa.Tov tca.l ~Ei~toat TMO.VTa.: we have no other evidence for the tribute raised by Rhodes from its continental possessions, nor do we know what proportion each paid. 8. Eanpt)f1e9a. Twv rrpoa6Swv, 9eAoVTES: 'we have surrendered these revenues by our ready acceptance' ; 'if we consent • . . ' (Paton) introduces an inappropriate note of indecisiveness. 10. Ka.Ta.A(AuTa.L ••• ~ ToG Atjl&vos rrpoaoSos: not entirely; cf. § 12 n. u~v Ai]Aov fL~V OTEA~ Trfi:TrOLfJKliTIJJV: Buttner-Wobst's punctuation, with a comma after instead of before flp.Wv {followed by Paton), is awkward and may be a printer's slip. Delos had been assigned to Athens (zo. 2-9 nn.); for its rh·l.\na see too Strabo, x. 5· 4, C. 486. This measure benefited Italian traders, who increasingly settled in Delos and were active in the eastern Mediterranean trade; for bibliography and discussion of the question of how far trading 458

EMBASSIES AT ROME FROM PRUSIAS, ETC.

XXX. 31.

IZ

interests affected Roman political decisions see Schmitt, Rom und Rhodos, I66 n. 3; add Hill, g6-97 (Senate's attitude towards commerce); Badian, 101 (action punitive). &.~nPTJJJivwv 8€ T~v ToG 8i)11ou 1T11pPT)a(av: cf. § 16, xvii. 4· 7 n. As in the rest of the speech, OfjJ.Los is the whole Rhodian people, not 'the popular element' (as in vi. 57· 7). Trap(YI)ala is closely associated with the concept of democracy (cf. ii. 38. 6, ltrf}yoplas J
that Rhodian democracy has been impaired (cf. van Gelder, Rhodier, I 57; Schmitt, Rom und Rhodos, 164); Fraser, CR, 1959, 67, suggests that the Rhodians had themselves introduced emergency regulations to this end. In fact, however, Rhodian democracy (moderate, as always) continued to exist (cf. Cic. rep. iii. 48; epigraphical evidence in Touloumakos, 131--42), and though there could have been a temporary suspension of normal procedures, none is attested and it seems more likely that Astymedes is referring to something external. 71"app7Jula means the freedom and disposition to speak out which is the characteristic of a free people in its relations with others, whether a democracy or not; Touloumakos, 131, quotes Cato, HRR, i. 88, fg. 95 g, 'Rodiensis superbos esse aiunt .•. sint sane superbi. quid id ad uos attinet? .. .', and it is noteworthy that the word linked with Trap(YI)ala in § 16 is not ltrf}yopla but laoAoyla. In xxiv. 10. 9 P. says of the Achaeans that, prior to Callicrates' visiting Rome . I 8 I I0 en • , , , E<;,rfll •e.a , , , I(IJ.'Ta' 7TOU011 ' tUOilOytav ' \ , ill €XEW 7rpo;; •pWfLIJ.WVS, The meaning in § 16 will be similar; and both there and here P. is probably indicating that such freedom to speak out as an equal was no longer possible under the shadow of Roman domination, since all utterances had to take account of this. See further Bleicken, Gnomon, 1959, w; Touloumakos, 131-2. Tfj<,;; 6.p11otouO"'}s 1TpoaTau£as: 'with fitting dignity' ; 7rpoaTaala (cf. v. 43· 3· go. s. xii. 28. 6) signifies both authority and the outward display which characterizes it. 12. Loss of Rhodian revenues: a much debated passage, with a dubious reading. The l>.AtfLlv,ov had hitherto brought in I,ooo,ooo dr. (sc. per annum) : viiv EOplJ.:ALfLlvwv is taken by some (cf. van iv. 356; Fraser, Gelder, Rhodier, 156 n. 1; Larsen in Frank, Alex. i. 164) to mean harbour-dues, by others (cf. Beloch. iv. 1. 291 n. 4, ::199; A. M. Andreades, History of Greek Public Finance, i (Cambridge, Mass. 1933), 138 n. s. 147) as customs-duties. The word has the second sense in Milet, i. 3 no. 149 ll. 42 f.; and it is more appropriate here since Delos no doubt exacted harbour-dues, hence it would be primarily to escape custoins duties that merchants I

"

'

1

459

XXX. 31. 12 EMBASSIES AT ROME FROM PRUSIAS, ETC.

changed to that port (Schmitt, Rom und Rhodas, 161 n. x). If duties were the usual2 per cent, Rhodian trade will hitherto have amounted to at least so,ooo,ooo dr. (Rostovtzeff, SEHHW, iii. 1486 n. ¢), since P.'s figure will be what the tax-farmer paid the state, not what he collected. With 0.4>TJP~KaTE (Hultsch, Btittner-Wobst) the sense is 'you have taken away 15o,ooo dr.'-which leaves Sso,ooo, a figure which would scarcely support Astymedes' complaint (cf. Ferguson, 333 n. 1); moreover, the natural comparison is between what was then and what is now. Hence &4nf'11KaTE is to be rejected (though accepted by van Gelder, Rhodier, 156 n. I; Niese, iii. 196; De Sanctis, iv. I. 356 n. 317; Fraser, Alex. ii. 28o n. 246). Keeping E-fJp~KaTE Hiller von Gaertringen (RE, Suppl.-B. v, 'Rhodos', col. 797) suggests a Roman control of the harbour; but the phrase is directed to the Senate and especially to Ti. Gracchus and his colleagues who were present and had recently visited Rhodes (cf. § 20, 30. 7 n. for Gracchus' speech there; see Schmitt, Rom und Rhodos, 163). The use of Ei'JplaKEw in two different senses in the same sentence is not a serious difficulty, for P. was not sensitive to this kind of repetition. That the audience is being addressed is confirmed by the words ifJ a!iOpEs 'PwJLatot. 14. n1TCWTa.~ n1ToAwAlrra.s &1T' a.UTOU TOU 81}f10U: instigated by c. Popillius Laenas (xxix. 27. 1-13 n.; Livy, xlv. to. 4-15); cf. § 20. 15. 1rpo~ Tau~ liAAous ••• 1Tp<;J-OTa.To\ tc:a.l. ll-Eya.Aoo/uxoTa.Tol: attitudes proper in dealing with inferiors or subjects; cf. i. 8. 4 (Hiero at Syracuse), xv. 17.4 (Scipio addressing Carthaginian ambassadors). 16. n1TOAWA€tc:WS ••• TUS 1Tpoao8ous, T~V 1TappfJO'Ca.v, T~V lO"oAoyia.v: for the revenues cf. § 1:2 n., for "TTapp'fJa{a and kToAoyla § 10 n. Realistically Astymedes puts the revenues on an equal footing with "TTappYJala and laoAoyla-for if the latter assured the former (§ 10), in the long run the reverse was equally true. 17. ~tc:a.vA.s ~xwv 1TATJyas: cf. ii. 32. 3, v. 4· 12; the phrase usually means 'with considerable losses'; but '1TATJY1/ can be a blow of a whip, and there may be some reference to the simile in § 3· See Wonderer, i. 67. T~V npxi]s O.lpEO'lV Kat +lMa.v: 'your original friendly attitude' (Paton), i.e. before the Romans became irritated. The phrase is irrelevant to the question of when relations were instituted between Rome and Rhodes (so correctly Schmitt, Rom und Rhodas, 23-24). 19. OL 'll'Epl TOV TE~ipLOV ap7L 1Ta.pa.y£YOVOTEs: cf. 30. 7 n. 20. ICO.TO.KEKpi<79a.L 9a.vaTOU: cf. § I4 n. f:Trou]aa.vTo T~v 1rpos 'Pw11a.£ous au1111a.xla.v: the awkward change of subject will be due to the excerptor; cf. for the fact Livy, ep. 46, 'societas cum Rhodiis deprecantibus iuncta est'; Zon. ix. 24. 6, Kat lTvxov rijs cnrov8ijs, &X\' Jt/J€. Given a fairly early response, the treaty will date to the first part of ~~; for other views, some impossible.

is

460

EMBASSIES AT ROME FROM PRUSIAS, ETC.

XXX. 32.

10

see Schmitt, Rom unit Rhodos, x68 n. 2. The nature of the treaty can only be surmised. .Magie, ii. 957 n. 70, thinks there was no joedus, but that the Rhodians resumed amicitia et societas; but 5· 4--6 and § 17 above seem to imply ajoedus, and technically this was probably aequum (cf. Horn, 62--65; Taubler, 204 ff. ; Schmitt, Rom und Rhodos, 168-9, less confidently). 32. 1. o1va.p0. Twv )\xa...Wv vp~a~t:\~: cf. 30. tvToAO.s aKoAou8ws Ta.is avoKplat:a\v

KT

1

n.

X.: cf. 29. x, recording the

indignation this reply aroused; here P. tells us what it was. 3. Eopea.v: cf. 30. I n. v6.X1v €~ apxils: so Casaubon; but the manuscript a:ihfjs should be kept (cf. xxviii. 8. 9, w&A.w Jg aUri}s). The sense is 'without delay'. ouTt: ... aK.fJKot: ••. oun KpLa\v oOSt:1:1£a.v vt:"'I''tT)TO.\: this is confirmed

by the account in Paus. ·vii. 10. 9-10: Xenon protested that he was guiltless towards Rome and offered to stand trial in Rome or Achaea, whereupon the unnamed Roman representative (ov?la.p.wS' ls BtKa.too-Uvr;v wp68vp.ov) seized upon this to have those Callicrates named sent lv &KaaTTjplcy Kplmv 'TijJ 'Pwp.a.lwv vfi~OV'TIJ.S'. P.'s own account is lost; cf. 13. n n. 5. 1:1Laovov.fJpws ••. To'ls ahloLS: 'to deal rigorously with those found guilty', not (as Paton) 'with the accused' (most of whom, it was expected, would turn out to be innocent). 6. s,a. To va.vTa.xo&t:v €~t:X~xt:a8a.l: 'as they were under pressure from all sides'; cf. xxviii. 9· 6 n.; Galen, vi. 323, xv. 902 Kuhn. 7. To'ls «J>lAoLS a.OTwv: the pro-Roman party in Achaea. 8. au1:11:1uaa.VTt:S: so Casaubon and Reiske for the manuscript avp.p.~a.I"TeS': the sense is 'keeping their mouths shut'. 9. oliTt: To'l~ u1:1ET~po1s StifLOLS: 'nor to your peoples'; Larsen (GFS, 484) takes this to mean 'to the Greek states', and he assumes that a reply given to the Achaeans was interpreted as applying to all the Greek detainees. This seems most likely; cf. § 8, mentioning those in other states. Freeman (HFG, 533 n. x) takes the meaning to be 'to the separate cities of Achaea', and sees in it 'another blow at that Federal unity which it (i.e. the Senate) so deeply hated and dreaded'; but had the Senate wanted to dissolve the Achaean Confederacy, it could have done so. 10. 'll't:pt Tous avo.Kt:KAfJ1:1Evous: 'those summoned (to Italy)'; cf. xxxi. 23. s. xx.xii. 6. 4, xxxiii, I. 7, 14. This was not limited to the Achaeans nor (despite Paton} does P. say it was. .Mauersberger s.v. J.vaKaAlop.a.t translates 'die achaiischen Geiseln': both noun and adjective are incorrect. According to Zon. ix. 31. I, many committed suicide. vt:pi Tous "EAAfJva.~: i.e. the Greeks in Rome (ct. 4· 10, xxxii. 6. 6); the reaction in Greece is described in § II.

XXX. 32.10

EMBASSIES AT ROME FROM PRUSIAS, ETC.

Twv dKATJpoovTwv: 'the exiles'.

[The manuscripts have a passage between §§ 10 and n, which has been rightly transposed to form 30. 7-8: see ad loc.] 12. ot Tll'> 1rpoE
rs.

(For the placing of xxxi. I. r under res Asiae of Ol. 153, 4 and so in this book, see ad loc. (cf. p. 35).)

=

r65/4.

BOOK XXXI 01. 154 r64/3-16x/o; see pp. 34-37. Chs. r---9 deal '\\':ith 164/3, chs. ro-19 with r63/2, chs. 2o-21 with r6z/r, and chs. 22-33 '\\':ith r6rfo. [1. 1. Ti. Gracchus subjects the Cammani to Rome

The Cammani are the inhabitants of Camrnanene (Pliny, Nat. hist. vi. 9), or Chammanene, on the right bank of the Halys in north-west Cappadocia (Strabo, xii. r. 4, C. 534, z. ro, C. 540; Ptol. Geog. v. 6. rz; Ruge, RE, 'Cham(m)anene', col. 21o7). This excerpt from de legat. gent. cannot belong to res Italiae of 01. 154, r = r64/3, and should stand after xxx. 32. 12 in res Asiae of 01. 153, 4 = 165/4; see p. 35· Since Ti. Gracchus returned from Asia before the hearing of the embassies in winter 165/4 (see xxx. 30. 7-8 n., 31. 19-20 n.), it must refer to the beginning of the olympiad year, i.e. r65. Gracchus' mission is known to have included Cappadocia (3. 4); but there is no further reference to the subjection of the Cammani, nor do we know what force Gracchus could command as a legatus; the combination of force and deceit may suggest the seizure of their leaders, perhaps during negotiations. Legati would have enough men with them for that. Metzung, n, took the Camrnani to be a Gallic people (cf. Ptol. Geog. ii. ro. 8) against whom Gracchus operated as consul in 163; but he spent his consulship in Corsica and Sardinia (d. Broughton, i. 440), and in any case P. would hardly describe a campaign of 163 in Liguria before the embassies heard at the beginning of that consular year. Biittner-Wobst accepts Metzung; but see, against him, Steigemann, 96.)

1. 2-8. Eumenes' envoys at Rome: legati sent to Greece and Asia Minor (r64/3) Though continuous in de legat. gent. with 1. r, this excerpt is from res Italiae of Ol. 154, I 164/3; it describes the hearing by the Senate of foreign embassies at the beginning of the consular year 163. See Diod. xxxi. 7· z; above, p. 35· 1. 2. 1fAELovwv 'lfa.pa.yeyovoTwv (11'peu~euTwv): in Diod. xxxi. 1· z the Pergamene envoys are heard first. On Eumenes' brothers, Attalus and Athenaeus, see xvlii. 41. ron., xxiii. I. 4 n. 3. npouuLa.v ••• I(Q.TB TOV E{,j.LWT] Ka.l TOV ~VTLOXOV: i.e. the previous

XXXI.

I.

3

EUMENES' ENVOYS AT ROME

year; for Prusias' allegations of a conspiracy against Rome by Eumenes and Antiochus see xxx. 30. 2 n., 30. 4 n. Habicht, RE, 'Prusias (2)', cols. III3-I4. thinks Prusias sent a further embassy now, but P. does not say so. llVTioxov: Gronovius for MS. aTTaAov.

To(Jc; r a.A6.Ta.c; 1Ta.pwsuK€va.~: cf. XXX. 30. 2. Touc; Ie>.yei'c;: on Selge see v. 72. I n.; cf. Trog. prot. 34, 'bellum regis Eumenis ... in Pisidia cum Selgensibus'. Magie, ii. 1136 n. I2,

suggests that the renewal of the treaty of friendship between Termessus and Adada (TAM, iii. I. 2) belongs to this war; Wilhelm, who gives an improved text (5.-B. Wien, I6o, I9IO, pp. 3 f.), puts it later under Attalus or even during Aristonicus' revolt. For the complaints of the other Asian peoples cf. xxx. 30. 4· 5. nj.i.Y)9€vTEc;: i.e. to Eumenes' detriment; cf. xxx. I. 1-2. ro. 6. ra.~ov IoA1TLKLOV Ka.L MO.v~ov IEpyLoV: c. Sulpicius Galus, cos. I66 (cf. MUnzer, RE, 'Sulpicius (66)', cols. 8o8-II); for his harangue to the troops about the eclipse at Pydna, when military tribune, see xxix. I6. 2 n. According to Cicero (Brut. 78), 'maxime omnium nobilium Graecis litteris studuit' ; see Cic. rep. i. 23 for his close relations with Aemilius Paullus (cf. Lehmann, 377). His colleague is theM'. Sergius M'.f. who figures as a witness on the S.C. on Thisbae (Syll. 646 = Sherk, 2 1. I6) in 170. According to 2 Mace. xi. 34 a letter was sent to the Jews on rs Xanthikos of year I48 s.E. by two Roman legati named Q. Memmius and nToa fWVLoa epvLOa; the second of these names has usually been interpreted as T. Manlius, but M'. Sergius is perhaps more probable (cf. Niese, iii. 239 n. I; Hermes, 1900, 485 ff.; MUnzer, RE, 'Sergius (I6)', col. 1692). Since the Seleucid dates in I and 2 Mace. seem to depend on a Seleucid era which began in autumn 3I2 (cf. Heinemann, RE, 'MakkabaerbUcher (I and II)', cols. 783-4), I5 Xanthikos I48 s.E. should be March I64, and this would make M'. Sergius' embassy r64 (if he is indeed the co-author of the letter). However, this letter is preceded by one from Antiochus V to Lysias (cf. 7· 2 n.) and one from Lysias to the Jews, the latter also being dated to year I48 s.E. ; and since by the era used in I and 2 Mace. Antiochus IV died in year I49 S.E. (I Mace. vi. I6), it follows that the date of the letter is unacceptable, the more so because Antiochus IV is now known to have died in autumn I64 (SachsWiseman, Iraq, I954. 209: the year is not on the tablet, but its restoration seems certain). Broughton, i. 439 (cf. Steigemann, 46) dates the embassy of Sergius and Sulpicius in A.u.c. 590 164; but it must fall at the beginning of A.u.c. 591 I63 (see p. 35). If the date in 2 Mace. xi. 34 is false, however, there is no reason why the legatus there mentioned should not be identified with M'. Sergius; but his mission (and the letter, if it is genuine) will belong to 163. Normally such embassies had three members, and Niese, Hermes, I9oo, 487 n. n, suggested a lacuna after .EoA1TlKLov, to be 464

L:EGAT I SENT TO GREECE AND ASIA MINOR XXXI. z. z

filled with (Ka.l K&i:(vrov}), i.e. Q. Memmius, the cosignatory of the letter recorded in 2 Mace. xi. 34· See further M~kholm, 162-5, arguing that that letter is a falsification. 7. TOLS Meya.Ao1roMTa.Ls ~
2. 1-14. The Senate's decision on Syria: legati sent to lwfacedonia and Asia (163) This further excerpt from de legat. gent. refers to events of early 163, when news of Antiochus IV's death has reached Rome (§ 4 n.); seep. 35·

2. 1. AT]tJ-T)TpLos b ToO Ie>.eu~
XXXI. z. z

THE SENATE'S DECISION ON SYRIA

had associated a son Antiochus on the throne with him; cf. xxvi. I a In. But the plural probably means simply; in general tenns, that Demetrius ought not to act as hostage for Epiphanes' sons and (§ 4) that his claim to the throne surpassed theirs (cf. Zambelli, Riv. ftl. I¢jo, 368-7o). 4. TOTE 8i: in 163, after Antiochus IV's death was known at Rome. Ka.9i)KEW yAp a.OT{i! ••• TfJV &pxi)v: as the elder son of Seleucus IV, the lately deceased Antiochus IV's elder brother. 5. ,.uiA~aTa. 'lfpoa8pa.JlOVTOS lv T{i! >.eyEtv: 'particularly sought their favour by sajing'; for this sense of 7rpoaTplx€tV cf. xxvii. IS. I2. Tous S€ ~ou>.t:uTcis: 'senators'; a usage found in authors (but not in official documents). It does not appear elsewhere in P. See in general Mason, 31. ITt vf)1nos: despite the clause in the treaty with Antiochus III (xxi. 43· :z2) requiring the hostages to be not younger than eighteen; this supports the view(§ 1 n.) that the substitution of Demetrius for Antiochus was a special transaction instigated by the Senate. 7. &'lf~solllvt) TTJV aKp.tiv TOU AT)JlTJTfl~U KTA.: this motivation is repeated by App. Syr. 46; Zon. ix. 25; it will reflect the view of P.'s circle of friends among the Greek detainees. The son of Antiochus whom the Senate confirmed as king was Antiochus V Eupator (cf. II. 8). 9. Ka.Ta..ews '!fa.~o<,; ovTos: according to Appian (Syr. 46 and 66) Antiochus V was nine when his father died in r64. Porphyry (FGH, :z6o F 32 § 13) makes him twelve, but this would imply that Antiochus IV married while a hostage in Rome; hence Appian's date, which would put his birth in 174 or 173. is the more likely (d. M~rkholm, 48). Tti>v ••• 'll'potta~Twv 6.ap.ttv~toVTwv KTA.: evidently hoping to manipulate the young king. 11. TU<,; va.i.ls Tci.S Ka.Ta.cJ>pciKTous s~a.'lfp1}aa.~: forbidden under the treaty of Apamea (cf. x.xi. 43· 13 n. for the naval clause, reading p.7JKlTt lx&w wA.;,v 8.!Ka rlif>pd.KT(JJI! KTA.) but the clause had not been rigorously enforced, any more than had the clause concerning the elephants. For Antiochus IV's invasion of Cyprus with a fleet in 466

THE SENATE'S DECISION ON SYRIA

XXXI. z. 12

168 see Livy, xlv. 11. 9, 12. 7 (Polybian); d. I Mace. i. 17, z Mace. iv. zo; cf. McDonald and Walbank, ]RS, 1969, 38; Ml3rkholm, 27 n. z8. Tous iAi~a.vTa.s v£up01com;aa.L: cf. xxi. 43· 12 (forbidden in the treaty of Apamea). For the use of war-elephants in Judaea by Lysias see I Mace. iii. 34. vi. 30 ff., z Mace. xi. 4. xiii. z, 15· It is not clear why the Senate decided to act now and not earlier. 12. cl.1)8£LS . . • S1)p.o~epa.nKt1s ~ea.~ auv£SpLa.~efjs voALT£la.s: 'unaccustomed to democratic government based on a council' in contrast to government by kings. The implications of the phrase have been much discussed. Under the system established in Macedonia after Pydna (cf. xxx. 13. r-un. for the meeting called to Amphipolis by Aemilius Paullus to announce the decision; Livy, xlv. 29. 1-14) the country had no central organization (as Feyel argued, BCH, 1946, 187-98), but was divided into four regiones, each with its own concilium; according to Livy, xlv. 32. 2, 'senatores, quos synhedros uocant, legendos esse, quorum consilio res publica administraretur'. Larsen (CP, 1949, 73-90) concluded from this that the Macedonian regions (merides) possessed only representative councils; but Aymard, Etudes, 164-77, argued that there is no evidence to prove or disprove the existence of primary assemblies as well. However, when he describes the measures adopted to avoid providing opportunities for demagogues, Livy, xlv. 18. 6-7 mentions only the setting up of regional bodies rather than a central one; and Musti, Annali di Pisa, 1967, 184--6, remarks on his omission of any reference (such as might have been expected) to a contrast between a primary body and a representative one, and concludes that there was consequently no move over to a representative system. The political conflicts mentioned here he regards as more likely to have arisen in a primary assembly. As Aymard saw, the evidence will not allow a firm answer. Nevertheless, if there is any truth in Livy's statement that the Senate hoped to eradicate the influence of demagogues (Livy, xlv. 18. 6-7), this would seem to be against their having set up primary assemblies; and since we know from Livy, xlv. 32. z (Polybian) that there were elected representatives called aVV£Opot, it is hard to reject Larsen's interpretation of the present passage as meaning 'democratic and representative government' (a phrase taken from Thirlwall). Whether or not a primary assembly existed, the real business would seem to have been transacted by the synkedri. Larsen and Aymard agree that 'democratic' here means primarily 'republican, without kings' (cf. Larsen, CP, 1945, 88-91; Aymard, Etudes, 171 n. 4), whereas Musti (Annali di Pisa, 1967, 155-zo7) would accord the word a fuller content. aTa.aLntnv vpbs a.uTous: within the regional synedria; or P. may refer to something more violent.

XXXI.

2.

13

THE SENATE'S DECISION ON SYRIA

13. Tli 'ITEpl TOUS r a.AO.Ta.s KTA.: on Ariarathes IV's dispute with the Galatians see 8. I-8. · 14. Tous ~v ;6.Xe~a.v8peL~ ~a.cnAeis: despite Popillius' exhortation (xxix. 27. 9) strife had continued between Ptolemy VI and Ptolemy VIII. For an incident involving one Dionysius Petosarapis, who later escaped to stir up a native rising in the early I6o's, see Diod. xxxi. I5 a; Otto, 6. Ptolemaer, 9I n. 3· Shortly after October I64 Ptolemy VIII expelled Ptolemy VI (cf. Diod. xxxi. I8. 1-:2; Livy, ep. 46; Val. Max. v. r. I; Trog. prol. 34; Porphyry, FGH, 26o F 2 § 7; Zon. ix. 25. 3), who fled to Rome. For some of the outrages committed in Alexandria at this time by Timotheus see Diod. xxxi. 17 c, zo (in reverse order); above, xxviii. 1. I n. (on Timotheus and Damon). Papyri show that Ptolemy VI had been restored by 29 May (29 Pharmouthi) or possibly by 24 May (24 Pharmouthi) I63 (T. Reekmans and E. van 't Dack, Chron. d' f:gypte, I952, I49-95. especially I5<J-6o; Skeat, 34) ; for a petition to him by twin temple-servants at Memphis see Wilcken, UPZ, i. no. 4I ll. 4-5 ; and for an amnesty granted by Ptolemy VI see Wilcken, ibid. no. III (a letter from the king to the strategos of the Memphite nome; d. Will, ii. 303). (For a fragment of what may be this amnesty see L. Koenen, P. Kroll; cf. Volkmann, RE, 'Ptolemaios (z4)', col. 17I2.) This suggests that his restoration was effected independently of the legati, who were perhaps given their instructions at the time this was done. (Otto, 6. Ptolemiier, 92 n. s. who wrote without the newer evidence, dates both Ariarathes IV's death and Ptolemy VI's restoration several months too late.) It is likely that L. Canuleius and Q. Marcius accompanied Ptolemy VI back to Alexandria (d. 10. 4 n.). If Cn. Octavius was murdered in Syria in 162 (Obsequens, 15), it was only then that the embassy reached Egypt. Shortly afterwards Ptolemy VI made a formal agreement with Ptolemy VIII (cf. xxxix. 7· 6, KaTa avv8~Kas), by which the latter was granted Cyrene (Livy, ep. 47, 'foedus ictum ut alter Aegypto, alter Cyrenis regnaret' ; Trog. prol. 34, 'Romani inter fratres regna diuiserunt'; Zon. ix. 25. 3; Porphyry, FGH, 260 F 2 § 7). How far the Romans were involved in this agreement is controversial; see Io. 6 n. 3. 1-5. Embassy from Ariarathes V

This, the next excerpt in de legat. gent., evidently belongs to res ltaliae of the same year, 01. 154, I = r64/3. 3. 1. !ApLa.pcl.9ou ••• vewuTl. ••• T.qv Ka.'IT'ITa.8o~ewv ~a.uLAela.v: Ariarathes V Eusebes Eupator succeeded his father Ariarathes IV Eusebes probably early in 163 (cf. Diod. xxxi. 21); but the words KaTa nlv aV!-6v Katp&v may not be stressed, since they could be the excerptor's. 468

EMBASSY FROM ARIARATHES V

XXXI. 4·

2

According to Diod. xxxi. I9. 8, his father had previously offered him co-regency, which he declined. He was a pupil and friend of Carneades at the Academy, who addressed letters to him (Ferguson, 30I), and he was patron of the Dionysiac technitai at Athens (OGIS, 35 2 )· O.va.vewa6f1EVOL T~v TE cj)LALa.v Kat O"Uflfla.x(a.v: cf. Diod. xxxi. I9. 8; below, xxxii. Io. 4· For the original admission of Ariarathes IV as a Roman amicus see xxi. 45 n. There was no foedus ; cpt>..la Kai O'VJLJLaxla. (cf. § 3) is a pleonasm without legal significance (cf. Reuss, Volk. Grund. 26 n. I; Dahlheim, I63 ff.). 4. Sui To ••• T e~epLov ••• eucj>TiflOUS Myous 1I'OL~aa.a9a.L: Ti. Gracchus visited Asia in I66, returning in I65 (xxx. 27. I, 30. 7-8, 31. I9-2o); for his action against the Cammani see 1. I n. This passage

gives no support to the view that Ariarathes V had shared his father's throne (so Niese, iii. 248 n. 5). 4. 1-5. 5. Rhodes and Caria (I63) These two excerpts from de legat. gent. probably belong to the res Asiae of 01. I 54, I = I64/3; but Rhodian affairs generally stand between res Graeciae and res Asiae, and one cannot be sure in each case to which they belong (d. xxviii. I6 (ambiguous), xxii. 5 (Asian)). Here they could be under res Graeciae (as in Bi.ittner-Wobst). 4. 1. TtlS ••• Suaxepe(a.s: their long period of strained relations with Rome from the Third Macedonian War to the granting of a treaty in I64 (xxx. 31. 20 n.). KXea.y6pa.v: unknown. 2. KO.XuvSa.: this town on the border of Caria and Lycia lay about 8o stades (8 miles) south of Caunus, and east of the river Indus (Dalaman ~ay1); cf. Herod. i. 172; Strabo, xiv. 2. 2, C. 65I (who puts it 6o stades from the sea); Pliny, Nat. hist. v. Io3; Ptol. Geog. v. 3· 2. According to ATL, i. 504, ii. 86 it paid a talent to the Delian League, and in the mid third century it was independent but under Ptolemaic suzerainty (P. Cair. Zen. iii. 5934I: 247 B.c.). The visit of Delphic theoroi in 200 (Plassart, BCH, I92I, 6) suggests that it was still independent then (contra Jones, CERP 2 , so), but early in the second century (Schmitt, Rom und Rhodos, I75, put it as late as I66) it fell under Caunus. Occasional second- and first-century coins are found: cf. B.M.C. Lycia, xlvi, 48. The site has not been firmly identified, but the hill of Kozpmar, c. 4 km. from Dalaman ~iftligi towards Fethiye (Telmessus), with an early Hellenistic ring-wall, overlooking and commanding the Dalaman ~ay1 valley (Indus), and with the Kargm ~ay1 (probably the Axon) at its base, was identified as Calynda by Arkwright (]HS, I895, 97), a view still 469

XXXI. 4·

2

RHODES AND CARIA (163)

regarded as likely by G. E. Bean, who visited it in 1946 and 1950 (description in]HS, 1953,26 n. 82); Robert, Et. anat. 493 n. 2 is noncommittal. See Biirchner, RE, 'Kalynda', cols. 1771-2; Meyer, Grenzen, 46 n. 2. For the background of the Rhodianrequest see 5· 1-5. 3. 'II"Ept .•. Twv ~XOVT(a)V ~v Tfi Autc£~ Kal. Ka.p(~ tmlO'f:~S: dating from the Rhodian domination. For the assignment of Lycia and Caria to Rhodes in r88 see xxi. 46. 8 n., and, for their liberation in 167, xxx. 5· rz n. The Senate's decision on these property-rights is not recorded. 4. KoAoo-o-ov o-Tijo-a.~ Toil 8~11ou Twv 'Pw11a.l(a)V: on such colossal statues see xviii. r6. 2 n. ; on the spread of the cult of Rome (Dea Roma, Urbs Roma or d 87jtto> & 'Pwtta.lwv) see xxx. 5· 4 n. It is attested at Rhodes from the first century, when an inscription, dated by J. and L. Robert (Bull. epig. 195I, no. 153) to after 65, mentions a lEpelis 'Pc!JJJ.as (M. Segre, Parola del Passato, 1949, 73 f.) and a trieteric 'Pwp.afa festival existed (IG, xii. r. 46 and 730 = Syll. 724). Cult and festival need not have been set up simultaneously. Holleaux (Etudes, i. 381-6) put both in 196, and Moretti (Riv. fil. 1950, 339) put the setting-up of the festival in or just after 189. Schmitt (Rom und Rhodos, 175-6 n. r) suggests that both cult and festival may originate now and that this statue was linked with the event; though plausible, the theory must await confirmatory evidence. A thirty-cubit statue would be nearly 45 ft. high. iv Tit' rijs >\&r]vas tEp~: probably in the temple of Athena Polias, on the citadel; for remains see Clara Rhodos, i, 1928,48. Jacoby, FGH, vol. iii b (Noten), z6s, thinks rather of a statue in the temple of Athena at Lindus. 5.1. Twv Ka.Xuv8~wv lnroO"T
of the sending of Cleagoras' embassy.

470

GALUS ENCOURAGES ACTION AGAINST EUMENES

XXXI. 1·

2

6. 1-6. Sulpicius Galus encourages action against Eumenes (I63)

On the position of these excerpts from de uirt. et uit. (§§I-S) and de sent. (§ 6) see pp. 34-35; they go naturally in res Asiae of 01. I54. I= I64/3•

6. 1. xwpis 'TWV O.pn pTJ8ivTWV d.AOYT)JlQT(&)V: probably Sulpicius' acts in the Peloponnese, especially at Achaean expense (d. 1. 7 n.); so Lehmann, 3I2 n. 362. 2. £ts I6.pS£lS: in Eumenes' own kingdom (Niese, iii. 203). 6. Tous QEAATJva.s vpoaoltct:louafla.l: see for example OGIS, 763 = Welles, no. 52, a letter from Eumenes to the Ionian League acknowledging honours voted him in I67j6, immediately after his dismissal from Italy (cf. xxx. I9. 8--9) ; Holleaux, Etudes, ii. I53-76. Eumenes' growing popularity in Greece is also reflected in the changed attitude of Rhodes towards him (31. I~3). For this and other instances of benefactions to Greek states at this time see Hansen::., I27 . .,.~ 8A~~o11~v~: 'to the oppressed'; cf. Welles, p. 339·

7. 1-4. Ariarathes V and Lysias, Antiochus V's minister (I63) On the placing of this excerpt from de uirt. et uit. in res Asiae of 01. IS4. I = I64/3 see p. 35·

7. 1. To us ••• 'II'Pf:O'~t:uTcis: heard at Rome earlier in the year, 3· I-5· Tous tlYf:Jlovas : 'his chief officers'. 2. vpos ••. Auala.v: Antiochus IV had appointed him grand vizier and guardian to his son, the later Antiochus V, whom he left as regent when he set out on an expedition in the eastern parts of his kingdom in I6S (Otto, 6. Ptolemiier, 85 n. I for the date). According to I Mace. iii. 32, Lysias controlled the western parts of the kingdom cirro TOV 1TO'Tap.ov Etupparov Ka~ [w, optwv Alymrrov (cf. App. Syr. 46; Ioseph. Ant. Iud. xii. 295-7; Porphyry, FGH, 26o F 57, 'qui Antiochiae et Phoeniciae praeerat'). He may be the Lysias sent as ambassador to Flamininus by Antiochus III in I96 (xviii. 47· 4 n.); but the name is not rare. See Obst, RE, 'Lysias (9)', cols. 2532-3; Bengtson, Strat. ii. I65, I68 n. 2; and for his relations with the Jews, during the revolt under the Maccabees, see Will, ii. 287-8. Ta Tijs d.St:A+fis teal JlTJTpos baTO.: Ariarathes IV married Antiochis, daughter of Antiochus III (Diod. xxxi. I9. 7), and, according to the sensational story in Diodorus, palmed off two supposititious children, Ariarathes and Holophernes (Orophernes), on him, being barren; having later borne two daughters and a son, Mithridates, she revealed the truth, and the two false princes were sent to Rome and Ionia 47I

XXXI. 7· z

ARIARATHES AND LYSIAS

(Orophernes perhaps to Priene: cf. xxxiii. 6. z n.), while Mithridates changed his name, to succeed eventually as Ariarathes V. It was Antiochis and one of her daughters who were apparently at Antioch when news arrived of Antiochus IV's death, and whom Lysias murdered, presumably lest they support Demetrius' claims (cf. 2. 4). See Niese, iii. 220 (he erroneously calls Antiochis Laodice); Schmitt, Antiochos, 25. 3. Ti}s "11'po9eaEws: i.e. recovery of the bones. ~SI~&~Ita.T&Kcl.c,; ••• EVToAas: 'instructions simply to make the request' (cf. XX. 9· 9 n., Xxxii. 3• 16).

8. 1-8. Roman envoys in Cappadocia (163) On the position of this excerpt from de legat. Rom. see p. 35· 8.1. ot "'I'Ept Tov MapKov 'loovLov: probably M. Junius Brutus, cos. 178, who was on an eastern embassy in 171 (xxvii. 3· r n.), rather than M. Junius Pennus (cos. r67): see Broughton, i. 441. He had evidently been sent before the other envoys (§ 4) and before news of Ariarathes IV's death reached Rome. TG 'll'pOS TOO$ r aAaTa.s Sta.+tpovTa.: cf. 2. IJ. 2. oi TpoK~toL: one of the three Galatian peoples; for the Galatians' defeat at the hands of Cn. Manlius Vulso in 189 see xxi. 39· 14 n. ; on that occasion Ariarathes had helped them (Livy, xxxviii. 26. 4). The Trocrni inhabited eastern Galatia along the Halys, perhaps including the right bank; cf. Strabo, xii. 5· 2, C. 567; Pliny, Nat. kist. v. 146; Stahelin, 42 f.; Magie, i. 202, ii 731-3 nn. IJ-IS. Ti}s Ka'll''ll'a.SoK(as: the north-western part, north of the Halys. On P.'s notion of the Cappadocian frontier see fg. 54 n., v. 43· I. It seems likely (from fg. 54) that P. somewhere had a digression on Cappadocia and on how a Persian who saved Artaxerxes 'or some other king' from a lion received it as a grant; this could well have been in book xxxi. ~KoSo~~oiJaa.VTo Tijv 8£KTJV ~11'LI3aMI'EvoL ToA~~oav: so Biittner-Wobstz following the manuscript (though U has o&r<7Jv) ; in the apparatus, however, he suggests l!ca~v looaav ~v OLK7JV ~11'tPaJ.6p.£Vol T£ ToAp.O:v. I am not convinced that this is right, any more than the other suggestions recorded in the apparatus ; but I cannot think of anything better. It is just possible that 1/Jr
DEATH OF ANTIOCHUS IV

XXXI. 9.

I

9. 1-4. Death of Antiochus IV Tills excerpt from de uirt. et uit. could stand here or before ch. 7 ; seep. 35· Antiochus IV's death occurred in or just before NovemberDecember 164 (cf. I. 8 n.), and is assumed in 7· 1-4; P.'s account of it (and that of Diodorus, who followed him) is mentioned in Porphyry, FGH, 26o F 53 = Hieron. in Dan. xi. 36 (cf. Diod. xxxi. 18 a). Bouche-Leclercq's view (Seleucides, i. 297-3o6) that the present passage refers to Antiochus III, whose sacrilegious death (Diod. xxviii. 3, xxix. 15) became the basis of a similar version for Antiochus IV in Jewish historians, is to be rejected; cf. Holleaux, Etudes, iii. 255-'79· 9. 1. Ka.Tn T1]v Iup(a.v: probably the excerptor's words (Holleaux, Etudes, iii. 265 n. 4), for Antiochus, since he opened his eastern campaign, had been active in Armenia (Diod. xxxi. 17 a; App. Syr. 45-46 and 66; Porphyry, FGH, 26o F 38 and 56), perhaps in 165 (so Ms:Jrkholm, 167), when he defeated Artaxias, but left him on the throne, and possibly in a campaign along the Persian Gulf (on the controversial and dubious evidence for this see Ms:Jrkholm, 167-7o). He is unlikely to have returned to Syria before invading Elymais. On Tac. Hist. v. 8. 4-5 and the various theories concerning Antiochus' aims in this eastern expedition see Tarn, Bactria, I83-224 (to restore Alexander's empire by conquering the eastern satrapies); Bevan, Seleucus, ii. 158; Niese, iii. 216; Debevoise, 20 (against Parthia); Altheim, Weltgeschichte, ii. 36; G. Le Rider, Memoires de la mission archiologique en Iran, 38 (Paris, 1¢5), 'Suse sous les Seleucides et les Parthes', 3II-I2 (Parthian expedition); M0rkholm, 172--Bo (the Parthians did not seize the eastern provinces until the 14o's; Antiochus was not concerned with them). To TTjs :A.pTtfl..Sos lEpov ds T.fJv 'EXo11a.t~a.: Elymais is the Hebrew Elam, the region between Babylonia and Persis, often included in Susiana in Hellenistic times; it was in effect independent, though allied with the Seleucids. The whereabouts of this temple of Artemis is unknown. It could be that of Anaitis, which contained tame lions (Aelian, Nat. an., xii. 23). Tarn, however, following 2 Mace. i. 13, argues (Bactria, 29, 463-6) that Artemis is the Elamite goddess Nanaea, and that her temple, Ta J!'apa, stood at Susa, possibly outside the walls. Against this M0rkholm, 170 n. 15, points out that Strabo (xv. 3· 2-4, C. 728, Io-II, C. 731, xvi. I. 18,C. 744) distinguishes Susiana from Elymais; but the two are often confused in Hellenistic times, and Tarn may be right. For another attempt to locate the temple (near the pass of Tang-i Sarvak) see J. P. Guepin, Persica, 2, 1¢5-6, 19-26. App. Syr. 66 makes the temple that of Aphrodite. Josephus, c. A pion. ii. 83-84, refers to Antioch us' foray and mentions 473

XXXI. g.

I

DEATH OF ANTIOCHUS IV

P. See Weissbach, RE, 'Elymais', cols. 2458--67; Gray, OCD 2 , 'Elymais', 381. 2. SLa TO llTJ auyxwpEiv ••. Tous l3o.pl36.pous: 'would not permit the outrage' ; the wording implies, not fi.ghting, but the rejection of Antiochus' demands (d. Holleaux, Etudes, III, 265; Morkholm, 170 n. 16; Ghirshman, CRAI, 1970, 664-5). Ioseph. Ant. Iud. xii. 358, expresses surprise that P., dyaOoS' wv al"'jp, should have attributed Antiochus' death to his having merely wished to despoil Artemis' temple b IUpaatS' (sic), since in fact it was due to divine retribution for despoiling the temple in Jerusalem. Porphyry, FGH, 26o F 56 records that 'in Elimaide prouincia, quae est ultima Persarum ad orientem regia ... uolens templum Dianae spoliare, quod infi.nita donaria habebat, fugatus a barbaris est, qui mira ueneratione fanum illud suspiciebant.' 3. iv T 6.13o.Ls TllS nEpa£Sos i~iAnrE TOV 13iov : cf. Porphyry' FGH' 260 F 56, 'et mortuus est moerore consumptus in Tabes oppido Persidis'; cf. Curt. v. 13. 2 for the place: '(Alexander) Tabas--oppidum est in Paraitacene [MSS : partelacene, parte lacae nae] ultima-peruenit.' This is against the hypothesis that the place is Fci{Jat, the forerunner of a suburb of modern Ispahan (so Ed. Meyer, Ursprung und A nflinge des Christentums, ii (Stuttgart, 1925), 220 n. 2; Tam, Bactria, 214-15); but Tabae, though in the same neighbourhood, has not been located. See Weissbach, RE, 'Tabai (4}', cols. 184o-1. App. Syr. 66 attributes Antiochus' death to consumption (rflHvwv}; and the Jewish tradition (1 Mace. vi. 1-17 (cf. Ioseph. Ant. Iud. xii. 354-7), 2 Mace. i. 13-17, ix. 1-29) preserves many lurid and confused accounts of his death as being due to his behaviour towards Yahweh and his temple; cf. Gran. Licin. 6. 1 ff. Flemisch; M0rkholm, qo-1. 4. So.LtJ-OVTJO"O.S ••. SLa TO yEvia9o.L nvas E"'I"LaT)tJ-O.O"LO.S ICTA.: d. Porphyry, FGH, 26o F 53, 'quibusdam phantasiis atque terroribus uersum in amentiam'; for similar Jewish accounts (though the god was a different one) see the previous note. For P.'s qualifi.ed attitude towards belief in divine vengeance see xxxii. 15. 14 n. 10.1-10. Ptolemy VIII and an embassy of Ptolemy VI at Rome

This, from de legat gent., is the fi.rst surviving excerpt from res Italiae of 01. 154, 2 = 163/2; seep. 35· 10. l. tJ-ETa TO tJ-Epiaa.L •.• TTJV 13o.aLAEia.v: the restoration of Ptolemy VI with Roman help by May 163 was followed by this division of the kingdom; Cyrene was assigned to Ptolemy VIII (§ 5), and Ptolemy VI kept Egypt (cf. 2. 14 n.). Egyptian records from the time of Ptolemy VI's restoration to his death in 145 are dated without reference to his younger brother (cf. Skeat, 33-34).

474

PTOLEMY VIII AND EMBASSY OF PTOLEMY VI

XXXI.

10.

6

1r
suggests that Ptolemy VIII was heard and sent back with T. Torquatus and Cn. Merola (§§ g-ro) before news reached Rome of Cn. Octavius' death in Syria in r62 (n. r n.). Clearly then the other two members of Octavius' embassy had not yet reached Egypt (following their instructions: 2. 14) when Ptolemy VIIIleft; cf. Otto,6. Ptolemiier, 92 n. 6. For Ptolemy VIII's arrangements in Cyprus during his absence see r8. 7. 2. K
475

XXXI. xo. 6 PTOLEMY VIII AND EMBASSY OF PTOLEMY VI

colourless sense of 'lrpayp..a:wcws, 'wishing to make a division that would be politically advantageous, since it was their responsibility'. However, this implies that OLEAdv is 'to complete or make operative the division already carried out', which is strained. Perhaps then the COming division is meant, and the phrase aVTWV ••• OW.!.pi.UEWS defines 1rpayp.anKw<;: 'wishing to make a division that would be politically effective, inasmuch as they themselves would have made it' or 'wishing to make a division that would be politically advantageous (sc. to themselves), since it was their responsibility'-implying that the Romans would tie the recipients of the decision to themselves for the future. The change from the singular f3ov,\oplVTJ to the plural of the genitive absolute is rather more difficult if the phrase aV-rwv ••• otatpiaEws is virtual oratio obliqua (as it is if these words explain 1rpayp.a·nKws) ; and that interpretation might imply that the previous year's division was not the work of the Romans (so Winkler, Aegypten, 42 f.). But these are not decisive objections; and as regards the second, the distinction could be between a settlement in which the Romans had merely played a part {or so it might seem) and a formal decision of the Senate announced in response to an appeal from the brothers. So this interpretation is clearly possible. However, it is perhaps simpler to translate: \vishing to make a division that would be politically effective, since they were responsible for the division'. The phrase aV-rwv .•• OtatplaEws explains f3ov,\oplVTJ (not 1Tpayp.an~ews) and the division is that of the Ptolemaic dominions considered generally so as to include (probably) the act of 163 and the forthcoming revision of 162. t1ri T~ acfJe:T£p~ auJJ.cfJ£povn: for this emphasis on Roman selfinterest at this time see § 7, n. I I {acceptance of Antiochus V), :u. c (decisions against Carthage); it evidently reflects P.'s impressions at the time of these events (cf. Walbank, Polybius, 168-7r). 7. 1rpa.yJJ.a.TLKws: cf. § 6. The word implies political acumen, but i!: morally neutral. P., to whom it is a word of approbation, here describes Roman policy with cynical objectivity (or detachment?) which reflects his reaction to what he observed during his early years in Rome. Against the view that he regards Roman policy of this kind as a mark of moral decay (so Susemihl, ii. III n. 108; Petzold, Studien, 6o f.) see Walbank, Polybius, 172-3. xa.p,~6JJ.Evo\ ••. Tous d.JJ.a.pTavoVTa.s: in this case Ptolemy VIII. Both by reason of his friendship with Menyllus (§ 4 n.) and following the lead of Scipio Aemilianus (Athen. xii. 549 D-550 A, evidence of Panaetius, whom Athenaeus wrongly calls Poseidonius; Plut. Mor. 201 A; Scullard, Pol. 2 230 n. 4), P. inclines towards Ptolemy VI in this quarrel (d. xxxix. 7· s-6). 9. Thov TopKOUQTOV Kni rvlnov MepoAa.v: T. Manlius Torquatus was pontifex (Livy, xliii. II. 13) and praetor (probably) in r7o, and 476

PTOLEMY VIII AN'D EMBASSY OF PTOLEMY VI

XXXI. ro.

10

consul in I68 ; he is perhaps a witness to the senatus consultum on the dispute between Magnesia and Priene contained in a letter of I43 (Syll. 679 b = Sherk, 7l. 4o). For his severity in condemning his own son for maladministration in Macedonia, and again after his son's suicide see Val. Max. v. 8. 3; Cic. fin. i. 24; Livy, ep. 54; Miinzer, RE, 'Manlius (83)', cols. 12CJ9-IO. Of the background of Cn. Cornelius Merola nothing is known; see Munzer, RE, 'Cornelius (269)', col. I407, and for his embassy of I 54. xxxiii. II. 6. TEAELwcroVTa.s 3.1-La. Tijv ~KELvwv Ka.t Tijv a.1hwv 1rpo8Ecrw: 'to carry out at once the kings' intentions and their own'. That must be the meaning, if iKdvwv is kept, for it must refer to both Ptolemies; and that is difficult unless we follow Strachan-Davidson's hypothesis that P. is quoting the senate's words, which he takes to be hypocritical: 'you are to carry out the intentions of the princes, which we approve and adopt, by assigning Cyprus to the younger.' But this is very strained, for P. has made it clear (§ 6) that the Senate's verdict coincided only with the request of the younger brother. The simplest solution is to adopt Bekker's €Kdvov; and though most editors print iKEivwv, Schweighaeuser, Paton, and Shuck burgh all translate it as if it were singular, without comment. Otto, 6. Ptolemiier, 95 ff., sees the reasons for the growth of Roman support for Ptolemy VIII (a) in a resurgence of new imperial ambitions in Ptolemy VI; it was probably at this time, for instance, that he encouraged the Jewish high priest Onias to set up a rival temple in the Heliopolite nome (Ioseph. Ant. I ud. xii. 386 f., xiii. 62 ff., xx. 236), a disturbing event; (b) in the 'testament of Ptolemy VIII' (SEG, ix. 7; xiii. 6I6), leaving his kingdom of Cyrene to Rome, a much-discussed inscription discovered in Cyrene in I929, which can hardly be the original text of the document, and which Otto believes to have been written in I62/I, secretly communicated to the Senate immediately-thus influencing that body in Ptolemy VIII's favour-and eventually made public in ISS ; it seems far more likely however that the king devised the document after the attempt on his life in ISS (xxxiii. II. 2; cf. Will, ii. 305). That Menyllus' share in the flight of Demetrius I (12. 8-14. I3) influenced the Senate against his king is unlikely, for it was probably unknown at the time (on this see Winkler, Aegypten, 45 f.). But there were probably different views on the Egyptian question inside the Senate, and we can no longer ascertain what swung opinion. For M. Porcius Cato's support of Ptolemy VI see his later speech against L. Minucius Thermus (Malcovati, ORFJ, i. M. Porcius Cato, fgg. •77-I8I). 10. xwpts 1TOAEf.LOU: the restriction indicates either a limited commitment or perhaps confidence that the Senate's aims could be achieved by diplomatic means. For the sequel see 17. 1-19. 4·

477

XXXI.

II. I

DEMETRIUS I'S ESCAPE FROM ROME

11. 1-15. 12 Demetrius I's escape frqm Rome This section, from the exc. de legat. gent., belongs to res ltaliae of Ol. 154, 2 163/2; see pp. 35-36. Demetrius' Hight was in the advanced summer of I62, since Cn. Octavius' murder was already known at Rome. The use of the present tense in relation to Carthage (n. n) indicates composition before 146, and P. probably wrote his account soon after the events took place (see Vol. I, p. 293; Ziegler, RE, 'Polybios (I)', cols. 1485-6). It is likely that P. acted with the connivance of prominent Romans. That the Senate as a whole were involved (so Bouche-Leclercq, Lagides, ii. 46 n. r) is not credible; but that members of the Scipionic family were privy to the escape is a view that has attracted wide support (d. Nitzsch, 6o-6I; Susemihl, ii 85; Ziegler, RE, 'Polybios (I)', col. I452; Volkmann, Klio, 1925, 385-6; Will, Aufstieg und Niedergang, i. 1. 623 n. 36). Pedech stresses (Methode, 525 n. 59) Ti. Gracchus' sympathy for Demetrius (d. 33· 4). The fact that he had Scipio Nasica's election to the consulship annulled (see Broughton, i. 441-2, for the evidence) would not exclude his having had influence with P.; but no such link is attested and P. despised Gracchus {cf. xxx. 27. I, 30. Sn.). The theory that P. acted alone and that the escape was intended to promote SyroEgyptian action against Rome (so Cardona, Polibio: Storie interpretateinlingua italiana (Naples, 1948), i. xxxix) lacks all plausibility. It has been argued by Lavagnini (Atti Ace. Palermo, 1941, pp. 13, 'Polibio, ovvero la storia maestra della vita') that P. based his plan for Demetrius' escape on that used by Hannibal to escape from Carthage in 195 (d. Livy, xxxiii. 47· 3-48. n; Iustin. xxxi. 2, 1-6; based on P.'s (lost) account in xix). But the resemblances could well be coincidental, given the similarity in the two situations; and there is no reason to suppose that P. had already studied the events of 195 as early in his stay at Rome as 162-though indeed we know nothing of the order in which he did his researches nor indeed what his sources were for those events of Carthage. Hence this theory must be adjudged non liquet. 11. 1. ~~:a.Tcl TOv Ka.tpbv ToliTov: what preceded is not known; but the summer was well advanced (see above, n. 1-15. 12 n.). Tl'pOO'TI'E
DEMETRIUS I'S ESCAPE FROM ROME

XXXI.

12. IX

3. ou j3ouAollt'll'l'] KTA.: the Senate seem to have been strangely unmoved by this murder of a legatus, in contrast to their response to the murder of the Coruncanii in 230 (ii. 8. 3 n.); see xxxii. 3· 1o-n. 4. ATJiloqTplo<; 1TT01J8EI.s hrl Tois 'l]yyEAil£vOLs: 'excited at the news', since it offered Demetrius (2. 1 n.) opportunities (§ s); the sense is hardly 'terrified' (so Schweighaeuser, Lex. Pol. s.v.; LSJ). waAw ~VTUXEiv ~eTA.: for the recent adverse decision see 2. 6. 5. llTJ 81.,. ••• 'IT'TO.LELV: cf. 12. 1; for this proverb see Corpus paroem. graec. i. 65, ii. 22; von Scala, 285. P. presumably used proverbs to avoid openly implicating himself. 6. )\1ToAAwv~: he was Demetrius' r:nl11Tpo4>os (13. 2-3), a more specific word than atnn/IJTJs; on r:nl~~Tpo4>oL see v. 9· 4 n. 8. )\vTLoxou ToO vo.L80t,;: Antiochus V (cf. 2. 10 n.); on the unreasonableness of Demetrius' position as hostage see :z. 2 n. 11. Ta 8{tco.Lo. ••• To <7Uil+eptw: P.'s cynical analysis of Roman policy corresponds to his comment in 2, 7; for claims that the Romans preferred self-interest to justice on other occasions see 10. 6-7, 21. 6. 12. ~vEw el~eos 1\v tcTA.: for this rationalistic way of arguing cf. i. 61. 2, iii. 109. 3• ~~~<7o.t,; TO tcotcveLov: so Schweighaeuser for ~'avlaa<;; for the phrase cf. xxx. 4· 7 n. Ka.Aws ••• 0 noM~lOi: the repetition of the proverb

12. 1.

the manuscript

(cf. I I. s) underlines its aptness and the wisdom of the man quoting it. 3. ALo8wpos Tpo+tos: 'foster-father'; known only from P. For the position cf. OGIS, 148 (Helenus, uvyycvt,s Ka~ Tpo4>t£V<; of Ptolemy VIII ; cf. ]HS, 1888, 251 no. 109; 1937, 35-36 no. xo; Otto and Bengtson, Niedergang, 12 n. 6, 95 n. 3); 256 (Craterus, Tpo4>ti.J<; of Antiochus IX). See Corradi, 279-So; Bikerman, 42; Bellinger and Welles, Yale Classical Studies, 5, 1935, 126 n. 21 (an example from the court of king Gadhimat of Taniikh, 3rd cent. A.D.). 4. eJC Twv ToO ~a.<7LAews q,£).wv: Lysias not least; cf. n. 2 n. 8. MevuAAov ••• Tov !b.Aa.j3a.v8€a.: cf. 10. 4 n. wa.pa ToO '11'pE<7j3uT€pou j3o.<7LAews: so Ursin us for the manuscript '~~'pea{3JTov; but that reading should perhaps be kept (cf. xxviii. 23. 4, and xviii. 35· 9 n.). t<1xupA C7uv!)8eLo. tca.l. vt<7·ns: 'firm friendship and confidence in him'. Paton's version, 'had long been intimate' introduces an idea not in the Greek. There is no need to assume that P. made Menyllus' acquaintance in Asia Minor in 190 (so Werner, s-<>; Susemihl, ii. 82 n. 5), for it is unlikely that he took part in that expedition (cf. xxi. 3 b 1-2 n.). The friendship may have arisen at Rome, or Menyllus may well have visited Achaea earlier as a Ptolemaic envoy (cf. xxiv. 6. 1 (18o), xxix. 23. 1-8 (169/8), where such envoys are not named). 11. lv T4,i o-ro11a.TL Tou TLj3epws: at Ostia (cf. 14· 7). 479

XXXI. u.

II

DEMETRIUS I'S ESCAPE FROM ROME

Ka,px"lSov(cw va.f.iv te:pa.ywy6v: Meiggs, Ostia, 34, suggests that the captain of the ship had brought a cargo of tom to Ostia, and was delaying in the hope of passengers to help finance the remainder of the journey to Tyre (§ 12). But it is unlikely that the Carthaginian government would have allowed the carrying of d:rrapxal to be financed in this casual way and it is not at all certain that the ship was engaged in a sacred office at this time (Niese, iii. 245; Volkmann, Klio, 1925, 381 n. 5). P. merely says that it was a specially good ship-perhaps a quick one-used for that purpose (but now it seems engaged in ordinary trade). 12. O'U!'~a,(ve:L ••• AGil~nvEria.L: the present tenses suggest composition (but not of course publication: De Sanctis, iii. I. 202-3) before 146; cf. Vol. I, p. 293. cis TTJV T upov ~K'IrE!J-'IfOUO'LV ••• Tas ••• &.1ra.pxns: probably to Melkart (Heracles); for Arrian, A nab. ii. 24. 5, relates how, when Alexander took Tyre in 332, there were present Ka.pxrJoovf.wv nvJ!; 8Ewpot Js 7'Lfi-~V rov •Hpatdu!ov!; ~
all the more reason not to combine the voyage with desultory trading ventures (§II n.). See Diod. xx. 14. 1-3, for the resumption of sending tithes in 310 after the Carthaginians had been defeated

outside Carthage by Agathocles-a defeat due to laxity in this observance. ds TTJV lSLav &.vaKoi'LS.ftv: this throws light on how official envoys might organize their journey (since Menyllus was at Rome as envoy of Ptolemy VI: § 8). 13. TTJV ••• Twv E'ITL!'TJVi
DEMETRIUS I'S ESCAPE FROM ROME

XXXI. 13. u

der I Balas; in describing the honours paid to Jonathan after his defeat of Apollonius, Iosephus (Ant. lud. xiii. ro2) therefore asserts that Alexander pretended to honour him. Bengtson, Strat. ii. 177 n. 3, accepts losephus, but the version in I Mace. is perhaps more likelyin which case Apollonius may be Demetrius I's cAAn-pocpos (so Habicht, CJ~.iron, 1972, 109 n. 19). On Meleager see xxviii. I. 1 n., zz. 2, For Menestheus see IG, ii2 • 9Bz (with Addenda). On their father Apollonius see the next note. 3. ~:rroAAf.t.I\ILOU KQ.TQ cpuow uw£: 'the sons of Apollonius'; on Kcmi
XXXI.

13. II

DEMETRIUS I'S ESCAPE FROM ROME

Cyrenaei tropis et figuris (Diss. Bonn, 1¢5) 54 ff.; Helm, Festschrift Vahlen, 359 ff. (I am grateful to G. Giangrande for these references.) Only P.'s second line has been identified precisely; it is Eurip. Phoen. 726. Wunderer, ii. 53, suggests that line I may also be from Euripides, but that lines 3-4 {which go together) are P.'s own composition, since they so closely echo the sentiments of II. 5. ,, \. ' • ~ ' ,, '"' " \ \ •• ~ Q -\ ' J:t: sUCh a.lll\ 6' ti:O.VTql TQ.S El\"lTWO.S E](ELV KO.L TOt'f"'U.V TL pO.ULI\HO.S "'!,WV, gnomic wisdom is common, however, and P. may have appropriated all four lines, especially if (as Wunderer, following a suggestion of Elter, inclines to believe) he was using a collection of 'sayings'. P. here uses yvwJULt in the sense 'political maxims' (cf. Arist. Rhet. ii. 2I. I394 a 2, I395 an); it appears nowhere else in the extant parts with this meaning. The fifth line is from Epicharmus, and is also quoted at xviii. 40· 4 (see note). Wunderer, ii. 53, rightly rejects Elter's proposal to transfer verse I to after verse 4, so as to make the initial letters read wt~:ov: this unnecessary elaboration of P.'s point involves the loss of the correspondence tfol.pwv .•• tfolpn. 12. o Spwv ••• +ip..,v: i.e. Menyllus; but the line could mean 'uir strenuus fructus laborum praeripit segni' (Schweighaeuser). iaov +£pEL vu~. KTA.: Eur. Phoen. p.6: Eteocles addresses Creon. The sense is evidently: 'Night brings the same dangers (to the bold and tiinid alike); but it brings a greater reward to the bold.' 14. vii+E: much to the point; cf. § 8 n. The verse is Kaibel, CGF, fg. 250· ~'~~"l aKTJV..,v: 'at his lodging'; LSJ does not give this meaning, but aK~v"w is a general word for billeting and need not imply lodging in tents (cf. Thuc. i. 89. 3, olKla., ..• iv a.Cs o.&rol iuK1]vwaav). The absence of the article suggests a common locution. Touo;; ••• civnnTT)8Elous: i.e. for the enterprise. Aa.j36VTa.s Ta Atva. Ka.t Tooo;; ~euvas: this implies that Demetrius had an establishment at Anagneia (ct. 13.6 n.), where he kept his huntingdogs and nets. i'ITt To Klpt
14. 2.

482

DEMETRIUS I'S ESCAPE FROM ROME

XXXI. 15. I3

11. Ka.Ta Tp£TT)v ~uAa.KT]v At\youaa.v: in Italy the night was usually divided into four watches. The time here mentioned would be about 3.0 a.m. at the equinox; but we do not know in what month Demetrius' flight occurred. From Rome to Ostia is about I6 miles. See Sontheimer, RE, 'Tageszeiten', cols. 202o--2. 15. 3. ilipa.j.tEV ewt TO K£pKa.Lov: presumably to invoke his master's protection; clearly Anagneia was not very far away. 4. et'i TTJV 'Pwj.tTJV : 'in the direction of Rome' ; so Anagneia was not on the direct route from Rome to Mons Circeius. This is about 6o miles from Rome; despite lTpexev the slave is unlikely to have reached Rome in less than two to three days, which accounts for much of the delay. 7. Tou wopOj.tou Tou Ka.Ta LLKEALa.v: the Straits of Messina; cf. v. no. 2. They lie rather under soo miles from Ostia; since the average speed of cargo ships was 3-4 knots (Starr, OCD 2 , 'Navigation', 725), continuous sailing would have brought Demetrius there in five days, especially with a favouring wind (§ 8). 9. wpea~euTns: on Ti. Sempronius Gracchus, cos. I77 and I63, see XXV. I. I, 4· I, XXX. 27. I, 30. 7~, 31. I9-20, XXxi. I. I, 3· 4 D.; he had previously visited Asia in I66Js. L. Cornelius Lentulus Lupus was curule aedile in I63; as praetor urbanus in I6o he gave the Tiburtines the reply recorded in the S.C. de Tiburtibus (ILS, I9 = Riccobono, Fontes, no. 33), and he was consul in IS6 (cf. Miinzer, RE, 'Cornelius (224)', cols. I386-7). Of Servilius Glaucia not so much as his praenomen is known (cf. Munzer, RE, 'Servilius (64)', col. I796). 10. Ta wpos TOlh r a.Aa.TO.'i avnAeyOj.&EVa.: for relations between Eumenes, Ariarathes, and the Galatians see xxx. 28 n., 30. 2 n., xxxi. 1. 3, 8. I-S (Cn. Octavius' embassy); and for Gracchus' interview with Ariarathes on this occasion see 32. 3 n. 11. a.uTo'lrTTJv yeyoveva.t: in I66/s; cf. § 9 n.

15. 13. Fragment on Demetrius 15.13. ATJ~-&tlTPLoc;: according to Zon. ix. 25 Demetrius sent a message to Rome from Lycia claiming to be acting against Lysias (7. 2 n.) in order to avenge Cn. Octavius (n. I n.). He next went on to seize Tripolis in Syria, alleging Roman support, and advancing on Antioch took Lysias and Antiochus V prisoner, executed them and recovered his kingdom. Schweighaeuser attributes this fragment (from Suidas) to the situation after Demetrius reached Asia; and it could well refer to Diodorus (I3. I n.). or more probably to some messenger sent by him to Lycia or Tripolis. P. probably wrote his original account of the affair in one piece; and he may have described the events in Syria continuing from the account of the escape (so 483

XXXI.

rs.

I3

FRAGMENT ON DEMETRIUS

Metzung, r3). However, when he adopts that procedure later in describing the restoration of Ariarathes (xxxii. ri:. 3), he speaks of it as if it were new; it is more likely that Demetrius' arrival in Asia was narrated under res Asiae. However, in that case, the present fragment can remain in this position before 16. x-z, which probably 16J/z (though one cannot also forms part of res Asiae for 01. 154, z then exclude the possibility that it goes after 16. r-z); seep. 36. 16. 1-3. Ariarathes rejects a proposal by Artaxias (162)

For a rather fuller and clearer account of the incident related here see Diod. xxxi. 22. The date is probably 162--if this excerpt from de sent. is from res Asiae of 01. 154, z 163/z; but one cannot exclude the possibility of its being from the next olympiad year (see p. 36). 16. 1. :A.pTa.~La.s: king of Armenia (cf. xxv. 2. 12 n.). According to Diod. xxxi. 22, Ariarathes restored a certain Mithrobuzanes to his ancestral domain, whereupon Artaxias sent envoys to suggest that each should murder the young man who was at his court and that they should divide Sophene-presumably Mithrobuzanes' kingdom, an area between Cappadocia and Armenia-between them. Evidently the two young men referred to-Mithrobuzanes and another-were both claimants to the throne of Sophene. Mithrobuzanes may be the son or grandson of Zariadris, who made himself independent after Magnesia (xxv. z. 12 n.); see Weissbach, RE, 'Sophene', col. 1016. From Diodorus it is clear that the object of ~{Jo.JivETo J11'av£Ma8at is the unnamed rival claimant at the Armenian court. With Mithrobuzanes established in Sophene, Artaxias had of course nothing to gain from murdering his protege. ~V1'LJ.L01'Epov ••• TJ11'POTEpov: this is not in Diodorus. l. 'lj .•• Tou 5LKa.(ou +uats: von Scala, z:n, attributes this sententious remark on the power of justice to the Stoa; but he quotes no firm evidence for this earlier than Seneca and M. Aurelius. 3. Good looks a recommendation. This gnomic remark (also from de sent.) is attributed by Diog. Laert. v. 1. to Aristotle; the context is unknown. 17. 1-19.4. Roman envoys fail to reconcile Ptolemy VI and Ptolemy VIII {r6z)

These two excerpts from de legat. gent. clearly come from res Aegypti of 01. 154, 2 = 163/2, and describe the situation in Egypt after Ptolemy VIII returned from his embassy to Rome (ro. I-IO). Hence they refer to summer r6z. 484

ROMAN ENVOYS WITH THE PTOLEMIES (162)

XXXI. 17. 8

17. 1. va.pa.yeyov~s ds T-ttv 'Ei..i..ci.8a. JUTa TWv vpEa~ci.K~ ToO<; auv€6pous: describing the site of Pella, Livy, xliv. 4fi. 6 (following P.) writes '(arx) Phacus in ipsa palude, qua proxima urbi est, uelut insula eminet, aggeri operis ingentis imposita, qui et murum sustineat et umore circumfusae paludis nihil laedatur'; and this hill has been identified, standing out amid the former marsh, now rich agricultural land, to the south of Pella and the Salonica-Edessa road: see P. M. Petsas, Balkan Studies, r¢o, u5-16, 122-4. Excavation has revealed settlement from prehistoric times; but it is an outer defence of Pella and quite separate from its citadel. The present passage suggests that the Council of Macedonia III (xxx. 13. I-II n.) met here at Phacus, which had served as a treasury at any rate for the later kings (cf. Livy, xliv. 6. 2; Diod. xxx. II. I, where Perseus in panic sends his ftqaavpo,Pvl.a' Nicon, with orders fl]v b -rc{J tfld.K<:J ydtav xa~ -rd. XP"lJLaTo. KaTa7roVTfnat; see xxvili. n note following§ 3). For bibliography on recent work see Petsas, MaKESovtKd, 7, 1rj57, 306-8; 8, 19&}, qo-5. The : on Side see v. 73· 4 n.; for recent excavations by Arif Miifit Mansel see J. M. Cook, Arch. Rep. 1959-6o, 55-56; G. E. Bean, Turkey's Southern Shore (London, 1rj58), 78-100. h-1 Too<; Twv Kup'l'}va.£wv 8pou<;: between Cyrene and Egypt; cf. § 6. 8. ~EvoA.oyiJaa.s ••• vEpl X'A£ou<; o-rpanwTa.<;: probably Damasippus conducted this operation, and in areas not part of the Cretan confederacy, which was allied to Ptolemy VI (cf. Holleaux, 'Etudes, iii. 85 n. 1). Merula's role is strange, for this is a reversal of the policy pressed by Torquatus (§ 7).

XXXI. 17.8

ROMAN ENVOYS FAIL TO RECONCILE

~11't Tov "A11'lv:

cf. r8. 3· Two towns called Apis are known, one (Strabo, xvii. I. 14, C. 799; Pliny, Nat. kist. v. 39) 100 stades west of Paraetonium, and regarded by Scylax, 107, as the western frontier of Egypt, the other (Herod. ii. 18) near :Marea in the north-west of the Delta, and perhaps to be identified with the Egyptian Amu, at or near Kum el-I;Ii!}n. The former, modern Bun Aguba, is probably referred to here; cf. Pietschmann, RE, 'Apis (2) and (4)', coJ. 28o7. 18. 4. auv£~o~ouu9El1Tos •.• Tois 'ITponpov: 'when he behaved like those who had previously been sent', i.e. Torquatus and his retinue; for the reason see § 5· 6. KupT)vo.ious Q4>EaTavo.~: Bouche-Leclercq (Lagides, ii. 37 n. I) and Berve (Tyrannis, i. 431; ii. 724) associate with this revolt Polyaenus, viii. 70, the account of an Aetolian Lycopus who led the Cyrenaeans. If this is so (and it is uncertain, for there were several Egyptian wars against Cyrene: d. Beloch, iv. 2. 6I5), he could be the Aetolian envoy mentioned in xxi. 25. n (see note on this); but the name is common. On the obscure history of the Cyrenaean constitutional changes see Musti, Annali di Pisa, r¢7, 164ft., and, more fully, G. I. Luzzatto, Stu,d. et doc. kist. et iur. 1941, 259-3I2. It seems likely that Ptolemy VI had a part in this revolt; cf. Otto, 6. Ptolemiier, III n. I. Tns 11'oAus: the other towns of the Pentapolis, viz. Apollonia, Ptolemais, Arsinoe (Taucheira), and Berenice. nToh£~0.l0'\l T0'\1 Iu~1TETi}aw: his joint control of the Penta polis and the Libyan xwpa (§ 7' i7TIJ.I.€Aelav T(.Oll oltwv) was unparalleled since the early days of Ptolemaic suzerainty, when Ophellas (xii. z n.) and Magas (x. 22. 3 n.) held such a position. See Otto and Bengtson, Niedergang, 122-3 n. 4; Bengtson, Strat. iii. 157; above, xv. 25. 12 n. His title was probably Q'TpaT'I]yos: (hardly o brl nov 7Tpayf1.chwv as Corradi, 257, suggests). 7, TOY '!TAouv ds TTJV 'PW~T)'II: cf. 10. I. 9. ds Tov .Uyo.v ••• Ko.Tu~o.9f16v: 'the Great Slope', a fortress and harbour 86 m.p. west of Paraetonium, today As-Salliim (Sollum) (Ptol. Geog. iv. 5· 3; Strabo, xvii. 1. s, C. 79I, I. 13, C. 798, 3· I, C. 825, 3· 22, c. 838; Pliny, Nat. kist. v. s8-39; Mela, i. 40; Sall. lug. 19. I). The name was also given to the plain where it lay. Catabathmus was the boundary between Egypt and Libya (as it is today), and was called the Great Slope to distinguish it from a Small Slope which Ptol. Geog. iv. 5· 14 locates further east at Akabah es-seghir. See Kees, RE, 'Katabathmus (2)', cols. 2449-50. T~S 5uaxwpio.s: the pass leading up on to the escarpment behind Sollum, where no doubt the ancient road followed the modern line more or less (hence the name 'Great Slope'). The modern road ascends steeply west past the barracks of Sollum, and on to Musaid 486

PTOLEMY VI AND PTOLEMY VIII 0 0

,.,.,

-...........

XXXI. 18. n 10

5

5

15km

10miles

_____ ,

;""

'----.6 Sicti Azeiz-- .... ,

'' .,

Gulf

' ', '

of

Sollum

6 THE REGION OF THE GREAT SLOPE (from S. 0. Playfair, The Mediterranean and Middle East (History of the Second World War) ii, p. I6I)

FIG.

and Fort Capuzzo, where it turns north and reaches the sea again at Bardia, 21 miles (by road) from Sollum. It was probably here that Ptolemy proposed to intercept the Libyans. SeeS. 0. Playfair, The Mediterranean and Middle East (History of the Second World War), ii, map rs (p. r61), map r6 facing p. 163. 11. KO.Tcl1rAa.y£vTwv Ti}v &.~!f>oiv ~!f>o&ov: P. does not say that the attack was actually mounted on both sides; the Libyans will have

is

487

XXXI. 18.

II

ROMAN ENVOYS WITH THE PTOLEMIES (162)

observed the departure of the fleet, drawn their conclusions and withdrawn (asP. says). Tfl<; U1TOKEl!l~VTJ'> Tnpa.1rupyia.c;: nTpa7rvpyla or Tt!TpamJpytov (cf. Plut. Ettm. 8. 5 (Phrygia); Ioseph. Ant. Iud. xiii. 36 (Syria)) signifies a square building with a tower at each corner (cf. Procop. Aed. iv. I. I8; Rostovtzeff, Ramsay Studies, 374n. I; D. W. S. Hunt,]HS, I947, 72). This one evidently lay just beneath the summit of the pass on the seaward side, since Strabo, xvii. 3· 27, C. 838 describes it as above the harbour (which he calls II>.wos). 12. ~KE s,a. Tijs EP~tLOU: from Sollum to Cyrene is rather more than zso miles, a hard six days' going. 13. Twv e1rL Moxup(vou: 'the force under Mochyrinus', who is otherwise unknown: presumably he was an Egyptian. Niese, iii. 2II n. I emends to give a reference to an unknown place, Mochyris, but unnecessarily. Mochyrinus may have been mentioned earlier in the full text. Taus KupTJva.lous: in view of§ 15, the forces mentioned here are likely to represent a maximum levy, indeed a levy en masse. The small figure of soo horse is therefore significant against the v-iew that Cyrenaica (and Libya generally) was a great horse-raising country; I owe this point to E. Galili. 14. EK Twv (Komi) TTJV :A.Ae~av8peu:1V 1TE1rpuyllevwv: for outrages committed there during Ptolemy VI's brief exile in 164/3 see 2. 14 n. 16. ~<:a.t TEAos i]Tn19TJ: judging from the scale of the preliminaries P. will have described this engagement in some detail (his source is unkno·wn); but the excerptor lost interest and abbreviated his account. 19. 1. To'i:s ••• 8totLoAoyoullevoLs: cf. Io. r. For the unV~illingness of the legati to put pressure on Ptolemy VI see I8. 5· 2. KotLO.VOV KO.t nToAEtLO.lOV: see xxviii. 19. In. for Coman us; Ptolemy was his brother. Evidently the family had thrown in their lot with the younger royal brother. 4. ,.a. ... Ka.Ta TfJV ... Kup
20. 1-6. Embassies at Rome from the Ptolemies: the Senate breaks with Ptolemy VI (r62j1) This excerpt from de legat. gent. records from res Italiae of OL I54. 3 = 162/r the hearing at Rome, in winter 162ji, o{ the envoys dispatched the previous summer (19. z); see p. 36. Diod. xxxi. 23 is based on P. and records the same.

EMBASSIES AT ROME FROM THE PTOLEMIES

XXXI.

21,

I-8

19. 2 (Coman us) ; ro. 4, 12. 8 (Menyllus). l. TtTOV KO.t rvcuov: Torquatus and Merula (cf. 10. 9 n., I7· I-19. 4)· Otto's theory (6. Ptolemiier, rn n. 2), that they had previously worked with Ptolemy VI and now tried to hide this under enthusiasm for a new cause, is unnecessary, and links with his belief that Ptolemy VIII's testament had been published in the meantime; cf. IO. 9 n. 3. i8o~e Tfi uuyKATJT'l' KTA.: on the changed policy towards Ptolemy VI see 10. 9 n. EK TTJS 'Pw!-lTJS: Diod. xxxi. 23 says l.K Tfj;; •ITaMos (which may be right). 4. no1TALO!j i\1TOOO'TI.O!j Ka.t r 6.LOS AEVTAOS: Ursin us, .:47TOVCJ1'LOS for manuscript dcrrov{3£os. P. Apustius is unknown (cf. Klebs, RE, 'Apustius (3)', col. zgr). Since Gains occurs nowhere else as a praenomen of the Cornelii Lentuli, Tv&•os should perhaps be read, and this man identified with the consul of 146, L. Mummius' colleague (xxix. 3· 3, 8, 6); see Munzer, RE, 'Cornelius (175, 177)', cols. 1358,

lO. 1. KofLa.vov .•• MevuAAov: cf.

1361. e(s T~"' KuptiV1'Jv: Ptolemy VIII was again in power there; cf. rg. 4 n.

ll. 1-8. Masinissa and Carthage

This excerpt from de legat. gent. is from res Africae, probably of 01. 154, 3 = r6z/r (though r6r/o cannot be excluded; see p. 36). It mentions friction between Masinissa and Carthage over a few years (cf. § 8, on the revenues involved); but since the Roman decisions are described in terms similar to those used of others mentioned about this time, the events in question probably belong to the middle sixties, and Masinissa's attack may have started about r67/6 (so DeSanctis, iv. 3· IZ n. 25)· (Beaumont, ]RS, I9J9, 79 n. 20, suggests that it was in connection with these disputes that the Punic treaties (iii. 22-25 n.) were brought into prominence-by senators welldisposed towards Carthage.) Whether P. had dealt with trouble arising between the end of the Second Punic War and this date is not known; clearly it would have been less significant in the context of a History planned to end in r67 than in one ending in 145. But the reference to a long peace (§ 3) need not imply no earlier encroachment; indeed, given the ambiguity of the peace-terms folloY.ing Zama (xv. 18. 5 n.), that would be unlikely. Appian (Lib. 67) mentions an early Numidian claim against Carthage, confirmed by the Romans and followed by a treaty between Masinissa and Carthage, at s~ip.£wav €s €7'7} 'lT£vnJKOVTa, which would fit P.'s long peace. But Livy, following annalistic sources, records constant friction from 195 489

XXXI.2I.I-8

MASINISSA AND CARTHAGE

onward; and though details are suspect, such disputes are not necessarily inconsistent with a long peace. For discu!ision seeP. G. Walsh, ]RS, I965, I57-9· The passages are: Livy, xxxii. 47· 7-8 (I95): Roman embassy at Carthage to look into the frontier problem (and in fact to act against Hannibal; on the source see McDonald, OCT Livy, xxxi-xxxv, p. xlii); Livy, xxxiv. 61. I6-62. IS (I93): Scipio Africanus sent to deal with Masinissa's encroachment on Emporia; Livy, xl. I7. I--6, cf. 34· I4 (ISI}: Masinissa seizes land, and a Roman embassy is sent; Livy, xlii. 23-24 (qz): Carthaginian appeal to Rome and counter-charges by Gulussa: decision against Masinissa. Of these passages Livy, xxxiv. 6I -62 raises special problems in relation to P., since it states (under I93) that Masinissa seized several maritime states belonging to Carthage, and imposed tribute upon them: 'Emporia uocant earn region em: ora est minoris Syrtis et agri uberis: una ciuitas eius Lepcis: ea singula in dies talenta uectigal Carthaginiensibus dedit' (Livy, xxxiv. 6z. 3). Shortly afterwards, Carthaginian legati at Rome supported their claim to this territory by adducing Masinissa's request to pursue Aphther, mentioned here (§ 7): 'Carthaginienses iure finium causam tutabantur, quod inter eos terminos esset quibus P. Scipio uictor agrum qui iuris esset Carthaginiensium finisset, et confessione regis, qui cum Aphthirem profugum ex regno suo cum parte Numidarum uagantem circa Cyrenas persequeretur, precario ab se iter per eum ipsum agrum tamquam haud dubie Carthaginiensium iuris petisset' (Livy, xxxiv. 6z. 8-10). Livy's use of the form Lepcis and his reference to Cyrene indicate that he refers to Lepcis Magna and not Leptis Minor (as P. W. Townsend, CP, I94o, 279-82, believes); Lepcis Magna is of course also the more important place (see on this Kahrstedt, iii. 78--79, 334n. I; DeSanctis, iii. 1. 33 n. 88; Warmington, I66). The relationship between Livy's account of this and P. is disputed. Saumagne (Rev. hist. I67, I93I, 246 ff.) argues for a common source; but this must be rejected (seeS. Rossetti, Parola del Passato, I96o, 34I-3 and, more generally, Passerini, Athen. I937. 26 ff.). Greek information lies behind Livy, since he calculates the revenue of Lepcis in talents (d. DeSanctis, iv. 3· 9 n. 22), but the main source is annalistic (despite Nissen, KU, r6s; doubts in McDonald, OCT Livy, xxxi-xxxv, p. xlii; see Soltau, Phil. I893, 694. Walsh, JRS, I965, I 57 thinks the source is P. with annalistic additions to give circumstantial detail, but he does not discuss the Aphther passage). Badian, 295--6, would reconcile P. and Livy with the hypothesis that in I9J Masinissa secured Lepcis and the coast east of the Lesser Syrtis, and that the dispute in the sixties concerned the area farther west in the Lesser Syrtis proper; Livy's source, he suggests, confused the two occasions and transposed the reference to the pursuit of Aphther to 490

MASINISSA AND CARTHAGE

XXXI. 21.4

the former. But if Livy's reference to Cyrene (Livy, xxxiv. 62. 10) is an integral part of the Aphther incident, and this belongs really to the 16o's, it follows that at that date Masinissa still needed Carthaginian permission to cross this area towards the Greater Syrtis; and this can hardly be reconciled with his possession of Lepcis Magna since 193. It seems more likely that Livy's source has confused some other point of friction in 193 with the dispute over Emporia, and has therefore transferred to 193 rna terial from the later date (cf. Kahrstedt, iii. 592-3; Gsell, iii. 315-17, who rightly observes that Scipio's embassy must belong to 193; Hoffmann, Historia, 1960, 326; Rossetti, Parola del Passato, 196o, 34o-6). 21. 1. Ti)v ~LKpav Iupnv ••• 'E~vopLa.: on these see i. 82. 6 n., iii. 23. 2, xxxiv. 15. 8. The two are identical, but the area is variously defined within the limits of Thapsus in the west and a somewhat indefinite boundary in the east. Procopius, A ed. vi. 4· 14, takes the Lesser Syrtis from Tacape (modem Gabes) to Girgis, south-east of Djerba, but Strabo, xvii. 3· 18, C. 835 makes the eastern boundary Lake Zouchis (which may be Kelab--so Treidler, RE, 'Syrtis', cols. I812-17----or the Bahiret el Bibane--so Gsell, ii. 124). Scylax, Periplus, no (GGM, i. 88) confuses the region opposite Cercina with that farther north off Hadrumetum; and Ptolemy, Geog. iv. 4· 3, agrees with Strabo that Thaenae marks the western extremity of the Lesser Syrtis. For full discussion see R. M. Haywood, CP, 1941, 251; Reynolds and Ward Perkins, 76-77. To 1r~:ij8os Twv 1rpoaoSwv: cf. § 8 n. According to Livy, xxxiv. 62. 3 (quoted above, 21. 1-8 n.), Lepcis Magna paid Carthage tribute equivalent to one talent a day; he quotes this to indicate the likely revenue from the whole province, when one town (una ciuitas) produced so much. It has been argued that this figure, clearly exaggerated as it stands, represented the proceeds of the region of which Lepcis was the administrative centre (so Haywood, CP, 1941, 251--6; Reynolds and Ward Perkins, 76-77); but this is not Livy's meaning, and it seems just as likely that this is simply a tall story (Kahrstedt, iii. 34-35). In any case, it is not indeed certain that the indirect source of this figure in Livy is P. 2. ou 1Tollo'i:s aVWTEpov XPOVOLS: 'not long before'; perhaps a year or two (but the phrase does not mean 'not many years before' as Paton translates it); see 21. 1-8 n. 3. 8La Ti)v voA.uxpovLov etpT)V1Jv: since the end of the Second Punic War and the treaty made shortly afterwards with Masinissa; see 21. 1-8 n. 4. TWV 8E voA.ewv OUK E8uv1]81') YEVEa8a.L KUpLOS : towns such as Achulla (Acholla), Thapsus, and Tacape (Gabes) in the Gulf of Gabes (cf. Treidler, RE, 'TaKrlTrr/, cols. 2052--6) but also perhaps those 491

XXXI.

2r.

4

MASINISSA AND CARTHAGE

of Tripolitania, Oea, Sabratha, and Lepcis Magna (see 21. x-8 n., § 1 n.). 5. TrpEo-~EuT.;w TroAAaKl~ EATtAu86Twv: probably over a series of years in the sixties, since there were several adverse decisions against Carthage (§ 6) ; nor was the Senate wont to give repeated audiences on the same topic in a single year. 6. ol.t Toi; l>lKa.tol~ KTA.: for allegations of similar motivation in other decisions see 10. 6-7 (the Ptolemies), n. II (Antiochus V). Hoffmann (Historia, 1960, 330 n. 54) suggests that the Senate aimed at interposing Masinissa between Carthage and Cyrene, in view of the situation in Cyrene (10. 1-ro, 17. 1-20. 6). This would of course imply that Masinissa did not already hold Lepcis Magna (21. r-8 n.). 7. xpovol; oo TroAAois avwTEpov: cf. § 2 n. ; a date in the sixties is implied (not 193. as in Livy, xxxiv. 62: see 21. r-8 n.). l>LwKwv T(w :A.+9fipa.: cf. Livy, xxxiv. 62. ro (quoted 21. r-8 n.); Livy specifies that Aphther had a body of Numidians, and that he was uagantem circa Cyrenas. Apparently Masinissa's vassal, he is otherwise unknown. 8£ol>ov nriJo-a.TO TOOS Ka.px'18ov(ous: cf. Livy, xxxiv. 62. IO. ol 8' oox l.tm}Kouaa.v: Paton, CR, 1920, 54-55. omits the phrase as an intrusion on the grounds that (a) the words ws; ov8€v a-?n-{j; 'TTPOa'TJKDVaTJ>: are better taken as an explanation of why Masinissa asked, rather than of why the Carthaginians refused, (b) that is the meaning in Livy, xxxiv. 62. 10 (cf. 21. r-8 n.). The suggestion is attractive, but cannot be accepted, in the face of a clear manuscript tradition and a text which can be justified ; though the words quoted add nothing to the Carthaginian argument, they provide circumstantial evidence that the territory was Carthaginian de iure (since Masinissa asked permission to cross it) and de facto (since permission was refused). But it remains true that the fact that the territory was Carthaginian is not a good reason for the Carthaginians' rejecting a request which admitted that fact by implication. 8. TfEVTa.Koo-La TaAavTa ••• TTjs KapTrE£a.~: the revenue from the area (cf. § I, T6 TrAfjOo> Twv 1rpoa&Swv), not its produce (cf. x. 28. 3, 1Cap1TeJew). Since the time involved is not known, no conclusions are possible concerning the revenue which the area yielded, nor can these 5oo talents be correlated with the talent which Livy, xxxiv. 62. 3 gave as the daily payment from Lepcis Magna (§ 1 n.). 22. 1-30. 4. On Aemilius Paul/us and Scipio Aemilianus This long digression (cf. 30. 4) from exc. de uirt. et uit. and de sent. (25. 5) belongs to res ltaliae of OL 154, 4 r6r/o, and was probably introduced in connection with Aemilius Paullus' death (in 16o) ; see pp. 36-37. It is likely to have been written after Scipio's death in 129 492

AEMILIUS PAULLUS AND SCIPIO AEMILIANUS

XXXI.

22.4

(cf. xviii. 35 n.) and inserted in this book at this convenient point. xviii. 36. I, which foreshadows it, will also be a later insertion (cf. xviii. 35 n.); see 22. 4 n. On the contents see Diod. xxxi. 26. 1-27. 8. On the several problems of inheritance raised here see G. Boyer, RIDA, 1950 (=Melanges de Visscher, iii), I7I~7. 'Le droit successoral romain dans les o:mvres de Polybe'. At.,..~).iou: L. Aemilius Paullus, the victor of Pydna; cf. xviii. 35· 4 n., xxix. 1. I, and passim. Biittner-Wobst detects the excerptor's hand (because of hiatus). J.lETa.AAO.~a.'II'Tos TOV ~Lov: d. Livy, ep. 46, 'L. Aemilius Paulus, qui Persen vicisset, mortuus. cuius tanta abstinentia fuit, ut, cum ex Hispania et ex Macedonia immensas opes rettulisset, uix ex auctione eius redactum sit, unde uxori eius dos solueretur.' This evidently goes back to P. On the date, t6o, see pp. 36-37. For an account of his death see Plut. Aem. 39· 3. 1rAELO'TOV ••• TWV Ka.O' a.{ITOV Eg 'I~T)pta.s xpuaov ••• J.lETEYT)YOX~S: cf. Diod. xxxi. 26. I; Livy, ep. 46. Aemilius was praetor in Spain in I9I/o, with the insignia and imperium of a proconsul {Plut. Aem. 4· I; Livy, xxxv. 24. 6, xxxvii . .2. n), and after a defeat in Bastetanis in 190 (Livy, xxxvii. 46. 7~; Oros. iv . .2o . .23} he himself defeated the Lusitanians and overthrew .250 towns (Livy, xxxvii. 57· s-6; Plut. Aem. 4; above, xxix. I7. In.). A bronze tablet found east of Cadiz, and evidently set up during his command (ILS, 15) refers to him as inpeirator: 'L. Aimilius L.f. inpeirator decreiuit, utei quei Hastensium seruei in turri Lascutana habitarent, leibeirei essent; agrum oppidumqu., quod ea tempestate posedisent, item posidere habereque iousit, dum poplus senatusque Romanus uellet. Act. in castreis a,d. XII k. febr.' For his elogium cf.ILS, 57· Despite the gold he brought back, the Spaniards chose him as their patrontts in bringing a charge for extortion in I7I (Livy, xliii. 2. 5}. J.'EY(O"Twv ••• &TJo-a.upwv ••• ~v Ma.KeSovicz.: cf. xviii. 35. 4 n. ; Diod. xxxi. 26. I. 4. Toao(hov U1r~AEl1rE TOV fStov ~(ov ItT A.: cf. Diod. xxxi. .26. I, roaoihov (hriaxf.ro roD acp€r£plaaafla{ n nov XftTJp..arwv WO'TE P£Ta T1]v 7'f.AEI>'T7Jv TOVS vlous aih-oii TOVS ooflbras Els vo8€pvqv KTA, P.'s text clearly contains a lacuna, and it is not certain that roaourov ••• TOv ~wv f3lov represents what P. wrote better than the words of Diodorus. The lacuna is too long to be restored; but Diodorus must be giving the sense. T"TJv cpepv1jv ••• Sla.AOua.L ••• ~K TWV i1rl1rAwv: ' •.• could not repay his wife the whole of her dowry out of his liquid assets'; cf. Diod. xxxi. 26. I (quoted above); Dio, XX. fg. 67. U\O'TE xaio.f.11'WS" rfi yvvat~el avrovrqv 1TpOiKa Tf.Af.vrr}aavros a-rroooflijvat; Zon. ix. 24. Ta ~1T£1TAa are, strictly,

22. 1. Aeutdou

493

XXXI. 22.4 AEMILIUS PAULLUS AND SCIPIO AEMILIANUS 'movables', which can be sold for cash and no doubt include cash (see 27. 5 n.). The name of Aemilius' second wife, whom he married after divorcing Papiria, the mother of Scipio Aemilianus and Q. Fabius Maximus Aemilianus, is not recorded (d. Plut. Aem. 5· 3, €-dpav 'ljyayero); see 28. 2 n. On the difficulties encountered in repaying Aemilius' widow her dowry of 25 talents see xviii. 35· 6 n.; and for Scipio Aemilianus' obligations over the dowries of his adoptive father's sisters see 27. I-I6. d 1-LTJ Twv tyye(wv ••• KTtjaewv: 'without disposing of some of the real estate'; cf. vi. 45· 3 for iyynot KnJUH>, a phrase also found in inscriptions (cf. Syll. 593 1. 9). ~ Tois npo TOuTwv: cf. xviii. 35· 6 (which also mentions the sale of household goods and slaves as well as land), 36. I. But the phrase iv Tot> Trpo Towwv more naturally signifies 'in the previous book', and taken in conjunction with 23. I suggests that somewhere in book xxx P. repeated the promise to discuss the restraint and generosity of Aemilius Paullus and Scipio Aemilianus (cf. 23. In.). This may have been in the context of events after Pydna and of Aemilius' Greek tour (xxx. 10); but it could equally well have arisen where P. described the beginnings of his acquaintance with Scipio Aemilianus, which probably (but not certainly) were in Rome (cf. 23. 4 n.). 6. s~so .... ~vwv XPTJJ-LGTW\1 ini T TOU S&SOVTOS O"UJ-Lt~POVTI: 'money offered with a view to benefiting the giver', i.e. a bribe. On the prevalence of bribery in Greece of P.'s time see xviii. 34· 7; for financial dishonesty, vi. 56. I3-I5• Ap~CTTELSTJ": cf. ix. 23. 6. Aristeides' incorruptibility (despite the accusation of bribery recorded by Craterus, FGH, 342 F IZ = Plut. Arist. z6. I-2), his moderation, and his poverty were traditional from Herodotus' time (Herod. viii. 79· 1, 95) and that of his contemporary, Timocreon of Rhodes (in Plut. Them. 21. 4); see Plato, M eno, 94 A; Gorg. 526 A-B; Andoc. iv. II; Aeschin. ii. 23, iii. I8I; Arist. Rhet. ii. 23. I398 a 9 ff.; Diod. xi. 47· 2, xxvi. 1. I; Judeich, RE, 'Aristeides (I)', cols. 883-4. 'EnaJ-LtwwvSuv: often mentioned by P.· He was traditionally poor (cf. Plut. Pelop. 3· 5; Mor. 579 E, 583 C-F, 584 A-B, 585 D; Pans. ix. I3. I) and incorruptible (Plut. Mor. 583 F; Apophth. I3, 14, 2I (Mor. I93 B, I94 A); Arist. et Cat. comp. 4· 4; Nep. Epam. 4; Aelian, Var. hist. v. 5. xi. 9). See Swoboda, RE, 'Epaminondas', cols. 2676-7. 8. f.LGA&a-Ta 'PwJ-La(ous ••• Ta ~uj3A(a TauTa: von Scala, 290 (d. Pedech, Methode, 566) concludes that P. is referring to his later books and that since Greeks were increasingly alienated by these, P. was aiming rather at a Roman audience. More probably Tcl f3vf3Ala TaVTa are P.'s Histories generally, and the Romans are mentioned simply as a guarantee of the truth of his account of Aemilius' incorruptibility (hard though his Greek audience would find it to believe 494

AEMILIUS PAULLUS AND SCIPIO AEMILIANUS

XXXI. 23. 5

this!). See Walbank, Polybius, 4 n. r8; and for a similar concern to establish his own credentials, below 30. 2 n. P. does of course also envisage Roman readers; cf. iii. 21. g, vi. II. 3· 23. 1. ri]s ••• Ka.Ta Tl]v liL-IJY'flOW tcfu.)Sou: 'the progress of my narrative'; d. iii. r. II for a similar (but not identical) sense. Tidv Ka.Lpidv: 'the occasion' or 'the period of time'. To Ka.Ta Tttv TrpoTepa.v ~o~Xov tv (Tra.yyt:Alll- Ka.TaXc;L«jj9ev: 'the promise which I made in my previous book and left unfulfilled', i.e. in book xxx. For this sense see iii. 40. 7, iv. 28. 2, 28. 6, 37· 4, 66. Io; and for the likelihood that P. had repeated in book xxx the undertaking given in xviii. 35· 6, 36. r, see 22. 4 n. TC>v tLA'flKowv EvEKa.: 'for the sake of my readers'; q,,>.~Koot suggests those reading for interest rather than instruction, but in no derogatory sense (for the contrast cf. vii. 7· 8; see too ix. I. 4 n.). 2. 90.TTov ft Ka.9ijKEV t~eAa.Jl"'t:v: 'became so bright unexpectedly early'; in 25. 6 P. uses €~<:Ad.p.l/Jat of the extravagance with which Scipio's reputation is here contrasted. 3. ~wo; Tijos 'ITa.Alaos Ka.L Tijs 'EAM.Boo;: Mauersberger takes lw> here to mean 'to the frontiers of Italy and as far as Greece'; but this over-subtle interpretation might cause the reader to ask: 'did his reputation stop short at the frontiers of Greece?' The sense must be 'as far as and including' (just as Ew> Tov llvva,-ov means 'to the limits of the possible'); translate therefore 'throughout Italy and Greece'. Tttv a.tpc;ow Kat aul-'m:pLtopO.v a.1iTwv: 'their affection and companionship'; on a.!pt~cn> cf. Strachan-Davidson, 7; Welles, p. 310. 4. ~K Two.,; xp-l)ac;w.,; J3u~A(wv: 'from the loan (or use) of some books'; the sense 'use' is adopted by Leo, 4-Bo and Gelzer, Kl. Schr. iii. 178 n. 133, and is the commoner meaning of xpijut>, but either is possible. In any case, if P. means that Scipio and P. read and discussed certain books, this could have involved lending and borrowing. Gelzer, loc. cit., rightly assumes that the books in question were from Perseus' library, which Aemilius Paullus had given to his sons (Plut. A em. 28. 6; cf. Haywood, n). Ziegler, RE, 'Polybios (1)', col. 1451 n. I, assumes less probably that P. had brought his books and papers with him from Megalopolis, and that he lent these to Scipio; but it is unlikely that when he left for Rome he expected to be there for sixteen years. 8t:B'flAWKa.!-LEY: perhaps in book xxx, when he undertook to recount Scipio's early reputation and the beginnings of intimacy with himself (cf. §§ 1-2)-probably at Rome (cf. 22. 4 n.). 5. TWV Ava.KEKA'fli-L€vwv: cf. xxx. 32. ro n. E'IFL TnS 'IFOAug: mainly those of Etruria (Paus. vii. ro. II). M. H. Crawford suggests to me that these are likely to have been primarily the Latin colonies of Southern Etruria such as Cosa, Spoletium, i95

XXXI. ZJ. 5 AEMILIUS PAULLUS AND SCIPIO AEMILIANUS

Namia, Nepet, and Sutrium, all within a fairly short distance of Rome ; Campanian prisoners had been lodged at Veii, Sutrium, and Nepet in 210 (Livy, xxvi. 34· 7, 34· 10). o TE IPO.~ws ~<:a.L b Itn11'£wv: cf. xviii. 35· 6 n. for these two sons of Aemilius Paullus, and the circumstances in which they were adopted into other gentes. For a suggestion that the Q. Maximus and P. Scipio mentioned as testifying to the importance of imagines in Sallust, lug. 4· 5 are these two brothers see Pedech, Rev. kist. rel. 1965,42 n. 2. 11'pos ToY aTpa.TTJyov: probably the praetor urbanus, whose authority would be needed to allow P. to remain exceptionally in Rome. Roveri, 153, suggests that the Romans made the concession partly to keep an eye on P.; this seems unlikely, for the detainees must have included more experienced statesmen than he. 23. 6-25. 1: the beginning of close friendship between P. and Scipio. This passage fulfils the second part of P.'s promise {23. 3), to de~ scribe the growth of his friendship with Scipio; the first half, the account of Scipio's rise to fame, is fulfilled in 25. 2-30. 4· P. devotes 23. 6-24. 11 to the beginning of the friendship; its development is treated summarily in 24. 12-25. I. P. Friedlander, A]P, 1945, 337-48, argues that P.'s account of the encounter with Scipio is depicted in terms which owe much to Plato's Greater Alcibiades. In his favour are several apparent parallels of phrasing, which will be mentioned ad loc. But P.'s acquaintance with this dialogue seems unlikely, and the suggested parallel between Scipio and Alcibiades would hardly be likely to appeal to the former, whatever he thought of P. identifying himself with Socrates. In fact, there are many difficulties in both comparisons and Friedlander concedes (AJP, 1945, 341) that the 'harmony is to a high degree one of opposites'-not least since Alcibiades was destined to be 'the most brilliant figure of Athens and its destroyer'. Friedlander's theory is just possible; but I do not myself believe it, and Momigliano, Atti Ace. Torino, 1972-3, 695, is also dubious. See, however, Ziegler, RE, 'Polybios (r)', col. 1459 n. I. 23. 6. auyt<:upTJp.d n TOLOUTOV: 'the following incident'. 9. Suo Tj>Wyop.ev n8eX4to£: for suggested emendations see the apparatus in Biittner-Wobst (F. Piejko adds Suo rot y' lap.f.11 or 8Vo ro' lap.f.11); but P. may be reproducing a colloquial, perhaps proverbial, phrase used by Scipio to cover his embarrassment: 'we are two brothers at one table.' The phrase is not however paralleled elsewhere. ~p.t 8e 1Ta.ptmEp.11'ELS: 'but me you treat with contempt' (d. xxx. 19. 17 n.); P. takes up the phrase in 24. 3· 11. T)auxtos T~s ~<:a.l vw8p6s: 'quiet and indolent'. Scipio fears to fall short of the aristocratic virtues prized in contemporary Rome. 496

AEMILIUS PAULLUS AND SCIPIO AEMILIANUS XXXI. 24.

1

D. Earl, Historia, r96o, 255-6 (cf. Moral and Political Tradition, 24-26; Gelzer, Kl. Schr. i. 87 Nobility, 83) compares the ideals implicit in Lysiteles' speech to Lesbonicus in Plautus, Trin. 642 ff. Here Lesbonicus is accused of betraying his ancestors by his desidia (cf. ~<Wxtos ... Ka.i. vwOp&s), of failing to play a part in the forum; he is urged, 'in foro operam amicis da' (cf. Kp{u,ts ovx o.ipofiJ.«l' My.,tv), and his friend adds that his ancestors, father, and grandfather made the path to office easy, 'honori posterornm tuornm ut uindex fieres' (cf. rf,v ~· olK£o.v ov tfoo.ut Towihov b7f'T'£'Cv 1Tpoi1Tcl:rqv). The concern for the family shown in that passage precisely parallels the present context. KfiX.WpLO'p.ivos Tfjs 'PwJJ.a.i:Kfjs a.lpEO'EWS Ka.t vpcl.~Ews: 'with no share in the energetic character of a Roman' ; cf. i. 20. I I (where, however, Tijs 'Pwp.a.l.wv o.i.plu£ws may mean either 'the (vigorous) Roman character' or 'Roman policy or conduct {on that occasion)'; cf. Strachan-Davidson, 7-8). ~eplo-ELS ollx a.tpouJJ.a.L ).€yEw: on the importance to Roman nobles of activity in the courts as patrons see Gelzer, Kl. Schr. i. 75-89, especially 87 (=Nobility, 7cr-S6, especially 83). Scipio, perhaps therein following the practice of his father, Aemilius Paullus (Plut. Aem. 2. 4), rejected this custom, preferring to go hunting (29. 9-12). 24. 1. ou ••• vAEov in7JV oKTWKa.(OEKa.: cf. Diod. xxxi. 26. 5 (referring this inaccurately to the year of Aemilius Paullus' death). Scipio's birth can be dated with some certainty to 185. If the detainees were released late in 150, in the seventeenth year of their detention (cf. xxxv. 6 n.). P. arrived in Rome in 167 or 166; and since Livy mentions the detainees' arrival with Aemilius Paullus, and since he triumphed I I I I , I I I , prid. k. decem. of A.u.c. DXXC{VI) {calculated from 752) i.e. early September 167 (Julian) (cf. DeSanctis, iv. 1, 351 n. 301; Derow, Phoenix, 1973, 355), the year must be 167. (In the Fasti tr. the year has to be emended, but it can hardly be nxxc{VII), since Aemilius will not have delayed his triumph until the autumn of 166.) According to Uvy, xliv. 44· J, Scipio was in his seventeenth year at the time of the battle of Pydna, i.e. 22 June 168 (4 Sept. by the Roman calendar; cf. xxix. 16. r-3 n.) ; Diodorus (xxx. 22) has 7r€p4 ( Td) E1TTa.Ka.tolKo.TOv y~ryovws lTos. These figures are consistent and suggest that Scipio was born in 185. According to Cicero, de re pub. vi. 12, he had completed or almost completed his fifty-sixth year shortly after thejeriae Latinae (which were variable in date, but probably still held in the early part of the year) of 129 (cf. Astin, 245 n. 1), and this also points to 185 rather than 184 (as Mtlnzer assumed: see xviii. 35· 6 n.). The e·vidence of Schol. Bob. Mil. p. u8 Stangl and Veil. ii. 4· 6 is inconclusive. See for discussion P&lech, Methode, 324 n. 55; Astin, ::45-7· 497

XXXI. 24. 3 AEMILIUS PAULLUS AND SCIPIO AEMILIANUS

3. lv ( T€) T(1LS 6.1To+aaEO"L K(1l O"U!Joj3ouALa,l<;: a7T~MIM Can be 'statements' or 'replies' (so :Mauersberger); if the latter, the nuance may be 'in replying to questions and in proffering advice'. 4. €K -ra,uT1}s ri}s oiKla,s: the Cornelii Scipiones (not the Aemilii Paulli). STjAos yO.p •• ~a, +povwv: 'for this shows you have a high spirit'; the phra.''>e suggests a generous mind (J.u;ya>..6cf,pwv, magnanimus), and here implies that Scipio possesses a proper ambition. Astin, 20 n. I, takes the meaning to be 'that Scipio is shown to be concerned about matters which are really worth while', and translates 'you have a serious mind'. This does not quite render the aristocratic note sounded by J.teya. cf,povf:'i:v. Friedlander, AJP, 1945, 342, thinks the phrase echoes Plato, I Alcibiades, 104 c, where Socrates, after listing Alcibiades' advantages, adds that although he is also rich, SoKEfs 8l J.l-O' t1T' 'I'OVr

AEMILIUS PAULLUS AND SCIPIO AEMILIANUS

XXXI. zs. z

tion of the difference in rank and fortune between the Greek detainee and the heir of a distinguished patrician gens, and of the sort of relationship possible between them. Though P. represents it as a close friendship-and this need not be doubted-in Roman eyes it must have been a relationship of patronus and cliens. 25. 1. 1TO.Tp~Ki]v Ka.t uuyyEV~IC~V , • , a.tpE11W ICO.L ~LAOCITOpyla.V: 'the sentiments and affection characteristic of a father and son or of close relations'. 25. 2-29. 12: the character of P. Scipio A emilianus. P. divides this into three sections; (a) 25. 2-8, his moral abstemiousness; (b) 25. 9-28. 13, his generosity in financial matters; (c) 29. 1-12, his courage. In all three P. stresses the deliberate emphasis on the quality in question, and the successful exploitation of it to bring Scipio publicity and popularity. In thus representing Aemilianus' reputation as the result of a conscious attempt to capture and foster popularity, P. reminds us of his similar interpretation of Scipio Africanus' motives and character, as he portrays them in his account of what happened at New Carthage {x. 2. 1-20. 8 n.). P. also emphasizes the extent to which Scipio's behaviour was at variance with orthodox Roman attitudes towards finance (26. 9) and activity in the lawcourts and forum (29. 8). For discussion see Astin, 26--34, who suggests that this course of action was encouraged by P. who, as an Achaean, rated popular favour higher than the traditional activities of the Roman nobilis; but, as he admits (Astin, 31), an anecdote in Plut. Mor. 199 F (cf.Mor.66oA) tells how Scipio observed P.'s advice 'never to leave the forum without making an acquaintance and friend of somebody among those who spoke to him' (a very Roman precept). No other political advice of P. to Scipio is recorded. Diod. xxxi. 26. 5 is the only writer to attribute philosophical teachings toP., and this as an insertion in a Polybian passage and of no independent value (cf. 24. 6 n.). 25. 2-8: Scipio's moral restraint: cf. Diod. xxxi. 26. 6-z7. 1; Cic. off. ii. 76, 'laudat Africanum Panaetius, quod fuerit abstinens.' For Scipio's speech delivered as censor (142), supporting traditional morality, see Gell. iv. 20. 1-10 (Malcovati, ORFJ, i. 124-6). 2. opfl~ Ka.l t-i}Ao.,; T(;)v ~~:a.Awv: 'his eager disposition to lead a virtuous life'; there could be Stoic echoes here (cf. Foucault, 49), but they are not of great significance. In iii. 4· 6 P. gives as a reason for extending his Histories his intention of describing TdS opp.ds Kat TOVs '~Aovs prevailing among the various peoples in private and public life. This passage is an example. T~v E1T~ c:rw~pouuvn SO~a.v: not just uaxppocrov'l itself; on the publicist aspect see Astin, 32, and below, § 8. 499

XXXI. 25. 3 AEMILIUS PAULLUS AND SCIPIO AEMILIANUS

3. 8tG -rTjv ~1ri TO X'ipov optJ.TJ": cf. Diod. xxxi. 26. 6-7, xxxvii. 3· 1-5

(similar material introduced in relation to the year 91, but clearly referring back to the mid-second century). Gelzer, Kl. S chr. iii. 215, connects this passage with vi. 57. 6, U.pg,, ... rijs l-rri. ·ni x<:tpov p.e"rn{JoJ..ijs; but even if extravagance is one of the factors making for this p.eTa.~ {Jo>.l,, constitutional deterioration is something quite different from vicious tendencies in young men. Moreover, Cato's forebodings(§ sa) were voiced as early as his censorship (184) and cannot be fitted into P.'s schematic theory of political decline (cf. Brink and Walbank, CQ, 1954, 105-7). Moralists and historians propounded various dates for the onset of moral corruption at Rome. Piso (HRR, i. 137, fg. 38 Pliny, Nat. hist. xvii. 244) dated it to I54· when the decline was portended by a fig-tree which sprang up on the Capitol; and for P.'s view see xviii. 35· I n. See also A. W. Lintott, Historia, 1972, 626-38 (especially 629, where the argument that by 8w.11611'T~o£ 1ToAEp.ot (xviii. 35· 1) P. means the First Punic War does not convince me). For P.'s criticism of Roman mores see Lucilius, fg. 557 Diehl (= 1174-6 Marx), discussed in Macrob. iii. r6. 17-18, and the speech of C. Titius recorded by Macrob. iii. I6. 15-16. This was delivered, according to Macrobius, in support of C. F annius' sumptuary law of 161 ; but Cicero, Brutus, I67, makes Titius a contemporary of Crassus and Antonius; on the problem see Malcovati, ORFJ, i. 2o1-3, no. 51; A. E. Douglas, M. TuUi Ciceronis Brutus (Oxford, 1966), 128; G. V. Sumner, The Orators in Cicero's Brutus (Toronto, 1973), roi no. R n2. P.'s comments on Scipio's morality are consonant with his attacks on alleged breaches of ancestral mores in his later speeches; cf. Malcovati, ORFJ, I27-33, no. 2I, fgs. 17-26, 30, attacking P. Sulpicius Galus (142), Ti. Claudius Asellus (140), L. Aurelius Cotta (138), and the corrupt youth of his time in his speech against Ti. Gracchus (129). See Earl, •'-foral and Political Tradition, 37-38. 5. Ta.p£xou nov-rucou KEpcl.tJ.~OV TPLClKOtr£wv 8pa.xtJ.GlV: salted fish was poor man's food in Greece (and later in Rome); but evidently in the second century commerce in it had not yet developed, so that it was still accounted a rarity at Rome (cf. Orth, RE, 'Kochkunst', col. 964, salsamenta). Diod. xxxvii. 3· 5. gives the price as 400 dr. Various sorts of fish were salted, but mainly tunny. Discussing an inscription listing fish-prices at Acraephia in Boeotia in the second century (now republished with a further section by F. Salviat and C. Vatin, Inscriptions de Grece centrale (Paris, 1971), 95-109), M. Feyel, BCH, 1936, 27 ff., no. 2, shows that tunny cost It obols a p..va. lp..11opt.d] (= 6oo-8oo gr.), which is enough for two to three persons. Prices quoted in the comic passages in Athen. vi. 224 f. are probably exaggeratedly high; cf. Wilhelm, Jahresh. 1909, 148. We do not know the size of K!p&p.,ov mentioned here; KEpd.p.£a of 5, 6, 8, and I2 choes are known, but that of 8 choes is most usual (cf. Videbantt, RE, 500

AEMILIUS PAULLUS AND SCIPIO AEMILIANUS XXXI.

25.8

col. 254). A clwus was between 2 and 3litres, according to the local system used, hence a jar of 8 clwes would hold between 16 and 24 litres. Clearly 300 dr. (probably 300 denarii) is very dear for that amount of fish, when at Acraephia the same sum would have purchased over 1,ooo kg. of tunny (fresh or salted?). -nip~xo~ came from both Spain and the Euxine; for full discussion see Besnier, DS, iv. Io22-5. Sa. MnpKOS (O.ya.va.KTwv): Heyse added ayavaK'TWV from Diod. xxxi. 24, an excerpt from de sent., where that word was Dindorf's reading; it is however improbable, for Mai read avayKwV, and Mercati's proposed ll.'T'TtKwv gained the approval of Boissevain, who records that litterae TTl vix despiciuntur. Diodorus' text therefore reads: l(€p&fUOV 8€ IlovnKOU -raplxov Tp£aKoutwv opaxf'WV l1'T'T£1(WV MapKo<; II6pK£0<; Ka-rwv IITA. Hence the word ayavaKTWV should not be introduced into the text of P. (which for §§ s-sa draws on de sent.). d1ri 1TOTE 1rpos Tov Sijf-Lov: perhaps in his speech against the repeal of the lex Orchia, or in support of the lex Fannia, a sumptuary law of I6I (d. § 3 n.); see Diod. xxxi. 24, xxxvii. 3· 6. Malcovati omits the passage from ORFJ. Twv tEuy1JAO.Twv: as Frank, ES, i. I95· observes, this indicates that Cato put the price of a ploughman at under 300 dr. {i.e. denari,). This is low, for the I,2oo enslaved Romans found in Achaea in I95 were manumitted at soo dr. each (Plut. Flam. I3. 4-5), and Frank {loc. cit.) reckons that a normal price for an able-bodied labourer. 'Luxury slaves' cost figures far in excess of this {though such figures may be exaggerated) ; cf. Diod. xxxvii. 3· 5, four talents for a gifted chef, 'many talents'-P. says one talent-for a catamite. 6. O.Si)pLTov ••• ~~ouaU..v: 'their universal dominion was undisputed'; see xv. IS. In. on the date {I68) when Rome attained this. This is of course what P.'s work is about (cf. i. 1. 5 n.). For the relation of this to the growth of extravagance see vi. 57· 5 n.; the beginnings of constitutional decay, however, are there put in the future, and there is no reason to think that P. is referring to that process here, despite Cato's remark (cf. § 3 n.; Walbank, ]RS, I97o, 252; Polybius, 173; against Petzold, Studien. 89 f.). 7. TWV iK Ma.KESov£a.s .•. xop1Jylwv: for the amount involved cf. xviii. 35· 4 n. 8. 1TnO'O.lS TO.LS t1TL8Uj-LtO.lS: Diod. xxxi. 27. I adds (from P. ?) cnUTTEp 'K€pa1.uov',

na~ 8'fJp/m<;.

Of-LOAoyouf-LOOOV KO.l aufl4»wvov: 'coordinated and harmonious'; both words have Stoic echoes {cf. § z n.). For Of£0Aoyovl-'€vws {ijv in Zeno cf. SVF, i. 45 fg. I79; the concept is taken up by Panaetius {van Straaten, 14o-58, fg. I09) and Antipater of Tarsus (SVF, iii. 245 fg. I3, 252 fg. 57). See Cic.fin. iii. 2I, 'summum ... bonum ... cum positum sit in eo quod ol-'oAoylav Stoici, nos appellemus conuenientiam' ; 501

XXXI. 25. 8 AEMILIUS PAULLUS AND SCIPIO AEMILIANUS

and, further, SVF, iii. 5 fg. 12, 48 fg. 197, 63 fg. 262, 72 fg. 293. The notion of a cni!Lwvo<; fJlo<; goes back to Plato; cf. Laches, 188 D. Pohlenz (Antikes Fuhrertum, no--n) sees Panaetius' influence here, but unnecessarily. Nor should one envisage P. as giving Scipio a strictly philosophical training; his teaching was much more practical ; see Pedech, Methode, 229 n. 115, 'la pratique des vertus doit gagner a Emilien la faveur publique'; ibid. n. 117 (though I cannot accept his suggestion of a moral ideal passed on by P. to both Scipio and Panaetius). f:v t!1(o)'ii 1TWTE TOi'ii 'll'p4To~'ii ETEa~: cf. Diod. xxxi. 27. 1; P. is reckoning from the date of their association (167-162).

25.9-28. 13: Scipio's reputation for generosity (and integrity?). See Diod. xxxi. 27. 1-7; on his integrity see 25. 9 n. 25. 9. p.ET~ S~ Ta.i:lTa. Ka.Tn To auvex~'> KTA.: the same difficulty in interpretation arises here as in xx. 4· 4 (see xx. 4· 2 n., 4· 4 n.). The meaning is (a) 'After this he immediately set out to distinguish himself etc.' or (b) 'After this he sedulously studied to distinguish himself' or (c) 'Next in order he sedulously studied etc.' !LETtt miiTa. normally implies a time sequence but it can refer to importance; ~..EvfJEp~~<s appears in Plato and Aristotle meaning 'nnancial generosity', KafJapOT'YJ<s meaning 'honesty' is rare. This creates a probability that P. may have written <11A.ro8c:p~&r-qn; but the text is clear, and KafJap16-r-q<; adds something to !Lc:yaJ.oifluxla, which is against emending. 10. Ka.AiJv ••. tl'rroSoxi)v: 'excellent support'; cf. Aeschin. iii. 62, tv' £ls imooox.iJv a?TaVTa Kat A.!yot KO.t ?Tpcf.TTOI fPtAO!CpaT€t; Diod. xxxi. ., ••• To' :l(J -\' ?Tpos • IL'IL'YJO'W I _/\ \ 27. :2 rend ers nxE ,1 OS' Tov... A,t/LW\tov Ka.Nit0'7'ov \

.

~

apxlTtJ?TOV. Ka.AO.s • • • iK cJloaEhl'ii bpp.C..s • • •

~1rt To 8iov: 'good natural impulses towards the right' (Paton). TnliTOIJ.aTov: 'chance'; on the expression see Vol. I, p. I7· For the 502

AEMILIUS PAULLUS AND SCIPIO AEMILIANUS XXXI.z6.4

help given by Fortune to Aemilianus cf. 29. the right relatives died at the right time.

2

n., 3o. 3 n. In this case

26. 1-10. Aemilianus gives the ornaments etc. of Aemilia to his mother 1. ~ToG Ka.Ta 8Eaw tra.Tpos Jl~TTJp: Aemilia Tertia (Val. Max. vi. 7· 1) was the daughter of L. Aemilius Paullus, who fell at Cannae (iii. 16. 7 n.), and the wife of P. Cornelius Scipio Africanus (cf. Livy, xxxviii. 57. 6, Aemiliae uxori) ; since she was the sister of L Aemilius Paullus, the victor of Pydna, she was Aemilianus' aunt (Ka:ra Jo:w) as well as being his grandmother by adoption (see Fig. 7). She died in 163/2 (d. 27. 3 n.). 2. KA1)p6voJlos ~v: as her grandson (by adoption). As a widow Aemilia was entitled to make a will and may have done so designating Aemilianus her heir; alternatively, if she was married to Africanus with manus, as is probable, and died intestate, Aemilianus may have succeeded as her nearest agnatus. That he was sole heir is clear from the fact that he was able to dispose of the carriage, etc., immediately after Aemilia's funeral (§ 6). On these points see G. Boyer, RIDA, 1950 (=Melanges de Visscher, iii), 177-8. Aemilia's fortune was almost certainly inherited from Africanus, who will have made her his heir (27. 2 n.); it can hardly have come from her own family, given the relative poverty of her brother, L. Aemilius Paullus (xviii. 35· 5; Boyer, op. cit. 175-7). The lex Voconia, forbidding a testator of the first class to appoint a woman as his heir, was not passed until 169; Boyer, loc. cit., suggests that the conspicuous luxury of Aemilia may have contributed to the mood in which Cato came to support it (cf. 28. 8 n.). 3. E-v Ta.l:s yuvcu1<E£a.~s €~6So\s: 'when leaving the house for the ceremonies that women attended'. 4. T'fJv Q.~v'lv: used by women for driving in the city (except during the operation of the lex oppia between 215 and 195: cf. Livy, xxxiv. I. 3 : 'tulerat earn C. Oppius ... ne qua mulier ... iuncto uehiculo in urbe oppidoue aut propius inde mille passus nisi sacrorum publicorum causa ueheretur'). According to Livy, v. 25. 9, the gift of their gold and jewels by the matrons was rewarded, in 304, by a senatorial resolution 'ut pilento ad sacra ludosque, carpentis festo profestoque uterentur'. The pilentum was a four-wheeled, the carpentum a twowheeled vehicle. See Mau, RE, 'carpentum', cols. 16o6-7; Wotke, RE, 'pilentum', cols. 1324-6. Here it is the pilentum that is meant (d. Virg. A en. viii. 665-6, 'castae ducebant sacra per urbem / pilentis matres in mollibus'); it was drawn by mules(§ 7). Til Ka.vli Ka.l TtL trOTftpLa. Ka.t TKA>.a. TtL trpbs T~v 8vo:!a.v: Kavli, canistra, are baskets used in sacrifices; cf. Homer, Od. iii. 442 (where they hold barley); Eur. Electra, 8oo, 81o, n42. They are often shown on 503

Stemma I. The Family of Aemilius Paullus <:.It

.2

L'Aemilius Paullus (cos. 219, 216)

P. Cornelius Scipio Africanus (cos. 205,194)

j

I

I

Papiria =I L. Aemilius Paullus (cos. 182, 168) =I ?

Aemi!ia

(See Stemma II)

a.

I

I

Fabius Maximus

•~m•T(oo•1<5)

P. Cornelius Scipio Aemilianus = Sempronia (cos. 147, 134) (See Stemma II)

a. Aelius Tubero

--r-----r-= Aemilia

Aemilia 7' M. Porcius Cato

Two sons (d. 167)

a. Aelius Tubero

a. Fabius Maximus Allobrogicus (cos. 121)

M. Porcius Cato (cos. 118)

C. Porcius Cato (cos. 114)

Stemma II. The Family of Scipio Africanus P. Cornelius Scipio Africanus (cos. 205, 194)

P.

Co'~""( Soiplo

I

eo,!.lio

T Aemilia

i P. Co~li" Solplo NM. . Co=lcm (ore. 162. 155)

eo,!,,,] To

S~"""'" G,~h" (=. 177. 163)

P. Cornelius Scipio Nasica Serapio (cos. 138)

(adopted)

I

I

P. Cornelius Scipio Aemilianus (cos. 147, 134) = Sempronia

FIG.

7

I

Ti. Sempronius Gracchus (tr. pl. 1~3)

THE FAMILIES OF AEMILIUS PAU LLUS AND SCIPIO AFRICAN US

I

C. Sempronius Gracchus

(from Astin, Scipio Aemilianus, 357)

AEMILIANUS' GIFTS TO HIS MOTHER XXXI. 27. r

Pompeian wall-paintings. The cups were for libations. P. elaborates his account of Aemilia's magnificence on these occasions in order to emphasize Aemilianus' generosity in bestowing it all on his mother. 6. EOwfl"1craTo Ti\ JlTJTpt: hiatus suggests a lacuna, and Buttner-Wobst, comparing Diod. xxxi. 27. 3, where Papiria's name must derive from P., suggested (Tfj lla:rretp/.q., Toiho yd.p .ryv ovofLa ri)> 'TI'poetpTJfLlVTJ> yvvatK6>) i.e. one line of the original (cf. 27. 7). Papiria was the daughter of C. Papirius Maso, cos. 231 (d. Munzer, RE, 'Papirius (57)', cols. 1o62-3; 'Papiria (78) ',col. Io75), and of course the sister-inlaw of the dead Aemilia. If Aemilianus succeeded as nearest agnatus (d.§ 2 n.) his adopted father, P. Scipio, must already have been dead. KExwptcr9aL ••• a:rro TOU AEuK{ou: the reason for the divorce is unknown; cf. Plut. Aem. 5· I, xp&vov D"VVDtK~D"aS' 'ITDAVv a KaAA£TtKV6TaTo; YIEV&fLIEVDS'' ai177) yd.p .ryv f] TOV KAIEtv6TaTDV avTcp I:KTJ'TI'lwva Tlf.KDVD"a Kat Ma~lfLDV 1/>&.{Jwv. Plutarch goes on with an anecdote which suggests that the reason lay in incompatibility of temperament rather than any more notorious fault. EAlmrEcrTEpav •.• rijs KaT a Ti)v ECiy£vEtav cpavTacr£as: 'fell short of the splendour due to her state'. 9. ou8ds oCIOEvl offiwcrt ••• EKt:w ouOEv: a strong statement, made stronger by the repeated negatives, no doubt echoing folk-wisdom; cf. the Yorkshire saying, 'if ever tha does owt for nowt, do it for thisen'. 10. vp
sos

XXXI. 27. r

AEMILIANUS PAYS RESIDUE OF DOWRY OF

criticus in Biittner-Wobst; see too Carcopino, Gracques, 65 n. 59, who suggests -rov Ka-rfl (OI.rnv) 1ra-rp6s, (-r6?Tov 7't>fi Ka-rO. tf>6cnv laVTwv 1ra-rpds) >..a{J611'Tos. But laVTwv is only masculine in P., and the rest seems dubious Greek. 1. b ... 1faTtiP: it would be superfluous to observe that it is of course Africanus who made these provisions for his daughters, had not Carcopino (Gracques, 65 n. 59) assumed that P. is referring to Africanus' son, Aemilianus' father by adoption. In close conjunction with Ovya-rlpwv this is impossible ; they must be the daughters of the 7Ta-r/jp, as they are of the ILftT7)p in § 3· If 'll"a-r/jp meant Aemilianus' father by adoption, and he had constituted the dowries, moreover, the payment of half of these could hardly have fallen on the girls' mother, Aemilia; see Boyer, RIDA, 1950 (=Melanges de Visscher iii), 174. 1fEVTtiKovTa TaAaVTa: equating the drachma with the denarius (ct. ii. 15. r n. with addendum, Vol. II, p. 63o, wrongly listed under JOO,ooo denarii HS r,zoo,ooo. The elder book i), so talents Cornelia was betrothed while Africanus was alive (Livy, xxxviii. 57· 2); but the sources disagree about whether the younger Cornelia's betrothal and marriage took place before or after his death. Plutarch (Ti. Gracch. 4. 3. cf. r. r-2) records that, according to P. (the passage has not survived: see Pedech, Methode, 367 n. 82), Cornelia's relatives betrothed her after Africanus had died leaving her G.vi.Kao-rov Kat d.vl.yyvov; and the alternative version seems to have been fabricated by Roman annalists in order to link the betrothal romantically with the misfortunes of the Scipios, and to have been elaborated by rhetoricians (cf. Livy, xxxviii. 57· 3-8; Val. Max. iv. z. 3; Gell. xii. 8. r-4; Dio, xix fg. 65. I; Cic. de inuent. i. 91; Elder Seneca, contr. v. 2, 3; Sen. cons. ad Helu. 12. 6; nat. quaest. i. q. 8; both Senecas falsely allege that the dowry of Scipio's daughters was paid by the state). Clearly Africanus must have undertaken to give each daughter a dowry of so talents-probably in his will-before a particular marriage was in prospect. See Mommsen, Rom. F orsch. ii. 478 n. 129; Boyer, RIDA, 1950 (Melanges de Visscher, iii), 174--6, who in a discussion of the legal situation suggests that Africanus disinherited his two daughters, leaving his wife Aemilia as his heres (cf. 26. 2 n.)-not necessarily sole heres-but provided handsomely for their future by a legacy per damnationem, which required the heres, or a named coheres, in this case Aemilia, to pay a named sum as dowry for each. This legal provision treated the daughter as the legatee, though in fact the future husband (whose identity was not necessarily known when the will was made) was to receive the dowry (cf. D. 30. 6<) § 2, 31. 77 § r-a case parallel to this, where the disinheriting of the daughter is specifically mentioned). See further Boyer, loc. cit. 175 n. 14, for this form of legacy. so6

AFRICANUS' DAUGHTERS BEFORE IT IS DUE

XXXI. 27,5

3. 6.1To9vi!crKouo-a.: two years before the death of Aemilius Paullus (28. I), which was in x6Ij6o (cf. 22. 1-30. 4 n.), hence in 163/2. 5. Ka.Ta BE Taos 'Pw11alwv vo11ous: according to Ulpian, Reg. vi. I, xi. 20 (cf. CTh. 3· rz. 3), 'dos aut datur aut didtur aut promittitur.' Dotis dictio involved a unilateral promise, dotis promissio an undertaking of a bilateral kind, frequently given in accordance with the formula of a stipulatio (c£. Weiss, RE, 'stipulatio', cols. 254o-8; Watson, Obligations, r-9). P. gives no indication of the procedure used here; but he implies that if no other arrangements were made, a dowry (or, as here, an outstanding part of a dowry) had to be paid in three annual instalments. This is confirmed by Cicero's difficulties in raising money to pay off Tullia's dowry to Dolabella (Cic. Att. xi. 2. 2 (second instalment due I July 48), 4a, 23. 3, 25. 3 (third instalment due I July 47)). Such a provision perhaps implies a custom among patrician families of giving dowries of a size bard to meet out of liquid assets (cf. xviii. 35· 6 for the 25 talents of Aemilius Paullus' second wife; Plaut. Gist. s6r for 2o talents dowry for the daughter of a rich house (perhaps exaggerated; cf. E. W. Handley, The Dyskolos of Menander (London, I965) on 1. 843); above 27. I for so talents due for each of Africanus' daughters; Boyer, RI DA, I9SO (Melanges de Visscher, iii), r83 n. 40). P.'s remark offers no support for the assertion that 'the immovable could be claimed immediately after marriage, the non-fungible movable after a year, and the fungibles in three annual instalments' (Corbett, r66); see against this Watson, Persons, 65, who finds no evidence for such a rule under the republic. The stipulation referred to in D. 45· r. 140. I (Paul. 3 ad N erat. )-' annua bima trima die id argentum (sua : Mommsen) quaque die dari ?'-on the meaning of which there was disagreement, may refer to an express compact for the payment of dowry (cf. Mommsen, Rom. Forsch. ii. 490 n. 152; Watson, Persons, 6s). Ta.is yuva.lsl: whether this goes with d1roooiivcu or with 1Tpoaorf>EIA6p.~;va., the sense is virtually the same; cf. § I2. For Carcopino's interpretation of this sentence as a general provision, with rat; yvva.cfl meaning brides generally and not the Corneliae, see the next note. In Greece and the Greek-speaking East rfoEpV'lj remained the wife's property (cf. Mitteis, Reichsrecht und Volksrecht, Leipzig, 1891, 231 f. ; Corbett, ISS)· At Rome dos remained the husband's legal property, subject to the obligation to return it in certain specified circumstances; and this obligation led to its being frequently treated in practice as the wife's patrimonium (cf. Corbett, loc. cit.). It may be either this fact or his knowledge of the Greek practice that leads P. to treat the dowry as payable to the women rather than to their husbands. Since the date for the payment of the residue of the dov.TY is the same for both husbands, the original conditions must in each case have provided for the deferment of this until after 507

XXXI. 27.5

AEMILIANUS PAYS RESIDUE OF DOWRY OF

Aemilia's death. Both marriages were considerably earlier, that of the elder Cornelia to P. Scipio Nasica at least as eatly as 181 (since their son P. Scipio Nasica Serapio will have been at least 42 in 138, when he was consul; see Astin, Lex Annalis, 46), and that of the younger Cornelia to Ti. Gracchus probably about the same time, since according toP. (d. Plut. Ti. Gracch. 4· 3; above§ 2) the betrothal was arranged soon after African us' death. Mommsen (Rom. F orsch. ii. 490-1) dated the younger Cornelia's marriage no earlier than 165; against this view, which depends on combining the statement (Pliny, Nat. hist. vii. 57) that Cornelia had twelve children, male and female alternating, with the false assumption that the praenomen of Ti. Gracchus the tribune (who was born in 162, since he was under 30 when murdered in 133: Plut. C. Gracch. 1. 2) indicates that he was the eldest son, see Carcopino, Gracques, 47-83; Earl, Tiberius Gracchus, 54-58. As Earl points out, the praenomen merely indicates that no boy was alive when he was born; but this was a fainily with a high mortality (Sen. ad Marc. 16. 3-though this may exaggerate). '11'po8o8EvTwv 'll'pwTwv Twv E'II'('II'Awv t:t~ 8EKa. tLiJva.~: so editors since Schweighaeuser; but the manuscript reading Tiiiv 7rpwTwv (7rpcfJTwv Valesius) £7Tl7T'Awv should be kept. P. uses -ra £m7TAa here to mean 'liquid assets' (d. 22. 4 n.); and since the husbands inquire (§ 7) whether Scipio has instructed the bankers about the money (m'p~ -riiiv XP7JfLd-rwv), -ra 7rpw-ra E7Tt7TAa will mean 'the first instalment, consisting of movables' (convertible into cash). A reference to handing over movables in advance (i.e. of the main payment) would be irrelevant, whereas the date fixed for the first payment of the residue of the dowry is highly relevant, as subsequent events show. Translate: 'the first payment, of the liquid assets, to be made within ten months'. This period must represent a traditional provision; subsequent payments are at the end of the second and third years. Carcopino, Gracques, 61, has the usually accepted reading, but makes the clause 7rpo8ofUVTwv ••• fLfivas conditional, and renders the preceding words as a general statement: 'd'apn~s les lois romaines, on a trois ans pour verser aux femmes le montant de leurs dots, ce qui est l'usage courant.' But P. is speaking of the two Corneliae, not of Roman brides generally ; and even if 7rpo8o8lvrwv ••• fLfjva; referred to handing over personal belongings in advance, there is no reason why the fulfilment of that provision should be a condition for the application of the other provisions for payment. Paton translates: 'the personal property being first handed over within ten months'; but that again would be irrelevant in a situation where the date for payment is reckoned, not from the marriage (which occurred several years earlier), but from a subsequent event, viz. Aemilia's death. 7. T t:Pt:p(ou ••• Na.a~Ka. IKL'!I'lwvo~: on Ti. Sempronius Gracchus, cos. 508

AFRICANUS' DAUGHTERS BEFORE IT IS DUE

XXXI. 28.3

177, husband of the younger Cornelia, see§ In. Concerning his age, marriage to Cornelia, and career see Earl, Tiberius Gracchus, 49-66. On the elder sister's husband, P. Cornelius Scipio Nasica Corculum, see xxix. 14. 1 n. voLouvTos T~v SLa.ypa.q,T)v: 'making the payment'. Scipio had deposited the money with the banker; Staypar/>~ is literally the strikingout of the entry by him upon his paying the money to Gracchus and Nasica. For a comparable usage see IG, vii. 3I72 VIII c; and see the discussion in Kiessling, RE, Suppl.-B. iv, 'Giroverkehr', cols. 698--9; Hasebroek, Hermes, 1920, 119; Frank, ES, i. 206. 11. cl.KpL~ELa. vEpt TO SLcl.q,opov: cf. 26. 9· 12. To KT)SE~:.~.ovLKov E!.l.q,a.v(~ovTES: 'showing their consideration'; cf. iv. 32. 4; Welles, p. 157 no. 36 l. 5, p. 345· 16. OL ••• vEpt Tov T E~EpLov: Gracchus and Nasica. KO.TEyvwKoTEs ••• Tils a.uTwv !.I.LKpoXoy(a.s: a Polybian touch; the two men had no reason for embarrassment about their behaviour-Dn the contrary they had resisted Scipio's gesture, which given the nature of Roman aristocratic tradition was calculated to place them at a disadvantage. That, if anything, not their own f.LtKpoAoy{a, was likely to embarrass them. 28. 1-6. Scipio surrenders his half of Aemilius' property to his brother Fabius and pays for half the funeral games given by Fabius ; cf. Diod. xxxi. 27. 5-6 28. 1 . ....ETa. s· ~TT) SUo: on Aernilius Paullus' death in I6o see 22. 1-30. 4 n. c&>cl.~Lov: cf. 23. 5 n. ; the lex V oconia of 169 would debar Aemilius Paullus from leaving his second wife or his daughters coheredes (though of course, had he wished to do so, this law could have been circumvented; cf. § 8 n.). 2. TOUS s· KXXous ULOUS ••• vcl.vTa.s !.I.ETT)XXa.xEVO.L: by his second wife Aemilius had had two sons (for whom he had brought the Athenian Metrodorus to Rome as tutor; Pliny, Nat. hist. xxxv. I35). Of these the elder died, aged I4, a few days after his triumph over Perseus, and the younger, aged 12, a few days before (Livy, xlv. 40. 7-8; Vell. i. 10. 3-5; Val. Max. v. Io. 2; Cic. Jam. iv. 6. I; Plut. A em. 35; App. Mac. 19; Diod. xxxi. II. I); see Klebs, RE, 'Aemilius (114)', col578. The proximity of the deaths indicates some infectious disease. 3. uvEp E~TJKOVTa. Tcl.Xa.vTa.: over HS 1.44o,ooo (cf. 27. 2 n.)-a moderate fortune (Shatzman, 243); but it is not clear whether this is calculated before or after the repayment of the dowry of 25 talents= HS 6oo,ooo to Aernilius Paullus' widow (xviii. 35· 6). The inheritance was probably ceded by an act of in iure cessio hereditatis (Gaius, 509

XXXI. 28.3

SCIPIO SURRENDERS PROPERTY

Inst. ii. 35-36, iii. Bs-86; G. Boyer, RIDA, 1950 (=Melanges de Visscher, iii), 179 n. 32). In thus accepting th'e responsibilities of a co-heir without the financial advantages Scipio acted with unusual generosity; cf. Cic. leg. ii. so, for the older pontifical doctrine, prior to P. Mucius Scaevola, laying dm.,.n the principle that the sacra went with the property~hence, presumably, other similar financial obligations (cf. Boyer, op. cit. 185). 4. yEVoj.Lf:vou ••• 11'£pl~ot\Tov: thus contributing to the reputation he was concerned to foster (25. 9}. 5. JlOVolla.xia.t; €1!'t TQ 'll'a.Tpl. 'll'ol.:iv: gladiatorial funeral games probably originated in Etruria (cf. Nic. Damasc., FGH, 90 F 78, referring however to games accompanying banquets), perhaps as a substitute for human sacrifice (Serv. ad A en. iii. 67, x. 519); contests are portrayed on Etruscan grave urns. The first recorded funeral games at Rome are from 264, when three pairs fought in the Forum Boarium at the funeral of D. Iunius Brutus Pera, at his son's expense (Val. Max. ii. 4· 7; Livy, ep. 16; Serv. ad A en. iii. 67; Auson. ld. xi. 36). These spectacles became increasingly popular and the number of pairs increased to 22 (in 216), 25 (in 2oo}, 6o (in 183), 74 (in 174). It was at the games for Aemilius Paullus in 16o that the audience were enticed from the performance of Terence's Hecyra, which ·with the Adelphoe formed part of the entertainment; cf. Ter. Hec. 31~32, 'quom interea rumor uenit, f datum iri gladiatores, populus conuolat.' SeeK. Schneider, RE, Supp.-B. iii, 'gladiatores', cols. 76o--z; M. Grant, Gladiators (London, 1967 ), 13; G. Ville in Problemes de la guerre a Rome, ed. Brisson (Paris, Ig6g), !85-95· 6. out( €M.TTWv f) avll'll'ii.aa. Tpul.l(oVT« Ta.AavTwv: HS 72o,ooo, half of the whole fortune left by Aernilius Paullus (cf. § 3 n.). On the devotion of Roman nobles at this time to conspicuous display, even when as here it was beyond their means, see Gelzer, Kl. Schr. i. III = Nobility, IIo-II.

28. 7-9. On his mother's death Scipio gives aU her property, including his gifts to her, to his sisters; cf. Diod. xxxi. 27. 7 28. 7. flnt\AAa.g.:v T) fltiTYJP: Papiria (26. 6) evidently died a little after Aemilius Paullus, hence in 16o or 159 (for his death in 16o cf. p. 37).

8. cipTtws : 26. 6. TlJV Ao~-rrTJv ovaLa.v: in addition to the gifts he had made her out of

the deceased Aemilia's property. n'll't8wl(£ TO.i~ 0.8.:Acpa.'ls: cf. Plut. Aem. S· 4-s, for two daughters of Aemilius Paullus and, presumably, Papiria (though this is nowhere stated), one the wife of M. Porcius Cato, son of the censor (cf. Plut. Cato mai. 20. 8, 24· 1; on difficulties concerning the date of the 510

SCIPIO GIVES PROPERTY TO HIS SISTERS

XXXI. :28. u

marriage cf. Klebs, RE, 'Aemilius (18o)', cols. 592-3), the other that of Q. Aelius Tubero, who was legatus to his father-in-law in the Pydna campaign (Livy, xlv. i· I; cf. Klebs, RE, 'Aelius (154)', col. 535; RE, 'Aemilius (151)', col. 59o). As with the gift to his brother (§ 3 n.), Scipio will have used in iure cessio hereditatis; see Boyer, RIDA, 1950 (=Melanges de Visscher, iii), 18o-I, who remarks that the poverty of Q. Aelius Tubero was almost legendary (cf. Plut. A em. 5· 4-5, 28. 6--7; Val. Max. iv. 4· 9) and that since Scipio gave the property to his sisters, and not to their husbands, the marriages were probably without manus. ~s oVBtv a.l!Ta.l:s 'ITpoaftKE Ka.Ta Tous v6~ous: why not merely Scipio's gifts to Papiria, but the rest of her property too, reverted to him on her death, to the exclusion of his elder brother Fabius and the sisters (if she was in fact their mother) needs explanation. Since, on her divorce from Aemilius Paullus Papiria passed out of his manus (if indeed it was a manus marriage), none of her children counted as her agnati; consequently, she must have made a will leaving Scipio Aemilianus her heir. Why Fabius and the girls were excluded is not recorded; but perhaps she was grateful for Scipio's generosity. It is unlikely that the girls had no claim on the estate solely because of the lex Voconia of 16<) (cf. 26. 2 n.), as Schweighaeuser thought; but, had that been so, Papiria could have circumvented it by the legatum partitionis (cf. Watson, Succession, 129). 9. T~)y ••• KOO'!'OY KO.L T~Y 'ITEpl
aw+poauvn KO.~ Ka.AoKaya.9tfi4: cf. XXXV. 4· 8. £~Tj~eovTa. TuAa.YTa. 8a.1ra.vt1ua.<;: P.'s calculations

are not very clear. Buttner-Wobst, Klio, 1903, 167, assumed 30 talents paid to Fabius(§ 3). I5 talents for half the cost of the funeral games(§ 5). and the rest interest forgone on the dov.Ties paid at the end of 10 months, instead of at three yearly intervals (27. 6); hence, he concludes, interest was being calculated at 36%1 But if the 6o talents at which Aemilius Paullus' estate was valued (§ 3) represent its value before paying the dowry of Aemilius' widow (xviii. 35· 6), then Scipio here sacrificed only 30- 12} I7t talents; and this with the 15 talents for half the cost of the games comes to 32} talents. Since however the remaining 27! talents (6o -32}) should include the outfit and appointments made over to Papiria and later to Scipio's sisters, the amount attributed to lost interest (and the rate of interest) is not ascertainable. See further, in criticism of Btittner-Wobst, K. Fuhr, BPW, 1903, 828--9 (cf. Bursian's ]ahresbericht, 127, 1903, uo). 11. taws

XXXI.

28. II

THE COST OF SCIPIO'S REPUTATION

To 1TpOKELf1evov Ka.Tepyaa6.f1evos : 'having achieved his purpose', or 'having achieved the above-mentioned result': T4:l Kc:u~ Tfjs SoaEws: i.e. Scipio chose the moment likely to give the best return in terms of publicity; or, on a more sympathetic interpretation, he chose the moment when his gift would be most appreciated; or both. T~ XELplafl~ TTJS xaplTOS: 'by the gracioUS manner he displayed'; it is less likely that the phrase means 'by the way in which he inspired gratitude' (xapLs then being the recipients', not his). 13. 1'1'a.p' 8Xov Tov ~iov: an indication that P. is writing after Scipio's death in 129 (d. xxxviii. zr. 3; Svoboda, Phil. r9r3, 482; Ziegler, RE, 'Polybios (1)', cols. 1485-
29. 1-12: Scipio wins a reputation for courage: cf. Diod. xxxi. 27. 8 (so abbreviated as to be incomprehensible without reference to P.). 29. 1. Toil KaTa ri]v O.v8pela.v (flEpous): cf. Diod. xx.xi. 27. 8, Tov 8! KO.Tct Ti]v av8pdav fLlpovs (Aomov OYTOS); the two texts here allow reciprocal emendation. 2. Ka.ft.Ov .•. lila Tfjs TOXTJS ••. ouv~PYTJfl«: cf. zs. w, where Tat!TofLaTov means the same as TVxrJ here (d. Siegfried, 62). 3. flEYLaTTJV ••• cmou8i-Jv 1'1'Ept TdS KUVTJyeaia.s: on the interest in hunting in the Hellenistic monarchies see Roussel, REG, 1930, 361-71; Edson, Harv. Stud. 1934, 226-32; and the next note. 5. Tolls TE KUVTJyous ••• To(Js ~a
SCIPIO'S REPUTATION FOR COURAGE

XXXI. 29.9

of Heracles Kvvayl3as (d. Edson, Harv. Stud. 1934, 228 n. 3: three inscriptions from Moranli, Tsepigovo, and Gratziano; ibid. 1941, 125-6, a dedication by Philip V from Pella) ; and Edson suggests that the {JacnAtKoi Kvvrrrol in Macedonia formed a Kotvov charged with the worship of Heracles Kvvayf.3as on lines found elsewhere (IG, vii. 285o, Haliartus; ix. 1. 44, Stiris in Phocis; SEG, i. 214, crovKvvT}yol from Astacus in Acarnania; Roussel, REG, 1930, 368, nn. 4-6). The KvvT}yo£ Chartas and Attulus mentioned in an inscription from Beroea (republished by Cormack, BSA, 1939/40, 14-16) may be royal officials, but they may equally well be members of a private association of hunters with a sanctuary (or not even hunters at all: see Cormack, loc. cit.). On KVV7tyol see further L. Robert, Et. ipig. 78 n. 1. 7. Ka.9cl.1rep euyevou!; OKUAO.KO!;: Plut. A em. 22. 4 relates how Scipio returned late from the battlefield of Pydna, covered with the blood of those he had slain wU"1Tep aKJ>.ag yevvaios, carried away by the uncontrollable pleasure of the victory-evidently one ~3oY1] he did not resist. The passage will go back toP.; and it recalls Plato, Rep. ii. 375 A, where a vmv[aKos et}yeV1js is compared by Socrates to a yevvatos aKtJ>.ag els ,Pv>.a!djv (d. Friedlander, A]P, 1945, 343-4). In the formation of Scipio's character, as portrayed especially in this chapter, Strasburger, Hermes, 1966, 72, detects the influence of Xenophon, whose Cyropaedia is reported by Cicero (ad Quint. frat. i. 1. 23; Tusc. ii. 62) to have been Scipio's favourite book. Tl}v 1rEpt TCt.!; KUVT}yeata.!; op ....ftv: for Roman approval of hunting as a pursuit see Hor. Sat. ii. 2. 9· 8. TOV TOU noAU~LOU ••• ev9oua~a.a....ov: see 14. 3 n. Ta!i KpiaeL!i Ka.l TOU!i xa.~penai-Lou!l: legal cases and salutationes; for the latter cf. Syll. 6s6ll. 21-22 (see Herrmann, Z. Pap. Ep. 7, 1971, 72-77), an inscription of 166 from Abdera, where envoys to Rome are praised for having endured .foVXtK~V afl-a Ka~ aw[}.tanK~v] ••• [K]a[K]o7Ta(}{av • • . 3ta TfjS Ka(}' ~fl-Epa[v Kap]TeP'l]aEWS'; cf. l. 26, TfjS Ka(}' ~~pa[v yevofJ-Ev}l]s €,Po3elas- E'1T~ TWV •iTpEwv. See further Gelzer, Kl. Schr. i. 105 n. 343 =Nobility, 104 n. 343; and on the context of the inscription cf. xxx. 11· 4 n. On the importance for a political career of exercising patronage in the courts see 23. I I n.; and, on the salutatio, Gelzer, Kl. Schr. i. IOS-7 = Nobility, 1o4-6. 9. Ka.AALw OO~a.v e~ecJlepETO: P. implies that Scipio's achievements were well publicized; cf. Sallust, I ug. 6. 1 (on Jugurtha), 'non se luxu neque inertiae corrumpendum dedit, sed, uti mos gentis illius est, equitare, iaculari, cursu cum aequalibus certare; et, cum omnis gloria anteiret, omnibus tamen earns esse ; ad hoc, pleraque tempora in uenando agere, leonem atque alias feras primus aut in priinis ferire, plurimUm facere, minimum ipse de Se loqui' (cf. §II, epycp 7rpos- >.oyov afl-t>.>.wwvos-). For Sallust's peculiar and paradoxical condemnation of hunting (and agriculture) as seruilia officia (Cat. 4· 1), s

513

XXXI. 29.9

SCIPIO'S REPUTATION FOR COURAGE

perhaps a reflection of changed values, see Syme, Sallust (BerkeleyCambridge, I964), 44· · 11. E~E<JlEpETo TTJV Ew' civ8pdq. 86~a.v: but for genuine courage (not merely in the chase) something was still lacking (cf. xxxv. 4· 9. Tij!; •.• br' d.vopdif t.Aooo~la cf. xxiv. 9· 8 n. Ta 'Pw...-a.(wv E&rj Ka.i v6.,._L.,._a. : cf. vi. 4 7. I -6 n. for this phrase. 30. 1-4. Conclusion on Scipio Aemilianus' character 30. 1. T)8Eia.v ••• w<J!O.. L.... OV: on the distinction see Vol. I, p. 7 n. I2; but P. nowhere else suggests that old men deserve entertainment, while the young are given more solid fare. 2. 1rpos To ....~TE 8La.11'opE'Lv Tous ciKouovTa.s: for P.'s concern to counter any possible incredulity his readers may have about what he may say cf. 22. 8, defending his account of Aemilius Paullus. 3. b)..(ywv, 8Ei •• , 1rpoaa11'TELV , • , TQ.UTO ....aT't': cf. 25. IO, 29. 2; fg. 47 probably also refers to Aemilianus, though it seems to attribute a greater role to Fortune than the present passage (cf. Ziegler, RE, 'Polybios (I)', cols. 1534-5 n.). (At xv. I6. 6 n., dealing with Africanus, the reference to the present passage is misplaced and should be deleted.) 4. Ka.Ta TTJV 11'0.pEKf3a.aLV: viz. 22. 1-30. 3· E11'l. TTJV EKTpo'II'Tjv Ti]S ••• 8LYJy'l]aEws: 'to the point at which I left my main narrative'; V1TOKEL~tlvrw implies the 'underlying', and so basic, narrative, on which the digression is as it were superimposed.

a

31. 1-3. The Rhodians and Eumenes This excerpt from de sent. forms part of res Graeciae of Ol. I54. 4 = I6I/o; unless, indeed, it should be classified under res Asiae. On the ambiguity of Rhodian affairs in this respect see 4· I-5- 5 n. P. draws a distinction between the subsidy now accepted from Eumenes and the gifts received (with due dignity) after the earthquake of c. 227 (v. 88---<JO n.). 31. 1. a~~ovns TTJV ••• 11'poOTa.a(a.v: cf. v. 88. 4, aqwws Kat 'TTpoGTanKws; 90· 5, rijs 'PoSlwv 1TEp' Kowa 1TpOGTaula!;. 514

THE RHODIANS AND EUMENES

XXXI. 3L 3

crhou J1Upul.8a.s ottTw tta.t Etttoa\: 28o,ooo metlimni. This corn was to

be sold, the proceeds invested, and the interest used for the purposes mentioned. Grain prices fluctuated according to place and conditions of sale, and it is impossible to determine how much this amount would have raised (cf. Rostovtzeff, SEHHW, L 259). For a similar offer to Achaea (which was rejected) see xxii. 7· 3, 8. 1-13; this contrasting Achaean decision may have influenced P. in his condemnation of Rhodes. On Eumenes' benefactions see xxxii. 8. 5 n. ; and on Rhodian skill in attracting royal benefactions see Diod. xxxi. 36, which mentions that on his death (in I 59/8; cf. xxxii. 8) Eumenes still owed 3o,ooo medimni; Diodorus also records the gift of 2oo,ooo medimni of wheat and roo,ooo medimni of barley from Demetrius I of Syria. 11'0.~8EuTa.ts ICO.l s~Sa.
2. Tov th86J1Evov Tois 8l8a.ai<~Aots J1ta8ov ~pa.vLtE
XXXI.

.32. 1

ENVOYS SENT TO ROME FROM ASIA

32. 1-3. Envoys sent to Rome from tf.sia (r6r/o) This excerpt from de legat. gent. is taken from the res Asiae of 01. 154, 4 r6r/o; see p. 36. Cf. Diod. xxxi. 28.

32. l. npoualaS, •• JJ-ETa raAaTwv: for an earlier embassy sent to Rome, to complain about Eumenes see r. 3 n., xxx. 30. 2 n. (r65/4)· Meanwhile Eumenes had been aiding Attis, the high priest at Pessinus, against the Galatians, and Prusias' present complaints probably concerned this. For inscriptions recording correspondence between Eumenes II and Attalus II and Attis see xxi. 37· 5 n.; Welles, nos. 55-61; OGIS, 315; Stahelin, 82; Hansen:~., 126; Habicht, RE, 'Prusias II (2)', cols. nr4-I5. These show that, despite the Senate's decision to grant independence to Galatia (xxx . .:z8 n.), Eumenes had intrigued there, and Prusias had been active in the area against him. 2. 1r-.TTaAov: cf. I. 2 n. Attalus had probably already been designated co-ruler by Eumenes. Syll. 671 and 672 are Delphic decrees dated to the archonship of Amphistratus (r6o/59; the date 159/8 in Manni, Fasti, 77-78 n. 3, neglects the relationship between the inscriptions of Amphistratus and those of Emmenidas, as described by Daux, 122), which show that Attalus was already king early in 159, and Eumenes was still alive three months later (cf. Daux, 502-3, 686, 69o; Hansen 1 , 127); and IG, ii 2 • 953 shows Eumenes entrusting the government to someone who is almost certainly Attalus in the Attic year 161jo (Dinsmoor, Archons, 26o; Hansen1, 127). 3. :A.p,apalh-Js: on Ariarathes V of Cappadocia see 3· r n. Tfi •.• 'PwtJ-n aTe.Pavov ••• ~'ll'EJ.L+E: the 'crown' (d. xx. 12. 5 n.) was of ro,ooo gold staters (not x,ooo, as Paton). For the sending of 'crowns' to Rome see xxx. 5· 4 n.; and for a statue of the populus Romanus (with which Rome is perhaps here equated) cf. 4· 4 n. Since a gold stater was worth :zo Attic silver drachmae, this 'crown' was worth over 33 talents. TTJV 11'pos Tov T E~ep~ov ci.'ll'aVTTJatv auTou: the embassy of Ti. Gracchus had been sent to Asia after Demetrius' escape in 162 (d. 15. 9 n.); its duties included looking into the sentiments of the other kings and their relations with the Galatians. P. 's account of Gracchus' meeting with Ariarathes has not survived (33· I); it will not have taken place before 161 (since the envoys had business in Greece before going on to Asia: 15. 10), and was more likely in I6o (see 33· 1 n.). According to Diod. xxxi. 28 (d. xxxii. I. 2 n.) Ariarathes had agreed to abandon a proposed marriage alliance with Demetrius I (cf. Iustin. xxxv. I. z) and to break off friendship with him. On the arrival of Ariarathes' embassy at Rome. and the granting of an audience to it this same autuxnn (16o) see xxxii. x. 1-3. SI6

DEMETRIUS MAKES HIS PEACE WITH ROME

XXXI. 33· 5

33. 1-5. Demetrius makes his peace with Rome through Ti. Gracchus This excerpt follows the previous passage in de legat. gent. and also comes from res Asiae of 01. I54. 4 I6Ifo; see p. 36. 33. 1. MflvoxO.pous: perhaps the man known as an bru:rroi\oyp&.rpo~ of Demetrius I from a Delian inscription (Insc. de Delos, I543); see xxx. 25. 16 n. Evidently Demetrius had sent him to meet Ti. Gracchus in Cappadocia early in I6o, when the Romans were interviewing Ariarathes (32. 3). 3. Ets no.f14>uX£a.v ••• Els 'Potlov: evidently visited by the Roman envoys on their way back from Cappadocia. I 1fQVfO.

' 1fO~f1U€lV

'" ' t:l ~ I "A , , , "€WS E!>ELpya.aa.TO t"O.UU\EU!i • , , '11'poaa.yopEUVf1VO.\;

slightly ambiguous; but the most probable meaning is that Demetrius succeeded in getting himself called king by the envoys (vrr' a.th-wv; d. Badian, Io8 n. I), not in gaining official recognition at Rome; d. xxxii. 3· 13 n. See Niese, iii. 247; Otto, 6. Ptolemiier, 82-83 n. 5; Briscoe, Historia, Ig6<), 52-53. Gracchus' goodwill helped Demetrius to establish himself (Ka9t~<:la9a.t ~<:a.l ICTI]aa.a9a.t ·ni KaTa -rTJv apx~v), but did not gain him recognition at Rome; and it is dubious whether he ever obtained this (Badian, 1o8 n. I against Scullard, PoP.. 23o).

5. -ruxci!v -ri}s ••• 0.4>opf.Li}S: 'having gained this advantage';

rlcfoopJl~

refers to the support of Gracchus, which gave him a basis for further efforts at Rome; it does not mean 'legitimation' {Mauersberger) or 'his object' (Paton). a-r£4>a.vov: it amounted to Io,ooo gold staters (xxxii. 2. I). T6v O.UTOXElpa. TOU rva.tou: Leptines, the murderer of Cn. Octavius (u. I n.); see xxxii. 2. 4 n. 'laoKpnTT)v: d. xxxii. 2. 4 n.

BOOK XXXII 01. ISS = I6o/S9-IS7 /6; see pp. 37-39. Chs. I-3 deal with I6o/S9. chs. 4-8 with IS9/8, chs. 9-I2 with IS8/7, and chs. 13-14 and 16 with IS7/6. Ch. IS belongs to book xxxiii (seep. 39). 1.1-7. Ariarathes V's embassy and Attalus at Rwne {I6o) This excerpt from de legat. gent. belongs to res Italiae of 01. ISS· I = I6o/S9 (see p. 36), and records the arrival at Rome of the envoys whose dispatch by Ariarathes was described in xxxi. 32. 3; hence the date is autumn I6o (d. Steigemann, 49; Metzung, I4-IS, makes it IS9 because he equates Ol. ISS, I with IS9 rather than with I6o/S9)· Ct. Diod. xxxi. 28. 1. 1. Ka.TA Tov Ka.Lpov TouTov: the phrase indicates that this passage did not open the res Italiae of I6o/S9· 'll"a.p' :A.pta.pcl.9ou '11"pea13ets: cf. xxxi. 32. 3· 2. * * * Ka.i TouTwv: the lacuna, detected by Schulze, Excerpta, S3-S4. can be filled in a general way from Diod. xxxi. 28, 8£aaaofiv-n:s ff]v EVVO£av TOfi /3a.atAtW> -i}v EXE£ TTp6, 'Pwp.aiov,, E'T£ (,~ rryv ot' iK€lvov> YEVOfdVTJV am~pp'Y}atv

TOfi

Yclf.LOV Kal

,p,)..la, TTp6> L1'Y}f£7}Tp£0V.

JlnpTupa.s ••• To us 'II"Ept Tov T el3eptov: cf. Diod. xxxi. 28 (following the passage quoted in the previous note), avvETT£f.LafYTVpoVVTWV D~ nov TTEP~ Tov FpaKxov TTpwf3evn!ov, ~ aVyKA'YJ'To> KTA. On Gracchus' eastern embassy see xxxi. IS. 9 n., 32. 3 n., 33· I n.; it evidently returned to Rome in summer 16o. 3. Tov TE aK('II"wva. Ka.i. Tov H..e4>cl.vnvov Si4>pov: both the ivory sella curulis and the sceptre, also of ivory, are among xap£l77'7jp£a Tfj> avf.£f.Laxla> (cf. App. Lib. 32) bestowed by the Romans on friendly kings;

similar gifts included gold and silver vases and cups, the gold crown, toga purpurea, and tunica palmata which, with the sceptre, recall the costume of the triumphator (on which see Versnel, s6 ff.), and the toga praetexta to accompany the sella curulis. Livy (xxvii. 4· 8-10) records the gift of a sella eburnea and toga purpurea to Syphax and Ptolemy IV in 2IO; but the embassies mentioned there are of dubious authenticity (d. Klotz, Livius, I8o; and for the one to Ptolemy see ix. I I an.). Both sceptre and sella curulis are among gifts bestowed on 1\iasinissa (Livy, xxx. IS. II, xxxi. II. I2; cf. App. Lib. 32; Badian, 29s n. M, queries the authenticity of this, however), on Eumenes II (Livy, xlii. 14. Io; Diod. xxix. 34) and, in the early empire, Ptolemy of Mauretania (Tac. Ann. iv. 26 mentions the sceptre, but both 518

ARIARATHES V'S EMBASSY AT ROME XXXII.

2.

5

appear on his coins). See Hug, RE, 'Sceptrum', col. 372; Kubler, RE, 'sella curulis', col. r314; S. Weinstock, ]RS, 1957, 148 n. 38; E. Rawson, ]RS, 1975, 155 (for the equation between king and triumphator; cf. Dion. Hal. v. 35). 4. 1rpo Toll XELfLC>Vos: perhaps October-November; cf. xxix. 3· t n. For the occasional hearing of envoys in late summer or early autumn cf. xxv. 4· 2 n., xxviii. 2. I n. 5. )\Tn1Aou 11'a.po.yEVTJ9EvTOS: cf. xxxi. 32. I-2 . .fiSTJ TCIV 01!'aTwv TO.s O.pxO.s ElATJ<j)oTwv: Cn. Cornelius Cn.f. Cn.n. Dolabella and M. Fulvius M.f. M.n. Nobilior, coss. A.U.c. 595, who took office on the Ides of March, 159. The case against Eumenes was thus heard at the normal time. Pedech, Methode, 462, argues that id. mart. 159 was therefore before the winter; but P. does not indicate how long elapsed between the dismissal of Ariarathes' envoys and the entry into office of the new consuls. The Cappadocians were heard early so that they might return that autumn, hence no conclusions can be drawn concerning the state of the Roman calendar (cf. Derow, Phoenix, I973. 355--6). See Briscoe, Hermes, 1977, 249. 6. 11'AELovwv ETEpwv 6.1ro Tfjs )\a(a.s: cf. xxx. 30. 4, xxxi. I. 3· 7. auVTJU~E Tbv "TTa.Aov: for avvatfEw, 'increase the power of', common in chancery language, see Welles, p. 365.

l. 1-3. 13. Envoys from Demetrius I (r59) This excerpt from de legat. gent. follows the last passage and also r6o/59 (seep. 36); 3· 7--9 is also belongs to res Italiae of OL I5S. I in exc. de sent. On Demetrius' embassy cf. Diod. xxxi. 29-30; Zon. ix. 25. 5; App. Syr. 47. Like that of Eumenes, its hearing followed the entry of the consuls for I59 into office.

l. 1. t.'lfLTJTp(ou ••• M'lvoxO.pTJv: cf. xxxi. 2. I n., 33· I n.; and for this embassy, xxxi. 33· s. For the 'crown' cf. xxx. 5· 4 n. TOV 11'pOUEVEYKO.VTO. T~ rva.t'll TCllj XEi'pa.s: on the murder of Cn. Octavius at Laodiceia-on-Sea cf. xxxi. rr. I n. 3. Tous ••• 6.v8pw1rous oo 1rpoaE8ESO.TO: on the motives cf. 3· II-I z. 4. At:11'TlVTJV: cf. xxxi. 33· 5; Kroll, RE, 'Leptines (5)', col. 2074. Nothing further is known of him. •raoKpnTTJV: cf. xxxi. 33· 5; also unknown othernise. RE has no article on him. 5. Tas 6.KpoaaE&~ 1I'O&OufLEvWv: 'who give public lectures' (not 'declaim in public': so Paton). XO.Aos Ka.i 11'Ep11'Epos Ka.l Ka.To.~eop,;s: cf. xxxi. :z6. xo (of women), xxxix. 1. I (of A. Postumius). ~~:a.l. Toi's "EAA'f}aw: i.e. in Greece proper. "AKo.iov: probably Alcaeus of Messene, a poet of the late third and 5I9

XXXII.

2.

5

ENVOYS FROM DEMETRIUS I

early second century, who wrote epigrams against Philip V and others; see xviii. 34· 2 n. Many of his poems .are preserved in the Greek Anthology; see A nth. Pal. v. 9, vii. 247, 4I2, 495, ix. 5I8, 5I9, 588, xi. I2, xii. 64, xvi. 5. 7; cf. vii. I, 5. 55· See further Susemihl, ii. 544-6; Walbank, CQ, I942, I34-45; I943· I-I3; Edson, CP, I948. u6-2I; T. B. L. Webster, Hellenistic Poetry and Art (London, I964), 233 ff. He has probably no connection with the Epicurean philosopher J:L\.Kws mentioned in Athen. xii. 547 A (manuscript: :4.\wv; :4AKafov in Aelian, Var. kist. ix. 12). tv ra'i:s IuyKptat:aw: these critical Comparisons may have been a work resembling his attack on Ephorus; ct. Porphyry ap. Euseb. Praep. eu. x. 3· 23.467 d (= FGH, 70 T q), recording that Alcaeus orwvAo£06pwv lcif-Lf!wv Kal l7T£ypa[L[LQ'TWV 1TotTjr-l]S" 1Tapc(l87]KE ras 'Ep6pov KA01TaS" lgeA.£yxwv (perhaps deriving his material from Lysimachus, who wrote two books 1rept rijs 'Eopov KAo'lrijs: cf. Gudeman, RE, 'Lysimachos (2o)', cols. 33-34). If the addition of parody was Alcaeus'

contribution, this may be one respect in which his work resembled that of Cercidas of Megalopolis (ii. 48. 4 n.); cf. Walbank, CQ, I943. I O-Il.

6. vepi TW\1 tolwv tm'"JOEUI:LaTW\1: literary topics. 7. vpa.yi:La.nKns &.vo~O.aus t~e~a.At:: 'make pronouncements on political matters'. rljs O.veOTJV £~oua(a.s: 'their unrestrained exercise of power' (Paton). 8. imJIOAoywv: 'abusive remarks'; d. xii. 8. 5 n.

3. 1. tv r'fi Aa.oOLKt:tq.: Laodiceia-on-Sea was founded by Seleucus I and named after his mother Laodice (Strabo, xvi. 2. 4, C. 750; App. Syr. 57); with Apamea, Antioch, and Seleuceia it made up the Tetrapolis, and stood on the site of modem Latakia; see Honigmann, RE, 'Laodikeia (I}', cols. 7I3-I8. The description in Strabo, xvi. 2. 9, C. 75I-2 depends on Poseidonius. 3. I:LTJOE ~OUA€UEa9a.L I:LTJOE\1 ouaxep£s KTA.: that Demetrius was deterred from treating the people of Laodiceia harshly by the intervention of the Epicurean mathematician Philonides may be indicated by a passage in P. Hercul. Io44 (ct. Cronert, 5.-B. Berlin, I9oo, 942-59; Usener, Rh. Mus. I90I, I46-8)-though indeed the text is fragmentary and the restoration uncertain (see R. Philippson, RE, 'Philonides (5)', cols. 63-73. especially 66; and, better, L. Moretti, Riv. fil. I965, 285-6, commenting on an inscription from Dyme (SEG, xiv. 369; cf. SEC, xiv. 368; Bingen, BCH, I954. 396-8; Habicht, Historia, I958, 376-8)). Moretti here suggests that the Hagemonides honoured in this inscription had also rendered his services to Dyme on this occasion. Hagemonides was in the Seleucid service ; cf. 2 Mace. xiii. 24. 7. 9ea.I:La. 9a.ui:LaaLov: P. is filled with amazement (but, apparently, 520

ENVOYS FROM DEMETRIUS I

XXXII. 4· 1-3

no compassion) at the spectacle of this man who seems to have been driven insane by these experiences. 12. &u:rT' ~xew E~ouo-(a.v ••• xpt)o-a.cr&a.l TOtS EyKAtt!-!.O.Gl: P.'s interpretation of the Senate's motives is in line with that put forward elsewhere; cf. xxx. 1-3, 18. 7, 19. 5-13, xxxi. IO. 6-7, II. n, 21. 6, xxxii. IJ. 9; Walbank, Polybi~~s. 166-73. The alternative explanation, Roman apathy, seems less probable in an affair in which a Roman had been murdered while on an officiallegatio. 13. eO.v T6 ~K0.\10\1 1T0Lft KTA.: cf. Diod. xxxi. JO, quoting the same reply, but adding (perhaps in a Polybian phrase omitted by the excerptor) that it was
This excerpt follows the previous one in de legat. gent. and Ursinus printed it as part of the same passage; it describes a further embassy to Rome at the beginning of the Roman consular year 159, and forms part of res Italiae of 01. 155, I = I6o/59· See p. 38. 3. 14. 1Ta.p0. T&:lv .:4.xa.t.Wv 1Tp€a!3els: for an attempt to have the detainees released in I64 see xxx. 32. 1-u. SEvwva. Ka.( TrtAEKA~v: Xenon of Aegium (xxxiii. I. J, 3· I) is distinct from Xenon of Patrae, who was deported to Rome (xxviii. 6. 2 n.); see Schmitt, RE, 'Xenon (7)', col. 1538. Pedech, Methode, 36o n. 33, is over-cautious ('peut-etre un homonyme'). Telecles accompanied Xenon on a later embassy about the detainees in 155 (xxxiii. 1. 3), and yet again visited Rome without him in 153 (xxxiii. 3· 2, 14) ; he was from Aegeira, and Syll. 675 is a decree of Oropus in honour of his son Hiero (cf. Lehmann, 315 n. 368). See n. 5 n. ToG ITpa.TCou: on Stratius of Tritaea see xxviii. 6. 2 n. 15. TOO!; ••• A0l1TOUS o-x£80\1 a1fa.VTO.S KTA.: yet they had been detained for only between seven and eight years. Eventually, in ISO, about 300 of the original I,ooo were still alive to return home; Paus. vii. to. 12. There is no reason to see any expression of contempt for the other detainees here (so von Scala, 274, who also suggests, rather strangely, that they were so insignificant as to be of no use as sources toP.; see Walbank, Polybius, 75 n. 42). 16. EvTOAa.s • , • ci.1TAW<; a~l!U!-I.O.T~Kci.S: cf. xxxi. 7· J n. 4. 1-3. Aetolia after Lyciscus' death

This passage, made up of two excerpts (4. I-2 and 4· 3) from de sent., forms part of res &aeciae of 01. ISS. I = x6oj59; see p. 38. The first 5'21

XXXII. 4· 1-3

AETOLIA AFTER L YCISCUS' DEATH

three lines are oddly worded and betray the compression of the excerptor. 4. 1.

Au~e~aKou:

4· S, 4· 9,

on Lyciscus of Stratus see xxvii. rs. I4 n., xxviii. I3. 4, I3. II. au0"1'0.aus: 'national groups' (cf. xxiii. 1. 3, xxx. I3. 6).

XXX.

2. E8v~~e«s Here P. is thinking of federal states such as the Aetolian Confederacy; but, as the phrase Tas oAouxepd~ 8w..Aaoos: .i>.Et'T'Ijptos;. The metaphor is of ritual purgation after pollution. 4. XO.po'ITa.: on Charops of Epirus see xxvii. rs. 3 n. Ev BpoEVTEa~: evidently on his way home from a senatorial audience at the beginning of rsg; see 6. 3--9; cf. Buttner-Wobst, RE, Suppl.B. i, 'Charops (I2)', col. 28s. Both Scullard (]RS, I94S. 6I) and Hammond (Epirus, 632 n. I) misdate Charops' death to IS7· 522

THE ACTIVITIES OF CHAROPS IN EPIRUS

XXXII. 6.

2

"' KO.TQ.' TT)V ' "H 1TElpOV ET " ' EV ' O.ICO.TUO'TO.O"lO.lS' ' ' .'1 •tV! Up t 0 th e t'lllle 5 , TO.' oE of Charops' death; by inserting 'however' Paton wrongly suggests that the disturbances continued after this, but the reference to a 'purgation' indicates that that is not P.'s meaning. (ws ICa.Ta) Tou; i1ravw xpovous: see xxx. xz n.; that Epirus was torn by faction during as well as after the war with Perseus is shown by the attempt to ambush A. Hostilius Mancinus in 170 (xxvii. x6). 6. AEuKtov :A.vliClOV ICa.t (Afi:uiCtov Al!-l£Atov &.vEAeiv): so BiittnerWobst following Reiske; cf. Livy, xlv. 34· 9, 'et post paucos dies Anicius conuentu reliquorum Epirotarum Acarnanumque acto iussisque in Italiam sequi principibus, quorum cognitionem causae <senatui) reseruarat, et ipse ... in Italiam traiecit.' This action was evidently concerned with the details of when these men should go to Italy; they had already been named (xxx. 13. 6; Livy, xlv. 31. 9). That Anicius issued a supplementary list seems unlikely (see Deininger, 204 n. 14 against Oost, 84-Ss). P. could scarcely exonerate Aemilius Paullus from having carried through the massacres in Epirus (xx.x.. xs); but it is by no means certain that his name should be introduced here (Oost, 133 n. Io4) and it is preferable to bracket Kal (so Hultsch) rather than add .tov dv£ki.'v). Lhry does not mention executions at this point and the sense will be: 'after L. Anicius had condemned some of the leading men, and dis-patched others to Rome'. Ka-raxpi.vnv means 'to condemn' and is not easily followed by further infinitives (hence Paton's mistranslation, 'after the decision of L. Anicius etc.'). In any case, the wording looks like that of the excerptor. 9. otov £q,ESpda.v 1
6. 1. dufiyov Els TOv Sijp.ov: to a federal assembly sitting as a court; cf. Livy, xxxiii. I6. S-II {Acarnania), xlii. 43· 8--9 (Boeotia); and for Achaea see Aymard, ACA, I82-3. See Giovannini, Untersuchungen, z8 n. 22; and see the next note. 2. TWv fiv Tfj ~ow£Kn: cf. 14. In. Since 170 the Epirote Confederacy had been in effect dissolved, as the Molossians had then joined Perseus {x.x.vii. I6, xxx. 7· z; Hammond, Epirus, 629); but Syll. 523

XXXII. 6.

2

THE ACTIVITIES OF CHAROPS IN EPIRUS

653 A and B (c. 165) is a catalogue of states honouring a certain Cassander, son of Menestheus, one of which is ,-6 icowdv Twv 'H1retpwTwv [,-wv] 1Tepl4>owbc7J[v] (on this inscription see Franke, Munzen, 295 f.).

For the view that this is not the Epirote Confederation, now dissolved, but a regional grouping based on Phoenice, see Hammond, Epirus, 641-2, who points out that it was not usual to mention the 'capital' in defining a federal state, nor is any such city mentioned in connection with the other federations which figure in this list. Coins with the legend IJ'>OINIKAIEQN were probably issued by this regional league; see Franke, Munzen, II2 f.; Hammond, Epirus, 643-4. However, by c. 155 (cf. Syll. 654 A [,-]6 Kotv6r [,-wv] 'H1Tetpw,-w[v]), and perhaps by 157 (cf. 14. 1 n.), the Epirote Confederation had evidently been restored, and it may be to this restored league that Charops brought his victims; however, the date of its restoration remains uncertain. For coins which may have been issued by this restored confederation see Franke, Munzen, 325 f.; but Hammond, Epirus, 644, 725, prefers the orthodox view which dates them before the Third Macedonian War. 3. olhm ••• ~~uyov: despite the death sentence (§ z); it was probably intended that they should evade it, as was customary at Rome (cf. vi. 14. 7-8). X&.poljl WPI'TJO'~v Ets 'l'i]v 'Pwi'T)V: probably in early spring 160, since he found Aemilius Paullus still alive (§ 5): cf. Deininger, zxo n. 12. 4. KclAA~O'TOV • • • s~iYJ.L
THE ACTIVITIES OF CHAROPS IN EPIRUS

XXXII. 7· 3

distorted version of the Roman answer; and in fact he probably died at Brundisium in spring r59, never reaching Epirus (5. 4 n.). No record has survived concerning the conclusions reached by the envoys who were presumably sent in 159 (§ 8) to Epirus. 7. 1-5. Athenian and Achaean envoys arrive in Rome to discuss Delos (159/8)

This excerpt from de legat. gent. belongs to res Italiae of 01. 155, 2 = 159/8. In the absence of other indications it is likely that the embassies mentioned were heard at the beginning of the consular year 158. 7. 1. 1ra.pa Twv ~811va.£wv ... 1rp£a~EL~;: their names have probably been omitted by the excerptor. 9ea.plSa.v Ka.l IT£cl>a.vov: Thearidas was P.'s elder brother, who had been allowed, for reasons unknown, to remain in Achaea. He is honoured on an Epidaurian inscription (IG, iv. 1422; see note to Syll. 626): Beapl8av AvKop·Ta MeyaAoTToMrav a 1T£~ALS' TlUV 'Em8avp{wv aperas fVEKEV Kat efJvolas lis- EXWV 8tanAei.' ets attrcW, and he himself Set up at Lycosura a dedication for his homonymous grandson (IG, v. 2. 535: see note to Syll. 626): Beaploas AvKopm Beap{oav l!>tAoTTolp..evos rov rofi vlov vtov L1ea1rolva~. (The grandson made a gift of 20 minae towards the restoration of the wall of Megalopolis after 146, on his own behalf and on his daughter's: IG, v. 2. 442.) P.'s brother Thearidas was active on the commission sent to organize Messene (d. xxiii. 17. 2 n.); hence earlier political inactivity cannot be invoked to account for his omission from those detained. See Stahelin, RE, 'Thearidas (2)', col. 1382; Ziegler, RE, 'Polybios (1)', col. 1445 (rightly explaining the name of Thearidas' son, Philopoemen, as a token of admiration rather than as evidence for relationship). Stephanus is otherwise unknown. 2. So8El0'1')S &.1roKp£aews 1ra.pa •pw..,.alwv: in 167/6; see xxx. 20. 2 n., 20.

8--9·

3. 1TOALToypa.cl>"l8evTes: there is no evidence to show whether these Delians were enrolled as citizens of any specific Achaean city. In the case of Cassander, whose grant of citizenship by several states is recorded in Syll. 653 A. 10 (c. 165), no city is mentioned in connection with the Achaean grant ; but that was of course a more formal and honorific grant (cf. Aymard, ACA, 113-14n. 2). Evidence from other confederations (JG, ix 2 • 2. 393 ll. 2 ff. (Acarnania); Bull. epig. 1967, no. 335 (Epirus)) suggests that the new citizens could choose their city; nor is there any evidence that in such cases the consent of the city in question was needed (cf. Kalbe, Z. Sav.-Stijt. Rom. Abt. 1929, 139 ff. esp. 153, reprinted in F. Gschnitzer, Zur griechischen 525

XXXII. 7· 3

ATHENIAN AND ACHAEAN ENVOYS IN ROME

Staatskunde (Darmstadt, 1969), 375 ff.). See Giovannini, Untersuchungen, 31. ~ea. TO. To 1rpos Tous ~xa.1.0us auJ.Lj3oAov: evidently a commercial treaty between Achaea and Athens prescribing the procedure to be followed in settling disputes; cf. xxiii. I, 2 n. 4. J.LYJ8Ev ••• TllS 8~Ko.~o8oa£a.s Ta.uTYJS: see xxiii. I. 2 n. for OtKawooa{a as a technical term in connection with a mJfiiJo>.ov. ijvouvTo puata. ••• Ka.T!l Twv ~8'lva.\wv: cf. iv. 26. 7 n., 53· 2, xxii. 4· 13, for reprisals, a recognized procedure when peaceful methods produced no satisfaction. In view of P.'s remarks in xxx. 2o. 8--9, it appears that Achaean reprisals against Athens had been going on for some years (cf. Ferguson, 323-4); the point at issue between Athens and the Delians may have been the interpretation of the clause in the Roman order which allowed the latter to take their property with them (Larsen, GFS, 486). 5. Kup\o.s €tva.~ Tlls ••• Y€YEVflJ.LEva.s ••• oLKoVOJ.L,a.s: this implies that the Senate accepted the Achaean claim to apply to the new citizens from Delos the terms of their existing avJ.Lf3o?..ov with Athens. Whether the points at dispute were now peacefully settled is not recorded; but the affair of Oropus soon soured Achaeo-Athenian relations still further (n. 4-{i n.).

8. 1-7. Assessment of Eumenes II This excerpt from de uirt. et uit. (with some fragments from Suidas) is part of res Asiae of 01. I55· 2 I59/8 and appears to be from an obituary passage on Eumenes II ; on this, and on the date of Eumenes' death see p. 39· The latter is controversial. Strabo (xiii. 4· 2, C. 624) gives Attalus II 2I years and Attalus III five; since Attalus III died in spring IJ3 (Livy, ep. 58), this would make Attalus II's ac~ cession 159. However, Attalus I died in I97 (see Vol. II, pp. 572, 6o3); and if the 49 years assigned by Strabo (xiii. 4· 2, C. 624) to Eumenes' reign is emended to 39 {so Meischke, Symbolae ad Eumenis II Pergamenorum regis historiam, Diss. Leipzig, I892, IJ, i.e . ..119 instead of Mt9: 49 must be wrong), this would bring Eumenes' death down to 158, which fits the dating of this excerpt to 159/8.

8. 1. EGJ.LEVflS: see xviii. 41. Io n. and passim; on his physical debility cf. xxiv. 5· 2, xxx. 2. 5 n. (referring to 168{7). Tfi •.• Tils ~uxils Ao.p.1TpOTflTL: cf. xxix. 8. 2, 'l!'avovpyoT
ASSESSMENT OF EUMENES II

XXXII. 8. 5

time of Attalus I's death his kingdom was diminished see xxili. II. 7 n.; cf. Strabo, xili. 4· 2, C. 624, 1rp&repov {i.e. before the treaty of Apamea) 8' ~v Ta 1rEpl. lllpyap.ov ov 1To.Ua xwpla p.fxp• TijS' Ba.Adrr1J~ rfj~ ~raTa Tov 'E>o.atT'TJV ~roA1rov ~eai Tov :48pap.VTT7Jv&v; above, xxi. 22. 15 (cf. Livy, xxxviii. 54· n f.); Hansenz, 70. Eumenes' gains were after the war between Rome and Antioch us; cf. xxi. 24. 6-8, 46. 2-12. 4. oo 'I'UXYI 'I'O 1TAEiov auvepy~ XPWtLEVOS: like Hiero (d. vii. 8. I, oVx bE:pov ovaiv (K rfjs ro'X'}S ETOtp.ov 7rapa>.a{lwv) ; whereas Scipio Aemilianus had some help from Tawop.aTov (xxxi. 25. ro, 29. 2, 30. 3 n.). See Vol. I, p. 22 nn. 5 and 7· Fortune here means 'good luck'; see Siegfried, 55, 61 ; von Scala, 173, 179 n. ouS' EK 1TEpL1TEn(a.s : cf. xxxviii. 9· 2 ; there too the sense is simply 'by chance', though usually 1rEP'1rETHa means 'sudden misfortune' (d. Siegfried, 48 n. 81) or 'reversal of fortune' (for the better or worse'; cf. xxi. 26. 16, 26. 18). ~TL 8£ 1rp6.~ews Tils a.(J'I'ou: cf. § 6; probably 'political dexterity, or ability' rather than 'industry, energy' (Paton), or 'personal labour' (Shuck burgh), which is the meaning of •'Ao1rovla; cf. ii. 47· s. -rrpfitw ZxoV'I'a Kat o-Ovw•v, 'a man of practical ability and sound sense'; iv. 77· x, 77· 3, 1rpae,v Kai TDAp.av, 'ability and daring'. See Schweighaeuser, Lex. Polyb. s.v. 1r~'S'· 5. 1TAdaTa.s ••• 1r0Ans 'EAATJv£Sa.s eOt:py~TTJO"E: d. Livy, xlii. 5· 3, ' .•. cum Eumenis beneficiis muneribusque omnes Graeciae ciuitates et plerique principum obligati essent, et ita se in regno suo gereret, ut, quae sub dicione eius urbes (essent), nullius liberae duitatis fortunam secum mutatam uellent'. That passage echoes a lost part of P. book xxvi ; see p. 289. Examples of Eumenes' patronage in Greece are : his donation for a shrine of Dionysus Ly·seius at Thebes (d. Fraser, REA, 1952, 233-45); the sending of workmen to Delphi to repair the theatre and the votive offerings (Syll. 671 B 11. 12-13), and perhaps the construction of the larger stoa outside the sacred precinct to the west and on the level of the temple terrace (Hansen2 , 295); the building of a stoa at Athens (Vitruv. v. 9· 1), usually identified with the large hall, nearly 540 ft. by 58 ft., which stood on the lower south slope of the acropolis below the Asclepieum and between the theatre of Dionysus and the later Odeum of Herodes Atticus {d. Hansen:, 295 n. 181 for bibliography); his gift of corn to Rhodes, to be sold in order to set up a fund for paying teachers (xxxi. 31. 1-3) ; his gift of 3t talents to Delphi to buy grain (Syll. 671, 672); the extensive gifts and concessions, political and economic, and the furnishing of oil for young men, grain for food and seed, and exemption from tribute through his general Corragus (d. Livy, xxxviii. 13. 3, xlii. 67. 2 f.) to an unnamed city which may be Apollonia-on-Rhyndacus; SEG, ii. 663; Holleaux, lftudes, ii. 73-us; Bengtson, Strat. ii. 2n-26. These and 527

XXXII. S. 5

ASSESSMENT OF EUMENES II

no doubt other benefactions are reflected in the many statues set up in Eumenes' honour at Delphi (Syll. 628, M9 (= IG ix:z.. x. 179) II. IQ-13, 630 II. 19-23; cf. Daux, 272-3, soo-r, 504-5 n. z). See further llansenz, ro8-9, 293-8. 1TAElaTous ••• ~awtJ-a.To'll'olT}aE: an example is the The ban leader, Pytheas (xxxvili.. 14. r-2). 6. aSeAcpous ••• TpELS: cf. xviii. 41. IO n. Ka.Tci TTJV 1\ALKla.v Ka.t 1rpii~w: the lacuna following these words rerequires some phrase which makes crvvluxE 1m8a.pxoiJJnw; a.vr(jJ surprising and memorable: Biittner-Wobst, oi!Ta.s Ofl.O«miTovs at'rrip, meets this requirement excellently. On the loyalty of the Attalids to Eumenes and each other see xx.iii. II. 6, xxvii. r8. 3; llansen2 , 128.

9. l-5. C. Fannius sent

to Dalmatia (rs8/7)

This excerpt from de legat. gent. is part of res ltaliae of 01. 155, 3 = 158/7; see p. 38.

9. l. 'laalwv ••• 'II'E1Tpea~£uKbTwv: on Issa (mod. Lissa or Vis) see ii. 8. 5 n. Since its deditio in 229 (ii. u. IZ) it will have been technically a Roman amicus; for its naval contribution to Roman wars in the east see Livy, xxx.i. 45· ro, xxx.ii. 21. 27, xxxvii. r6. 8, xlli. 48. 8 (but it is uncertain whether it had afoedus; cf. ii. n. 12 n.). After the fall of Genthius in 168 (xxix. 13. 2 and following note) L. Anicius announced at Scodra the Illyrian settlement (Livy, xlv. z6. II-IS; above, xxx. 10. r-2 n.; the date was 167), including the clause: 'non solum liberos, sed etiam immunes fore Issenses et Taulantios, quod incolumi Gentio ad Romanos defecissent' {Livy, xlv. z6. 13). Ceka, Questions, 155-{), would emend Issenses to give a reference to Lissus, in view of coins with the legend .thuutTav, which he dates now; this would avoid the assumption that Issa. had joined Genthius and then returned to Rome (which Livy, xlv. 26. 13 would imply). See, however, Fluss, RE, Suppl.-B. v, 'Issa', cols. 348-9; Zippel, 98; and earlier works quoted in Sherk, no. 24 (S.C. de lssaeis (?) of 56 B.C., mentioning Tragurium). AEA!J.a.Teis: the earliest reference to this Illyrian people, whose territory stretched from the Narenta (Naretva), where they marched with the Daorsi (§ 2), northwards to near the Titius (Krka); Pliny, Nat. hist. iii. 139-41; Ptol. Geog. ii. r6; Zippel, IZ!f-30; Patsch, RE, 'Delmatae', cols. 2448-55 ; Wilkes, Dalmatia, 30 and, for the society and economy of the Dalmatians, 177-91. 2. 'E1renov Ka.l Tpa.yup,ov: Epetium (mod. Stobret; Ptol. Geog. ii. r6. 3) lay about five miles east of Split on the south coast of the Split peninsula ; later, under the empire, it fell within the territory of Salona (cf. Patsch, RE, 'Epetium', cols. 2732-3; Wilkes, Dalmatia, 3o, 220). 528

FANNIUS SENT TO DALMATIA

XXXII.

10. 1-8

Tragurium (mod. Trau or Trogir) lay west of Salona on a peninsula between the mainland and the island of Bavo (mod. Ciova). Originally Illyrian, both probably received Greek settlements from Issa (cf. Strabo, vii. 5· 5, C. 315, for Tragurium), but how long they had been Issian possessions is obscure. Braun (RE, 'Tragurium', col. 2076), Fluss (RE, SuppL-E. v, 'Issa', col. 348) and Patsch (RE 'Epetium', col. 273z) all quote the present passage as evidence that Issa controlled the cities c. 220; this is not a justifiable assumption, and Wilkes (Dalmatia, 30) suggests that Issa's control was recent, and reflected an effort, under Roman protection, to dominate the trade with the mainland peoples. For a Greek inscription from Tragurium, which may date from the period of Issian control, see Robert, Istros, 1935--6, 18-20. Aa.opuwv: cf. Livy, xlv. z6. 14 (r67): 'Daorsis quoque immunitatem dare, quod relicto Carauantio cum armis ad Romanos transissent' (cf. Zippel, 84, g8). This Illyrian people had formerly been under the Anliaean kingdom; they lived near the Narenta, on its left bank (cf. Ptol. Geog. ii. 16. 5; Strabo, vii. 5· s. C. 315). Inscriptions have the form Dauersi and d0.vv~ov: c. Fannius C. f. C.n. Strabo, cos. 161 (when he had a law passed restricting luxury at table) ; see Munzer, RE, 'Fannius (zo)', cols. 1994-5. He was evidently sent in spring 157 and returned the same autumn (r3. 1-9 n.). For his subsequent activities as legatus see :xxxiii. 7· 3, r2. z, 13. 4· 4. llETa.XXO.~a.vTos 8€ TOUTou: for Pleuratus' death and Genthius' succession c. 181 see xxviii. 8. 1 n. 8pf....,._..a.Ta. Ka.l aLTo,;: according to Strabo (vii. 5· s. C. 315) the Dalmatians made no use of coined money; and this tribute in corn and cattle would be appropriate to a system of barter (though tribute in kind need not imply this). See Wilkes, Dalmatia, r8z. M. Fluss (RE, 'Naro', cols. 1738--9) assumes that the peoples from whom the tribute was exacted included the Ardiaei, and comments on the richness of the Naro valley at that time; but its does not follow that the Ardiaei had become tributary. 5. t1rt TouTOlS ~~WPll'I'Jua.v: for Fannius' return the next olympiad year (autumn 157) see 13. 1-9 n.

10. 1-8. Ariarathes and his enemies come to Rome (158/7)

Like the previous passage, which it follows in de legat. gent., this excerpt also belongs to res Italiae of Ol. 155, 3 158/7. Since the 529

XXXII. 10. I-8 ARIARATHES AND HIS ENEMIES AT ROME favourable reception of his embassy in I6o (d. I. I-4) Ariarathes had been expelled from his throne by his brother Orophernes (iii. 5· 2 ; Diod. xxxi. 32; Livy, ep. 47; App. Syr. 47; Iustin. xxxv. I; Trog. prol. 34; Zon. ix. 24. 8). An inscription from Priene concerns Ariarathes' struggle against Orophernes (OGIS, 351 Sherk, 6; see xxxiii. 6). Ariarathes was helped by Eumenes (Zon. ix. 24. 8), who died in the first half of I58 (cf. 8. I-7 n.); but Orophernes got support from Demetrius I, who was incensed by the breaking of the marriage proposal (I. 2 n.; Iustin. xxxv. I. 2), and Ariarathes was defeated (Zon. ix. 24. 8) and expelled from his kingdom, evidently in 158. 10. 2. Ii~Tov 'louALov (Ka.l AEuKLov Aopi]ALov): Sex. Iulius Sex.f. L.n. Caesar and L. Aurelius L.f. L.n. Orestes, coss. A.u.c. 597 = 157. See Munzer, RE, 'Iulius {I4B/9)', cols. 475--6; Klebs, RE, 'Aurelius (I79)', cols. 25I4-15. Aurelius' name is added by Biittner-Wobst. Pedech, Methode, 462, says that these consuls entered office en Oeptd.a.s OVaTJS (§I); but that phrase dates Ariarathes' arrival in Rome. For the argument that id. mart. A.u.c. 597 fell in late October (or possibly mid-November) 158 see Derow, Phoenix, 1973, 355--6. The present passage renders the proposal of B. Simonetta, NC, 1961, 15-16, to date Orophernes' usurpation to r6r-59, untenable; see M~rkholm, NC, 1964, 24-25 (not answered by Simonetta, ibid. 91). otKda.v ••• vEpi.O"'"ooEw~: 'adapting his dress and outward style to suit his present unhappy circumstances', i.e. as a refugee from his kingdom. 3. MLATL6.8"1v: this envoy of Demetrius I is not known from elsewhere. 4. 'Opocj>£pv"l~: cf. iii. 5· 2 n., xxxi. 7· 2 n. and below, II. I; he was Ariarathes' elder (putative) brother (cf. Lenschau, RE, 'Orophernes (2)', cols. n68-71). TL!l09Eov Ka.l ALoyEv"lv: Orophernes was alleged to have made Timotheus a present of so talents (and one of 6oo talents and a promise of a further 400 to Demetrius); cf. Diod. xxxi. 32, who also mentions a separate gift of 70 talents to Demetrius. These two envoys are said (Diod. xxxi. 32 b) to have hatched a plot against Ariarathes on the voyage back, but were apprehended by him and put to death at Corcyra. See Olshausen, RE, Suppl.-B. xiv, 'Timotheos (7a)', cols. 796-7. TTJV cj>LA£a.v KO.l TTJV O'U!l!lO.Xia.v lwa.VEW0'0!1EVOU~! cf. XXXi. 3· I n., 3· 3 for the renewal of societas et amicitia with Ariarathes V. 8. Tou "'EuSous ivLKpa.TouvTos: for P.'s cynical interpretation of these events see Walbank, Polybius, r69. Ta vpc:l.ylla.Ta. KO.Ta yv~ll"lV xwpELV: the Senate decided that Ariarathes and Orophernes should share the throne (App. Syr. 47, Kal 'PlJJp.a.loiS ~86KE£ p.lv, ~s MEA
ARIARATHES AND HIS ENEMIES AT ROME

XXXII. n. 5

(§ 4 n.) and eluding other agents of Orophemes at Corinth, Ariarathes reached safety at Pergamum with Attalus (Diod. xxxi. 32 b). 11. 1-10, 12. A discussion of the organization of the account of Orophernes' downfall, which has been described before the res Graeciae, and of the affair of Athens and Oropus, which P. now proposes to treat in one single passage

This passage, made up of excerpts from de sent. (u. 1-7, u. 8--9) along with an extract from Athen. x. 440 B, describes a dislocation of P.'s usual procedure, by which the various regions are treated in a fixed order (§ 2 n.), and is itself included in the res Asiae of 01. I55. 3 = I58/7; see pp. 38-39 (where it is argued that u. Io and I2 should stand before n. I--9)· 11. 1. Ka.t "''O 1FVEU!-La. vpoa£8tJKil.V "''OL~ XPTJ!-1-Il.O'LV: cf. xiii. 2. 5 n. The sense is 'they delivered up their lives to money', implying that they lost both; P. may also be thinking of Archias, the governor of Cyprus (xxxiii. 5· 4). 'Opocp£pvt"J~

o "''ij~

Ka.vva.5oK(a.~ ~a.O"LA£6~:

cf.

IO. 1-8

n.,

IO.

4 n.,

xxxi. 7. I n. By his extortion of money (some of which he deposited at Priene, xxxiii. 6. 2) he alienated the people of Cappadocia (Diod. xxxi. 32). Avc!!AE"''o Ka.i • • • £~£vEa£V: hysteron proteron to a void hiatus; cf. ii. 2. 2 n., viii. 14. 6 n., x. 23. 2, xi. I9 a 1, xiv. 10. 9, xxiii. 16. 8 n. 2. auyKEcpa.Aa.Lwa0.!-L£VOL "''TJV "1'o1hou Ka.Bo5ov: already related in a lost section (cf. § 3, 1TpoaEA.&.{Jop.Ev), in which P. passed directly from res Italiae to Tct Ka.Td. ~v Ka.=MoKla.v (§ 3), treating these as an extension of res Italiae, but not dealing with other res Asiae at this point. II. 10 and I2 probably belong to this narrative. "''TJV d8La!-L£vt"Jv ..,.a,~Lv KTA.: cf. xv. 25. I9, Vol. II, p. I; Walbank, Polybius, III-I2; Yale Stud. I975· 203ft. 3. "''OV ••• a'I!"O'II"AOUV KO.L TTJV ••• Kn8o8ov: cf. IO. 8 n., and below 12 n. 4. 'II"Epi "1'00~ a.OTOU~ Ka.Lpo.O~: in I58/7. 5. vEpl....ftv "''WV 'fipwvlwv voALV :the coastal town of Or opus lay on the Epirus, about 7 km. east of the mouth of the Asopus, and directly opposite Eretria; it is modem Skala Oropou (d. Bursian, i. 2I9-21; J. Wiesner, RE, 'Oropos (I)', cols. n71-4; E. Kirsten and W. Kraiker, Griechenlandkunde 2 (Heidelberg, 1962), 178ft.). Oropus was famous for the cult of Amphiaraus; and, lying on the frontier of Attica and Boeotia, it had a stormy history. From 288 to I7I it belonged to the Boeotian Confederacy (cf. Touloumakos, 48 n. I), but upon the dissolution of the confederacy in 171 (xxvii. 2. 10 n.) it became independent and remained so until 146. The dispute with Athens 531

XXXII.

II.

5

ATHENS AND OROPUS

began with an Athenian raid into Oropian territory for reasons unknown; the Oropians appealed to the Senate which, perhaps as an indication of goodwill towards Achaea, appointed Sicyon to decide the matter, and the Sicyonian arbitrators fined the Athenians (who did not appear at the hearing) soc talents. In IS6-s the Athenians sent three philosophers to Rome, and they succeeded in getting the fine reduced to Ioo talents (cf. xxxiii. 2 n.). On all this see Paus. vii. II. 4· Later the Athenians introduced a garrison into Oropus and took hostages; when the garrison inflicted injuries on the Oropians and they got no help from Rome, they appealed to Achaea (which already had strained relations with Athens over Delos: cf. 1· s n.), and bribed the general Menalcidas (see xxx. r6. 2 n.) to persuade the Achaeans to intervene. On learning of this the Athenians withdrew from Oropus, after plundering it, and Menalcidas, who had won Callicrates' support by promising him a share in the bribe, urged an invasion of Attica, but was restrained (Paus. vii. n. s-8). Pausanias' account goes on to describe the consequent intrigues inside Achaea; it can be supplemented from Syll. 67s. an Oropian decree honouring Hiero, son of Telecles, of Aegeira (on Telecles see 3· I4 n.), which shows how, after an appeal to an Achaean avvoSos-, and the summoning of a avyKATf'TOS (see xxix. 24. s-6 nn., appendix, p. 414) to Argos, the Achaeans took diplomatic and perhaps other steps (though this is not clear), resulting in the restoration to Oropus of its population, which had at some stage been expelled. Pausanias does not mention this expulsion, and perhaps only the anti-Athenian party was involved (Regenbogen, RE, Suppl.-B. viii, 'Pausanias (q)', col. ro35; Lehmann, 3I6 n. 374); the pro-Athenian party may be referred to in Syll. 675 11. I8-I9, '1Tp0S" 'TE: )t01[VO.lovs- ICO.t Toils a>.Aovs- 'TOiJs- aV'TL'1Tpm~eVOV'T(JS .qp.[i'vJ. The Athenians set up a cleruchy, which will have issued coins marked DPDlliDN (AM, I879, 262 ff.; Ferguson, 327). Menalcidas' strategia was probably in ISI/o (cf. Paus. vii. n. 7, 12. 3; Ehrenberg, RE, 'Menalkidas', cols. 703-4; Lehmann, 3r6 n. 373), and it is not clear how far P. extended his account of the Oro pian affair (cf. § 6, Ta p.Jv dva.Spap.oVT€S", Ta S~ '1Tpolta~oVTes- Tots- xp&vots- avyK€
ATHENS AND OROPUS

XXXII.

II.

8

The relationship between Pausanias' slightly pro-Athenian account and P.'s (lost) version is not clear. Wachsmuth (Leip. Stud. 1887, 271 ff.) postulates a post-Polybian source for the former, but Niese (i. 14 n. 7, iii. 5) regards it as a free rendering of P., and this is the view of Regenbogen, RE, Suppl.-B. viii, 'Pausanias (q)', cols. 1034-5 (cf. Wilamowitz, Hermes, 1886, 91 ff. = Kl. Schr. v. 1 ff.; Hiller von Gaertringen, commenting on SyU. 675), and Lehmann, 315 n. 369. Niese's view seems the more likely, and suggests that P.'s interest in the Oropian affair arose out of its close connection with the Achaean intrigues which led up to the Achaean War. But whether at this point he took the story down to 151/o is uncertain, given the fragmentary nature of books xxxiii and xxxv. The passage from Apollodorus quoted in Philodemus (cf. Mekler, Acad. phil. index Here. (1902), 82; Ferguson, 325 n. z) is too fragmentary to be of use. On the Oropian affair see Ferguson, 324-8; Lehmann, 314-18; Ehrenberg, RE, 'Menalkidas', cols. 703-4; Gruen, ]HS, 1976, 51-53, and other works mentioned above. 6. KQ.Tcl "''pos a.uTi}S oil<TI'JS ouS' 8J\ws ~-rrupa.vous: 'since it was a scattered episode and not at all clear'. EUTEAi} Ka.l &.aa.cjli}-rrou7.11J.EV TTjv Sn\yTjaw: 'produce an account that is trivial and obscure', i.e. trivial because the separate parts were of no consequence in themselves and obscure because these separate parts were not in themselves clear or because, if related separately, their relevance one to another would be hard to grasp. Pedech, Methode, 504 n. s6, suggests emending EVTEA?l to chEA?l, 'incomplete'; but this is unnecessary, and seems to rest on a misunderstanding of the meaning of E~TEA'ljs (cf. Walbank, Polybius, II3 n. 8z). 7. Tois Ka.Tcl!J.Epos EK 8La.O'T'I)!J.a.Tos A£YOIJ.EVOLS: 'when it is told disjointedly under different dates' (Paton). Somewhat inconsistently P. rejects the argument advanced here in xxxviii. 5· 3-4, where he defends his normal procedure against the Ephorean treatment KaTct ylvos.

8-9. Orophernes' reaction to failure. This passage seems to refer to Ariarathes' restoration, the account of which preceded §§ 1-7 ; but its position in de sent. fixes it firmly here. We do not know how far §§ 1-7 were prolonged in the original text, nor the context in which this comment on Orophernes and Theotimus was introduced ; hence the fragments should be left in their present order. 8. Ka.Tci ••• Tas &.-rroTuxla.s: after the failure of Orophernes' envoys in their plot against Ariarathes (1o. 4 n.) and the latter's arrival in Pergamum, where Attalus gave him help (1o. 8 n., u), Orophernes' position weakened and he was led to plunder a temple of Zeus under Mt. Ariadne (which enjoyed davMa) in order to pay his mercenaries (Diod. xxxi. 34). EAKw8ELS: 'irritable, over-sensitive'; for the medical metaphor see 533

XXXII.

II.

8

ATHENS AND OROPUS

Wunderer, i. go (who, however, wrongly translates it 'ansiissig, hostile'). 9. eEoTi~~: an otherwise unkno\\'ll supporter of Orophemes. 10. n)v 'la.KT)v Ka.t TEXV~TLK~V aowTia.v: 'the refined debauchery of Ionia'. Contempt for the Ionians as weak and effeminate goes back at least to the fifth century; cf. Herod. i. 143. 2, v. 6g. r, vi. 13. r; Thuc. v. g. r, vi. 77- r, vii. 5· 4, viii. 25. 3, 25. 5· Xenophanes (Diels, FVS, i. 129-30, fg. 3} accused them of O.f3pocn5vTJ avw,PEA~s. learnt from the Lydians (Aesch. Persae, 41, speaks of af3poOtalTwV ..• Avowv ~x>..os} and Bacchylides, r8. 2, makes them af3poj3wt. See further Corpus paroem. graec. i. 144; Athen. iv. 132 F, 159 D, xii. 524 F, 526 D; Theoplrr. fg. 86 Wimmer. P. uses the same expression of the Egyptians (xxxix. 1· 7}, and his characterization owes something to the association between character and climate first made by Hippocrates and to be found in Aristotle, Pol. vii. 7· 1-3. 1327 b 19 (cf. Gelzer, Kl. Schr. iii. 4-5; Walbank, Harv. Stud. 1972, 156-7); but it also reflects the idealization of Sparta and the Dorians (cf. Plut. Lye. 4· 3, where Lycurgus compares Tas 'lwvtKa> 7ToAtn"EAElas Kai Tpv,PO.s with the severe and simple civilization of Crete, as a doctor compares healthy bodies with those that are unsound and sickly}. See further E. Will, Doriens et I oniens (Strasbourg, 1956). TEXV£Tt~v is Kaibel's correction of cod. A of Athenaeus, which here reads TEXVTJT£K~v. Schweighaeuser already had made the suggestion in his lexicon, perhaps in the belief that P. was referring to the conduct of technitai of Dionysus, since he would also emend 'laK~v to 'laKX'~v (against this see Wonderer, i. no); nevertheless it is probably right, since TEXVTJTtKo> is not found elsewhere. 12. Attalus' restoration of Ariarathes; cf. Justin. xxxv. r. 2. This was in spring 157 (d. M('lrkholm, NC, 1964, 25); and Eumenes' death and Attalus' succession were recorded under the previous olympiad year, 01. I55· 2 = rsg/8 (cf. 8. I-7 n. and p. 39)· This passage and II. ro should probably stand before rr. r (see p. 39). TTJS a.(JTou vpoa.Lpeo-Ews Ka.L vp6.~Ews: 'of his policy and political skill'. Diod. xxxi. 32 a (where 'Eumenes' is an excerptor's error for 'Attalus'} illustrates this 7Tpart>; he relates how Attalus prevented Demetrius, whose help Orophemes had bought with a payment of 6oo talents and a promise of 400 more (ro. 4 n.}, from giving further assistance by inciting a pretender against him, the later king Alexander Balas. (xxxiii. 2: for the possibility that this account of the Athenian embassy of philosophers to Rome (r55) in Aulus Gellius draws on a passage of P. which was included in the res Graeciae of this year, 01. 155· 3 = 158/7. see ad loc.) 534

ROMAN WAR AGAINST DALMATIA XXXII. 13.9

13. 1-9. Roman decision to make war on the Dalmatians (157{6) This excerpt from de legat. Rom. forms part of res Italiae of Ol. ISS. 4 = I57/6; see p. 38. 13. 1. r CLLOV ~aVVLOV: cf. 9· 3 n.; he had been sent to Dalmatia probably in spring IS7, and his return will have been in the same autumn. Tous ••• ~auKovTas Q.lhKE'L
535

XXXII. 13.9

ROMAN WAR AGAINST DALMATIA

cf. the incidents at Tarentum (i. 6. 5 n.), before the First Illyrian War (ii. 8. I2-13), in Liguria (xxxiii. 9· 1-8), and at Corinth in 146 (xxxviii. I2. I-4)· For the case of Cn. Octavius see 3· II-I2.

14. 1-2. Epirote envoys heard by the Senate (I57/6) This excerpt from de legat. gent. is likely to belong to res ltaliae of 01. I55. 4 = I57/6, following I3. I-9; seep. 39· Ka.~pov TouTov: winter I57/6. 'H'Ir€(pou KTA.: faction had evidently not ended in Epirus with Charops' death (5. 4 n.) in I59· Those 'holding Phoenice'

14. 1. Ka.TO. Tov

wpEa~EuTwv f:~

are probably his successors, and the phrase may refer to the reconstituted confederacy (cf. 6. 2 n.); see Franke, Munzen, 2I8 n. s; Sarikakis, i1px. Ecp. I964 (I967), I07 n. 7; Hammond, Epirus, 644 n. I. The exiles were of course opponents of Charops' party. 2. TOLS ••• !lETa. r a.tou Ma.pKLOU: c. Marcius C.f. Q.n. Figulus, cos. A.u.c. 598 = I56; see note following xxviii. 11. 3 n., I6. 3, 16. 6, 11· Io. He commanded the Roman forces in Dalmatia in this year, and the wording perhaps implies that the envoys were to go out with him, not that he led the commission. Once across the Adriatic, they presumably went south to Epirus; see p. 39· But some distortion of the wording by the excerptor cannot be excluded.

15. 1-16.5. The war between Prusias II and Attalus II Of these two chapters, I5. I-I4 is from exc. de uirt. et uit. (with some quotations from Suidas), and I6. I-5 from exc. de legat. gent. Habicht, Hermes, I956, Ioi-IO, has shown convincingly that I6. I-S stands correctly in res Asiae of 01. 15s. 4 = IS7/6, but that IS. I-14 belongs to the next book, immediately following xxxiii. 3· I--2, where it forms the first extract in res Asiae of 01. I56, I = 156/5; seep. 39· [15. 1-14. Prusias marches on Pergamum and ravages the Nicephorium and other sanctuaries (ISS)

See above for the placing of this passage after xxxiii. 3· I-2. For the beginnings of the war between Prusias II and Attalus II see 16. 1-5 n. ; and for the events of this chapter cf. Diod. xxxi. 35 and App. M ith. 3· A verse epigram in honour of a Bithynian named Menas, who perished in a battle near Corupedium (Peek, GVI, 613), may refer to this campaign. See B. Bar-Kochva, Scripta classica Israelica, I974. 14-28.

15. 1. npoua(a.s •.• 1rpos TO nf:pya.p.ov: the excerptor's words, as Biittner-Wobst indicates; cf. Habicht, Hermes, 1956, 108 nn. 2-3. According to App. Mith. 3, which follows P., the attack on the Nicephorium was preceded, not by a victory over Attalus, but by 536

PRUSIAS MARCHES ON PERGAMUM

XXXII. 1.5. 4

a treacherous attempt to overwhehn him by an attack during a conference organized by the Roman legati (cf. xxiii. 1), and this had forced Attalus to seek refuge in Pergamum; cf. Diod. xxxi. 35, a'ITOTVX.ijs rijs 7T€p~ TbV 11TTaAov. Hence P.'s words look like an excerptor's error~though Habicht, Hermes, 1956, 108 n. 4, envisages the possibility that Prusias won a victory before the Roman commission arrived (he thinks it unlikely however). To TEJ:LEVos T:.\aKATJ'ITLou: Aelius Aristides, xlii. 303. 10-15 (ed. Dindorf i. 772), describes this sanctuary as T6 T£A£VTaiov TJJ-fif.La Tfjs 7TOAews-; it lay outside the walls of Pergamum above the north bank of a gully running down into the plain of the Caicus, rather more than a mile beyond the south gate, and half a mile south-west of the Roman theatre. Founded in the fourth century B.C., it was much enlarged in the second century A.D., when it was the centre of activity for Galen ; it was dedicated liaKATJTnW' .EwTfipt Ka~ 'YyLelaL. On the precinct, where excavations have been going on since 1928, see 0. Deubner, Das Asklepieion von Pergamon (Berlin, 1938) ; W. Zschietzschmann, RE, 'Pergamon (3)', cols. 126o-:z; Hansen 2 , :z8o-:z; Alt. v. Perg. vol. n, Das Asklepieion, ed. E. Boehringer, of which one fascicule (Das siidliche Temenosbezirk in hellenistischer und fruhromischer Zeit, by 0. Ziegenhaus and G. de Luca) appeared in 1968; 0. Ziegenhaus and G. de Luca, AA, 197o, x76-2o1. On the cult of Asclepias at Pergamum see Hansen2 , 443-4. 3. hrl To NLKTJ4uipLov: on this sanctuary see xvi. I. 6 n. ; cf. Diod. xxxi. 35; App. Mith. 3· ,-ous TE vt:ws ••• Ka.l. ,-a, TEJ:L~VTJ Tc;)v 9.::c;)v: cf. Diod. xxxi. 35. Ta tEpa :rrcfVT' imJ>.a. It is clear from xvi. I. 6 that the Nicephorium included several temples, 7To>.Aovs- Kal woAV'TeAets tm&.pxuVTas, and the complex contained several TEpil!TJ; cf. also App. Mith. 3, -roVS" J.v a&rcp vews ivmiJJ-'ITPTJ· 1"00<; av8pul.VTO.S ICC\l TQ M9wa. 'TWV lt.ya.A!lU'TWV: clvlipt~E'S will be bronze; P. writes Ta J..[8,va -rwv &.ya.\f.L&.Twv to avoid the hiatus of -rli Al8wa cly&Af.LaTa. There seems to have been a change from bronze

sculpture in the third century to marble in the second, but this was only a trend and bronze work continued to be produced. 4. TO T:.\aKATJ1TLOU ••• liya.AJ:LO. ••• U1TO ¢1upoJ:LO.xou KO.'TEaKEUO.ajLEVOV; d. Diod. xxxi. 35· Phyromachus, like his fellow Athenian, the sculptor Niceratus, was active in third-century Pergamum; Pliny, Nat. hist. xxxiv. 51, assigns him to 01. 121 = z¢/:z, and elsewhere (Nat. hist. xxxiv. 84) records that 'plures artifices fecere Attali et Eumenis aduersus Gallas proelia, lsogonus (Epigonus, Michaelis), Pyromachus (sic), Stratonicus, Antigonus.' (Which Attalus and Eumenes are meant is uncertain, but probability favours Attalus I and Eumenes II; cf. Hansen 2 , 302 n. 23.) The form of Phyromachus' statue has been much debated. Both seated and standing versions 537

XXXII.

I5.

4

PRUSIAS MARCHES ON PERGAMUM

of Asclepios appear on Pergamene coins, but Phyromachus probably kept close to the Athenian standing draped figure, with right hand resting on a serpent-entwined staff (cf. 0. Deubner, Das Asklepieion von Pergamon (Berlin, I938), 8; Hansen2 , 30I with n. IS, for the controversy). See further Lippold, RE, 'Phyromachos (2)', col. 1033, listing his works. 5. ~:the antecedent is, a little awkwardly, ,-J4aK~:rpnoiJ. 6. 1rp6Tepov dpTJKa 1rou ••• 1-'a.v~Kas: cf. v. 9· I-I2. 8 for P.'s discussion and condenmation of Philip's behaviour at Thermum. But Philip had also sacked the Nicephorium (xvi. 1. 2-6), and this must be in P.'s mind here. Against Holleaux's view that Philip's attack on the Nicephorium is also referred to in xvi. Io. I (Etudes, iv. 2I6 n. 2) see Vol. II, p. 499· 7. yovu1TETwv Ka.t yuva.~K~~oi-'Evos: P. is impatient of excessive religiosity (and of Prusias: cf. xxx. I8. 5 for his servility and yvva£Ktap.os towards the Senate). The alliteration conveys contempt. 8. +uxf)s l€ED'TfJKu£as TWV Xoy~a....Wv: madness made him behave in a way directly opposite to that which would achieve his object; cf. xv. 24. 6 for Philip's behaviour at Thasos. 9. Ka.Ta Tas 1rpoaj3oXcis: 'in his assaults', i.e. on the temples; there is no evidence that he attacked Pergamum (so Paton and Schweighaeuser). 1rpos 'EXa.£av: on its position see xxi. 10. 2 n. Prusias' march was south-west along the Caicus, and mainly on its left bank. 10. Iwaa.v8pov TOY ••• avVTpocflov: for rrJVTpo~os see v. 9· 4 n. Sosander is known from several inscriptions. A letter of Attalus II to the priest Attis of Pessinus (cf. xxi. 37· 5 n.), dated c. I55· mentions him among ,-wv d.vay~<:a.lwv, i.e. a member of the royal council (Welles, no. 61 OGIS, 3IS, vi, 1. 4). His death is mentioned in a letter of 142 from Attalus II to his cousin Athenaeus, mentioning his tenure of the priesthood of Dionysus Kathegemon (since the reign of Eumenes II), and his replacement by his son Athenaeus; and in 135 Attalus III commends this son Athenaeus to the council and people of Cyzicus (Welles, nos. 65-66 = OGIS, 331 ii and iii) in a letter which enables the following genealogy to be constructed: Athenaeus

r Apollonis = Attalus I Eumenes II

I

Attalus IIJ

Attalus II

Phiietaerus

l I

Meidias Athenaeus

I

Athenaeus

I

daughter

I

=

Athenaeus

Sosander

PRUSIAS MARCHES ON PERGAMUM

XXXII. •S· 14

See Hansen2 , 45 n. 93, following C. Radinger, Festschrift fur C. Wachsmuth (Leipzig, 1897), 126. On the priesthood of Dionysus Kathegemon see Hansen 2 , 452. Cf. Corradi, 272-3. hrt 8ua.TELpWV! hiS route emerges from references to temples and sites plundered, viz. the temple of Artemis at Riera Come (§ n), the sanctuary of Apollo Cynneius near Temnus (§ 12), and the territory of Methymna, Aegae, Cyme, and Heraclea (xxxiii. 13. 8). Evidently Prusias marched south from Elaea, keeping west of the Giindag massif, and following the modern route from Pergamum to Smyrna (Bergama to lzmir) ; en route he ravaged the land of Aegae and Cyme (cf. v. 77· 4 n.). Turning east up the Hermus valley to the foot of Temnus (cf. § 12 n.), he crossed the Hyrcanian plain to Thyateira, and thence continued via Stratoniceia on the Caicus and central Mysia to Bithynia. See L. Robert, Et. anat. III-I7; Magie, ii. n97 n. 42; above, Vol. I, sketch-map on p. 6o2. This seems his likely route, whether or no the Heraclea ravaged is the small and insignificant place near Temnus (cf. xxxiii. 13. 8 n.) or Heraclea Pontica (attacked perhaps by Prusias' fleet). 11. KO.Tcl ••• ...T)v br6.vo8ov: on his journey back from Elaea to Thyateira (Robert, Et. anat. n4). To Tfj~ ~PTEJLLSo~ kpov T']s ev 'IEp~ KwJLn : on the site and temple of Anahita, the Persian Artemis, see xvi. I. 8 n. The inviolability of the sanctuary was recognized by the Pergamene kings; cf. Welles, no. 68 = OGIS, 333 (a letter of Attalus III; this may imply an earlier grant from the Seleucids). On the cult see Pans. v. 27. 5; first century B.c. coins show the goddess (B.M.C. Lydia, 102 no. r). See Magie, ii. 1019 n. 65. 12. To Toll Kuvvdou ~1TOAAwvo~ TEJLEVos To 1TEpi. T']JLvov: on Temnus see v. 77· 4 n., and, for its relations with Pergamum, Welles no. 48, recording Eumenes II's subsidies to the town. An inscription (Robert, Et. anat. go-no) records a Temnian decree replying to one of Smyrna, which shows that the sanctuary of Apollo was outside the city; a coin of Temnus portrays a laureate Apollo (cf. Hansen 2 , 483; B.M.C. Troas, 143, pl. xxix. 1). 13. Tois O.v8pw1rots ••. Ka.i. Tois 8Eois 1TE1ToAEJL1JKW~: cf. iv. 62. 3 n. 14. ETO.AO.t1TWPTJC1E ••• TO 1TEtlkOV O'TpaTEUJLU: cf. Diod. xxxi. 35 (following P.) ; evidently P. next related a sirnilar disaster to Prusias' fleet: Tov yap O"ToAov xe,p.U:nn 7Ta.p«A6ycp 7Tep,7Teao~JTos lv Tfi llp07ToV7"lfn avvlf3TJ 'TWV VTJWV 7TOAAas p.& a.V..oiS' 'TOLS avopaa£V U7T6 rijs O«AaaUTJS l
quoted by Robert, Et. anat. III n. 2.) For the possibility that the fleet had attacked Methymna (and Heraclea?) cf. xxxiii. 13. 8 n. EK 8Eo1TEJL1TTOU ••• JLTjvw: according to Diod. xxxi. 35, dysentery among his troops (ol 1TAEiO"Tot • •• owf>OaPTJaa.v) and the disaster to his 539

XXXII. 15. I4

PRUSIAS MARCHES ON PERGAMUM

fleet constituted TdS' rrpwra<; d.f£ot{3tis rijs t:l<; TO 6t:iov aut:j3££as. This reflects P. in general, though he is less committed to the doctrine of divine vengeance, saying merely OoKt:iv drryvriju6at, just as in xxxi. 9· 4 Antiochus' madness exemplified divine vengeance----Ws lvw{ if,arnv (see Vol. I, p. 21, for other examples of retributive Fortune; Walbank, Polybius, 65). For later proof of divine retribution on Prusias see Diod. xxxii. 21 (Polybian) and App. Mith. 7, where Prusias appropriately perishes at the hands of assassins sent by his son in the temple of Zeus at Nicomedeia (cf. Habicht, Hermes, I956, I04 n. I). On the present passage see Alvarez de Miranda, Emerita, 1956, 58-59. who rightly stresses the inconsistencies in P.'s religious attitudes.] 16. 1-5. Attalus informs the Senate of Prusias' attack (156) For the placing of this excerpt in res Asiae of 01. ISS· 4 = 157/6 see p. 536. It is the first excerpt dealing with the war between Attalus II and Prusias II; see p. 39· On the war see also App. Mith. 3; Trog. prol. 34· Prusias' attack was in I56, and resulted, at first, in the defeat of Attalus (§ I). The causes of the war are not recorded; but Prusias was seeking to expand, perhaps on his son's behalf (App. Mith. 6). On its course see Habicht, RE, 'Prusias (2)', cols. 11I5-2o; McShane, 186---9; Vitucci, 75--82; Will, ii. 32I-z. It seems also to have been treated by Eratosthenes, son of Agades, in his Galatika (FGH, 745 F 5; cf. Momigliano, Atti Ace. Torino, I972-3, 693-4); but this author's date is unknown. 16. 1. TJTTT)8Et<; 1TO.pa npouu(ou: presumably in SUmmer, I56. ~8-i)va.tov: cf. xviii. 41. 10 n., xxiii. I. 4 n. J.LETa TWV 1TEpi TOY no1TAtov: P. Cornelius Lentulus, cos. sufi. I62 (cf. xxvii. 2. 12 n.), who had evidently been sent to Bithynia this year. For an earlier embassy sent by Attalus to Rome in I56 see § 2; and for the arrival there of Lentulus and Athenaeus see xxxiii. 1. 1. 2. ~vSpov£Kou: if this is the man mentioned in OGIS, 323 11. I7-2I, as going on Attalus' behalf to Rome iv Tots dvayKawTlf.rots Katpo'ts to ask for help against an aggressor (cf. Holleaux, Etudes, i. 373 no. 24; M. Fraenkel, Insch. Perg. i. 224; addendum in ii. p. 509), he was the king's aJVTpoif,os. In sending him Attalus was following the policy enunciated in his letter to Attis; cf. Welles, no. 61 = OGIS, 3I5, vi, 11. zo-22, EKptvov o3v ds f£~V T[~]v 'PWJ.LYJV at:~ 1TEf£1TEW Toils UVV£XWS' dvayyt:Aovv[ras] T[ti Sw]T[a]{oJ.LEVa KTA. Sent again to Rome in I49, Andronicus successfully opposed Prusias' attempt to have his fine remitted, and involved his son Nicomedes in an effective plot to dethrone his father (App. Mith. 4-7). The Philopoemen, son of Andronicus, who was lrr~ rijs aif,pay'tSos and perhaps commanded the Pergamene forces who took part in the capture of Corinth (M. Schede,

540

ATTALUS REPORTS PRUSIAS' ATTACK XXXII. r6. 5

AM, 1919, 3o-3r, no. r6), was perhaps this Andronicus' brother. See

Hansen 2 ,

20I-2.

4. Tou ••• NucoJliJ8ouc;: later Nicomedes II Epiphanes, the son of Prusias and Apama (cf. xv. 22. In.). According to Livy, xlv. 44· 4 f.,

Prusias took him to Rome and recommended him to the Senate ; but Niese (iii. zor n. z) questions the reliability of this annalistic passage. Later, according to Justin. xxxiv. 4· I and App. Mith. 4, relations were soured between Nicomedes and Prusias, who allegedly plotted his murder and was in turn dethroned and murdered by him (see § 2 n.); but P. represents the embassy of this year as undertaken in his father's interest by Nicomedes. See xxxvi. 14. r-s n. 1>.VTi4n>.ov : otherwise unknown. 5. ~,n8ulo-a.cf>ouJlEVTJS ri)c; "1TflO.YJlO.TE£a.c;: not at the hands of Athenaeus and P. Lentulus (so Broughton, i. 448), since their arrival at Rome is not reported until the next olympiad year (xxxiii. r. r}, and results in the dispatch of a further embassy. AeuK~OV i\"'TOATJLOV Kat r clLOV neTpWVLOV: probably L. Appuleius (Saturninus), praetor r66 and decemuir agris dandis assignandis in Liguria and Gaul in 173 (Livy, xlii. 4· 3-4}; cf. Klebs, RE, 'Appuleius (28)', col. z6r. C. Petronius is not the man mentioned in a corrupt passage of the Oxyrhynchus epitome of Livy (ep. 52 L I So), but is otherwise unknown (cf . .Munzer, RE, 'Petronius (86) and (89)'. coL 1231).

541

BOOK XXXIII Ol. 156 rs6j5, 155/4, 154/3, and 153/2; see pp. 4o-43. Chs. 1-3 (with xxxii. 15. 1-4) deal with 156/5 (though ch. 2 could follow xxxii. u), chs. J-II, 4 perhaps 5-6 (though these may belong later in the olympiad), and 12-13 "\\ith I55/4. chs. 14-15 (followed by xxxv. r. x-6) and 16-17 with 154/3, and rS-19 with 153/2 (though 19 may concern 155/4); chs. 2o-21 are of uncertain provenance. 1

1. 1-8. Embassies at Rome from Attalus and, on behalf of the detainees, from Achaea This excerpt from de legat. gent. belongs to res Italiae of 01. 156. 1 = 156/5 (see pp. 30, 4o), and records the hearing of envoys at Rome that winter (156/s). 1. 1. ;T, Ka.TO. XEL!Joi:lva.: cf. 12. I ; the phrase indicates the later part of the winter (Pedech, Methode, 462-4, esp. 464 n. r87). Since A. Postumius Albinus, praetor A.U.C. 599 = xss. was already in office (§ 5). the session of the Senate is probably shortly after the (Roman) Ides of March of that year. TWV 1TEpl. TOY n61T}uov AEYTAOV: see xxxii. !6. I n. for his return with Athenaeus from Pergamum. 2. KtYTwva. ••• 'OpT~<nov ••• AupoyKoA*oY: i.e. C. Claudius Centho (cf. Miinzer, RE, 'Claudius (w6)', col. 2695), L. Hortensius (praetor in charge of the fleet against Perseus in 170; for honorary decrees in his favour cf. IG, iiZ. 907; Insc. de Delos, no. 461 A a, 83; Munzer, RE, 'Hortensius (4)', col. 2466), and C. Aurunculeius (otherwise unknown; Klebs, RE, 'Aurunculeius (3)', col. 2555); on their return in 154 see 7· I. 3. lmep TWY Ka.TEXO!J.EYwv: the detainees in Italy (cf. xxx. 13. 8-u, 30. I, 32. 1-12 (164), xxxii. 3· 14-17 (159) for their deportation and earlier attempts to secure their return). E:f.vwva. TOY Aty~ka. Ka.l. T TJAEKAEa. TOV AtyELpcl.TTJY: cf. xxxii. 3· 14 n.; Wilamowitz corrected the manuscript a.ly.::aTIJv on the basis of Syll. 675 1. 2, 'Upwv T7JAEKMovr; AlynpaTIJ>· 4. Tov ~ha.~ouALou '~~'poTE9EvTos: 'when the debate was opened', or 'when proposals were put forward' (cf. xii. 25 k 5, xxvii. 7· 3, xxix. 24. n); Paton's rendering, 'upon the matter being put to the vote', is less likely, for it was the vote that decided the matter against the Achaeans. The envoys "\\ithdrew before discussion began; cf. von Premerstein, RE, 'legatus', col. II37· 542

EMBASSIES AT ROME

XXXIILz

'!Ta.p' OALyov ~AOov n'ITOAUoa.t KTA.: for the view that about this time

the Senate was becoming more well disposed towards the Greeks see Lehmann, 312-13. 5. AoXos nooTO~LOS: A. Postumius Albinus, praetor urbanus rss. cos. rsr (xxxv. 3· 7); on his philhellenic pretensions see xxxix. 1. 1-12. See Munzer, RE, 'Postumius (31)', cols. 902-8; and, for P.'s view of him, Lehmann, 374-7. On the Greek term for the praetor with his six lictors see M9mmsen, St.-R. ii. r. 197 n. s; Mason, 158; above, ii. 23. S· 7. ~h"lp~m1 Tas SUo Ka.8oXtt<ws: the magistrate in charge could decide which sententia he would put forward for the Senate to vote on (cf. Mommsen, St.-R. iii. 2. 987 n. 2; O'Brien-Moore, RE, Suppl.-B. vi, 'senatus', cols. 71s-x6). The praetor on this occasion asked the Senate to decide between letting the detainees go and not letting them go. But P.'s account is ambiguous; for the third view, passed over by Postumius, can be taken in two ways. Most scholars, editors and translators have taken it to mean 'to let them go, but not at once'. This version neglects the use of the two verbs a1ro)n1£Lv and imcrxEw, contrasted by piv and Sl; but they are not easily regarded as identical, and differentiated only by the addition of Komi To "'Ta.pov with the second (cf. § 8 n.). Moreover, when the debate is about whether the detainees shall now be released, to say 'Release them, but continue to hold them for the time being!' comes very near to being nonsense. An alternative meaning (so Lehmann, 376) is 'to release them, but to hold them in Italy for the time being'. Hitherto the debate had been about d-m)/.vats (§§ 4-5), with no strings attached. The supporters of the third motion now introduced a. nuance into the debate by distinguishing between 1hroAt:t;w, 'release from detention', and irrtcrxEtv, 'hold in Italy' for the time being. By ignoring this, and making the issue a straight vote between release (with freedom to return home), dtlva.t, and continued detention, Postumius certainly revealed his hostility towards the Achaeans, in a. way which helps to explain P.'s attitude towards him (cf. xxxix. r). To us civa.KEKA"l~.Evous &.~LEva.L: 'to let go those who had been summoned to Italy' ; the words clearly convey the idea of return to Greece. For TOVS ava.KEKATJpivovs cf. XXX. 32· 10 n. 8. E'ITEXELV ••• G'ITOAU£Lv ••• ci~r.EvTwv: see § 7 n.

2. Three Athenian philosojJhers come as Athenian envoys to Rome The embassy mentioned in this extract from Aulus Gellius (vi. 14. 8-ro) took place in ISS; but, since P. related the dispute between Athens and Oropus in a passage (d. xxxii. n. 5 n.), the passage in P. describing this embassy may have stood in 01. 155. 3 = rsS/7, i.e. in book xxxii between xxxii. 11. 9 and xxxii. 13 (see p. 4o). The visit of the three philosophers was famous; cf. Cic. A cad. ii. 137; 543

XXXUI. z

ATHENIAN PHILOSOPHERS AT ROME

de or. ii. 155; Tusc. iv. 5; Att. xii. 23. 2; Fin. ii. 59; Pliny, Nat. kist. vii. II2; Plut. Cato mai. 22; Aelian, Var. 'kist. iii. I7; Lact. Hist. v. 14. 3-5; Macrob. i. 5· 14 (based on Gellius). 2. (14. 8) uti multam remitteret: cf. xxxii. 11. 5 n. for the soctalent fine imposed by Sicyonian arbitrators on Athens (Paus. vii. 11. 5; Plut. Cato mai. 22. r), and reduced by the Senate on appeal to roo talents. (14. 9) Cameades ... Diogenes ... Critolaus: Carneades of Cyrene succeeded Hegesinus as head of the Academy before 155 (cf. xxxi. 3· r n.). He lived from zr4/13 to 129/8, but retired from his position in IJ7/6. His main doctrine as founder of the New Academy was one of sceptical reserve concerning the truth or falsity of wpdJTovs A.6yovs- a.&rwv wpds T'i)v crvyKA1JTOV tlv~p ~'I'Tt
ATHENIAN PHILOSOPHERS AT ROME

XXXIII. 4· 1-4

Rutilius is al~ linked with P. as a source for the date of Africanus' death (d. xxiii. 12. r-14. 12 n.; Livy, xxxix. 52. 1), no doubt an indication that he used P. as a source (cf. Munzer, RE, 'Rutilius (34)', cols. 1269-80, especially 1276 ff.; Badian, Latin Historians (see last note), 23-25). For fragments see HRR, i 2 • pp. x87-9o; FGH, 815. sui cuiusque generis facundiam: P. almost certainly heard the public speeches of the philosophers, since he was in Rome at the time. Hirzel, ii. I. 878 n. I, thinks he indicates a preference for the Stoic Diogenes; but that is not clearly so.

3. 1-2. Return home of the Achaean envoys (rss) This excerpt from de legat. gent. follows I. 1-8. Biittner-Wobst classifies it as res ltaliae, but it should fall under res Graeciae of 01. I 56, 1 = 156{5, perhaps coming straight after the senatorial audience and so effecting a transition to the Greek theatre.

3. 1. Twv ••• 1TpEa~EIITWV: cf.

I. 3 n. 2. ot 1TOAAo' ••• ~1TEf.1.vov: this suggests a decision taken at a synodos. ~va.s(8a.f.1.ov: Anaxidamus took Xenon's place; for his previous diplomatic experience see xxx. 30. r n., 32. 1-r2.

<xxxii. 15. 1-14, describing Prusias' march on Pergamum, should stand here in the res Asiae of 01. IS6, 1 156{5; see ad loc.) [4. 1-4. Character of Aristocrates of Rhodes This brief excerpt follows xxxii. 15. r·-I4 in de uirt. et uit., and asP. normally treats the affairs of Rhodes before those of Asia, it should 155/4. after II. I-7; see pp. 41-42. The probably stand in 01. IS6. 2 context is the war which broke out late in 155 or in 154 between Crete and an enfeebled Rhodes ; the details leading to this are lost. See Trog. prot. 35. 'bellum piraticum inter Cretas et Rhodios'; Diod. xxxi. 37-38, 43-45 (probably drawing on P.); Niese, iii. 324-5; Schmitt, Rom und Rhodos, 177; van Effenterre, 268--9; van Gelder, Rhodier, 16o. An inscription from Carpathos relevant to this war is published by Segre, Riv. ftl. 1933, 38o, and goes with Sytl. 570 JG, xii. r. 1033); d. Blinkenberg, Insc. Lind. 1007 ff. Syll. 673 mentions a Cretan War, which some scholars have taken to be this one (d. Blinkenberg, ibid. ro10; Fraser and Bean, 148-sr); but Holleaux's arguments in favour of the Cretan War of 204-201 (cf. xiii. 3-5. 6 n.) are convincing (d. W. Thompson, TAPA, 1971, 6I6-J7). See further xxvii. 7· 3 n. The Cretans seem to have acted in unison, perhaps led by Gortyn (but cf. 16. r). T

545

XXXIII. 4· 1

CHARACTER OF ARISTOCRATES OF RHODES

4. 1. ~pl.l7ToKp6.TI'J<,; A Tc'i'IV 'Po5(wv aTp<1TI'JYO ... : he could be the son of ETpd:rwv l4pt(11'0Kpd.T£VS, a Delphic proxenos in ISo/79 (Syll. 585 L 103).

but the name is not unusual. Aristocrates will have been navarch (d. van Gelder, Rhodier, 251); (1'Tpa:rT)yos is probably the excerptor's word. l. 'l}yEjl0\1<1 ••• orou 1fOAEj10U: against the Cretan pirates; cf. 4· 1-4 n. 3. Kn66.'11'Ep TO. K~~Sf1A<1 Twv voj1tal16.Twv: d. Diod. xxxi. 37, who adds (clearly from P.) illotos Jq,d.VTJ Ka~ Tov TroA£p.ov Tois l8lots ~>.arrwp.cu:nv 1Jae1Ja£V. For the metaphor cf. xxi. 20. 7 n., xxix. 17. 2, xxxix. 3· 6, fg. 26. St)Xov 6.'11'' noTwv Twv ~pywv: Diod. xxxi. 38 recounts the worsting of the Rhodian fleet by one of smaller vessels (their names are probably corrupt in the manuscript of the excerpt, which is from de sent.); Diodorus, in a simile probably taken from P., who elsewhere riveals an interest in hunting (cf. Walbank, Polybius, 33 n. 6), compares the Rhodian fleet to bears attacked by small hunting dogs, which bite their heels and force them to sit until the hunter administers the coup de grace. This vivid comparison does not however enable us to reconstruct the Cretan tactics. The war continued \\ith Cretan raids on Carpathos (Syll. 570; Riv. fil. 1933, 38o ff.) and Siphnos (Diod. xxxi. 45). The Rhodians had to divert some ships to help Attalus (13. 2 n.) and appealed unsuccessfully to Achaea (cf. 16. I-I7· 5).] [5. 1-4. Intrigue between Demetrius I and Archias, tire Ptolemaic governor of Cyprus If 4· 1-4 should stand under 01. 156, 2 155/4. the present chapter, from which§§ 2-4 follow 4· 1-4 in the exc. de uirt. et uit., must belong

either to that or to one of the two following years; it probably belongs (together with 6. 1-9: see ad loc.) to res Asiae of 155/4 (see pp. 41-42, where the uncertainty of its position relative to 12. 1-13. Io is made clear). H. Volkmann, ZN, 1924, 53 f. (cf. RE, 'Ptolemaios (24)', col. 1714) would date Archias' treason to ISI/o because of a special gold issue that year, which he argues was coined for Cyprus; but this would go beyond 01. 156, and that is irreconcilable with the order of the fragments of P. See, against Volkmann, Manni, Riv. jil. 195o, 241 n. I. The dating proposed by Otto, 6. Ptolemiier, Il2 n. 6, (158/7) is equally impossible. §§ 1 and :za from Suidas clearly belong to the context of §§ 2-4. 5. 1. •"' "' 'll'poTdvE&V nlrr~ 1fEVTnt<6a'n TQJ..nVTa.: the subject is Demetrius I of Syria (cf. § 2, which likewise identifies a.V-rcp as Archias). n)v xpdnv T
DEMETRIUS I AND ARCHIAS

XXXIII. 6. r

persuaded to come over to Alexandria or Ptolemy VI had visited Cyprus on learning of his proposed treachery. l. :t>.pxta.s: evidently governor of Cyprus. Mitford, Mnem. 1938, us, plausibly restores his title on an inscription as [& uvyyEVI}s- Ko.l. rrTpo.-rwa> ~ea.t clpx£trpEus: rij> V!]aovJ (d. Bengtson, Strat. iii. 233); republished in BSA, 19<}1, 20 no. 52 l. I. He is perhaps the man who accompanied Ptolemy VI to Rome, when expelled by Ptolemy VIII in 164 (cf. xxxi. 2. 14 n.; Diod. xxxi. 18. 1). See Wilcken, RE, 'Archias (18)', col. 463; Peremans-van 't Dack, no. 15037; Bagnall, 257-8. ,.~ A"'ll"'"'P~: Demetrius I of Syria; cf. xxxi. 2. 1 n., n. I-rs. 12 (his restoration). He was no doubt encouraged by Antiochus IV's temporary seizure of Cyprus (xxix. 27. 1-13), and by the general uncertainty created by the conflict between the Ptolemies for possession Of the island (xxxi. IO. J-10, 17• 1-7, 18. I, 20, 5); cf, Niese, iii. 2u. Jta.Act~IH Twv l~t Tfls a.uAa.(a.s wapa.11'nC10}dvCa>v: 'with a rope taken from the curtain-hangings'; Paton translates 'from the curtain of the entrance-door', but though Suidas quotes several variants of the passage au'Aala 'curtain' seems attested (cf. fg. 22), and Paton seems to have COnfused the WOrd With avltHO>. 3. KEVOl KEvO. AoyttovTa.&: cf. xxxviii. 16. II ; von Scala, 286, quotes Corpus paroem. graec. i. 270; ii. u9, 475 for the proverb. Wunderer, i. 24 (quoting no close parallels) speculates on its origin; and he suggests (ibid. 5 n. 2) unconvincingly, that because the phrase Ka-rd. ~v wpoo£p.Cav follows the proverb, it is therefore a later insertion. 4. ,.o. ... xfl'lJlC1Ta. t
This excerpt, like 5· 2-4, is from de uirt. et uit., and also belongs to res AsiaeofOl. rs6, 2 =I55/4; seepp. 41-42. With At talus' help Ariarathes had expelled Orophernes from Cappadocia in 157 (cf. xxxii. u. 12). His demand for the money deposited in Priene was evidently made while Orophernes was alive (§ 3) ; but we do not know how long Orophernes lived after his expulsion(§ 3 n.), nor what interval separated the Prienian refusal to hand over the money to Ariarathes and his devastation of Prienian territory. But these events are likely to have been in fairly quick succession, and the devastation is probably rightly dated to 155{4 (seep. 42). 6. 1. npl"'vE'is: Priene lay on the south slope of Mt. Mycale, overlooking the Maeander estuary, not far from modern Giilliibahs:e; see Magie, i. 78; ii. 893 n. IOO; G. Kleiner, RE, SuppL-E. ix, 'Priene', cols. n8I-I22I. It seems to have been independent in 196 (xviii. 47· I n.) and probably after the war with Antiochus (xxi. 46. 2 n.; p. 167). 547

XXXIII. 6.

2

ARIARATHES' DEMAND ON PRIENE

l. 1ra.p' 'Opocp£pvous: see xxxii. Io. 4 n., II. In.; he seized Cappadocia in I 58 and held the throne for about a year. · Tnpa.tc:OULQ. TaAa.VTa.: cf. Diod. xxxi. 32, a8po{aas a~ XfYTJfLaTWV 7TA7j8os TeTpaK6ata TaAaVTa 7Tapi8eTo Ilpt7JVev(rt 7Tp6s Ta rijs TVX7JS Trap£\oya· rt7Tep vanpov amfliwKav. M. Schede, Ruinen von Priene (Berlin, I934). 8,

suggested that a colonnade in the agora and a gymnasium were built from the sum deposited by Orophemes; but the colonnade is now known to have been built by Ariarathes VI (Insch. Priene, 204, corrected on p. xviii and 3n; Magie, ii. 1057 n. 33). See Rostovtzeff, SEHHW, ii. 824. For gifts of Orophemes to Priene see Lenschau, RE, 'Orophemes', cols. I I69-70; they included a statue of Athena for the temple of Athena Polias (BMI, iii. 1. 45), and a statue of the Demos costing 3,ooo drachmae (Welles, no. 63). For tetradrachms of Orophemes found under the statue of Athena at Priene cf. K. Regling, Miinzen von Priene (Berlin, I927), 9 f., 44 f. Niese, iii. 248, suggests that he may have been brought up there. tc:a.Tn Tous £~ijs xpovous: perhaps not long after Ariarathes recovered his throne in I57 (cf. 6. I---9 n.). 3. twvTos 'Opocp£pvous: he lived at Demetrius' court after his expulsion; when he intrigued with the people of Antioch who were in revolt, Demetrius spared his life 'ne Ariarathes metu fratemi belli liberaretur' (Iustin. xxxv. 1. I-4). 4. 1ra.pa.1rL1TTELV Tou tc:a.9~KovTos: 'to have gone beyond what was equitable'. 6. tc:a.Tn S£ Tous vuv XeyotJ.ivous Ka.Lpous: probably Ol. I 56, 2 = I55/4 (though this is not certain); see 6. I---9 n. TTJV ••. OLa.cpopO.v, 1\v etxe 1Tpos TOUS npLlJVELS: the cause of this is unknown. Attalus had succeeded Eumenes in I59/8 (xxxii. 12 n.). 7. 1rpos TTI 1roAEL 1TTwfJ.O.Twv yevo~vwv: this implies that the city itself was not penetrated; hence the burnt layer found near the western gate will not date to this attack (as argued by E. Ziebarth, Kulturbilder aus griechischen Stiidten, i 3 (Leipzig, I9I9), 44 f.; quoted by Kleiner, RE, SuppL-E. ix, 'Priene', col. n88). 8. ot S' ou 1rpoaeixov Tois Xeyop.£voLs: not strictly true; see the inscription, OGIS, 35I = Insch. Priene 39 = Sherk, 6. This fragmentary document contains a senatus consultum directing the sending of a note of protest to Attalus and Ariarathes; this follows a section mentioning Ariarathes and variously identified as a city decree of Priene or (more probably) as a letter from a Roman magistrate which accompanied the senatus consultum. 'The two kings were allies of Rome. The situation was a delicate one and the Senate compromised' (Sherk). 9. T~ ••• '0pocp£pvEL TTJV 1Ta.pa.9~Kl]V a1TE0WKO.V: when they did this is not recorded; but evidently after they refused it to Ariarathes. ltc:a.va.is naL j3XO.j3a.Ls 1TEpLE1TEaov: a Prienian inscription of about this

ARIARATHES' DEMAND ON PRIENE

XXXIII. 8. r-ro. J.of

period (Insch. Priene, roS) honours a certain Moschion for gifts and loans of money and sales of grain at a low price; he also made journeys to Egypt, Syria, and the Nabataeans. Rostovtzeff, SEIIHW, iii. 1520 n. 71, thought this was evidence for Prienian distress due to Ariarathes' attacks; but the wording of the inscription gives no support to this hypothesis (cf. Magie, ii. 1057-,') n. 34).] 7. 1-4. The Senate receives a report on Prusias This excerpt from de legat. Rom. belongs to res Italiae of 01. 156, 2 155/4 (see p. 41); it records the return to Rome of the embassy sent out to the east in spring 155 (r. 2). See Habicht, Hermes, 1956, ro5. 7. 1. 'OpT,a~ov Ka.l. culeius; see 1. 2 n.

A(..poy~
L. Hortensius and C. Aurun-

Tijs auyK~..TJTOU 'lTa.pa.yyEAflaTWV: cf. I. 2, JVToAaS' ooi'iaa KwAVE£V Ilpova[av llTT~ 1TOAE~iv. 2. ml.aa.v ~£a.v ••• Ka.l1ra.pa.vop.ia.v: for Prusias' attack on Pergamum in summer ISS see xxxii. rs, recounting his sack of the Nicephorium, T&JV

TOV

and subsequent plunder of other temples. 3. AevKlOV ».viKLOV Ka.l. r aLOV $avvLOV Ka.l KowTOV $a~LOV Ma~LJ.LOV: the sending of decemviri indicates the serious view taken of Prusias' intransigence. According to App. Mith. 3, after hearing of Attalus' imprisonment in Pergamum, the Senate 1rpla{Jos ETtpovs E7TEJ.Lrrov, o: TOll Ilpoval.av J.KtAEUOJI :lTTaAq; 'TUS' {3M.f3as a1TO'Tiaat. L. Anicius Gallus defeated Genthius in r68, as praetor, and was cos. r6o (cf. xxx. 22. I n.); C. Fannius Strabo, cos. 161, was legatus to Dalmatia in 157 {xxxii. 9· 3 n.); Q. Fabius M aximus Aemilianus was the son of L. Aemilius Paullus (cf. xviii. 35· 6 n.); he was praetor in 149, cos. I4S· P., following his usual practice (Cic. Att. xiii. 30. 2), does not give the names of the other seven legati. 8. 1-10. 14. War against the Ligurians This section is made up of two excerpts, one (8. r-3) from de legat. gent., the other (9. 1-ro. 14) from de legat. Rom.; they describe events of 154 belonging to res ltaliae of 01. 156, 2 = 155/4 (cf. p. 41). P.'s source is Roman; but Gelzer, Kl. Schr. iii. 175, has no good reason for taking it to be Scipio Aemilianus (see xxxiv. ro. 7 n.). These three chapters have been intensively studied by local historians of the region; for a full bibliography and detailed discussion of every aspect of the campaign see Dugand, Aegitna. The information available does not, however, seem adequate to give certainty to any proposed identification of the places mentioned. 549

XXXIII. 8.

I

WAR AGAINST THE LIGURIANS

8. l. 1Ta.pA Ma.aaa.ALl)Thlv: relations between Massalia (Marseilles) and Rome went back to the fourth century,· when the Romans, having taken Veii, placed their dedication in the Massaliote treasury at Delphi (Diod. xiv. 93· 3-4; App. I tal. 8. I}. The Massaliotes gave help in the Second Punic War and in I!)() the Lampsacenes judged it worth while to send envoys to Massalia to enlist support in gaining the help of Rome (Syll. 59I). In I8I Massalia asked for and obtained Roman help against Ligurian pirates (see next note), who were defeated by L. Aemilius Paullus and restricted in the size of ships they might use (Livy, xl. I8. 4-8, 25. I-28. Io; Plut. A em. 6. I-3)· 2. u1To Thlv ALyuaT£vwv: cf. ii. I6. In.; J. Weiss, RE, 'Ligures', cols. 532-4, The Romans had been engaged in reducing the Ligurians along the Riviera coast since 203; for details see De Sanctis, iv. I. 417-22. The present campaign, instigated by Massalia, thus fits into a wider pattern of Roman advance and consolidation. J\vn1ToAt:ws ~~:a.t NL~~:a.La.s: Antipolis (Antibes) was a Massaliote colony (Strabo, iv. r. 5, C. I8o, I. 9, C. 184), eight miles west of the Var, and perhaps so called through lying opposite Nicaea (Nice), also a Massaliote colony though technically in Italy, since the Var was the boundary. A. Donnadieu and P. Couissin (Rev. arch. 33, I93I, 8o) believe, however, that it was 'the town opposite' the Ligurian oppidum and port of Aegitna (cf. 9· 2 n.). Antipolis was in the territory of the Deciates (Mela, ii. 76; Pliny, Nat. hist. iii. 35; Ptol. Geog. ii. IO. 5) and Nicaea in that of the Vediantii (Strabo, iv. I. 9, C. 184); the foundation dates are uncertain. See Ihm, RE, 'Antipolis (I)', cols. 2533-4; L. Banti and H. Philipp, RE, 'Nicaea (r)', cols. I68-71. 3. 1Ta.pt:MovTwv ds TT)v auy~
WAR AGAINST THE LIGURIANS

XXXIII. 9. 8

Laenas, cos. 132, who perhaps set up an inscription at Polla in Lucania recording the construction of the Rhegium-Capua road (ILS, 23)unless this belongs to T. Annius Rufus (pr. 131), as seems more likely (cf. T. P. Wiseman, BSR, 1964, 3o-37; 1969, 88-91; J. Reynolds, ]RS, 197I, I39 n. 23)-or even the consul of I72 (xxviii. 3· I n.; so Dugand, Aegitna, 2o). L. Pupius is perhaps the praetor of I83 (Livy, xxxix. 45· 2, 45· 5; Gundel, RE, 'Pupius (5)', col. I986). 2. 1rA~OVTE<; ••• 1rpoalaxov ••• tca.TA TTOAiv Aty1TVa.v: evidently sailing in the Massaliote ships, in which they went to Aegitna, in the territory of the Oxybii, either direct or via Marseilles. Aegitna (which is Ursinus' plausible emendation of the manuscript a.lyta.Aov; cf. 1o. 3) has not been identified with certainty; but the Oxybii were evidently situated east of the Deciates (cf. Io. I, xo. 5; Dugand, Aegitna, 53-64). This is confirmed by the order in which Pliny, Nat. kist. iii. 47, and Florns, i. 19. 5. enumerate the Gallic tribes; starting from Massalia they list the Salluvii (near Massalia), the Deciates (around Antipolis: see 8. 2 n.), and the Oxybii. Since Nicaea was in the territory of the Vediantii (8. 2 n.), the Oxybii evidently occupied lands between Antipolis and the Var. (Pliny, Nat. kist. iii. 35, has a different account, with the Oxybii west of the Deciates, between the river Argenteus (Argens) at Frejus, and Antipolis; but this will not fit the account of Opimius' movements (1o. 1-12).) It has been suggested that a fragmentary monument found at Biot on the river Brague, about 4 km. north of Antibes (Antipolis), was a trophy erected by Q. Opimius to celebrate his victory over the Oxybii; the sculptures, it is argued, show no trace of the Pergamene tradition introduced into Gaul with the triumphal monuments set up by Ahenobarbus and Fabius Maximus after their defeat of the Arverni and the Allobroges in 121 (cf. Florns, iii. 2; A. Donnadieu and P. Couissin, Rev. Arch. 33, 1931, &)-roo, especially 99). Against this see Jullian, i. 521 n. 4; G. C. Picard, Trophies, 15o-1; Dugand, Aegitna, 145-72, dating the monument a century later; Dugand associates it with Lepidus' governorship of Narbonensis (43-42). For other views and a full discussion see Dugand, Aegitna, I65-72. On the location of the tribes see Banti, RE, 'Oxybii', col. 2022 (preferable to Ihm, RE, 'Deciates', col. 227o), and on that of Aegitna see Donnadieu and Couissin, Rev. Arch. 33. 1931, 73-74; Dugand, Aegitna, 92-127, and the summary at 232-5. 4. TaS n'lfOO'KEUa<; nTTOTE9El.,.,VOV: cf. V. 5• 14, xi. 27. 2; 'had put away his baggage'. 6. TnTrlyua.: so Biittner-Wobst (Beitriige, 23 n. 1) forthe manuscript Ta?Tayata; .,.d. E'1Tlyva (d. iii. 46. 3) are ropes used to pull a ship ashore or alongside the quay. (Mauersberger by confusion lists a form a?Tlyvov in addition to E'1Tlyvov.) 8. ?Ta.pa.xpi).,_a.: it would have been more usual to await the next

551

XXXIII. 9. 8

WAR AGAINST THE LIGURIANS

consular year; but in 125 M. Fulvius Flaccus was sent at short notice to succour the Massaliotes, when attacked by the'Salluvii and Vocontii (App. B.C. i. 34, alleging that this was to get him out of Italy). Q. Opimius left late in the season (8. 3 n.). KowTov 'O.n·lJLLov: Q. Opimius Q.f. Q.n. was cos. 154, along with L. Postumius Sp.f. Ln. Albinus; he had an evil reputation when young (Lucilius, Marx; Cic. de orat. ii. 277), but later lived it down (cf. ro. 6). See Munzer, RE, 'Opimius (ro)', cols. 678-9. Tois 'O~uJ1£oLs Ka.i Ae~c:l~Ta.Ls: on the Oxybii and Decietae (or Dedates) see 8. 2 n., 9· 2 n. Whether P. discussed their location more fully in book xxxiv is unknown; cf. Strabo, iv. 6. 2, C. 202, IloAv{ltoc; TrpocrrUJ7JaL Tofc; 15uu1 rfovl.otc; Twv Atytfwv Tofc; AexfJefm {i.e. the Ingauni and Intemelii) ToTE Twv 'Ogu{llwv Ka1 Td Twv JeKLTJTWv. 10. 1. SLQ. Twv :4.11'evvtvwv bpwv: the coast-road was perilous at this time {cf. Livy, xxxvii. 57· r-2), and after reaching the Mediterranean (having come by way of modem Dertona and then either by the route of the later Via Aemilia Scauri to near Vada Sabatia, or by the route of the later Via Postumia to Genoa; cf. DeSanctis, iv. r. 423), Opimiusmayhave gonepart ofthewaybyship; see De Witt, TAPA, 1941, 64, who suggests he took ship at Vada Sabatia (modem Vada Ligure}. But he may have followed the coast; see Dugand, Aegitna, 34-37, who points to archaeological evidence for a Roman garrison at Intemelium (Ventimiglia) by r8o (cf. N. Lamboglia, Ventimiglia romana: Itinerari liguri, 7 (Bordighera, 1964), 3}. 2. Tov )\11'pwva. 11'0TO.JLOV: not mentioned elsewhere. J ullian, i. 521 n. J, thought it was the Var, either another name or a corruption in the text; the name Varus first appears in Caesar, BC, i. 86. 3, 87. r. But it could be the Loup (Donnadieu and Couissin, Rev. arch. 33, 1931, 73) or the Cagne (Dugand, Aegitna, IIJ). 3. Ai.yLTVa.v: cf. 9· 2 n. 5. 11'ptv 1\ Tous Aetcn1Tns ••• auJLJL'i~a.L: who therefore were further to the west (9. 2 n.). 6. TTI cf.uaEL .•• ilyxCvous oml.pxwv: not inconsistent with Lucilius' allegations (9· 8 n.). 7. E~a.ya.y~v TfJV ••• aTpnncl.v: Dugand, Aegitna, 41-42, argues that the two battles now described took place in the plain of the Brague. 11. 11'npl:Swtcnv ••• TfJV 11'oALV: Jullian, i. 521 n. 4, suggested that this was Biot on the Brague, but if that river separated the Oxybii and the Deciates, Biot is in Oxybian territory. Dugand, Aegitna, I2.:2-4, argues for Les Encourdoules near Vallauris, 13 km. west of Antibes. 12. OOTJV EveSEXETO 11'pOO"E9TJKE To'is Ma.aua.Xn]Ta.Ls: the Massaliotes seem to have been the sole beneficiaries of the Roman action of 154, which was evidently intended to cut off the Ligurians from the sea; see Strabo, iv. 6. J, C. 203, for the establishment, by I25/4, of a 552

WAR AGAINST THE LIGURIANS

XXXIII.

II. 2

corridor of 12 stades {r! miles) along the coast (cf. Dugand, Aegitna, 42-43). This is against the view of Tenney Frank (ES, i. 172-4) and others, that it was in 154 that vine and olive cultivation was forbidden in Gaul in the interests of Italian farmers (cf. Aymard, Etudes, 591-2). gtJ.fJpa. ••• ~e~:ml nva.s 'TO.KTous xpovous: 'hostages for certain sped~ fied periods'; they will have been replaced periodically, and served as a guarantee that the tribes would not create trouble (cf. Aymard, Etudes, 592; and for the replacement of hostages at intervals cf. xxi. 32. 10 n., 43· 22). 13. 'ITa.po'ITAlaa.s: A. Donnadieu and P. Couissin, Rev. arch. 33, 1931, 82, suggest that this also implies the dismantling of strong-points, and that it was to supervise this that the troops wintered in Liguria. 11. 1-7. The rival Ptolemies send envoys to Ratne This excerpt from de legat. gent. must also come from res Itatiae of 01. 156, 2 155/4 (seep. 41), and since it follows Opimius' departure for Gaul (n. 1), it evidently refers to the second half of the summer of 154 (cf. 8. 3 n.), and so perhaps to a time subsequent to Archias' attempt to betray Cyprus to Demetrius (5. 1-4). Since 162/1 the Senate had been supporting Ptolemy VIII against Ptolemy VI (cf. xxxi. xo. 9 n., 20. 1-6), and had probably reinstated the former in Cyrene after his defeat (xxxi. 19. 4 n.); but it had done nothing to help him recover Cyprus. Diod. xxxi. 33 records a defeat of Ptolemy VIII by his brother, who treated him generously, under the year 158/7 (events probably referred to in xxxix. 7); hence Niese (iii. III n. 7) and others assumed an attack on Cyprus by Ptolemy VIII in that year. But Diodorus' reference to 'an unexpected and humane solution' makes little sense before the conflict of I55/4. and it seems more likely that the fragment in Diodorus is misplaced and that Ptolemy VIII made only one attack on Cyprus, in 154 (cf. Roussel, REG, 1932, 290-1; Winkler, Aegypten, 49 ff.; Otto, 6. Ptolemiier, 112-13 n. 4, II7; Holleaux, Etudes, iii. 87 n. 3; Will, ii. 3o6, leaves the question open). For decrees honouring Aglaus of Cos, a high Egyptian dignitary, passed by auxiliaries sent by the Cretan confederation to help Ptolemy VI, evidently after the events on Cyprus, see Holleaux, Etudes, iii. n-97; Bagnall, ISO· ll. 1. JCa.8' otis £;£1TetJ.'IjJEv ••. Tov '01TLJ.I.tov K'TA.: cf. 9· 8; it is the second half of the summer, 154 (cf. 11. 1-7 n.). nToAEJ.I.O.LOS b VEWT£pos: Ptolemy VIII Euergetes (Physcon). 2. Ti]s l'ITL[3ouAfjs l'IT' EK£ivov: if the attempted assassination led to Euergetes' publishing the testament leaving his kingdom to Rome, as seems likely (cf. xxxi. Io. 9 n.)-the document (SEG, ix. 7) hints 553

XXXIII.

II. 2

RIVAL PTOLEMIES SEND ENVOYS TO ROME

at the plot without mentioning Ptolemy VI by name-this clearly preceded the publication, which is dated on· the Cyrene stele to March 155. Why Ptolemy VIII delayed his visit to Rome for a year is unknown. For the testament and the modem discussion of it see SEG ix. 7· 4. 'll'a.pO. ToO 'll'pea~uT~pou: Ptolemy VI Philometor (cf. xxxi. 10. 9 n.). NeoAa.t8a.v Ka.l !6..v8p61.1.a.xov: the former is unknown. Andromachuswas perhaps the son of the priestess Eirene, and grandson of Ptolemy of Megalopolis (xv. 25. 14 n.), who was governor of Cyprus; he is mentioned as tutor (Tt81JV'l1-n1P) of Ptolemy Eupator, the son of Ptolemy VI, in an epigram by Antipater of Sidon (Anth. Pal. vii. 241), and his name appears on inscriptions from Citium (CIG, ii. 2623 I. 2; SEG, xvi. 787). T. B. Mitford, The Inscriptions of Kourion (Philadelphia, 1971), no. 44, also restores his name on an inscription of Curium, but against this see R. S. Bagnall and T. Drew-Bear, Phoenix, 1973, 216. For bibliography on Andromachus see Peremans-van 't Dack, 14637, Mitford, Studi Calderini-Paribeni, ii. 163-76, and Bagnall, 258. 5. 'II'POKO.TE~ATJj.Lj.L~YTJ TO.LS ••• s~a.~oAa.is: these may have been made in the course of earlier diplomatic negotiations and not merely in the speeches delivered now (Otto, 6. Ptolemaer, n6 n. 4); but P. specifically relates them to Ptolemy VIII's dramatic speech on this occasion. 6. r vliwv MepoAa.v tca.t AEUK~OV 0~pj.LOV: Cn. Cornelius Merula had been sent with T. Manlius Torquatus on a similar mission in 162 (cf. xxxi. 10. 9 n.). L. Minucius Thermus was perhaps the L. Minucius who served as legatus to Q. Fulvius Flaccus in Spain in 182-o (Livy, xl. 3S· 3, 3S· 10, 36. 1-s). Cato accused him of corruption during his embassy to Ptolemy VIII (Malcovati, ORFJ, M. Porcius Cato, no. xlvi, fgs. 177--81), but he may have gone once more to Alexandria to Ptolemy VIII's court in 14s (cf. Joseph. c. Apion. ii. so; Otto, 6. Ptolemiier, n9 n. 1); cf. Mtinzer, RE, 'Minucius (63)', col. 1966. Otto, 6. Ptolemiier, nS-19, dissociates Cato's speech from this embassy; but his theory that it links with a Scipionic plan to engineer a marriage between Ptolemy VIII and Cornelia, the mother of the Gracchi (Plut. Ti. Gracch. I. 4), supposedly to be negotiated by Thermus, is entirely groundless. The names of the other three legati are unknown (cf. 7· 3 n.). 'II'EVTtJP'1 ••• Etc lia-r'!': a modest assignment if serious action and not a mere demonstration was intended. 7. Ta Ka.Ta Ti}v Kli9o8ov: cf. KaTd:yetv (§ 6); the phraseology is designed to give an air of legitimacy to the operation (cf. Otto, 6. Ptolemiier, 112 n.4). On the strength of this help Ptolemy VIII landed in Cyprus, but was soon besieged in Lapethus by Ptolemy VI ; he was released with a safe-conduct and an agreement was made by which he kept Cyrene, received an annual subsidy of grain and was betrothed to his niece, Ptolemy VI's daughter (xxxix. 7· 6 n.; Diod. 554

RIVAL PTOLEMIES SEND ENVOYS TO ROME

XXXIII.

12.5

xxxi. 33; cf. above, n. 1-7 n.). That Ptolemy VI's attitude partly betrayed his fear of Rome is patent and stated by Diodorus (loc. cit.); see also the Delian inscription published in Holleaux, Etudes, iii. 77 ff. (= Insc. de Delos, 15t8), which mentions his policy iv ots: p.Murra xapl,~:aOat Ka~ 'Pwp.[alot]s: (B. I. IO). Ptolemy VI then consolidated his position in Cyprus by sending his young son, Ptolemy Eupator, as ruler until the latter's death in xso (OGIS, 125-7; Volkmann, RE, 'Ptolemaios (25)', cols. 1719-20; Otto, 6. Ptolemaer, 9 ff., 12o-3).

<4. 1-4 (res Graeciae), 5. 1-3 and 6. 1-9 (res Asiae) should stand here in 01. xs6, z = rss/4: see pp. 41-42.>

12. 1-13. 10. The war between Attalus and Prusias These excerpts from de legat. Rom. belong to res Asiae of 01. rs6, 2 = 155{4; but the position of the passage relative to 5· 1-3 and 6. 1-9 cannot be established with certainty (seep. 42).

12. 1. ;n Ka;ra xe~~va.: cf. r. x ; it is the later part of winter r 55{4, when Attains was preparing for the spring campaign. The view that he raised assistance in Crete (Hansen2 , 134 n. 14) is based on the assumption that IC, ii Aptera 4 c refers to Attains II; against that view see van Effenterre, 258 n. r; Launey, i. 262 n. 3· Jt..pLa.pci9"lv Ka.t ••. ML0pL86.T"lV ••• Ka.Ta niv aul.l-1.1-a.x(a.v: for Ariarathes' restoration with Attains' help see xxxii. u n. Mithridates IV Phllopator Philadelphus of Pontus had been included in the peace between Pharnaces and Eumenes in 179 (xxv. 2. 3 n.) and had succeeded to the throne between x6o{59 and 156; see xxvii. 17 n.; Meyer, Pontos, 55-56; Geyer, RE, 'Mithridates (ro)', cols. 2161-2. A'lj.lo-/jTpLos: not mentioned elsewhere; since he never reigned, either he was a younger son or he predeceased Ariarathes. 2. at 8EKa. vpED'~ELS: cf. 7· 3 n. vept K0.8ous: Cadi (modern Gediz) was a 'Macedonian' colony (Pliny, Nat. hist. v. xu) at the source of the Hermus (now also called Gediz); it was in Phrygia Epictetus (or Mysia), or perhaps more strictly in Abbaitis; Strabo, xii. 8. xz, C. 576; Ptol. Geog. v. 2. 21; Magie, ii. roor n. 36; Biirchner, RE, 'Kadoi', col. 1477; cf. Habicht, JRS, 1975, 64-91, esp. 7J, publishing a new inscription from Ephesus (1. 6, Ka8v7Jv~:is:). Cadi belonged to Pergamum; cf. xxi. 46. xo n. (p. J72). S. vpouKo~a.vns a.liTI~: 'being angry with him' ; 'broke with him' (Paton) is incorrect.

555

XXXIII.

13. I

WAR BETWEEN ATTALUS AND PRUSIAS

13. 1. Ka.TA Se Tous a.uTous Ka.Lpous: there is a gap between r2. 9 and I3. I, and the reference here is not clear; nor do we know where Athenaeus put in (Ka:dTTAevae) nor where he had sailed from. 2. Tnpf)pELs ••• 'PoSlwv: Rhodes especially favoured the use of quadriremes; cf. McDonald and Walbank, JRS, I969, 33; and for Rhodian craft generally, Blinkenberg, Insc. Lind. ii. 2. IOIS-I6. The Rhodians contributed only five ships, since they were occupied with the Cretan war (4. r-4 n.). 3. auvn.;a.s Ta.is 1TOA€
their identity is not certain. The first is probably Ap. Claudius Centho, praetor I7S (cf. xxviii. 13. 7 n.), rather than Ap. Claudius Pulcher, cos. I8S (cf. xxii. 12. 4 n.), whose last previous mention was in I74 (Livy, xli. 2s. s-6, 27. 4). L. Oppius is unknown (L. Oppius Salinator, praetor 191, would be too old); but, as he is mentioned before A. Postumius, he must be of praetorian rank, for the last named is A. Postumius Albinus, praetor ISS (d. 1. s n.) and cos. ISI (xxxv, 3· 7). 5. ds ••• auv9f)Kas E1Tnya.yOj.L€VOL TOUS ~(lpaKTOVS e£KoO'LV aVTlKa. Ka.L apyvp£ov aVl! xpovcp TaAa.VTa. TTel!'TO.KOO'~a.

8. MfJ9UJ.LVnlwv ••• AtynLEWV ••• KuJ.La.lwv ••• 'HpnKAt:LWTWV: Methymna on Lesbos had probably been ravaged by Prusias' fleet (d. xxxii. IS. 14 n.; Diod. xxxi. 3S). For Aegae and Cyme, attacked by Prusias on his march, see xxxii. IS. 10 n. Heraclea may be the town by Mt. Sipyle, south of the defile of the Hermus and Temnus; for its position near Emir Halem see Ramsay, ]HS, 2, 1881, 297-300; Syll. 934, f5pta. MeAa.l!TTayt'Twv 'HpaKAewTwv; Robert, Et. anat. ns. But Magie, ii. u98 n. 43, rightly queries the listing of what is no more than a hamlet beside the three cities. The reference is more probably, therefore, to Heraclea Pontica (attacked earlier by Prusias I; cf. Memnon, FGH, 434 F 19), today Eregli on the Black Sea coast, which Prusias' fleet may have plundered, despite its position east of the Bosphorus (d. Magie, i. 307-11; ii. II9I-2 n. 23). 10. ToLoiJTos on KnTa J.LEpos XELpLaJ.Lbs KTA.: 'such were the details of what happened .. .'; the Te implies a Kal and Reiske proposed adding Kat TO TlAos, which Schweighaeuser would place immediately after xe~ptap.os. Buttner-Wobst prefers Kat TO TtAos TOWUTOJ! (at the end).

ACHAEAN ENVOYS ACHIEVE NOTHING

XXXIII. 15.

2

14. Achaean envoys achieve nothing at Rome (I54/3)

This excerpt from de legat. gent. belongs to res Italiae of 01. r 56, 3 = I54/3 (seep. 42); but one cannot be certain that the hearing was at the beginning of the consular year I 53· For earlier fruitless attempts to secure the release of the detainees see I. 3 n.

15. 1-2. Laodice and Alexander Balas are brought to Rome (I 53)

This excerpt from de legat. gent. forms part of res Italiae of 01. 156, 3 = I54/3 (see p. 42). After the expulsion of Ariarathes from his king~ dom by Orophernes, helped by Demetrius I, in 158 (xxxii. 10. r-8 n.), Attalus promoted a young man from Smyrna called Balas as a pretender to the Seleucid throne, giving him the name of Alexander and asserting that he was a son of Antiochus IV Epiphanes. Balas was brought to Pergamum and sent from there to a certain Zeno~ phanes in Cilicia, where preparations were made to stir up a revolt (Diod. xxxi. 32a, where Eumenes is an excerptor's error for Attalus). This plot was backed by Ptolemy VI (App. Syr. 67) and Ariarathes (Iustin. xxxv. 1. 6 f.), and was helped by Demetrius' unpopularity; Antioch was in revolt and the Jews hated him (Ioseph. Ant. lud. xiii. 35, ur, I35; for other movements against him see Niese, iii. 26o). Bringing the pretender to Rome was an important move to enlist Roman support. 15. 1.

'Hpa.~~:Ad8Tjs:

the former friend of Antiochus IV; on his career

see xxviii. 1. I n. ~'fl

rljs 8£p£ta.s aKJJ.O.~OUO'TJS: the time of the solstice (of 153); cf. Pedech, Methode, 461. See xxxii. Io. I, where Ariarathes reached Rome at this time of the year (ISS). ,.~v Aa.o8£KTJv ~~:a.t ,.(w 1o.Ae~a.v8pov: Laodice was probably Antio~ chus IV's daughter; what later became of her is unknown. See Stahelin, RE, 'Laodike (23)', cols. 708--9, criticizing the hypothesis of Th. Reinach (Mithridate Eupator, Paris, rSgo, so f.) that she later married Mithridates V Euergetes and was the mother of the great Mithridates VI Eupator of Pontus. After the success of the revolt in ISO, Alexander Balas (cf. IS. I-2 n.) was recognized as king and ruled till I45· Livy, ep. 52, calls him 'homo ignotus et incertae stirpis'; but he may in fact have been Antiochus IV's bastard, and he tried by his portraits to suggest a connection with Alexander the Great (cf. J. Charbonneaux and A. Laumonier, BCH, 1955, 528-38). See further Wilcken, RE, 'Alexander (22)', cols. I437-8; Volkmann, Klio, I925, 40I f.; Will, ii. 3I4-r6. 2. K0.1'CI.O'K£UO.~OJJ.t!VOS 1'0. 1TEpt 1'TJV O'UyltATJ'fOV: prior to his hearing, 557

XXXIII.

15.2

LAODICE AND ALEXANDER IN ROME

which took place only at the beginning of the next consular year; cf. 18. 6-I4•

15. 3-4. Astymedes of Rhodes heard by the Senate (I 53) This excerpt follows IS. 1--2 in de kgat. gent. and also forms part of res Italiae of 01. I56, 3 = 154/3 (see p. 42). The Rhodian envoy was given an immediate hearing, in summer 153 (§ 3).

15. 3. ~O'Tull-1\8"1'" ••• 11'p£u~EUTTJ'> alA-a. ~ta.t va.ua.pxo~>: on Astymedes see xxvii. 7. 3 n. ; his father Theaedetus had also been envoy and navarch simultaneously (xxx. 5· 4 n.). ~~ a.•hi]<; : instead of waiting till the beginning of the consular year (cf. 9· 8 n.). ToG 11'0A~~-LOU 1"0U 1rpo<; Kp1)1"0.LIEl'S: d. 4· 1-4 n., IJ. 2, x6. I-I7. 5; it had been in progress at least a year. 4. Tou<; 11'Ep~ KoLV1"ov : he is unidentified. (xxxv. 1. 1-6, on the Celtiberian War, should stand here in res Hispaniae of 01. I 56, 3 = 154/3; see pp. 43-44).

16. 1-17. 5. Cretan and Rhodian appeals to Achaea The events described in these two excerpts, from de legat. gent. (16. 1-8) and de sent. {q. I-s). concern the Rhodio-Cretan war, and form part of res Graeciae of 01. 156, 3 = 154/3; seep. 42.

16. 1. Ka.Tci. 1"ov Ka.Lpov Tou1"ov: the time within the olympiad year is not indicated. ~V1"... aTa.v T 1)AIE!'Vau1"0U r Op1"UV~OV: van Effenterre, 269 n. I, suggests that he was sent because Gortyn was the leading city in the coalition against Rhodes; if so, the lead seems soon to have passed to Cnossus (cf. SyU. 654-A (c. ISI), Kvwa'o' Ka[l] T6 Kou•clv [Twv] KfYTITa.ewv; whereas in Syll. 6SJA (c. 165) the Kowov is mentioned without the Cnossians; cf. Willetts, 240; Guarducci, JC, iv. p. 25). On Antiphatas' father, Telemnastus, see § 6 n. Tous 11'Ept 9£u+&.v"lv: unknown; but for the name, which is read by X and is preferable to 0€otf>aVTJv, see Ullrich, 78 (quoting Rhodian inscriptions) ; Syll. 619 11. 9-10. 2. Ti]S uuvo8ou ••• ~ Kop£v9Cf:!: on the Achaean synodoi see pp. 40614.

4. j3a.puT€poL<; i] 1Ca.1"a Kpi)1"a. KTA.: on the Cretan reputation see vi. 47· 5 n., viii. I6. 4; Wunderer, i. In. 6. T l)A€1-Lva.aTov: for his services alongside Philopoemen fighting

558

CRETAN AND RHODIAN APPEALS XXXIII.

172.

against Nabis in I92 see Livy, xxxv. 29. I. The KpTJTa.u:ts- (perhaps the koinon) erected a statue to him in the Asclepieum at Epidaurus, describing him as (J't)Vp.axlas- ••• l~oxov dyEp.ova, and indicating that his father's name, like his son's, was Antiphatas (IG. iv<~. I. 244 Hiller von Gaertringen, Hist. gr. Epig. Io9}. See Launey, ii. II 53; Stahelin, RE, 'Telemnastos', col. 358; Errington, 37· The Telemnastus mentioned in xxix. 4· 8 need not be this man. JlETci TrEVTO.Koa£wv Kp111'CI>v ••• O'UJlTrETroXEJl1JKEva~: cf. Livy, XXXV. :29. 1, 'Telemnastus Cretensis popularibus suis ... praeerat.' Tov TrPO'll Na~w TroXt:Jlov: in 192 Nabis attacked Gytheum and Philopoemen took action against him by land and sea; Flamininus negotiated a truce and suspended hostilities. See Livy, xxxv. 25. 1-30. IJ (based on P. book xix, now lost; see p. 1); Plut. Philop. 14-15; Paus. viii. so. 8; Aymard, PR, 306 ff.; DeSanctis, iv. I, 134-5; Errington, 95-106. 7. ot1roAAo£: cf. § 2; the sense is probably 'the assembly', rather than 'the majority' (Paton}. Ka}.}.~pa.T'l)'ll: cf. xxiv. 8. I~Io. IS nn., xxix. 23. x~zs. 6, xxx. 13. 3-n, 29. I-7, J2. 8-12. ouTt: 1Jo1]9eu:tv 11'EJl11'ELV: this need not necessarily involve war with the other side (Larsen, GFS, 486 n. 1}-which may be why the synodos was prepared to consider the proposal, despite the law mentioned in xxix. 24. 5 (see note there, p. 399). 17. 1. Toi'll O'UJl~a.C:vouaw: not necessarily their failure to obtain Achaean help, since whether ch. 16 or ch. I7 (from different selections) came first in the original text is uncertain. TOi'll ~v TO.L'll ••• &.ppwaT£a.~., 8ua1I'OTJloua~: for the medical simile cf. xxix. 8. 8, fg. 41. 2. nvt'll ••• 9uTO.l'll Ka.i JlCI.VTea' 1rpoa£xeLV KTA.: cf. Thuc. v. 103. z, of those who (the Athenians tell the Melians), £1T£Wd.v 1TU:~op.lvovs- a&rotis • \ I < .J. \ >\ !<:c > I I ..!.J.~ ~ (}' I \ £1TW\L7TWO'tV O.L 'f'O.VEpaL £1\'/TWES', E:'ITL TO.S' """r"VHS' KO. W"'TO.VTG.L fLO.VTtKTJV T£ Kat XP7Jap.OVS' Kal. oaa TOLaiha fLE:T' tA7TWWV i\vp.a[vETa.L; Wunderer, iii. III. 86-ra, and p.d.VT£4S' are purveyors of magic and divination ; for a brief

survey see Eitrem and Croon, OCD 2 , 'Magic', 637-s; Hopfner, RE, 'Mantike', cols. 1258-s8. For the superstitious reaction against rationalism from the fifth century onwards see E. R. Dodds, The Greeks and the Irrational (Berkeley-Los Angeles, 1951), I79"-2o6; and for the superstitious alternatives to medicine, and especially the practice of incubation in the Asclepiea, ibid. us f., 129 n. 74· The present passage expresses P.'s rationalist attitude (cf. x. 2. 8-13), but perhaps too his recognition that at a certain point rationalism gives way; cf. xxxvi. 17. 2 ff. for situations in which, ElK6Tws-, we follow general opinion and resort to prayer and sacrifice (though there it is to regular cults, not popular superstitions, that P. has 559

XXXIII. 17.

2

CRETAN AND RHODIAN APPEALS

recourse). For a case where someone sees the future Sa,l.wvlws TTws cf. xxvii. I6. 5 n. · 1T6.0"TJS emt~liils Kal 1TaVTos 1TEp~C.JLJLaTos: 'all kinds of spells and amulets'; lTTr.poa.l are incantations, charms or spells; cf. Plato, Charm. I 56 D-I57 A for the l7Tr.poal by which Zalmoxis' Thracian followers 'heal the soul'; cf. Dodds, op. cit. (previous note), I75 n. II9; 2:26 n. 20 for frequent references to the use of mr.poal in Plato. Amulets were widely used-against demons, evil dreams, and the evil eye, as well as against thieves and enemies; see Campbell Bonner, Harv. Theol. Rev. I946, 25-54; Dodds, op. cit. 253, 268 n. 103 (though much of the evidence is later than Plato's time). 4. evepye'Ltr9at TO O'UVEX~S: 'things must still go on'. 5.
18. 1-14. Hearing of the younger Attalus, the younger Demetrius, and Alexander Balas at Rome (I53/2) This excerpt from de legat. gent. belongs to res Italiae of 01. I 56, 4 = I53/2 (seep. 42). If the embassies were heard at the usual time (9. 8 n.), this will be early in the consular year A.U.c. 6o2 = I52.

18. 1. TOV Et'.IJLEVOUS ••• uiov 'ATTaAOV: the future Attalus III (I38I33); on his parentage see xxx. 2. 6 n. The words €n TTai:s wv (§ 2) imply that he was not more than I7 (cf. xxx. 2. 6 n.). 2. Tns vaTptKns cl.vavetilaaa8at +tXLas Kat €ev£a.s: a formal exchange of courtesies without juridical implications; cf. xxv. 3· In. (Perseus). 3. Twv 1TaTptKwv cj>£Xwv: Eumenes' hospites at Rome. 5 . .6-TJJLTJTpLos: he will be Demetrius I's son, the future king Demetrius II Nicator (I45-I39· I2!f-I25); see Willrich, RE, 'Demetrios (4I)', cols. 2798-28oi (and, for his youth, RE, 'Demetrios (4o)', cols. 2797-.~). It was probably in the previous year that Demetrius I tried to win Roman support against the growing forces ranged against him (cf. IS. I-2 n.), by sending to Rome Andriscus, a pretender to the Macedonian throne (cf. xxxvi. 9· I, Io. I :ff.) who had raised a disturbance in the Seleucid territory and had fallen into Demetrius' hands (Diod. xxxi. 4oa, xxxii. IS; Zon. ix. 28); but Andriscus was allowed to escape and Demetrius remained out of favour. ws va'Ls: his age is unknown; but Otto, 6. Ptolemiier, 125 n. 2, argues plausibly that he was probably born after his father's return to Syria from Rome in 162, and so not before 161, which would make him no more than eight or nine now. Six years later (147 /6) he was successful in regaining the kingdom from Balas (1 Mace. x. 67; Joseph. Ant. Iud. xiii. 86 :ff.; Iustin. xxxv. 2. 2; Trog. prot. 35; App. Syr. 67; Livy, ep. 52) ; against the view that he could hardly have done that at 14, 560

ATTALUS, DEMETRIUS, AND BALAS AT ROME

XXXIII. 19

Otto points out that he is said to have addressed his mercenary leader, Lasthenes, as ?Ta:r'?jp (I Mace. xi. 32). !J-«-rp£a.s 6:rroooxils: not only because he was a boy (for so was Attalus), but because his father was unpopular; cf. De Sanctis, iv. 3· I63, 'con corretta fredezza'. 6. 'Hpa.~<.Adol)s: he had been in Rome since summer IS3; cf. IS. 1 n., IS. 2 n. -ri)v Aa.oOtKl)V Ka.t -rov :to..Ae5a.vopov: cf. IS·

I

n.

7. -rils ••• cfn.A£a.s Ka.t aulllla.xla.s: Antioch us IV had sent Apollonius (cf. xxxi. I3. 3 n.) to Rome in I73 to ask 'ut, quae cum patre suo societas at que amicitia fuisset, ea secum renouaretur', and this had been granted (Livy, xlii. 6. 6-10). 8. -rous f3ou.Aollevous au!J-1rp6.-r-rew: cf. IS. I-2 n. for those behind Balas.

9.

ooa~v

••• EKy6vo~s

ICO.Tci

~UULV:

cf. IS.

I

n.

10. -rois ••• !J-nplo~s: in general this means the moderate men, of whom P. approved; here it probably included members of the Scipionic group, but others too who saw the point of not becoming involved in an eastern intrigue, when trouble was brewing in Spain and north Africa (cf. Will, ii. 316). P. himself clearly favours his friend Demetrius; cf. § 10, -roiJ SpafLa-ros, § II, -refhpa?TevfLivot -rais ••• yorrrflats.

13. f3olJ9eiv a.ll-rois ••• ioos«v: the 'help' was little more than permission to help themselves. 14. 1rpoae~
19. Drunkenness of Demetrius I This passage from Athenaeus (x. 440 B) may be from res Asiae of I54/3 or 01. IS6, 4 = IS3/2 (see p. 4:2); it relates either 01. IS6, 3 56 I

XXXIII. 19 DRUNKENNESS OF DEMETRIUS I

facts relevant to the background of the success of Demetrius' opponents. AttJLtfrPLOV ••• TOV ••• Tfjv OJlt]pda.v a~a.+uyovTa.: cf. xxxi. IJ. 'lrOAU'II'OTt)V , , , f1E6UO'KEria.L : cf. xxxi. 13. 8.

II.

I-IS·

20-21. Unplaced fragments These two excerpts from de sent. could be from either xxx.iii or xxxiv. Ch. 20 might be a continuation of the remarks about Rhodes (17. I-S) but ch. 21 seems more like the polemic found in book xxxiv; it could well be from criticism of Pytheas (cf. xxxiv. S· 7, S· 9). See pp. 42-43. 20. ot 1roAAot ••• U'ITEp~a.AAoVTwc.;: P. often criticizes the masses; cf. vi. 44 (criticism of the Athenian demos; cf. Livy, xxxi. 44· 3, based on P.), s6. n, x. 2s. 6, xi. :29. 9, xxi. 31. 9 ff. xxiii. 12. 9· His comments reflect his own social position and upbringing. 21. 1. To 1rep&4>Ep6JLEVov: Demonax, hearing two philosophers debating, one asking silly questions, and the other giving pointless answers, ou 8o~edvpJv, ifn1, ¢O..o,, d fl-EJI ETEpOSTOVTWV -rp&.yov ap.lAyHv, oat aU-r..oyla.v: in iv. 42. 7 this word signifies traders' yarns. T~lV E1TLJLETpouVTa. Myov Etacftlpwv: cf. vii. 7. 7 n. 2. ypcJ.+ElV EVU1TV~a. ••. I.,\ov) u1rap Ka~ p.!!:O' -ljp.£pav Sta.A£yw0at 'Tots Oooi:r; (a ridiculous notion to P.). If P.'s polemic is directed against Pytheas, he could be referring to the mixture of land, sea, and air, rrA•Vp.ovt Oa.Aarr~ lotK6s, which he saw in the far north (xxxiv. 5· 3).

w

o

I

'

BOOK XXXIV It has been clear since Schweighaeuser (viii. 1. IOS-7) that P. devoted book xxxiv to a study of geography. Such a book is foreshadowed in iii. 37· u (where P. promises to speak later about the barbarians who live beside the Atlantic shores of Spain), in iii. 57· 5 (where he reserves discussion of the areas outside the Pillars of Heracles, the Atlantic, Britain and its tin mines, and gold and silver mining in Spain for a later treatment), and in iii. 59· 6 (where he repeats this undertaking and mentions his own voyages in the outer Ocean). Strabo (viii. I. 1, C. 322 = I. I-2 below) confirms this by his remark that both Ephorus and P. included, within their general histories, a separate account of rl]v 'TWV tprdpwv 'T07Toyparplav. Four passages from later writers specifically attribute geographical information to book xxxiv (Athen. vii. 302 c = 8. 1-2; Athen. viii. 330 c ff. = 8. 4-10; Athen. viii. 332 A ff. = 10. I-4; Steph. Byz. s. v. Al8&.>..7] = 11. 4) and an excerpt from de uirt. et uit. (6. IS), which in the Peirescianus is closely attached to xxxiii. 6. 9 (see p. 43), can be shown by its context to form part of P.'s polemic against Eratosthenes (5. 10). Several reasons can be suggested for P.'s decision to include such a book in the Histories; but why he introduced it at this point is less certain. There was a long-established tradition for treating geographical material in history (cf. Walbank, Class. et med. I948, 155-82 ; Polybius, ns-I6; Pedech, Methode, SIS) and this for P., if not always for his predecessors, formed a serious element in the didactic purpose of his work (cf. iii. 57· 6----9). P. also chose to concentrate much of his geographical comment into one book for the same reason that he concentrated much of his criticism of previous historians into one book (xii), viz. to avoid constant interruptions of his narrative elsewhere and to enable him to adopt a more systematic treatment (iii. 57· 4-5). As regards the position of book xxxiv, which stands in the Histories between 01. 156, 4 = 153/2 and 01. 157, 1 = I52/I, A. Schulten, Hermes, 1911, 568--6o7, was of the opinion that it was intended to furnish a geographical introduction to the Celtiberian War; but that war, which was to be the occasion for P.'s joumey to Spain (see Vol. I, pp. 4-5) had already broken out in 154/3, and its beginnings had been described in book xxxiii (seepp. 43-44, for the argument that xxxv. 1. I--6 refers to I54/3 and should therefore stand after xxxiii. IS. 4). Ziegler, RE, 'Polybios (1)', cots. 1484-5, suggested therefore that P. may have regarded the Spanish war as really beginning with Scipio's arrival in Spain. 563

XXXIV

CHARACTER OF THE BOOK

Phrased thus, his theory is implausible; on the other hand P. may well have selected the year 152 to insert his geographical book because succeeding events now began to impinge on his own life, and because this was the time of Tapax~ ~<.al ~<.lvrruLs, which he was to describe 'as if starting on a new work' (iii. 4· 13). The years 152-146 contained not only his journey to Spain and Africa, but also the Third Punic War, in which he was personally involved (iii. 4· 12-13 n.; Walbank, Polybius, zg--.Jo, 173-4). Unfortunately books xxxiii and xxxv, where almost certainly he gave his reasons for including his geographical excursus at this point, are very fragmentary; we cannot therefore ascertain with certainty what they were (Ziegler, RE, 'Polybius (1)', coL 1485). But if the above hypothesis is correct, book xxxiv would seem to have been designed to separate the years 152I46, with their -rapa.x~ Kat ~<.lvTJULS (and personal involvement) from the main narrative of Rome's rise to world power, including the extension mentioned in iii. 4. 4-12, just as book vi separated the years down to Cannae and the Peace of Naupactus from the central period when the events of the oecumene became intertwined (cf. Walbank, Polybius, 29 n. 149; Yale Stud. 1975, 197-212; Actes !X8 Congres Bude, i. 202-10). P.'s interest in geography became greater as a result of his own journeys (see especially Pedech, Methode, 514-97; cf. Walbank, Polybius, n4-28). This growing interest led to the insertion of several later geographical passages in earlier books. Pedech, Methode, 572, suggests this list (of which some passages could in fact belong to the original draft):

i. 41. 7-42. 6: ii. 14. J-17. 12: iii. J6-J9: iii. 47. 2-4 ; iii. 57-59: iv. 3g--.42 : v. 21. J-22. 4: V. 44• J-II(?): V. 59· J-II: X. IO-II:

X.

27.

4-II

x. 48 (?):

(?):

the form of Sicily Italy and Cisalpine Gaul on method on the Rhone on method on the Euxine, oceanographical study methodology, description of Sparta Media Seleuceia-in-Pieria New Carthage (but cf. x. 9· 8-10. 13 n.) Ecbatana the Oxus

(but against Pedech's view that P.'s new interests in geography were at the expense of history see Walbank, Polybius, II7)· This growing interest culminates in book xxxiv. Unfortunately, apart from 6. 15 (p. s6J)-and possibly xxxiii. 21 (pp. 42-43)-no genuine fragment survives from this book. The passages printed as part of it since Schweighaeuser are really testimonia from later Wiiters, recording 564

CHARACTER OF THE BOOK

XXXIV

P.'s views (in places echoing his words) and often engaging in polemic against them. The point at which it has been decided to break off these passages has often been chosen illogically, and later editors have been content to follow Schweighaeuser's precedent; the following passages should be extended to give a proper representation of P.'s views or to complete the argument: 2. 4-4. 8

Strabo, i. z. 15-r8, C. 23-25; should continue to the end of Strabo, i. 2. 18, c. 26 ... p..7]S' w. 14 Strabo, ii. 4· 1-3, C. 104-5; should continue to link up with 7· r, i.e. Strabo, ii. 4· 3, C. ros-<'>, in order to include the whole of Strabo's relevant comments. 7· n-14 Strabo, ii. 4· 8, C. IoS; should continue to the end of the chapter into C. 109, to include a reference to P.'s division of Europe into six parts and his rr£pw&la of Africa. 9· 3 Strabo, iii. 2. IS, C. ISI ; one should perhaps add the words d"AA.' tKdvms ... ~waw, to complete the argument. n. 4 Steph. Byz. s. v. Al8&J..'l}; should perhaps be extended to include the words d¢' ~s ... dipaVTwv. rs. 7 =Nat. hist. v. lj--Io; should be continued to the paragraph end, •... in extremis Mauretaniae proditum'. In addition, several relevant passages have been omitted from the editions of P.; these are: Strabo, iii. z. 8, C. 146, on the mines of the Turdetani (cf. Pedech, LEC, 1956, q). Strabo, iv. 6. 2, C. 202 (quoted in xxxiii. 9· 8 n.), listing the Ligurian tribes (cf. Pedech, LEC, 1956, 19); but this passage need not necessarily derive from book xxxiv. Strabo, v. r. 8, C. 214, on the temple of Diomedes and the springs of the river Timavus, mentioning P. Further, much of Strabo iii appears to derive from book xxxiv of P. (see Schulten, Hermes, I9II, 596-8; Pedech, Methode, 579 n. 362; below, p. 599). Finally, fgs. r63 and I79. both from Suidas, may be from book xxxiv; and xxv. I (from Strabo, iii. 4. 13, C. 163) and xxxiii. 21. r-z may also be from this book. RECONSTRUCTION OF XXXIV

(a) Introduction. The present arrangement of fragments derives in substance from Schweighaeuser (though he printed the Latin passages separately in a spicilegium to book xxxiv in vol. v, 45-48), and the only reasoned discussion and attempt to reconstruct the book is that of Pedech, LEC, 19s6, 3-24, supplemented and in places 565

XXXIV

RECONSTRUCTION OF XXXIV

modified in Methode, SIS--97· Strabo records thr~e facts relevant to such a reconstruction. Strabo, viii. 1. I, C. 322 (see p. 563) mentions Ephorus and P. as historians who have described tiJv TWV ~7T£{pwv Towoypa.folav separately, within a general history; Strabo, ii. 4· I, C. I04, says that P., tiJv E?Jp
RECONSTRUCTION OF XXXIV

XXXIV

xwpoypatj>{a see S· I n.; there ( = Strabo, ii. 4· I, C. I04) it is a geographical account of a region from both cartographical and descriptive aspects. P.'s 'chorography' of Europe probably contained, first a general sketch of the peninsulas and seas, with distances between salient points, followed by a more detailed description of Spain and Gaul in that order-which was traditional in dealing with the continents, beginning at the Pillars of Heracles and working round the Mediterranean in a clockwise direction. This scheme is found in Hecataeus, Ephorus, Ps.-Scymnus, and Strabo (cf. Jacoby on FGH, 70 F 3o-s3 in FGH, ii c, pp. 4&-49) and is therefore the more likely to have been adopted by P. (cf. Pooech, LEC, I9S6, 7). The following passages belong to the introduction to this section : 5· I-7· I4 (from Strabo, except 6. IS, which is an excerpt from de uirt. et uit.: cf. p. s63), extended to include more of the argument (cf. p. s6s and notes ad locc.}; perhaps Io. 6-7 (see ad loc.); several extracts from Strabo (n. 2, II. 3, II. 8, II. er-n, I2. I-2, I2. 2a-8, I2. 9-Io, I2. 11, I2. 12) giving distances; four passages from Pliny, also giving distances {IS. I, IS· 2, IS· 4. IS· s); and perhaps Strabo, iv. 6. 2, C. 202 (cf. p. s6s). The passages referring to Spain are 8. I9· IS, perhaps Io. 6-7 {polemic against Pytheas; see ad loc.), 15. 3; Strabo, iii. 2. 8, C. I46 (on the mines of the Turdetani}; and perhaps xxv. I on the towns of the Celtiberians (see pp. 20-21). But the Polybian material in 8. 1-2 (on the 'sea-oak' and the tunny that eats its 'acorns') is more fully represented in Strabo, iii. 2. 7, C. I4S. 'IToAi.s 8£ Ka~ olMwo<; • •• Ka~ nov 8vvvwv £lvat (a passage which includes 8. 3); see notes ad locc. Furthermore, 9· 14-IS could be from the res Hispaniae of book xxxviii or xxxix (see ad loc.). P.'s discussion involved polemic against Dicaearchus, Eratosthenes, and Pytheas (cf. S· 1-2), and he referred incidentally to other writers such as Theopompus (12. I-2); but in particular it led him into the argument about Homeric geography and Odysseus' wanderings, which he believes really took place (in contrast to Eratosthenes' scepticism), and that within the Mediterranean, and not in the outer ocean, as argued by Crates of Mallus. Pedech (LEC, 19s6, I7-I8} argues forcefully for making that discussion (2. I-4· 8, extended, u. 12-2o) follow P.'s account of Spain. For the relevance of P.'s remarks on the migration of the tunny from the ocean into the Mediterranean, and the connection between them and the myth of Scylla see 2. I2 n., 8. I-3 nn. After his account of Spain and his discussion of Odysseus' wanderings P. will have described Gaul (Io. I-5, IO. 8-2I and Strabo v. 1. 8, C. 214, on the Timavus; Io. 6-7 comes earlier, since it formed part of the polemic against Pytheas, which was introduced in connection with Spain and the outer ocean). Editors from Schweighaeuser onwards have next printed two sections of fragments dealing with

567

XXXIV

RECONSTRUCTION OF XXXIV

Italy (n. r-zo) and Thrace, Macedonia, and Greece (n. 1-12). n. 4 (see note) presents a special problem; but if; as seems likely, II. I (on Capuan vines) and n. 5-7 (on the Opici and Ausones who lived in Campania) are from a narrative part of the Histories (see notes ad locc.), and u. rz-zo forms part of the discussion of Odysseus' wanderings, Pedech (LEC, 1956, 12) has a good case for assuming that book xxxiv contained no detailed description of Italy and Greece, since all the other excerpts dealing with those areas are concerned with distances and so are likely to be from the general description of Europe (p. 567). (c) Asia and Egypt. The only fragment relating to Asia is 13, which refers the reader to Eratosthenes for information about the regions between the Euphrates and India (Strabo, xiv. z. z9, C. 663). Strabo remarks that Artemidorus follows Eratosthenes, but says nothing of P.'s doing the same, which is against the view of Schmidt, 23-24, that he also gave the same figures. It seems likely, therefore, that P. did not deal with Asia in this book (cf. Pedech, LEC, 1956, zo-21); certainly neither Strabo nor Pliny quotes him on this part of the world. Pedech, Metlwde, 573 n. 323, is also to be followed in his attribution of 14. I-8, on Alexandria, to one of the narrative books. It could be from a passage concerned with the revolt of Petosarapis in the early r6o's (cf. xxxi. z. I4 n.); Schweighaeuser, ad loc., hazards a guess that it connects with xxxix. 7, but it is hardly relevant to an obituary notice on Ptolemy VI. (d) Africa. Only Latin fragments from Pliny survive from the 7T£ptoo£la of Africa (Strabo, ii. 4· I, C. ro4). As for Europe, a cartographical account of the shape and distances seems to have preceded the periegetic description, which was obviously based on P.'s 0'\\-'ll experiences and his famous voyage (rs. 7 n.). rs. 6, IS· 8, and the remaining extracts from chs. 15 and r6 refer to that description of Africa which 'formait sans doute le couronnement et le morceau de bravoure de ce livre xxxiv' (Pedech, LEC, 1956, 22). The one exception is r6. 3, a mention of the medicinal value of sponges (from Pliny, Nat. hist. xxxi. 131), which must be taken from another Polybius, since Pliny includes him among his Latin sources for that book (D. Detlefsen, Kurze Notizen iiber einige Quellenschrtftsteller des Plinius (Progr. Gltickstadt, r88r), 4, identifies this medical writer with Claudius' freedman, C. Iulius Polybius, but there is no certainty; seeR. Hanslik, RE, 'Polybios (5)', coL 158o). The assignment of fragments will be as follows: General introduction Discussion of the theory of terrestrial zones and the habitability of the equatorial region. 568

I. I-6. 7- I 8 (with r. I 8 standing preferably after L 15). 1.

RECONSTRUCTION OF XXXIV A.

Cho'fographia of Eu'fope. General configuration of Europe, with criticism of previous writers.

I.

J. Geography of Homer. 4· Description of Gaul. B.

r8

II. 8-!I, 12. I-12, IS. 1-2, IS.

Description of Spain.

I-I.

(extended), 7 (extended), perhaps 10, 6-7, II. 2-3,

2,

2.

XXXIV.

4-5; perhaps Strabo iv 6.

c.

202.

8. 1-9. 15 (but Strabo, iii. 2. 7• C. 145 is a fuller version of 8. I-J), perhaps IO. 6-7, 15. J, perhaps xxv. I; Strabo iii. 2. 8, c. q6. 2-4 (extended), II. 12-20. ro. 1-5, w. 8-21; Strabo V. I. 8, C. 214.

Asia passed ove'f.

c. Periodeia of Africa. I. 2.

General configuration. Description based on periegesis.

15. 6, IS. 8. 16. I-2, IS.~ 15-9·

These passages have probably no place in book xxxiv: n. r, II. 5-'7 (?). 14. r-8, 16. 3 (not by P.) If xxxiii. 21 belongs in xxxiv, its position cannot be determined. On I I . 4, omitted from the above table, see the note ad loc. 1. l-18. General introduction This seems to have been largely concerned with the division of the globe into zones and the problem of whether the equatorial area was habitable (and inhabited) ; see p. 566. §§ 14-15, 18 concern the zones,§§ 7-12, r6 the equatorial region; but the two issues were probably discussed together. Early speculation and observation resulted in a division of the heavens into five zones, which were later transferred to the earth's surface (cf. Strabo, ii. 5· 3, C. ru). The five terrestrial zones are attributed to Pythagoras (Diels, Dox. graec. 378), but Poseidonius makes Parmenides their originator (Strabo, ii. I. 2, C. 94 FGH, 87 F z8, p. 234). Strabo, ibid., adds that Parmenides extended the 'burnt zone' (-r~v 8~aK~Kavf£brJv) well beyond the tropics, so that it covered twice the breadth afterwards assigned to it. Later discoveries gradually reduced the areas at the poles and towards the equator held to be uninhabitable by reason of extreme cold or heat. In the early fourth century Eudoxus (cf. § 3) envisaged the earth clearly as a globe, but lacked the accurate data necessary to establish the position of the tropic or a fixed arctic circle (cf. Thomson, 569

XXXIV.

I. 1-18

GENERAL INTRODUCTION

n6-17); and Aristotle, though aware of the tropical zone as an area on the earth's surface, definable in terms of shadows, which there fell alternately to the north and to the south (Arist. Meteor. ii. 5 ff., 362 a 32 ff.), still used a 'variable arctic circle', viz. a circle dra~'Il in the heavens, with the celestial pole at its centre, and the vertical line from the pole to the horizon as its radius, so as to contain within it all the stars which (at any given latitude) never set. The observer at each latitude had his o~'Il 'arctic circle', and the further north one went, the larger the circle became. For Poseidonius' criticism of FGH, 87 F zB p. 234. Aristotle on this see Strabo, ii. 2. 2, C. 95 The Hellenistic age brought changes in the concept of the zones both in the north and in the south, and new methods of determining the arctic circle and the tropics. The breadth of the 'burnt zone' was reduced, because by now it was known that men lived south of the tropic (Strabo, ii. 2. 2, C. 95). The discovery that this passed through Syene placed it firmly on the surface of the globe, and made it impossible any longer to designate the whole area within the tropics as uninhabitable (cf. Berger, 373). Similarly, Pytheas' explorations (cf. 5· r-14) diminished the polar area believed uninhabitable. He located Thule at a point where 'the circle of the summer tropic is the same as the arctic circle' (Strabo, ii. 5· 8, C. u4), i.e. where the arctic circle for that latitude coincided with the sun's path on the day it was over the tropic. The latitude of such a point is of course the terrestrial arctic circle, the most southerly limit of the midnight sun, and the line of division between what Poseidonius later called '7TEplaKtot (those whose shadows go all round in summer) and ~-rEpdaKtot (those whose shadows always go one way-north in the northern hemisphere and south in the southern) ; and this furnished the temperate zone with a fixed boundary, corresponding to the tropic at its other extremity. (Within the tropics, according to Poseidonius, people were &.p.plaKwt, with shadows going north for one part of the year, and south for the other.) From now on the supposedly uninhabitable area of the tropics constantly diminished. According to Strabo ii. 3· 2, C. 97 (cf. § 16 n.) Eratosthenes accepted the view that the region along the equator was temperate and so inhabited. Certainly, like Dicaearchus before him (cf. 5· I n.), Eratosthenes discussed this question, and since the breadth of the oecumene had now been pushed over 8,ooo stades south of the tropic, his uninhabitable area had to be much reduced. Since, however, Er<~.tosthenes elsewhere assumes the existence of an uninhabitable zone, Berger (5o7-8) suggests that in§ I6 'Eratosthenes' is a mistake for 'Poseidonius' (accepted by Thomson, 163); this assumption is not compelling, for Eratosthenes may have changed his views (see § r6 n. for discussion). The habitability of the equatorial region was a problem much discussed at Alexandria, partly under 570

GENERAL INTRODUCTION

XXXIV.

I. 1

the stimulus of Ptolemaic exploration (§ S n.). Many held it to be uninhabitable owing to the intense heat (cf. Diod. iii. 3S. I; Agatharchides, GGM, i. I65, indicating that Agatharchides is here Diodorus' source); and this view continued to be held, e.g. by Strabo (ii. 3· I, C. 96 et al.), Cleomedes (de mot. eire. i. 6), and Macrobius (Somn. ii. S. 3). But the opposite (and, as it proved, correct) view was taken by the Academic Eudorus (Maas, Comm. Arat. 97) and by the Stoics Crates (who made Odysseus sail along a branch of the ocean towards the south pole) and, probably, Poseidonius (Strabo, ii. 2. 3, C. 95---96). whose teacher Panaetius (Maas,Comm. A rat. 97; fg. 135 van Straaten) supported it with an explanation involving the cooling effect of the Etesian winds. Whether P. derived his views on this matter from Eratosthenes (so Pooech, M ithode, 5SS n. 427) is uncertain. They bear some resemblance to those of Panaetius {see above), from whom Berger (507) argues that he derived them, though indeed they lack the Stoic element in Panaetius' theory (see § 16 n.). It is clear from § 8 that P. quoted evidence of two kinds, the observations of explorers and theoretical arguments; see above, p. 566, and for detailed discussion, §§ 9-13 nn., §§ 16-17 nn. Judging by the surviving 'fragments', two other features of P.'s exposition in the introduction merited and received comment. First, he still adhered to the now obsolete concept of a variable celestial arctic circle; for Strabo's criticism of this see § 15. As Berger, 5o6, remarks, P. probably rejected the fixed arctic circle through his distrust and dislike of Pytheas, upon whose discoveries it was based. Secondly, P. introduced a new element into the world-picture by dividing the globe into six rather than five zones. This theory involved bisecting the tropical area at the equator to form two zones, and emphasizes the correspondence between the northern and southern hemispheres (cf. Berger, 507); for P. does not regard the habitable area along the equator (§§ S, 16) as a seventh zone, but merely as a region contained within and probably overlapping both tropical zones (cf. §§ I4, 15, I6, and IS nn.). On the development of theorizing about the zones see K. Abel, RE, Suppl.-B. xiv, 'Zone', cols. 9S9-uSS, especially, for P., cols. 1o6z-5.

1-2. = Strabo, viii. 1. 1, C. 3zz. 1. 'TiJv T&,v .fprdpwv Towoypa~(av: rOTroyparfola means 'a sketch or plan' in Ptolemy (Geog. i. I. 5). but Strabo uses it to mean 'a description' (cf. Strabo, viii. r. 3. C. 334, in the plural, referring to Ephorus), and that will be the sense here. (Eustathius, GGM, ii. 212 l. IS, 213 1. 3, draws no distinction between xwpoyparfola and 'r01roypar/>la; for xwpoyparfola in P. see 5· 1 n.) a.~ fi7TEtpo' are Europe, 57 I

XXXIV.

I.

r

GENERAL INTRODUCTION

Asia, and Africa; thus book xxxiv contained a general description of the world. This has not survived, but the general approach can perhaps be deduced from iii. 36-39, where P. discusses first the world as a whole, yij (iii. 36. 1-7), then~ Ka.8' ~JJE> olKoviL'VTJ (iii. 37· Iff.). 2. Ka86:rrep "ETopoc; ••• t1TOlTJO"E: FG H, 70 T I2) Ephorus devoted books iv and v to such a geographical account of Europe and Asia; cf. Jacoby, FGH, 70 F 3o-53· 128-72, v.ith commentary; Barber, 173; Pedech, Methode, 515.

3-6. = Strabo, x. 3· 5· C. 465. 3. Ka.Awc; 14£v E68o€ov: hardly Eudoxus of Rhodes (FGH, 79; cf. Jacoby, RE, 'Eudoxos (7)', cols. 929-30), but the most celebrated bearer of the name, Eudoxus of Cnidus (c. 39o-c. 340), famous as a mathematician, astronomer, and geographer. P. here refers, most likely, to his yijs- 1T£plo~os-, in at least eight books; the fragments are too few to enable its scheme to be reconstructed (cf. Hultsch, RE, 'Eudoxos (8)', cols. 93o-so, especially 946-8; Thomson, us-18; Abel, RE, Suppl.-B. xiv, 'Zone', cols. ro16-zo). "ETopov: cf. iv. 20. 5 n.; FGH, 70 T 18. 1TEpt KT,CTIEWV • , , ttpXTJYETW\1: cf. ix. I. 4 : the man with antiquarian interests enjoys reading m:pl TGS aTTO,I([a.<; Ka.l KTlrm<; Kal O'VY)IEVELO.S' (a remark of Ephorus). Timaeus included similar material (cf. xii. 26 d z), but P. speaks less highly of him. Whether Eudoxus' account of Pythagoras' birth and other similar details about the philosophers (cf. Iambl. de Pyth. uita, 5-7) occurred in his description of the foundation and early history of Samos is uncertain. 4. TJ!J-EI:c; ••• Tn vuv ovTa.: on the value P. attached to contemporary history see ix. 2. 3-5. Geography had al<>o a utilitarian purpose, since so much had recently been discovered (iii. 59· 3-8, foreshadowing book xxxiv). Of.uewc; T6...,.wv Ka.l. 8La.O"TTJ!J-6.Twv: 'the situation of places and the distances between them'; cf. xiL 25 e r, ni K<mi yijv Kat Ka.TlL 8d.Aa.rrav l~uv/La.Ta. Ka.i 8w.urr11La.-ra., together with a survey of cities, places, rivers, and harbours, are the second desideratum for political history (cf. Pedech, Methode, 577 n. 349). oi~la; but P. uses x.wpoyparf>la. to cover both that and the description of regions (cf. 5· I n.; Pedech, LEC, I956, 6). P. does not say that x.wpoypo4>£a. is the study of places and distances (so Pedech, loc. cit.), merely that such a study is the most essential part of x_wpoyparf>la.. 6. Tas Xa.o8oy..,.a.nKO.s aTroT6.aELS: cf. 12. 2, TTapaKmJu/LaTa. • •• Aaoooy/La.T,Kd (MS. Aao~oy/La.TtKWS), 5· !4, AaOOIY)I/LO.Tti(GS (so Tyrwhitt for oAas ooy/La.T,I(d,) .•• aTTo
GENERAL INTRODUCTION

XXXIV. 1. 8

'popular (and, by implication, false) assertions', evidently caught Strabo's eye. ~v Tois 'EAAT)VLKois: 'in a Greek context' ; cf. § 3· Strabo goes on to say that P. must 'render accounts (StSois cvlMvas) to Poseidonius, Artemidorus, and others', who have, it seems, corrected him. 7-13. = Geminus, Elem. astronomiae, 16. 32-38. 7. J3LJ3Mov, o ~mypa.cf!TJv EXEL KTA.: this work, entitled 'On the inhabited part of the globe beneath the (celestial) equator', is not mentioned elsewhere. Schweighaeuser's suggestion (v. 25 note f) that it was merely a section of book xxxiv has been widely accepted (d. M. C. P. Schmidt, ]ahrb. 125, 188z, n4-22; Berger, 509, who suggests that the title rests on a misunderstanding by Geminus of his source Poseidonius; Pedech, li'Uthode, 589--90). H. B. Magdeburg, De Polybii re geographica (Diss. Halle, 1873) 8, concludes, from the fact that Geminus quoted one reason for the supposed moderate temperature at the equator and Strabo another, that Strabo drew on the Histories and Geminus on the {3tflAlov. That assumption is superfluous, for§ 8 indicates that Geminus had summarized only the theoretical half of P.'s arguments (cf. Pedech, Methode, 590 n. 436). But Geminus' statement is not easily rejected as an error (cf. Abel, RE, Suppl.-B. xiv, 'Zone', cols. m62-3), and perhaps the likeliest explanation is that P. treated the subject both in xxxiv and in the separate monograph mentioned by Geminus (cf. Ziegler, RE, 'Polybios (1)', cols. 1473-4); but the latter is unlikely to have been a juvenile work (Pedech, Methode, 590 n. 437). iv .Uan TTI SLa.KEKa.ulltvn ~wvn: evidently a region overlapping the two tropical zones, which P. postulated (§§ 14-15, 18), but which Geminus here runs into one (cf. § 8). Geminus, 16. 7--9, gives a series of dimensions for the zones based on a terrestrial circumference of 25z,ooo stades (Eratosthenes' figure), but with a more southerly arctic circle than Eratosthenes' ; but since this arctic circle is said to be Jv Tfj yfj, it is unlikely that these figures came from P. 8. EUKpa.TOT~pa.v ••• TTJV orKT)O'LV: 'a more temperate region of habitation' ; oiKT}ats has the same meaning as it has in the title of P.'s monograph (§ 7). Paton, 'a more temperate climate' (cf. Manitius' translation of Geminus, 'ein gemassigteres Klima') is not quite right. vEpl Tnv~pa.Ta. TTj
XXXIV.

1.

8

GENERAL INTRODUCTION

first three Ptolemies was connected with the search for elephants and under Philadelphus and Euergetes I the Somali coast was reached (cf. Cary and Warmington, 67--69). Knowledge of Ethiopia and Lake Psebo (anc. Tsana) was gained by pushing inland from the coast. Under Ptolemy II a certain Dalion recorded a journey beyond Meroe, and Anacreon and others followed him (cf. Pliny, Nat. hist. vi. 183, 191, 194). After living for five years in Meroe a Greek Simonides wrote a book on Ethiopia (Pliny, Nat. hist. vi. 183), and by c. 200 men in Egypt were familiar with the area between Syene and Meroe, and between the Nile and the Atbara, and had some knowledge of the White and Blue Niles. This extension of the horizon led Eratosthenes to take the oecumene a further 3,ooo stades south of Meroe (Berger, 416-q). The mountainous areas of the equatorial region also became known(§ 16 n.), and if he knew of high mountains, the &ewv OX!Jpa, on the west coast of Africa, at the latitude of Ethiopia, and so perhaps to be regarded as part of a single chain (Pliny, Nat. hist. v. 10: this may be recording P.'s voyage; cf. 15. 7 n.; Hanno, Periplous, I6 (GGM, i. 13); cf. Ptol. Geog. iv. 6. 5--6; Pedech, Methode, 589 n. 431). P. may have been confirmed in his belief that the equator was high. See further Cary and Warmington, 171-3; Thomson, 136-8; Pooech, Methode, 589. 9. 11'epi .•• Tous Tpo11'LKous KuKXous: the circles described in the heavens, for an observer directly beneath, by the sun's apparent movement at the time of the summer solstice (in either hemisphere; cf. Arist. Meteor. i. 6. 343 a 14); they correspond to the terrestrial tropics of Cancer and Capricorn. oxeSov ~cf tlJ.lEpas TETTapcl.KovTa.: the forty days around the solstice, when the sun is visibly in the neighbourhood of the tropic. A certain Philo, who visited Ethiopia, claimed that there the sun remained in the zenith for 45 days before the summer solstice, according to Strabo (ii. 1. 20, C. 77 = FGH, 67o), who reports that Eratosthenes said much the same. 11. a11'o S.E Tou Lur)aupLvou KuKXou: 'from the equinoctial circle' i.e. the (celestial) equator. There the daily change in the sun's position in the sky is quicker than at the tropics, since it is all in one direction, northward in spring and southward in autumn. lleyciXa.s ••• 11'a.pa.u~1}aELS: true only in spring. Paton adds 'increases or decreases'; but Manitius prints o8ev . .. Hapavf,/an!'; (and fit' ~v a.lTlav . .. omplvet in § 10) in square brackets as insertions. 14. = Strabo, ii. 3· 1, C. 96; 15 = Strabo, ii. 3· 2, C 97· 14-15. Division of the earth into six zones. For earlier theorizing about zones see §§ 1-18 n. In the passage from which§ 14 is taken, Strabo defends the division into five zones as being in harmony 'with both physics and geography' but in ii. 3· 2, C. 97 he admits that if one 574

GENERAL INTRODUCTION

XXXIV.

1. 16

wishes to divide the globe into a northern and southern hemisphere, P.'s six zones are very suitable (though superfluous if one is thinking of an eastern and western hemisphere). In the same section Strabo criticizes P. briefly for using arctic (and antarctic) circles to define his polar and temperate zones: P. has thereby employed the variable celestial circle, yet already Etpvra' • •• oT' Toi> iL£Tmrl1TTot.XT' CT1/!Ldo'> ovx &ptaTlov Td. afuTa1TTw-ra (Strabo, iL 3· 2, C. 97). This criticism of the practice of using variables to define the position of non-variables repeats Poseidonius' criticism of Parmenides on the same issue (Strabo, ii. 2, 2, C. 95) and Strabo (ii. 4· 7, C. ro8) brings it up against P. again in another context a few pages further on, where his fault was in using compass bearings to define land masses (cf. iii. 37. 2-8 n.). For the fixed arctic circle, known from the time of Pytheas, and firmly asserted by Poseidonius, see §§ 1-18 n., p. 570; and see p. 571 for Berger's suggestion that P. rejected it, through his dislike of Pytheas. Jacoby (FGH, ii c, p. 174 1. r8) suggests that Strabo's criticism of P. on the arctic circle may derive from Poseidonius. 14. 1'0.~ 1'oi~ &.pK1'tKoi~ inrom'I!"TouCTa'>: 'lying under the arctic circles'; the plural is used, not because there \\--as a different circle at each latitude, but because the antarctic circle is included. The polar regions lie under the arctic circle inasmuch as this includes the whole area of the heavens which it circumscribes. 15. 1'b noLEiv ••• StopLtot-LEVa'O: cf. §§ 14-15 n. 16. = Strabo, ii. 3· 2, C. 97: on the temperate nature of the area under the equator. This extract from Strabo forms part of the discussion about the number of zones into which the earth should notionally be divided. P.'s six suited a division into northern and southern hemispheres, otherwise five were enough (§§ 14-15 n.). Strabo then considers what is best on the hypothesis that a temperate area exists along the equator, and concludes that it is preferable to assume a third temperate zone (making seven zones in all) rather than follow Poseidonius and introduce two scorched zones at the tropics. For Poseidonius' scheme see Strabo, ii. 3· r, C. 9(1 (at end) and ii. 2. 3, C. 95-96, where he describes the two parched zones inhabited by men with woolly hair, protruding lips and fiat noses (the result of the heat). Both schemes assume a temperate equator and both involve seven zones; in fact Poseidonius (Strabo, ii. 2. J, C. 95) speaks of five zones 1rpo> -ra ovpavta and has two additional parched zones 1rpo> .,..a .WBpw1r1da (contra Honigmann, RE, 'Strabon', cols. IIS-17• who thinks that Poseidonius believed in a mild equatorial region, but that Strabo misunderstood him). In preferring P.'s narrow temperate zone Strabo, however, is merely expressing a relative preference; he himself believed in five zones, with an uninhabitable equatorial region (Strabo, ii. 3· I, C. 96 at end). 575

XXXIV.

1.

r6

GENERAL INTRODUCTION

In this argument Strabo had no need to mention Eratosthenes, whereas the fact that both P. and Poseidonius accepted a mild equatorial region was essential to the discussion; and in ii. 3· 3, C. 97-98 Strabo goes on to comment on Poseidonius' criticism of the reason for this mildness alleged by P. (§ 17). Hence Berger (393-4 and 507-S) argues that 'Eratosthenes' is a slip by Strabo for 'Poseidonius'. Against the assumption that Eratosthenes believed in a habitable equatorial region he adduces these arguments: (a) In Strabo, i. 4· 5, C. 64, Eratosthenes' arguments on the length of the temperate zone and the relevance of that to the length of the oecumene directly echo Aristotle, Meteor. ii. 5· 362 b 14 f. (cf. Berger, 394 n. 3), and Aristotle still believed in the uninhabitability of the equatorial region. (b) Strabo, xvii. 3· r, C. 825 discusses the boundaries of the burnt zone in a passage which can be shown to derive from Eratosthenes. (c) In his Hermes (Erat. carm. reliqu. ed. Hiller, fg. 19 = Maas, Comm. Arat. 63-64) Eratosthenes assumes an equatorial region uninhabitable from heat. These arguments are not conclusive. The passage from Hermes may be an incomplete statement, an early view, or even a poetic fantasy {d. Mtillenhoff, i. 244-5; Abel, RE, Suppl.-B. xiv, 'Zone', cols. I04o-51, esp. 1049-5o); and Berger's hypothesis must be rejected. Ka.9a1T£p KO.L noM~~o~ OfJ-OSo~£~: 'an opinion with which P. agrees'; Paton, 'agreeing in this with P.', would imply, absurdly, that Eratosthenes followed P.'s views. u1JtTJAOTUTfJ KTA.: that the equatorial region was mountainous is a deduction from explorers' reports (§ 8 n.), and the role of the Etesian winds, seen by P. as bringing rain, also occurs in Panaetius and the Academic Eudorus (see Panaetius fg. 135 van Straaten; Abel, RE, Suppl.-B. xiv, 'Zone', col. 1o66). Eudorus lived in the late first century; but whether P. was influenced by Panaetius (so Berger, 5o8; von Scala, 248 ff.) or vice versa, is uncertain. Pedech, Methode, 588 n. 425, points out that Panaetius' theory uses the Stoic concept of ava1Tvo1] rijs- 8aAaUU7JS', based on the idea of 1TV€iJp.a (Maas, Comm. A rat. 97) and this is not in P. According to Strabo (ii. 3· 3, C. 97-98), Poseidonius criticized this explanation of a habitable equatorial region first on the ground that a sphere could not have a 'highest' part (thus misunderstanding, deliberately or not, the word ilifiYJAoni.rrJ, which in P. clearly means 'very high', not 'highest'; cf. Pedech, Methode, 589 n. 429), and secondly because the area under the equator is a plain at sea-level; but elsewhere Poseidonius accepts P.'s assertion that there are mountains beneath the equator, which bring down rain from clouds blown in from the temperate zones. Strabo then attacks both P. and Poseidonius for inconsistency: ot 576

GENERAL INTRODUCTION

XXXIV. 2. 1-4. 8

yd.p a&rol a-Vppovv rf>aatv Etvat TOll wKwv6v. There cannot, he says, be both mountains and ocean under the equator. This passage is confused and contradictory, and for a fuller idea of Poseidonius' argument it must be supplemented from Cleomedes, de mot. eire. i. 6. (= FGH, 87 F 78). It does not prove that P. in fact believed that ocean covered the equatorial region; against this see iii. 38. In., where P. leaves open the question of how far the African (he calls it the AfricanAsian) land-mass continued beyond Ethiopia. See also Berger, 5Io--II. Tp[TTJv £UKpa.Tov ••• o-TEVTJV nva.: this third, equatorial, temperate zone, making seven zones in all, is Strabo's formulation, not P.'s; P. with his six zones (§ 14} ignored this area (see above, p. 575). The two zones {nr6 Tots- TpomKoi:s- are Poseidonius' theory (p. 57 5}.

17. = Strabo, ii. 3· 3, C. 97 at end. Poseidonius' criticism of P. For Poseidonius' argument, no doubt taken from his work Ihpt WKEavoiJ Kal 'TWV KaT' a&r6v (FGH, 87 T I), 743 see § 16 n. 18. =Achilles, !sag. excerpta, 31 (Maas, Comm. Arat. 67 11. 29-31). This passage (FGH, 87 F 77) confirms that P. accepted six zones, but incorrectly attributes six to Poseidonius too (cf. § 16 n.); Jacoby (FGH, ii c, p. 174 11. 21-22} suggests that, if the polemic against P. recorded in Strabo ii. 3· 1-2, C. 96-97 (above §§ 14-15} was from Poseidonius, it may have led Achilles to confuse the views of Poseidonius and P. Tois- /LET' at'rr6v is 'those after Pannenides', not 'those after Aratus' (Paton). 2. 1-4. 8. The geography of Homer See above, p. 567, for Pedech's convincing argument that this section followed P.'s account of Spain, which formed part of the descriptive survey of western Europe. It should extend to the end of Strabo, i. 2, 18, p.r// wr/>EAE{as- ia'ToptKTf> (seep. 565) and should stand after Ch. 9· How to treat the places and events in Homer was a central question in Hellenistic scholarship, dealt with by Callisthenes (Strabo, xii. 3· 5, C. 542), Zeno (Dio Chrys. 53· 4; Arnim, SVF, i. 63 fg. 275), Demetrius of Scepsis (Strabo, xiii. 1. 45, C. 6o3), Eratosthenes (2. n), Hipparchus (Strabo, i. 1. 2, C. 2, 2. 20, C. 27), and Apollodorus (l:'"GH, 244 F 157, qo, 171). In P.'s time the main exponents were Aristarchus and Crates of Mallus (Strabo, i. 2. 24, C. 30). There were two main problems: were the persons, journeys, and countries described in the Homeric poems simple fiction, and, if the places were real, could they be located on the contemporary map? The Stoics especially upheld Homer's accuracy. As prototype of the Stoic uorf>6s- (Strabo, i. 2. 3, C. IS), he must excel in all spheres, as astronomer and geographer, not only as poet (d. K. J. Neumann, Hermes, 1886, 134-41; u

577

XXXIV. z. 1-4.8

THE GEOGRAPHY OF HOMER

Walbank, Class. et med. 1948, qo-r). Eratosthenes rejected this, denying to Homer the special excellences attributed to him but, in his view, forming no part of the poet's equipment (Strabo, i. 2. 3, C. rs-r6). On this issue P. adopts the 'fundamentalist' view of Homer; for his attitude to Homer's poems see the analysis in ch. 4. criticizing Eratosthenes. Among those accepting the truth of Homer's narrative there was, however, a dispute between those who set the voyages of Odysseus (and even Menelaus) outside the Pillars of Heracles, and those who rejected this l~wi<WVtO'fLO£ (cf. 4· 5 n.); against the former, the chief of whom was Crates, P. locates Odysseus' wanderings in the neighbourhood of Sicily and Italy (4. 5-8, continued in Strabo, i. 2. r8, C. z6). On the method of hunting sword-fish around the Straits of Messina as a clue to the location of Scylla see 2. 12-3. II, 8. 1-3; and for the connection of the Lipari Islands with Aeolus see II. 12-20 (which belongs to the section on Homeric geography; see p. 567 ).

= Strabo, i. 2. 9, C. zo. Homer's narrative basically true. Strabo argues (with P., § 3) that Homer's stories belonged to the province of education (1rp6,; Td 11mS~~:vrt1<6v) and so had a basis of truth, but that he superimposed a false element to win over and control the masses, s'l}fLU'}'WYWV Ka~ rrrpa:rr;ywv ..a 1TA~lhj. P. regarded such use of falsehood as legitimate; cf. xvi. r2. 9-II n., and (for a passage reminiscent of Strabo, i. z. 8, C. 19-20, which is part of the present COntext) vi. 56. 6-12 n. 1. K«tvijv npaToAoy(av olJx 'Of..l.'lP~Ko\1: cf. 4· 4, TO 8~ miVTa 'ITMTT~~:w otl '1Tt8a.vov otl8' 'OfLTJpt«ov; in both passages Strabo quotes from P. 2. '1Tpoa1T'L1T'To yO.p ... Twv AX'18tvc.w: Valet on, 2, believes this to be P.'s formulation (contra Berger, 504 n. 4); this may be so. The way in which Homer 'mixed a little truth with falsehood' was to elaborate his stories on a basis of truth (§ 9 n.).

2. 1-3.

2. 4-4. 8. = Strabo, i. 2. 15-17, C. 23-25. Odysseus' wanderings. In this discussion of P.'s treatment of this subject Strabo often records what must have been P.'s arguments in oratio obliqua; and he defends the basic truth of the Homeric narrative against Eratosthenes' scepticism (z. n, 4· 4) by analogies from the conferment of honours on wise men (z. 4-"9). by drawing on the experience of his own journeys (z. 12-3. 12, II. 12-20), and by argnment from probability (4. 5-8). In the course of his argument P. formulates a definition of 'ITO'TJT'K~ lgovala (4. 1-4). 2. 5. AtoXov TOV1T'POO'f1f..I.O.ivoVTa TOUr,; EK11'Aous: cf. Homer, Od. x. 1-27, for Aeolus and his sending off Odysseus with the winds tied up in a bag. To P. he is a man who gave Odysseus sailing instructions, using weather-signs drawn from the behaviour of the volcanoes in 578

THE GEOGRAPHY OF HOMER

XXXIV.

2.

6-8

the Lipari Islands, as P. had observed the inhabitants of those parts doing in his own time (u. r9-2o). 'l'o'is KCl'I'U Tov 'lfop9.Wv To'lfo~s: the Straits of Messina, where the current changes direction (dJUfotOpOfLO£S' • •• Kal oualK'ITAOtS' s,a. TaS' 'ITClAtppolas) every six hours (Philipp, RE, 'Messene (2)', col. IJzo; Nissen, It. Land. i. 105; cf. 3· 10 n.). On the relevance of this to the story of Charybdis see 3· 11 n. 1'Cl~a,v ••• 1'wv &.v£~wv KCll j3a,aLA~a,: cf. II. 20; Homer, Od. x. zr, Ke!iiiJOV yap TCkfLLTfV avlfLWV 'ITOlTfU€ Kpovtwv.

6-8. ~ea,Mm::p Aa.va.ov ••• TLJJ-Q.a&a,~: Ka8a'ITEP (§ 6) links Danaus, Atreus, and the rest to Aeolus, since they serve to illustrate Homer's treatment of 'the guardian of the winds'. The three wings of the Ka8&.1T€p clause are introduced by ILlY ••. , oi • •• , 8' ••• (§§ 6-7); and a further remark about the gods is added, introduced by oih-w o(, 'similarly'. Pedech (Rev. kist. rel. 1965, 53) is mistaken in contrasting Ka8a'IT€p ••• 1-L'-v with oih-w ol.; fLEV belongs to ..davaov and is taken up by )lrpla oi. The sense is: 'Aeolus was regarded as keeper of the winds and a king (because of his skill in giving sailing instructions in the vicinity of the Sicilian Straits), just as Danaus and Atreus who made useful discoveries were proclaimed seers and kings with the power of divination, and the Egyptian priests, Chaldaeans, and Magi, who were distinguished for some special branch of wisdom (aola), enjoyed leadership and honour in ancient times; likewise each of the gods is honoured as the author of some usefulinvention.' There are two loose ends: the priests etc. are not regarded as kings, and P. does not say (or Strabo does not report him as saying) that the gods were deified because of their inventions. Nevertheless, Pedech (loc. cit.) seems right in seeing here a combination of the teachings of Euhemerus, who regarded the gods as deified kings (cf. 5· 9 n.), and of the Stoic Persaeus of Citium, who regarded deification as the reward of cultural innovators and inventors. Pedech traces three successive stages on the road to deification: (a) the possession of outstanding knowledge as shown by discoveries, (b) the granting of power (fJaat).f.la or ~Y€fLOvla) and the honours that go with this (respect, posthumous honours), (c) passage to the rank of god. Rut this is perhaps to give P.'s argument more coherence than it actually possesses; for P. is concerned primarily with explaining who Aeolus really was, not with propounding a theory about the origin of kings and gods. Nor is it certain that, as Pedech claims, 'le caractere surnature! est refuse aux dieux du pantheon populaire' ; the 'gods' of§ 8 are unnamed, but they are a defined group (note eva lKaCTTov), and there seems no reason why Athena, the inventor of the olive, Poseidon, bringer of the horse, and others should be excluded. Meinecke proposed reading Ka£ before Ka8ri'IT€p (§ 6), so as to refer the examples of Danaus, Atreus, and the priests, forward to §8 ('and 579

XXXIV.

2.

6-8

THE GEOGRAPHY OF HOMER

just as Danaus ... , so all the gods . .') and he is followed by H. L. Jones in the Loeb edition of Strabo; the ementlation is attractive, but not necessary. 6. Aavaov •.. Tel u8pei:a Tel EV ~PYEL wapa8d~avTa: Danaus was To's son and brother of Aegyptus. He was traditionally associated with various cultural advances; he invented the pentekonter or even the first ship (Apollodorus in schol. Hom. Il. i. 42 ; cf. Marmor Parium, FGH, 239 A 9; Pliny, Nat. kist. vii. 2o6), and brought letters to Greece before Cadmus (cf. Hecataeus, FGH, 1 F 20 with commentary). For the discovery of cisterns cf. Eustath. ad Hom. It. p. 461. 12 (1TapaSE[faVTa is 'revealed, discovered', not (as Paton) 'showed them how to make') ; the reference is to a story (Apollod. Bibl. ii. 1. 4; Serv. ad A en. iv. 377) of how Poseidon, to avenge himself on Inachus for supporting Hera, cut off the water of the river, and Danaus sent his daughter to find water, or himself dug wells (cf. Pedech, Rev. kist. rel. 1965, 45-46). :6.Tp~a ..• Tou ij).£ou Tov ••. 8p6J.Lov: the story of the reversal of the sun's course by Atreus figures in two contexts; in the first version it was a sign to establish his priority in the struggle for the throne with his brother, Thyestes, given him by Zeus (Apollod. Epit. ii. 10; Schol. ad It. ii. 105; Eur. El. 699-746}, in the second the sun recoiled so as not to behold the monstrous dish of his own children served up to Thyestes (Ovid, Am. iii. 12. 39; Heroid. xvi. 206; Stat. Theb. iv. 307; Lucan, i. 543-4, vii. 451; A nth. Pal. ix. 98; Hygin. Fab. 88). The rationalization of the story made Atreus the discoverer of the fact that the sun's annual movement was in opposition to that of the twelve zodiacal signs (Schol. Eur. Or. 998; Lucian, de astr. 12). See Escher, RE, 'Atreus', cols. 2141-3; Pedech, Rev. kist. rel. 1965,46-47. J.LaVTELS TE Kal ••. ~aaLA~as :'were proclaimed seers and kings practising divination from sacrifice'. The earliest kings were priests as well as judges and army-leaders. Paton mistranslates, 'and seers and those who practised divination from sacrifices, were styled kings'; but paVTEt> . •. {,;pomco1Tovp£vov> must refer to Danaus and Atreus, and the participle clearly goes with flacn'Ma>. 7. Tous ••• tEp~as Twv AtyuwT£wv: P. may be thinking of the astrological work that has come down from c. 150 under the names of Nechepso and Petosiris; but this is not certain. The work is a forgery in the sense that it was published under the names of two (allegedly) eminent priests, one of whom, Nechepso, is described as flautAEV> in several passages; it formed the basis of the whole popular astrological system. For details, and particulars of the fourth-century tomb of a priest Petosiris, with a third-century Greek graffito, found in 1920 near Hermopolis, see Kroll, RE, 'Nechepso', cols. 216o-7; 'Petosiris', col. n65; Pedech, Rev. kist. rel. 1965, 48-5o; E. Riess, Phil. SuppL-E. 6, 1891-3, 327-88. 580

THE GEOGRAPHY OF HOMER

XXXIV.

2.

n

XaASalous Kat Mciyous: the Chaldaeans were a Babylonian priestly caste, members of which spread all over the Hellenistic world as practitioners of astrology and the reading of horoscopes; they were attacked by Panaetius and Diogenes of Seleuceia-on-the-Tigris (Cic. de div. ii. 88-89) but Aristotle, Theophrastus, and Strato made them the discoverers of astronomy (Gell. iii. 2. 5; Pliny, Nat. hist. vii. 193; Lucian, de astral. 9; Alex. Aphrod. in Arist. Metaph. 1093 a 13, p. 833), and Hipparchus accepted this (Vettius Valens, Antholog. libri ix. I I ed. Kroll). The Chaldaeans were expelled from Rome in 139 (Livy, Ox. per. 54; Val. Max. i. 3· 3). The Magi were priests of the Mazdean religion, often confused with the Chaldaeans in classical authors, and associated with the practice of sorcery. Through the writings of the Egyptian Bolus of Mende, and other works passing under the names of Zoroaster, Hystaspes, Ostanes and others, their teachings added to the vast body of writings concerned with alchemy and astronomy. See J. Bidet and F. Cumont, Les Mages hellenises (Paris, 1938), 2 vols.; Pedech, Rev. hist. rel. 1965, 52-53; C. Clemen, RE, 'Magoi', cols. 509-18. 8. Twv 9Ewv •.• nf1c'i.a9aL: this formulation does not exclude the regular pantheon (d. 6-8 n.), but it also seems to envisage deification as the reward of merit; cf. x. 10. 11, of Aletes at New Carthage,

DOKEi ••• evpe~> yevo~J-EVO) 'TWV &.pyvpelwv IJ-ETaAAwv luofUwv 'TE'Tevxlva.~ 'TtiJ-WII. 9. flLKpd. ••• 1rpoaf1Ef1u9Eua9aL: the myth is additional, the historical

element basic; cf. § 2 n. ; Pedech, Methode, 584 n. 393· 10 . .,.;;, S' o>..ov ••• l:LKEAtav: 'the wanderings in general have been located in Sicily both by Homer and by the other writers, who deal with the local history of Italy and Sicily.' The clause IJ-~Kpd ~-tiv 11'pOCTIJ-EIJ-VOevuOa.~ refers back to OVK eft. 'TOll AZoAov ev ~-ttlOov CTX~IJ-O.'T~ aKotleuOa.~. and the second clause, beginning 'To 8' oAov, refers back to OA7JV ~~~ 'Obvuulw> 11'AaV7Jv. Paton's translation, 'the main statements about Sicily correspond to those of the other writers, etc.' misses the point. The identity of the writers on Italy and Sicily is unknown ; but the implications of the assertion that 'Homer places the wanderings of Odysseus in the region of Sicily and Italy' are examined from a standpoint close to that of P. by Strabo, i. 2. II, C. 21-22, a passage falling between§§ 1-3 and§§ 4 ff.; see also Strabo, i. 2. 14, C. 23. 11. TftV ••• Tou 'EpaToa9~vous &voq,aaw: for the bag of the winds cf. Homer, Od. x. 19-20. Eratosthenes of Cyrene (c. 275-194) was the most outstanding all-round scholar of the third century. From Athens he went to Alexandria, becoming Head of the Library. His work covered literary criticism, mathematics, astronomy, geography, philosophy, and poetry. See FGH, 241; A. Thalamas, Geographie d'Eratosthene (Versailles, 1921); Berger, 406 ff., 441 ff.; 581

XXXIV. z.

II

THE GEOGRAPHY OF HOMER

Eratosthenes; Thomson, 124,134 ff., 158 ff.; Knaack, RE, 'Eratosthenes (4)', cols. 358-88; D. R. Dicks, The Geographicil. F1agments of Hipparchus (London, 196o), passim; Fraser, Alex. passim, Eratosthenes took the view that it was the function of poetry to entertain, not to instruct, hence that poetry was not to be judged by the canons of historical truth (Strabo, i. 2. 17, C. 25; cf. i. 2. 3, C. I$-I6). 12. oLK££ws ••• Tois aufli'a.(voucn nEpt TO IKuAAcuov KTA.: P. uses his own observation of fishing for sword-fish and his deductions about the movements of tunny (on which it feeds) to propose an explanation of the myth of Scylla. The tunny, he says, fatten off the Atlantic coast of Spain from the fruit of oak-trees actually growing in the sea (8. 1); and presumably the current that carries some of the berries to Latium (8. 3) brings the tunny into the Mediterranean and down the Italian coast towards the Straits (§ 14), where various larger creatures devour them; among these are sword-fish, which in turn are caught by means of a harpoon 7TEp~ -r6 L'KvMawv (3. I f.). It is this method of fishing that Homer has in mind, when he describes Scylla pouncing on dolphins, dog-fish, and larger prey (§ IJ, 3· 9). The whole passage well illustrates the rationalizing interpretation of Homer, and how P. understood the 'factual basis' upon which he superimposed myth. Scylla and Charybdis were variously located (cf. Joh. Schmidt, RE, 'Skylla (x)', cols. 65o-3 for a survey), but Hesiod and Stesichorus associated them with Sicily, and Thucydides (iv. 24. 5) placed them at the Straits of Messina; today the town of Scilla marks the site of the traditional Scyllaean rock where the monster dwelt (opposite Punta del Faro). T.ftv 9ftpa.v Twv ya.AEwTwv: cf. 3· 1-8 for the method of fishing for sword-fish; Wunderer, ii. 18, unnecessarily assumes a double meaning, 'fishing for sword-fish' and 'fishing carried out by sword-fish' i.e. of tunny. Nor is Pedech, Methode, 584, convincing, when he argues that P. identified the sword-fish with Scylla. Clearly the comparison is between the methods used by the Sicilians to take the sword-fish and Scylla's method of taking dolphins etc., otherwise all ch. 3 is an irrelevancy (cf. 3· 9). Tll5 I~toAAY)S: Scylla was a sea-monster >vith six heads and a triple row of teeth and twelve feet, immortal and irresistible (Homer, Od. xii. 8$-IOO, n8-25), whom Odysseus escaped only at the cost of six of his men (Homer, Od. xii. 245-59). The lines quoted in§ 13 (Homer, Od. xii. 95--97) are from Circe's description of the perils in store for Odysseus. 14. Tous .•• 90vvous: the tunny is a large fish of sometimes over 150 kg. Its migrations are still not fully understood, but the belief in journeys the whole length of the Mediterranean (cf. Cary, GB, 10; Nissen, It. Land. i. no-n) seems unfounded, and the larger shoals seem often to rise from deeper parts of the Mediterranean to the

582

THE GEOGRAPHY OF HOMER

XXXIV. 3· 8

shallow coastal waters to breed or for other reasons not yet understood. P. thought they were reared in the Atlantic and migrated through the Straits of Gibraltar into the Mediterranean (cf. 8. z). See Steier, RE, 'Thynnos', cols. 72o-34· ~ve,Suv €Krr€awlas; cf. Aristot. Hist. anim. ii. 13. 505 a r8 (inaccurate), fg. 306 p. 1530 a 17. For a description of the fish see Ael. Nat. an. xiv. z3; and for other recorded methods of catching them see Gossen, RE, 'Schwertfisch', cols. 817-18. Schweighaeuser, viii. r. p. u6, quotes several authorities for the use of the method described by P. as still practised in the same region in his own day. Cf. Nissen, It. Land. L III. 16. KaTu TUS l!vo.(3aae~s Tou N.,;~?-ou: i.e. floods drive the animals together in a limited area. (3opuv ••• Toi:c,; Kpe£noal: cf. xv. zo. 3 n. for Tov . •. 'Tluv ixfJVwv {3i.ov. 3. 2. aKorr6s yup ••• aKo.cpCSlov: 'there is a single look-out man for all the fishermen who lie in readiness in a number of two-oared skiffs, two men to each skiff.' Paton's translation here seems to abandon the text. 4. Tils ~mSopo.TlSos: 'the spear-head' ; cf. vi. 25. 5-9, xvi. 33· 3 n. 5, a'4>a0~tov KO.l. U11'0cp€UYOV; 'in itS Struggle tO escape', 7. VTJKTov ~K n &pubs Ka.t kAaTTJS: how these are combined in the shaft is not clear. It is not of course true that oak sinks in water; but perhaps the metal was fixed in the oak. 8. TLTpwaKEa8a.L Olu ToG aKa+lS£ou: for sword-fish piercing the bottom of boats cf. Pliny, Nat. hist. xxxii. rs. Knt TO TT)v UKJ.LTJV ToG tc{lou aua.yJ>WSTJ efvo.L Kal TT)v 9~pa.v: 'the fact that in his strength and manner of hunting the creature is like a wild boar'. H. L. Jones in the Loeb Strabo emends Ccpov to ~lr{>ov (with Sterrett) and rryv fJ~pav to 8'1/tm]Pl«v (with Madvig and Sterrett) and renders 'because the edge of the "sword" is sharp and biting like that of a wild boar'. This is ingenious but unacceptable. The use of the rare verse word 811KTT1Pws in such a context would be without 583

XXXIV. 3· 8

THE GEOGRAPHY OF HOMER

parallel, and P. may mean that in hunting both the wild boar and the sword-fish the hunter is exposed to goring.· 10. Twv 1TEpl. Tfjs Xapu~S£ws A£YOJ.lEYwv: cf. Homer, Od. xii. IOI-7 for Charybdis lying beneath a fig-tree, sucking in and disgorging the waters of the strait three times a day. 11. TO S£ Tpl.s !Jiv yap T' aYLTJ, W> Mynv f-LEV Ta OVTa {3ovAof-Livov, f-L~ MyovTO> S£ Trt OVTa, ilia Ta f-L~ OVTa W> OVTa KaT' ayvotav; vii. 3· 6, c. 299)· For poetic licence see the next note. P. entirely ignores the popular belief (found especially in Crates; d. Berger, 444 ff.) that Homer allegorized; d. Hirzel, ii. 874, 875-7 n. 2. T) auv£aTTJKEY £~ l.aTopias Kal. SLa9£aEws Kat 1-'uOou: this curious definition of poetic licence as a mixture of history, rhetorical elaboration (for oui8wt> d. ii. 6r. I, of Phylarchus; X. 27· 8 n.), and myth, aiming respectively at truth, vividness (lvapyna), and pleasure and amazement (~Soln} Ka' EK1TA7Jtt>) recalls the three types of narrative defined in rhetorical theory. Asclepiades of Myrleia (Sext. Emp. adu. gramm. i. 252; cf. Reitzenstein, Hellenistische Wundererziihlungen (Leipzig, I9o6), 90 ff.; Barwick, Hermes, I928, 270) divided LaTopla into true history (dA7J8~, la-ropta), false history (if!wo~, ia-rop{a), and history w> dA7J81]> (Barwick and Reitzenstein accept an emendation of Kaibel so as to include -n}v 1T£pi 1TAU.Uf-La-ra (la-roplav) under 584

THE GEOGRAPHY OF HOMER

XXXIV. f· 4

ws aA1J8fj); Sextus Empiricus (adu. gramm. i. 263 f.) himself divides narrationes into f.LD8os, 71'Ad.
XXXIV. 4· 4

THE GEOGRAPHY OF HOMER

including Crates (cf. 3· II n.), for whom Homer was a sage and a teacher. · 1-LTJ KplvELV vp6s TTJV 8ul.vOLo.v Tn voLftJ.Lo.To.: cf. Berger, Eratosthenes, 37 (F I A 20), TTot7Jrq> TTas OToxa~ETCu !fivxaywylas, oti i),oauKa.Alas; d. Agatharchides, GGM, i. II7 fg. 8, TTa> TTDt7Jrqs !fivxaywylas [f/4A.Aov] ~ M7J8Elas JOT~ OToxa, was probably Crates (d. H. ]. Mette, Sphairopoiia, Untersuchungen zur Kosmologie des Krates von Pergamon (Munich, 1936), 7o-i4; Pedech, Methode, 585 n. 4oo), on whom see 3· I I n. ~gwKEo.vltEw: the word seems to have been used as jargon in the literary disputes about locating Odysseus' voyages (2. 1-4. 8 n.). See Strabo, i. 2. 37' c. 44. eewKEavtup.os TWV TOTTWV part of Homer's plan; i. 2. 40, C. 46. Even in the second century A.D. pedants debated 'utrum ev Tfj ;U(l) 8a.Aau0'(1 Ulixes errauerit Kar' :4plOTapxov an Jv Tfj €gw Kard. KpaT"Jra' (Gell. xiv. 6. 3). See Pedech, Methode, 585 n. 399· 6. TO 8L6.0'1'TJJ.Lo. TO ~K Mo.X£wv ~vt aT.fJXo.s: by about 300 Dicaearchus had devised a world-map based on a central parallel, running from the Pillars along Mt. Taurus into further Asia, and a meridian through Lysimacheia. The Straits of Messina, Cape Malea, and Rhodes became traditional points for calculating distances along this line. P. criticized Dicaearchus (cf. 6. 1-1o) for making the section PillarsMessina only 7,ooo stades and the section Pillars-Peloponnese 1o,ooo. Eratosthenes made the distance Pillars-Messina 8,ooo stades (Strabo, i. 4· 5. C. 64, Pillars-Carthage; ii. I. 40, C 93, Carthage and Messina on the same meridian); and Strabo himself (quoted at 6. 14) made it 12,ooo. P.'s figure seems to be calculated geometrically (cf. Berger, 518-19) on the basis of the two 'known' distances, PillarsNarbo (8,ooo stades) and Narbo-Messina (II,2oo stades) and a perpendicular from Narbo reckoned at 2,ooo stades (6. 1-1o), giving a line Pillars-Messina as 'more than 18,700 stades' (in fact 18,756 on his figures) ; and this, with the assumed 3,ooo stades for MessinaPeloponnese, gives approximately 21,800 (more correctly 21,756) stades, compared with P.'s own total of 22,500 stades. P. is in fact reckoning from Cape Malea, whereas Dicaearchus' figures are from 'the Peloponnese', which seems to mean from Cape Chelonatas in Elis (6. I I n.); but since P. is accepting a common figure (3,ooo stades) for the section east of Messina, this difference (c. 1,320 stades) is irrele,;86

THE GEOGRAPHY OF HOMER

XXXIV. 5· 1-7. 14

vant. In 15. 2, according to Pliny, P. gave some very different figures, much nearer the real distances. There he calculates the distance from the Pillars to Crete as 13,000 stades (1,625 m.p., converted by Pliny or his source on the 8: I ratio). Clearly none of these figures can be pressed hard; but even rough conversion into modem measurements is complicated by the various lengths of stade in use. The most common ancient calculation was 8 stades to the Roman mile; but P. used 8! stades (d. 12. 3-4 n.). The former conversion gives a stade of 185 m., the latter one of 177·6 m. (Thomson, 161); but the two ratios correspond to a more and a less accurate equivalent rather than implying two lengths of stade. The real distance from Gibraltar to Elis as the crow flies is about 2,500 km. Both Dicaearchus and Eratosthenes make it much too small, but P.'s figures are too big since on the two ratios they come to c. 3,900 km. and c. 4,ooo km. ~K6.aTTJS •.• ,;~-~.~pa.s KTA.: n.:oo stades = 2,500 stades. The average speed of ancient ships was roughly 90 nautical miles in 24 hours (d. Cary and Haarhoff, 134), which is equal to 165 km.; whereas 2,500 stades is something over 46o km. 7. €1< AuKla.<; t; 'Po6ou ••• et<; :.\A.e~civ6peLa.v: about 6oo km. direct; P.'s 4,ooo stades is about 740 km., or 710 km. at 8! stades to the Roman mile, a considerable over-estimate. 8. ~ea.t ol uaTepov llq,euyov KTA.: on the argument P. is combating, Odysseus was swept along the southern shores of Sicily and westward past Gibraltar into the Atlantic. But on his interpretation the nine days buffeting left Odysseus in the neighbourhood of Sicily. Hence the objection that he must have encountered the Straits (with Scylla and Charybdis) and P.'s reply that, like everyone, he kept clear of it until after his visit to Circe. Strabo, i. 2. 18, C. 26 continues with criticism of P. He accepts P.'s general conclusion that Odysseus' wanderings were in the region of Italy and Sicily, and in support he quotes several placenames traditionally linking the area around the Bay of Naples with Odysseus, but accuses P. of suppressing certain passages in Homer (Od. ix. 82, xii. I, i. 50, vi. 204) where there are clear references to the Ocean. He then goes on to discuss Eratosthenes. 5. 1-7. 14. = Strabo, ii. 4· 1-3, C. 104-5 (5. 1-6. 14); e:xc. de uirl. et uit. (exc. II3) (6. 15); Strabo, ii. 4· 4-5, C. 106-7 (7. 1-10); 4· 8, C. 108 (7. II-14). Chorographia of Europe

The polemic against various predecessors contained here probably formed part of P.'s general introductory description of Europe 587

XXXIV. 5· r-7. I4

CHOROGRAPHIA OF EUROPE

(see pp. 567-8) ; and the passages printed by editors should be supplemented with Strabo, ii. 4· 1-3, C. 104-5 (passage standing between 6. 14 and 7· r) and ii. 4· 8, C. I09 (passage following 7· 14), in order to complete the discussion (see p. s6s). 5. 1. T"i)v Eup&nTTJV xwpoypo+Wv: 'in his account of the geography of Europe'. In Ptolemy (Geog. praef. r) and Eustathius (GGM, ii. 212) xwpoyprupla is regional geography, descriptive and based on local information (but Eustathius treats xwpoypat:f>l.a and ro7Toypat:f>la as equivalent; cf. I. 1 n.). See Schol. ad Dionys. Perieg. GGM, ii. 428, J.v p,J:v Tfi y£wypo.t:f>lq. rd. 1Ca86Aov Myml.L, o6xt S€ rd. JL€pt1Ca . .• J.v oi rfi xwpoypat:f>lq. 7Tavrwv p,lp,llrJrCLt rwv 7TCJA€WV /Cat rwv 7TOrap,wv. But for P. xwpoypat:f>la is to a large extent the description of sites and recording of the distances between places (I. s-6), which from the time of Eratosthenes was called yEwypat:f>la (cf. Strabo, i. 2. 3, C. 16). P. does not make that distinction; his xwpoypa,Pla includes both calculations and descriptions (Pedech, LEG, 1956, 6 n. 8; above, r. 4 n.). Tous •.• 6.pxo£ous Eav +TJm: similarly P. passes over the oldest historians (Herodotus, Thucydides, Xenophon), reserving his criticism for those from Theopompus onwards, and especially those of the third and second centuries. AtKotopxov TE Kol. 'EpoTo0'9~vTJ : on Dicaearchus see vi. 3· 7 n. He lived most of his life in the Peloponnese (c. 326-296), especially at Sparta, and wrote widely on political subjects, biography, literary history, philosophy, and geography. His 7rEplo8os YJ1s attempted a cartographical survey of the oecumene; for his central parallel see 4· 6 n. For fragments and discussion see FHG, ii. 225 ff.; Wehrli, Dikaiarchos; RE, SuppL-E. xi, 'Dikaiarchos', cols. 526-34 (supplementing Martini, RE, 'Dikaiarchos', cols. 546-63); Abel, RE, Suppl.B. xiv, 'Zone', cols. 1033-6; Berger, 367-83 and passim; Thomson, 134, 153-5; E. H. Warmington, OCD 2 , p. 338. On Eratosthenes see 2. n n.; and for his concept of yEwyprupla the last note but one. nua~ov: Pytheas-his date is uncertain, perhaps c. 320; Rhys Carpenter, Beyond the Pillars of Heracles: the Classical World Through the Eyes of its Discoverers (New York, 1966), 143-98, would bring it down to c. 242-238, a view excluded by the fact that Timaeus uses him (cf. Brown, 25-27)-was a sea-captain from Massalia, who sailed from Gades north past Ushant and Cornwall, and circumnavigated Britain in a clockwise direction (cf. Gisinger, RE, 'Pytheas von Massalia', cols. 328-9), reporting on the island of Thule on the Arctic circle; he was interested in scientific cartography and took bearings, but met with incredulity and hostility. See E. H. Warmington, OCD 2 , p. 904; Cary and Warmington, 33-40; Gisinger, RE, 'Pytheas von Massalia', cols. 314-66 (bibliography, cols. 363-6); Abel, RE. 588

CHOROGRAPHIA OF EUROPE

XXXIV. 5·

2

Suppl.-B. xiv, 'Zone', cols. 1028-33; R. Dion, Rev. phil. Hj66, 191-2I6; fragments in Mette. For P.'s criticism see the present passage and 10. 6-7. Pytheas recorded his voyages in a carefully written work, now lost, entitled Ta 11'£pt Tov wKmvov (Geminus, 6. 9). l. oAllV P.Ev niv BpEna.VLK~V Ep.j3a.oov E1T~A9EtV: the manuscript has OA1JV plvroL BpeTTavtldjv lpf3aTOV ~ m£Afhrv; but Coraes's emendation £P-f3a06v, 'on foot', (cf. Pans. x. 20. 8) is preferable. With l11-f3aT6v the sense must be either 'the whole of those parts of Britain that are accessible' or 'the whole of Britain, which is accessible'; either requires some changes in the text (such as ( r?v) £11-f3aT6v, read by Jacob and accepted by H. L. Jones in the Loeb Strabo), and this is possible, for the 7} before ETT£A8£tv indicates that this is a bad piece of text. P. is evidently pouring scorn on Pytheas by exaggerating his claim. He probably spoke of circumnavigating Britain and making landings, but P. speaks of his having traversed the coastline on footlike a bematistes (Mi.illenhoff, i. 376 n. z). For ETT£Afhfv, 'go along the coast', cf. § 6. Berger, 362 n. 1 accepts J!Lf3aT6v ; for the reading in Bfittner-Wobst see Mi.illenho:ff, i. 376; Gisinger, RE, SuppL-E. iv, 'Geographia', cols. 594----9, esp. 597; RE, 'Pytheas von Massalia', col. 328. 'I'TJV o( 1TEp(p.npov K'I'A,: Pytheas' dimensions for the three sides of Britain (normally treated as a triangle in antiquity) survive, with variations, in several sources; they were probably based on days of sailing, perhaps calculations of stades on land (see last note) and astronomical readings (Mette, p. iii). Diod. v. 21, records what will be Pytheas' figures transmitted though Timaeus as follows: C. Belerion to C. Kantion 7,500 stades C. Kantion to C. Orcas 15,000 stades C. Orcas to C. Belerion zo,ooo stades Total

42,500

stades

(C. Belerion is Land's End, C. Kantion is South Foreland, and C. Orcas is Duncansby Head-or possibly Dunnet Head ; cf. Macdonald, RE, 'Orcas', col. 882). Strabo (i. 4· 3, C. 63), whose figures probably come via Eratosthenes, makes the long side over 2o,ooo stades, and the total a round figure of 4o,ooo stades (which is also in Scymnus, fg. 9 (= Apoll. Hist. mir. 15; cf. Gisinger, RE, 'Skymnos', col. 67o), reading nTpaKLU!Lvp{wv for nTpaKoutwv). Another tradition, coming via Isidorus, who evidently rounded off Pytheas' figures for the sides (Mi.illenhoff, i. 377) gives a perimeter of 4,875 m.p. = 39,ooo stades (at 8 to the Roman mile); see Pliny, Nat. kist. iv. 102, and for the figure in stades Anon. geog. compar., Apospasm. A. in GGM, ii. 509. Pytheas' figures are about double the real ones; the coastal perimeter of Gt. Britain amounts to 23,8oo stades, at 8 to the Roman mile (Gisinger, RE, 'Pytheas von Massalia', col. 330), and the time

sBg

XXXIV. 5·

2

CHOROGRAPHIA OF EUROPE

required for a coastal voyage up the indented west coast may have caused Pytheas to overestimate its length. The' result was a traditional outline for the island, the sides of which were in the proportion 3:6:8, and which extended north-east with an obtuse angle of c. I:Zo at the Kentish coast opposite Gaul. See Berger, 362; Eratosthenes, 372 ff. (F III B 127); Mtillenhoff, i. 375-82 (his calculations of the coastal perimeter are in 'geographical miles', each about 4i English miles); Thomson, 144; Gisinger, RE, 'Pytheas von Massalia', cols. 33o-1; Suppl.-B. iv, 'Geographia', col. 597· 3. Ta 11'£pt TTt'i 9ouA'l'i: the island of Thule lay six days' voyage to the north of Britain (Strabo, i. 4· 2, C. 63 Pytheas, fg. 6 a Mette) 'near the frozen sea', and was approached from 'Berrice' (Pliny, Nat. hist. iv. 104}; it was reckoned to be the most northerly of the British Isles and Pytheas stated that it lay on the arctic circle (in our sense: see p. 570; Strabo, ii. 5· 8, C. II4} and spoke of the short summer nights. Geminus (6. 9) quotes Pytheas' own statement: 0

o

€odKvvov {jp.tv ol {3apf3apot inrov ij/..to> Kotp.iiTat. avvl.(jaw£ ydp 7Tt:pi. Totl-rov> Tmk T07Tov> ri)v p.~v v.OKTa 7TaVT£AWS' p.tKpdv ylvw8at 6Jpwv olsp.tv Mo, ots- o~ Tptwv, Wf7'T£ p.t:Td ri)v ovutv p.tKpoii 8wJ..elp.p.aTor; ywop.lvov E7TaVaTEAA£W ev8lws- TOV ijkov. A midsummer night of 2-3 hours corresponds to a latitude of c. 65"'. Mela (iii. 36} seems to describe the

full midnight sun, but his source may not be Pytheas. That Pytheas visited Thule seems certain, but its location near or a little south of the arctic circle remains controversial. Views vary between Iceland, Shetland, and the Norwegian coast ; and some scholars deny that Pytheas actually reached Thule. See Mtillenhoff, i. 385-410; Macdonald, RE, 'Thule', cols. 6.27-30; Gisinger, RE, 'Pytheas von Massalia', cols. 332-44 (with very full references and discussion, but almost unreadable because of parentheses); E. H. Warmington, 0CD 2 , p. 1070. oiiT£ yij .• , oiiTE 8aAa.TTa. oiiT' ln}p: this aCCOUnt Of a mixture of the elements to form an amalgam of land, sea, and air, resembling a 'sea-lungs', has been variously explained. It is a phenomenon of the far north, linked with Thule, and may refer to the frozen sea (Strabo, i. 4· 2, C. 63, 7Te1MJyvia IJd.AaTTa; Pliny, Nat. hist. iv. 104, xxxvii. 35, concretum mare) ; there are many later references to this, e.g. Tac. Agr. to. 5, 'mare pigrum et graue remigantibus perhibent'; Germ. 45· 1, 'aliud mare, pigrum ac prope immotum'. Pytheas claimed to have seen this substance, similar to a sea-lungs or jellyfish, but had the rest on hearsay. Perhaps because P. has misrepresented, or Strabo misunderstood, what Pytheas really said, it is very hard to see what he was trying to convey; consequently hypotheses range from a muddy mixture of water and ice {Nansen), phosphorescence (Damote), the aurora borealis (Berger}, shallows {Hennig: but there are none in the far north) to a subjective illusion experienced by men 590

CHOROGRAPHIA OF EUROPE

XXXIV. 5· 9

rowing in a sea-mist and calm against an Atlantic swell (Miillenhoff). See Macdonald, RE, 'Thule', col. 628; Gisinger, RE, 'Pytheas von Massalia', cols. 342-4; Mtillenhoff, i. 41o-25. 5. Tnhha. 8e Uyuv i~ 6.Kof\s: Berger, 364, thinks this includes everything else about Thule: but clearly Pytheas visited the place, so this probably refers to other details of the regions of the 'sea-lungs', perhaps told to him by the inhabitants of Thule (if he had an interpreter). 6. 'll'aaa.v ••• T~v 1Ta.pwKEa.v'i:nv Tf\S EllpW-'II'T)s: strictly interpreted, this should mean that Pytheas returned to Gades and made a second voyage from there. Perhaps, after his buffeting in the northern waters (Pliny, Nat. kist. ii. 217), his ship needed repairs. But it is possible that he sailed down the east coast of Britain to South Foreland, crossed the Channel and continued his voyage north-eastward up the European coast ; the section from Gades will in that case have already been covered before the circumnavigation of Britain. The Tanais may be the Elbe; but the words 'from Gades to the Tanais' may be P.'s own, to indicate the whole European coast in general tenns, in which case Tanais could be the Don, which is used to indicate the north boundary of Europe in iii. 38. 2 (with its hints at Pytheas; see iii. 37· 2-8 n.). See Gisinger, RE, 'Pytheas von Massalia', col. 348 n. How far Pytheas sailed along the Gennan coast is uncertain. He may have reached Jutland, but hardly the Baltic (Gisinger, RE, 'Pytheas von Massalia', cols. 344-5r). That the voyage was one from Gades t0 the Don inside the Mediterranean seems excluded by the word 1ra.pw~<.:avrT~~. 7. l8~Tn civ9p~'11''f Ka.t 'll'iVTJn: cf. xii. 27. 6 on the cost of travel; P.'s own Atlantic voyages were subsidized by Scipio Aemilianus (Walbank, Polybius, rz6-7). 1'a Toaa.lha. 8la.a-rTJI-'a.Ta.: d. § z n. 'll'h<Ma Ka.i 'll'opEuTO.: for the phrase see iii. 59· 3, iv. 40. 2; above § 4· 8. Twv Ka.Ta r 0.8Elpa. Ka.t n;v 'I~T)p(a.v: a trace of Pytheas' account of this area survives in Strabo, iii. 2. n, C. 148, giving Artemidorus' criticism of Eratosthenes' description of the region around Calpe, Erytheia, 'the blessed isle' {cf. Diod. v. zo, based on Timaeus, who probably used Pytheas), and a short passage to KeAn~<~ from northern Iberia; Strabo says that Eratosthenes' account goes back to Pytheas. 9. T~ MEaO'T)Vi!f: Euhemerus of Messene (or Messana) served Cassander between JII and 298, and later (probably at Alexandria) wrote the 'l•pa ava.ypa~~. an account of an imaginary voyage to Panchaea, one of a group of islands in the Indian Ocean, where a golden column preserved an inscription describing the lives and deeds on earth of the earlier kings, later worshipped as Uranos, Cronos, and Zeus. This theme drew on certain traditional Greek ideas about the gods, but in a rationalizing sense; and it was directly relevant to 591

XXXIV. 5· 9

CHOROGRAPHIA OF EUROPE

Hellenistic ruler-worship. Its immediate influence in Greece was not great; but it became more popular at Rome after the publication of Ennius' translation, Euhemerus. For Euhemerus' influence on the view of the Homeric myths to which P. adhered see 2. 6-8 n. For fragments see FGH, 63 (including Ennius' version); cf. FGH, i a ed. 2, p. 562, for Jacoby's remorse at having included Euhemerus in FGH at all; H. J. Rose, OC D 2 , pp. 414-15; Jacoby, RE, 'Euemeros (3)', cols. 952-72; Fraser, Alex. i. 289-95; ii. 447-56 (bibliography in n. 8oo). ~EXPL Twv ToO JH SC. O£K7)Cnp.a; lV. 5• 51 201, 7Tep/. d~ rijs BovA7JS • •• d.aa.if>~s ~ laropla r6v iKT07TLO'tJ.OV" TatYr1)v yap nov ovop.a{op.£vwv apK7£KWnL'TTjJ1 n0/aow (with the criticism

a,a

c.

of Pytheas that follows).

ouo' ll.v T~ 'Ep~ft maTEOO'O.\ TLS AEYOVTL: Hermes being the divine messenger-but with a reputation for untruth. P. is also joking at the expense of Eratosthenes, who wrote a didactic poem in hexameters on Hermes, his youth, adventures, and ascent to heaven (cf. r. 16 n.; E. Hiller, Eratosthenis carminum reliquiae (Leipzig, 1872), fgs. 1-rg; J. U. Powell, Collectanea Alexandrina, reliquiae minores poetarum graecorum aetatis Ptolemaicae (Oxford, 1928), 58 ff., fgs. 1-16; Fraser, Alex. i. 625-6; ii. 881-2). 10. Bepya.~ov: i.e. as big a liar as Antiphanes of Berga (on the Strymon), the third-century author of marvellous travellers' tales, which gave rise to the verb j3Epya.t{ew; see 6. 15, where P. applies the term to Eratosthenes himself. Cf. Strabo, i. 3· r, C. 47 for a further reference to Eratosthenes' use of this epithet for Euhemerus; ii. 3· s. C. Ioo, of Poseidonius; Marcian, Epit. penpti Menippei, i. I (GGM, i. 565); Schmid, RE, 'Antiphanes (rg)', cols. 252r-z; Weinreich, S.-B. Wien, 1942 (4), 'Antiphanes und Miinchhausen'. Wunderer, i. Ior-J, has some misleading comments on this passage. Referring T(j; Meaa7JVUp (§ 9) to Dicaearchus, he translates § ro, 'Eratosthenes, he says, calls him (i.e. Dicaearchus) Euhemerus of Berga', and goes on to argue that Eratosthenes believed Euhemerus and 'the Bergaean' to be one and the same person. This obvious misunderstanding may be ignored. Wunderer may be right, however, in assigning to Antiphanes of Berga the fragment of Antiphanes, CAF, ii. 130. fg. 304, a tall story about words freezing in a cold climate, and being heard in summer when the thaw came. 11. C,aTT£P EKELV!tl ~eav6vL xp~aa.a9a.l Trpoafi~eov : 'as if it were appropriate for Eratosthenes to take him as a standard'. Strabo's argument is: P. calls Eratosthenes credulous for believing Pytheas, whom even Dicaearchus distrusted; but he has no right to ask Eratosthenes to regard that as of any importance, when he has himself demonstrated the unreliability of Dicaearchus. 592

CHOROGRAPHIA OF EUROPE

XXXIV. 6. 8

12. £tpTJT«L ~ ••• ll.yvoLa.: cf. § 8, criticizing Eratosthenes for following Pytheas concerning the north and west of Europe. 14. Aa.o8oy~:-L«TLK0.~ •.• 6.1Tocj10.crEL~: cf. I. 6 n.

6. l. Tou youv flt.Kauipxou ••• d1TovTo~: 'at any rate, when Dicaearchus says .. .'; yavv is to be taken with the main sentence, and so explains the previous remark. Paton, 'as for Dicaearchus, at least he says .. .' misses the point. For Dicaearchus' calculations of the distance between the Pillars of Heracles, the Straits of Messina, and the Peloponnese (i.e. Cape .M:alea) see 4· 6 n. 1TAE(ou~ 8£ ••• Tou~ ~1Tt TOY :6.8p(a.v: Dicaearchus reckons the length of the Adriatic (presumably from the latitude of Cape Malea to the northerly recess) as more than ro,ooo stades; on the relevance of this to P.'s calculations see § ro n. This figure comes to about 1,200 miles; the real distance is about 770 miles. 3. ioLK(va.L 1:-LO.AtaT' 0.~:-LIJAdfl- ywv£~: 'more or less resembles an obtuse angle'. P. elsewhere uses geometrical figures to demonstrate the shape and size of areas under consideration; cf. i. 42. 1-7 (Sicily), ii. 14. 4-12 (Cisalpine Gaul). 4. NO.p!Jwva.: Narbo, modern ~ arbonne, on the river Aude, about 6o miles west of the Rhone (cf. P. Goessler, RE, SuppL-B. vii, 'Narbo', cols. 515-48). 5. p.upiwv ••• ~1Ti. Tots XLA(oL~: more than u,zoo stades (not ro,2oo, as Paton). 6. tca.TO. TO Tuppt)VLtcov 1TEAa.yos ••• KaTls. To Ia.pSOvLov: see ii. 14. 4 n. (Tyrrhenian sea), i. Io. 5 n. (Sardinian Sea). West of Sardinia the sea is narrower from north to south, since Genoa is much further north than the mouth of the Rhone. From Genoa to Tunis is c. soo miles direct; a line drawn south from ~arbonne would strike the African coast in about 450 miles. But P.'s 3,000 stades are too few on any calculation. 7. TO ToO KOA1Tou j30.9o~ Tou tca.TO. NO.pl3wva.: the Gulf of Narbo is envisaged as extending southwards as far as the base of the triangle. 8. EK TTJS 1TO.L8LKTl!> P,ETpTjcrew;: cf. ix. 26 a 4, nuv €v -rats 1Ta~8/,Kais f.Ut.O~~tacn 1Tapa8~~w~tlvwv ~~tiv otd. rijs y£m~t£-rp[as oJ #ti17Jf.LOVE.,;o~t£V. Here P. uses Pythagoras' theorem, defining the area of the square on the hypotenuse of a right-angled triangle as the sum of the squares on the other two sides; in this case there are two triangles, with a common side, the perpendicular. iyyLuTa. ••• wf.vTa.Kocr£oL; uTa.8LoLc;: see Fig. 8 for the calculations, which show P.'s total distance from the Peloponnese to the Pillars to be somewhat in excess of the total of the separate parts. The distance direct from the Pillars to Messina is (on these calculations) 444 stades less than the distance along the coast. This is of course far less than the true figure owing to (a) neglect of the actual configuration 593

XXXIV. 6.8

CHOROGRAPHIA OF EUROPE

of the coast, (b) under-calculation of the length of the perpendicular from Narbo. Presumably P. is using the stade of 177·6 m., i.e. with the ratio of 8! to the Roman mile. 9. n-Ailou'!l Tj lhn-AaaLoL wv .f.L~ea.£apxos dm:: for the distance Pillars-Malea P. calculates zz,soo (zr,756) stades, whereas Dicaearchus has Io,ooo stades for the distance Pillars-Peloponnese. 10. Tovs in-1. T~:w ••• j.\8pLttTLKov: P.'s point is that Dicaearchus had stated(§ r) that the distance from the Peloponnese to the head of the Adriatic was greater than the distance from the Peloponnese to the Pillars, and so more than ro,ooo stades. Accordingly, he analyses the voyage up the Adriatic step by step so as to demonstrate that the total comes to only 8,zso stades (§ u). Narbo

Straits of Messina Peloponnese

Pillars

7745 stades (a} 0

FIG.

2000

8

3000stades

11 011 stades (b}

(c)

a+ b+c ~21 756 stad<s, ~~n~e=s""' (4,6)

4000 slades

POL YBIUS' CALCULATIONS OF THE DISTANCES FROM THE PILLARS TO MALEA

11-14. Strabo's attempted refutation of P.: the argument (obscured in Paton by mistranslation) is that just as P.'s calculations (which are listed) demonstrate the error of Dicaearchus' false calculations (§§ n-rz), so both Dicaearchus' figures and those of P. are proved inaccurate by generally accepted figures concerning the size of the oecumene (§§ 13-14, together with Strabo, ii. 4· 3, C. Ios-6, which follows on and links up with 7· x). 11. TovTou Toil ljteoa!l«Tos ••. Tov f!Aeyxov: 'makes clear the error of these false calculations', i.e. of Dicaearchus. 0v dpTJKO.'Jl al!Tos: P.'s figures for the Adriatic are: Peloponnese-Leucas Leucas-Corcyra Corc:yTa-Ceraunian Mountains Ceraunian Mountains-Iapydia Total

stades stades 700 stades 6,150 stades 700

700

8,250 stades

This cannot imply starting from Cape Malea (4. 6 n.). The first section is probably calculated from Cape Chelonatas in Elis (Pedech, Methode, 595). The Ceraunian Mountains are the range Mal i ~ikes, ending in Cape Glossa at the southern shore of the bay of Valona, and commonly used as a stage in ancient mapping; cf. Strabo, vi. 3· 5. C. z81, 3· 8, C. 283, 3• IO, C. :185 (cf. belOW, II. 8), vll. 5· 8, C. 316, 5· 9, C. 317, 594

CHOROGRAPHIA OF EUROPE

XXXIV. 7·

2

1· s. C. 324 (where the distance from the Ceraunian Mountains to the entrance to the Ambracian Gulf, slightly north of Leucas, is given as 1,300 stades). For other instances see Oberhummer, RE, 'Keraunische Berge', cols. z68-<). The section up the Illyrian coast is calculated only to the territory of the Iapydes, in Northern Dalmatia, in the Velika Mountains between Susak and Brinje (cf. Vulic, RE, 'Iapodes', cols. 724-7), omitting Istria. In vi. 3· ro, C. 285 Strabo gives the 'commonly accepted' :figure as 'over 6,ooo stades', bri T6v Toii :48plov p.vxov, which should mean 'to Aquileia'; there the source is evidently not P. (see II. 8 n.). 13. 8 au 8oKei:s li1To8E:'l~cu: viz. that the distance from the Straits of Messina to the Pillars is 19,500 (r8,756) stades (see Fig. 8). Strabo, ii. 4· 3, C. ros-6 continues to criticize P.'s calculations, making these points: i. Detailed calculations of the size of the oecumene and the lengths of the various stages between Issus and Cape St. Vincent make the total distance z8,5oo stades, and the section from the Straits of Messina to the Pillars Iz,ooo stades (cf. 6. 14). ii. P.'s perpendicular is too short. Since Hipparchus sets Narbo, Massilia, and Byzantium on one parallel, and the Straits of Messina and Rhodes on another, and since from Byzantium to Rhodes is s.ooo stades, that must also be the length of P.'s perpendicular. iii. P. makes his perpendicular pass near Sardinia. It should be much farther west. iv. P. has underestimated the length of the coastline of Gaul, Spain and Italy. In fact from the parallel of Byzantium to that of Rhodes is rather under 3,1oo stades; and though the Pillars and Rhodes are on the same parallel, it passes through the land area of north Africa, Messina being considerably to the north. On the futile character of Strabo's objections, based on what oi ?TAei'OTo' dp.oAoyovm see Honigmann, RE, 'Strabon', col. 127. 15. \nrE:pj3ej3YJKISva.L Ka.l a'lfoAE:ATJPTJK~va.~ KTA.: sc. Eratosthenes; cf. 5· 10 n. P. criticizes him for accepting Pytheas' account of the west and north, and applies to him the adjective Bergaean, which he had used of Euhemerus. avolas, 'folly', is Reiske's correction of the manuscript a?Tovola;-; it seems p£eferable despite the defence of tt?Tovola;- by Wunderer, i. 101.

7. 2. '~ 'IMKTJ!l ••. cts KopKupa.v: 900 stades for this section fits the calculation of 700 stades from Leucas to Corcyra (6. u). E~ 'Em86.ttvou ••• eis 9ecrcra.Aov£Ke~.a.v: this distance was calculated by land along the route of the later Via Egnatia; on this see Hammond, Macedonia, 19-58; ]RS, 1974, r85-94· In 12, 8 P. gives the distance from Apollonia to Thessalonica as z67 m.p. z,z25 stades 595

XXXIV. 7·

z

CHOROGRAPHIA OF EUROPE

(8! stades = mille passus) ; and since the Apollonia and Epidamnus (Dyrrhachium) branches are the same length (1'2. 5) 'over z,ooo' is a rounding off of the larger figure. In fact all the distances in this paragraph are round figures. 3. Distance from Massalia and the Pyrenees to the Pillars. Both P. and Eratosthenes underestimate the distance from Massalia to the Pyrenees; in iii. 39· 8 Emporiae to the Rhone is r,6oo stades, but the figures quoted here would make the distance from Emporiae (which is c. xso stades beyond the Pyrenees) to :Massalia only just over r,ooo stades. In iii. 39· 4 P. gives the distance from the Pillars to the Pyrenees-probably the temple of Pyrenaea (iii. 39· 4 n.)-as 8,ooo stades, or (adding the separate stages) 7,zoo stades; this matches P.'s figure here. 4. ot .•. vuv ol'oA.oyouaw: probably Artemidorus (cf. Honigmann, RE, 'Strabon', col. 127). e'L TL'!l Ta'!l ••• &.vwl'a.A.(a.'!l O'll'oTElloVOLTo: 'if one cuts off an allowance for the winding of the roads' (H. L. Jones). Paton omits to translate this. 6.'11'0 nup,;V'I}'!l ~(&)'!> Tfj'!l E0'1replou 'II'AEUPU'!l: whether P., like Strabo (ii. 5· 27, C. 127, iii. 1. 3, C. 137, iv. 1. r, C. 177), believed the Pyrenees to run north-south is uncertain (cf. iii. 37· 8 n.). It certainly does not follow from the present passage of Strabo (as Thomson, 188 n. 2, implies). 5. Tov T&.yov 'II'OTa.l'6v: cf. iii. 14. 5, x. 7· 5, 39· 8. Rising near Teruel it flows in a west-south-west direction. P.'s 8,ooo stades are double its real length (Schulten, RE, 'Tagus', coL 2025). 6.1ro nupfJVTJ'!l ••• 'II'Aeov ••• f) x~A£ou'!l O'Ta.5(ou'!l: which would have to be added to the supposed 8,ooo stades; but in fact the distance is more like x,soo stades (Schulten, RE, 'Tagus', col. 2025). 7. U'II'O r O.AO.TW\1 1rEpi.OLKEia8a.L ••• ~sw8Ev a..'l1·fj'!l: 'that the outer part of Spain is inhabited all around by Gauls' (not 'is surrounded by Gaulish inhabitants', Paton). Ka.Ta TiJv Tfis 'I~TJp(a.s 1rep£o8ov; if Eratosthenes was the first to call the peninsula Iberia (cf. § 12; ill. 37· ron.), he perhaps regarded the Gauls, now restricted to the south-west and north-west, as negligible. In 220 Hannibal met only Iberian peoples on the central plateau. 8. OUK op8w'!l TiJv aOyKpww 'II'OLElTO.L: by curtailing Strabo at the end of§ ro, editors of P. obscure both his argument and Strabo's criticism of it. The former can only be deduced from the latter, which continues in Strabo, ii. 4· 5-7, C. 101-·8, complementing points made in P. iii. 37· 2-8: see note there. In that passage P. declares that Europe, defined by the Tanais (Don) and the Pillars, lies north, and Asia (from the Don to the Nile) and Africa (from the Nile to the Pillars) south, of the Mediterranean. Here he develops this to take account of the part of Asia which lies to the north-east of the Mediterranean. As in iii. 37 he identifies the three waterways bounding the con596

CHOROGRAPHIA OF EUROPE

XXXIV. 7• 8

tinents with directions, the Pillars with the west, the Don with the north-east (or equinoctial sunrise); and though it is not mentioned by Strabo here, since it was not part of his argument, P. probably added the Nile, identified with the position of the midday sun. Apparently P. constructed a semicircle on the equator to embrace the oecumene and to intersect the parallel running through the Pillars (PQ in Fig. 9) thus forming a chord. From some undefined point on that chord (X), probably thought of as in Greece, he drew a line in a north-easterly direction so that it reached the mouth of the Tanais at Y, and then followed its course (still running north~ east) to its source (Z) and beyond that to the circumference of the semicircle at Z'. Since the Tanais was the boundary of Europe and Asia, all land east of a perpendicular (ZO) dropped from the source of the Tanais to the parallel of the Pillars belonged to Asia, as well as the land between that perpendicular and the Tanais. Consequently, since Europe and Africa extended as far as the same point in the west, Africa and Asia combined are greater in length than Europe by the distance between the perpendicular ZO and the eastern extremity of the oecumene.

Asia

FIG.

9

THE RELATIVE LENGTH OF EUROPE AND ASIA COMPARED WITH AFRICA

What happened in the space between Z and Z' is obscure, since the source of the Tanais was unexplored (Strabo, xi. 2. 2, C. 493), a fact which also made the line ZO a variable. But the area ZZ'QO must also be part of Asia; cf. Strabo, ii. 4· 5, C. 107, Tofho yap ~ i1a{a. 7TpoAa.J.LfM.vn 7Tp6t; Tijv l01JJ.Liip{v"')V d.va.TOA~v TOV 7Tpds Tds apKTovs ~J.LLKVK>.lov.

Against this exposition Strabo makes three points: i. It is unnecessarily abstruse. P. needed only to say that since Asia extended far to the east beyond both Europe and Africa (i.e. beyond the Tanais and the Nile), Asia and Africa together must

597

XXXIV. 7· 8

CHOROGRAPHIA OF EUROPE

exceed Europe in length. (Presumably P. adopted his more complica ted explanation because until the source of the Tanais was known, no one could be sure how far Europe extended to the north-east.) ii. His argument is invalid because the Don flows north-south, not north-east to south-west. Here Strabo is incorrect for the lower reaches of the Don; its general course is north-south, but after the great bend at Volgograd it flows south-west to Rostov and the Gulf of Taganrog. iii. He uses variables such as 'equinoctial rising' or 'summer sunrise' to define places the positions of which do not change; yet such terms are valid only for the observer. See above, iii. 37· z-8 n., for the suggestion that P. confused the direction of the course of the Straits of Gibraltar, the Nile, and the Don with the supposed direction of their mouths, for an ideal spectator situated in Greece. For a defence of P.'s terminology as a common-sense and comprehensible way of indicating directions (and one used by Strabo himself in ii. 1. u, C. 7I) see Rehm, S.-B. Munchen, 19I6, S4-s6. 9. avo 8Epw1]s avaToA1Js: 'from the north-east or summer sunrise' (not 'south-east', as Paton). 12. EKE~vos: viz. Eratosthenes; cf. Strabo, ii. 1. 40, C. 92, for another account of Eratosthenes' promontories and Hipparchus' proposal to test the account Y"Wf-LETP'Kws: pii)).ov 7} yEwyparpLKws-Strabo too is very critical of Eratosthenes. The promontories are there described as (a) that containing the Peloponnese, (b) the Italian, and (c) the Ligurian; between them lie the Adriatic and the Tyrrhenian Gulfs (on this terminology see Berger, IOS--6). On the use of' lf3w£a here to denote the whole Spanish peninsula see § 7 n. 13-14. Polybius' promontories. In ii. 1. 40, C. 92 Strabo, criticizing Eratosthenes and clearly influenced by P., declares Sunium to be a promontory no less than Laconia, since it reaches nearly as far south as Malea (which is of course false). He also implies that the Thracian Chersonese, P.'s fourth promontory here, has a claim to be separate. The fifth, the area of the Cimmerian Bosphorus, i.e. the Crimea, is included in Eratosthenes' third promontory. Strabo (ii. 4· 8, C. Io9) goes on to discuss these divisions, in the main accepting them, but urging that lapygia makes Italy almost two promontories and that the other three, Greece and the Thracian Chersonese and the Crimea, are also complex. He adds a fact (to criticize it)-that P. divided Europe, into six parts in accordance with the promontories; presumably these were the five promontories and the land mass from which they extended (d. Honigmann, RE, 'Strabo', col. 128). Further fragments from this general introduction, on the chorographia of Europe, are: perhaps IO. 6-7 (see note), II. z, II. 3, II. 8, n. 9-11, IS. I, IS. z, IS. 4, IS. 5, perhaps Strabo, iv. 6. 2, C. 202 (d. xxxiii. 9· 8 n.). 598

DESCRIPTION OF SPAIN

XXXIV. 8.

I

8. 1-9. 15. = Athen. vii. 302 c (8. 1-2); Strabo, iii. 2. 7, C. 145 (8. 3); Athen. viii. 330 c-331 B (8. 4-10); Strabo, iii. r. 6, C. 139 (g. 1-2); iii, 2, I$, C. 151 (g. 3); iii. 5· 5, C. I70 (g. 4); iii. 5· 7, C. 172 (g. 5-7); iii. 2. IO, C. 147 (g. 8-II); iii. 2. II, C. 148 (g. 12); iii. 4· 13, C. 162 (g. IJ); Athen. i. r6 c (g. 14-15).

Description of Spain Following the traditional scheme (above, pp. 566-7) P. probably began his account of Spain in the west-Lusitania-and passed from there to the south and east. It involved him in several topics widely discussed, viz. the nature of the tides (g. 5-'7). the location of the sources of tin, which led to an account of the British Isles (cf. iii. 57· 3) and more polemic against Pytheas (ro. 6-']), the Spanish mines (g. 8-ro and Strabo, iii. 2. 8, C. 146), and the question of Odysseus' voyages (2. r-4. 8 n.); see Pedech, LEC, rg56, 14-18. The extent to which P.'s account has survived in Strabo iii is controversial. J. Morr, Die Quellen von Strabons drittem Buck (Phil. Suppl.-B. 18. 8, rg26) thinks P.'s part in the book negligible; P6dech was at first sceptical (LEC, 1g56, 15 n. 39), but has since accepted Schulten's arguments (Hermes, rgn, 5g6-8) that Strabo followed P. for the geography of the interior plateau and the ethnography of the Celtiberians, for the geography of Lusitania, and for his account of the mountain-tribes of the north-west. In favour of this, Pedech argues, is the fact that of Strabo's two other sources in book iii, Artemidorus dealt only with the coastal areas in his periplous (GGM, i. 516, 542), and Poseidonius stayed thirty days at Gades (Strabo, iii. r. s. C. 138), but did not penetrate the interior. Poseidonius did however use P., for there are direct parallels between Diod. v. 33· 5 and fg. r63, and between Diod. v. 33· 3 and fg. 17g; and Poseidonius was the source for Diod. v. 33-38. Hence many of Strabo's references to Poseidonius record material originally in P. (cf. Pedech, Methode, 57g n. 362). In that case, P. evidently had a fairly full description of the Mediterranean coastal plain and its cities, the Atlantic area around the Tagus, Anas, and Baetis, and the central plateau (Celtiberia). However, this attribution is not certain, and Strabo iii cannot be taken as necessarily representing P.'s account. For discussion and some bold conclusions see P6dech, Methode, 578-Br. 8. 1. 'l'"ijs ~v '1~1Jp£q. 1\.voua.vLa.s: the Lusitanians had expanded from

the lands between the Douro and the Tagus southwards to the Goadiana (Anas) by 153 (cf. Appian, Hisp. 57; in Strabo, iii. 3· 3, C. rsz-3, the Tagus is still the southern boundary). However, Athenaeus seems to be quoting inaccurately from memory when he attributes the 'oak-trees' which grow in the sea to Lusitania (cf. § 4 n.). For 599

XXXIV. 8.

I

DESCRIPTION OF SPAIN

Strabo, iii. 2. 7, C. 145 (from which § 3 is taken) describes how the tunny congregate near Carteia within the Pillars and then feed 'on the acorns of a very stunted oak that grows at the bottom of the sea' ({Ja.>.av

voJLivn Ka.-ra rijs- Oa.M.'T'rrJs xa.p.a.L~~A

aa'i. 8£ 'TLVES" Kat aAA7JV Spiiv elva£ 1TOVTla.v 7) Kat Ka.p7roV tf>l.pn, Kat ~ fJcfAaJ•os a.Urijs xfYl/alJL?J). P. has been thought to be referring to quercus bellota (Van Nostrand in Frank, ES, ili. 179) or to quercus coccifera, a low-growing evergreen found commonly on the European and north African shores of the Mediterranean, and so called from the Kermes insect (coccus ilicis) which lives on it, and the dried bodies of which are used to produce a red dye (cf. Steier, RE, SuppL-E. vii, 'Kokkos', cols. 328-32); Strabo, iii. 2. 6, C. 144, mentions the large-scale export of this dye (~<6KKos rroM~) from Turdetania. But if this is meant, Strabo or P. has gone seriously wrong, for these oaks are not specially associated with the shore, nor can they have grown in the water; one would need to assume them growing on the water's edge and the acorns falling in. A more probable explanation is that Strabo is referring to what is really a kind of seaweed. Various suggestions have been made. Halydris siliquosa ('sea-oak', German 'Meereichentang') is not, however, found so far south, and that is also true of Fucus 'lJesicttlosus and several other kinds of jucus. Cystoseira fimbriata, which grows to so-6o em., and is found in the relevant area, is a possibility; but its vesicles (the 'acorns'?) are rare. The likeliest candidate, as my colleague G. Russell has suggested to me, is Sargassum 'lJulgare, a seaweed >vith branches resembling the leaves of an oak and with many conspicuous vesicles, which might well become detached and be identified as acorns. This plant grows to a height of zo to 70 em.; see Gontran Hamel, Pheophycies de France (Paris, 1931~). 427, for its distribution at Banyuls, Marseilles, Antibes, Nice, Villefranche, Bastia, Algiers, Cherchell, Oran, and Tangier; G. Giaccone and others, Giornale botanico italiano, ro6, 1972, 2II--29, for its appearance in the Straits of .Messina; and C. van den Hock and M. Donze, Blumea, 15, 1967, 78, for Morocco and the Basque coast. It is perhaps to this that Theophrastus (loc, cit.) refers; see too Pliny, Nat. hist. xiii. 137, 'in alto uero abies et quercus cubitali altitudine, ramis earum adhaerent conchae. quercu et tingui lanas tradunt, glandem etiam quasdam ferre in alto, naufragis haec deprehensa urinantibusque' (perhaps with some confusion with quercus coccijera). In Nat. hist. ix. 64 Pliny says that mullets alga uescuntur et ostreis, i.e. 6oo

DESCRIPTION OF SPAIN

XXXIV. 8. 5

molluscs adhering to seaweed; perhaps that is what the tunny were really after, for Strabo, v. 2. 8, C. 225, says that the tunny eat rnurex (which, according to Pliny, Nat. kist. ix. IJI, lives among seaweed). See further Schulten, Geograjia, ii. 366-7. For 'trees' growing in the Indian Ocean see Strabo, xvi. 4· 7, C. no; Pliny, Nat. kist. xiii. IJ5 ff. ~O.Xa.voL: used of both the 'tree' and its 'fruit'; see the previous note. Strabo, iii. 2. 7, C. 145, adds that it also grows on land, and though it has roots the size of a normal oak, it does not reach the height of a low bush. Here the reference must be to some other species of genuine tree. Tov Ka.p'TT6v: Strabo, iii. 2. 7, C. 145, says the crop is heavy, and the shores both within and without the Pillars are covered with acorns ; though smaller, these are found more abundantly w-ithin the Straits. 2. oc; .•• 9a.Aa.TTtOU<;: cf. Strabo, iii. 2. 7' c. 145 (following the passage printed here as § 3), Kai oZ Bvvvot S' ouo/ 7TAiov avvt:yyl{ovut -rais .En}Aatsggw8t:v EpOfLEVOt, Touij)o' luxvalvovTat 'TTAiov, TijS" Tpofjs- lmAEL7TOVITfJS"· t:lval T€ apa 8aM.TTLOV ov TO ~ij)ov TOVTO. ifSw8m yap Tfi flaM.vo/ KO.~ ma.lvt:u8a.t Ota.€p0VTWS" a7T' a.irrijs-, op8s T€ Tfjs- {3aAavov Y€VOfLEVIJS", opd.v Kat Twv 8vvvwv t:lvat. Strabo, following P., seems to mean that,

other food failing, the tunny grow thin as they approach the Straits, until they reach the area where they can eat the 'acorns'. 3. !J-EXPL Tijc; Aa.T(vTJ<; KTA.: Strabo, v. 2. 8, C. 225, mentions the tunny and 'acorns' off the coast of Etruria, but not off Latium. His brief account of Sardinia (v. 2. 7, C. 225) makes no mention of the supposed oak. 4. 1\uaLTa.via.v: the only part of Lusitania to which this description would apply is the territory of the Corii (or Cynetes), who inhabited what is now Algarve (cf. x. 7· 5 n., where in the last sentence 'farther west' should read 'farther east'). But Strabo's account of Lusitania (iii. 3· 3, C. 152 ff.) contains no such high praise of its productivity (though he calls the coastal area Evoa{!Lwv); and Athenaeus may have made the same mistake here that he appears to have made in vii. 302 c (above§ 1 n.), referring to I-usitania what is really true of Turdetania. For Strabo's account of the fertility of Turdetania (probably based on P.) see iii. 2. 4, C. 142 ff. If P. also hinted that the realm of Alcinous was to be located in the part of Spain described here (cf. 9· 14 n.), that would be a further argument for Turdetania rather than Lusitania, since P. strongly opposed the hypothesis that Odysseus' journeys took him into the outer ocean (see 2. 1-4. 8 n.); but it is by no means certain that P. located Phaeacia in Spain. For bibliography on Lusitania and its people see J. M. Blazquez, Klio, 1963, qo-1 n. 2. 5. p65a. ••• Ka.i. AEUKO'ia. KO.L uamipa.yoL: according to Schulten 601

XXXIV. 8. 5

DESCRIPTION OF SPAIN

(Geografia, ii. 447-8), the only roses which flower for more than three months in Algarve today are Rosa canina (April to July) and Rosa sempervirens (April to August)-information from a Portuguese friend; but speculations on this are inconclusive given probable changes in species and, perhaps, in climate. The 'white violet' is probably the gillyflower (1ilatthiola incana) and the asparagus Asparagus acutijolius (cf. Wagler, RE, 'aamfpa.yo>', coL I7I3) if P. is referring to a wild variety, as seems likely (Schulten, Geograjia, ii. 415, 450).

6. TO ••• 9a.ActTnOY oljiOv: 'sea-fish'; for !Jfov, 'fish', cf. Plut. Mor. 667 F, 1TOAAWV OVT<.OV ot/Jwv 'KVfiiVGKrJKrcY 0 lxBvs f-LOVO> ~ f-LUAtt:rTa Y" ofov KMf.tu8aL: P. Cair. Zen. i. 59082 1. I 7 (3rd cent.). On the fish in these parts see Strabo, iii. 2. 7, C. 145 (Turdetania); Van Nostrand in F'rank, ES, iii. 181. 7-8. ILKt:ALKOS f1E0Lj.I.VOS ICTA.: cf. ii. IS. I n. for the Sicilian medimnus (c. 51·5 litres, or nearly I'S bushels) and the metretes (c. 8·5 liquid gallons), and discussion of the present passage. P. is using the AtticAlexandrian standard ; the Alexandrian drachma is a drachma on the Attic standard, cf. Hultsch, RE, 'drachme', col. 1618. P. here chooses the same three commodities to establish prices~wheat, barley, and wine -ashe does for Cisalpine Gaul (ii. IS. 1). The Spanish prices are considerably higher. 8. Ef>Loc; 0 flETf>LOS: 'a fair-sized kid'; cf. Strabo, iii. 3· 7' c. rss (of the Lusitanians), Tpayo~a.yoDat •.• f-LaAtum. Kat Aa.yws: 'a hare'; on hares, a pest Ka8' aA7Jv TI]v 'lf37Jplav . •• ~'n time or that of Poseidonius ?) appears to be no distinction between them. Many authorities apply the names indiscriminately to the tribes along the River Baetis (Guadalquivir)--d. iii. I5. 8 n. for an example in Livy-but Ptolemy (Geog. ii. 4· 5) distinguishes them, placing the Turduli east and south of the Tur6oz

DESCRIPTION OF SPAIN

XXXIV. 9. 5-6

detani, whereas P. put them to the north, a discrepancy explained by Schulten as due to a shift in Roman times (RE, 'Turdetaner', col. 1379) or an error in P. (RE, 'Turduler', col. rs8o). The Turdetani were the native inhabitants of the kingdom of Tartessus, to which they no doubt owed the high level of civilization described in Strabo, iii. r. 6, C. 139, including historical records, poems, and laws written in verse. Sometimes they are confused with the Tartessians themselves (cf. Diod. xxv. 10. r). The variation in nomenclature is paralleled in the case of the Bastetani and Bastuli. 3. To "Jf!-epov Kat To rroAtn~
XXXIV. 9· 5-6

DESCRIPTION OF SPAIN

addition he accepts the view of Athenodorus of Tarsus (his own and Cicero's Stoic friend) that the rise and fall of the tides was comparable to inhalation and exhalation, in consequence of which the spring water was, perhaps, diverted to swell the high tide and returned to its proper channel at low tide. Other views which Strabo rejects were those of Artemidorus and Silenus (Strabo does not tell us what these were) and of Poseidonius, who denied that any reversal of flow took place; apparently he had suggested, rather unconvincingly, that belief in the reversed flow arose from the fact that one of the two wells in the precinct tended to run dry and fill up again at night, which often coincided with an ebb-tide. P.'s source is not known. He probably visited Gades-in 146, if not in 152/r-and saw the spring himself; but he may also have learnt of it from Pytheas, either directly or via Timaeus (Ihm, RE, 'Gades', cols. 442, 445), and from Silenus, who also mentioned it (Strabo, iii. 5· 7, C. 172 FGH, 175 F 9). 5. iv Til' 'Hpo.KhEL'f: the precinct containing the temple of Heracles: cf. Strabo, iii. 5· 9. c. Ijj, TOV v.fw TOU ev T{il t Hpat
D:ESCRIPTION OF SPAIN

XXXIV. g. 8

covered by the water'; a.l-T1]s is the earth's surface, not the spring (as in Paton). The spring is not submerged. Ka.Ta Tas em~ao-E~S TTJS 9a.XO.TTTJS: 'as the tide advances'. TWV otKElwv TOLOUTWV e~oSwv: 'from its proper outlets there'. For Strabo's discussion of P.'s views see §§5-6 n. 8-11. The silver mines at New Carthage. The method of washing ore described here recalls that used in the gold-mines of Turdetania, and P. may be used by Strabo in his account of this in iii. 2. 8, C. 146; but if so, in iii. 2. 9, C. 147, he interpolates a section from Poseidonius concerned mainly with underground workings. If that is so, we must deduce a change of method between the time of P. and that of Poseidonius. In the first century mining proper had replaced washing metalliferous ores as the main method, except in a remote district like that of the Artabri in north-west Lusitania; cf. Pedech, LEC, 1956, 17. In my discussion of§§ 8-n I have been much helped by my colleagues G. R. Fisher and W. S. Pitcher, who have generously placed their knowledge of mining at my disposal. 8. Twv 'lt'Epi. Ka.pxT)SOva. Nia.v cipyupE£wv: see x. 10. II for the silver mines and x. 9· 8-ro. 13 n. for the city of New Carthage; P. does not use the name KapxTJSwv Nla (cf. iii. 39· 6 n.), and here it is from Strabo. For P.'s usage see ii. 13. 1. The circumference of the mines, 400 stades, works out at so m.p. or, reckoning 8! stades to the Roman mile, 48 m.p. Hubner, RE, 'Carthago nova', col. 1624, places them at Mazarron, but the mines there are 30 km. west of Cartagena, which hardly fits the 2o stades (2·5 m.p.) mentioned here. Schulten, Geografia, ii. 274, locates them at La Union, a mining village 1o km. east of the city, and Davies, 107, between Cartagena and Mazarron; see his account of lead ingots found near Cartagena, and the works cited by J. M. Blazquez, Hispania, 1973, 221 n. 13, especially A. Beltran, MM AP, 1944, 201 ff., 'Las minas romanas de la regi6n de Cartagena segt:n los datos de la colecci6n de su Museo'; ibid. 1947, 2o2 ff.; and A. Fernandez de Aviles, Arch. esp. de arq. 1942, 136 ff., 'El poblado minero iberoromano en Cabezo Agndo, en Ia Uni6n'. Badian, Publicans, 34, estimates that the workings occupied c. roo square miles, and comments on the huge revenues and size of the enterprise. Brunt, Conference Econ. Hist. Aix, 139, argues convincingly (d. Badian, Publicans, 31-35) against the view of Frank, ES, i. 154-5, and Van Nostrand, ES, iii. 128, that the mines were worked by publicani from the time of Cato's governorship of Spain in r95 (cf. Livy, xxiv. 21. 7, 'uectigalia magna instituit ex ferrariis argentariisque' ; cf. Cato, HRR, fg. 93, referring to the area north of the Ebro); and J. S. Richardson, ]RS, 1976, 139-47, shows that it is likely that at the time referred to by P. the exploitation of the Spanish mines was allocated locally to small-scale contractors, not leased under a censoria locatio to the societates publicanorum. 6os

XXXIV. 9· 9

DESCRIPTION OF SPAIN

9. TkTTapa<; !J.updt8as •.. Twv tpyato~J.evwv: the numbers seem large. In the silver mines of seventeenth-century Mexico there were c. 30 to 40 men per mine (P. J. Bakewell, Silver mining and society in colonial Mexico, Zacatecas, 1546-17oo (Cambridge, 1971), 127, 135); applied to New Carthage this would suggest r ,ooo shafts. But, although such numbers of workers are found in r6th-r7th-century Potosi (Bolivia), where there were over 3o,ooo in r6o3, this includes those employed in washing, sorting, and smelting, as well as in other occupations (Anon, Bibl. de Autores Espaiioles, 183 (Madrid, 1965), 372-85). I owe these references to J. S. Richardson of St. Andrews, who suggests that P.'s figures may likewise include workers other than miners in the shafts (see his discussion in JRS, 1976, 151-2). I am also indebted to my colleague J. R. Fisher for helpful discussion of the numbers employed in the New Carthage mines. 10. T~v ••. aupT~v ~wAov ~v cl.pyup'i:nv: 'the silver-bearing ore washed down (in the streams)'. Bliirnner, RE, 'Silber', col. 21, considers P.'s account here to be incomplete; the reference is to galena (lead ore) with a silver content. t<011'TEa9o.L t
r

6o6

DESCRIPTION OF SPAIN

XXXIV. 9· 13

slag and also changes lead sulphide to lead (cf. Agricola, De re metallica, 1g2; English translation, 244). a_1Toxu8iv-ro<> Tou j.10Ai~Sou: P. is here describing the process of cupellation, by which the still impure galena obtained by repeated crushing, washing and smelting (see above) was cupelled on a porous hearth of bone-ash or marl, so that the lead oxidised and formed molten litharge (PbO) in which any remaining impurities in the silver were dissolved. This litharge-F.'s p..6At{3l.o,_was then run off, leaving refined silver (on the process see Davies, 53-56). P. (or Strabo) has omitted the cupellation and seems to believe, falsely, that the lead could simply be poured off (cf. Davies, 40 n. u). 12. The Baetis and the Anas. By Celtiberia P. seems sometimes to mean north-east Spain (cf. iii. 17· 2-3 n.), but sometimes he uses the name in an extended sense, as here (cf. Schulten, Hermes, 1gn, 576) ; Paton's translation obscures the fact that Strabo is discussing this point. Strabo explains the extended use as reflecting the expansion of the Celtiberians into neighbouring areas; against this Schulten, loc cit., points out that the Celtiberians had been pushed off the central plateau during the period before P. was writing. The Baetis is the Guadalquivir (cf. xix. I. 1), the Anas the Guadiana; and they are less than goo stades (1o8 m.p. at Si stades to the Roman mile) apart, especially at their sources. In the previous sentence Strabo, perhaps following P., puts the source of the Baetis in the 'Silver Mountain' not far from Castulo, and this is presumably the northern branch which rises in the Sierra Morena, not more than 35 miles from the valley of the Jabal6n, a branch of the Guadiana; today the Guadalquivir is the Iniddle branch which rises in the Sierra de Cazorla in the province of Jaen. Carcopino (Etapes, 46 n. 3) proposes emending goo to go stades and referring Toihov to the Jucar (Sucro); there is nothing to be said in favour of so violent and arbitrary a treatment of the text. Pedech, Methode, 558 n. 252, suggests that the 900 stades represent six days' travel (at 150 stades a day; cf. Herod. v. 53), asP. and Scipio Aemilianus accompanied Lucullus north in 151 to besiege Cauca on the sierra north-west of Segovia (App. Hisp. 51). But it is by no means assured that the route taken was by sea through the Pillars to Gades and up the Baetis to Corduba. Simon, 46 n. 56, assumes that it lay up the ]Ucar valley directly to the Tagus, the first point mentioned; in that case Lucullus would not touch the Baetis. But in any case it is not certain that Scipio accompanied Lucullus as far as Cauca (though this is likely). Against the view that he went straight to Africa in 151 see r6. z n. 13. -ra -rwv Oua.Ktca.iwv Ko.l Twv KEAn~'l\pwv ~9vT): for P.'s concept of Celtiberia see § rz n., and for the Vaccaei, situated on the middle reaches of the Douro, see iii. 14. I n.; Schulten, RE, 'Vaccaei', cols . .2034-8.

XXXIV. g. 13

DESCRIPTION OF SPAIN

IEyEcr6.fla.v ~ea.l. 'lvTEp~ea.Tta.v: Segesama is evidently the same as Segisama, mentioned by Ptol. Geog. ii. 6. 49, as Segisama Iulia; it was Augustus' headquarters in his Cantabrian War (I
(xxv. 1 should probably stand here; it deals with Ti. Gracchus' victories in Celtiberia; see pp. 20-21.)

14-15. Luxury of a Spanish prince's house. Schulten (Hermes, 19II, 571-2) suggests that this passage came from P.'s account of Viria-

thus' marriage to the daughter of a rich Spanish prince, sometime after he took power in 14 7 ; if so it would be from the lost res H ispaniae of book xxxviii or xxxix (cf. Diod. xxxiii. 7). But it more probably comes from the description of Spain in this book ; see the next note. 14. ToLoihov OE nva. tupi.crTa.Tcu KTA.: the reference is to Homer's description of Menelaus' house, which Telemachus visits in Od. iv, leaving in Od. xv. It resembles the house of this Spanish chieftain in 'the splendour of its table-utensils' (for KaTaaKwij in this sense see xxx. z6. 3 n.). but Homer has no elaborate account of Menelaus' table-equipment, and Athenaeus may be thinking of the cup and silver mixing-bowl which he presented to Telemachus (Od. xv. rzo--3). In fact, F.'s comments seem directed rather to Alcinous' palace (Od. vii. 88 ff.), to which 'Phaeacian luxury' more properly refers. The Tpvrpij of the Phaeacians was proverbial (cf. Theopompus, FGH, us F n4), but P. is ironical about the gold and silver vessels (for gold and silver cf. Homer, Od. vii. 88-9r) filled with plebeian beer. 6o8

DESCRIPTION OF SPAIN

XXXIV.

10

(The suggestion of \Vunderer, i. zoo, that P. is copying Theopompus seems superfluous.) Von Scala, 336--8, argued that P. was suggesting that Phaeacia, the realm of Alcinous, together with the Isles of the Blessed (often confused with the Elysian Fields), was to be located in or near Spain, where the gentle climate (8. 4) recalls Od. vii. n8 f., d.:Ud JLa>..' alEt I ZEvpl7] 7TVELOVaa Ta JL~V .Jn, a.:Ua 8~ TTiaan, and the plants constantly in flower {8. 4) recall Od. vii. 117 f., Tdwv oiJ TTou Kap7T6r; aTToAAVTat ov8' a7TOAEL7TH I xdJLaTor; ov8~ 8€pwr;, iTTET~awr;. This is attractive and fits the discussion of where Odysseus' voyages were to be located, which was probably attached to P.'s description of Spain. On this hypothesis P. was providing a rational explanation of the Phaeacian wonderland, just as he provided one for Scylla and Charybdis: it was a poetical version of the balmy realm of Turdetania (cf. 8. 4 n.). It is perhaps not a serious objection that Turdetania was not (like Phaeacia) an island. Further passages dealing with Spain, which would properly stand here are ro. 6-7 (see ad loc.), rs. 3, and Strabo, iii. 2. 8, C. 146, describing the gold-working in Turdetania, apparently following the same source as for the silver mines near New Carthage, which are described two pages later (9. 8-u). See Pedech, LEC, 1956, 17; above, p. 565.
10. 1-21.= Athen. viii. 332 A (r-4); Strabo, iv. 1. 8, C. 183 (5}; iv. 2. r, C. 190 (6-7); iv. 6. 10, C. 207-8 (84)); iv. 6. 12, C. 2084) (ro-14, 15-21); v. 1. 8, C. 214 (not in P.'s text). Description of Gaul

Of the above passages 6-7 probably belongs to the earlier section describing Spain (see ad loc.); the rest show that P. included both Transalpine and Cisalpine Gaul (and the region north of the Adriatic) in his account of Gaul. But there is no reason to think (with Pedech, LEC, 1956, r8-19, where he quotes xii. 28 a 4) that P. divided the inhabitants into Celts and Ligurians, with the former living broadly in Transalpina and the latter in Cisalpina. It is clear from ii. 15. 8 and many other passages that the Gauls extended well into the Po valley, and that the Ligurians lived mainly in and south of the Apennines (though they reached Piedmont). In ii. 16. 13-15 P. promised a fuller discussion of the Po valley, the legend of the amber-weeping poplars, who had been Phaethon's sisters, and the mourning dress of the inhabitants, elsewhere; this may have been contained here in book xxxiv. \\1lether Timaeus' X

6og

XXXIV.

IO

DESCRIPTION OF GAUL

ignorance on these matters was also exposed here or in a lost section of book xii is not kno'h'11 (see Pedech, LEC, 1956, 19-20). Strabo, iv. 6. 2, C. 202 quotes P. for the names of four Ligurian tribes, the Ingauni, the Intemelii, the Oxybii, and the Decietae; see xxxiii. 9· 8 n. The reference may be to a fuller account of these peoples in the present book (cf. Pedech, LEC, 1956, 19). 10. 1-4. The 'underground' fish of Roussillon: cf. Strabo, iv. I. 6, C. 181, who describes the area near the Ruscino as marshy and full of salt-springs, so that by digging two or three feet one reaches water, and can then use a trident to spear 'dug mullets' (dpuKToV5' KeO"Tpt:L'5'); these feed upon mud. Strabo appears to be following a different source. His fish live in salt-water (cf. :Mela, ii. 83) and eat mud, those in P. come from the rivers and eat agrostis roots. Strabo is probably following Poseidonius (cf. Pedech, LEC, 1956, 19 n. 57 against Berger, 524 n. rr). There seems to be a reference to the same phenomenon in Livy, xlii. 2. 5 (173 B.c.), 'in Gallico agro, qua induceretur aratrurn, sub existentibus glebis pisces emersisse'; and similar examples are quoted elsewhere: see Seneca, Quaest. nat. iii. 17. 3, 19. z (in Carla); Ps.-Arist. Ausc. mir. 74· 835 b 23 (Heraclea Pontica, Rhegium, and Paphlagonia), following Theophrastus; and Aristotle, HA. vi. rs. 569 a mentions mullet that bury themselves in the ground; see also Strabo, xii. 3· 42, C. 563 for Paphlagonia (following Eudoxus). My colleague J. W. Jones tells me that nothing of the kind appears to be kno'h'11 to modem fishing text-books. 1. ToG Nnp(lwvo; 'II'OTap.ou: usually called the Atax (cf. iii. 37· 8 n.), modem Aude. The plain is that of Roussillon, which extends southward from Perpignan to the Spanish frontier. 'IAAl(lEpLV ~~:a~ 'P60"tc:uvov: cf. Strabo, iv. 1. 6, C. 181, lK p.ev rijS' Ilvp~ll1)5' oT€ 'PovaKlvwv Ka.l 6 •illlf3~p~5', 1r6Aw lxwv &p.Wvu;.z.ov ltaiT~;po~ a.t}rwv. The Illeberis is the modern Tech (cf. Mela, ii. 84, Ticis), which rises in the Pyrenees, just north of the Pic de Castabonne and strikes the Mediterranean about 4 km. north of Argeles-sur-mer. For the town of Illeberis see Strabo, loc. cit., and Livy, xxi. 24. I. Hannibal encamped there after crossing the Pyrenees; later called Helena, it is the modern Elne, just north of the river (cf. Haug, RE, 'Illiberris', col. 1o69). The Roscynus, or Ruscino (so Strabo, loc. cit.) is also known as the Tetis (Mela, ii. 84, manuscript Telis) or Tetum (Pliny, Nat. hist. iii. 32), and is the modern Tet, which rises in the Pyrenees north of Puigcerda, and reaches the Mediterranean by Perpignan. The homonymous town is mentioned in Livy, xxxi. 24. 2 as the assembly-point of the Gauls who distrusted Hannibal's intentions; it is Castel Roussillon, east of Perpignan, and according to the Tab. Peut. lay 7 m.p. north of Illeberris (cf. Haug, RE, 'Ruscino', cols. 1234-5). For the Celtic character of all these parts see iii. 37· 9 n. 610

DESCRIPTION OF GAUL

XXXIV. ro. 6

That Athenaeus does not here mention the Cevennes is not evidence that they were unkno\\'!l to P. (so Pedech, Methode, 578-9); they were irrelevant to what Athenaeus was discussing.

2. Tous ••• txBOs bpuii'.Tous: cf. r-4 n. 3. aypwanv: couch-grass, Triticum repens, or more probably dog's tooth grass, Cynodon dactylon; Theophrastus has no detailed description, but mentions the sweet roots (CP, vi. n. 1o). See Olck, RE, 'Agrostis', cols. 904-6. 5. T~l'll ToO •po8a.vou O'TotJ.nTwv: cf. iii. 42. 5 n. for the Massiliote branch. To count the channels in a delta is not easy, especially as they can vary from time to time. P. and Ptolemy (Geog. ii. ro. z) agreed on two arms, Artemidorus (Strabo, iv. 1. 8, C. r83; Pliny, Nat. hist. iii. 33) made three, Avienus (ora mar. 688) agreed \'.ith Timaeus (cf. Diod. v. 25. 4) that there were five, and Apollonius (iv. 634; Strabo, iv. r. 8, C. 184) counted seven. Today there are two large channels, the main RhOne and the little Rhone to the west. 6-7. Corbilo, 1~Jassalia, and ignorance about Britain. As Strabo declares, this passage belongs to P.'s criticism of Pytheas, and could therefore come from the same section of this book as 5· 2-ro, where Pytheas is criticized for claiming knowledge of Britain. That passage formed part of the general chorographia of Europe. On the other hand, Pytheas is behind the account of the tin-islands in Diod. v. 22 (via Timaeus; cf. Pliny, Nat. hist. iv. 104; Miillenhoff, i. 469--71), and P.'s criticism of his account of British tin-mining probably occurred in his section on Spain. Consequently, the present passage may equally well have stood after 8. I-f). 15 and before the digression on Homeric geography. So Pedech, LEC, 1956, r6~17, who discusses the geographical sources of tin and how it was mined. Following L. Monteagudo (Emerita, 1950, 1-17; 1953, 241-8; Revista de Guimariles, 1957, 372-416), Pedech argues elsewhere that P. denied the existence of a large island of Britain and substituted a group of tin-islands (Cassiterides) lying a little off the north-west coast of Spain, near Cape Finisterre (Methode, 587 n. 419, correcting LEG, 1956, 17); cf. iii. 57· 3 n. If that is so, by P.'s time the tin trade may already have shifted from Britain to Spain. 6. b •.. AiY'lP: the Loire; Strabo describes its course here. The Pictones lived south of the river and have given their name to Poitou and Poi tiers {Goessler, RE, 'Pictones', cols. I20J-I3); the Namnetae were to its north, reaching into what are now Brittany and Normandy, and probably forming part of the Aremorici; Nantes is named after them (G. de Montauzan, RE, 'Namnetae', co is. 1671-2 ). Kop~J..wv: unidentified. Attempts have been made to identify it with Condev1ncum (Ptol. Geog. ii. 8. 8) or "'ith Coueron, just below Nantes; L. Maitre, Les Villes disparues des Namnetes (Nantes, 1893), 87 ff., rejects both and suggests a site at Penrhoet near St. Nazaire (cf. 6ll

XXXIV. to. 6

DESCRIPTION OF GAUL

Grenier, Manuel, vi. 2. sn-I2; Goessler, RE, 'Portus Corbilon', col. 407). Earlier Ihn, RE, 'Corbilon', col. I2i8, took it to be a Phoenician post. TWV UTI'O nu9eou fJ-U9oA.oyTJ9EVTWV: cf. §§ 6-7 n. 7. MaaaaALWTwv ••• UUfJ-fJ-L~avTwv IKmlwvL: not P. Cornelius Scipio, cos. 2I8 (so A. Grenier, Les Gaulois (Paris, I94S), ISI), who put in there (iii. 41. 4), nor yet Africanus (Jullian, i. S23 n. 2), but almost certainly Scipio Aemilianus. Gelzer, Kl. Schr. iii. I7S. suggests that he accompanied Q. Opimius to Massalia in IS4 (cf. xxxiii. 8. I-Io. I4 n.) and made his inquiries then; but there is no evidence for that, and it is more likely that he put in at Massalia on his way back from Spain in ISO (cf. De Sanctis, iii. 1. 2I2; Walbank, Polybius, I27). Carcopino, Dame de Vix, S7-s8, thinks the Massaliotes were ambassadors sent to Scipio's camp; he ignores the reference to the men of N arbo and Corbilo who were also consulted. Pedech, Methode, ss8 n. 248, thinks the catechism took place on the way out in ISI, and this is also possible. The men of all three cities may have been questioned at Massalia (though Pedech suggests that those of Corbilo and Narbo were questioned at Narbo). P. may well have instigated the inquiry. ou8£v fJ-VTJfJ-TJS a~LOV: their taciturnity was no doubt deliberate; on the reluctance of merchants to divulge information about Britain cf. Caesar, BG, iv. 20. 4· 8. iSL6fJ-op<jl6v n ... ~~ov iv auTals: in the Alps, which Strabo is here discussing. This deer-like creature, with neck and coat like a boar's and a thick beard, is perhaps the European elk (cervus alces), mentioned in a strange story found in Caesar, BG, vi. 27; cf. Paus. v. I2. I, ix. 21. 3· This animal is now extinct in the Alps; see Hermann's notes in Schweighaeuser, viii. 1. 119-20. An alternative identification is with the Alpine ibex (capra ibex). 10. KaT' AKuATJiav: 'in the region of Aquileia'. Aquileia was a Latin colony founded in I8I near the mouth of the Natiso at the head of the Adriatic (Livy, xl. 34· 2), and 6o stades from the coast (Strabo, v. 1. 8, C. 2I4) ; cf. Hiilsen, RE, 'Aquileia', cols. 3I8-21. P. mentions it as the nearest large town, though in fact the Taurisci were a considerable distance away (see next note). iv Tols T auplaKOLS Tols NwpLKols: the words -roi> Nwpucoi> are added to distinguish these Taurisci from those of Piedmont (cf. ii. IS. 8 n.). They seem later to have been absorbed into theN oric-Illyrian population of the region north of Aquileia; cf. Pliny, Nat. hist. iii. I33. 'iuxta ... Carnos quondam Taurisci appellati, nunc Norici'; cf. Strabo, iv. 6. 9, C. 206, -rwv o~ Nwpucwv tdat ~ea£ ol Tavpla~em. This gold mine has been placed in the Hohe Tauern, at Feistritz on the river Drave in Carinthia, by Egger, ]ahresh. 2s, I929, Beibl. I6I; but no certain location is possible. See M. Fluss, RE, 'Taurisci', cols. I-I4, especially Io-It. 612

DESCRIPTION OF GAUL

XXXIV.

IO.

IB

bpuKTOV .•• xpuaov: 'dug gold', as distinct from gold-dust brought do\\-'11 by the rivers (which Strabo mentions, probably following P., in a sentence omitted from the text of P. between § 14 and § 15). 13. 'ha.f.uuTwv: Italians generally; cf. vi. 52. 10. 14. JLOVO'ITWAE:iv: for similar examples of restricting output to maintain the price see Strabo, xviL 1. 15, C. 8oo (palm-trees in Judaea, papyrus in the Nile delta). Between§ 14 and§ 15 in Strabo there is a statement that all gold miners are now (i.e. in his own time) under Roman control. Strabo adds that here as in Spain gold-dust is brought down by the rivers, and since he goes on to use P. this sentence is likely to be from the same source, and if so should be included here. 15-21. F.'s account of the Alps. For his concept of the Alps see ii. 14· 6 n., 15. 8-ro, iii. 39· 9; for Hannibal's crossing, iii. so. 1-56. 4· 15. Ta.tJyETov ••• Aoova.Ka.: of the six famous Greek, and three Thracian, mountains listed for comparison with the Alps, Taygetus lies between Laconia and Messenia; it is IIS km.long, from C. Matapan to near Megalopolis, and c. 2o-3o km. across, rising at the highest point to 2,409 m. (cf. Bolte, RE, 'Taygetos', cols. 91--95). Mt. Lycaeum (cf. iv. 33· 2 n.) in Arcadia is r,42om. (cf. Ernst Meyer, RE, 'Lykaion', cols. 2235-44). The highest peak of Mt. Parnassus above Delphi is 2,477 m. (d. ]. Schmidt, RE 'Parnassos', cols. 1573-1663, especially 1584). Mt. Olympus between Thessaly and Macedonia, is 2,918 m. (cf. Oberhummer, RE, 'Olympos', cols 258-72). Mt. Pelion in the Magnesian peninsula stretches from Mt. Ossa to C. Pelion and reaches 1,635 m. (cf. Stahlin, RE, 'Pelion', cols. 339-41). Mt. Ossa, at its northern end, above Tempe, rises to 1,978 m. (cf. ]. Schmidt, RE, 'Ossa', cols. 1591-5). On Mt. Haemus see xxiv. 4 n. (and Oberhummer, RE, 'Thrake', col. 397); if Mt. Vitosha is meant there, its height is 2,290 m. Mt. Rhodope is the range between the rivers Nestus (Mesta) and Hebrus (Marica) and Mt. Dunax forms its northern extremity, if it is Musala in the Rila mountains (2,930 m.); cf. Livy, xl. 58. 2, 'montem ingentis altitudinis ... Donucam' ; Oberhummer, RE 'Thrake', cols. 397-8. 17. 5laXlALwv Ka.t 5la.Koa(wv aTa.5£wv: a serious underestimate; cf. ii. 14. 9 n. The plain is that in Italy. 18. ThTa.pa.s .•. {,,.ep~ciaElS: of these passes the first, through Liguria and nearest to the Tyrrhenian Sea (ii. 14. 4 n.) will be the coast route or the Colle di Tenda; that through the Taurini, which Hannibal followed (though not in all manuscripts, the words ~v :4vvi{3M ot~A0Ev are to be kept; see Vol. I, p. 385), is the Mt. Genevre, the Col du Clapier or the Mt. Cenis (for the view that it is one of the two last, and probably the Col du Clapier see iii. 49· 5-56. 4 n.; JRS, 1956, 37-45; Proctor, 216); that through the Salassi (of the Val d' Aosta) is the Great or Little St. Bernard; and that through 613

XXXIV. ro. 18

DESCRIPTION OF GAUL

Raetia probably not the Brenner (so Nissen, It. Land. i. rss; Hyde, Routes, 187), but a way over the Julier and Septimer passes (d. Heuberger, RE, 'Vindelici', col. 3 with references). In the next century Varro (ap. Serv. Aen. x. 13) reckoned five passes in the western Alps alone: 'una quae est iuxta mare, per Ligures, altera qua Hannibal transiit, tertia qua Pompeius ad Hispaniense bellum profectus est, quarta qua Hasdrubal de Gallia in Italiam uenit, quinta quae quondam a Graecis possessa est, quae exinde Alpes Graiae appellantur.' On the Alpine passes generally see Partsch, RE, 'Alpes', cols. 1604-10; Jullian, i. 42-SO; Nissen, It. Land. i. 155-67; Hyde, Routes. 19. A(J.lv«s ••• 1rAe£ous J.lEV, Tpels Ei€ J.1Eyci.>..as: Benacus is Lake Garda, but the dimensions are exaggerated. Its length is 52 km., and its average width 7·2 km. and greatest width 17"5 km. The manuscripts of Strabo make the width 30 stades = s·3 km.; but the commonly accepted (iKaTov) TptriKovTa is absurd, for this would be equivalent to 23 km. Some manuscripts have 7T€VT~KovTa (8·8 km.). See Hi.ilsen, RE, 'Benacus lacus', col. z68. The other two lakes are in the wrong order in the manuscripts, which Kramer has corrected so that Larius with the Adda precedes V erbanus with the Ticinus. Lake Maggiore (Verbanus) is 65 km.long, and Como (Larius) 48 km.; but Nissen, It. Land. i. 18o, has shown that in classical times Como reached Samolaco, a distance of 64 km. P.'s 400 and 300 stades represent 70·8 km. and 53·1 km.; and Ernst Meyer (RE, 'Verban(n)us lacus', col. 970) argues that these refer to the lakes to which the manuscripts of Strabo attach them, viz. Lake Maggiore 400 stades = 7o·8 km. and Lake Como 300 stades = S3'I km., compared with the present 65 km. and 48 km. respectively. Traditionally the length of Como was over-estimated (d. Philipp, RE, 'Larius', cols. 874-5). Most other sources make it 6o m.p. = 89 km., and it would be odd if P. alone made it too small at 53·1 km., when it was in fact 64 km. But if only the names are reversed, 300 stades (53·1 km.) falls very far short of the real length of Lake Maggiore, even today. Clearly then the length of one or the other lake is seriously underestimated, whether the figures are adjusted to go with the original names or not; and it is hard to imagine a scribe's error which exchanged the names of the lakes and their dimensions, but failed to adjust the names of the respective rivers as well. As regards the breadth of the lakes, the manuscripts make Verbanus (Maggiore) narrower than Garda, and Larius (Como) 30 stades (BCI so) = 5'3 km. (or 8·8 km.). Their real widths are: Como 4'3 km., Maggiore 4-4·5 km. at the widest point. See Meyer, loc. cit.; ).Tissen, loc. cit.; Howald-Meyer, Schweiz, rS-19.

The Timavum. A further passage on Gaul omitted from texts of 614

DESCRIPTION OF GAUL

XXXIV.

II. 2

P. is Strabo, v. I. 8, C. 214: in the recess of the Adriatic there is a temple of Diomedes, the Timavum, vv"ith a harbour, a splendid precinct and seven fountains of drinking water, which at once empty into the sea in one broad, deep river. According toP., however, all but one of these fountains are salty; the natives call the place the source and mother of the sea. Strabo then quotes Poseidonius' account. The passage confirms P.'s interest in hydrology; cf. 9· 5-7, the spring at Gades. The Timavus ran into the Adriatic near ~Ionfalcone, north-west of Trieste, but the whole neighbourhood has changed greatly since classical times, and the ancient water-system is a subject of controversy. See especially ~issen, It. Land. ii. 233 ff.; Philipp, RE, 'Natiso', cols. x8o6-xo (v.':ith map); 'Timavus', cols. 1242-{) (modifying the earlier view, and accepting C. Gregorutti's hypothesis that the Timavus was one branch of the Isonzo (Sontius)). The shrine of Diomedes has not been found, but Philipp would put it on the coast at S. Giovanni di Tuba. For an interesting suggestion that C. Sempronius Tuditanus, cos. rzg, set up a statue of himself here (Pliny, Nat. hist. iii. 129 (keeping stadia M); Degrassi, ILLRP, i. 334) seeM. G. Morgan, Phil. 1973, 29-48. For the seven springs see Martial, iv. 25. 6; Virgil, Aen. L 245 (with Austin's note), Mela, ii. 61, and Claudian, cons. Hon. I97, all speak of nine. There is epigraphical evidence for a later temple to Minerva and Spes Augusti at this site.

11. Details of Italy [11. 1. The wine of Capua. This fragment probably comes from one of the narrative books, e.g. book vii (cf. vii. r. I on the fertility and consequent luxury of the area) ; see p. 568. The passage is from Athen. i. 31 D, and there is no reason to assign it to book xxxiv. Capuan wines were inferior to Falcrnian, but of high repute; cf. Pliny, Nat. hist. xiv. 69. The vines were trained up trees (dva8e:voplTTJs) planted in rows in a field; cf. Pliny, Nat. hist. xiv. ro, 49; Nissen, It. Land. L 453. ii. 702. For a Roman vineyard discovered in the wrongly named foro boario at Pompeii see Wilhehnina F. Jashemski, AJA, I973· 2 7-41 ; here the vines were trained to stakes by a method known as vitis compluuiata, and not to trees.]

[l-3. = Strabo, v. I. 3. C. 2II (n. 2) and v. 2. 5. C. 222 (n. 3). These passages are probably from the chorographia of Europe; they should follow ch. 7 or 10. 6-7, if that stood there (seep. 567). l.
XXXIV.

11. 2

DETAILS OF ITALY

Promontory of Hercules (C. Spartivento) to Rhegium and the promontory of Scylla is about 38o miles (c. 6o5 km.). 3,ooo stades = c. 335 miles is rather an underestimate. The direct route by sea is c. 230 miles (c. 340 km.), saving about 150 miles; but that would imply sailing direct from the Iapygian to the Lacinian Promontory, whereas P. is probably thinking of a voyage keeping nearer the shore. Paton mistranslates the words 1TAEiwn ••. :Uouaav to make nonsense of the passage. On the Sicilian sea cf. i. 42. 4 n. 3. a"!ro AouVT)~ tUXPI 'llcrT~WV: Luna (modern Luni) stood on the left bank of the river J\hcra (modern Magra) near Carrara, and on the border between Etruria and Liguria. Strabo, in this same section, puts Luna on the right bank of the Macra, incorrectly, and makes Pisa the first city in Etruria (cf. ii. 16. 2). Luna was founded as a Roman colony in 177 (Livy, xli. 13. 5; see Wickert, RE, 'Luna (r)', cols. 18o4-12); Toynbee, ii. 533-40. On Ostia see vi. I I a 6 n., xxxi. 14. 7 n. The route between them, following the Via Aurelia (which starts however at Rome) to Salebro, and the Via Aemilia Scauri from Salebrothrough Pisa to Luna, comes to242 m.p.; cf. Radke,RE, Suppl.-B. xiii, 'Viae publicae Romanae', cols. 1619-22. Strabo's 2,500 stades (3r2·5 m.p. at 8 stades to the Roman mile) is 7o m.p. too much. ,.t..a.To~ 8e •.. To 1rpo~ To'i:~ ~pecr1v: Strabo, v. 2. g, C. 226, describes Arretium as 1Tpos Tol's opww, and he may be reckoning the breadth of Etruria thereabouts. A line from Populonia to the hills behind Arretium would measure c. 85 m.p. compared >vith the 145 m.p. (i.e. le.c;s than half 2,500 stades) given by P. et~ ••• nlca~ 6:rro AouvTJS: on Pisa see ii. r6. 2 n. The Peutinger table makes the distance from Luna to Pisa 37 m.p., and the Antonine Itinerary 23 m.p. (but this has to be corrected to 33 m.p.) ; 37 m.p. is 3o8! stades at 8! stades to the Roman mile (d. Radke, RE, Suppl.-B., xiii, 'Viae publicae Romanae', col. 1621). ~vTEu9ev 8' ets Ouo!..a:r•epa.s: Volaterra was c. 40 km. from the coast (on the modern road), on a hill 554 m. high (cf. Radke, RE, 'Volaterrae', cols. 721-4o; Scullard, Etruscan cities, 146-51), and cannot have figured in the coastal calculation (d. Cuntz, 23). The reference must be to Vada Volaterrana on the Via Aemilia Scauri; and Cuntz would read JVTEv8EV 8' Els Ovci.Oa -rd. Ka-r.t OtioAaTTlpas. V ada Volaterrana has been variously located: at Cecina (Hiilsen), Vada (Banti), and S. Pietro in Palazzi (Radke): see Radke, RE, SuppL-E. xiii, 'Viae publicae Romanae', col. 1622; Banti, RE, 'Vada Volaterrana', cols. 2o5o--1; Hlilsen, RE, 'Caecina (1)', col. 1236. Radke's figures (cf. RE, 'Volaterrae', cols. 738-4o) fit the itineraries best. From Pisa to Vada is 32 m.p. (zg m.p. in the It. Ant.), which at 8~ stades to the Roman mile is 266j stades (compared with Strabo's 28o stades). ev9ev8e .;1r; no'II'AWVLOV: Populonia stood on a headland opposite Elba about 9 km. north of Piombino; see Radke, RE, 'Populonia', 616

DETAILS OF ITALY

XXXIV.

II.

3

cols. 91-95; Scullard, Etruscan cities, 141-s. Different manuscripts of the Antonine Itinerary give 22 or 25 m.p. for the distance between Vada Volaterrana and Populonia; the Peutinger table gives 20 m.p. The equivalents are 2081, I8Jt• and 166j stades, at 81 stades to the Roman mile, compared with Strabo's 270 stades-far too large a figure. ete 6e noTTAwvtou Ets K6o-a.v: Cosa was a Latin colony founded on the Etruscan coast at Ansedonia, east of Mt. Argentario, in 173 (see Salmon, Colonization, 28-39); it lay on the Via Aurelia. The It. Ant. puts its distance from Populonia as 55 m.p., but the real figure is 16 m.p. more. The 63 m.p. of the Peutinger map is also too small. See Cuntz, 23; Radke, RE, Suppl.-B. xiii, 'Viae publicae Romanae', cols. 1619-22. The real total of 71 m.p. is 591i stades (using the S! ratio), whereas Strabo records it as 6oo or nearly 8oo. noMj3LOs S' ouK EO tea.~ ••• MyEL: the manuscript has oVK £lvm, but Meineke's correction has been rightly accepted. In fact a table shows that Strabo has criticized P. unjustly. The calculated figures are those of Radke (RE, Suppl.-B. xiii, 'Viae publicae Romanae', cols. r6Ig--z2; RE, 'Volaterrae', cols. 738-4o) and are based on a combination of evidence: a milestone (A.D. 143) at 188 m.p. from the porta Aztrelia at Rome, the recorded distance of 8oo stades = Ioo m.p. from Rome to Telamon (Diod. iv. 56), the evidence of the It. Ant. and the Peut. Tab., and P.'s figure here. Both the It. Ant. and the Peut. Tab. seriously underestimate the section Populonia-Cosa; and for the section Pisa-Vada the figure in the Peut. Tab. is not clear, so I have there added in the calculated figure. I use the I: 8l ratio for converting stades, P.'s ratio; Strabo probably used I :8.

Luna-Pisa Pisa-Vada Vo1aterrana Vada-Populonia

It. Ani.

Tab. Peut.

Calculated

Strabo

m.p. stades

m.p. stades

m.p.

stades

33

275

37

3081

37

308l

400+

29

::2411 t83t or 2oBl 458l

[32

20

.:z66f] x66j

32 20

z66J J66f

270

63

525

71

59 If

22

or 25

Populonia-Cosa

55

r,rsSI or I,I83t

1,266f

stades

I,333t

280

6oo or nearly Boo 1,550 or r,75o-

These figures show that P.'s total of 1,330 stades for the section Luna-Cosa is very near the real distance, whereas Strabo's is much too high. By omitting the section 'lTAchos S~ ... ita.K6ato{ o/>aat, Hultsch gives the absurd impression that P.'s figure of I,33o stades was for the whole distance from Ostia to Luna. See also Cuntz, 22-23.] 6IJ

XXXIV. 11.4

DETAILS OF ITALY

4. = Steph. Byz. s.v. Al8&>..?J. Aethale is Ilva, modern Elba; the word ai8a.Ao~. al8&>..?J means 'soot, smoke' and the proper name is derived from iron-working. In what context P. mentioned Lemnos is unknown; he may not have linked it with Elba, either, though this is likely. There are two possible connections between the two islands, one the iron-working common to both, the other the association with the Etruscans; cf. Hellanicus, FGH, 4 F 7I for both; Fredrich, RE, 'Lemnos', cols. I928-3o. There is no evidence that P. discussed the Etruscan problem, here or elsewhere; but he may have mentioned the alternative name of Lemnos in relation to its iron-working. Stephanus adds the words: rl4> •.ry~ 0 n.avKo~. €i~ 7"WV T1]v KOAA'!]O'tV (soldering) O'tS~pov €upoVTwv; but whether P. mentioned this unidentified Glaucus (d. C. Robert, RE, 'Glaukos (49)', col. I423) is unknown. He was clearly connected with iron-working. In what part of book xxxiv P. mentioned Lemnos we cannot say; but even if it was linked with Elba, it need not have occurred in a section on Italy. ~5-7. = Strabo, v. 4· 3, C. 242. The inhabitants of Campania. The relevant part of P. may well have been in one of the narrative books, perhaps (cf. §I n.) book vii. Strabo quotes P. only for the names of the peoples. The area concerned is the Bay of Naples between Capo Miseno to the north and Punta della Campanella at the end of the Sorrentine peninsula to the south; on its fertility see vii. I. I n. 7. 'OmKo,)s ••• Kat Al.;aovas: the Opici (probably an alternative form of O(b)sci) were in Campania when the Chalcidian Greeks arrived there in the eighth century; but the tradition that they were there as early as the eleventh century (Thuc. vi. 2. 3-4) is unlikely. When the Sabellian peoples entered Campania in the late fifth century, the term Oscan survived as the name by which the Romans designated the incomers' language. Greek sources often mention the Ausones as the autochthonous inhabitants of southern Italy (cf. Dion. Hal. i. 22. 3); they are probably identical with the Aurunci (d. Serv. ad Virg. Aen. vii. 727). The Aurunci are found in the coastal area between the Volturnus and the Liris (cf. Htilsen, RE, 'Aurunci', col. 2554; Nissen, It. Land. i. 53I-2). That the Ausonians and Opicans were the same people was held not only by Antiochus of Syracuse (§ 6 = FGH, 555 F 7) in the fifth century, but also by Aristotle (Pol. iv (vii). Io. 1329 b 19), who probably followed him. But Hellanicus rejected this, for he described the migration of the Ausonians to Sicily (FGH, 4 F 79). See also IS- 4 for the Ausonian sea. 'TTJV xwpo.v •.. m;:pt TOV Kpa'Tfjpa.: the name (d. Cic. ad Att. ii. 8. 2, Cratera iUum delicatum) derives from the shape of the Bay of Naples, resembling a mixing-bowl or cup; cf. Nissen, It. Land. ii. 719.]

8. = Strabo, vi. 3· 6I8

10,

C. 285. Distances along the Adriatic. The rele-

DETAILS OF ITALY

XXXIV.

II. 9-II

vant passage of P. probably occurred in his account of the configuration of Europe. See pp. 567, s&J. For the Iapygian promontory see § 2 n. lJO.o.v is corrupt, and various emendations include lJTTlvo.v (Tyrwhitt) and KaMJ-rjvav (Groskurd); but the most probable is Cluver's 1J7}vav (see the apparatus criticus in Btittner-Wobst). However, 562 m.p. from Iapygia to Sena Gallica and 178 m.p. from Sena Gallica to Aquileia do not correspond to the real figures, and Cuntz, :z8-31, argues that though Sena stood in P.'s text, the actual measurements are to the Rubicon (cf. ii. 19. 13 n., iii. 61. I I n.), which was already the frontier of Italy before 132 (cf. Radke, RE, Suppl.-B. xiii, 'Viae publicae Romanae', col. 1582). Cuntz's figures for the separate sections are calculated from those given in the Antonine Itinerary and the Peutinger map, adjusted on the basis of measurement along a direct line where these are too high or too low or inconsistent. This gives him c. 501 m.p. for the section IapygiaSena Gallica and c. 239 m.p. for the section Sena-Aquileia; but his totals have clearly been adjusted to make the whole add up to 740 m.p., the distance in P., who however divides it differently. Cuntz's figures are reasonable (though Radke, RE, Suppl.-B. xiii, 'Viae publicae Romanae', cols. 1587-8 map, makes Aquileia-Sena Gallica 259 m.p.), and his explanation of the discrepancy in P. (accepting the probable correction of lJCAa.v to 1J7}va.v) is plausible, since the It. Ant. and the Pe·ut. Tab. agree in giving the 61 m.p. which his hypothesis requires for the section Sena Gallica-Rubicon. (Paton prints 56o in error for 562 for the section Iapygia-Sena.) Strabo next gives a distance of over 6,ooo stades from the Acroceraunian mountains to the recess of the Adriatic, a longer stretch than that from the Iapygian promontory to Aquileia, although, he adds, it is really shorter. But his sentence has no main verb, and it is not clear to what authorities he is referring. In fact, 6,ooo stades is only shorter than 740 m.p. on the I :8 ratio; hence it is unlikely that P. is among those referred to, since with his ratio of I :8! 6,ooo stades comes to only 720 m.p. For P.'s measurements up the east coast of the Adriatic see 6. xo-n nn. 9-11. Strabo, vi. r. n, C. 261. Distances along the southern coast of Italy. Like § 8 this will come from the general account of Europe; see pp. 567--9. For the Lacinian promontory and temple see iii. 33· r8 n. For the distance from the Straits of Messina to the Iapygian promontory sec § :z, where however P. makes the sailing distance 2,500 stades. But that did not incorporate the shortest distance from Capo delle Colonne to Capo S. Maria di Uuca, which is here given as 700 stades 84 m.p., a figure only a mile or two short of the real one. From the Straits to Capo delle Colonne is also c. 1,300 stade.'l, which supports the emendation of the manuscript oLax,.\lovs to x,).,f.ovs. 619

XXXIV.

II. I2-20

WEATHER SIGNALS

12-20. Strabo, vi. 2. ro, C. 276. Weather signals above Thermessa in the Lipari Islands. This passage links up with P.'s discussion of the location and rational explanation of Odysseus' voyages and adventures, which followed his account of Spain; see pp. 567 and 569. Hence it should stand after 2-4 (extended), which in turn follows ch. 9· 12. Twv Tp!.Wv Kpa.Ti)pwv: on the island of Thermessa, ~v vilv tt:ptlv 'HcpaLaTov KaAoilat. Strabo has just described the three funnels through which red-hot volcanic matter is thrown up and mentioned with approval the belief that both here and on Etna flames are stimulated along with the winds and that when the winds cease, the flames cease too--a fact perhaps taken from P., whose account he goes on to mention; it is a detailed analysis of the relationship between the action of the volcano and various ¥rinds, cf. §§ 15-18. Thermessa (mod. Vulcano) is the most southerly of the Lipari Islands; it was also called Therasia (Pliny, Nat. hist. iii. 93), but more often the holy island of Vulcan (Diod. v. i· r; Ptol. Geog. iii. 4· 8). There had been a notable eruption in 183 (Oros. iv. zo. 30). On the island see Nissen, It. Land. i. 25o-r; Weiss, RE, 'Riera (8)', col. IJ9i· 13. ICa.T' b'A(yov ••• auvfiyeaBa.L: P. is describing a cone which has grown up within the rim marking the edge of an earlier caldera. 'Explosive central eruptions of great violence, by blowing off the upper parts of volcano cones, give rise to huge craters called calderas. . . . If the upper part of a cone has acquired a greatly enlarged crater by explosion and collapse, a new cone or cones may be built up from this caldera' (A. :McGregor, Chambers's Encyclopaedia, xiv. 368--9 s.v. 'Volcano'). The rim of the earlier explosion was 5 stades in circumference and the new cone rising within this was so ft. wide at the top, at which point it was c. r,Joo-r,Jso ft. above sea level. Today the Gran Cratere on Vulcano has an altitude of 386m. and Mt. Aria to the south of 499 m. 14. l:JaTE 1Ca.9opav Ta.is VT)VE!J-ta.ts: 'so that it can be seen in calm weather'; the object of KalJopii.v may be either the sea or the top of the cone. 15. f:.I.TJ8E Tf]v It~ee'A.ta.v ••• .pa.~vea9a.t: the nearest point in Sicily is c. 20 km. from the southern tip of Vulcano. Paton does not translate a1TwO~:v, 'in the distance'. 18. ilvo.,Pua'lj!J-a.Ta.: 'volcanic discharges, eruptions'; the word is common in the Peripatetic tradition (cf. Arist. de mundo, 4· 395 a 8, 396 a 2I; Meteor. ii. 8. J6i a IS; Ps.-Arist. A usc. mir. ros. 840 a J). 1Tp00'Tjf:.I.O.l\IE0'9a.L ICO.i TOll 1TaAW • • • f:J.EAAO\ITO. aVE!J-011 1TVI2~\I: the connection between massing cloud and increase in volcanic phenomena and the subsequent blowing of specific winds seems primarily to rest on local observation; but this kind of association of winds with earth disturbances was a feature of the speculation of various philosophical schools. Aristotle, Meteor. ii. 8. 365 b ZI ff. explains earth62o

IN THE LIPARI ISLANDS

XXXIV. 12.

1-12

quakes as due to the building up of wind both inside and outside the earth as a result of exhalations from it (ava6vf-Llaat>) ; winds may blow into or out of the earth, and when they blow in (producing a calm above) earthquakes are most likely to occur (d. Capelle, RE, SuppLE. iv, 'Erdbebenforschung', cols. 367 ff.). Aristotle goes on to mention Riera in the Aeolian Islands, where an earthquake ended in a volcanic eruption depositing much debris, which smothered the town of Lipara (Meteor. ii. 8. 366 b 31-367 a 9); he adds: oTav ydp aV£f:LOS' fL£AA:n 1T'Vwada0at VOTOS'' 7rp007]f-La£v£L 7Tp0T£pov· Tixovat ydp oi. T01TOL £g cLv y£yv£TaL Ta avafvm]fLaTa, Sta TO rTJV 0&..\a'T'TaV fLiV 7Tpow8£ta0at i)S'Y) 1roppw8£v, {mo S€ Tatl-r-qS' TO €K rijs yijs dva!/>vadJfL£VOV amn6£w0at mi.\tv £iaw, '91T€p £1T£px€TaL ~ (Jd.\aTTa TaJ.rn. 7TDL€L S€ .frofov avw (}'€L(}'fLOV Sta T£ rTjv £vpvxwplav TWV T01TWV ••• Kal St' 6.\t}'OT'Y)Ta TOV aTTw8ovfL€vov iUpo>. This account differs from P.'s in that it connects

rumbling with the south wind rather than the north; but it is clearly concerned with similar phenomena. Lucretius, vi. 68o-7o2, also explains the eruption of Etna in terms of hot wind and the penetration of water from the sea; cf. Epicurus, Epist. ad Pythoclem, § I06; Iustin. iv. 1. 2-15. Whether or no Poseidonius is an intermediary (so Ernout-Robin, comm. on Lucretius), these speculations all probably go back to the pre-Socratics. In the passages mentioned by Strabo P. does not go into the theory behind the phenomena, and there is no evidence that he was familiar with the 11-!eteorologica, which was little known in Hellenistic times (cf. I. Dtihring, Aristoteles: Darstellung und Interpretation seines Denkens (Heidelberg, 1966), 390). His interest of course at this point was more in the link between volcanic phenomena and winds, which enabled 'Aeolus' to foretell the weather to Odysseus, than in understanding the theoretical basis of such a link. For haze on the mountain as a sign of wind see [Theoph.] de signis, i. 3, ii. 34· On the whole, observation of clouds does not figure greatly in the prognostication of wind and weather (d. Boker, RE, SuppL-E. ix, 'Wetterzeichen', cols. 1645--6). 19. yevo~EV"lS tnrAo(as 1Tp0EL'ITELV ••• TOV EO'Of.lEVOV O.ve~ov): aV£fLOV is Casaubon's suggestion based on the reading in the epitome of Strabo (iii. 494 extr. Kramer), and fits the required sense. Schweighaeuser ad loc. suggests a1TVola> and (a£Laf-Lov) after £a6fLEVov and quotes Arist. Meteor. ii. 8. 366 a s-6, OLO ylyvovTaL V'Y)V€fL{q. oi 1TA€LO'TOL Ka~ fL€-ytaToL Tl7w a£LUfLWV. But P. is concerned with winds (§ 2o), not earthquakes. His remark here suggests that he had personally been becalmed at Lipara and experienced what he describes. 20. Ta~(av TWV ave~wv TOV Aro'JI.ov: cf. 2. 5 n.

<

12. 1-12. = Strabo, vii. 5· 9, C. 317 (1-2); 7· 4, C. 322-3 (za-8); epit. vii. 56 (57) (9-10}; viii. 2. I, C. 335 (11) ; 8. 5, (. 389 (12). 621

XXXIV.

12

DISTANCES IN THE BALKAN

Distances in the Balkan peninsula, Thrace and Greece

All these passages probably belong to the general account of Europe which preceded F.'s sections on Spain and Gaul, and therefore should properly follOW II. 8-II (see pp. 567 and 569). 12. L P.'s criticism of Eratosthenes and Theopompus. Strabo could mean that Theopompus was not one of the writers to whom P. applied the phrase 7TapaKoUap.aTa ••• Aaoooyp.anKd.; but the reference to the two seas (see below) suggests that he did in fact criticize Theopompus for these improbabilities. For earlier criticism of Theopompus by P. see viii. 9-n nn. ; and for his liking for marvels cf. xvi. 12. 7-9 (Iasus). K~pa.JLOV .•• ev Tcjl NO.pwv~: the Naro is the modem Narenta (Naretva) (cf. xxxii. 9· I n.) in Dalmatia. The presence of Chian and Thasian sherds in the river could be explained more easily than by assuming an underground connection with the Aegean. TO aJLcjllll ••• Ta 'II'EAUY'I'I Avo TWOS opous: cf. IO. IS n., xxiv. 4 n., for Mt. Haemus, to which Strabo here refers. The seas are the Aegean and the Adriatic (Paton inadvertently says 'the Ionian sea and the Adriatic'). Despite Strabo's statement (cf. xxiv. 4) that P. accepted this legend, it is not true and P. may well have criticized Theopompus (FGH, ns F 129) for believing and publicizing it. Twv JI\L~upvt8wv * T~8e(s: Groskurd proposed (ToaoiJTov Elvat Td p.l)yE8os, Jacoby Tt(vct.s ToaaUTas Elvat Tdp.lyE)8os; earlier Coraes read T~v 8lmv. On the Libumian islands see Pliny, Nat. hist. iii. 152; Oros. i. 2. 59; Apoll. Rhod. iv. 562-5; Ps.-Scymnus, 374; Strabo, ii. 5· 20, C. 124, vii. 5· 5, C. 315; Fluss, RE, Suppl.-B. v, 'Insulae Libumicae', cols. 345-6. Forty in number, according to Strabo, they lie off the coast of Libumia, south of Histria. They are the modem Rab, Pag, and Dugi Otok and the smaller islands around. Rab has a coastline of nearly soo stades; but it is not clear whether Theopompus made soo stades the circuit of one, several, or the whole group of islands. Tov "l(npov •.• els Tov !/1..8p(a.v ~J.1.~6.AAeLV : this ancient fallacy appears in Ps.-Scymn. 193-4; Arist. Hist. an. viii. 13. 598 b r6 ff.; Apoll. Rhod. iv. 289, 325; Ps.-Arist. de mir. ausc. Ios. 839 b 9 ff.; Mela, ii. 63; but Pliny, Nat. hist. iii. 127, rejects it, and Strabo, i. 3· rs, C. 57 reproves Hipparchus for believing it. One version made the Argonauts take that route (cf. Thomson, 48 n. I, 141, 197 n. 3). 2. Ka.t Tou 'Epa.To0'8Evous l1v~a. KTA.: cf. I. 6 n., 5· 14 n. la-8. The Via Egnatia as jar as Thessalonica. This famous road ran from Apollonia and Dyrrhachium up the valley of the Genusus (Shkumbi), north of Lake Lychnidus (Ochrid), through Lyncestis and via Edessa and Pella to Thessalonica; from there it continued eastward to the Hebrus at Cypsela, Perin thus, and Byzantium (§ 9). 622

PENINSULA, THRACE AND GREECE

XXXIV. 12.3-4

The date of its construction is uncertain; Strabo alone gives the name (Strabo, vii. 7· 4, C. 322-3; 7· 8, C. 327; fgs. Io, 13, 21) and not specifically in relation to references to P. Cicero, prov. cons. 4, mentions the road 'quae per Macedoniam est usque ad Hellespontum militaris', but does not name it. Hammond (]RS, 1974, 192-4) argued that the Via Egnatia is the name of the road only to Thessalonica, and that this was built between no and Ioo. However, a milestone which dates, on the evidence of letter forms, to the second half of the second century B.c. has been found a little to the north-west of Thessalonica in the alluvium of the river Gallikos (Echedoros), and gives the name of Cn. Egnatius C.f. as proconsul (of Macedonia). This fits in with the fact that P.'s calculations in §§ 8 and 10 (cf. § 8 n.) were based on Roman miles as far as Cypsela, and supports the view that the reference to milestones in§ 2 is taken from P. and not added by Strabo. See Hammond, Macedonia, 19-58; JRS, 1974, 185-94; C. F. Edson, CP, 1951, 1-16; Oberhummer, RE, 'Egnatia via', cols. 1988-g3; Radke, RE, Suppl.-B. xiii, 'Viae publicae Romanae', cols. 1666-7; Miller, Itineraria, 516 ff.; N. Ceka and L. Papajani, Studia Albanica, i. 1972, 85-106, 'La route de la vallee du Shkumbin'; H. Ceka, Monumentet, i, 1972, 25-32 (French translation, 33-35), 'La branche sud de la voie Egnatia'; P. A. MacKay, Ancient Macedonia II, zo1-1o, 'The route of the via Egnatia around Lake Ostrovo'; for the new milestone, C. R01niopoulou, BCH, 1974, 813-16 figs. 1-2; P. Collart, ibid. 1976, 177-2oo 'Les milliaires de la via Egnatia'; G. Daux, ]ourn. Sav. 1977, 145-63. For a general account see F. O'Sullivan, The Egnatian Way, ~ewton Abbot, 1972. The proconsul Cn. Egnatius may be identical with the senator Cn. Egnatius C.f. Stell(atina), mentioned in a letter of the praetor P. Cornelius Blasio to the Corcyraeans (SEG, iii. 451 Sherk, 4); for Blasia's praetorship in the late 14o's see H. B. Mattingly, NC, 1969, 103-4. 2a. EK ••• ri]s ;6..'1To.>..>.wv(a.s ELS Ma.KeSov(a.v: the Corcyraean colony of Apollonia lay on the Aous (though its present channel is some 10 km. to the south). It was the original starting-point for the route across the Balkans, but later Dyrrhachium took over as the main port (Hamrnond.]RS, 1974. 192-3). On Apollonia see ii. II. 5-12 n.; Hirschfeld, RE, 'Apollonia (1)', cols. n1-13; for recent excavations see A. Mano, Studia Albanica, i, 1972, 107-20 (with plates), 'Le Tumulus I de la necropole d' Apollonie'; i, 1971, 146-7. report of H. Ceka's excavations, 1967--g. J3EI3tJ11a.TLO'fliv1) Kam], fL(.>.~ov ••• IL~XP~ ••• E~pou '1TOTa.11oG: taken from P. ; see § 8 n. 3-4. Conversion of miles into stades. A stadium Italicum of 625 pedes (186m.) is attested by Censorinus, de die natali, 13. 2 (cf. Pliny, Nat. hist. ii. 85) and might seem to be implied in the usual Roman equation of 8 stades to the Roman mile (when indeed the Romans converted 8

623

XXXIV. rz. 3-4

THE VIA EGNATIA

miles into stades, which was not often (cf. Morgan, Phil. 1973, 34-35); the Romans used the stade as a normal measurement only for sea travel). Similarly P.'s conversion on the basis of 8} stades to the Roman mile might seem to imply a stade of 6oo pedes (q8·5 m.), here giving an additional q8 stades so that what on the I :8 ratio would be 4,28o stades becomes 4,458 stades, as the equivalent of 535 m.p. But this is to misrepresent the issue, which was not one of which of two stades--a short one or a long one----P. chose to use, but rather of what degree of accuracy he demanded in converting m.p. into the stades with which his readers were familiar viz. the normal stade of q8·s m. I:8} was more accurate than I:8 and was moreover reasonably easy to operate (multiply by 25 and divide by 3)· 5. a1ro iuou SLa.O'niJLa.Toc,; O'UJ11Tt1TTELv ~tTA.: on the road-system between Dyrrhachium and Apollonia see Hammond, ]RS, 1974, IB5-94, superseding Macedonia, 19-27. In P.'s time the two roads met a little west of Elbasan on the right bank of the Shkumbi; from here to Dyrrhachium through Peqin, Rogozhine, Shtodher, and Kavaje is c. 75 km., and to Apollonia, crossing the Shkumbi at Topr,:ias near Shenjan and then via Belsh, Semen, Ku~, and Kurian, 76 km. The latter road has to swing to the east to avoid the marshy plain of Myzeqije. 6. T) ••• 1riiO'a. 'Eyva.TLa. Ka.AEiTa.L: this seems to refer to the road as far as Cypsela. Hammond, Macedonia, 27, argues that since Strabo calls the section beyond the junction (l7Tt Kav8aovlas-) the first part, he regarded the via Egnatia as starting there. But § 2 states clearly that it ran from Apollonia and this is also implied by the new milestone found near Thessalonica, which carries the distance '26o' (sc. m.p. from Apollonia). Whether the Dyrrhachium branch also carried the name via Egnatia is uncertain but probable (Strabo, vii.

c.

7. 8, 327). e1rt Ka.vSaoula.s ••• Clpous 'IAAupLKou: this mountain gives its name

to the whole section from the point where the road enters the Shkumbi defile near Polis i Vogel east of Elbasan till it descends to Lake Ochrid, and according to Strabo, vii. 7· 8, C. 327, includes the area around Lake Ochrid and the headwaters of the Genusus, Apsus and Aous. Canda via seems therefore to be a general name for the whole range between Elbasan and Lake Ochrid, through which the Shkumbi runs. See Hammond, Macedonia, 27-28. N. Ceka and L. Papajani, Studia Albanica, I, 1972, 96, argue that the name 'Candavian route' went back to pre-Roman times before the laying dovm of the via Egnat£a, and that at its eastern end the earlier route reached the Shkumbi from the region of Pogradec via Selca e Poshtme, an important urban site with tombs dating to the Hellenistic period. 624

THE VIA EGNATIA

XXXIV.

12.8

SL--91, for excavations. The detailed route of the via Egnatia between Lyncestis and Edessa is still to be determined ; cf. the work of Edson, Hammond, and MacKay mentioned in§§ za-8 n. nE.X.Xa.v: cf. iv. 66. 6 n.; on its site and strategic importance see Hammond, Macedonia, 152-3, and for recent excavations, Petsas, MaKEoovtKa, 7, 1966-7 ,J06-J, §§ 99-101 ; 8, 1969, I70-5, §§ 4-8, and references there . .,.ixpL 9eaaa.XovLKELas: for that part of the via Egnatia between Pella and Thessalonica see Hammond, ,Mace dania, 8. fl(ALa .•. SLaKom~ £~t]JCoVTa E1TTa: cf. 7· 2 n.; according to that passage P. gave the distance from Dyrrhachium to Thessalonica as 'more than 2,ooo stades'. At 8! stades to the Roman mile 267 m.p. = 2,225 stades. Hammond, Macedonia, 55, calculated the distances as 625

XXXIV.

12.8

THE VIA EGNATIA

Dyrrhachium (or Apollonia)-Clodiana Clodiana-Lychnidus Lychnid us -Heraclea Heraclea-Thessalonica

m.p.43 72 or 73

44 or 45

rr8

277 or 279

To account for the discrepancy of ro--12 miles between this figure, based on the Itineraries, and that in P., Hammond assumes that P. used a special 'long' mile containing 8! (rather than 8) stades. This hypothesis is clearly untenable, since mille pass~ts was a fixed distance marked out by stones, and there is no evidence that P. invented a special 'long mile', a proceeding which could have no conceivable purpose. As indicated above (§§ 3-4), P.'s ratio was merely intended to secure greater accuracy in conversions. The r: 8 ratio resulted in a regular underestimate in terms of Greek stades when conversions were made from miles, and an overestimate in terms of miles when conversions were made from stades. However, Hammond's more recent calculations (]RS, 1974, r88-9) render his hypothesis superfluous, since the location of the station Ad Quintum at Bradashesh requires a modification of the distances given in !Jfacedonia, 55· Since the next station west of Ad Quintum, Clodiana, is 15 m.p. away, it must be at Mafmutaga, 4 km. east of Peqin; and from there to Dyrrhachium is c. 45 km. For that piece of the road the Itineraries offer wildly differing figures, ranging from 24 to 57 m.p. The Tab. Peut. has two sections, probably dividing at Genusus (modern Shtodher), and given as 15 and z6 m.p. The first of these is correct, but 26 must be emended to r6 to fit the new location of Clodiana and Ad Quintum. Consequently the distance from Dyrrhachium to Thessalonica now stands as follows : Dyrrhachium-Clodiana Clodiana-Scampis Scam pis-Tres Tabemae Tres Tabemae-Lychnidus Lychnidus-Heraclea Heraclea-Thessalonica

m.p.

Total

31 21

28 or 30 27

44 or 45 u8 269 or 272

This is sufficiently near to P.'s figure of 267 m.p. to require no special explanation. Slight discrepancies may be due to inclusive reckoning at some stages, or even to variations in the route between P.'s time and the time when the Itineraries were drawn up. The exact route near lake Ostrovo remains obscure; and Hammond has now shown that the approach roads to the Shkumbi from Apollonia and Dyrrhachium were different in P.'s time from those under the Empire. Other figures existed; for instance Pliny (Nat. hi st. iv. 36) made the distance from Dyrrhachium to Thessalonica 245 m.p. 626

THE VIA EGNATIA

XXXIV.

12.9

P.'s figure is based on miles measured along the road. That is clear from the newly-discovered milestone lying 7 m.p. from Thessalonica and marked 'z6o' (see above,§§ za-8 n.), and also from §§g-1o, where Strabo calculates the total distance from Apollonia to Byzantium as 7,320 stades, but says that P. adds a further 18o stades. These 18o stades are clearly a rounding off of the 178 stades which have to be added for the section Apollonia-Cypsela (535 m.p., d. § za), if that distance is to be converted on the more accurate ratio of I m.p. = Bl stades. There is no similar adjustment for the section CypselaByzantium, for which P. takes Artemidorus' figures calculated in stades, apparently because the milestones extended only to the Hebrus; d. § za. It follows that since P. added these 18o stades (not Strabo using P.'s ratio) the reference in § za to the setting up of milestones as far as the Hebrus must be from P., not an additional fact given by Strabo, and so that this had happened before P. wrote the passage in xxxiv referred to here. The new milestone identifies the builder of the road as Cn. Egnatius C.f., a governor of Macedonia in the second century; there is plenty of room for him between 146 and I zo, for our list of governors has many lacunae; see Th. Ch. Sarikakis, 'PwJJ.ato' <1.pxoz'TiiiS' ri'js l.TTapxlas MaK1iil5ovlas (Thessalonica, I97I). Since it appears that the road was already built to the Hebrus at this time, it seems fairly certain that, despite Strabo, vii fgs. Io and IJ, which seem to terminate it at Thessalonica (on this see Collart, BCH, 1976, 18o-1), the name via Egnatia applied to the whole distance to Cypsela from the start. 9. ~J( nllpiv8ou ds But6.vTIOv: for Perinthus see xviii. 2. 4 n., for Byzantium iv. 38. I-45· 8 with notes. According to the !tin. Ant. the distance was 64 m.p. (323. 1 Wess.) or 70 m.p. (332. 1 Wess.); on the ratio 1 m.p. 8! stades 630 stades gives nearly 76 m.p. But we do not know whether this was P.'s figure or not. 6.no 8E: "E~pou ... plxfM. Kua.vEcuv: the Cyaneae are small islands at the eastern end of the Bosphorus (cf. Ruge, RE, 'Kyaneai (3)', col. 2236). The distance from Cypsela to Byzantium is given by the It. Ant. (332. I) as 168 m.p. and to this must be added the distance up the Bosphorus (about 30 km.). Measured on a map the distance Cypsela-Cyaneae comes to about z6o km., hence Artemidorus' figure, equivalent to c. 372 m.p., is far too large. To ••. au~na.v ~f\JCos ••• ~XPI Buta.vTiou: this total of 7,320 I8o stades = 7,soo stades, represents a rounding off of the separate figures: stades

+

(§§ 3-4) Apollonia-Cypsela (§ 9) Cypsela-Byzantium

Polybian adjustment Total

4,28o 3,1oo 18o 7,560

XXXIV. 12.9

DISTANCES IN THE BALKAN

The 18o stades added by P. have caused difficulties. Radke, RE, Suppl.-B. xiii, 'Viae publicae Romanae', col. 1666, regards them as an error 'da sie nur fiir 4320 stadien zutrafe'; but, as already suggested (§ 8 n.), the figure must be a rounding off of the 178 stades relating to the section already marked out in miles, from Apollonia to the Hebrus. P. may well have recorded no total figure for the whole road from Apollonia to Byzantium. Certainly for the stretch CypselaByzantium Strabo is using Artemidorus' exaggerated figure (see above), and his procedure seems to have been to add together the separate figures, Apollonia-Cypsela (Polybius) and Cypsela-Byzantium (Artemidorus), the former reckoned on the usualS: 1 conversion rate for miliapassuum, and to have then added in rSostades (a rounding off of P.'s 178 stades). making a total of 7,56o stades. This in turn he rounded off to 7,sao stades, but expressed this as 7,320+ 18o. These figures imply the use of milia passt4Um as far as the Hebrus, and it must be assumed that the milestones of the via Egnatia reached that point in P.'s lifetime. 11. ti OE TreplflETpos •.• TETpa.KWXtAiwv aTa.61wv: sc. of the Peloponnese. Strabo gives Artemidorus' figure as 4,400 stades, adding that if one includes all the bays (KaTa.Ko"1rlCmm) it comes to over 5,6oo stades. Without knmving how direct a voyage from cape to cape was, one cannot check P.'s figure, though it seems approximately right. 12. To 6.1ro Ma.AEwv ••• fUXPL Tou "laTpou 6u:iaTTJfla.: at a point due north of C. Malea the Danube is about 530 miles c. 588 m.p. distant. Io,ooo stades (Paton prints I,ooo) come to 1,2oo m.p. on the 1 :8! ratio. Strabo goes on to give Artemidorus' figures in sections, via Aegium, Cyrrha, Heraclea, Thaumad, Larissa, the Peneius, Tempe, Thessalonica, Eidomene, Stobi, and the Dardanians; and Jones (Loeb edition) corrects his final figure of 6,soo to 6,540 to correspond to the total of the parts. 6,540 stades is 785 m.p. (6,soo is 780 m.p.), a reasonable allowance for the extra mileage involved in an actual journey. .,..qv Tuxou
PENINSULA, THRACE AND GREECE

XXXIV. 14.6

questions of distances, for there is no evidence that Eratosthenes gave a description of central Asia. In Strabo, i. 4· s. C. 64, Eratosthenes gives the distance from 'the narrowest part of India' to the Indus as r6,ooo stades--with an extension of J,ooo stades for the part of India i1ri 'Ttl &.Kpan-r}pta rdvov--, from the Indus to the Caspian Gates as r4,ooo stades, and from there to the Euphrates as ro,ooo stades, a total of 4o,ooo (or 43,ooo) stades in all. See Thomson, r6{-6, with the map on p. rJS· [14.

Strabo, xvii. r. r2, C 797. On the inhabitants of Alexandria

P. may have included his description of Alexandria in his account of the revolt of Petosarapis in the early r6o's; seep. 568. His ovln visit, under Ptolemy VIII (Physcon), was probably later than r46; see Vol. I, p. 5 n. IO and below, § 6 n., rs. 2 n. 14. 1. y£yovws €v Tfi 'ITOA£L: d. § 6 n. To ••• .EmxwpLov +u'-ov: 'the native element'; not 'from the chora'; cf. Fraser, Alex. ii. 145 n. r84 (against Braunert). ogv KGi. 7TOALTLKOY: the last word has been queried. Kramer emended to a?ToAm~eov (d. Jones (Loeb), 'not inclined to civil life'; A. Bernand, Alexandrie la Grande (Paris, 1966), 75 'fort difficile a gouverner'). Muller read oxA1J'TtKOV; and Tyrwhitt's (oil) 1ToAt'TLKOV is accepted by Groskurd and Fraser, Alex. ii. 145 n. r84, who compares § 4, of the Alexandrians, ovo' ailr6 dJKpWCJ'; 1ToAtnK6v. A case can be made for keeping 1roAt'Ttdv. As Schweighaeuser remarks, &ev Kai ?ToAtnK6v seems to be contrasted with {Japv ~eal ... dvaywyov of the mercenaries; and Strabo, xvii. r. J, C. 787 says of the Egyptians in the country parts that ?TOAt'TtKWS' Kai ~~~-lpw<; apxfjs- ~wen. Ho..v"ever, the contrast with the mercenaries is incomplete, for there are three elements, flapil Ka~ 1roAv ~eai &.vaywyov in the description of the latter; and &ev is probably 'volatile, headstrong' (as opposed to {Japv, 'overbearing': cf. xxix. 27. 4), and so would hardly pair with ?ToAmK6v. Read therefore (with Tyrwhitt) ov ?ToAm~e6v and translate 'volatile and resistant to civil control'. r.t ' Kcu' vo/\u .. , teen' ' ' ( an overb eanng, . 3 • 1-'a.pu avaywyov: numerous, an d uncultivated set'. ~tvous ~'TPE+ov KTA.: on mercenaries at Alexandria see v. 36. 3 n., xv. 25. 16 ff., 26-28; Griffith, 126-31. 4. tcpE~TTov 8' f:Kt:Lvwv &._.,ws: E.Kdvwv may be the mercenaries, or both the first two elements. If (ov) 1ToA~'TtK6v is the reading in § 2, the second alternative is the more likely, since it will be taken up by ov8' ... d)l
ee

XXXIV. I4. 6

THE PEOPLE OF ALEXANDRIA

'1Tolloi.s: fL~ yup !foEv8€aw alT{w.s: 1Tt'pt{3&».wv chs: tnt{JovAEVov'TaS: a.ti-r
8. 3-4. This onslaught against the Greek element in Alexandria was probably Ptolemy VIII's retaliation for his exile between 163 and summer 145, when he was restored; for attacks on the gymnasia cf. Val. Max. ix. 2 ext. 5, and for the benefits which came to other parts of the Greek world through the stimulus from refugees from his persecution see Menecles of Barca, FGH, 270 F 9, who was perhaps one himself. Another was Aristarchus, who died in Cyprus in 144 (A then. iv. 184 c; Suidas, .i1plcr-rapxos:). P., through Strabo, here suggests a prolonged attack-whether 7TAEavd1CtS: (§ 7) goes with Ka1'a(J'Taata~6fLevos: or e<jJ£H; but the effect Of the persecution may have been sensationally exaggerated. See Fraser, Alex. i. 86-87 (emphasizing the decline in intellectual life and growth of mob rule); ii. 215 n. 232. Ko.9' ov TJKEV ••• o noA.uj3ws: he may have accompanied Scipio Aemilianus in 140 (Diod. xxxiii. 28b; Winkler, Aegypten, 64 :ff.; Fraser, Alex. ii. 145 n. 187; Volkmann, RE, 'Ptolemaios (27}', col. 1728; Lehmann, Entretiens sur Polybe, 196 n. r. See Vol. I, p. 5 n. II.; below, fg. 76 n.); but this is uncertain. 7. KMa.aTo.cna.t6!J-EVOS : one opponent was Galaestes, a son of Amynander of Athamania and former commander of the forces in Alexandria, who was accused of treachery by Ptolemy VIII and fled to Greece (Diod. xxxiii. 20}. He attempted a rising against the king, probably in 140/39 (d. Otto and Bengtson, Niedergang, 36 ff.; Volkmann, RE, 'Ptolemaios (27}', col. 1728), but this failed when the general Hierax prevented the troops from mass desertion to him by belatedly paying them their wages (Diod. xxxiii. 22). 8. AtyunT6vS' l£va.L KTA.: Homer, Od. iv. 483.] 15. 1-9. Pliny, Nat. hist. iv. 121 (§ 1), vi. zo6 (§ z), iv. II9 {§ 3), iii. 75 (§ 4). iv. 77 (§ 5). v. 40 (§ 6), v. 9 (§ 7), v. 26 (§ 8), vi. 199 (§ 9)· Of these Latin 'fragments' from Pliny {who may have learnt of P.'s views via Varro; d. D. Detlefsen, Die Anordnung der geographischen Bucher des Plini~~s und ihre Quellen (Berlin, 1909), 166-7; Pedech, LEG, 1956, 21 n. 64) §§ r-2 and 4-5 probably belong to the general account of the configuration of Europe, and § 3 to the section on Spain. §§ 6 and 8 form part of the general introduction to the section on Africa, and §§ 7 and 9 are probably from a final section concerned with P.'s voyage of exploration. See pp. 567-9. 15. 1. Breadth of Europe. Different manuscripts of Pliny give different figures. For P.'s distance from Italy to the Ocean the best reading, accepted by Jan-Mayhoff, is I XII 1- 'i, i.e. 1,250 m.p. Pliny's 630

PLINY, NAT. HIST.

XXXIV. 15, z

distance to the Alps appears variously as [X]. xx, xr. xx, and XII. xx; Jan-Mayhoff read xx, i.e. r,o2o m.p. From there to the harbour of the Morini appears as [x!l. LXVIII!, XI. LXVIII or II!/ I LXVIIII, and XIII. XVIII; Jan-Mayhoff read LXVIIII, i.e. 1,169 m.p. 1,250 m.p. (Bfittner-Wobst reads r,r5o m.p.) is probably Varro's conversion of P.'s stades, and clearly on the r :8 ratio since 1 :8} would imply some very odd totals in the original. 1,r5o m.p. = 9,2oo stades, 1,250 m.p. ro,ooo stades; the latter seems the more probable and so confirms the weight of the majority of the manuscripts in favour of that reading. Pliny believed P. to be following a route via Lyons, but P.'s figure is more likely to be a paper calculation like that of Strabo, i. 4· 4, C. 63, who makes the distance from Massalia to Ierne (Ireland) 9,ooo stades. Pedech, Methode, 592 n. 455, argues that P.'s figures have an inner consistency. If P. has inscribed Europe within a triangle with points at the Pillars of Heracles, the Maeotis, and C. Malea, and if the distance from the Pillars to C. Malea was 22,500 stades (4. 6 n.) and that from the Pillars to the Maeotis 27,500 stades (§ z: 3,437·5 m.p.), and if the line Pillars-Maeotis passed through the mouth of the Ister (Danube), which is ro,ooo stades north of Malea (r2. rz), then it is possible to drop a perpendicular from the Maeotis to the latitude of C. Malea which comes to u,zoo stades-a figure which corresponds exactly to I1,2oo stades obtained by adding 9,2oo stades (Massalia to the Channel) and 2,ooo stades (6. 7 : Narbo to the latitude of the Pillars-C. Malea). However, these calculations are tenuous since (a) the line PillarsMaeotis need not necessarily pass through the mouth of the Danube; hence the length of a perpendicular dropped from the Maeotis to the latitude of C. Malea remains in doubt; (b) as seen above, the distance from Massalia to the Channel is more likely Io,ooo stades (1,250 m.p.) than 9,200 stades (r,xso m.p.). Hence these distances warrant no firm conclusions about P.'s over-all figure of Europe. ad portum Morinorum: probably Gesoriacum (Boulogne); cf. Pliny, iv. ro6. But on the relevance of this to P.'s calculations see the last note. 2. P.'s distances in Europe: see § r n. for the hypothesis that P. inscribed Europe within a triangle, and for its tenuous nature. For Pliny Gaditanum fretum means the Straits of Gibraltar, a normal Latin usage (cf. Pliny, Nat. hist. iii. 3, 74; Florus, iii. 6; cf. Plut. Sert. 8. 1); P. always spoke of the Pillars (cf. iii. 37· 3, 39· 4, 39· 5, 57· 2, xvi. 29. 6-ro). The distances in Roman miles have clearly been converted from P.'s stades on the I :8 ratio (see table on p. 632). These figures cannot be reconciled with those in 4· 6, where P. gives the distance from C. Malea to the Pillars as 22,5oo stades (in reality c. 14,000 stades). Paton omits the half-mile in translating the

fXl

fXIl.

631

XXXIV.

PLINY, NAT. HIST.

15.2

distances from the Pillars to Maeotis and from Crete to Rhodes, thereby preventing any accurate reconversion into stades. On Seleuceia See V. 58. 4 n., 59· 3-II.

m.p. Pillars-1\Iaeotis

3.437'5

Pillars-Sicily Sicily-Crete Crete-Rhodes Rhodes-Chelidonian Islands *Chelidonian Islands-Cyprus Cyprus-Seleuceia Pieria

1,250

375 I8T5 I87•5 225 II5 *Total

• Jan-Mayhoff here read cccxxv i.e. 325 total of xx1v XL i.e. 2,440 m.p.

I

I.

2,340

m.p. in

stades 27,500 IO,OOO 3,000 1,500 1,500 I,8oo 920 18,720 order to make a

3. On the island of Gades. Pliny's figure of 25 m.p. ab ostio freti, the Straits of Gibraltar, is a serious under-estimate. From Gades to Tarifa is c. 90 km. 25 m.p. probably represents 200 stades in P. For the dimensions of the island and distance from the mainland see 9· 5 n. 4. The Ausonian Sea. On the Ausones see n. 7· The Ausonian Sea is a rather literary name for the Sicilian Sea (cf. i. 42. 4 n.); see Lye. Alex. 44; Strabo, ii. 2. 20, C. I23, 5· 30, C. 128, v. 3· 6, C. 233, vii. 7. 5, C. 324; Pliny, Nat. ltist. iii. 95, I$I, xiv. 69; Hillsen, RE, 'Ausonium mare', cols. 2561-2. The Sallentini were a people of lliyrian origin inhabiting Calabria south of Tarentum; the Romans virtually identified them with Messapians. The Iapygian Promontory (Capo S. Maria di Leuca) was sometimes named after them (u. 2 n.). See Philipp, RE, 'Sallentini (I)', cols. I9o7-8. 5. Distance between the Bosphori. For the two Bosphori at opposite ends of the Pontus see iv. 39· I n. soo m.p. is almost exactly the distance as measured on the map. The statement (in iv. 39· I n.) that it is exaggerated was unjust to P.'s accuracy here. 6. Dimensions of Africa. Pliny is giving the length of the north coast from Gibraltar to the Nile; the Atlantic began at Gibraltar (xvi. 29. 6). For this distance P. evidently accepted Eratosthenes' figures (as he recommended doing for distances in Asia: 13. I n.); in iii. 39· 3 he gave the distance from the Pillars to the Altars of Philaenus as over 16,ooo stades. Eratosthenes' figures are independently attested by Strabo, i. 4· 5, C. 64, who records that he made the distance from the Canobic mouth of the Nile to Carthage 13,500 stades (I,687·5 m.p. on the I :8 ratio) and that from Carthage to the Pillars at least 8,ooo stades (=at least 1,ooo m.p., the figure here given as I,Ioo m.p.). The Plinian manuscripts and editions give variants: for the distance from the Pillars to Carthage LXVl (P) and XVI (~•eteres 632

PLINY, NAT. HI ST.

XXXIV. J5. 7

I.

before Harduin), and for Carthage-Canobic mouth of the Nile, lxv xxvm (E), Ixvr I . XiViii (DFRa). Buttner- Wobst prints the last reading, i.e. 1,628 m.p.; but Strabo's figure lxvrl. LXXXVIII is also in Martian us Capella, and is adopted by J an-Mayhoff. They also read lxxxl . xxxx, i.e. J,040 m.p. as Agrippa's distance for the whole coast; !xxxj . L, printed by Buttner- Wobst (i.e. 3,o5o m.p.) from Jan's second edition, appears to have no manuscript authority. From the Pillars to Carthage is in fact c. 900 miles in a straight line, and from Carthage to the Nile coasting is c. 1,750 miles; the total c. 2,65o miles is equivalent to 2,840 m.p., which is very little more than F.'s figure of 2,688 m.p. 7. Polybius' African voyage. This voyage, for which this passage affords the main evidence, probably took place in 146 after the fall of Carthage; cf. iii. 57-59 n., 59· 7 n. There was adequate time between the fall of Carthage and P.'spresence at Corinth soon after its capture for a voyage of two or even three months (Walbank, Polybi11s, 11 n. 55, against Ziegler, RE, 'Poly bios (r)', col. 1455). Many of the names mentioned in Pliny are common to the account of the famous voyage of Hanno (GGM, i. I-n), and Aly (Hermes, 1927, 317~3o) suggested that P. had that account translated into Greek for the occasion. This depends upon the assumption that Pliny in fact gives a record of F.'s voyage; on this see below. In any case Aly's suggestion that P. published his text of Hanno by including it in this book seems altogether unlikely. How much of Pliny can be used to reconstruct P. 's voyage depends on the reading in his§ 9: as printed in Buttner-Wobst, the text is insufficient for discussion and I therefore append the relevant section from Jan-Mayhoff: 'v. 9· Scipione Aemiliano res in Africa gerente Polybius annalium conditor, ab eo accepta classe scrutandi illius orbis gratia circumuectus, prodidit a monte eo ad occasum uersus saltus plenos feris, quas generat Africa ; ad fl.umen Anatim cccCLXXXXVI, ab eo Lixum ccv. Agrippa Uxum a Gaditano freto cxn abesse; inde sinum qui uocetur Sagigi, oppidum in promunturio Mulelacha, fl.umina Sububam et Salat, portum Rutubis a Lixo ccxxnu, inde promunturium Solis, portum Rhysaddir, Gaetulos Autoteles, flumen Quosenum, gentes Selatitos et Masatos, fl.umen Masathat, fl.umen Darat, in quo crocodilos gigni. (ro.) dein sinum ncxvr includi montis Bracae promunturio excurrente in occasum, quod appelletur Surrentium. postea flumen Salsum, ultra quodAethiopas Perorsos, quorum a tergo Pharusios. his iungi in mediterraneo Gaetulos Daras, at in ora Aethiopas Daratitas, flumen Bambotum, crocodilis et hippopotamis refertum. ab eo montes perpetuos usque ad eum, quem Theon Ochema dicemus. inde ad promunturium Hesperu 633

XXXIV. 15. 7

PLINY, NAT. HIST.

nauigationem dierum ac noctium decem. in medio eo spatio Atlantem locauit, ceteris omnibus in extremis Matuetaniae proditum.' Jan-Mayhoff's text here depends on five manuscripts; of these A, the best, is late ninth century, and the rest, D, F, R, and eleventh century; D, F, and R form one group, and E represents another. In Pliny's § 9 the words Agrippa Lixum are omitted by D, R, E but are in A; in the second hand of F (twelfth century} Agrippa is found alone. The authority of A, with some confirmation from F 2 , favours keeping Agrippa Lixum; and it is easier to assume that these words fell out in one branch of manuscripts than to imagine their wrongful introduction into A and the manuscript followed by F 2 • With them there is a strong possibility, indeed the natural sense of the Latin suggests, that everything from there to the end of Pliny's § 10 is Agrippa's account; and we learn nothing of P.'s voyage. Against this Pedech, REL, I955, 32I, objects that it would be odd for Pliny to introduce the reference to P.'s voyage so elaborately, if he only intended to quote him for two figures; and he suggests that by this introduction Pliny places P. at a point of importance between Hanno's expedition (Pliny, Nat. hist. v. 8) and Suetonius Paulinus (Pliny, Nat. hist. v. 14). This argument is not strong. Hanno receives a five-line mention, but nothing is quoted from him. On the other hand it is possible that the words 'Agrippa ... abesse' are a parenthesis and that everything else is Polybian (so Thouvenot, REL, 1956, 89}; and the forms Theon Ochema and Hesperu certainly point to a Greek source. That Pliny's two paragraphs represent P.'s voyage of I46 is widely believed; cf. Aly, Hermes, 1927, 331-9; Pedech, REL, 1955, 318-32; Methode, 560 n. 264; R. Thouvenot, REL, I956, 88-92. But how his account is to be interpreted is not agreed. Pedech argues that the figures n2 m.p. (Pillars-Lixus}, 224 m.p. (Lixus-Portus Rutubis) and 6I6 m.p. (Portus Rutubis-Surrentium} are all from P. since all are multiples of 56; that he assumes to be an arbitrary (and rather low} estimate of a day's voyage in milia passuum, for the purpose of calculating distances covered. Aly (Hermes, I927, 337-8} follows Klotz in the view that all these figures appear to be translated from stades; but though all are divisible by eight, multiplying them by eight produces no significant round figure. Hence there seems no reason to accept Klotz's hypothesis. Nor is it clear why P. should have wished to calculate the journey in Roman miles, since stades were normal in sea voyages. On the other hand Pedech (REL, I955. 326), having expelled the reference to Agrippa from the text, then somewhat illogically refuses to assign the figures 496 m.p. (Mt. AtlasR. Ana tis} and 205 m.p. (ab eo-to Lixus) to P. on the ground that the I: 8 conversion produces improbable results, viz. 3,968 and I ,640 stades 634

PLINY, NAT. HIST.

XXXIV. 15.7

respectively. Yet, on the normal punctuation of the passage, these two figures seem to be most clearly taken from P. True, Detlefsen punctuates: ' ... quas generat Africa. ad flumen Ana tim ccccLxxxxvr ab eo, Lixum ccv Agrippa, Lixum a Gaditano freto cxn abesse' ; but this is awkward and obscure and is to be rejected (cf. Pedech, REL, 1955, 321 n. I, giving references). Pedech (loc. cit.) gives the following reconstruction: the first two distances are both reckoned from the Atlas Mountains, which in this case means the region east of Meknes and Tes around Djebel Bou Iblane, at the eastern end of the Middle Atlas (cf. Pliny, Nat. kist. v. 6). Both distances are calculated in a western direction overland, and bring one to the Anatis at Oued Tensift (which runs just north of Marrakech), and to Lixus at Larache, on the Loukkos c. Ioo km. south of Tangier. Pedech suggested that Juba II of Mauretania was Pliny's source for these figures, but later (Methode, 56o n. 264) withdrew this hypothesis in response to Thouvenot's objection that Juba is unlikely to have controlled such an overland route. Pedech's interpretation of these two figures finds some support in Solinus, 24. u : 'A Lixo a best AtlasJ ; but that is not the natural sense of ab eo in Pliny, where it seems to refer to the Ana tis. Having thus disposed of the first two figures, Pedech reconstructs P.'s voyage as follows: i. 'Lixum a Gaditano freto cxu abesse'. Two days' journey, not from the Pillars (which are too near) but from Gades (confused with the fretum Gaditanum by Pliny or by his intermediary source, probably Varro) to Larache. On this identification of Lixus, knmvn from the Antonine Itinerary, 7· 4 (Wess.) as Lix colonia (cf. Pliny, Nat. kist. v. 2-5) see Dessau, RE, 'Lix', cols. 928--g. 896 stades

II2

m.p.:

days

2

ii. From Lixus via the gulf of Sagigi, Mulelacha, and the rivers Sububa and Salat to the harbour of Rutubis. The Sagigi is the shore south of Lixus, Mulelacha is Moulay Bouseldham (4o km. south of Larache), the Sububa is the Oued Sebou, the Salat the Oued Bou Regreg, and Rutubis is Mazagan (El-Jadida). I,792

stades

224

m.p.:

4

days

iii. The cape of the Sun, the port of Rhysaddir, the Gaetuli Autoteles, the river Quosenus, the Selatiti and Masati, the river Masathat and the river Darat (with crocodiles). Pedech argues that the 616 m.p. mentioned next really applies to the whole distance from Mazagan to Cape Surrentium (despite dein) and he suggests these identifications:

XXXIV. 15.7

PLINY, NAT. HIST.

Cape of the Sun Rhysaddir River Quosenus River Masathat River Darat Cape Surrentium

Cape Cantin (Beddouza) Sa:li, or perhaps Mogador (Essaouira) Oued Sous Oued Massa Dra Cape Juby.

Pedech (REL, 1955, 329 n. r) suggests that Surrentium may be an error for 'Pvuu&Btov (Ptol. Geog. iv. 6. z), a cape near the 'E(nrlpto<: KOA1Tos, clearly Pliny's promunturium Hesperu. 4,928 stades 6I6 m.p.: II days Beyond here F.'s only figure is of ten days' navigation between Theon Ochema and the Hesperian promontory. Pedech, REL, 1955. 328-31, thinks that all beyond C. Juby was hearsay, and that for that reason P. did not convert days into stades. This is not entirely convincing, for it might seem less likely that P., with l1is desire for accuracy, would convert his own days of sailing, which he would know to have been of various lengths as a result of observed variety in winds and currents, into a uniform diurnal figure of 56 m.p. (which incidentally corresponds to no significant number of stades), than he would mere reported days of sailing, which could well be averaged. The Salsus, says Pedech, may be some wadi near C. Juby, and the Bambotus he identifies with the Sequiet el Hamra, which flows into the Atlantic near El Aaiun. \Vhether the names of the peoples mentioned in Pliny were in P. Pedech regards as uncertain (d. REL, 1955, 33o). Elsewhere the Theon Ochema follows the Hesperian Cape (a gulf in Hanno, GGM, i. 1o): it may be the Fouta Djalon. On these calculations Pedech makes F.'s voyage last 17 days from Gades to C. Juby; adding 17 days for the return journey and 26 for the journey from Carthage to the Pillars and back, he reckons the whole at about two months. Thouvenot (REL, 1956,88-92; cf. Hesperis, 1948, 79-92) reckons the 496 m.p. along the coast from south-west to north-east; in order to reach the Anatis, which he takes to be the Oued Oum er Rbia, which has its mouth just north of Mazagan (El-J adida), the starting-point has to be C. Juby, and reckoning from there southward he gets P. as far as the Senegal (Bambotus). But this reconstruction assumes extensive errors in the text. P. is unlikely to have gone so far. See Mauny, REA, 1955, 92-Ioi, on the currents which hinder sailing between Gabon and C. Juby (cf. Pedech, Methode, s6o n. 264); and for remains of hippopotami as far north as the River Dra see R. Hennig, Terrae incognitae, i 2 (Leiden, 1944), Bz, quoted by Pedech, Joe. cit. Many of Pedech's identifications seem plausible; but their attribution to P. remains unproved, as is his assumption that Pliny's 636

PLINY, NAT. HIST.

XXXIV. 15.9

first two figures of 496 m.p. and 205 m.p. are non-Polybian and refer to overland measurements from the eastern part of Mt. Atlas. On the available evidence any interpretation of Pliny must be reckoned hypothetical. But if the geographical details in his §§ g-10 are from P., they support Pedech's theory of a voyage as far as C. Juby rather than Thouvenot's theory that he reached the Senegal. If they are not from P., then we lack all information concerning the extent of the voyage. On the character of P.'s account of his voyage in book xxxiv see PMech, REL, I95S. 332; on the basis of his assumption that Pliny's account quoted above refers to it, he suggests that it was conceived after the dry, factual, manner of the periploi, giving distances, names of places and peoples, and essential geographical details of the coast-line, rather than aiming at a picturesque narrative. Cichorius (Rh. Mus. I9o8, 220) argued that Panaetius took part in P.'s voyage, a hypothesis accepted by Pedech, REL, I955. 3I9 n. 3· It rests on a passage in the Index Stoicorum from Herculaneum (cf. van Straaten, fg. I; Stoicorum index Herculanensis, § s6) referring to a voyage with Telephus' fleet (cf. xxix. 10. 4 n.) and to two years devoted 7rpor; tAoJLdBrwtv before Panaetius went to Athens. But this passage is referring to events of Panaetius' early years (cf. Pohlenz, Antikes Fiihrertum, I30-I3I n. 3; \Valbank, JRS, 1965, I) and has nothing to do with I46. See further Pohlenz, RE, 'Panaitios', cols. 422, 440.

On P.'s voyage see the bibliography quoted in Pedech, REL, I955. 319 n. 2; add Thouvenot, REL, I956, 88-92; Pedech, Methode, 56o n. 264; Thomson, I83-4; D. Musti, Aujstieg und Niedergang, i. 2. 1126. 8. The Lesser Syrtis, now the Gulf of Qabes. On its limits see xxxi. 21. I n. Pliny's figures represent 2,400 stades (from Carthage), 2,400 stades (perimeter from end to end), and Soo stades (the 'mouth'cf. Strabo, xvii. 3· I7, C. 834, ro 7rAaror; rov uroJLaror;--Or direct distance from end to end), i.e. 296 km., 296 km. and ISO km. P.'s figures are also in Mela, i. 35; but Strabo, loc. cit., makes the perimeter 1,6oo stades and the mouth 6oo stades (so too Eustathius and Agathemerus). Scylax, 110 (GGM, i. 88) gives the perimeter as 2,ooo stades, and the separate stages in Stad. Mar. M. Ioo f. (GG1l1, i. 464 f.) add up to J,o4o stades, including the periplus of Meninx, or 2,690 stades excluding that. P.'s distances cannot be checked, since it is uncertain from what points he is reckoning. See Treidler, RE, 'Syrtis', cols. 1813-I4 for a tabular summary. For the shoals hereabouts cf. i. 39· 3 n. 9. Position of Cerne. The famous island of Cerne is mentioned in Hanno's Periplus (GGM, i. 7) and Scylax, 112 (GGM, i. 93). The former locates it three days' sail beyond Lixus (Muller emends to I3 days). the latter in the neighbourhood of Lixus (Larache; cf. § 7 n, p. 635). 637

XXXIV 15.9

PLINY, NAT. HIST.

Ha1mo, loc. cit. gave its circumference as 5 stades (which Aly, Hermes, 1927, 337. takes to be an error for IS stades). According to Pliny, Nat. hist. vi. 199 (continuing the present passage), Nepos made its circuit 2 m.p. and its distance from the coast mille passus (which could be a translation of P.'s eight stades). The island is mentioned by Ptol. Geog. iv. 6. 14 and by Dion. Perieg. 219 (GGM, ii. II4) ; but there is great disagreement about where it lay, or indeed whether it was an island at all. See Strabo, i. 3· 2, C. 47 (criticizing Eratosthenes for believing in Cerne at all) ; Diod. iii. 54· 4; Palaephatus, 31 ; Lye. Alex. 18, for later, mainly vague and valueless references. Cerne has been located on an island lying off the mouth of the Sequiet el Hamra; cf. Fischer, RE, 'K;pv7J vfjaoc;', cols. 315-16. But to P. it lies off the coast, where the Atlas reaches it; consequently the most likely identification of P.'s Cerne is with one of the islands off Mogador (Essaouira), where the High Atlas reaches the Atlantic (cf. Mauny, Hesperis, 1949, 47--67; Pedech, REL, 1955, 322). For the unlikely view that it was Fuerte Ventura in the Canaries see Thouvenot, Hesperis, 194B, 79-92 (against Carcopino, Le Maroc antique (Paris, 1944), 159--6o, who thinks P. was merely copying Hanno). Whether P. reached Cerne himself is not certain (see § 7 n.), but it seems likely. Paton has 'eight miles' in error for 'eight stades'. 16. 1-3. = Pliny, Nat. hist. viii. 31 (§ 1); viii. 47 (§ 2); xxxi. 131 (§ 3). The first two of these extracts refer to P.'s account of Africa; the third is incorrectly assigned to the historian (see p. 56s). 16. 1. elephantorum dentibus. For the use of elephants' tusks in building cf. Dio Chrys. 79· 4 (in India) and Lucr. ii. 53&----9 (if that is the meaning of 'uallo munitur eburno'); see Borthwick, CQ, 1973, 291-2.

auctore Gulusa regulo: P. perhaps had this information from Gulussa, the second son of Masinissa (d. ix. 25. 4 n.), when he accompanied Scipio Aemilianus to Masinissa's court in 151 (cf. § 2 n., xxxvi. 16. 12 n.), or in camp at Carthage during the Third Punic War (cf. xxxviii. 7--8). 2. Aemiliani comes: P. probably saw the crucified lions during the winter of 151/o, when Scipio was sent from Spain to Africa to obtain elephants for L. Lucullus from Masinissa; Aemilianus may have inherited relations with the king from Africanus. See App. Lib. 71 f.; Val. Max. ii. 10. 4, v. 2 ext. 4· Against the argument of Simon, 48 ff., that Scipio was sent direct to Africa before going to Spain see Astin, 271-2; Appian, loc. cit., says he returned to Spain, and Valerius Maximus says ex Hispania in Africam missum. See ix. 25. 4 n., xxxvi. 16. 12.

PLINY, NAT. IIIST.

XXXIV. r6. 3

croci fixos: P.'s rationalistic argument is naive. The lions may have been crucified as a sacrifice to the gods of an animal closely linked to Baal Hammon and to Tanit, and so a specially welcome offering; d. Pedech, Rev. hist. rel. 1¢5, 58, quoting G. Charles-Picard. 3. Polybius on sponges: see p. 568 for the likelihood that the P. referred to here is not the historian ; his identity is uncertain.

BOOK XXXV 01. I 57. I-2 I 52/I and IS I/o (see p. 4J). I. I-6 is from 01. I 56, 3 I54/3 and should stand after xxxili. 15. 4 (see pp. 43-44). Chs. 2-4 are from the res ltaliae of rsz/I, and ch. 5 from res Hispaniae of that year (so too fg. 6 and, less certainly, fg. I8: see p. 44). Ch. 6 (an extract from Plut. Cat. mai. 9) refers to a passage which probably belonged to res Italiae of rsr/o (d. p. 44). [1. 1-6. The Celtiberian or 'fiery' war

The Celtiberian War broke out in 154 over an attempt by Segeda to rebuild its walls (App. Hisp. 44; Diod. xxxi. 39); Segeda was the capital city of the Belli who dwelt around the Ja16n valley (2. 3 n.), and probably occupied a site near Belmonte in the Perejil valley, a village c. Io km. south-east of Calatayud (so coin-finds suggest). See Schulten, 'Segeda' in Homenagem a Marti1~s Sarmento (Guimaraes, I933), 373-5; FHA, iv. 7; Simon, IS n. Ia. The rest of the Belli seem not to have followed Segeda; cf. z. 3 n. The Spaniards' action was treated as a breach of the treaty made in 178 by Ti. Sempronius Gracchus (Livy, xl. so. 5, ep. 41; Plut. Tib. Gracch. 5· 3; above, xxv. In.) and confirmed by the Senate (z. 15; Diod. xxxi. 39). Diodorus has comments similar to those here, and clearly based on P., following the Senate's abrogation of the treaty and preparations for hostilities (Diod. xxxi. 39). Since this must have preceded the appointment of Q. fulvius Nobilior, cos. 153, to the Celtiberian command (4. 2 n.; App. Hisp. 45)-and in 153 the consuls took office on I January (Michels, 97-98; Drummond, ]RS, 1971, z8z), perhaps because by 153 the calendar had dropped considerably behind the seasons (Derow, Phoenix, 1973, 356)--clearly this passage (from Suidas) belongs to 154; see pp. 43-44. On the outbreak of the war see Simon, IS-!7· P. has clearly derived his account of the war from eye->vitnesses, including Scipio Aemilianus, and from his own experiences (d. Vol. I, p. 4; below 4· 3 n.). The account in App. Hisp. 44 ff., probably (though not certainly; cf. Astin, 4) goes back directly or indirectly to P. Schulten (Gott. Abh. rgos, no. 4, 83-ro6) argued for direct use; Simon, 36-37 n. 41, believes that Appian's account derives from a source independent of both P. and the annalists, but he has not made out that case. The undoubted variations from P. can all be explained as due to Appian's carelessness or the incompleteness of our text of P. Diod. xxxi. 39-40, 41-42, is based on P. 640

THE CELTIBERIAN OR 'FIERY' WAR

XXXV.

2.

1-4.14

1. 1. ,.,.{,pwos TroAEJ.lOS: cf. Diod. xxxi. 40. The words o 'Pwp.alwv ••. avcrra8E{s clearly belong to Suidas. The war was fiery both in its violence and because it spread like fire and kept breaking out anew when it seemed to have been put out (Schweighaeuser). TTJV t&liiTT)Ta n]v TE auvexELaV TWV ciy6wwv: 'the character and continuous nature of the engagements'; cf. 4· 2 n. ~. 1-l(a 1-1ciX"l Kp(vEL: in general true. Sellasia, Cynoscephalae, and Pydna were each the only full-scale encounter in the respective wars and each was decisive; Raphia and Panium fit the same pattern. In limiting his comment to Greece and Asia P. will be thinking of the repeated encounters of the First and Second Punic Wars, or of Rome's war \'.rith Pyrrhus. The Romans refused to accept one or even several defeats as decisive. a-Travtws &£ &wTepa: Antioch us III was defeated at Thermo pylae and then Magnesia. 4. E~ liTrOUTpoct>"ls Kat J.lETaJ.lEAELaS , , , TrOWUJ.lEVWV: 'they changed their mind, turned round, and made a series of new starts.' 5. T(Sv YE J.lTJV oAov m)AEJ.lOV: contrasted "'i.th TOV<; .•. Kwl!itJvovs (§ 4)TWV eK TrapaTa~ews 8taKpwewv: 'regular battles', such as would have been decisive in Greece or Asia, not mere guerrilla action. 7TapaTCftEws is Ursinus' emendation of StaTri~~:ws. 6. e'L ns StaVoT)9ELT) KTA.: cf. Diod. xxxi. 40, Tov V7T(J nvwv AEyop.Evov 7Tllptvov m)AEp.ov

ovK

llv ETEpov

Tt<;

1] TOVTov

vo~O'EtEv.]

2. 1-4. 14. Envoys of the Belli, Titti, and Aravaci and from Marcellus are heard by the Senate (151) This excerpt from de legat. gent. is from res Italiae of 01. 157, 1 = 152/1, and refers to the hearing of envoys from the Spanish tribes in that winter. The mention of the new consuls of A.u.c. 6o3 = 151 (3. 7) suggests that they were heard as usual immediately after the consuls had entered office; cf. De Sanctis, iv. 1. 387. On the other hand, the reception of the envoys by the praetor urbanus, rather than by a consul, could imply that, exceptionally, they were heard towards the end of the consular year 152; see 2. 5 n. Two years have elapsed since the hearing of the Segedan envoys and the war-decision (154); cf. r. 1-6 n. The decision to send out both consuls indicates the seriousness of the war. In 153 the consul Q. Fulvius M.f. M.n. Nobilior suffered a series of disasters in Celtiberia (App. Hisp. 45-47). The people of Segeda, whose wall was incomplete on his arrival, took refuge with the Aravaci to their west; and they, after fruitless attempts to mediate (Florus, i. 34- 4) made an alliance with Segeda and appointed the Segedan Carns (Diodorus calls him Cacyrus) as leader. Segeda later figures as an Aravacan town (z. 4 n.). Carns inflicted a heavy defeat on Nobilior, whom he y

XXXV.

2.

r-4. I4 ENVOYS OF THE BELLI, ETC.

caught in an ambush, but soon afterwards he was killed. Nobilior now advanced on the Aravacan capital of Numantia; but an initial success due to the use of elephants sent by Masinissa was reversed when they ran amuck and trampled on the Romans, who sustained heavy losses. The town of Ocilis now fell away, an attempt to get corn from the enemy stocks at Axeinium miscarried and troops sent by the Vaccaei to help the Romans were waylaid and routed. Nobilior "1.\'intered in a camp on Gran Atalya mountain near Renieblas where his troops suffered great hardship (De Sanctis, iv. 1. 467-70; Schulten, C AH, viii. 318-19; Simon, 19-20, 25-30). Fon52 M. Claudius M.f.M.n. Marcellus(2. r n.) waselectedconsuland sent with reinforcements to Spain (d. Fishwick, CP 1977, 129}. After taking over from Nobilior he evaded an ambush, and seized Ocilio, which he treated considerately. Meeting treachery at Nertobriga, he threatened to destroy its inhabitants, whereupon, according to Appian, the Belli, Titti, and Aravaci agreed to give hostages and asked to be restored to their position under the Gracchan treaty (App. Hisp. 48; below, 2. r n.}. \Vhen this was opposed by ETTLXWpLOl Ttv€S {m' lKE:lvwv 7T€7ToAcf-L7Jf-Llvot, Marcellus sent envoys~~ tKaTlpwv to Rome (App. Hisp. 49). Comparison with P. shows Appian to have failed to distinguish the Ara vaci from the Belli and the Titti, who constitute the friendly tribes lodged within the city, while the Aravaci have to encamp across the Tiber (2. 3-4}; hence his reference to unnamed lmxwp•o• who are sent to Rome to put the other case. The demands of the Aravaci (2. 15 n.} correspond to those which Appian (Hisp. 48 ad fin.} attributed to the Aravaci, Belli, and Titti. P. is to be followed; his account implies that, despite the defection of Segeda to the Aravaci, the greater part of the Belli and Titti have maintained a pro-Roman position. Hence the advice proffered by their envoys to the Senate (2. 6-ro} is deeply hostile to the Aravaci. Simon, 12 n. 4, suggests plausibly that under the Gracchan treaty the Aravaci had remained independent, as Roman amici, while the Belli and Titti became tribute-paying socii; and he supposes (Simon, 37} that the Aravacan envoys (2. 12-13} also included and spoke for dissident Belli and Titti. This is possible, since the envoys from the Belli and Titti do not speak for the whole of those tribes (d. 2. 3 n., 2. n n.), and it might explain Appian's confusion.

2. 1. ot K€ATi~fJpES: the Belli and Titti (§ 3} and the Aravaci (§ 4}; see the previous note for Appian's confusion over their respective roles. MapKov KAa.u8lov Tov o-Tpa.Tf)ybv: M. Claudius M.f. M.n. Marcellus had been consul in r66 and I55· His election in 152 was probably due to the crisis in Spain, for he had served there in r69 as praetor (holding the whole of Spain: Livy, xliii. 14. 2-5, rs. 4-5}. It has been 642

HEARD BY THE SENATE

XXXV.

2. 2

argued that he obtained a dispensation from the ten-year rule (cf. De Sanctis, iv. r. 471) and was perhaps given Spain by a special resolution of the Senate or people; see against this Astin, 38-4o; Lex Annalis, 438 f. For his achievements in Spain down to the armistice see 2. r-4. 14 n.; on Marcellus see Munzer, RE, 'Claudius (225)', cols. 2758--6o, and, on his re-election to the consulship, R. L. Calvert, A then. r96r, rr-23; Astin, 38-40. Marcellus receives hostile treatment in P. (cf. § 2 n., referring to fg. uo, 3· 2 n., 4· 3 n.), probably because his policy of pacification and winning over the tribes was strongly opposed by Scipio Aemilianus (4. 8-r4). See Gelzer, Kl. Schr. iii. q6 n. r2o, emphasizing P.'s use of Scipio as a source for these negotiations. 2. aTpa.TEuaa.s ELS Tous AuaLTa.vous: fighting had broken out in western Spain in 154 with the defeat of a Roman army under two praetors, M'. Manilius and L. Calpurnius Piso Caesoninus, by a Lusitanian leader Punicus at an unidentified site, possibly on the upper Tagus (App. Hisp. 56; DeSanctis, iv. r. 466; on the commands held by the praetors see Fishwick, CP, 1977, 129), and in 153 L. Mummius (cf. xxxix. 3· 3), after one defeat by a new leader Caesarus (App. Hisp. 56; Diod. xxxi. 42 (preferable); Simon, 2r n. 22), which encouraged the Aravaci in their attack in Celtiberia, gained several successes in Spain and, when the Lusitanians crossed over to north Africa, there too (App. Hisp. 58; Simon, 20-25). In 152 Mummius' successor, the praetor M. Atilius, captured the unidentified town of Oxthrace and so persuaded the Vettones to enter into treaty relations with Rome (which were soon broken): App. Hisp. 58. It was with Atilius that Marcellus operated during the Celtiberian armistice; but on what basis is not recorded (App. Hisp. 58; Simon, 34-35). See also Eutrop. iv. 9; Obsequens, r8. TTJV NEptco~puca. TroAw .•• £Xwv: this town, which later received the epithets Concordia Julia, lay near Frejenal de la Sierra in the province of Badajoz (d. Pliny, iii. 14; Ptol. Geog. ii. 4· ro). Inscriptions (cf. CIL, ii. p. r2. 5) have Nertobriga. This Lusitanian town is quite distinct from a homonymous Celtiberian town in the J al6n valley, where Marcellus encountered treachery earlier in the year (2. r-4. 14 n.; App. Hisp. 48}. See Schulten, RE, 'Nertobriga (2)', cols. 54-55. lv Kop8u~q. TYJV Tra.pa.xELJ.LO.aLa.v lTroLELTo: winter, 152/r. Corduba on the Baetis (modern Cordoba) was perhaps founded by Marcellus now; cf. Strabo, iii. 2. r, C. 141, MapKi>J..ov KT{af:-La; Hubner, RE, 'Corduba', cols. r22r-4; M. Griffin, ]RS, 1972, q-r9 (discussing the date of the colony). Fg. uo = fg. q8, quoted by Buttner-Wobst in the apparatus criticus to this passage (from Suidas) speaks of MapKos J 'Pwf:-La{wv aTpa77Jy6s who, wishing to be free of the war against the Lusitanians, tried to make a change KaL To (S~) Af:yof:-Lf:Vov lKVf:Vaas T~V avDpWVLTLV f:ls T~V yvvaLKWVLTLV KWf:-LaGaL (on the proverb

XXXV. z.

2

ENVOYS OF THE BELLI, ETC.

see Wunderer, i. 39-40). The reference will be to Marcellus' retirement into winter quarters at Corduba, and is part of the hostile propaganda directed against him (cf. 3· 4 n., 4· 3 n.); cf. Schulten, Hermes, 19II, 571 (preferable to Wunderer, loc. cit., who refers the fragment to the praetor M. Atilius}. See also Pedech, Methode, 558 n. 246. 3. "rWv ••• 1Tptaj3Ewv , •• 1TapayEVOf!~vwv: sent by :Marcellus; 2. r4· 14 n. 1TapC.. TWV B£Ahwv tea( T~TTwv: they occupied areas near the Jal6n valley, but precisely where is not known; cf. HUbner, RE, 'Belli', col. 251; Schulten, RE, 'Titter', cols. 1572-3. oaoL n1 'Pwf!a.lwv npoiJvTo: 'as many as were supporting the Roman cause'; see above, 2. 1-4. 14 n., for Appian's divergent account, perhaps based on the support of Segeda for the Aravaci, 4. TWV !6-pa.uaKwv: the most powerful Celtiberian tribe, inhabiting the western area around the head waters of the Douro (cf. Schulten, CAH, viii. 31R··I9}; later, in Strabo, iii. 4· 13, C. 162, they have expanded east and south as far as the head waters of the Tagus, and Segeda is Aravacan. This may mean that they had absorbed the Belli. Variations of the name occur; Diodorus (xxxi. 42), Strabo (loc. cit.), and Appian (Hisp. 45~9} call them ll.pova.Ko{, inscriptions and military diplomas have Arauaci. See Hubner, RE, 'Aravaci', col. 68z, for other variants. 1T~pa.v TOu T ~~~pEwo;; ••• ~ta.Ta.O'KT)voOv: for Ka:ra.aK1Jvovv see x. 31. 5 n.; on the reception of legati from hostile and friendly states see vi. 13. 7 n. As enemies, the Aravaci might not cross the pomerium; cf. Livy, xxx. 21. 12, xxxiii. 24. 5, 'Macedones deducti extra urbem in uillam publicam ibique eis locus et lautia praebita et ad aedem Bellonae serratus datus', xlv. 22. 2 (of the Rhodians}; Mommsen, St.-R. iii. :z. I I 52 n. 5· Sometimes the hostile legati were heard outside the pomerium; but there is no evidence that this was so for the Aravaci. 5. ~<«Tii m)Xw o aTp«TT)yoo;; Etoily«< KTA.: 'the praetor urbanus brought the allies before the Senate'; for this translation of praetor urbanus see IGR, i. u8 = Sherk, 22l. 2 (S.C. for Asclepiades) where GTpa.T1JyofJ tie Kara 1T&.\w Kat l7TI. rwv ~.ivaJV translates 'pr(aetore) urbano et inter peregrinos'.
HEARD BY THE SENATE

XXXV. 3· 7

tion, especially since the consuls for x51 were already in office shortly afterwards (3. 7 n.); this would normally render a hearing at the end of the previous year unlikely. One possibility, however, is that the consuls-elect themselves engineered an early hearing so as to reduce possible delay in the aggressive policy which they planned (Livy, ep. 48; App. Hisp. 49). The name of the praetor urbamts for neither 152 nor 151 is recorded. Touc; avf.Lf.L&.xouc;: the Belli and Titti, probably socii under the Gracchan treaty; the events at Segeda seem now to be ignored. 7. t:t f.LTJ auO"T< uX)~aoVTa.~ ••• oi. vEvoAEf.LfJKOT£<;: i.e. the Ara vaci. Paton omits to translate auO"'Ta.\1]aovTa' (so Biittner-Wobst for the manuscript avaT~aovTa~), 'if those who had taken up arms were not reduced'. W'ii vp080TO.\<; YEYOVOO"~; not without reason, Since the fugitives from Segeda had helped to precipitate the outbreak. 9. ~tu9' ~KuaTov lhoc; uvuTov: as had been done since 154, but not previously since 195. It had become normal practice to send two praetors to Spain, where they remained for two years. 11. ot ••. Bt:AAwv Kul. T(TTwv aUf.Lf.La.xouvT£S 'Pwf.Lulots: excluding Segeda and, for all we know, other tov.'Ils. Paton's translation obscures the fact that P. is speaking only of some of these peoples. 13. KUTu ••. TT)v U1ToKptow: 'in outward appearance', contrasted with rfj y~ IL~v 7rpoatpia£,, 'at heart'. ouK EtKouau Tois oAots: 'not to be in any degree submissive', rather than Paton, 'neither disposed to make complete submission . . : o!) ••• TotS' 5.\otS' means 'not at all' rather than 'not entirely'. • ' , i:.' ' • TO.'ii ' R' ' \ , 15 , E"II"UVUyUV fJ!>tOUV E"ll't KO.TU' T £t'Ept0V Of.LOAOY\US: Cf . A pp. Hisp. 48, 7"0V MapKEAAOV ~{louv, 7TOtV~V aOTOtS' em8b'Ta. /LE1"plav, is TaS' rpaKxov auvfh]KaS' d.vayayE,V. On the treaty made with Ti. Sempronius Gracchus in q8 see 1. 1-6 n. 3. 1. Tous vupu Tou MupKEAAou vp€a~£tS: according to Appian, Hisp. 49, he merely sent a letter. 2. vpoavef.LovTu . • • Toic; voAt:f.Llo~s f.LaAAov ;; Tois auf.LilO.xolS: for P.'s hostile attitude towards Marcellus see 2. I n. The reference to his cowardice (§ 4) echoes the accusations of Scipio Aemilianus. For another view of Marcellus see Cic. in Pis. 44, 'M. Marcellus, qui ter consul fuit, summa uirtute, pietate, gloria militari, periit in mari [in 148 on the way to Africa]; qui tamen ob uirtutem in gloria et laude uiuit.' 5. ivToAO.s ••. ~h' 6:rmpp~Twv: again the source is probably Scipio; cf. Gelzer, Kl. Schr. iii. 176 n. no; Lintott, Historia, 1972, 633-5. 7. ~&"'1 yO.p ETvxov u'ITa.To\ ••• TO.s i>TEs: perhaps after the hearing of the envoys; see 2. 5 n. AoXos noaTOf.LtO<; Ka.l. lu:uKtOS fuKLVVLOS AEUKOAAos: the consuls

XXXV. 3· 7

ENVOYS OF THE BELLI, ETC.

for A.u.c. 603 rsr; A. Postumius A.f. A.n. Albinus had been praetor in rss (xxxiii. I. 5 n.), and was no friend of P. through his opposition to the return of the Achaean detainees. L. Licinius Lucullus was a nouus homo; he may have been the son of the C. Licinius Lucullus who, as dt*umuir, dedicated the temple of Iuventas in the Circus Maximus in I9I (Livy, xxxvi. 36. s). See Munzer, RE, 'Lidnius (roz)', cols. 373~5. 4. 2. KotvTou: Q. Fulvius M.f. M.n. Nobilior, cos. A.U.c. 601 = 153; for his campaign in Celtiberia see 2. I 4· 14 n. In referring to 153 as Tov 'TI'p&repov flvtavr6v P. has apparently overlooked the fact that, at least since 3· 7, he is in 151. TTJ" TE auvE:x£~nv Twv ••• Kw8uvwv: cf. I. I n. 3. ~vhnai T~S 'lrTo(a. To'i:s vkoLs 'lfnpaA.oyos: probably exaggerated so as to increase the glory of Scipio; cf. xxxi. zs. z-7 (the luxury of the youth contrasted with Scipio's virtue), 29. 1-12 (his rigorous training to gain a reputation for courage). It is clear from § 9 that the incidents described here are designed to complete the pattern of conduct laid down for Scipio by P. in order to secure for him a firm reputation in the populace for temperance, generosity, and courage. 4. fl.TJTE XLA~6.pxous 'lfpO'Ifop£u£a9a.L KTA.: 'suitable men did not stand for office as military tribunes' ; on the election of the 24 tribunes assigned to the first four legions see vi. 12. 6 n., 19. 1 n. 5. Tous £to-~£po~vous ... 11'pEaj3EuT6.s: 'the legati nominated by the consuls'; on these see vi. 35· 4 n. 6. 'lfpo~6.aELS ••• a.taxpov ••• fi'lfpm€s ••• ciSuva..,.ov: presumably alleging physical disabilities of an intimate character such as piles (i~tTa~Hv ••. a1rpm€s) which could not simply be discounted (for l7TLTijkVELV cf. V, 58. 3) • 8. no11'ALOS KopVTJALOS: P. Cornelius Scipio Aemilianus; cf. xviii. 35· 6 n., xxxi. 23-30. 8oKwv 8€ o-uf!.j3ouA.os .•• Tou 11'0AEf!.Ou: his importance at this stage in his career is exaggerated by Schulten (Numantia, i. 273 f., 278 f.; CAH, viii. 323). P. probably means that he strongly supported those who favoured continuing the war (Simon, 38 and n. 44) ; but he was only quaestorius and hardly the leader of a war-party (so, correctly, Bilz, 52; Astin, 41 n. 3). See further Aymard, Etudes, 4oo-r. ( '~'tl") t'lft KnAoKaya.Oi.q. ~ 8' E'lf, av8pEi!1- ~TJfl.TJS 'lfpoa8£0fl.EVOS: in xxxi. 29. II P. says that by his hunting exploits Scipio l~
HEARD BY THE SENATE

XXXV. 5·

I-2

practice (rurKYJm>) for the real thing, which was of course courage displayed in warfare; the Celtiberian War provided an opportunity for this. (\tn x~X£apxov EtTE: 1TpEO'j3EUTTJV ••• €gEt:va.~: cf. Livy, ep. 48, 'P. Cornelius Aemilianus processit et excepturum se militiae genus, quodcumque imperatum esset, professus est; quo exemplo omnes ad studium militandi concitauit'; Oros. iv. 21. I. Whether he went as military tribune or as legatus is uncertain. Appian, Hisp. 49, auct. de uir. £ll. 58, and Ampelius, 22 make him legatus; but Livy, ep. 48 calls him a military tribune; and this seems implied in the statement in Oros. iv. 21. I that he had been assigned by lot to Macedon. See Broughton, i. 456; Astin, 340· Spain had been allotted to L. Lucullus (3. 7 n.). According to Livy, ep. 48, in the course of the dispute over the levy, the tribunes incarcerated the consuls; and Appian, Hisp. 49, says that for the first time the lot was used to determine which men should be sent to Spain; cf. Astin, 42 n. 2. ll. s~aAUO'OYTO. TO.s tv O.VTOLS O'TaO'ELS : as the son of L. Aemilius Paullus, whom he had accompanied in the Third Macedonian War, P. Scipio will have inherited his patronage in Macedonia; see Badian, 16o n. 5· Details of the factions are lacking; for earlier troubles see xxxi. 2. 12 (commissioners sent out in 163), 17. 2 (massacre of councillors and Damasippus' flight from Pella about the same time). Who, if anyone, went in Aemilianus' place is not recorded. 13. s~o. TTJV fJA~KLa.v: if Scipio was born early in 184 (cf. xviii. 35· 6 n.) or late in 185 (Astin, 245-7), he was now 33 and no youth. P. mentions his lJAtKW. to render his gesture more impressive; cf. Gelzer, Kl. Schr. iii. 174 n. 103. SLO. TTJV liXATJV EVAa~na.v: 'his cautiousness in general' ; perhaps a reference to a quality which Scipio's detractors called by a harsher name; cf. xxxi. 23. II, ~m>xw'i ... Kat vwBp/ls. 14. oi ••• 1rpon:pov 0."11'08ELA«7lvn:s: d. §§ 4-6. tKTpE1TO!-LEVo~o Tov tK 1Tapo.8EO'Ews ~AEyxov: 'shrinking from the reproach implicit in being compared with him'; Paton translates 'ashamed of being shown up', but this would more appropriately translate Gronovius' proposed reading, €vrperr6f.J£vot. KnTO. O'UO'TPE!llJ.a.Ta Ka.l auv1J8E(o.s: 'in groups and clubs'. P. perhaps implied that whole sodalitaies came together to enrol. 5. 1-2. An incident from the Spanish War (151) FromSuidas. FollowinganadvancefromCorduba (2. 2) to Numantia, Marcellus repulsed the Numantines (on his camp on the hill of Castilleja, I km. from Numantia, see Schulten, Numantia, i. 347), and nominally fulfilled the Senate's instructions by compelling the 647

XXXV. 5· 1-z

AN INCIDENT AT INTERCATIA

Celtiberian enemy to make a deditio and pay a large indemnity of 6oo talents (App. Hisp. so; Livy, ep. 48; Strabo, iii. 4· 13, C. r62 = Poseidonius, FGH, 87 F sr). He then restored the conditions of the Gracchan treaty (cf. 2. 1~4. 14 n.); the Belli and Titti presumably resumed their position of dependence, for when Appian, Hisp. so, says that Marcellus at/;7]K€1' iAov8Epov;;, this will apply only to the Ara vaci; cf. Simon, 43-44. The Senate ratified the peace and Marcellus returned to Rome. Taking over Marcellus' army (Simon, 47), L. Lucullus, who had arrived in Spain to find the Celtiberian War over, attacked the Vaccaei, to the west of the Aravaci. For his campaigns see App. Hisp. 51-55, which almost certainly draws on P. directly or indirectly, and reflects his denigration of Lucullus in the interest of Scipio. According to Appian Lucullus negotiated terms of surrender with the city of Cauca and then massacred the male inhabitants. He besieged Intercatia, but ran into difficulties with supplies until Scipio made terms v1ith its inhabitants. Later he attacked Palantia without success and retired to winter (rsr/o) in Turdetania, to the south. See Simon, 46-56. The present fragment refers to an incident at Intercatia, where Scipio fought and defeated an enemy chieftain on horseback, who had issued a challenge to single combat. On the incident, which became famous, see Livy, ep. 48, 'ibi P. Cornelius Scipio Aemilianus, L. Pauli filius, Africani nepos, (s)et adoptiuus, prouocatorem barbarum tribunus militum ocddit et in expugnatione Intercatiae urbis maius etianmum periculum adit; nam murum prim us transcendit';App.Hisp. 53; Vell. i. 12. 4; VaL Max. iii. 2. 6; Oros. iv. 21. 2; Pliny, Nat. hist. xxxvii. 9; de uir. ill. 58. 2 f.; Florus, i. 33· n (inaccurate); Plut. Mor. 8os A; Ampel. 22. See also fg. 6, which may go here; that fg. r8 also belongs here is less likely; cf. § 2 n. Intercatia was a town of the Vaccaei in the region of Villalpando, c. so km. north of Zamora, between the provinces of Zamora and Valladolid (d. Schulten, RE, 'Intercatia (r)', col. r6o3; Strabo, iii. 4· 13, C. r62; Ptol. Geog. ii. 6. 49) ; the exact site is unknovvn. See Simon, 54· bp11~ ••• Ka.l 8La.'!l'opTJcr'~: if fg. 6 belongs here, Scipio's divided feelings were shared by others, a few praising him, but the majority characterizing his action as folly or madness, since, in •'iew of his inexperience of battle and of the barbarian methods of fighting, he was gambling with his life. 2. ou 11~"' oAocx!!pw~ ~ctjld.Aj.i.TJCT€: Scipio's horse was wounded and threw him; but it kept on its feet, and so he also landed upright. The incident described in fg. r8 (from Suidas) is not easily reconciled with this passage, despite similarities. There a wounded horse falls headlong (a1ToatJ;aAfL~aas)' then rushes pV07Jl' (at high speed?) oul. TOV

5. 1.

648

AN INCIDENT AT INTERCATIA

XXXV. 6. 4

w'~"a.tv ,-6?Tov Toil cnpa.To?TtilJou, perhaps the area in the middle of the camp, or (emending to nov =paTo?Tellwv) the area between the armies (which would fit this context rather better). P. evidently described the duel in detail, emphasizing the sensational elements, Scipio being first in jeopardy, but eventually defeating his enemy in a context resembling the struggle of David against Goliath.

6. l-4. Return of the Achaean detainees (15o) This extract from Plut. Cat. mai. 9 probably draws on P. but hardly ranks as a fragment. The Achaean detainees were allowed to return home to Greece in the seventeenth year of their detention (Paus. vii. ro. 12, oi?TTa.Katll€KaT

649

XXXV. 6. 4

RETURN OF THE ACHAEAN DETAINEES

Cyclops' cave to recover his cap and belt would have still more point if P.'s affectation of seeing a parallel ·between himself and Odysseus was already familiar at Rome ; cf. xii. 28. I n. Von Scala, 72 n. I, observes that visual representations of Odysseus from the time of Apollodorus or Nicomachus (cf. Serv. ad Virg. Aen. ii. 44 Pliny, Nat. hist. xxxv. 1o8) almost always showed him with a pileus; and that the usual name for a man's belt was ~waT~p, not {dwq.

BOOK XXXVI 01. 157, 3-4 150[49 and 149/8 (see pp. 43, 44-46). Chs. 1-15 (with fgs. 67, 99, and 192-all doubtful) concern I5o[49, chs. 16-17 (with 8. 8 = fg. 232, and perhaps fg. 47) concern 149[8. This book was evidently dominated by the Third Punic War and the rising of Andriscus in Macedonia. 1. 1-7. On the function of speeches in history See pp. 44-45 for the reasons which justify placing this excerpt from de sent. first among the surviving fragments of this book in res Italiae of 150/49· P. raises the question of speeches in history afresh because the Third Punic War was preceded by much oratory and the discussion of policy in several forms. Some sources record a lengthy debate between Cato and P. Scipio Nasica Corculum on whether Rome should go to war with Carthage (Livy, ep. 4B; Florus, i. 31. 5; Diod. xxxivjxxxv. 33· 3-6; Plut. Cato mai. 27. 1-2; App. Lib. 69). One set of arguments, probably put forward by Nasica, favoured caution and stressed the importance of a just cause (Livy, ep. 48; Diod. xxxii. s); P. discusses this aspect in 2. 1-4 (see ad loc.). Further, Nasica is said to have argued that it was in Rome's interest to maintain a metus hostilis in the form of Carthage, either to maintain Roman military efficiency (Oros. iv. 23. 9; Zon. ix. 30), or to prevent the eruption of civil discord at home (Plut. Cato mai. 27. 2 f.; Diod. xxxivjxxxv. 33· 3-6; Aug. de ciu. Dei, i. 30), or to deter the Romans themselves from excesses against foreign peoples (same sources). Nasica's opposition (but not what he said) is recorded in Livy, ep. 49, Zon. ix. 26, and Ampel. 19. II. Whether some or all of these arguments were used by him, or are later constructions, has been much debated together with the question (bound up with the genuineness of the record) of how long Scipio maintained his opposition; see especially Gelzer, Kl. Schr. ii. 39--12 (accepting the genuineness of the tradition); Hoffmann, Historia, 1960, 309 f., especially 340 f. (debate unhistorical) ; Astin, 48 ff., 276--So; Lintott, Historia, 1972, 632 ff. Astin has argued convincingly that the argument based on the risk of civil discord, though it has affinities with arguments in book vi, cannot be shown to have stood in P., and that if it was used it is not likely to have been stressed very hard in that form; the point that an enemy was useful for keeping the Romans on their toes is more likely to have carried weight (cf. xxxii. 13). These debates may have been going on intermittently from the time 651

XXXVI.

I.

1-7 ON THE FUNCTION OF SPEECHES

of Cato's return from his embassy to Carthage in 152 (d. 2. r-4 n. on events leading to the war) ; that P. recorded some of them, through briefly and mentioning only what he regarded as Ta Katptw'TaTa Kat 1rpayp.anKWTaTa of what was said, is consistent with the present chapter (cf. 2. 4 n.). For the view that he omitted them deliberately in accordance ·with his customary suppression of any suggestions of internal conflict at Rome (but cf. i. Io-n), see Momigliano, Atti Ace. Torino, 107, 1972-3. 695-7.

l. 1. 1TWS . . . OCJK EV aywvw...aTL KEXP-rltJ.e9a: aywvtup.a is a 'showpiece' (cf. iii. JI. 12 n.), but K£XP~p.e8a needs an object; hence various emendations: Paton prints Mai's oVK lvaywv{up.aT' (but the word is not found elsewhere); Geel proposed ovSlv aywvtup.an, Lucht d, ayWvLap.a 'T' (with hp£11'op.e0a), and Hultsch suggests Kexpr}p.eOa TOiS' rrpoe•pTJp.lvoLS'. Mauersberger (s. v. lv) reads KEXP7Jf1.l.voL rrpoepop.<£8a. The sense is clear, but since we do not know what preceded, and since the first lines of an excerpt are especially liable to corruption, the correct wording is irrecoverable. To us KaTO. tJ.epos Xoyous: 'the separate speeches'. TOLaUTT)S orro9€aewc; ••. KaL TT)ALKQUTT)S 1TpO.gews: the Third Punic War. 2. SLan8etJ.EvoL Touc; ~vovTas Myous: cf. xii. 25 i 4, 6Myot ... KaLpol. rr&:J!'Ta> l11'tct!xovTaL Sta01u8at ToV> lvovT<.t> AOyov> (where, however, I take the reference to be to statesmen; for a different view see Musti, Aujstieg und Niedergang, i. 2. n25 n. u; Societa antica (Bari, 1973), 2u-14; below, addenda on xii. 25 i 4-9). Myot are 'arguments', but in § I 'speeches'. 3. ooK l1.1ToSoKLtJ.O.tw TOuTo To !Jkpoc;: i.e. he does not reject the practice of including speeches. For his views on this see xii. 25 a 3; cf. ii. 56. ro, xii. 25 i 4-8, xxix. 12. 10. About fifty examples of Polybian speeches survive, but the Polybian parts of Livy indicate that many are lost. See for discussion Walbank, Speeches; Polybius, 43-46; Ziegler, RE, 'Polybios', cols. 1524-7 (and the works of Ullrich and Welzhofer quoted in coL 1444). For an analysis of the rhetorical principles followed in P.'s speeches see C. 'Wooten, AJP, 1974, 235-51. l>TJtL'IJYopias Kal auvTa~ELS AvSpwv 1ToAmKwv: on S7Jf1.''1Yopuu, speeches before councils and assemblies, see xii. 25 a 3 n. auJ!'Td.gH> are written compositions, the work of politicians, often no doubt apologetic or propagandist; cf. xxx. 4· II, on Astymedes, who wrote and published an cyypa'Tf'TOV ••• aVVTa~~v rijs s,KatoAoytas, which P. judges unfavourably. 4. oi.\8' llAT)v 1TAdw Klll1Tapa8Eaw: 'nor fuller material for instituting such a comparison'. P. could be thinking of the debates that preceded the decision to make war (cf. 1. 1-7 n.). 6. lit.E~ol>tKois xpijat)a, AoyoLs: on Timaeus' discursive passages cf. 652

ON THE FUNCTION OF SPEECHES XXXVI.

2.

1-4

xii. 26 d 6; for restricting the arguments in a speech to what is relevant see xii. 25 i 4-5 (again mentioning Timaeus). 7. To'Lc; laTopLoypa<jlOLc;: in contrast to politicians (§ 6). Gelzer, Kl. Schr. iii. 202, suggests that under both headings P. is thinking of himself. For his point here cf. xii. 25 b I-4· oMi' EV0.1TOS£(Kvua9m TTJV O.IJTWV ouva.l-'w: cf. xii. 25 a 5, ~cnr£p &rr68ngtv T'ijs £avrov 8vvdp.£ws 1Totovp.£VoS ; see also § I, iv dywv[ap.am. (Ta) Ka.T' O.X1}9ELa.v pT)OtvTa. ••• SLa.aa.<jlEiv: cf. xii. 25 b I, Tovs KaT' M.1]0nav £lp'l)p.tvovs, o[o[ 1TOT> av &at, yvwvat l\6yovs; 25 i 8. Elsewhere P. makes clear that his claim is only to give the true substance of what was said, not the actual words; cf. xxix. I2. Ion.; \Valbank, Speeches, 8. Tn Ka.LpLt:JTa.Ta. Ka.l. 1rpa.yl-'a.nKwTa.Ta.: 'the most vital and effectual' ; so a principle of selection is involved.

2. 1-4. The Romans seek a pretext before going to war This passage, which follows 1. I-7 in the exc. de sent., belongs here (cf. pp. 43-44) in res Italiae; an echo of it is to be found in Diod. xxxii. 5 (quoted, § 4 n.}. P.'s argument contains a certain ambiguity, since a conviction that one's cause is just (that is what Demetrius is talking about) is not the same thing as having a plausible argument which "'rill appeal to the world at large; in the one case the advantage is to one's morale, in the other it lies in the sphere of public relations. The two need not of course clash. Not every 1Tpocf>o.ms is merely specious, and there is reason to think that P. regarded the Roman case against Carthage as convincing (cf. 9· I-17). On the other hand, fg. 99, which may belong here, clearly refers to public relations; it asserts that the Romans took special care not to give the impression of beginning an unjust war or moving on from success in one war to lay hands on their neighbour, but always to seem to be defending themselves and to be compelled to go to war. Clearly, then, P. recognizes that the reason alleged will not always be the true one (cf. xxxii. IJ. 9). It is possible that P. (and so indirectly Appian} has exaggerated the firmness of the Senate's determination to go to war in the late r5o's, just as in his account of the events leading up to the Second Punic War he discounts any suggestion of a divided Senate (iii. 20. Iff.); cf. JRS, I965, 7· Events leading to the Third Punic War. In I6I the Senate had resolved a dispute between Carthage and Masinissa in the latter's favour (cf. xxxi. 21. 8), and he obtained a further favourable decision c. 158--6 (Livy, ep. 47). In I5J, when the Romans were involved in Celtiberia (xxxv. 2. I-4· 14 n.} and Masinissa in Lusitania, the Carthaginians initiated raids on Numidian territory, and these were ended by a Roman commission which, once again, decided in Masinissa's favour 653

XXXVI.

2.

I-4 THE ROMANS SEEK A PRETEXT

(App. Lib. 68; Livy, ep. 47, second embassy). A further commission, including Cato, was sent out in 152; and, when the Carthaginians refused to accept Roman arbitration with an enforceable decision, he returned to Rome determined on war (App. Lib. 68; Livy, ep. 48; Zon. ix. 26; Plut. Cato mai. 26. 1). According to Zon. ix. 26 Scipio Nasica was sent out to Carthage; if this is true he probably accompanied Cato, though a separate mission is not impossible; cf. Walsh, JRS, 1965, 159. Later in 152 or early in 151 complaints from Masinissa that Carthage was rearming caused a further commission to be sent, and war came nearer; the Senate resolved to abstain from war if the Carthaginians burnt their fleet and demobilized (Livy, ep. 48). However, in winter 151/o the Carthaginians again clashed with Masinissa who, after the expulsion of some of his supporters from Carthage, attacked the town of Oroscopa; Hasdrubal, with a force of 25,ooo, defeated his forces and pursued them into Numidia (App. Lib. 7o). There the Carthaginians were defeated in a full-scale battle witnessed by Scipio Aemilianus (16. 12 n.), whom L. Lucullus had sent to Masinissa to obtain elephants (cf. xxxi. 16. 2 n.). Scipio called a conference to negotiate a settlement, but this broke down; and it was only after a further Roman embassy and an epidemic in the Carthaginian army that Hasdrubal agreed to terms (App. Lib. 72-73). Thus by 150 the Romans had a pretext to declare war. See, for the chronology, Kahrstedt, iii. 614 ff., 6zo ff.; Gsell, iii. 320 ff.; Gelzer, Kl. Schr. ii. 39-72; Kienast, 127 ff.; Rossetti, Parola del Passato, 196o, 336 ff.; Astin, 49--51, 27o-2. P. introduced the war in xxxvi since the war-decision was taken in 150, and the declaration made in 149 (3. 9; App. Lib. 74; Livy, ep. 49; below, 3· 1-6. 6).

tcTX.: cf. App. Lib. 74, ~ 8~ {Jov"A~, KTA. How long before 150 the Senate had resolved on war is not clear; according to App. Lib. 69, immediately after Cato's return in I 52: eKpLVE !J..EV

2. 1. rr6.A<:u S€ Tmhou

Kt:tcupw~vou

·m:Uat 8~-Eyvw~<:vL'a 11o"A.:p:fjaa,, Kai 11po
1TDA£p..e'iv. €n 8' ffxpv~e 11po
indicate that all sententiae were for a declaration of war, provided a satisfactory pretext arose; but, as a result of Nasica's opposition, the decision taken in r 51 was 'ut bello abstinerent, si Carthaginienses classem exussissent et exercitum dimisissent' (Livy, ep. 48). "'Tpocl>aow t:uax-rltJ-ova rrpos To us etcTOS: 'a pretext that would appeal to the world at large'. ol iKTos is not only 'foreign nations', but people generally outside the governmental circles where the decision was taken; cf. § 3, xxxii. 13. 9 and passim; Petzold, Studien, 45-46. The need to have a sound pretext is a commonplace both in actual wars (cf. Thuc. ii. 74) and in reports of them (cf. Xen. Gyrop. i. S· 13-14); 654

BEFORE GOING TO WAR

XXXVI. 3· r-6. 6

it was implicit in the Roman fetial procedure (Dion. Hal. ii. 72). See § 3 n. for Onasander. KnXwi 4>povouvns: P. approves this concern for public relations as a policy; cf. 2. 1~4 n. 3. KnTO. Tov ATJtJ--rlTplov: on Demetrius of Phalerum see x. 24. 7 n., xii. 13. 8 n., xxix. 21. r; von Scala, 156, attributed this passage (Wehrli, Demdrios, fg. r24 FGH, 228 F 29) to his .1lKcw:~- (Diog. Laert. v. 8r). But the close parallelism with Onasander, Strategikos, 4 (a section entitled ll1'5pt TofJ on Set ~v dpx-l]v ToiJ 7roAip.ou le e~Aoyou alTlas lm:f.yew) suggests that it is from his Straiegica, a work with which P. was certainly familiar (d. x. 24. 7 n.). See Wehrli, Demetrios, 70 (and, generally, RE, SuppL-E. xiv, 'Demetrios von Phaleron', cols. 514-22); Martini, RE, 'Demetrios (85)', col. 2832; Wunderer, ii. 76, who postulates the use of a florilegium by P. (unlikely if his source was the Strategica). For P.'s interest in Demetrius see PCdech, Methode, rg8 n. 495· 4. 1r11pt Ti]S TWV EKTOS Su:tX-rlljl£ws: 'about the effect on outside opinion'; cf. § 2 n. 1rpos O.AX-r\Xous ~hn4>EPOtJ-£Vo~: up to the events of winter rsrfo, which gave the Romans grounds for a declaration of war. Diod. xxxii. 5 probably refers to this disagreement: arp&ipa ol 'Plop.afot rptAonp.oiJvTa4 0£Kalovs tlvlaTaa8a4 Tous ?ToMp.ovs, Ka~ p.TJlUv elKfj Kal 7rp07TeTws ?Tepl Twv TowJ.rwv ¢'flrpi,ea8at (based on P.). The reference

is probably to the long debate between Cato and Scipio Nasica (cf. I. 1-7 n.). 1rap' b.Myov O.rrEaTTJanv Tou rroXitJ-Qu: this statement gains some confirmation from the terms of the resolution of 151, to refrain from war if the Carthaginians destroyed their fleet and demobilized(§ 2 n.).

3. 1-6. 6. Negotiations between Rome and Carthage; arrival of the Romans in Africa (149) This excerpt from de legat. gent. belongs to the res Africae of 01. 157, 3 xso/49; since the consuls have left for Africa (3· g), it is already A.u.c. 6os I49· The disastrous war with Masinissa (2. 1-4 n.; p. 654) led directly to the Third Punic War. On hearing of the failure of the Carthaginians to accept Scipio's demands the Romans mobilized troops throughout Italy; and the Carthaginians condemned Hasdrubal and Carthalo, the leaders of the war-party, to death (App. Lib. 74) and sent envoys to Rome to accuse them. The Senate, however, replied that the excuse was unsatisfactory and told the envoys that to obtain pardon they must satisfy the Romans. When a further embassy was sent to ask for clarification, the Romans replied that the Carthaginians 655

XXXVI. 3· r-6. 6

NEGOTIATIONS BETWEEN

knew very well what to do (App. Lib. 74; according to Diod. xxxii. and 3 the Romans replied that they (i.e. the· Romans) knew, but this is much less convincing and may be due to an excerptor's error). Appian's account of the Third Punic War probably goes back indirectly to P. Slight variations may be due to the inaccuracy of Appian or his immediate source (cf. Badian, 131, against Saumagne, Rev. kist. 167, 1931, 225 f.; r68, 1931, r f.) or to annalistic elaboration (Kahrstedt, iii. 6zo) ; Gsell, iii. 337-8, less probably assumes P. to be Appian's sole and direct source. 1

3. 1. 1TWS cl1TO.VTTJO'O.L (OE'i: rrpoc;) T~V 'PWJ.tO.lWV cl1T: 'an agreement of this kind' (cf. xx.xi. 24. 12 on the 'compact' between Scipio and P.). P. uses the word because deditio was a mutual affair: it had to be offered and accepted. But, as the previous paragraph and later events make clear, it implies no negotiation about the conditions of surrender. 6 56

ROME AND CARTHAGE

XXXVI. 5· 9

For the Punic deditio see also Livy, ep. 49; Diod. xxxii. 6. I. Appian does not mention it and Zon. ix. 26 speaks only of U71"ov8at. oO"Tpa.TT]y6s: 'the praetor'; the consuls had left Rome. His name is not recorded, but Broughton, i. 458, gives Cn. Cornelius l.entulus (cos. r46) and L. Hostilius Mancinus (cos. 145) as possibly praetors this year. Ti)v T' €1\.euBep{a.v teat Tous v6J.Lous KTA.: cf. App. Lib. 76, adding in~ accurately: €gEtv Kapxr;Mva £AEv81.pav T€ Kat avT6VOJLOV; it is clear that the city was omitted deliberately; cf. § 9; Diod. xxxii. 6. 1, ovOaJLOV 1rpocrn8Efua rr6Aw ri]v KapxYJS6va, rrapa.Kpu11'Tovua 8€ ri]v TO.V7'1]5'

d.va£pEuLV.

6. eav • • • EK1TEJ.LIJiwow: these conditions are a prerequisite for granting the concessions promised in § 4· They do not imply that the Carthaginians still possessed the right to refuse-indeed the fact that one of the things to be restored was ~AEvfhp£a indicates that by deditio the Carthaginians had lost it (cf. Dahlheim, 24 n. q). On the sending of the hostages cf. Diod. xxxii. 6. I ; App. Lib. 76. Twv etc Tfjs) c:ruytcA~Tou K«L Tfjs yepouc:r{ns: on the two councils at Carthage see i. .n. 6 n., cf. x. r8. 1; Livy, xxx. 16. 3· 9. ELS (LEY6.A1JV €1TlO"Ta.c:rw ••• 1\ye tca.i 1TOAA~v &.J.LTJxa.v(nv: 'caused them great surprise and serious anxiety'; for £1rlUTautr; see xi. r a 2, xiv. 1 a 1.

<

5. 1. MO.ywva. Tov Bphnov: otherwise unknown. For the nickname, probably used to distinguish him from the Mago of 3· 8, cf. i. 46. 447· IOn. 6. Tous OJ.L~pous: cf. 4· 6; on their dispatch see App. Lib. 77; Diod. xxxii. 6. I; Livy, ep. 49· It was early or mid 1\iay, 149; cf. II. 2 n. 7. EKKa.ouuhlv rf]v ToLa.UTTJV lhO.Beow: 'adding fuel to a situation such as this'; the scene is elaborated in App. Lib. 77· 9. KotvT~ cpa.~(~ Ma.stJ.L'{l: Q. Fabius Maximus Aernilianus, son of L Aemilius Paullus, and Scipio's brother; cf. xviii. 35· 6 n. He was praetor in Sicily in 149 (and consul in 145). c:ruv£KAEtc:rB1Jaa.v ••• ds To T~~ EKKa.tOeKtipous vEwplov: so Gronovius and Schweighaeuser for the manuscript EKKaLeiEKETov (or EKKateieK~Tov). This must be the 'sixteen' which Philip was allowed to keep after Cynoscephalae, and which Aemilius Paullus had brought to Rome after Pydna (see xviii. 44· 6 n., where however the identification with Ptolemy Ceraunus' flagship is erroneous; see below, p. 790, addendum to xviii. 44· 6). It was evidently kept in a special dock, and perhaps both ship and dock installations were used as a prison for the hostages. On their subsequent fate see Zon. ix. 30, oOTot yd.p (sc. the foremost men) of TE op.YJpoL Kal. 6 ilueipoJ{}as ~eat & B,8{ar; &».o, run Tfjs 'ITa.Ata.s lv
XXXVI. 5· 9

ARRIVAL OF THE ROMANS I:-< AFRICA

corresponding to oi p.Jv £.g aVrij!> KTA. (§ S); it probably contained something like App. Lib. 77 (end), Ka~ Toi!> Kap)(r}Oovlot!> €.pauav e<; -r6 n'Ao!> TOV 7TOMp.ov Ta Aoma ep<;tv lv •lnJK[J.

6. 1. T~v Tfjs 'hutc:T)S Ktc:pa.v: the promontory due east of Utica; cf. xiv. 1. 2 n. with sketch-map there. 4. Ets n]v ••. n-a.pE!lPoA.1]v: cf. App. Lib. 7S, £rrrpaTom£owov o p.£v 7T£~o<; i£v0a mi.A.at TO EKmlwvo<; 'ljv rrrpaT67T£0ov, ai U vije> iv Toi<; Atp.iut Twv 'lTvKalwv. Thus the army was encamped at castra Cornelia at the neck of the promontory; cf. xiv. 1. 2 n. ToG o-uveSpiou o-uva.xOevTos: on the composition of the consul's advisory council see xiv. 2. 11 n. According to App. Lib. 7S, the army was also on parade. On this Carthaginian embassy see also Diod. xxxii. 6. 2. oi n-peo-~us SLEAE-yovTo tc:a.Tci nl.s ivToAcl.s: the speech in App. Lib. 7S-79 (£,\eewa 7ToMa Ka~ 7TotKC\a) is an annalistic confection. 5. 0 . . . n-pEO'~UTEpos TWV un-cl.Twv: App. Lib. So names him as Censorinus and says he was •dm;iv iKavdn-,;:po>, a detail not, it seems, of Polybian origin. Compare 7. 1 n. for disagreement between the Polybian tradition (in Diodorus) and Appian concerning the name of the consul who delivered the final ultimatum. Tel. 9' on-Aa. Ka.L Ta ~EAT) n-cl.vTa.: a normal demand following deditio, and often linked with the giving of hostages; cf. Livy, v. 27. 14, xxix. 3· 1; App. Mitk. 96; Reuss, Volk. Grund. 67-6S. xwpls SOA.ou tc:a.l &.n-cl.TT)S: cf. 9· 9. 9· 10, 6. o-tc:on-E'io-Bm •.• TO o-ullPTJO'O!!Evov: clarified by App. Lib. So, U7TOp£tv o£ OnW<; :4aopovf3av, q, OavaTOV E7T£,qpvgav, ovo p.vpuiBa<; avopwv ifoTJ avvayay6v-ra, Kal aVrfj KapX1JOOVt 7TaparrrpaT07T£Oa5ov-ra, ap.vvoiJVTat; cf. Diod. xxxii. 6. 2. Hasdrubal had taken the field as

Carthaginian general against Masinissa, but when the venture failed he and his fellow general had been condemned to death as scapegoats by the party in power (App. Lib. 74; above, 3· 1-6. 6 n.). According to Appian, the reply was that 'Pwp.a!ot TOJnwv bnp.,;:,\1}aov-rat, whereupon the envoys undertook to hand over the arms. This account suggests some compression in P. : op.w> TaiiTa £owKav.

6. 7-8. 7. Fragments from the res Africae ofOl. 157,3

=

15o/49

Most of these fragments from Suidas can be assigned to this (or the next) olympiad year by comparison with Appian and Diodorus. There is no way to be sure how much of the campaigning which went on through the winter of 149/S was included by P. under 01. 157, 3 (150/49) and at what point he passed over to his account of res Africae for 01. 157, 4 (149/S). Seep. 45· 658

THE RES AFRICAE OF OL. 157, 3

XXXVI. 7· 3

6. 7. Surrender of arms: cf. App. Lib. 8o, who describes the catapults as &tv{3€A€fS' T€ Ka~ At8o{36Aovs-, and mentions also {3€Awv Kal aKoVTlwv 7TAij8os- a7Tnpov. The arms were received by P. Scipio Nasica (Serapio) and Cn. Cornelius Scipio Hispanus; the latter (ILS, 6), and probably therefore the former too, had the rank of military tribune. The choice of these men, both connected with P. Scipio Nasica Corculum, was no doubt intended to inspire confidence at Carthage (DeSanctis, iv. 3· 36 n. 57). See also Livy, ep. 49; Diod. xxxii. 6. 2 (condensed), o7TAwv 7TaVToOa1Twv ~;JKocr' p.vpt&Sas- Kal KaTa1T€ArasS,crxtil{ovs-. App. Lib. 8o describes how the wagons containing the arms were accompanied by a procession of all the leading Carthaginians, envoys, senators, and priests in full costume of their rank, in a (vain) attempt to move the pity of the consuls. It is to this assembly that Censorinus puts the demand for the surrender of Carthage. Zon. ix. 26 has the Carthaginian magistrates (ra r€ATJ) summoned to hear this final order; and Diad. xxxii. 6. 2-3 records the Roman demand that the Gerousia appoint a delegation to whom the final demands would be conveyed. It is clear that the latter follows the version in P. (cf. 7· 1-2 n.). 7. 1. ooS€v ElSo5 ••• ~yvwaa.v: the Carthaginian populace. According to Diad. xxxii. 6. 3, the embassy of 30 Carthaginians of high rank, sent on Roman orders to the camp, were told by M'. Manilius the consul (Censorinus in App. Lib. 86-90: cf. 6. 7 n.) that they must abandon Carthage and rebuild it 8o stades (i.e. 10 m.p.) from the sea. The ultimatum aroused much emotion (fg. 192 may belong here: see note there) and a speech was made by one Blanno (App. Lib. 82-86 calls him Banno and records his speech before the Senate's decision has been made known); Blanno's speech, mentioned also in Diad. xxxii. 6. 3, must have appeared in some form in P. (DeSanctis, iv. 3· 37 n. 58). Some envoys did not dare return to Carthage; the reception of those who did is described in this fragment. 2. t~ a.1hf)5 .•• Tfjs €1-1-4>6.aEws ••• Twv 1tp€a(3Ewv: cf. Diod. xxxii. 6. 4, TWV 8~ oxAwv Vn-a1TaVTlfwrwv, TOJJ·TO~S' p.i:v ovStv JiiW\ovv, Tck SJ EaVTWV KE~aAas

rV71'ToVT€S' Kal ras- x€fpas- E7Tavar€lvovT€S' Kal roiJs- 8EOVS' €mf3oc!Jp.€vo' 1rpofjyov ds- T~V ayopav, Kal rfj y€pova{q. a7T~yynAav Ta 1TpoanTayp.€va. There is a much more elaborate account in App. Lib. 91; the envoys are almost tom apart before they can report to

the Gerousia. 3. ot OE 1taVTE5 all-' O.va.tcEKpa.y6ns: the members of the Gerousia; cf. App. Lib. 91-92 for this and the reaction of the distracted populace. According to the confused and abbreviated account in Zon. ix. 26, Carthaginian magistrates were summoned to hear the Roman decision; some of these remained behind (as in Diodorus), but those who 659

XXXVI. 7· 3

THE RES A FRICAE OF OL. 't57, 3

returned themselves killed 'some of their rulers' for not having chosen war from the start. 5. TOUS KG.THli.'YJf1f1EVOUS TWV 'ITaX~KWV: d. Zon. ix. 26, rous evr6s roD Tli.lxovs li.Vpti.Btvras 'Pwp..alovs (h£
ws

iv alrfmolq: Kat dK7JpVKT

~aav,

A substantial section followed in P. describing events of which the general outline is apparent from Appian. War was declared by the Carthaginian senate, slaves were liberated, Hasdrubal was reconciled and appointed general again with his army of 2o,ooo (cf. 6. 6 n.); another Hasdrubal, Masinissa's grandson, was put in charge in the city. A vain attempt was made to secure a truce in order to send an embassy to Rome, then all set about the feverish manufacture of arms to replace those surrendered (App. Lib. 93; cf. Zon. ix. z6}. After some procrastination the consuls appealed to Masinissa for help, which was refused; they then approached the walls (App. Lib. 94)·

On the topography of Carthage see i. 73- 4-5 n.; add J. Baradez, Karthago, 9, 1958 (xg6o), 45-78 (with aerial photographs); Colette Picard, Carthage (Paris, 1951), 19-69; G. and C. Charles-Picard, Daily Life in Carthage (New York, 1961), 25-58; F. Reyniers, Melanges Piganiol, iii. I28I ff.; H. H. Scullard, OCD 2 , 'Carthage (topography)'. Appian's description (Lib. 95-98) of the site and of the consuls' unsuccessful attempt to storm the city comes indirectly from P. There follows an account of three operations in which Scipio Aemilianus, as military tribune, won renown, clearly from P. In the first (App. Lib. 98) he stationed his men at intervals along the wall, so as to secure a safer retreat for his troops who had penetrated the city but were forced out. Shortly after the rising of Sirius (late July; cf. i. 37· 4 n.) an outburst of disease in Censorinus' forces caused him to move his camp nearer the sea. He then returned to Rome to hold the elections, but Scipio scored a second success in routing a Punic attack on the Roman camp, now under Manilius (App. Lib. 99). Harvesting parties sent out by the latter were severely mauled by African cavalry under Phameas; Scipio won glory for the third time by surrounding the plain with infantry at the ready and mounted cavalry, and so completed his harvesting without Phameas' interference (8. J). The next three fragments belong in that context.

8. l. :c\fl,AKa.s, b tea.l. ~a.flio.s KTA.: cf. App. Lib. Ioo, tPap.alas, 6 r=apxos 0 rwv Atf5vwv, vtos T£ wv ln Kal 8paa6r£pos is p.axas. Livy, ep. 50 calls this man Hamilco, Zon. ix. 27, and App. Lib. 97 Himilco, and Himilco is probably correct (so Schweighaeuser, who reads 'fp.()..Kwv here}. See Lenschau, RE, 'Himilkon (7)', col. I04-f. Earlier 66o

THE RES A FRICAE OF OL. 157, 3

XXXVI. 8. 4

Phameas had defeated Censorinus' troops, killing about soo, when they were assembling timber and making machines (App. Lib. 97). [2. ot Se s,a.~T)AOTU1TOUf1EVOL 1TpO<; TOv IK~1T(uwa.: according to App. Lib. Ioi, the other tribunes alleged that Phameas never attacked Scipio (§ 3), not because of the latter's skilful troop arrangements, but because of the fact that g~:vlav be 1TaTlpwv ~:eva~ l!>ai:Lalq. 1rpos EKmlwva Tov Tov& 1ra1MTov (i.e. the elder Africanus). This fragment should stand after 8. 3; seep. 45.] 3. ~O.flEa<; ••• egeKAWE Td<; 1Tp0<; TOV IKm£wva aUf11TAOK6.<;: cf. App.

~ \ 1Tt':,0VS' ,.. ' Ka~' 7'0VS' \ ULfL~ (]IJVT€TayjL£VOV!) :t.... 'IJ'£ 7'0VS' L t'b . 100, 0 yap Tot .£JK~1T~WV L1T1TEa<; TWV r1T1TWV €mfl£/37JKDTa<;. Jv OE Tai:S' 1rpOVOjLats ov 1Tptv otll.v£ T~V aVJJTag~v ~ TO m;o{ov 0 EjLf>.t.£ 8ept~:i:v L1T1T£V(]L Kat cm>.lTats 1TEpLAcf{loL' Kal nSn KUKAtp aV-ros iTlpat> O.at<; L1rm!wv al€t 1T€ptiJn, Kat TWV 8Ept{oVTwv TOV a1TO(]ICtOVajL€VOV ~ JgwVTa TOV KOKAOV mKpws EKdAa{ev. oBev 0 l!>ajLalas: OUK J1T~:xdp€t p/>VCfi. 1Tpo~a.M,...evo<; &j>puv &.mSTofloov: 'having gained the shelter of a steep .f

'

$

,

;

ridge'; this incident is not in Appian. Clearly P. developed the details of the contest between Phameas and Scipio at length so as to lead up to the former's desertion to the side of Rome and especially to Scipio in person (App. Lib. 108).

<§ 2 should stand here ; see ad loc.) 4. a~ S£ ~f1EiaL ••• auvmE<j>EuyEaav KTA.: cf. App. Lib. 103. After relating two further successes of Scipio, in escorting to safety a band of Africans, who had been released with a safe-conduct and then treacherously attacked by Scipio's fellow tribunes-thus leading to an insistence that Scipio should be a party to all subsequent agreements of this kind (ef. Diod. xxxii. 7)-and then in repelling a body of Carthaginians who had assaulted the naval headquarters by night (an incident in which Manilius again serves as a foil through his incompetence; App. Lib. Ior), Appian recounts Manitius' rash advance to a place called Nepheris, where Hasdrubal had his headquarters, using it as a base for provisioning Carthage, followed by Scipio's wise advice to retreat, the opposition of the tribunes who accused him of cowardice, and the rejection of a further suggestion by Scipio that at any rate they should not cross a certain river. The Romans did cross, attacked the enemy, but were themselves forced back and attacked while re-crossing; they lost three of the tribunes-those who had opposed Scipio {App. Lib. 102). By clever tactics Scipio diverted the enemy, thus enabling the Romans to complete the recrossing, followed by Scipio and his group. It was early in this battle that the four maniples mentioned here had been isolated and had retired to a hill, where Hasdrubal was blockading them, Scipio opposed a proposal to abandon them, took 661

XXXVI. 8. 4

THE RES AFRICAE OF OL. 157, 3

a relief party, and occupied a nearby elevation which enabled him to reach higher ground and drive off the enemy, thus saving the four maniples. Finally Scipio sent back a number of prisoners to Hasdrubal and so persuaded him to bury the bodies of the military tribunes (App. Lib. 103-4; Diod. xxxii. 8). Veith, AS, iii. 2. 7os-u (with Karten 12a and IS). using the statement in Strabo, xvii. 3· 16, C. 834, that Nepheris was 120 stades from Carthage, locates it on the north-east slopes of Djebel Ressas, and the river in question as Oued ben Abid. See DeSanctis, iv. 3· 5o-sz. 5. OTQ.V ~g aK£pa.lou ICTA.: cf. App. Lib. IOJ, J 3~ Exmlwv (in contrast to those who wished to abandon the isolated troops) i8t8auK£v, dpxop.€vwv p.€v ~pywv dJ{Jov/..lq. XPijulJaL, KWOWEVOVTWI' o€ avof>Wv TouwvSt: Kal GTJp.t:lwv, ToAp.lJ 'TTapa{J&Aip. The extract from P., by recording only the first half of Scipio's remark, obscures its relevance to the situation in which the maniples were placed. 6. £t cjaAOTlfLOTt:pov ig,youj.tE9a. KTA.: 'if I show great diligence in recording events that concern Scipio'; cf. fg. 67, which therefore probably refers to Aernilianus, and may be from the same context as this passage. If correctly placed here, the latter is tantamount to an admission that this part of the Histories is largely built around Scipio's achievements; and this emerges clearly from the Polybian version in Appian, which has many of the marks of a panegyric on Scipio, to whom the consuls and other tribunes are a foil, because of their stupidity and jealousy; see also Dio, xxi. 7o. 4; Zon. ix. 27. This would be equally true, if this fragment (§ 6) were to stand (as it could) after xxxviii. 22, where Scipio quotes Homer at the fall of Carthage (seep. 45). 7. Cato's remark about Scipio: cf. Diod. xxxii. 9 a z; Livy, ep. 49; Plut. M or. 200 A, 804 A ; Cato mai. 27. 4; Suidas s. v. Kchwv ; above, p. 45· It fits the context of Scipio's achievements in Africa. On the political alignment of Cato and Aemilianus see xxxv. 6. 2 n. Tas aplO'TElO.S IKLTI'LWVOS: as military tribune. EtTr£lV [TrllAlV 0.AAOV 1rpos ~KEivov· T( aK~Koa.s]: 'TTpos fKt:wov after 'TTaAtv may refer to a previously named person to whom Cato had been speaking; but IDov makes no sense, and Tl ruc~Koas;, 'What news have you?' sounds like the question to which Cato should be replying. Hultsch's emendation, 7ra.Atvo/3lav for 1rdAw ciAAov (accepted by Scullard, Pol. 2 24S n. 2), is unparalleled in all the other passages referring to the incident, and implies that Cato had previously opposed Scipio, a view for which there is no evidence; see Astin, Latomus, 19s6, 165-6. I suspect serious corruption. A possible solution, which postulates a corruption and misplacement of one word, is: t:lm:rv '"pos fKf.'i'vov "Tl dK~Koas ;" mw8av6p.£vov "otos 'TTE1TVVTat • Tol

8£ aK•al d.tauovutv". 66:z

THE RES AFRICAE OF OL. 157, 3

XXXVI. g.

I-IO.

7

In its context Homer, Od. x. 495, meant 'Teiresias alone is truly conscious, alive' (d. Schweighaeuser, Lex. Pol. s.v. -rrErrvvp.lvo>), and that is what Cato meant; of course the usual meaning of -rrl-rrvva8m 'to be wise' is also implied; cf. App. Lib. 98, EVf3ovA6npov -roil
[8. uvepEuSoKOUllEVOl ••• TTI Tou IKm(wvos o1-1oAoy£~: = fg. 232. The reference is probably to the agreement with Phameas, who deserted to the Romans (App. Lib. ro8-9; Diod. xxxii. I7. I}. That was in 148, hence this fragment probably belongs to res Ajricae of 01. 157, 4 = 149/8, perhaps standing after I6. Iz, with fg. 47 between; see ad loc. and above p. 45· For the lacuna Bftttner-Wobst compares App. Lib. 109, ~ 3~ f3ovAij LKmlwva p.~v £1T?1vEL, l!>ap.alav 3' £Tlp.TJaav KTA. ; but the passage is too dissimilar to warrant conclusions on what stood here.]

9. 1-10.7. Greek views on the Roman action towards Carthage and on the affair of Andriscus This excerpt from de sent. belongs to res Graeciae of 01. 157, 3 = I5o/49; see pp. 45-46. In iii. 4· 6-7 P. indicates that one purpose to be achieved by the extension of his Histories beyond the original con~ eluding point in I68/7 will be to record the various views entertained by other peoples about the Romans, and so to enable contemporaries to see whether Roman rule is acceptable, and future generations to pass judgement on Rome (see ad loc.). He then goes on (iii. 4· u) to draw a line of demarcation between the post-Pydna years and what is 'virtually a new start', intended to deal with the events more or less from I5Z/I onwards (see above, p. 564, introduction to book xxxiv). But in practice these two periods are not clearly distinguished (d. iii. 4· IJ n., 5· I n.), and it causes no real difficulty that this, the most elaborate and detailed discussion of Roman policy during the years following the securing of world-wide domination, occurs in the period of -rapax!J Ka~ KlV7JaL<; (iii. 4· 12). See further Walbank, ]RS, I965, 4; Polybius, I74 ff.; Entretiens sur Polybe, zz ff. The views are presented as those of the Greeks. This enables P. to state them without openly committing himself to one or the other. The point chosen for their introduction is in the res Graeciae of ISo/49. immediately following his account of events at Carthage, the negotiations, and the Carthaginian war resolution, in res Ajricae. Scholars cannot agree concerning P.'s own sympathies. Petzold, Studien, 6z-63, has argued that he accepted the views of Rome's critics (d. his earlier comments at v. II. 5, x. 36. z f.; and for Flarnininus' remarks in the same vein cf. xviii. 37· z, 37· 7; see too the Polybian passage in Diod. xx.ix. JI). Against this see below, 663

XXXVI. 9·

I-Io.

7

GREEK VIEWS ON THE

9· 6 n.; Walbank, ]RS, 1¢s, 8-II ; Polybius, 178-81; Entretiens sur Polybe, 13-18, emphasizing these points: (a) P. arranges the arguments chiastically, so that those favouring Rome begin and end the debate; and the space allotted to the four views (in the Teubner text) is: pro-Roman (9. 3-4) : 8 lines; anti-Roman (9· s-8): IS lines; anti-Roman (9· 9-11): IS lines; proRoman (9. 12-17) : 28 lines. This suggests a clear weighting in favour of the pro-Roman view. (b) P. was with Aemilianus at Carthage, giving him both moral and, probably, technical support; it is unlikely that he condemned the policy he was helping to carry out. (c) P.'s general account of the events of IS2-I46 in Achaea, Macedonia, and Carthage is extremely hostile towards the men leading the opposition to Rome; 'no-one surely can doubt where P.'s sympathies lay, as between Scipio's Rome and those despicable and insane men who were at this time opposing her.' One may add that in xxxviii. 1. s. where P. is anxious to show that the Achaean behaviour was far worse than the Carthaginian, he can only suggest that the latter left the minutest grounds to posterity to speak in the Carthaginians' defence. While accepting the second of the points just listed, Momigliano, Atti di Torino, 1972-3, 698, argues that by the exceptional character of this long discussion P. indicates his own mental reservations (cf. Actes JXe Congres Bude, 187-8); and in Entretiens sur Polybe, 3S. he suggests that there is an inconsistency between P.'s statement (2. 1-4) that the Romans had long ago decided to act against Carthage but were waiting for a suitable pretext (7rp&cpaatv evax:fuwva TTpos -rovs lKT&s). This does not seem to me to be a strong point, for P. adds (2. 4) that they almost did not go to war for want of such a 7rp&cpaats; and the fact that they were looking for one need not mean that P. thought them at fault when, having obtained one of castiron validity, they used it to the full. See further Schmitt, Entretiens sur Polybe, 3S; PCdech, Methode, I98 n. soo; and in general Musti, Aujstieg und Niedergang, i. 2. II63; Momigliano, Alien Wisdom: the Limits of Hellenization (Cambridge, 197S), 29-30. 9. 1. 1rept Twv Ka.TA TOv \lleu8ocf>£X~'IT'ITOV: for this name, which P. to Andriscus, the pretender to the Macedonian throne, see Io. I n. ; for his career see 10. I-7, and for the Macedonian reaction to him, 17. IJ-15,

'ITOAAol Ka.l '!Ta.vTol:o~ ••• MyoL: for the various views !m~p -rwv Ka-rd KapxYJoovlovs see§§ 3-17. On Andriscus P.'s only point is that people found the whole affair irrational and incredible ; see especially 10. 6 n. However, the fact that P. brings his comments on Carthage into close relation with his discussion of Andriscus perhaps adds strength 664

ROMAN ACTION TOWARDS CARTHAGE

XXXVI. g. 5

to the argument that in the former, no less than in the latter, he adopted a strongly pro-Roman attitude. Tas f.L~v &.pxO.s ••• f.LETO. 8e Ta.iha. vO.Xw: 'first . . . and then subsequently'. On the chronology of Andriscus' rising see Io. r-7. 2. Tas avoct>aaELS KO.L Tas 8ta.ATJ1jiELS: 'the views and opinions expressed'. 3. ci>povLf.LWS Ka.l vpa.yf.La.nKws ••• vEpL TTJS 8uva.o-Te£a.s: 'in a· wise and statesmanlike manner as regards their empire' (not specifically 'in defence of their empire' (Paton): P.'s phrase need not exclude its extension). Shuckburgh mistranslates: 'in regard to that kingdom' ; Carthage was not a Svvar:rr£la. 4. Tov EVLKpEf.Laf.Levov ct>o~ov: the metus hostilis which Cato played upon and Scipio N asica claimed to be salutary for Rome in providing a check on internal faction (r. 1-7 n.). Here the alleged menace is not to Rome's security but to her ~YEfLovla (cf. Walbank, ]RS, 1965, 8), vo>..M.KtS: in fact twice, in the first two Punic wars; for the first as a struggle for ~YEfLovla over Sicily see i. 20. 1-2 n.; cf. i. 3· 7, -ra rroAtTEtlfLaTa Ta mtpL -riis TWV o>.wv dpxfis afLcfotafJ?JT~aavra. By ~YEfLOvla P. here means 'world-supremacy'; and even if the war for Sicily (i. 63. 4) was not strictly speaking in itself a war for world-hegemony (cf. Petzold, Studien, 175). at least it gave the Romans experience, which led them on in due course to aim at world-hegemony and to achieve it (i. 63. 9). in 8e Ka.l vGv 8uva.f.LEVTJV &.f.Lci>Lo-~TJTTJaa.t: the reality of this supposed threat is debated. The immense stock of arms surrendered to the Romans (6. 7 n.), and the ability and will to attack Masinissa in 153 (2. 1-4 n.; p. 653) show to what extent Carthage had been building up her offensive power; and three years' resistance after surrendering her arms shows her resilience and will to hold out (Astin, 274). But all this falls short of challenging Roman hegemony. 5. oo Ta.u
XXXVI. g. 5

GREEK VIEWS ON THE

become tyrannous like Athens and Sparta (cf. vi. 48. 8, xxxviii. z. 7) or that they would lose their hegemony (d. xxxviii. z. 6, Athens; ii. 39· 8, vi. 43· 4 ff., xxxviii. z. 8, Sparta). Hoffmann, Historia, 196o, 3II ff., sees a reference to the ultimate fall of Rome; but the first meaning seems more likely (d. Walbank,JRS, 1965,8 n. 70; Polybius, 175 n. 114), despite the fact that neither Athenian nor Spartan domination was long-lived. 6. 1Tp6-rEpov ••• 1TE1ToAEJ.I.fJICEVO.L: 'formerly they had made war', rather than 'at first' (Paton). ouyxwpijaa.L ••• 3-rL 5Ei 1TEUIEalla.L acf!wL : the policy of parcere subiectis is attributed to Flamininus and can be exemplified in contemporary inscriptions (see xviii. 37· .z n., 37· 7 n.); and P. himself adduces it criticizing the behaviour of the two Scipios in Spain (x. 36. 5 n.where however Diod. xxxii. z should not be quoted as Polybian for the reasons given in Entretietts sur Polybe, 19-zo). But this was a policy, praiseworthy on utilitarian grounds when one intended to go on mling a conquered people as one's subjects; it had no relevance to a situation in which a conquered people was to be eliminated (as the Roman decision would in effect eliminate Carthage). War as a limited sanction directed towards the reformation of the enemy is also defended at v. II. 5 (on Philip V); but that sententious passage is a long way from the passing of judgement on Rome for the destmction of Carthage. See further Walbank, Entretiens sur Polybe, 14 ff. 7. 1rpoo£J.1.LOV • • • -rlis tMa.s 1Tpoa.LpEaEWS: 'they had produced the prologue to their policy'; on the theatrical metaphor see von Scala, 171 n. S· 'TU tca.Ta. nepof:a.: it is the complete destruction of the Macedonian monarchy to which Rome's critics object; but the methods of preparing for and waging the Third Macedonian War had been attacked in the Senate (cf. xxvii. 6 n.; see, for P.'s earlier views, xiii. 3· r-8), and may be included in these complaints. 9. -rous 1TOAf:J.I.ous cmXws Ka.L yEvva.iws 1TOAEJ.I.Ei:v: cf. Livy, xlii. 47· s-8 (Polybian), where the older members of the Senate complain of the methods used by Q. Marcius Philippus to trick Perseus; above, xiii. 3· 4 n. tJ.fJ VUKTtpwa.i:s ~m8EaEaL ••. ~.~.,s· evf:Spcns: cf. Livy, xlii. 47· 5· 'non per insidias et nocturna proelia ... bella maiores gessisse'. tJ.Ovous 8E -rous Etc 1Tpo5T)Xou ••• a.!'i-rois tca.8T)KEW: d. Livy, xlii. 47. 5, '. . . nee simulatam fugam irnprouisosque ad incautum hostem reditus, nee ut astu magis quam uera uirtute gloriarentur'. On this see Pritchett, Greek State at War, ii. 179. 11. J.I.OVO.PXLKTtS 1Tpa.yj.l.a.'T01TOL[a.s: 'the intrigue of a tyrant'. 1TOALTlKTtS Ka.l. 'PwJ.I.a.i:KTtS alpEa£ws: 'the principles of a civilized city like Rome'; 1roAmKo~ here indicates a legitimate government rather 666

ROMAN ACTION TOWARDS CARTHAGE

XXXVI. 9. 15

than that of a tyrant, but also carries overtones of 'civilized, urbane' (cf. § 9, xxii. IO. 4, xxiii. 5· 7). 13. olnc(ETL To) ywop.evov 6.ae~ljp.nTL KTA.: 'it no longer bore any resemblance to an act of impiety and indeed it fell far short of resembling an act of treachery.' oilS~ ... pt~<pou 8.:tv 1l'oAAo0 oetv, a point missed by Paton, who translates 'scarcely any (sc. resemblance) to an act of treachery'. For aalf37Jpa and rrapacnr6v87Jpa cf. § 11 and below § 15 n. ~(VLOL) s· <~cf.)nanv: a subdivision among Rome's defenders, not a fifth group (which would disturb the symmetry of P.'s argument). 15. aCJE ~TJf-la. ••• 'll'a.pna'll'6vSTJp.n ••• b:S1KT)f-la.: these words are used, both in P. and in contemporary inscriptions, without the precision which P. would here attribute to them. do{K7JfLa is often found in the context of inter-state relations; thus it is used of Hannibal's attack on Saguntum (iii. 8. 10), of Aetolian attacks on Messenia (iv. 3· z, 4· 8, 27. I) and other states (iv. 26. 1, ix. JI. 6; cf. iv. 6. 9), of attacks on shipping by Illyrian pirates (ii. 8. 6, 8. 8, 8. Io), and of wrongs inflicted on Attalusi by Philip V (xvi. 27. 2) and on Attalusii by Prusias (xxxiii. 7· 4, cf. fg. IZ7)· P. distinguishes between public and private aOLK~fLa'Ta (iv. zg. 4); the latter include ordinary crimes (vi. IJ. 4, Italy; xx. 6. 3, Boeotia) and offences under the Roman army code (vi. 37· g). The index to Syll. has many examples. aae{J~pa'Ta and 1Ta.pa.cnrov8~t-ta-ra are more serious; the Carthaginian mercenaries at first commit d?h~fLa'Ta (i. 66. 6, 66. 8) but go on to dae{J~pa'Ta (ii. 1. 3). \\'hen after Raphia Antiochus III entered into negotiations with Ptolemy IV, he claimed (like lv,o; here) that his occupation of Palestine was not an d8iK7JfLa at all (v. 67. 4-5); but the Egyptian envoys exaggerated the wrong done into a '1Tapacnr6v87Jt-ta (v. 67. 9), because the agreement between Ptolemy I and Seleucus I had allotted Coele-Syria and Phoenicia to the former (v. 67. ron.). aaf!:fJ~fLa'Ta seem to be most serious: they are 'sins against the gods, against parents, or against the dead'. But in fact most Polybian passages containing the word seem to concern the killing of citizens or massacres generally (cf. ii. I. 3· 56. IS, s8. 7' 59· IO, iv. 21. 6, vii. 13· 6, xxxi. 7. 3; in ii. s6. IS, s8. 7' and vii. 13. 6 murder is t-t'-'Y'a'TOV dal.f37Jpa). In v. II. 1 lwefJ~fLU'Ta is used of Philip V's outrages against temples at Thermum, and in xxiii. ro. 2 of his excesses generally. The word does not occur in the index to Syll., OGIS, SV A i and ii, or Sherk, but aae{JE'iJ! is frequent in the first two of these compendia. 1Ta.pacnrovo7jpa'Ta are 'violations of sworn or written agreements', for instance the calling in of Cleomenes by the Mantineans (ii. 58. 4) or the desertion of P. Scipio by the Celts who went over to Hannibal (iii. 67. 8). The Oropians suffered '1Tapacnrov67jpam at the hands of the Athenians (Syll. 675 I. s). The verb 11apacnrovO£'V is often used of treacherous behaviour generally (cf. i. 43· 2 n.).

XXXVI. g. 15 THE ROMAN ACTION TOWARDS CARTHAGE

Despite the reference to a charge, l;N-:A1Jf1.CL (§ r4), there was of course no existing court or arbitration procedure to which alleged offences of a ruling power could be submitted; the judgement was at the bar of public opinion (Greek or other) and its background was a rather vaguely defined collection of traditions and accepted customs governing international relations, including what P. calls the 'laws of war' (v. II. 3-4 n.; cf. Walbank, Polybius, 89-91). The Romans had the ius jetiale (cf. Samter, RE, 'fetiales', cols. 2259-65); but there is no evidence, nor is it likely, that this is referred to here, where the parties to the discussion are Greeks. There is an element of rhetoric in P.'s formulation. His three categories are reminiscent of other similar divisions, such as Aristotle's threefold classification of injuries as dotK~fl.ara., drux~fl.am, and d.f1.apr~f1.ara (Rhet. i. 13 1374 b 6-9); and in practice some offences might fall into more than one category. The real purpose of the classification is, by a process of logical elimination (§§ 16-17), to absolve the Romans from all guilt. 16. ey~<:a.AElV TOlS Ka.pxTJSovlms: the attack on Masinissa (2. I-4 n., p. 653) was a breach of the treaty of 201. 10. 1. 'ITEpt • • • Tou ¢EUSocpLAt'IT'ITou: Andriscus, a fuller from Adramyttium (Lucian, Ind. 20; Amm. Marc. xiv. n. 3I) or Hydramus in Crete (so Rossbach, Livy, ep. 49; cf. DeSanctis, iv. 3· I2I n. ur), set himself up as the son of Perseus and Laodice (Livy, ep. 49, 'ex paelice se (et) Perseo rege ortum'; Wilcken emended paelice to Laodice) and tried to secure the help of Demetrius I of Syria (Zon. ix. 28), Laodice's brother, in whose army he was serving as a mercenary. Demetrius handed him over to the Romans, who interned him in Italy; but he escaped to Miletus (Diod. xxxii. I s)-or was released under the amnesty which allowed Greek detainees to leave Italy (so De Sanctis, iv. 3· 122). Thence he went to Teres in Thrace, who was married to Perseus' sister, and having won over other dynasts in that region he invaded Macedonia (Diod. xxxii. rs, a detailed account; Zon. ix. 28; Livy, ep. 49). Andriscus took the name Philip, claiming to be Perseus' son, who had in fact died in internment at Alba Fucens (§ 3 n.), and he was dubbed the False Philip by his opponents. See generally Porphyry, FGH, 26o F 3 § 19; Amm. Marc. xiv. n. 31, xxvi. 6. 2o; Diod. xxxi. 4oa, xxxii. IS d. 9a, 9b; Flor. ii. 14. 3; Eutrop. iv. 13; Ampel. I6. 5; Livy, ep. 49-50; Tac. Ann. xii. 62 (but seeP. Treves, Alessandro, 175-8, for the view that the reference here is to Philip V, who is being treated as a pinchbeck Philip II; there is undoubtedly confusion, since the Byzantines, who helped Rome against Philip V, made the mistake of backing Andriscus; see Diod. xxxii. rs. 6; De Sanctis, iv. 3· 125 n. 126); Zon. ix. 28; Wilcken, RE, 'Andriskos', cols. 2I4I-3; Cardinali, Riv. fil. 668

THE AFFAIR OF ANDRISCUS

XXXVI.

IO.

4

19II, 1-20; P. A. MacKay, ANSMN, 1968, 15-40; Benecke, CAH, viii, 276-7; DeSanctis, iv. 3· 12o-7. The coinage which Gaebler, ZN, 1902, 141-67, assigned to Andriscus probably belongs to Philip V

(d. N. Okay and H. Seyrig, Institut franvais de Beyrouth: Bibliotheque archeologiqtM et historique, 82, 1965, 29-30; M. Thompson, ANSMN, 1966, 57-63; P. A. MacKay, ibid. 1968, 31). 2. &.Epo'ITETIJ<; L>mmo<;: this phrase is evidence agai!li't the version in Zon. ix. 28, according to which Andriscus had already tried to raise one revolt in Macedonia before he appealed to Demetrius I (§ 1 n.); it is also unlikely that had that rising occurred, the Romans would have guarded him so carelessly (if indeed he escaped, and was not released). ol.SeJ1£a.v O.cj>opJl~V £uAoyov: F.'s argument seems sound; for the view that Andriscus' claim was stronger than our sources admit see De Sanctis, iv. 3· 121 n. n2, who does not however suggest in what respect (since Perseus' son was undoubtedly dead). 3. ToG Ka.T' O.A.r]8na.v ~A.£mrou: according to Livy, xlii. 52. 5, Perseus, at the time of the outbreak of war with Rome (172), had two sons, his real son, Alexander, and an elder son, Philip, 'natura frater, adoptione filius'. It is the latter who is referred to here; but whether he was in reality Philip V's son has been queried. He was nearly 18 when he died, two years after Perseus, at Alba Fucens. Perseus' death perhaps occurred in 162 (Porphyry, FGH, 26o F 3 § r8: five years after his internment; Beloch, iv. 2. 141; Meloni, Perseo, 483 n. 3), but Diod. xxxi. 9· 5 suggests an imprisonment of only two years (Steri) ... xp&vov qn"AoifJVx~aa~). and so that he died in 165 (Niese, iii. r88; Cardinali, Riv. fil. r9n, n n. r). This would put Philip's death in r63 or r6o. Beloch, iv. 2. 141-2, argues that if one accepts the later date Philip must have been born in q8, and so cannot be a son of Philip V; but this argument (which I accepted in Philip V, 261 n. 3) is not cogent, since any of these figures may be rounded off, and indeed the child may have been posthumous. With Diodorus' two years there is of course no problem. See also Treves, A]P, 1942, 14o-r. For a possible reference to the real Philip see IG, x. 2. I. 76. ~v ~A~~ TTJ'> '1Ta.A£a.s: where Perseus and his family were interned (Livy, xlv. 42. 4; Zon. ix. 24; Diod. xxxi. 9· 1). Alba Fucens, modern Albe five miles north of Avezzano, was founded as a Latin colony in 303. Syphax had been imprisoned there (Livy, xxx. q. 2), and later Bituitus, the king of the Arverni, was held there (Livy, ep. 6r). For the discovery of what may be the dungeons see de Visscher and de Ruyt, Ant. class. 1951, 72-74; MacKendrick, M.ute Stones, 95--98. 4. VEVLKTJK£ ••• TOu<; Ma.KEMva.<; ••• (Ka.TO.) T~v 'OSoJla.VnKTjv: this happened three or four months after the first news of his sudden arrival in the vicinity of Macedonia (cf. § 2, a€p01TET~~). Odomantice took its name from the Thracian Odomanti who lived originally 66g

XXXVI.

IO.

4

THE AFFAIR OF ANDRISCUS

west and later east of the Strymon (cf. Oberhummer, RE, 'Odomantoi', cols. I897-8), and formed an administrative area of eastern Macedonia. Ptol. Geog. iiL I2. 28 included in the district of Odomantice and Edonis the towns of Amphipolis, Berge, Scotussa, Gasoros, and Philippi; but after Pydna Aemilius Paullus pitched his camp ad Siras terrae Odomanticae (Livy, xlv. 4· .2). See Oberhummer, RE, 'Odomantike', coL I897· 5. 1Tcl0''1S MaK~:8ov&a.s ~<pan'L: according to Ampel. I6. 5 he seized Pella-an obvious move. 8eTTa.Awv ••. 1TpeapeuTas 1Tlf1"'
11. 1-4. Polybius is invited to Sicily, but returns home from Corcyra believing the '/i}ar to be over

This excerpt from de sent. belongs to res Graeciae of 01. I57. 3 15o/49, and refers to 149 (cf. p. 46). 11. I. ypaf1p.6.Twv ..• 1ra.pO. TOU Mav~).(ou: M'. Manilius, cos. 149, commanded the land forces in Africa (3. 9 n.); he probably sent this letter before leaving Italy, influenced by Scipio Aemilianus, who was serving under him as military tribune (7. 5 n.). P. was obviously wanted for his technical skill (cf. Ziegler, RE, 'Polybios (I)', col. 1454; Pedech, Methode, 193 n. 47o), and was going in some sense as an Achaean representative (Walbank, Polybius, 10 n. 49). 670

POL YBIUS IS INVITED TO SICILY

XXXVI. 13.

1-2

AtAU~cnov: cf. i. 42. i n.; it is modem Marsala. It was to be a war base, as had been intended in the original Roman plan for the Hannibalic War (iii. 41. 3, 6r. g). i8oge Tois !6.xa~o'Ls: no doubt a decision of the magistrates; no assembly or council was needed for this. 2. GEpdas &.pxofdvTJs: in v. I. 3 the phrase is used of Hannibal's setting out from the Ebro in 218 and is loosely identified with the rising of the Pleiades (dated to 22 May in v. I. I n., but to 28 May by Werner, Der Beginn der romischen Republik (Munich, 1963), 47 n. 5; cf. Walbank, Polis and Imperium, 15 n. :zc). 3. 1Tj>00'1'1'E'I!'TWKOTa To is KepKupaiols: it is not clear why the consuls conveyed their message to the Corcyraean authorities. They did not say the war was over: that, P. makes clear, was his own deduction. See further Pedech, Methode, 199-200. O!l,j>OUS , , , 1Tapa8eOWICGO"LV: cf. 5· 8-9.

12. 1-5. P.'s use of his own name This excerpt from de sent. follov.'S logically on the last; note the use of P.'s name in the third person in II. I; seep. 46.

12. 2.

~1rt

'II'OAV •.. Ejl1TE1TA£)'!1Evwv KTA.: cf. iii. 4· 13 n.

5. otov EK T«lhof-L6.Tou auvEpyTJf-L«: on

ra?m)jLG--rav cf. Vol. I, p. q. Siegfried, 57 n. 93, notes its frequent use in combination with UVV£fYY£tV and UVVtP'Y'JJ.W (cf. iii. 97· 5, iV. 3· 4, XV. 29. 5, XViii. I2, 2, xxi. 26. 16, xxii. 4· 3. xxxi. 25. rc). llTJ8€va ••• T(lliT(')V lJjlLV iSVOjl« ICEICATJpOVO!lTJICtVaL: see xi. rs. s. where an apparent contradiction results from a false reading. No inscription down to P.'s time has produced another Polybius.

13. 1-2. The power of Fortune displayed in what happened to the statues of Callicrates and Lycortas This excerpt from de sent. is from res Graeciae of 01. 157, 3 IS0/49 (see p. 46) ; its context is clear. Following Achaean intervention at Oropus in 150 (xxxii. II. 5 n.) Menalcidas withheld his share of the Oropian bribe from Callicrates, who, when Menalcidas' year of office was over (autunm 15o), accused him of furthering Spartan separatism. Menalcidas then bribed Diaeus, the general for 150/49 (cf. xxxviii. Io. 8 n.), with three talents to avoid the action; and Diaeus, being himself accused of corruption, precipitated a new conflict with Sparta to divert attention from himself, in the course of which the League condemned :z4 leading Spartans, including Menalcidas, to death. \\'llatever the truth of this rather confused account (the only source for it is Paus. vii. n. 8-IZ. 8), late in 149 the Achaeans 671

XXXVI. 13.

1-2

THE POWER OF FORTUNE DISPLAYED

sent an embassy to Rome to reply to Spartan complaints, consisting of Diaeus and Callicrates; but Callicrates died un the way (Paus. vii. 12. 8). The removal of his statues must have occurred after news of his death reached Achaea, and restoration of those of Lycortas, which had probably been removed after Callicrates' rise to power and(§ 2 implies) on his initiative, may well have come about through pressure exerted by P. himself. The embassy -will have been dispatched after Diaeus vacated the strategia in autumn 149, and P. will have related this and Callicrates' death under 15o/49· See Niese, iii. 339-40 (criticizing Pausanias' version, especially at 339 n. 5); De Sanctis, iv. 3· 129-32; Lehmann, 316-zz; Deininger, 220-1. 13. l. n"dv ••• ~tKbvwv: statues of Achaean politicians, living and dead, seem commonly to have been displayed; cf. xxxix. 3· 10 (Achaeus, Aratus, and Philopoemen), 3· n (P. himself). The events described may have occurred at Aegium, the federal centre. AuKOflTO.: cf. ii. 40. 2 n. 2. nhov ohrm18wp.a. TfjS T6XTJS: that Tyche is liable to produce ironical reversals of a situation is one reason for not abusing one's prosperity, Jl-'f}Dlrron TOt> Katpot> {nrtop'f}cpavw> xpfia8at KaTa TWJ) 1TEAa>; cf. Vol. I, pp. 18-19; von Scala, 174; Siegfried, 86. E. Bayer, Demetrios Phalereus der Athener (Stuttgart-Berlin, 1942), 169 f., suggested Demetrius' influence on F.'s thought here; against this see Erkell, 138~. P. refers to a popular tradition that made legislators fall foul of their own laws, e.g. Charondas' violation of his law forbidding a man to come armed into the assembly and his consequent suicide (Diod. xii. 19; the same story told of Diodes and Zaleucus: cf. Diod. xiii. 33· 2; Val. Max. vi. 5· ext. 4). 13. 3. Love of innovation is sufficient to produce revolutions On the placing of this excerpt from de sent. in res Graeciae or res Asiae of 01. 157, 3 = 150/49 seep. 46. Errington, 214 n. 4, suggests that it comes from a passage in which P. moralizes on the new atmosphere in Achaea after the restoration of the exiles and Callicrates' death; this is possible, but so are other contexts (one being the rising against Prusias).

14. l-5. Roman embassy sent to look into the dispute between Attalus II and Prusias II This excerpt from de sent. must belong to the res Asiae of 01. 157, 3 = 150/49; see p. 46. In 149 Prusias II sent an envoy Menas to Rome to secure a reduction in the indemnity imposed in 154 (xxxiii. 6]2

RO}fAN EMBASSY TO ASIA MINOR

XXXVI. 14. z

IJ. 5 n.); he was to be assisted by Prusias' son, Nicomedes (xxxii. 16. 4 n.), whom he was to assassinate should the mission fail (Iustin. xxxiv. 4· I; App. Mitk. 4; Zon. ix. 28} a story perhaps invented to justify the conspiracy into which the two entered shortly afterwards in company with the Pergamene representative, Andronicus, who had succeeded in getting the appeal for the remission of the indemnity rejected (d. xxxii. I6. 2 n.; De Sanctis, iv. 3· 87 n. I9}. Attalus sent Prusias an ultimatum to share his kingdom ""'ith Nicomedes, and when this was rejected Attalus and Nicomedes invaded Bithynia. Prusias shut himself in the fortress of Nicaea and sent an embassy to Rome; but friends of Nicomedes succeeded in having the audience delayed, to give the rebels time to achieve their purpose (App. Mith. 4-7}. Eventually, as recounted here, an embassy was sent; cf. Diod. xxxii. 2o-2I; Livy, ep. so; Ox. ep. so; Strabo, xiii. 4· 2, C. 6z4; Zon. ix. 28; Iustin. xxxiv. 4; Plut. Cato mai. 9· I; App. Mith. 6; Geyer, RE, 'Nikomedes (4)', cols. 484-7; Habicht, RE 'Prusias II (z}', coJs. II20-3.

14. 1. Tfjs optLfis Tfjs Tou N~KotLfJSous: for this revolt see above I4. I-S n. KWMO'OVTO.S T~lV 'Ano.Xov KTX.: cf. App. Mitk. 6, oZ o' dp.rpt Tdll J.!T-raAov cuOv,; lxwpovv cls T1jv BLOvvlav, Ka~ 7rpOULOV(rLII ath-oi,; oi. BL0wo1. KaT' oMyov<; 7rpOCTET{fJ.,VTo.

2. MO.pKos AlKlVVIOS: probably a praetorian, since A. Mancinus was aedilicius; but he is not otherwise known (cf. Munzer, RE, 'Licinius (22)', col. 220}. AoXos MayKivos: probably A. Hostilius Mancinus who, according to Ateius Capito in Coniectanea ix (Aul. Gell. iv. I4. 3--6}, while curule aedile brought an action against a prostitute for throv.ing a stone from an upper storey and wounding him; the case was dismissed by tribunician action when Manilia, the prostitute, testified that he had come drunk to her house and tried to force an entrance. Mancinus was also dismissed from office. He may have been the son of the consul of qo (xxvii. r6. 2 n.; De Sanctis, iv. 3· 88 n. 2o). See Mi.in7,er, RE, 'Hostilius (r7)', cols. 2507~. Kepo.IL(Sos ets TT,v Kt:cpa.AT]v ~!L1TEaouaT)s: cf. Diod. xxxii. 20 (based on P.). According to Appian, Mith. 6, however, he was T1jv KErpaA~v 7TOTE A[f)'t' 7TA7Jyds, which would fit the story in Ateius Capito (see previous note). AeuK~os Mo.XXEoXos: p.aAAtoAEwv M. Biittner-\Vobst's reading rests on the assumption that this man came from the family of M. Publicius Malleolus, cos. 23z (Zon. viii. r8}. But since Livy, Ox. ep. so gives the name as L. Manilius Volso the text should probably read AEt!Kw> M&>v\to[> OMJ.:\awv; the epitome calls him stolidus, which matches &.va,cr97J-r
XXXVI. q.

2

ROMAN EMBASSY TO ASIA MINOR

have reached the Senate through family connections {d. Munzer, RE, 'Manlius (94)', col. 1223). 3. &.ct>ueaTa.ToL 1Tpos TTJV xpeia.v: their choice was evidently a deliberate device, engineered by Nicomedes' supporters, to prevent any effective action in support of Prusias; d. De Sanctis, iv. 3· 87. 4. Kci.Twva. ••• et1Te'i:v: for his bon mot see Diod. xxxii. 20; Livy, ep. so; Ox. ep. so; Plut. Cato mai. 9· 1; App. Mith. 6. Cato died shortly after this, in 149; d. Plut. Cato mai. 27; Veil. Pat. i. 12. 7· Having instructed Attalus and Nicomedes to suspend their attack (which they agreed to do), the envoys were told by the Bithynians that they could tolerate Prusias no longer; they therefore returned to Rome to convey this information to the Senate. Prusias left Nicaea for Nicomedia; but Nicomedes was let in by treachery and had his father murdered at the altar of Zeus (App. Mith. 7; Diod. xxxii. 21; Iustin. xxxiv. 4· s; Zon. ix. z8; Livy, ep. so). He ascended the throne as Nicomedes II Epiphanes (cf. Magie, ii. n98 n. 44}.

15. 1-7. Character of Prusias II This excerpt from de uirt. et uit. belongs to the same res Asiae as 14. 1-s, i.e. Ol. IS7. 3 = 15o(4g (see p. 46), and was clearly included in connection with Prusias' death in 149 {following P.'s common practice). 15. 1. npouaLa.S b ~a.aLAEUS: for Prusias II of Bithynia, who succeeded in 182, see xxv. 2. 3 n. It should be noted that in the index to Biittner-Wobst (vol. s. p. *184) the first 19 lines of the entry undes Prusias II should stand under Prusias I. 1huaus &.v~p: 'only half a man in appearance'; P. refers to his stature; d. v. 42. 5 n., where Theodotus' nickname Hemiolius may have arisen from similar considerations. 3. flaALaTa. Se To Twv BL9uvwv yevos: they were a hardy, warlike people, little touched by Greek culture (cf. Brandis, RE, 'Bithynia', col. s14}, and unwelcoming to strangers. According to Nicolaus of Damascus (FGH, go F IIJ), the Thynians (who seem closely related to if not identical with the Bithynians) treated 'k-ith kindness strangers who came unintentionally, but were very severe to those who came deliberately. Welles, pp. 123-4, commenting on Ziaelas' letter to Cos promising protection to Coan traders, but without mentioning the right to trade (Welles, no. 25 = Syll. 4S6), sees in this inscription a continuation of a policy of excluding traders, indicated in the remarks of Nicolaus, and still cherished, though Ziaelas himself wished to open up the country more; Jacoby, commenting on FGH, go F IIJ, doubts the relevance of Ziaelas' letter to

674

CHARACTER OF PRUSIAS II

XXXVI. 16.

I

Nicolaus' remarks. For Bithynian cruelty towards shipvnecked sailors at an earlier date see Xen. A nab. vi. 4· 2. 5. 1Ta.I.Sda.s .•• Kat tf.LAoaotf.la.s: 'education and philosophy', both essential to the civilized man; d. xii. 25. 6, Timaeus is drf>,),6cror/>os. Twv Ev 'TOO'ToLS 9EWf>TifLanw: Paton, 'and all such studies', is inaccurate: the 8Ewp~p.a:ra are something contained in education and philosophy, not something else similar (cf. Schweighaeuser, 'et doctrinae omnis, quae in his rebus uersatur'; Shuckburgh, 'or any of the knowledge which they embrace'). What the 8ewp~p.aTa are, is less clear. In ix. 14. 5 the word seems to indicate something like 'scientific' or 'systematic'; for the scientific aspect of signalling depends on tu:f87JcrLs Ka~ 8£wp~p.aTa, 'theoretical knowledge'. Similarly in x. 47· u it is the equivalent of J.p.Trnplm ~<:at Tlx:va.t in ix. 2. 5 (see notes ad locc.). Friedlander, A]P, 1945, 345, links the phrase with what follows (Toil Ka.Aov Tl TroT' lrTTw otl8' £wota.v Elx£), and translates 'intuitions', which is the meaning of 8£wp~p.aTa in Chrysippus (SVF, iii. 72 no. 295). But P. nowhere uses it in that sense. Translate: 'and the systematic learning derived from these studies'. 6. Ia.pSa.v<maXAou 5E ~appa.pov ~lov £~11: for the tradition of his effeminate luxury see viii. 10. 3 n. 7. aAAOTpLa. +povetv 'TOU PoaLA~ws: 'to defect from the king'; cf. OGIS, go l. 19 (the Rosetta stone), Twv &A>.wv Twv aAAoTpta rf>poVTJ' , "" "" GO.V'TWV €V 'J"OLS KO.'TO. TTJV TapaXTJV KO.LpOtS. \

\

\

16. 1-10. Character of Masinissa

This fragment from the exc. de uirt. et uit. (with§§ r-8 also in Suidas) will be from res Africae of 01. 157, 4 149/8; seep. 46. As in the case of Prusias (15. I -7), P. will have introduced this character-sketch of Masinissa in connection with his death (§ 9). 16. 1. Ma.aavaaO'TJS: d. ix. 25. 4 n., xv. I8. 5 n. (territorial extension), xxi. 21. 2 n., xxxi. ZI. I-8 n. The spelling is the excerptor's; Suidas has MaaaavM
XXXVI. r6. r

CHARACTER OF MASINISSA

It is at that point that Appian (Lib. Io6) included an obituary of Masinissa; F.'s is likely to have come at the same point. 2. £~a.athli:UO"Ii:V ~,., 1rhdw Twv €~~Kov6': cf. Diod. xxxii. I6; Val. Max. viii. I3 ext. r; Pliny, Nat. hist. vii. 48. The statement is untrue. Masinissa's father Gala had died c. zo6 and, following Numidian custom (cf. Gsell, iii. r89 ff.), the succession had passed to his next brother, Oezalces, who also died very soon (Livy, xxix. 29. 6-7}. From then till 203, when Masinissa recovered the kingdom, fighting with Rome against Carthage, it was under Mazaetullus, acting as regent for Oezalces' son, Lacumazes (Livy, xxix. 29. 8-r3). The Numidian law of succession excludes the possibility that Gala had made Masinissa co-ruler; and, assuming that he reckoned his accession from Gala's death, his reign could only be extended to 58 years. His actual reign was c. 55 years. ~Y4i:V~KovTa. • • • ETWY Ey~:yovu: cf. § 5 ; so he was born c. 239. See Diod. xxxii. r6; Cic. de sen. Io. 34; Val. Max. viii. 13 ext. I; Pliny, Nat. hist. vii. 14. 2 (Val. Max. and Pliny by implication); Livy, ep. so. In Livy, xxiv. 49· r, where Masinissa is said to have been 17 in 213, the figure must be corrected to xxvu. The statement in VaL Max. v. 2 ext. 4, that he lived to be roo, may be neglected. On P.'s tendency to round off expressions of age see xxiii. I 2. r n. 3. ouva.,.uKwTa.To~ ••• Ka.Tfi TTJV O"WiJ-C.TlKTJV ~~w: cf. App. Lib. Io6, €cf>u oe Kat 1'D awtta tt~'YaS' n Kat £vpwrroS' ls yfjpaS' 'lToAv; Val. Max. viii. 13 ext. I ; Diod. xxxii. I6. 5. utov a1TEh€L1TE TETTclpwv ETWV: cf. App. Lib. 106; Val. Max. viii. IJ ext. r; Cic. de sen. ro. 34 (the source of Val. Max.), who all give the boy's name as Methymnus. Pliny, Nat. hist. vii. 14, calls him Metymannus. Trpos o€ TOihoLS utous EVVEa.: cf. App. Lib. ro6, 'lTOAAwv yap aVT4J I~ f ' l} I II \ 3• aav avTtp ' "' fL€tDVS' I 1rawwv yLyvottevwv KaL\ a1TOUV1JUKOVTWV, o!l7T01'£ fL€V 1 Twv oeKa; Val. Max. v. 2 ext. 4, says that he left 54 sons.

MLKLVrJS: Masinissa's eldest legitimate son, who succeeded his father first as co-ruler with his brothers Gulussa and Mastanabal (cf. §Ion.) and later as sole ruler until his death in n8. Under him Numidia was considerably Hellenized (Diod. xxxivfxxxv. 35). See Schur, RE, 'Micipsa', cols. 1522-4. 7-8. Development of agriculture in Numidia: cf. Strabo, xvii. 3· 15, C. 833, oVTOS €r:rrw (sc. Masinissa) o 'TOV'> Nott~as 1ToALTLKOVS' KaTaaKwaua'> Ka~ y£wpyotk, £n o' av'Tt 1'0V >.:nr:rrf.Vf.LV OLOcftas G'1'paTf.Vf.LV. Strabo describes Numidia as xc!Jpav • . • -.voalfLOva, and attributes the poor conditions before Masinissa to lack of security and the nomadic life of the Maesyli. On the achievements in this sphere of Masinissa and his successors see Kahrstedt, iii. ns, 594; Windberg, RE, 'Numidia', cols. 1363-70 ('Wirtschaftsgeschichte'). 8. EKaO'T
CHARACTER OF MASINISSA

XXXVI.

16. 12

T6uoVTOV OBJV€YK€V ws; EKci KUTU. From this Dindorf and

Wesseling were able with confidence to correct the readings of P here, which were Kap1rwv for vlwv, and J-LVpto1TAYJBH> (unaccented) for J-LVpto1TM.Bpov>. tv 8LUU7auu: 'separate' (Paton), i.e. 'at intervals from each other', or 'in extent' {Shuckburgh). The former is probable, the alternative being pleonastic with J-LVpw1TAlBpov> • ..-.upLovA.k9pous: a 1rAEBpov is a day's ploughing for a team of oxen, reckoned as 1ooft. x 1ooft., i.e. 1o,ooo sq. ft.; but the word was often used inaccurately to translate iugerum, an area of 240 ft. X 120 ft. = 28,8oo sq. ft. {d. Pryce and Lang, OCD 2 , 'measures'; Becker, RE, '1TA€Bpov', col. 235). But J-LVpw- will indicate a vast undefined number, as often; P. means simply that Masinissa left each of his sons a very large, well-equipped farm. 10. 0 8€ lKLVLWV •.. BL!;,KT)O"E Ka.Aws vaVTO.: in summoning Scipio Masinissa doubtless foresaw the danger to the kingdom, should the succession not be peacefully arranged {d. Hoffmann, Historia, 1960, 335 n. 67); d. App. Lib. 70 for the recent defection of two Nurnidian chieftains, Agasis and Subas, to the Carthaginians. Before dying he bade his sons follow the decisions of Scipio; cf. App. Lib. 105, a1Tot/Jvxwv a1TE 1Tawt 1T€LBwBa~ To/ L:KL1Tlwvt W> av alrro'£<; 3tatpfj Td ovm. Scipio's decision substituted succession by his sons in

preference to the Numidian tradition which gave it to the eldest agnate (cf. § 2 n.); but there is no reason to suppose that this was contrary to Masinissa's wishes (so Saumagne, 1oo--2). Micipsa received the citadel and capital of Cirta, and was thus recognized as king; Gulussa was given command of the army ; and Mastanabal was given jurisdiction {App. Lib. 1o6; Zon. ix. 27 {Mastanabal is here erroneously the second son)). Other sons received certain cities and districts (Zon. ix. 27). This settlement ensured that Numidia must henceforth depend on the power of Rome (d. DeSanctis, iv. 3· 55). 16. 11-12. Further comment on Masinissa This passage, from Plut. Mor. 791 F-792 A, refers to the same context; but the anecdote about Masinissa eating dirty bread (§ 12) may have been related in the later part of book xxxv under res Africae of 01. 157, 2 = 151/o, where P. must have described Scipio's visit to Masinissa to solicit troops for Spain (cf. xxxiv. 16. 2 n.). 16 .12 . ..-.a.xn VLKT)o-a.vTa. ..-.eyaA.n Ka.pxTJ8ov(ous: on the events leading to this see 2. 1-4 n. (p. 653). The battle between Masinissa and the Carthaginians under Hasdrubal is described in App. Lib. 71-72. Scipio watched it#' vt/JYJAoiJ, KaBa1T£P lK BHfTpov, and later compared 677

XXXVI.

16. 12

FURTHER COMMENT ON MASINISSA

his view of it with the view Zeus had from Mt. Ida or Poseidon from Samothrace--a revealing comparison. See Astin, 249. puTrapov apTOV iu9iovTa: a lacuna in the text of Plutarch deprives us of Masinissa's words. But the point of the story may have been in the eating of bread alone (rather than in its dirtiness): cf. Livy, ep. 48, 'Carthaginienses .... uicti ab eo [sc. Masinissa] annos habente xcn [sic] et sine pulpamine mandere et siccum gustare pane(m) tantum solito insuper Romanum bellum meruernnt.' (8. 8. should probably stand here; seep. 45· But whether fg. 47, also belongs here is dubious. Following Scipio's dispositions in Numidia, Gulussa joined the proconsul Manilius "''ith reinforcements. Manilius, made a further vain attempt to coax Hasdrubal from his position near Nepheris (App. Lib. I07-9; Zon. ix. 27). At this point Scipio was able to secure the desertion to the Roman side of Phameas (8. I n.; d. App. Lib. 108-9; Livy, ep. so; Dio, fg. 7I. 2; Zan. ix. 27; Diad. xxxii. I7· I). It is probably to this that 8. 8 refers.) The res Africae for this year (I49/8) will have given some account of the campaigns of I48, under the consul L. Calpumius Piso Caesoninus and his legatus L. Hostilius Mancinus, who was in charge of the fleet. Beyond taking Clupea and attacking Hippo Diarrhytus without success Piso did nothing before going into winter quarters for I48/7 at Utica (App. Lib. no; Zon. ix. 29; Diod. xxxii. 18; Livy, ep. so). But the Carthaginians were encouraged by the desertion to them of the Numidian Bithyas with 8oo cavalry, and they made contact with Andriscus in Macedonia (App. Lib. III); cf. De Sanctis, iv. 3· 56-57· P. probably concluded the year's African events with Scipio's departure to Rome to stand for the aedileship for I47 (App. Lib. II2). His election to the consulship will have been recorded under res Italiae of 01. I58, I in book xxxvii. 17. 1-16. The power of Fortune illustrated from conditions in Greece and Macedonia This excerpt from de sent. belongs to res Graeciae or res M acedoniae of 01. IS7. 4 = I49i8; seep. 46. § I2 suggests that P. introduced this digression in connection with Andriscus' successes and in particular following his defeat of P. Iuventius in 148 (§ 14). On the early stages of Andriscus' revolt see Io. I-7 nn. Probably towards the end of I49 the Senate sent out the praetor P. Iuventius with a legion; and early in I48 (for the date see Livy, Ox. ep. so) he tried to invade Macedonia, but was routed and killed with most of his army in Thessaly (Diod. xxxii. 9a; Zon. ix. 28; Livy, ep. so; Eutrop. iv. IJ; Oros. iv. 22. 9). This incident, the first real defeat sustained by the Romans since their first intervention in the east, must have made a profound impression in Greece (where it was followed by the 678

THE POWER OF FORTUNE

XXXVI. 17. z

invasion of Thessaly) and on the rest of the world (cf. De Sanctis, iv. 3· 123-4); the reason for Andriscus' success 'Will have been 'Widely debated, and the present digression fits into such a context. Mention must be made here of a series of silver tetradrachms with the legend LEGiMAKEtJONQN and the representation of a hand with a branch. Gaebler, ZN, 1902, 150-1, assigned this issue to P. Iuventius, and interpreted the hand and branch (OaM6s) as a punning reference to Thalna which he took to be Iuventius' cognomen-probably rightly, since all Iuventii with attested cognomina in the second century lists in Broughton are Iuventii Thalnae. P. M. Fraser, Samothrace, 74-75 with pl. xii. 25, publishes an inscription recording the initiation of a Iuventius Thalna into the Samothracian mysteries; he makes the praenomen L., but this is not certain, and an identification with the praetor is not impossible (see Jean M. Helliesen, Andriscus and the revolt of the Macedonians, I49-8 B.c. (unpublished University of Wisconsin thesis, 1968), 173). However, the association of this issue with Iuventius is uncertain. P. R. Franke, Nop.terp.a-nKtt Xpovuc&, 1972, 33, interprets the hand and branch as crowning the word LEG i.e. LEG[IONES], and regards the coins as a Roman issue to pay the troops; but on several dies the branch is separated from LEG by one of the leaves of the oakwreath fonning the border of the coin. Hence this interpretation seems rather dubious. P. A. MacKay, ANSMN. 1¢8, 15-40, rejects the connection with Iuventius entirely, and attributes the issue to republican Macedonia acting in conjunction with the Romans, following the victory of Caecilius Metellus (§ r6 n.) and before the decision to make Macedonia a province. This is also somewhat hypothetical, and it is perhaps safer not to regard this issue as fully explained or as firm evidence for the Andriscus revolt. P.'s long discussion of depopulation in Greece and its causes is introduced nominally as an example of a phenomenon which should not be attributed to Tyche, but it is clear(§ ro) that it was something concerning which P. had strong feelings. 17. 1. E'ITLTLf16'>V ••• 'IT£PI'IT£TE(a.s: the excerptor's words will echo those which preceded in P.'s text; cf. x. 5· 8, where P. criticizes those who attribute E:ls 8wvs Kat nfxas what is really due to an individual's skill (there Scipio Africanus is meant); fg. 83; and other passages quoted in VoL I, p. zz (d. Ziegler, RE, 'Polybios (1)', col. 1535; PMech, Methode, 336; Rev. hist. ret. Ilj)s, 54-55). b Tils 'ITpayflaTut"ls laTopLas ••• Tpo'ITos: cf. i. 2. 8 n. 2. ~'ITl Tov Oe:ov .•• Ka.i T.ftv nix'lv: cf. § r n. otov l>fl!Jpwv KTA.: i.e. natural catastrophes, 'acts of God'; see Vol. I, p. 17, and, for an example, xi. 24. 8, where 0E:6s T'S saved Hasdrubal at Ilipa (there was a violent storm).

XXXVI. 17.3

THE POWER OF FORTUNE

3. TO 9£'Lov ... Taus 9Eous: P. does not distinguish between the two words, though the singular is more aptly used of divine power and the plural to refer to the objects of cult. Here by implication P. distinguishes al 'TWV 7TOAAWll o6ga., from more sophisticated beliefs. See Susemihl, ii. 102-3; Hirzel, ii. 878-So; Pedech,Rev. kist. rel.r965, 55-57. 5. cbrmS(a Kal ••• oA~yav9punrta.: this dismal picture is in contrast with that in ii. 62. 4, a passage composed before 146; but the factors mentioned may date back to the late third century (see the next note). 'Childlessness and shortage of population' summarize the matter as it concerns the individual and the community. P. traces two causes, refusal to marry, and so by implication refusal to have children, and the practice of infanticide (which in combination with chance deaths could often result in childlessness); §§ 7-8. (Paton's translation of a7Ta.t8ia as 'a low birth-rate' is inaccurate.) On the change from over-population in earlier centuries to under-population from the third century onwards see Tarn, HC, 1oo-2, where graphic evidence from c. 230 onwards is adduced for the practice of infanticide, especially of girls (of whom normally only one was reared); see § 7 n. For further discussion see A. Landry, Rev. hist. 177. 1936, 1-33 (with the qualifications of M. I. Finley,JRS, 1958, 158); Rostovtzeff, SEHHW, ii. 623-5; iii. 1464-5. Tarn argues that the decrease in population was limited to the cities, and that an influx of slaves, freedmen, and foreigners kept up numbers; but P. speaks of Greece generally ('T'l)v 'EA.Adi3a 7Taaav) and of lack of production (dv: this fits the period after 146 rather than before, when following the First Macedonian War Greece was afflicted with the Second Macedonian, Syrian, Third Macedonian, and Achaean wars, not to mention the .Achaean conflict with Nabis and the revolt of Andriscus. 7. ets
THE POWER OF FORTUNE

XXXVI. 17. 13

or through despair. See Rostovtzeff, ii. 625-6; C. Vatin, Recherches sur le mariage et la condition de la femme. mariee al' epoque hellinistique (Paris, 1970}, 228-40; and Knoepfler, 208-ro. ra YlVOj.Lt:Va retcva TPE~Ew: for infanticide see the epigraphic evidence quoted by Tarn, HC, 1oo-1; for example, 79 families receiving had 118 sons and 28 daughters (Mile!, Milesian citizenship (c. i. 3, nos. 34-93); of 6oo families mentioned in second~century Delphic inscriptions, one per cent reared two daughters (based on manu~ mission statistics in GDI ii). See also Glotz, DS, 'expositio' and 'in~ fanticidium'; Weiss, 'Kinderaussetzung', cols. 463-71; Kroll, ibid. cols. 471-2; Ferguson, 8o-82. Toil 1TAOucrious TOUTOIJS KaTaA~1Tt:iv Kal t71TO.Ta.M'lvras 9pi"'cu: an emotionally weighted interpretation. In the comic writers poverty is a more usual motive for exposing one's children; cf. Menand. Pe.riceir. 381 f., TJyt]Ud.;.t7]" 0~ 7TTwx6v ov·m rrw.ola I rptr/>ctv apoVAov 1Ta.VrE'Aws dvopos rplmov; Poseidippus, Hermaph. fg. I I (CAF, iii. 338),

v[ov rp€H mis Kav mfvry;; ns wv rVXJl> f fJvyartpa 8' iKrt97]ut Kal' fJ rrA.ov
swarm has an optimum size, and the further it sinks below this the harder it is to provide the food and engender the warmth necessary for its survival. 10. VOj.LOUS ••• tva. TpE~TJTO.l Ta ywoj.LEVa: Dion. Hal. ii. rs mentions an apocryphalla w of Romulus forbidding the killing of newborn children and the exposure of sons and first-born daughters. But only with the Empire were infanticide and exposure made illegal, the former certainly, and the latter probably, by a decree of A.D. 374 (Cod. Theod. ix. 14. 1); however, Paulus' declaration (under Severns Alexander) that exposure was tantamount to killing (Dig. xxv. 3· 4) may imply that both were already forbidden by then; cf. Mau, RE, 'Aussetzung', cols. 2588 9· P.'s condemnation of infanticide (for exposed children must die if they are to affect the population adversely) is exceptional; there is however an implied criticism in Tac. Germ. 19. 5, 'numerum liberorum finire aut quemquam ex agnatis necare :fl.agitium habetur' (sc. in Germany}. 11. ~
Ancient Macedonia, d1ToAu9evTEs j.LOva.pxlttwv imrayj.LaTwv Ka.l ~opwv: d. Livy, xlv. 18. 1, 'omnium primum liberos esse placebat Macedonas atque Illyrios, ut omnibus gentibus appareret arma populi Romani non liberis seruitutem, sed contra seruientibus libertatem adferre' (annalistic).

68r

XXXVI. 17. 13

THE POWER OF FORTUNE

P. is giving as accepted ~elief (op.oiloyovpivws-) the official Roman interpretation of Roman policy. For the new regime, with 'democratic government', see xxxi. 2. I2 n. ~K fLey6.Xwv aTaaewv ~e.a.l. <J>6vwv ~fL<J>uX£wv: there is no evidence for troubles in the cities of Macedonia (accepting Biittner-Wobst, KaTd. 7T6AH> : Boissevain could read only K • • • • • • q;a) under Perseus ; there may be a reference to the conflicts in the last years of Philip V (xxiii. 10. I-16). The next six lines are too badly preserved to be restored. The general sense seems to be that after Pydna the Macedonians had abandoned their former ill will towards the Romans. Then at the hands (or instigation) of the pseudo-Philip they accepted many garrisons ( ?). A few lines are then legible : they were exiled, tortured, and murdered by Andriscus far more than by any of their real kings. There follow five illegible lines concerning their original kings and mentioning insults; then something about a Roman encampment and criminal acts (77apavop.~p.aTa: cf. xxiii. 10. 2 of Philip V), perhaps committed before the time of pseudo-Philip. Most of this is omitted by Paton from both text and translation. 14. ~~:0. fLEv Tou .t.TJfLTJTpLou: Hultsch (vol. 4, p. 1402) suggests f.LETd J.ti), probably of two legions, and received naval help from Attalus. Andriscus after a cavalry ·victory became careless, divided his forces and was defeated by Metellus near Pydna. He fled to Thrace, but was betrayed by Byzes, a chieftain; after marching in Metellus' triumph he was executed (Zon. ix. 28; Diod. xxxii. ga, gb; Livy, ep. so; Ampel. I6. 5; Ruf. Fest. 7. 4; Veil. i. I I. 2 ; au ct. de uir. ill. 61. 1; Paus. vii. I3. I; Porphyry, FGH, 260 F 3 § 19; Eutrop. iv. 682

THE POWER OF FORTUNE

XXXVI. 17. I6

13). See Niese, iii. 334; DeSanctis, iv. 3· 124-7. P. probably ended his 149/8 with Andriscus' account of ~Iacedonian affairs for 01. 157, 4 defeat and capture, for the settlement will hardly have taken place the same year. The date of this is not easily determined. M. G. Morgan, Historia, 1969, 422-46, has argued that Metellus carried it out between July 147 and March 146, or else L. Mummius, aided by the senatorial commission, organized the province after August 146, the latter being more likely. The evidence of coinage is inconclusive. A series of tetradrachms showing a head of Artemis on a Macedonian shield has been interpreted as an issue by a Macedonian republican regime under Roman auspices, acting between Andriscus' defeat and the setting up of a province; seeP. A. MacKay, ANSMN, 1968, 36-37; Ancient Macedonia, 262-4; cf. 17. 1-r6 n. P. R. Franke, Nop,£(Jp,anKd Xpov£Ka, 1972, 34-35; ]ahr. fur Num. und Geldgesch. 1956, 107, attributes these coins to Andriscus before his defeat. But it is not easy to separate them from the LEGfMAKELJONQN issue (cf. 17. 1-16 n.) (b) P. may be referring forward to his account of the Achaean War (€7TI. Twv Towt!Twv B£a9~(Jt£wv), which he also regarded as an illustration of folly and madness (cf. xxxviii. 1-3). But the mention of the Macedonians (p,fjvw ••• MaKEBo(Jw d7T7JvriJ(J9a£) favours (a), and this is perhaps also supported by the words follov.ing the extract in M: ZHTEI EN
BOOK XXXVII This book, which covered 01. ISS. I = I48/7, was evidently lost by the tenth century; see p. 46. According to Bi.ittner-Wobst only one fragment, from Steph. Byz., survives and belongs to res Macedoniae; but xxxviii 19 a and I9 could also go into the res Africae of this year (see ad locc.). though they are probably best left in book xxxviii. 1. The Museum in Macedonia 1. Mouauov: this shrine is not mentioned elsewhere. Schweighaeuser suggests a connection with the monument to Orpheus near the town of Libethra on Olympus (Paus. ix. 30. 9; Strabo, ix. z. 25, C. 4Io, x. 3· q, C. 471) and this seems likely, since Strabo says that originally Thracians dedicated Leibethrum (Libethra) to the Muses. Leibethrum (cf. Meloni, Perseo, 3oo-I n. 3) figures in the account of Q. Marcius Philippus' march over the shoulder of Olympus in 169 (Livy, xliv. 5· 12) and one would have expected a reference to it here to have some relevance to the campaign against Andriscus. There is no obvious context for such a reference in book xxxvii. The revolt of yet another pretender, Alexander (Zon. ix. z8), may belong to this year, for Metellus was involved; but his activities were near the Nestus, far from Olympus. However, one can hardly argue far concerning the contents of a lost book; nor can one exclude an error in the manuscript of Stephanus, with the possibility that the Museum was really mentioned in book xxxvi.

(See xxxviii. 7· I-8. I5 n., I9 an., and I9 n. for the possibility that the two latter passages, from Ammianus and Plut. M or. zoo A might stand in book xxxvii. See pp. 46-47.)

BOOK XXXVIII 01. 158, 2 = 147/6; see p. 47· 1. r-6. 7 contains general comments on the fall of Greece and on F.'s method of composition. The remaining fragments are confusingly presented in Buttner-\Vobst, and should be rearranged in two groups: res Africae, 19, 7· r-8. 15, 19 a, 20. 1-:z:z. 3; and res· Graeciae, 9· I-II. 11, 12. 1-13. 9, 14. r-:z, 16. n-12, 14. 3, 15. x-t6. to, IJ. 1-18. 12 (and perhaps xxxix. I belongs here). See pp. 47-49.

1. 1-4. 9. On the Greek disaster of 147/6 This excerpt from de sent. must form part of the general introduction to the book; it cannot be part of res Graeciae, since other fragments in the same collection belonging to res Africae (20. r-n, 21. r-3) follow it. On F.'s use of ?TpoEKfJluHr;, usually at the beginning of a new olympiad, but here at the beginning of a book, see xi. I a n. F.'s comments on the Achaean debacle clearly reveal his lack of sympathy for Achaean policy and those directing it; his strong feelings are reflected in a conscious adoption of a rhetorical mode of expression (4. I). See Walbank, Polybius, 34-40. Diod. xxxii. :z6 gives a free adaptation of this passage and of 9· 1-13. 9· 1. 1. Tiiv avvTtA£Lav Tfjs T&'w 'EXXT)vwv O.Tuxia.s: though this is the excerptor's sentence, the phrase quoted is probably F.'s; see Hultsch ad loc. (xxxviii. 3 in his edition). By avvrlAna P. means the complete defeat of the Achaeans; the actual destruction of Corinth, senatus consulto, probably took place in 01. 158, 3 and was therefore described in book as the aftermath of the defeat (cf. pp. 47, 49)·

2. TO TfjS O.Tuxta.s OVOJLO.: cf. 3· 6. The word a:rvxla, like aT!)}(T/p.a, carries with it a sense of guilt, a catastrophe for which one bears the responsibility; see xii. 13. 5 n. It includes not only what happens to one, but also what one does oneself (§ 3). Cf. Gruen, ]HS, 1976, 47· 5. TO'ITOV ilaxa.TOV a'ITOAoylas YE: cf. XXX. 8. 3 (of the pro-Macedonian Rhodians), Wr:rTE ?Tapd. Tots emytvop.lvot<; f!.TfO. EO')(
XXXVIII. x. 8 ON THE GREEK DISASTER OF 147/6

of the Stoics; but cf. vi. 6. 9 n., where P. derives the concept of To KaAOv (and To alaxp&v) from a generalized perception of To avf.Lrfolpov, not at all a Stoic notion. Petzold, 49, argues that the present passage represents a late stage in P.'s thought, in which he has grown more sensitive to moral considerations; against this see Walbank, Entretiens sur Polybe, 23. On the extent of Stoic influence on P. see iii. 1-5 n. (3 b); on P.'s use of TO Ka0fjKov see von Scala, 330 n. 2, and for nl KaAov and To avf.Lrfoc!pov as the joint aims of policy see xxi. 32 c 1-4 (Philopoemen unusual in his ability to secure both). It would be wrong to assume that P. is here rejecting the claims of To 01Jf.Lrfolpov, but like Aristaenus (xxiv. 12. 2) he regards To KaAov as the higher aim where it is feasible. 9. TGS SoKouaa.s J-L€YtaTa.<,; auJ.Lcf>opas: avf.LCPopa is a more neutral word than (hvxla (d. 3· 7; Petzold, 49). These disasters are discussed in 2. I-3· 7•

2. 1. f) TUXTJ SoKei cf>o~ov tTLaTilaa.L: here Tyche is a mere figure of speech; cf. Vol. I, p. r6; Siegfried, 82. Ka.TO. T~v E€psou 6ul.~a.ow: cf. iii. 22. 2 n. 3. ESEAL1Tov ~v 1Ta.Tp£Sa.: for Salamis, Aegina, and Troezen; d. Herod. viii. 41 ; Plut. Them. 10. 3; for the Themistocles inscription (Meiggs-Lewis, 23), on a stele with third-century lettering, found at Troezen and purporting to give an Athenian decree dealing ·with the evacuation and preparations for defence, see the works mentioned in SEG, xviii. no. 153; xix. no. 319; xxii. no. 274; xxiii. no. 191; xxiv. no. 276; xxv. no. 371. Its authenticity is still hotly debated. 4. ot ~6.p~a.pol11'LKpws S~cf>IJeLpa.v Tel.<,; )\lh\va.<,;: d. Herod. viii. 51-53· 5. 1repl Tfjs ••• tlY~J-Lov£a.s ••• 1rpos Aa.Ke8a.LJ-Lov£ous: in the First and Second Peloponnesian Wars; cf. vi. 43· 3, 44· 2 for a less favourable judgement on Athenian domination as being iK 7Tpoa'1Talov nvds TJX'JS· 6. waTe Ka.9e:Aeiv Tel. n£xTJ KTA.: cf. X en. Hell. ii. 2. 23; Plut. Lys. 14-15, for the destruction of the Athenian walls under Lysander's supervision, follo'h--ing the ratification of the peace-terms at the end of the Peloponnesian War (April/:Vlay 404). 7. ~a.punpov ~xpi)aa.vTo TU ..• ~gouuiy.: cf. vi. 48. 8. 8. ~TTTJ9EVT£<,; U1TO eTJ~a.iwv: at Leuctra in 37I; cf. ii. 39· 8 n., vi. 43· 4; on the battle, Xen. Hell. vi. 4· 13-15; Diod. xv. 52-56; Plut. Pelop. 20-23; Paus. ix. 13. 3-13; Polyaen. ii. 3· 8. For discussion and biblio· graphy see Pritchett, Battlefields, 49--58. ih-re~n;\ov ~v ••• ~yEp.ov£a.v: cf. ii. 39· 8. In vi. 48-49, using a different source, perhaps Callisthenes, P. made the decisive moment of change the Peace of Antalcidas; here, perhaps following Theopompus, it is Leuctra (cf. viii. 11. 3); so Pedech, Methode, 305 n. 12. 9. 1T€pi Twv Ka.AAtaTwv: i.e. hegemony, on which P:s attitude is ambivalent; cf. vi. so. 3-4 contrasted with vi. 49· 1-4. 686

ON THE GREEK DISASTER OF 147/6 XXXVIII. 3· 4

10. O"UIJ-1TTWIJ-aTa , . , aTUXYJIJ-aTa: the distinction is the same as that between avJ.LcpopaL and ,hvxlat : cf. I. 9 n. 11. Mavnvei~ ... EK}u1TE'Lv TTJV 1raTp£oa: for the Spartan expulsion of the Mantineans in 386/5 see iv. 27. 4-7 n. 12. TTJV AaKEOa~IJ-OV~V wve£S~tov: sc. a~ov>.Lav; but this is not a very good sense and Castiglioni suggests
3. 1. a~Ehs ~Kouv TTJV 1raTp£Sa IJ-ET' O.o-cjlaAe(a.s: Cassander restored Thebes in JI6, after seizing Macedonia. Thebans were invited back from all parts and contributions for the restoration of the city came from as far away as Italy and Sicily (Diod. xix. 53· 2-54. 2; Paus. ix. 7; Plut. Mor. 552 F, 8I4 B; Marmor Parium, FGH, 239 B I4; SyU. 337 (list of contributors); M. Fortina, Cassandro, re di Macedonia (Turin, etc., I965), 4I-42). 2. Tou~ KpaTouvTa~ : 'those in power' ; cf. xxii. 11. 8 n. 3. XaAKLOEL~ Kai Kop(v8Lol Kat nvE~ he pal 1TOAELS: Chalcis and Corinth were occupied by Philip II in 338 after Chaeronea; cf. Aelian, Var. kist. vi. I ; Plut. Arat. 23. 4· "With Demetrias they constituted the 'fetters of Greece' (xviii. II. s). which remained in Macedonian hands until Cynoscephalae (though Acrocorinth had been free between 243/2 and 224, when Doson got it back in exchange for help against Cleomenes: ii. 43· 4, 54· I). Ambracia was also garrisoned (Diod. xvii. 3· 3) and Athens intermittently between 323 and 229 (ii. 44· 2 n.). See also xviii. 14. 9 n. 4. TOU~ ••. oouAEllOVTas 1rcLVTES E0"1TOUOatov .•• eAeuOepoGv: P. is probably thinking especially of Aratus' campaigns against Gonatas and Demetrius II to liberate the cities of the Peloponnese and Isthmus. Against the view that he is also referring to the revolt of Alexander of Corinth in 250/49 (ii. 43· 4 n.; others date it 253/2, see Will, i. 286-7), as argued by Niese, ii. 248 n. 3 and Habicht, Gottmenschentum, 24I n. 59, see Welwei, Rh. Mus. IC}67, 309; though celebrated as Euergetes at Eretria (IG, xii. 9· 212) and allied to Achaea (Plut. Arat. I8), Alexander will hardly have rated as a liberator. For other struggles in the name of freedom see SyU. 434/5 ll. Io-II (on the Athenian-Spartan alliance at the time of the Chremonidean War). But P. is not limiting his criticism to Antigonus Gonatas (as Welwei argues). His very general statement does not exclude (though it does not specifically include) Doson, who in fact garrisoned Acrocorinth once more. But P. is not consistent on Macedonian garrisons in Greece ; see for one flagrant contradiction xviii. I4. 6 n. (with xviii. II. 4, 11. 6). 68]

XXXVIII. 3· 6 ON THE GREEK DISASTER OF 147/6

6. -ro -rils chux£as 5vofla: cf. 1. 2 n. The now illegible text was corrected by Campius (and independently by Hultsch}. 8. neAo1TOYY~cno~, BolWTot, cl>wKeis, ••• eis, AoKpo£: this passage is one of the main sources of information on who took part in the war against the Romans. The whole Peloponnese was involved except Laconia. For the Boeotians see 14. 1-2; Paus. vii. 14. 6, IS. 9; and for the Phocians, who seem to have been sympathetic but technically neutral (cf. 14. 3 n.}, Paus. vii. IS. S· For the illegible name Heyse proposed (Llwpt)£is:, Boissevain (Evf1a)6:s. The latter is more likely, though Livy, ep. 52, mentions only Chalcis (cf. also xxxix. 6. s}. According to Paus. vii. 16. 10 L. Mummius compelled the Boeotians to pay Ioo talents compensation to the Heracleotes and Euboeans, which would suggest that not all the Euboeans opposed Rome (De Sanctis, iv. 3· 146 n. 16o); Accame's suggestion (Dominio, 190, 194) that that passage is a doublet of the fine imposed earlier on Thebes by Metellus, to the benefit of the Euboeans (Paus. vii. 14. 7), is not perhaps very probable. On the whole it seems likely that the Euboean confederacy was not dissolved and that only Chalcis was made subject to the governor of Macedon (d. Accame, Dominz'o, I91-2). But P. is here speaking generally, and may well have said 'Euboeans', though only some were involved. (Ev{Jo)£is is rejected by Accame (Dominio, r9o), Touloumakos (53 n. r), and Deininger (233 n. 5), but they suggest no alternative. Boissevain also thought of (llaTp)t:ts (cf. r6. 4); but this Achaean town would be included in ll£Ao7Tavv~mat. Of AoKpol Boissevain could detect only -al; and this is the only evidence that they took part in the war, though the defeat of Scarpheia was in east Locris (d. Accame, Dominio, 206-7, analysing the fortunes of the east Locrians after 146). nv£s -rwv -rov 'lovLov Ka-rolKo~v-rwv KoA1Tov: on the Ionian Sea cf. ii. 14. 4 n.; P. there refers to the area around and south of the Straits of Otranto. Aetolia was not involved in the war (13. 9; Accame, Dominio, 2u), and there is no evidence that Acarnania was either (though xxxix. 3· ro, on the conveying of works o£ art to Acarnani.a en route for Rome proves nothing; contra Accame, Dominio, 215 n. 5). There is no evidence for Epirus, Ambracia and Buthrotum (Accame, Dominio, 230-1); and the islands of Corcyra, Leucas, and Ithaca and the cities of Cephallenia all remained free and so cannot have taken part in the war (Accame, Dominio, 232-4). Hence it is obscure to whom P. is here referring. MaKeSove.s: in the revolt of Andriscus (xxxvi. I1· 16). 9-11. Illegible; the general sense seems to be that in both the number and character of their sufferings the Greeks outdid their predecessors; but there is no agreement on the words that stand (or stood) in the manuscript. 11. pa~Sous K«l1TeA~Kii.lS: the fasces and axes of the Roman lictors. 688

ON THE GREEK DISASTER OF 147/6 XXXVIII. 4· 8

13. TlfiapT( TJKEva.l 8e Tou; a.h&ou;) .•. Tfis ••• O.yvo(a.s: P. holds the leaders responsible for misleading the masses. 4. 1. TO TfJ; raTopLKijS Sn')yT]aew; f\Oos KTA.: just as oratory has a special ~8os, which finds its expression primarily in lmelKfita, so the .fi8os- of history requires truthfulness and impartiality (i. 14. 5 n.). It normally excludes epideictic (d. xii. 28. 9, where Timaeus is said to have made a comparison between the two genres); and elsewhere P. speaks slightingly of lmoHKTLKa1 crvvrd.gf!t;; designed to create a sensation among oZ 1ro>.Aol (xvi. 18. 2). Shuckburgh's translation 'clearer', for lmDHKnKwT€pav, is wrong; P. means that he has just been '«Titing in a more declamatory, emotional, and ambitious ( is not normally used in a critical sense in P. (d. ix. 20. 6, 20. 9) ; like ¢nl..oTlf.'WS it carries the notion of diligent and accurate work carried out with zeal. Avenarius, 174, sees a division of the aspects of historical composition into three categories: To Ti/> iUToplas 1)8os-, To 1rpay,.anKov f.'€pos (xii. 27 a I). and ij Ti/s- ugfiws- Kamr:ncem] (xvi. I1· 9); but there is no reason to suppose that P. regarded these three expressions as linked together in this way. 2. cpLAam<x9ws troLouJ!EvOLs Tt)v ypa.q.T]v: P. rejects the view that the historian has a duty to conceal his countrymen's shortcomings. But elsewhere he allows some partiality towards one's country, though not indeed at the expense of truth (xvi. q. 6; VoL I, p. 12). Equally, however, a historian must avoid excess of or blame, while dispensing both where they are merited (x. 21. 8), even if that involves praising enemies and censuring friends (i. 14. 5). P. regards a charge of writing if;t/..arrexBws- as damaging. 5. TTJS aATJ9£(as: see VoL I, pp. Io-I2. 6. Twv upos Ka,pov Xeyol!kvwv: 'words spoken to suit an occasion'. The contrast is between a historian's account(~ (i),d) Twv imDfkV7Jf.'aTwv 1ra.p6.Soats; cf. i. I. I n.) and the words of an orator tempered to suit the occasion, when frankness was not always in order (cf. ii. 8. 9)· 7. o1rep tlf1£'is •.. O.X119Lvws: cf. xxxix. 3· 10, 5· :z-6. P.'s claim was accepted and recorded by the Megalopolitans in an inscription set up in his honour; cf. Paus. viii. 30. 8, yiypa1rTa' S€ Ka1 €/..eyei:a lrr' ath-4} Myovm ws lTTL yi/v ml8d/..aaaav 1raaav 7rAav110el"' (d. VoL I, p. IOn. 9) Ka1 on aVf.'f.'O.XOS yivo,To 'Pw,.a£wv Ka~ 1ratJaEWZV a&rovs Jpyi/s Ti/>) ES' To 'E/J..TJvtK6v (clearly echoing iii. 4· 13 and the present passage; cf. von Scala, 7). 8. xO.pw TOU }Li') .•• TEP1TECT9a.t I(QTO. TO tra.pov I
<

68g

XXXVIIL 5· I-6. 7 A DEFENCE OF POL YBIUS'

5. l-6. 7. A defence of P.'s method of c~mposition On the position of this excerpt from de sent. see pp. 47-48. In it P. defends his practice of switching from one theatre to another inside each olympiad year as pro-viding variety, in contrast to Ephorus' method of treating the events of each area thoughout a longer period separately. Elsewhere P. deviates from that system in the interest of clarity or to prevent his narrative descending into triviality (cf. xiv. n-12 n., xv. 24 a n., xxxii. 11. 1-ro n.; Walbank, Polybius, 113-14; Yale Studies, 1975, 197-212; d. Actes IX 8 Congres Bude, 202-ro). The question involved principles of literary composition as defined in Hellenistic times, v.ith their emphasis on aa.tJ>~vEta. and avvex.Eta., clarity and continuity (d. Avenarius, IZS-6).

5. l. TLVES emA.fJ!JtovTa.~ TTJS 'ITPO.YJ-La.TELO.S KTA.: those who criticize P.'s narrative as being incomplete and fragmented (on the reading see the next note) will be followers of Ephorus, whose method is described in Diod. v. r. 4 (FGH, 70 T n), "Etf>opos •• • ou p6vov Ka.Td. ritv ugw, llid. Ka.l Ka.Td. Tijv olKovopLav ETrtTeTEUX.E" TWV yap fiLfi>.wv tKd.aT7JV 1THroL7JKE 1TEpdxEw Ka.Td. yevos Tas 1rp&.gEts, and elaborated (without mention of Ephorus) in Diod. xvi. I. 1-2, €v mf.aats p~v Ta.is laToptKa.is 1Tpa.ypa.TElats Ka8~KH TOVS avyypatf>Ets 1TEptAapfid.vEtv lv Tais filfi>.ots ~ m5AEWV ~ fiaatMwv 1Tp&.gns aUTOTEAEis a1T' apx.fjs pex.pt Toii TeAous. See, on the Ephorean origin of Diod. xvi. I. x-2, Laqueur, Hermes, 1911, 321 f.; Jacoby on FGH, 70 T 11 (quoted above); and,

for the argument that P.'s supposed critics are from the school of Ephorus, Avenarius, 126, and Meister, Hermes, I97I, so6-S. Meister here demonstrates that the points made by P. 's critics are those in Diod. x\r:i. r. r-2. anA.Tj Ka.t s~pp~J-LJ-LEVTJV: Boissevain read OtE ••• ypeV7JV, with the y clearly legible; this would support OtEPP7JYJ.LeV7Jv (Mai). This participle is a late form however; whereas OtEpptppevos occurs elsewhere in P. (d. iii. 57· s) and is more plausible. In either case the meaning is 'incomplete and broken up'. P. rejects this accusation (cf. 6. 6, J.L7JOtv aTEA~s

J.L7JO' ~AAtmfs}.

2. <El.y') e'!Tl.j3a.A.A.6J-Levo~ ••• T~v Ka.px1186vos 'ITOALopK£a.v: (e£y') is due to Bekker; Paton also prints yd.p after lmfia).).6pevot (it has no authority and is superfluous with Ely'). 1ToAtop~t:la. (which often means 'assault' in P.; d. ix. 3· 2 n.; Larsen, CP, 1969, 43) here has the more usual meaning of 'siege' (d. vii. 15. 2, of Sardes). The siege began the previous year and will have been described in book xxxvii. Against Biittner-Wobst (d. Lorenz, 103 n. 272), who thinks P. is referring to an unprecedented division of Carthaginian affairs into two sections within one olympiad year, see pp. 47-48. a'!TOA~'ITOVTES Ka.t J-LEO"OAa.j3fJO"a.VTES O"+as O.UTOUS: d. App. Hist. praef. 690

METHOD OF COMPOSITION

XXXVIII. 5· 9

12 for a lively criticism of other historians who follow this procedure and leave the reader feeling like an exile after all his wanderings (d.\d>fu'vov); quoted in Walbank, Polybius, II4. Dion. Hal. de Thuc. 9 criticizes Thucydides on the same score; cf. Lucian, hist. consc. 49, for praise of this method. ~1Tt Tas 'EAA1JVLKas KTA.: for P.'s shift from theatre to theatre, usually in a prescribed order, cf. xv. zs. 19, xxxii. n. 2; Vol. II, p. I. 3. Tout; 4aAol:la9ouvTa.s: 'students' (cf. i. 13. 9, 65. 9, iii. 21. 9 n., vii. 7· 8 n., xi. 19 a 2 n.). The point made here by P.'s supposed critics (and accepted to some extent by P. in xxxii. I I . 7) is also made, following Ephorus, in Diod. xvi. 1. 2 : at p.& yap ~JLLTEAE'is

TTpdfEtS o(nc €xovaat crvvExes -rats &.pxats -ro 1rl.pas p.EaoA.af3oiJcn rryv J.mOvp.lav TWV rf>tA.avayvwC1To-Jv-rwv, al oi TO rijs Ot7J'Y1/aEWS C1VVEXES 1TEpt>.ap.f3avovaat p.l.xpt rijs TEAEvrijs <11T7)p'TWJLEV7)V rryv -rwv TTpdfEwv lxouatv clTTayyEAlav. Cf. Meister, Hermes, 1971, 507-8; Kritik, 78. TTJV ljiuxaywy£a.v Kat TTJV c!:Jcf!EAELa.v: on the opposition of entertain-

ment and utility, both legitimate aims for the historian, see Vol. I, pp. For the view that treatment Ka-ra ylvos is more helpful to the reader cf. Diod. xvi. I. I, o&rws ydp p.aAtC1Ta otaAap.f3avoJLEV rryv LC1Toplav d1JLV7JJLOVEUTOV Kal aar/>fi yEvl.aOat -rots clvaytyvd>aKouaw (cf. Meister, Hermes, 1971, 507-8; Kritik, 78). 4, 1:1apTupa , , , O.UTTJV T..;v cf!oow! the appeal to nature, which demands variety in the pleasures of the senses of hearing, taste, and vision, may go back to a Heracleitean source; cf. Heracl. fg. 82 (Bywater), Kap.a-r6s lC1Tt -rots au-rots- p.oxOEi:V Kd apxEaOat. See too Ps.-Hippocr. Salubr. 15,?] rf>Jats a.UTop.d.T7) -raVTa lTTlC1TaTat· KaO~p.Evos; TTovi.Et dvaarijvat, K£VEVJLEVos TTovlEt &.vaTTavaa.aOat (for the Heracleitean content of this work see Gossen, RE, 'Hippokrates', cols. r82o-3); cf. von Scala, 92. 5. KaTa Tas 1:11EA!f8£as: 'in choral songs' or simply 'in music'. For the illustration from music cf. Ps.-Hippocr. Salubr. r8, -rd.TT>.d'C1Ta otJ.r/>opa. JLaALC1Ta fvp.rf>l.pEt, -ra oE: l>.d.xt(J'T(t Otd.rfoopa 7jKtC1Ta fup.rf>l.pEt' El oE: OJLOLO. 1rd.v-ra 1TOt~C1Et TLS, oVK bt -rlp¢~ts· al1TAE'iC1Tctt p.E-raf3oA.ai Kai 1TDAUEtOlC1TaTat p.dA.ta-ra -rlp7rouatv; and perhaps Heracleitus, fg. 43 (Bywater), ou yd.p av Elvat dpp.ovlav JL~ OVTOS dflos Kat f3aplos; cf. von Scala, 93· KaTa

Tat; AEkTLKa<; u1ToKp£aELS: 'in the delivery of speeches'.

7. 1Ta.pa.1TA1Ja£ws Kat T~v yEuaw: on variety in food cf. Ps.-Hippocr. Salubr. 18, p.dyEtpot ot/Ja CIKEtJCf~ouatv &.v0pW1TOLC1t Starfo6pwv crvp.rf>6pwv, 1rav-rooa.mi crvyKplvov-rEs, lK -rwv au-rwv ou -ra.u.rd, f3pwatv Kat 1r6aw &.vOpwm~;r El oE: 1TdVTa OJLOta 1TOL~O'Et, OOK EXEL -rl.pt/Jtv• oM' El lv -rtp aUT{jJ 1Td.VTa crvv-rd.fEtEV, OVK av exot opOws ; cf. von Scala, 93·

9. l:laALaTa 8e 1TEpt TT]v ljiuxtiv: what is true of the senses is above all true of intellectual exercise; here 'a change is as good as a rest'. !LETaAtjlj!ELS TGlV aTEVLaj.!-WV kO.L TWV ~maTaaewv: 'changes in the objects of attention and study' (Shuckburgh). 6gi

XXXVIII. 6.

I

A DEFENCE OF POL YBIUS'

6. 1. Twv &.pxa.lwv auyypa.<jl€wv ot Aoyu~Ta.Tm: 'the wisest of the older historians'; cf. vi. 45· r, indicating Ephorus primarily (see note). On the phrase see von Fritz, Geschichtsschreibung i. Anmerkungen, 344 n. ro. Here P. refers chiefly to Theopompus, as the subjects listed in §§ 2-4 indicate. See E. Meyer, Theopomps Hellenika (Halle, 1909), 137; Jacoby on FGH, n5 F 28; Laqueur, RE, 'Theopompus', cols. 2208-9; Ziegler, RE, 'Polybios (r)', cols. 1546-7; Avenarius, 126 n. 55; Meister, Hermes, 1971, 507 n. 1; Kritik, 63-64. I-Lu9LKa.'is Ka.t SLYJY'I"Jf.LO.TLKa.'is ••• 1TO.p£K~6.at:aL: for Theopompus' use of digressions cf. Theon, Prog. 4 (ii. 8o. 27 Sp. = FGH, II5 T 3o): SUo yap 1TOV Ka1 Tpt:'Ls; Ka11TA€lOVS laTop{as OAas KaTrt 1TapiK{Ja(JtiJ d!plaKOf-LEV,

EIJ a[s oox 01TCJJS tPtAl1T1Tov, ill' oo8€ MaKt:Oovos TWOS OVOf-La EO'TLV; Dion. Hal. ad Pomp. II (FGH, II5 T 20 (a)): oiht: yd.p avayKaCa{ TLVfiS athwv oiJT' iv Katpo/ Y£VDf-LEVat, 1TOAV 8€ TO 1TatOtW0£S if-L4>alvovTat. As examples Dionysius mentions a Silenus that appeared in Macedonia (FGH, 115 F 74) and a snake that fought against a trireme (FGH, n5 F 296). See, on Theopompus' use of mythical digressions, A. E. Wardman, Historia, I96o, 406-7. nv€s 8€ ••• 'ITPO.Yf.LO.TLKIDS: these factual digressions are also, it seems, those of Theopompus, though P.'s phraseology makes it appear as though he is speaking of several different historians. 2-4. Theopompus' method: this passage (printed as FGH, II5 F 28) apparently refers to book i of the Philippic Histories, which, since it had to describe conditions in Greece, Macedonia, and the neighbouring lands in or around 360/59, was necessarily varied in its contents. Commenting on FGH, II5 F 28, Jacoby points out that the fuller contents list of book xii (FGH, II5 F 103, from Photius) shows much less movement from theatre to theatre than P. 's comment here suggests as typical of Theopompus. He also remarks that Theopompus evidently treated the early history of Macedonia and its royal house quite cursorily and plunged in medias res; but this is an argument ex silentio and assumes that P. is here giving a comprehensive list of the contents of book i. 2. T&.s j\Ac;~6.v8pou ToO ~c;pa.(ou 1Tp6.~ELS: on Alexander of Pherae (369-358/7) see viii. 35· 6 n.; fragments from Theopompus' account of him are FGH, II5 F 337, 352, 372 (?),and 409. TUS KO.TU neAom)vv'I")O'OV Aa.KE80.Lf.LOVLWV Em~oM.s: sketching the position of Sparta after the battle of Mantinea, and her exclusion from the peace of 362jr (cf. iv. 33· 8-g n.). Ka.t 'IT6.ALV TUS 1TO.pn e'I"J~O.LWV: so Btittner-\Vobst; d1T' a8'1valwv M, {mo B'1f3alwv Lucht, 1rap' J18'1valwv Hultsch, J18'1valwv Geel (and Paton). Palaeographically the case for keeping J18'1valwv is strong; and Theopompus had plenty to narrate about Athens in 360/59. including Cotys' seizure of Sestus from Athens in 36o (Dem. xxiii. 158) and Timotheus' failure to get Amphipolis from Perdiccas III of 692

METHOD OF COMPOSITION

XXXVIII. 6. 4

Macedon and the burning of his fleet (Diod. xvi. 3· 3; Polyaen. iii. Io. 8). But it was perhaps more to the point that after Epaminondas' death at Man tinea (362) Theopompus should have opened his history ·with a discussion of the situation of the two erstwhile dominant powers, Sparta and Thebes, now both impotent, despite the Theban victory; and he may even have touched on the battle of Man tinea itself. -rO.s Ka-rO. MaKe8ov£av: perhaps including the revision of the customs service by the Athenian refugee Callistratus (Dem. l. 48; pseud.-Arist. Oec. 2. I35o a) and events down to the death of Perdiccas III in a disaster on the Illyrian border in 359 (Diod. xvi. 2), and the succession of his brother, Philip II. fJ '~"TJV 'IHupL8a: see § 4 on Bardylis. '~"TJV 'l<jiLKpa-rous els AiyuTr-rov a-rpa-re(av: Iphicrates (c. 415-353), son of Timotheus, won a reputation in the Corinthian War, but later served as a mercenary in Thrace, marrying the daughter of King Cotys. In 374/3 he commanded 2o,ooo men as a mercenary leader in Pharnabazus' army operating against the rebel kings in Egypt (Diod. xv. 4r) ; this service he undertook on Athenian instructions (Diod. xv. 29. 3-4; Nepos, I phic. 2. 4). Theopompus' account of these events, which occurred long before the nominal opening date of his history, may derive from a special interest in Iphicrates (see Jacoby on FGH, II5 F 28). After some successes (Diod. xv. 42. 4) he fell foul of Pharnabazus and fled to Athens (Diod. XV. 42. 5-6; Plut. Artax. 24. r). See Kahrstedt, RE, 'Iphikrates', col. 2020. -rO. K}.eapx~ Trpax9evTa Tr«pavoJL-rlJLa-ra K-rA.: Clearchus (39rjo-353/2) was a student of Plato and !socrates at Athens, who returned to a political career in his native town of Heraclea Pontica, where after a period of banishment (Iustin. xvi. 4· 4) he made himself tyrant (Polyaen. ii. 30. r-2) in 364/3 (Diod. xv. 8r. 4). He treated his political opponents savagely (Iustin. xvi. 4· I7-5· 4; Polyaen. ii. 30. 3; Memnon, FGH, 434 F I) and was murdered in 353/2 by conspirators who attacked him at the feast of Dionysus (Diod. xvi. 35· 3; Iustin. xvi. 5· Iz-I6; Memnon, FGH, 434 F I). Accounts of him go back to Theopompus; cf. Lensehau, RE, 'Klearchos (4)', cols. 577-<J; Jacoby on FGH, 434 F r. 3. 0.-raK-rws .•. TETayJ!Evws: P. claims that he has built the principle of securing variety by digressions systematically into the structure of his history, since it dealt with events inside each theatre of action in a definite order within each olympiad year (§§5-6). 4. ~Kel:voL: the reference is still to Theopompus. B6.p8uAALS o Twv '1'-'-upLwv ~aaLAeus: cf. Theopompus, FGH, n5 F 286 (Cic. Off. ii. 40), 'itaque propter aequabilem praedae parti· tionem et Bardulis Illyrius latro, de quo est apud Theopompum, magnas opes habuit.' According to the romantic version of Libanius, 693

XXXVIII. 6. 4

A DEFENCE OF POLYBIUS'

contra Sever. 52, and Hellaclius (in Photius, p. 1579 a 43 Hoeschl) he was a charcoal-burner; and he may have seized his kingdom forcibly {cf. Papazoglou, Historia, 1965, 154 n. 46). "Vl1ere exactly this lay is uncertain. Zippel, 27, located it around the Devol valley, suggesting that it was a resuscitation of that of the Encheleae; and S. Islami, Studia Albanica, 2, 1972,82-83, sees in him the ruler of a large Illyrian kingdom based on Dassaretia and Lake Lychnidus. Certainly his war againstArybbas of Epirus (Frontin. Strat. ii. 5· 19) and the alliance between his son Cleitus and Glaucias of the Taulantii against Alexander (Arr. Anab. i. 5· r) would suit a kingdom located thereabouts. Hammond (BSA, 1966, 252; Macedonia, 96) argues that Bardylis was king of the Dardani, much further north, and merely used the Lake Lychnidus-Dassaretia route to invade Epirus and Macedonia; but the link between Bardylis and the Dardanians upon whom Philip II made war {Iustin. viii. 6. 3) is very tenuous, nor is it apparent that if Bardylis was a Dardanian, fourth-century sources would have called him an Illyrian. Bardylis was probably responsible for dethroning Amyntas III of Macedon and for the defeat and death of Perdiccas (§ 2 n.) in 359· He was in tum defeated (and perhaps killed) by Philip II, who recovered all the cities east of L. Lychnidus (Diod. xvi. 4· 4 f., 8. r; Iustin. vii. 6. 7; Polyaen. iv. 2. 17; Ps.Lucian, Macrob. ro; perhaps Frontin. Strat. ii. 5· 19). See Kaerst, RE, 'Bardylis (r)', col. 12; Beloch, iii. I. 224 n. r; Papazoglou, Historia, 1965, 152-4. KEpaoj3AE1TTTJ5 o Twv 9p(j!.~<Wv: Cersobleptes, king of the Odrysae, succeeded his father Cotys {§ 2 n.) in 36o (Dem. xxiii. r63) and ruled Thrace till 341 or 340. Delphi honoured his two sons c. 356 (Syll. 195, with the form K€pfu:{fAbrrrJs). He had at once to face the rebel Miltocythes and two new pretenders and other enemies (Polyaen. vii. 31); and he was at war with Athens. His mercenary captain Charidemus successfully drove off the Athenian fleet from Perinthus and Alopeconnesus (Dem. xxiii. r6s f.; Schol. Aeschin. iii. 51) and forced the Athenian admiral Cephisodotus to make a disadvantageous treaty in 359 (Dem. xxiii. r66); the next year he defeated Miltocythes (Dem. xxiii. r69). See Kahrstedt, RE, 'Kersobleptes', cols. 329-30; Beloch, iii. r. 222-3, 2. 88-89. Theopompus probably described all these events in book i; see FGH, 115 F 307 (P. Berol. soo8). o&'i8' &.va.Tpexouow e'll't Tl!.Kohoueov eK 6La.o-nif.1.«TOS : 'nor do they come back to the sequel (sc. to these events) after an interval.' Ka9ttrrEp ev 'II'OtfJJ.L«TL XPTJ0"6.f.I.EVOl: 'treating them as episodes in a poem'. Geel suggested lp.1To,f;p.a·n, presumably meaning 'an insertion'; but the word does not exist. Wunderer, iii. 58, conjectured lyKvi
METHOD OF COMPOSITION

XXXVIII. 7· z

P. is thinking of the episodes in Homer, which are often complete in themselves and only marginally linked to the central plot; we have an aristeia of Bardylis or Cersobleptes, and then no more about him. 5. Tovs E1fL~a.v~;OT«lTous To1rous Ti]S otKouJ.Livl]s: 'the most important areas in the world'; P. refers to his various theatres of historical activity (cf. Vol. II, p. 1). J.Lia.v Ka.l. TiJv a.uTiJv (~ooov KTA.: 'always adopting one and the same method of organizing my plan'; for this meaning of ouL\TJifns cf. viii. n. 3 (plural). Til.s Ka.Ta.AA~Aous 1rp!l~f.LS: 'the contemporary events'; cf. iii. 32. 5 n. 6. TTJV E1f( a.v )a.ywy~v: Bekker's correction; 'to carry their minds back'. Tns J.LEaoA.a.~TJfk£aa.s net Twv 1rpu~~;wv: 'the constantly occurring interruptions'. J.LTJO(v &.nA.(s J.LlJ8' .SA.A.m€s: 'so that nothing is left incomplete or deficient', as it is in Theopompus, with his episodes left high and dry without a sequel (§ 4). <19. An incident in Scipio's attempt to force an entry into Carthage

See ad loc. for the argument that this excerpt should stand here in res Africae of 01. 158, z 147/6.) 7. 1-8. 15. Criticism of the Punic general Hasdrubal This excerpt from de uirt. et uit. belongs to res Africae of 01. 158, z 147/6 and refers to late autumn 147 (8. 3); on its position here, following 19 and fg. 145 see p. 48. For Hasdrubal's attempts to negotiate, described here, cf. Zon. ix. 30. r; Diod. xxxii. 22.

7. 1. ~a8poo~a.s b aTpa.TT]ybs Ka.pxTJSov£wv: excerptor's words. Hasdrubal had commanded the forces that attacked Masinissa in winter 151/o (cf. xxxvi. 2. I-4 n., p. 6s4; App. Lib. 70-7!). Condemned to death for capitulating (xxxvi. 3· r-6. 6 n.), he operated for a time with an army against Carthage; but was recalled to assume the supreme command (Zon. ix. 26; above, xxxvi. 7· 5 n.). At Nepheris he held out against Manitius (xxxvi. 8. 4 n.) and the consuls of r48 dared not attack him (App. Lib. no). \Vhen Scipio took over in 147, Hasdruballeft Nepheris and moved close to the walls of Carthage (App. Lib. III, u4). He is said to have followed Scipio's attack on .Megara by outrages against Roman prisoners and by executing members of the Carthaginian council who objected to his policy (App. Lib. n8); see 8. r n. See Lenschau, RE, 'Hasdrubal (I3)', cols. 2476-7. 1rpa.yp.a.nKi]s Ka.l. OTpa.TT)yL~ei'js ouvO.J.L"WS: cf. xii. zs k 8 n. 2. foMaau ••• T4i Twv No.,.a.owv ~a.aLA~;'i: cf. xxxiv. I6. I. On Masinissa's death Gulussa was given command of the army (d. xxxvi. 15. 695

XXXVIII. 7.

2

CRITICISM OF HASDRUBAL

10 n.) and joined the Roman forces with Numidian reinforcements (xxxvi. 16. 12 n.; note on the position of xxxvi. 8. 8). Gulussa seems to be F.'s source for the conversation with Hasdrubal. 3. 1TpO~E~ATJiJ-Evo<; T
CRITICISM OF HASDRUBAL

XXXVIII. 8. 9

him). The capture of Nepheris after a 22 days' blockade was accompanied by heavy losses; Appian records 7o,ooo killed, Io,ooo captives and 4,ooo who escaped. It was followed by a general capitulation of the countryside. This took place XELJ-u"i!vos dpxop,lvov (App. Lib. 126); since the news had not hitherto reached Carthage, Hasdrubal's conversation with Gulussa was evidently in early winter (cf. 8. 3 n.), probably Nov.jDec. 147 (d. Pedech, Methode, 462-3). [oTl uw~ovTa.LJ: the \Hong meaning and best excised as a gloss. 10. ou ••• m:pLoljteu9a.L uTa~ ... va.p!W'1TovSoull€vous: 'they will not allow us to be treacherously treated'; on 1rapacmovoe"iv, which need not involve the actual breach of a treaty, see i. 43· 2 n. The same phrase is used of Hannibal and Saguntum in iii. 15. 7·

8. 1. TOLO.UTY]V ••. auE~ELO.V EL~ TOUS O.LX!lO.AWTOUS ~fl-WV: cf. Zon. ix. 29; App. Lib. II8. In 147 Hasdrubal had vented his anger at Scipio's penetration of Megara by hurling Roman prisoners from the walls to their death, having first gouged out their eyes or tongues, cut off their fingers or genitals or the soles of their feet, or flayed them alive. His object was to harden Punic resistance by removing all possibility of surrender. Despite this, he was later treated by Scipio with relative mildness and spent the remainder of his life in honourable captivity in Italy (Zon. ix. 30 quoted in xxxvi. 5· 9 n.). Scipio's laughter and rhetoric (see the next note) in this context is perhaps a further indication of how little a member of the Roman nobility identified himself with what happened to rank and file soldiers. ev( O.'IT )EOE~~w ••• ~XELS: the second person is a rhetorical device, Scipio addressing Gulussa as if he were Hasdrubal: this helps to explain yeAacras. Tou~ TWv O.v9pwvwv voJ.lous: to slaughter captives was against the 'laws of war' (d. v. II3-14; von Scala, 317; Walbank, Polybius, 90-91). 3. TTJV Ka.TauTa.uLv Twv (.vaTwv -118"1 uuveyy~~ELv: the election of the consuls for 146. Such little evidence as exists on the date of elections at this time-the period between 153 and Sulla-suggests November (of the Roman calendar); d. Mommsen, St.-R. i. 583 n. 2. 8. Twv tmo Tou uTpa.Tl]you 11'pouTeLvoll€vwv: according to Zon. ix. 30, Kat l-rvxev av -rijs doe/as, el p,-1] Kat -ro"is Aomoi:s C11Taat Kat Ti]v UWT'Y}p{av Kat Ti]v ~Aw8•piav 1rpaga, ~8lA7JaE. This is implied, but is somewhat concealed by the prejudiced tone of P.'s account; cf. De Sanctis, iv. 3· 71 n. 10!. 9. Ka.Aov •• evTaTLOV ••• TTJV 'ITa.TpiSa. Ka.t To Ta.uT"ls 'ITup; an adaptation of the saying KaAov ~O"Tu' Jv-r&.cpwv ~ -rvpavvls, spoken to Dionysius I by Heloris, his friend (or father by adoption), when he was proposing to flee the besieged city (Isoc. Archid. 44-45; Diod. xiv. 8. 5, xx. 78. 2; Plut. Cato mai. 24. 8; Aelian, Var. hist. iv. 8). In Hasdrubal's mouth 697

XXXVIII. 8. 9

CRITICISM OF HASDRUBAL

(despite the substitution of TTa-rpl> for -rvpavvl>) it suggests the tyrant; cf. § I3, von Scala, 170. But was a Punic general·in fact familiar with a Greek saying such as this? 10. Tov xeLpL
This section continued down to the fall of Carthage; it is represented by I9 a, 20. I-21. 3, and 22. I-3, which should stand here. See p. 48. 9. 1-8. Dispatch of Sex. Julius Caesar as legatus to the Achaeans This excerpt from de legat. Rom. is probably the first of the surviving extracts from res Graeciae of 01. IS8, 2 = I47 /6. Against placing it under res Italiae are the views about it expressed in §§ 6 ff., which clearly represent Greek criticisms, to which P. tries to reply apologetically. The loss of book xxxvii has deprived us of P.'s account of the earlier events leading up to the Achaean War. The main source remains Paus. vii. I2 ff. (Niese, iii. 337 ff.; Will, ii. 328-3I) and Pausanias' source is uncertain. For the view that he worked directly but tendentiously from P. see Regenbogen, RE, Suppl.-B. viii, 'Pausanias', col. Io7s; but his source is usually thought to be nonPolybian (d. Wachsmuth, Leip. Stud. I887, 269-98; B. Baier, Studien zur achiiischen Bundesverfassung, Progr. Wiirzburg, I886). The background of the rising was the return of the detainees from Rome (followed by some conflicts over property: Zon. ix. 31. I), the defeat of P. Iuventius in Macedonia in I48 (xxxvi. I7. I-IS n.) and the sending of help to Thessaly against Andriscus (Livy, ep. so), and trouble between the Confederation and Sparta over the frontier district bordering on Arcadia. Probably in IS2/I the Spartans sent an embassy to Rome to try to secede from Achaea; its leader was Menalcidas (cf. xxx. I6. 2 n., xxxii. II. s n.), who was Achaean general in ISI/o, but later had to flee when in ISo/49 his successor Diaeus (cf. Io. 7 n.) took action against him. Diaeus first accepted a bribe of three talents to quash an action brought against Menalcidas by Callicrates (cf. xxxvi. I3. I-2 n.), but later queried the right of the Spartans to send an independent embassy to Rome and had 24 Spartans condemned to death. In I49/8 Diaeus and Callicrates were sent to Rome to oppose the Spartans; Callicrates died en route but Diaeus' speech led the Senate to a decision to release Sparta and other communities from Achaea, and so to weaken the confederation (Paus. vii. I2. 3-8; Iustin. xxxiv. 1. 2). The Senate delayed sending a promised embassy and both Diaeus and Menalcidas brought back reports favourable to their own case. Sparta now seceded from Achaea (iii. S· 6) and in spring I48, de6g8

SEX. IULIUS CAESAR SENT TO ACHAEA XXXVIII. g.

I

spite Roman warnings, the Achaean general Damocritus (17. 9 n.) invaded and plundered Laconia. In autumn, having handed over the generalship to Diaeus, he was fined so talents for not having pressed home his advantage against Sparta (allegedly through treachery), and being unable to pay fled and went into exile. Diaeus carried out a policy of terrorism against supposed supporters of Sparta (d. 18. 6), but on receiving instructions from Metellus, who had now defeated Andriscus (xxxvi. 17· 16 n.), he contented himself with attacking and garrisoning perioecic towns. Menalcidas attacked one of these, provoking Achaean reprisals, and the Spartans, who were suffering from famine, forced him to commit suicide (147); Paus. vii. 13. s--8. Now at last (147) the Roman legatus, L. Aurelius Orestes (d. xxxi. 2. 9 n., below § 1) arrived in Corinth and, having summoned -roV> iv Jd.arn 1ToAEL £xov-ra> -ras dpxds--probably the city magistrates (Busolt-Swoboda, ii. 1546), but perhaps the Achaean damiurgi (Larsen, 185 f.), since Pausanias (vii. 14. 2) shortly afterwards calls them ol apxovn> -rwv J4xaLwv--to the house where he was staying (Paus. vii. 14. 1; Iustin. xxxiv. 1. 6) and Diaeus with them, announced the decision to separate Corinth, Argos, Arcadian Orchomenus, and Heraclea in Trachis from the Confederation (Paus. vii. 14. 1; Iustin. xxxiv. 1. 6; Livy, ep. 51; Ox. ep. 51; Dio, xxi. 72). The Achaean leaders at once summoned the people, who were evidently already assembled at Corinth for a syncletos (Larsen, 185-6) and the Roman envoys left Corinth for Rome. It is not possible to determine exactly the month when Orestes' embassy reached Corinth. Morgan, Historia, 1969, 437, makes it August (147); but he is reckoning back from the arrival of Sex. Caesar's embassy, which coincided with Critolaus' election as general for 147/6 (Paus. vii. 14. 3-4), and which he therefore dates to October. But the date of the Achaean elections varied within the period from mid-September to early November (Aymard, ACA, 255-62); nor can the time taken by an embassy to Greece be tied down to one month. However, it seems likely that P. concluded his account of the affairs of Achaea for 01. 158, 1 = 148/7 with the reception of Orestes' demands--an effective closing-point. 9.1. Twv m:ptTcw A6p~ALOv 1rpeuf3euTwv: L. Aurelius Orestes, cos. 157; see 9· 1-8 n. For the date, 147, see Livy, Ox. ep. 51. Klebs, RE, 'Aurelius (179)', cols. 2514-15. Ta uuf1f3ef3Tp
XXXVIII. g.

I

SEX. JULIUS CAESAR SENT TO ACHAEA

Critolaus). According to Strabo, viii. 6. 23, C. 38I, they had filth dropped over them as they passed someone's house (perhaps from P. ?). See Niese, iii. 343 n. I; De Sanctis, iv. 3· I38-4o. 2. 11e-r' a.usiJaews ~ea.l. ~ea.woXoyla.s: this note of criticism, which runs curiously counter to the general pro-Roman flavour of P.'s narrative here, may connect with the fact that P.'s brother Thearidas was sent to Rome to excuse the Achaean behaviour (Io. I) and must clearly have had the task of minimizing what had happened (Deininger, 224 n. 7). ~ea.-rn 1TEpme-reLa.v: 'by chance'. 3. 1Tpea~eu-ras •.• -rous 1repl. -rov 'louXLov: d. Paus. vii. I4. 4; Dio, xxi. 72. 2. Sex. lulius Caesar, cos. I57· together \vith L. Aurelius Orestes (xxxii. Io. 2); see Munzer, RE, 'Iulius {I48/9)', cols. 475-6. 5. n1TEpELC10.f1EVOUS -rf)v iiyvoL0.\1 KTA.: a clear order to proceed against the anti-Roman party. 6. ( oo) OLa.aml.aa.L ~ouAOJ-LEVf) -ro l19vos KTA.: patently unconvincing (cf. De Sanctis, iv. 3· I40 n. 153), since there is no suggestion of any reversal of the decision to the cities mentioned (9. r-8 n.); contra Gruen, JHS, I976, 6o-62. 7. nvis J-LEV oov l'I1TeAcl.f1~a.vov: another echo of the controversies in Greece about Roman policy; d. xxxvi. 9· I-Io. 7 n. Ka9' 01ToKpLaLv -rous 'Pw11a.£ous: for the following lacuna Hultsch proposed (oih-w:; xe.pl,€tV Tll KaTd.~rryv }ixatav); but cf. XXXV. 2, 13, which might suggest something like (p.€Tplw:; xpfjuOat Tot:; .\6yot>). 8. mSXe11ov 8' O.va.Xa.~etv: probably true despite lustin. xxxiv. I. 3, 'quaerentibus ... Romanis causas belli'. No doubt the Romans counted on reducing Achaea to impotence without war; d. Morgan, Historia, r¢9, 434· 10. 1-13. 9. Events in Achaea following the arrival of Sex. Julius Caesar and the other leg a ti (I 47f6)

This exceq>t follows the last in de legat. Rom. and covers events through the \V:inter of I47/6 into 146; seep. 48. 10. 1. 0~ 1TEpl TOV Ies-rov: d. 9· 3 n. -rots 1rept -rov 0ea.p£oa.v: d. Paus. vii. I4. 3; Dio, xxi. 72. 2. On Thearidas, P.'s elder brother, see xxxii. 7· I n. The Achaeans probably thought he would be well received at Rome; Deininger, 226. 2. -rwv .•. &.Xoyf)flclTwv: for the indiscretions committed in regard to Aurelius P. deliberately uses a mild and non-committal word. 4. OLa.Xeyo11evwv -rots :.\xaLois ev -rft -rwv AtyLewv mSXeL: probably the autumn synodos meeting at Aegium, for Paus. vii. 14. 3-4 implies that the legati arrived at the time of the electoral assembly (cf. Larsen, r87); but it could be merely a meeting of the magistrates (Aymard, ACA, 126 n. 3). 700

EVENTS IN ACHAEA

XXXVIII.

IO. IO

aw~povouv f1Epos: P. declares his sympathies. Ka.t Xla.v eveTpE1TETo: 'and paid great heed to it' (omitted by Paton). 7. To'Lc; ••• XeyoflEVOLS OLKa.LoLc;: 'the just remarks'; Paton, 'the just

6. To ••.

strictness of Sextus' may be a misprint for 'the just strictures'. voaouv Ka.t OLe~9a.pf1EVov: 'ill-disposed and perverse'. For voaefv in a political sense see Fuks, ]HS, 1970, 85 n. so; he quotes Soph. Ant. 1015; Eur. Hel. 581; but also Herod. v. 28; Dem. ii. 14. Measures may now have been passed in relation to debt; see 11. 10 n. 8. Ala.Lov: Diaeus of Megalopolis (Paus. vii. 12. 3) was probably, though not certainly, the son of Diophanes (xxi. 3 b 2 n.); of his career before 150 nothing is known. In 15o/49 as general (Paus. vii. 12. 3, 12. 6) he accepted three talents from Menalcidas to suppress the charge brought by Callicrates (d. 9· 1-8 n.), and then provoked a clash with Sparta (Paus. vii. 12. 4-7; DeSanctis, iv. 3· 131-2; Larsen, 49o-1). For the sequel down to the arrival of L. Aurelius Orestes towards the end of his second generalship (148/7) see 9· 1-8 n. Henceforth and until his suicide in 146 (Paus. vii. 15. 4-6; Livy, Ox. ep. 52; Zon. ix. 31. 5) Diaeus was openly ante-Roman. P.'s hostile assessment of Diaeus is followed by Mommsen, RG, ii. 43-47, and by Lehmann, 322-9; see however the more balanced appreciation in De Sanctis, iv. 3· 144-5 and in Deininger, RE, SuppL-E. xi, 'Diaios', cols. 521---6, who recognizes that after Aurelius' embassy the choice was between fighting and acquiescing in the destruction of the Confederacy (d. Tarn, HC, 35; Fuks, ]HS, 1970, 88-89). Kpm)Xa.ov: nothing is known of him earlier; but there is no reason to think that he, any more than Diaeus, had been a member of the pro-Roman party of Callicrates (so Lehmann, 321-2 argued; contra Deininger, 225). TOLS 9eo'Lc; ex9po(: for the opposite d. X. 2. 7 n.; Siegfried, 88 n. 168. 9. Ka.9cmep T] 1Ta.poLf1La. ~T)alv: the proverb (reading Aatq, Ursinus, for the manuscript S€ 1.uq) clearly means 'to accept grudgingly and in bad faith what is offered frankly and honestly'. The obscurity of what he says makes it impossible to know whether Cicero has this meaning in mind when he writes Ta StSofLeva in Att. vi. 5· 2, xv. q. 1. P.'s point is that the Achaean leaders agreed to a meeting with the Spartans at Tegea (§ n), but then sent Critolaus alone without any authority to commit the Confederation (n. 5). Wunderer (i. 19 and 123) thinks the passage is corrupt; but that is because he thinks the reference is to a different proverb (CAF, iii. p. 483, fg. 397, eMJvs u ~OLJJLg y{vofLaL' Tfj fL€V OLOWfLL xetp{, Tfj S€ AafL~dvw (d. Schol. Pind. Pyth. ii. 125)). 'To take back with one hand what one gives with the other' is an expression also found in English for sharp or dishonest dealing; but it is not relevant here. 10. 0La TE Tn<; EV TTI AL~un KO.L Tn<; Ka.Ta TTJV 'I~T)pLa.V 1Tpn~EL<;: see xxxvi. 1-8, 9, 16; xxxviii. 7-8, 19-22 (Third Punic War) ; xxxv. 1-5 701

XXXVIII.

IO. IO

EVENTS IN ACHAEA

(Celtiberian War). In autumn 147 Carthage was still holding out; and in Spain, where the praetor C. Vetilius had taken out a new army bringing his strength up to ro,ooo, Viriathus had just launched his new resistance in Lusitania (App. Hisp. 61 ff.; Simon, 87 ff.). Hence the Achaeans had good reason to think the Romans would not wish to push things too hard in Greece. They were of course wrong (d. Morgan, Historia, 1969, 434 n. 64), as P. remarks (§ 9). 11. ets TEy~av ••• KowoXoy'18~vTES: it is not wholly clear what kind of meeting was planned for Tegea. Paus. vii. 14. 4 says that Critolaus was unwilling to bring the Achaeans together ls KO£vov o-V>J.oyov, and sent messengers to order the summoning of ToVs O'VV€opour; • •• l> To )txatKov, but secretly instructed the latter not to attend. Hence some scholars have thought a syncletos was envisaged (cf. Larsen, 187; GFS, 493; De Sanctis, iv. 3· 142); but this is hard to reconcile with the mention of delegates, aVv£8pot. Pausanias could be referring to a specially convened meeting of the council (like that mentioned in xxviii. 3· ro); but such a meeting would hardly be called To )txarK6v. Aymard (ACP, 272 n. s) treats Paus. vii. 14. 4 with justifiable suspicion ('des termes ... auxquels il est tres imprudent de se tier') and points out that P. speaks only of magistrates of Critolaus' party. If Caesar and his colleagues were expecting to find a special assembly at Tegea, Critolaus' remark (n. 5) that nothing could be done without a decision of the people, and that this could be obtained at the next synodos six months hence, would have been doubly offensive; and P. says nothing of the obvious query to be expected from Caesar, as to what had become of the syncletos. It is therefore safer to rely on P. and to assume that Caesar expected to meet the Achaean magistrates along with the Spartans at Tegea. Niese (iii. 544) and Shimron (133) both speak cautiously of leading men and negotiations, not of any convening of either the council or the assembly. 11. 2. 1TapayevOf-1-EVwv ••• Ets T~v TeyEav: De Sanctis (iv. 3· 142) WTongly states that Caesar went first to Sparta and returned to Tegea with the Spartan representatives; this unnecessary detour would have given gratuitous offence to the Achaeans. Ty)v T€ vepl. Twv .•• tyKA'Jf-1-lt.Twv O~Ka~oSoa(a.v: 'as regards reaching a settlement on the matters at issue between them .. .' ; these involved frontier problems \vi.th Megalopolis or Argos (Paus. vii. 12. 4, 1T€p~ dp.ta{3TJT1jUip.ov xchpas)' which the Spartans had taken to the Senate, but also the question whether the Confederation had the right to inflict capital punishment on Spartans (Paus. vii. T2. 4-5). See Paus. vii. 14. 4. ~-rvxov yap -r6n 7f8"1 o~ '/Tapa 'Pwp.a{wv ijKoV'T£S -ra AaiCcOatp.ovlwv Kai )txatwv ot~cO.aat. Ka.Ta Tov 'lTOAEf-1-0V E1Toxftv: the war between Sparta and the Achaeans; cf. 9· 1-8 n.; Paus. vii. 13. 1-4 (Damocritus' campaign in

T~v

702

EVENTS IN ACHAEA

XXXVIII.

II. IO

I48), IJ. s--8 (Diaeus' attack on the perioecic towns, Menalcidas' retaliation and his suicide in 14 7). To us 'ITEpi Twv i;Xwv i'lnaKeljto}lEvou<;: this suggestion of a further Roman embassy was perhaps a delaying device until the war in Africa was over. 3. o~ 1TEpt Tov Kp,,.6A.aov: now general for 147/6; Paus. vii. 14. 4· TOU'i f1EV &XA.ous lha.KAiva.L TTJV n1T6,VTf)O'LV: the magistrates other than Critolaus. Deininger, 227, interprets this to mean that the people in the cities refused to attend an assembly (matching the account in Pausanias: ro. I I n.); but this can hardly be extracted from the text. The promise to accompany Caesar to Tegea (ro. rr) had evidently not been fulfilled. 5. auK EXELV i~oua£a.v ••• iivEu Tf}S Twv 'ITOAAwv yvwf1TJS: probably true, but, asP. emphasizes, to bring it up now was obstructive. Had Caesar requested the calling of a syncletos, Critolaus could have declined on two grounds: (a) that he would need his colleagues' agreement and they were not there; (b) that Caesar had no •vritten instructions on the matter from the Senate (cf. xxii. ro. ro-12). See Aymard, ACA, 129 n. I. Et<; TTJV iSij'i • • • O'UVo8ov: in Spring 146, SiX months hence. 6. i9eA.oKo.KoilvTa.: the word suggests wilful obstruction; cf. Larsen, CP, 1958, 25o-1. P.'s assessment of Critolaus' object seems correct; but whether it deserves his obloquy is another matter. 7. Ka.TO. Tov xELp.wva.: Pedech, Methode, 462, dates this from November onwards; but perhaps the sense is not to be pressed closely. Tou<; ~v Tfi T c:yiq. : the Roman envoys. 10. 'ITa.pfJyyeLA.:::: P. represents what follows as Critolaus' private exhortation; but that alone would have had no official validity, and Fuks, ]HS, 1970, 8o, argues that the measures in question were decided on by the Achaean authorities and perhaps at the meeting at Aegium, whether this was a synodos or a gathering of magistrates (ro. 4 n.). He points out that P.'s language gives the impression of being based on an actual decree; and he adds that the measures were designed to bolster up the Achaean popular morale in preparation for war. They do not amount to anything like the cancellation of debts referred to by Diod. xxxii. 26. 3-4, drawing on, but distorting, P. llTJ 'ITpnTTUV TOU'i o
TOU<; O.va.yojLlVOUS Ets
'not to receive into custody those arrested for debt' ; for the phrase cf. i. 72. 5· Private debts, if unpaid, became a subject for private action, but failure to comply with the court's decision could bring 703

XXXVIII. tt. to

EVENTS IN ACHAEA

a subsidiary penalty (which might be imprisonment) until the original order was complied with (d. Dusolt-Swoboda, i. 555 n. 6). TOU5 (S') epcwous E1'nj.LO\IOU5 1TO~eiv: the meaning is disputed. An €pavo> was a form of loan, peculiar to Greece, made for any one of a variety of purposes by a group of people and repayable, usually by fixed instalments and without interest (cf. Ziebarth, RE, 'Eranos', cols. 328-3o) ; the word £pavoc; signifies either the loan itself or the instalments repayable (d. Dem. xxvii. 25, £pavovc; MAot1T~, 'he has left instalments unpaid'). Niese, iii. 345, takes £p&vov> here to be loans set up for the relief of the poor and made (presumably under pressure) by the richer citizens; he translates, 'den Armeren dauernde Unterstlitzungen zu zahlen'. Lehmann, 326 n. 393, adduces GDI, 1615, concerning an £pavoc; at Dyme (see Wilhelm, Neue Beitriige, i. 41), the conditions of which were defined in a decree of the Achaean Confederation, and which, Feyel (REG, 1943, 124 n. 3) tentatively suggested, may have been designed to create a reserve fund following on Philopoemen's reforms in 208/7 (xi. 8-18 n.). This, he suggests, is relevant to the ipavot mentioned here, which will therefore be compulsory loans by the rich for the support of the poorer classes. Something like this seems also to be implied by Paton's obscure translation: 'to make the enforced contributions permanent'. Mommsen, RE. ii. 45, took ipavm to have its other meaning of clubs, and translated: 'dass ... alle Klubs permanent sein ... sollten'; it is hard to imagine what he took this to mean, and harder to see why it should indicate 'von welchem Geist die Bewegung beseelt war'. Lehmann (loc. cit.) and Musti (Annali di Pisa, 1967, 199 n. 148) incorrectly assume that Mauersberger also took the £pavm to be clubs; Lehmann speaks of Mauersberger's 'Vorschlag, wonach die Beitragszahlungen zu Vereinen gestundet werden sollten', and Musti quotes these words as Mauersberger's translation. But in fact Mauersberger (s.vv. ipavo> and £1T{p..ovo>) translates 'Zahlungsverpflichtungen "anstehen", ruhen lassen; Zahlungen aufschieben' ; he makes no reference to associations, 'Vereine', and LSJ '€pavo>' has the same interpretation. This seems to me on the whole the likeliest, viz. 'to declare a moratorium on loan-repayments'. See the good discussion in Fuks, JHS, 1970, So n. 13. D. Asheri, 68-69, suggests that the word (o') marks a contrast to the previous negatives, and that the sense is 'that public debts shall be suspended, that no one shall be imprisoned for private debt, but that €pavo>-repayments shall continue, as long as the war lasts'. This is just possible and is not excluded by the clause 'as long as the war lasts', since the £pavo>- clause could be an exception to the general rule, mentioned in a clarification, and the clause on the duration of the war would then apply to the legislation as a whole. But it is improbable that P. in this context would have J04

EVENTS IN ACHAEA

XXXVIII.

12.2

mentioned such a clause, if it was merely designed to modify in one respect the general pattern of what he regarded as reprehensible policy. Fuks therefore seems right in rejecting Asheri's interpretation; the words \\1.11 mean not 'to continue loan-payments', but 'to declare a moratorium on loan-payments'. DeSanctis, iv. 3· 143 also takes the phrase in that sense. See further J. Vondeling, Eranos (Amsterdam, xg6r), 5o-5r, 74-75, 259 f. iws av >..a~n ••. Kp1ow: the clause applies to all these measures. The war could be that with Sparta, or the coming war \\-'ith Rome (Fuks, ]HS, 1970, Sr n. IS); cf. IJ. 6, IS. 6. 12. 1. Ko~VTos o KtuKiA~oc;: Q. Caecilius Metellus (Macedonicus) had been sent to Macedonia as praetor, probably with proconsulare imperium and two legions, in I48 and had defeated Andriscus (cf. xxxvi. 17. r6 n.). According to Paus. vii. I3. 1-5, he urged Roman envoys en route for Asia to intervene between Achaea and Sparta; but this had no effect (see Morgan, Historitl, 1969, 435). Later, still in I48, he instructed the Achaeans to await the arrival of the promised embassy of L. Aurelius Orestes (d. 9· 1-8 n.). His command was extended for 147 and 146. See Munzer, RE, 'Caecilius (94)', cols. r213-16; Morgan, H~'storia, r969, 439; Sarikakis, 27-38 (with full references). TnSE truv9a.vo.,.Evoc;: what -rd8E refers to is obscure, since there is probably a gap between II. n and r2. I (d. p. 48). It must be something that indicated Achaean intransigence and a war-minded attitude in the Confederation. r va~ov na.trEtpLOV: Cn. Papirius Carbo; cf. Munzer, RE, 'Papirius (r2}', col. xoo8 (perhaps a son of C. Carbo, praetor in r68). nov[A~QV Acuvii.TOV: manuscript, aMwva fWtVOV; Schweighaeuser despaired 'de medicina foedo ulceri inuenicnda' until some better codex turned up. If Hultsch's emendation, followed by BilttnerWobst, is accepted, this will be M. Popillius Laenas, cos. 139; see xxxiii. 9· r n. P. may call him 'the younger' to distinguish him from C. Popillius Laenas, cos. 172, active during the war with Perseus and as envoy to Antiochus IV (d. xxviii. 3· In.). Ao>..ov r o.~lv~ov: as plebeian tribune in IJ9 he carried the first lex tabellaria, providing for voting by ballot in elections (Cic. de leg. iii. 35; Lael. 41; Livy, Ox. ep. 54, 'A. Gabinius, uerna[e nepos, legem tulit, ut] suffragium per ta[bellam ferretur.J'). Cf. MUnzer, RE, 'Gabinius (6)', col. 423. ra.~ov ci>O.vvlOv: hardly the consul of I6I; d. Munzer, RE, 'Fannius (7)', col. rg88. 2. aovTJyp.€vwv Twv )\xo.u;iv d~ K6pw9ov: cf. Paus. vii. 14. 5; probably the spring synodos, referred to by Critolaus at Tegea the previous autumn (u. 5 n.). Larsen, 187-8, remarks that in its large attendance and 'mob spirit' (§ 5), and in the fact that it decides on war with A

a

XXXVIII.

12. 2

EVENTS !N ACHAEA

Sparta (r3. 6) it 'looks like a meeting of a primary assembly'. To fit his theory that synodoi were at tllis time council-meetings, he suggests that it was an irregular combination of a synodos and a syncletos. But if, as argued on pp. 406-14, synodoi were meetings of the council and the assembly, no problem arises. Kcml. TIJXTJV ••• Els ToiiTov Tov Ka.Lpov: the assembly had nothing to do with the arrival of the Roman envoys; for this cf. Paus. vii. rs. 1-3. There is no reason to suppose that they knew in advance the day for which the synodos had been announced (cf. Aymard, ACA, 125 against Beloch, iv. 2. 234). De Sanctis, iv. 3· 149, believes that Paus. vii. rs. 2 refers to a further and separate Roman embassy; against that view see Niese, iii. 347 n. 2; Morgan, Historia, rg6g, 439 n. 82. 1ra.pa.1TAT)aious To'i:s 1TEpt Tov I£~Tov: cf. ro. 4· According to Paus. vii. IS. 2, Metellus dyylAoliS' • •• 1Tapa TOUS' ;ixawt!> a1TCO'T£AAEV, a4>£ba£ K~:A£liwv a4>iis aVVT£A£las Aa~e£~a£f.Lovlovs ~eal 7ToA£tS' t1\.\as &rroaas ~:tprrro Vn-o 'Pwf.Lalwv, ri)s T€ ~K TOV XPOVOU TOV 7TpOTlpov a4>law a1T££8tlas ou~ef.L{av 1rapa 'Pc.uf.Lalwv VrrtG'}(I'£tTo JrrAv yEV!]a~:a8a,. This is evidently the same embassy (see previous note) ; and if Pausanias' version is at all true, there was little placatory about it, and its members can have expected a rough reception. But Morgan, Historia, 1969, 439 n. Bz, is hardly justified in saying that both P. and Pausanias imply that its purpose was to precipitate war. 3. f:( K> Tijs 1rpos Aa.KE8a.lflov£ous 1Tpolj>naEws: 'on the pretext of their grievance against the Spartans' (Shuckburgh). 5. 1TATj9os f:pya.UTTJpLa.Kwv ~ea.l ~a.va.uawv O.v9pw1TWv: unlikely at a council meeting. lpyaarTJpta~eol are workers in factories (ergasteria); {U.vavao£ is a more general term for manual workers, 'including artisans, semi-skilled workers, unskilled wage-earners, people employed in a small way in commerce, and excluding those working on the land' (Fuks, ] HS, 1970, 85; cf. CQ, 1968, 214 and n. 6 for references). According to Polyaenus, Strat. vi. 7· 2, Apollodorus of Cassandreia (cf. vii. 7· z n.) carried out a coup helped by sinlilar elements (olK,TUS' Ka£ Toils a1TO Tmv epyaUTTJplwv TexvlTas). Probably many, but not all, of these men were from Corinth, the site of the assembly, since this was a centre of trade and industry. For a further hint that resistance to Rome was stronger in the cities than in the countryside see 17. 4 n. E.~eoputwv a.i1roAns: for the metaphorical use of Kopv,iiv, (lit. 'to have a running nose'; cf. voUE:tv in 10. 7) see Plato, Rep. 343 A and other references in LSJ, especially Philodemus, D. i. I I 1. 38 (Abh. Berl. Ak. 1915, 7· 19). 7. Ka.T' EOX~v l)1To9€aEws E1T£lATJfL!Jkvos: 'having obtained the theme for ranting that he prayed for'; this (rather than 'pretext') suits the reference to his audience. 706

EVENTS IN ACHAEA

XXXVIII. 13. 6

f.vt:'ll'a.ppflaLatETo •.• To'Ls .•• 1Tpt:
the envoys', who had of course already been expelled (§ 4). 10. ifL'II'opt:uwv Ka.i JLEOoSEuofiEvos: 'by practising much craft and deceit of this kind'. 11. Twv ~a.aLA~wv nvO.s Ka.i TWV 1TOALTEur-ti.T(&)V: cf. Diod. xxxii. z6. 4 (based on P.), Efupd.at:t> T£ a.a .\6ywv (hrl.\Et'ITEV W> r;sr; Kal f3aatl.efkn Kat 'ITOAEO'£ s,E{AEK7'0.£ 'ITEpl

aup.p.axlas.

13. 1. TWv ••• ri)s yEpouata.s: this body is not mentioned elsewhere, though gerontes and a gerousia are found in several Achaean cities (e.g. GDI, 1615 = SEG, xi. usgll. 8 ff., at Dyme (3rd cent.); IG, v. z. 357 II. 40, 79, at Stymphalus (3rd cent.); cf. Touloumakos, zH:-.2), and there is disagreement as to what it is. It is either a committee of the Council (so Lipsius, 5.-B. Leipzig, 18g8, 176; cf. Busolt-Swoboda, ii. 1555 n. 2) or, more probably, another name for the damiurgi (cf. ii. 37· Io-n n., xxiii. 5· 16)-so Larsen, GFS, 231; Freeman, HFG, 231 n. 4; Aymard, ACA, 153-4, especially 154 n. 4, 36r (hesitating); Habicht, Chiron, 1973, II7. P. implies that the gerousia was unanimously against Critolaus, but elsewhere he reveals that opposition to Rome and support for the war were widespread and not confined to the poor or a handful of demagogues (cf. 18. 7). 1TEpLa1Ta.aafLEvos Tous aTpa.TLwTa.s: 'bidding the soldiers withdraw' ; they would be his bodyguard, as general. Musti, Annali di Pisa, 1967, 205, suggests that they are mercenaries, who are particularly associated with tyrants; but the general's bodyguard is more likely to have been of picked Achaean troops. Paton mistranslates 'soliciting the aid of the soldiery'; but see Schweighaeuser ad loc. 4. Ka.i TouTwv 1TLO'TLV i+Ept:v: 'and he alleged in confirmation of this'; P. rejects Critolaus' assertion (cf. § s. Sm{3o.\&s:). Eua.y6pa.v Tbv Aiy,£a.: his father Aristobulus is known from an inscription found at Physcus in west Locris, honouring him ·with proxenia and the title of benefactor, shortly after r66 (W. A. Oldfather, A] A, 1922, 445-so, corrected byLerat, i. r34n.4: }4.pto-ro{3o.J.\w, Efu.y&pa. ):lxau.Ot it AlyLov; SEG, ii. 352; xii. 28r). Habicht, Chiron, 1972. n7-18, points out that Euagoras' links with west Locris, which took no part in the Achaean war against Rome (Accame, Dominio, 2o8), may have something to do with his anti-war policy now. Tov T pLTa.~a. ITpa.T{ov: for his earlier career see xxviii. 6. 2 n. ev Ta.is auva.px(a.Ls: to be taken with Ta AEyop.eva, not of course with Smawj>Eiv. On the expression, which denotes the collegiate body of magistrates, see ii. 37· Io-n n., xxvii. 2. I I n. 6. 1TMLV \jlf14>£aa.a9a.L: 'further to vote', rather than 'again' (so Paton); cf. v. 27. 2 n. Aoyce JLEV TOV 1Tpos Aa.KE80.LJLOV£ous 1T0AEfLOV KTA.: cf. Diod. xxxii. 26. 5 (adding some sententious conclusions). This vote was illegal 707

XXXVIII. 13. 6

EVENTS IN ACHAEA

because a war·measure must be passed at an assembly specially convened for that purpose (d. xxii. 12. 6 n., xxix. 24. s-6; above, p. 408). 7. ~TEpov l{f~wJ.La. 1ra.p6.vo~:.~.ov : 'a second unconstitutional decree' ; this is more likely than the possible alternative 'a second decree, which was unconstitutional'. This further decree was illegal in giving generals over-riding power and fWVG.PX'"~ €.fovala; cf. xv. 21. 2 for the use of this expression in connection with Molpagoras of Cius. Clearly P. wishes to stamp Critolaus as a would-be tyrant; see Musti, Annati di Pisa, 1967, 203, who observes that in both Cius (xv. 21. 3-8) and Achaea P. blames the people, who let themselves be misled. Stripped of its rhetoric, to make a general KOpws is not very different from investing Aratus with €.fova{a dvvr.niBvvos (Plut. A rat. 40. z) or his election as 07pa:r1Jyos a.trroKpaTwp (Plut. Arat. 41. 1) in 225, when the Confederation faced a similar crisis (d. Porter, 78). 9. rvalos Ets :A.9~va.s a:nijpEv: Cn. Papirius (cf. 12. r); he probably went to secure Athenian neutrality (as he did). o S' Ao>..os de; Na.611'a.KTov: A. Gabinius (cf. 12. 1), who will have secured Aetolian neutrality; cf. Niese, iii. 346. ol SE Mo: C. Fannius and M. Popillius I.aenas (?) (12. r). 14. 1-2. The character of Pytheas the Tkeban commander This excerpt from de uirt. et uit. concerns the Boeotian leader involved in the war against Rome ; for its position here see p. 48 (rejecting Niese's proposal to transpose it to between n and 12). 14. 1. nu&Ea.s ' •. 0.8EA<j>os :A.Ka.o-r(Sou: according to IG, iiZ. 2314 11. 9 and n, i4Kat:1Tloa.s KJu:op.vd(J'Tov Botdono[s] was victor at the Panathenaea in the \vrestling and in the pentathlon at a date soon after 191. Hence the corrections of the text, which reads aKa.TuSova and KA~op.t:vova, to i4Ka(J7loov (Bergk) and KA€op.vaaTov (Buttner-Wobst). The date need not be an obstacle, since Acastidas would gain his victory as a young man, whereas Pytheas, perhaps a younger brother, would be Theban commander only as a man of mature years; true, he had children (16. 10), but his wife can have been much younger than he. After mentioning the war-decision at Corinth, Paus. vii. 14. 6-7 records that Pytheas, who was at that time (spring 146) commander at Thebes (Plutarch incorrectly calls him Boeotarch), also incited the Achaeans, and the Thebans promised to join in the war. The pretext was a fine imposed by Metellus for injuries done to Phocis, Euboea, and Amphissa (cf. Schober, RE, 'Thebai (Boiotien)', col. 1489). Larsen, GFS, 495 n. 3, seems to regard this fine as imposed later and so evidence that the Thebans invaded Phocis to make the Phocians fight; but Pausanias says J.a.Ad.JKma.v (not decisive) and, more to the point, fines imposed on Boeotia for 708

THE CHARACTER OF PYTHEAS

XXXVIII. 14. 3

its part in the war came Later and at the hands of Mummius (Pans. vii. r6. ro). See Kirchner, RE, 'Akastidas', col. II57; Ziegler, RE, 'Pytheas (4)', col. 369 (inaccurate on the name of Pytheas' father); Schober, RE, 'Thebai (Boiotien)', cols. q8g--9o; Deininger, 233 n. 6. ~oKwv ••• Tijv TrPWTT')V ~Auciav: such allegations were common form and, in a society where homosexuality was prevalent, no doubt often true; see xii. 13. x n. on Demochares; FGH, 76 F 8 for Duris' recording of sexual allegations against Demosthenes. 2. 1h' Eu11Evous Kal ¢1lAE:Ta£pou O'E:O'WjlaToTrotT')jlEvos: Eumenes II of Pergamum and his brother Philetaerus; cf. xviii. 41. xo n. By a coincidence the two won the chariot race at the same Panathenaea as Acastidas was victor (IG. ii2 • 2314 11. 84 ff.; Deininger, 233 n. 6). (~la) Tas npoupT')jlEvas ahtas: possibly mentioned in an earlier passage; it need not refer to lioKwv .•. r.apaK€XPfia8a~ rf]v .•• ~AtKlav, as Btittner-Wobst assumes (index, s.v. r!JU..lratpo~ and EvtdVTJ~). (See p. 49 for the arguments in favour of putting 16. I I and 16. r2 here, between 14. 2 and 14. 3; both passages seem to refer to Critolaus (not Diaeus).) 14. 3. A reference to the campa·igns of 146 This passage from Oros. v. 3· 3, hardly a fragment, refers briefly to P.'s account of the campaigns of Critolaus and Diaeus; for its position here see p. 48. 3. in Africa cum Scipione: cf. r9 n. semel in Acbaia pugnatum Critolao duce: Orosius is using 'Achaia' in the later sense of the Roman province; there is no reason to suppose that he shared Florus' (i. 37· 3) ludicrous belief that Critolaus' defeat was beside the Alpheus in Elis. The site of the battle was at Scarpheia in East Locris. semel is 'once' (not 'there was only one battle' (Paton)). According to Paus. vii. 15. 2-3. on hearing that L. Mummius, cos. 146, was coming out to succeed him, Metellus sent messengers with a final appeal to the Achaeans to acquiesce in the Senate's orders (probably the embassy of Cn. Papirius: 12. 2 n.) and set out with his army through Thessaly and along the Lamian Gulf. Meanwhile Heraclea in Trachis (d. x. 42. 4 n.), which had joined the Achaean Confederation at some time since 167 (the date is uncertain since )lxaw£ is a false reading in IG, ix. 1. 226; against Vollgraff, BCH, 19or, 228, see Kirsten, RE, 'Oitaioi', col. 2294-not known to DeSanctis, iv. 3· 147 n. x6r), revolted, whereupon Critolaus and the Achaeans marched north to reduce it, being joined by the Thebans (Paus. vii. rs. 9). Deininger. Phil. 1967, 287-9I, argues convincingly that 16. II and 16. 12 refer to Critolaus' reaction to Metellus' 709

XXXVIII. q. 3

THE CAMPAIGNS OF 146 IN GREECE

appearance; but it does not follow (as he claims) that the Achaeans had no expectation of having to fight the Romans. The collaboration of Thebes and perhaps other central Greek states (cf. 3· 8 n.) and the bringing up of the Arcadian contingent (next note) and the men from Patrae (16. 4) imply a bigger and less domestic operation than the mere reduction of a dissident member of the Confederacy. Critolaus probably hoped to reduce Heraclea quickly and Metellus' sudden appearance south of the Spercheius took him by surprise. It is reasonable to suppose, with Larsen (GFS, 495), that the original plan was based on a line involving the control of Heraclea and the defence of Thermopylae (cf. Pans. vii. 15. 3). With the Achaeans and Thebans Critolaus fled through Thermopylae to Scarpheia in Locris, but was overtaken just before he reached it. Many fell and Metellus took about 1,ooo prisoners; Critolaus perished (Pans. vii. 15. 4; below, 15. I n.). Diaeum ... oppressum cum exercitu : on Diaeus see 10. 8 n. He had led 1,ooo chosen Arcadian troops to assist Critolaus (ol KptToAa