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33
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ARS ORIENTALIS
VOLUME 3312003
Sponsoredby the FREER and the DEPARTMENT
GALLERY OF ART, SMITHSONIAN
A R S
INSTITUTION
OF THE HISTORY OF ART, UNIVERSITY OF MICHIGAN
Publishedby the FREER
GALLERY OF ART, SMITHSONIAN
INSTITUTION, WASHINGTON,
D.C.
ARS ORIENTALISVOLUME33 Co-Editors Ann C. Gunter Margaret Cool Root Manuscript Editor Ann Hofstra Grogg Designer Carol Beehler Managing Editor DeeDee Clendenning
UNIVERSITY OF MICHIGAN EDITORIAL BOARD Sussan Babaie Qiang Ning Martin J. Powers Margaret Cool Root Thelma K. Thomas FREER GALLERY OF ART EDITORIAL
Joseph Chang Louise Cort Debra Diamond Massumeh Farhad Ann C. Gunter Julian Raby Jan Stuart James T. Ulak Ann Yonemura
EDITORIAL OFFICES Ars Orientalis Freer Gallery of Art Smithsonian Institution 37012,
Printedin the United Statesof America ? 2004 SmithsonianInstitution, Washington,D.C. Cosponsoredby the Departmentof the Historyof Art, Universityof Michigan, and the FreerGalleryof Art, Smithsonian Institution,ArsOrientalissolicits scholarly manuscriptson the art and archaeology of Asia,includingthe ancient Near East and the Islamicworld. Fosteringa broad range of themes and approaches,articles of interestto scholarsin diversefields or disciplinesare particularlysought, as are suggestionsfor occasionalthematicissues and reviewsof importantbooks in Western or Asian languages.Briefresearchnotes and responsesto articlesin previousissues of Ars Orientaliswill also be considered. Submissionsmust be in English,with all non-Englishquotationsnormallyprovided in translation.Authorsare askedto follow TheChicagoManual of Style,i5th ed.
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edu/-aos/. The full text of Ars Orientalisis also availablein the electronicversionsof the Art Index. COVER:Ritualvessel,hu (vesselA, 1:5015) from the tomb of Liu Sheng,earlyWestern
Han, firsthalf of the second century bronzewith gold and silverinlay,h. 44.2 cm, diam. 28.5 cm. Hebei Provincial B.C.,
Museum,Shijiazhuang. Typesettingby GeneralTypographersInc., Washington,D.C. Printedon acid-freepaper.
Contents 9
Editors'Preface
11
WrittenOrnament- OrnamentalWriting:Birdscriptof the EarlyHan Dynastyand the Art of Enchanting FRANcOIS LOUIS, The BardGraduateCenter,New York
33
AuspiciousMotifs in Ninth- to Thirteenth-CenturyChineseTombs ELLENJOHNSTON LAING, Universityof Michigan,Ann Arbor
77
A JinHall at Jingtusi:Architecturein Searchof Identity NANCY SHATZMANSTEINHARDT,Universityof Pennsylvania,Philadelphia
121
Narratingthe Salvationof the Elite:The JofukujiPaintings of the TenKings QUITMANE. PHILLIPS,
Universityof Wisconsin,Madison
147
The MaduraiNayakasand the SkandaTempleat Tirupparankundram CRISPINBRANFOOT,De MontfortUniversity,Leicester
181
Siwa in Java:The MajesticGreatGod and the Teacher ALESSANDRA LOPEZY ROYO, School of
Universityof London
Orientaland AfricanStudies,
BOOKREVIEWS
199
Sealson the PersepolisFortificationTablets,volume 1,Imagesof HeroicEncounter,by MarkB. Garrisonand MargaretCool Root RONALDWALLENFELS,New YorkUniversity
202
Excavations at Surt (Medinat al-Sultan) Between 1977and 1981,
by Geza Fehervairi,'Abbas Hamdani,Masoud Shaghlouf,and Hal Bishop,edited by ElizabethSavage SCOTT REDFORD,GeorgetownUniversity,Washington,D.C.
205
PeerlessImages:PersianPaintingand Its Sources,by EleanorSims, with Boris Marshakand ErnstJ.Grube MASSUMEH FARHAD,FreerGalleryof Art and ArthurM. Sackler
Gallery,SmithsonianInstitution,Washington,D.C. 208
Encyclopaediaof Indian TempleArchitecture: SouthIndia,Dravidade-sa, Later Phase, c. A.D.
volumes, edited by GeorgeMitchell The Templesin Kumbhariya,edited by M. A. Dhakyand U. S. Moorti ADAM HARDY,De Montfort University,Leicester 212
1289-1798,
Inventoryof Monumentsat Pagan,volumes 1-8, by PierrePichard DONALD M. STADTNER
m C', 0 CD
LLJ
0 -j 0
8
2
BOOK
REVIE
WVS
Editors'Preface The currentvolumeof ArsOrientalisrepresentsa new phasein the longstandingcollaborationbetweenthe Universityof Michigan'sDepartmentof the History of Artand the FreerGalleryof Art.In summer2003, the journal'seditorialand subscriptionofficesmoved fromAnnArborto Washington,D.C.JulianRaby, who had assumedthe directorshipof the FreerGallery of ArtandArthurM. SacklerGallery,Smithsonian Institution,in spring2002, providedofficespacefor the journal'sheadquartersand askedAnn C. Gunter, curatorof ancientNearEasternart,to overseeediting, production,and distribution.MargaretCool Root, professorof ancientNearEasternartat the University of Michiganand curatorat the KelseyMuseum of Archaeology,agreedto serveas co-editorand departmentalliaisonwith the FreerGalleryof Art. The editorialboardin Ann Arborand the editorial committeein Washingtonwouldliketo express theirdeepestappreciationto MargaretLourie,who servedfor 13 years(1990-2003) as managingeditor of the journal.Hersteadfasteffortsandlongstanding tenureensuredthatthe journalmaintainedits high standardsof publishingimportantscholarship,thanks in no smallmeasureto the manyscholarswith whom she correspondedas authorsand reviewers.Shehas generouslymadeavailableher knowledgeand advice to those at the FreerGalleryof Artchargedwith carryingon her legacyof excellence,andthey are muchindebtedto her for makingthe transitionas smooth as possible. ArsOrientaliscelebratesits fiftiethanniversary in 2004. Weplanto devotespecialcoverageto the journal'shistoryin volume34 (2004), a thematic issuedevotedto the studyof IndianOceansocieties ("Communitiesand Commodities:WesternIndiaand the IndianOcean,Eleventh-FifteenthCenturies") now scheduledto appearearlyin 2005. Withvolume
the journalexpectsto resumeits normal publicationscheduleand appearin Octoberof each year.Weappreciatethe patienceof subscribersand authorsalikeduringthis periodof transition. Overthe pastyear,staffmembersat the Freer Galleryof Arthaveassistedin myriadwaysto set up new editorialand financialproceduresandto reestablishcontactwith subscribers.Thejournal's readersand potentialauthorscan now followthe publicationschedule,contents,and submission guidelinesat the new web pagelocatedat http://www. asia.si.edu/visitor/arsorientalis.htm. New paymentoptionsfor subscribershavebeen introduced,and contactreestablishedwith many subscribers.CarolBeehlerhas redesignedthe journal, and manuscripteditorAnn HofstraGrogghas created styleguidesfor authorsand editors.As of September 2004, the journalalso has a new managingeditor. DeeDeeClendenning,who previouslyservedas managingeditorof a literaryjournal,has turned her experienceand skillsto the smoothoperationof
35 (2005),
Ars Orientalis.
Ann Gunterwouldliketo thankJacquelineBullock and HowardKaplanfor assistancewith the web page, PatriciaAdamsand SharronGreenefor guidanceon financialmatters,EdwardBoydfor designinga new subscriberdatabase,andAngelaJerardifor essential taskstoo numerousto list. The currentvolumewould not havebeenpossiblewithoutcrucialinformation and adviceon diversematterssinologicalfrom StephenAllee,JosephChang,DavidHogge,Ingrid Larsen,JanStuart,andWeinaTray.JulianRaby, director,and JamesT.Ulak,deputydirector,have supportedthe transitionto Washingtonand a new phaseof our collaborativeeffortsat everystage. Ann C. Gunter MargaretCool Root Co-editors,Ars Orientalis
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9
Ars Orientalis VOLUME33
Errata Due to a printer error two Chinese characters on page 16 were omitted. The transcription and translation for Vessel A in FraQnoisLouis's article should read: Vessel A
EIt: ~ V2~ "Encircledby fourinvocations,2l $it:)@ 50X t4Lv8eg
I:4 11
What excellent vessel,22what perfect vase.23 May your liquid abound in aroma And please us to our heart's content,24 Flood the palate full with flavor,25
5~~IILIJt Imbue with moistness blood and skin.26 jg Prolong life, dispel disease For ten thousand years and more." ;ff4@
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FRANQOIS LOUIS
ABSTRACT
Written
Ornamentt-
Ornamental Writing Birdscriptof the EarlyHan Dynasty and the Art of Enchanting
Among the discoveries made in the tomb of Liu Sheng (before 154-113/112 B.C.) at Mancheng, Hebei, were two bronze vessels whose main decoration consists of ornately designed text. Verbal signs here are simultaneously ornamental signs; calligraphy is written text and decorative texture alike. This study recognizes the two vessels as particularly relevant to the larger discourse on ornament in early China. It examines the aesthetic qualities of the vessels, decodes the text, and discusses the objects within their ritual context. It also positions Han birdscript within early calligraphic traditions and finally discusses the provenance of the vessels. As possessions of Liu Sheng, the jars are interpreted as efficacious tools of worship and as historic artworks that offered the prince a means for aristocratic self-representation, religious devotion, and personal delight. Originally, however, the vessels appear to have been designed as a reactionary political statement of an earlier Han noble, expressing his assertion of newly gained ruling power.
Among the sensational discoveries made in 1968 in the tomb of Liu Sheng WIJ, King Jing of Zhongshan
41 [OA i4I E (before 154-113/112 B.C.) at Mancheng, Hebei, were two bronze vessels whose main decoration consists of ornately designed text (figs. 1, 2).1 The characters on these unique jars -written termed "birdscript," niaozhuan ,
in a style
, or "bird-and-
difficult ,%,+are to read. Not only is their basic sealscript structure insect writing," niaochongshu
obscured by added curves, curls, hooks, and bird and fish images, as well as by missing strokes, but the text is also written around the vessel body, so that it can never be seen fully; particularly in the initial stages of the deciphering process, it is not clear where the text begins. Modern epigraphists, who feel challenged to read this decoration as a written text, therefore resort to drawing the characters on a piece of paper and working from there (figs. 3, 4).2 Yet an educated member of the Western Han elite who was intimately
41.
familiar with sealscript may well have thought that
I C
deciphering the text directly from the vessel was a most entertaining and absorbing aesthetic experi-
C
ence. In the deciphering process such a "reader" could enjoy simultaneously the rarity and craftsmanship of the gold and silver inlay, the witty invention and the organic elegance of the characters, and eventually the Ritual vessel, hu (vessel A, 1:5015)from the tomb of Liu Sheng, early Western Han, first half of the second century B.C., bronze with gold and silver inlay, h. 44.2 cm, diam. 28.5 cm. Hebei Provincial Museum, Shijiazhuang.
rhyme and content of the text. And for an occasional respite from interacting with the writing, the narrow
C-
C
registers in between the text, with auspicious animals
frolickingabout,would offerentertainingdistraction.3
11
(L
Q
cm
.. ....
1 and la Ritual vessel, hu (vessel A, 1:5015) from the tomb of Liu Sheng, early Western Han, first half of the second century B.C., bronze with gold and silver inlay, h. 44.2 cm, diam. 28.5 cm. Hebei Provincial Museum, Shijiazhuang. Drawing after Institute of Archaeology CASS and Hebei CPAM,ed., Mancheng Han mu fajue baogao (Excavation report of the Han tomb at Mancheng), (Beijing: Wenwu chubanshe, 1980), 44.
In the idealcase,therefore,readingthis particular text can providemultipletypesof aestheticexperiences-visual, haptic(whileturningthe vessel),and audial(once the writtentext is readaloud)- aside frombeing intellectuallystimulatingand fosteringa senseof extremeprivilege. ThatLiuShenghimselfmayindeedhavebeen able to enjoythe arton thesevesselsis amplysuggested as in the historicalrecord,wherehe is characterized a self-professedloverof the sensuouspleasures.His contemporary Sima Qian JnXM(ca. 145-85 B.C.)
recordedhim as statingthat"atrue kingshouldpass his dayslisteningto musicand delightinghimself with gorgeoussightsand sounds"insteadof doing the workof clerksand officials.4And the Hanshu (Historyof the [Former]Han) describeshis presence in 138B.C. at a receptiongivenby his half-brother,the recently enthroned emperor Wu j*gj(156-87 -j
0
C12 1.)
0
12
B.C.;
duringwhicha musicalperformance movedhim to weep silenttearsand then to explainhis emotionalreactionin a finelyphrasedpoetic speech.5 Althoughultimatelyboth SimaQianand BanGu LiuShengas a morallyabject,irresponcharacterized siblearistocratwho indulgedin the superficialityof sensualpleasures,thereis no need todayto judgeLiu Sheng'saestheticsensibilitybasedon the moralframer.141-87 B.C.),
workand politicalstruggleof theseearlyhistorians. Nowadayswe calla personlike LiuShengcultivated, a connoisseurand aesthete,regardlessof his political accomplishmentsor failures. If we creditLiuShengwith the abilityto appreciate the two vesselsas sophisticatedaestheticconstructs, we shouldaskhow preciselythe art inherentin their designmighthavefunctioned.So far,the vesselshave inspiredtwo ratherindependentlyoperatingstrands of scholarship.Art-historicalresearchhas limited while itselfto briefentriesin exhibitioncatalogues,6 more substantialepigraphicresearchhas concentrated The followingcase on decipheringthe inscriptions.7 studydrawson both areasof scholarshipin orderto discussthe purposeand originof thesevesselsas well as the originalrole and appreciationof the unusual writingthat decoratesthem.8The writingheredoes but is an integral not functionpurelyas calligraphy, partof the object.Verbalsignsaresimultaneously ornamentalsigns;calligraphyis writtentext and decorativetexturealike.Thesevesselscan thereforealso be seen as particularlyrelevantto the largerdiscourse on how to understandornamentin earlyChina,how to tap the communicativepotentialof ornament,and how to defineits purposein a specificaristocratic context.Becausethe main ornamenthereis writing,
lid of vessel A (1:5015)has long, cloudlike legs and appears to have twelve charactersinscribed radially, while the lid of vessel B (1:5oi8) has ring feet and only three characterswritten concentrically (see fig. 3). The characterson the two lids also differ stylistically. Those on lid A are thin and spindly, inlaid mainly in gold, and embellished with clearly recognizable fish and bird images. Those on lid B are written in double lines, one inlaid with gold, the other with silver,in the same style as the characterson the vessel bodies. There are no images of entire animals either on this lid or on
2 Drawing of ritual vessel hu (vessel B, 1:5018) from the tomb of Liu Sheng, early Western Han, first half of the second century B.C., bronze with gold and silver inlay, h. 40 cm, diam. 28 cm. After Institute of Archaeology CASS and Hebei CPAM,ed., Mancheng Han mu fajue baogao (Excavation report of the Han tomb at Mancheng), (Beijing: Wenwu chubanshe, 1980), 47, cf. color pl. 6.
its primary symbolism is verbalized and can literally be read. Pictorial ornament, in contrast, relates symbolic meaning through a set of visual codes, which are rarelyverbalized and which are understood in different ways, depending on the cultural and social framework of cognition. As historians we mainly decode pictorial symbolism by means of iconography- a method which relies on textual sources that are in most cases physically disconnected from images. Because iconographically significant textual sources from the second century B.C. and earlier are extremely rare, the symbolic content and most further interpretation of early Chinese imagery remain largely obscure. The Mancheng vessels, however, not only provide us with a verbally encoded form of ornament; they also offer an exceptionally rich archaeological and biographical context. Hence they promise unusually rich insights into the motivation for and the
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reception of early Han ornament.
DECODING THE TEXT
The inscribed text is almost identical on the bodies of both vessels, but it differs entirely on the lids. The
3 Drawing of the inscriptions on the lids of vessels A and B. After Zhang Zhenlin, "Zhongshan Jing Wang niaozhuan hu ming zhi yundu" (Rhyme and pronunciation of the birdscript inscription on the vessels of Prince Jing of Zhongshan), Gu wenzi yanjiu 11(1979).
.1
the vesselbodies,only embellishinghooks and scrolls thatoccasionallyalludeto a bird'sheadbut otherwise arenonrepresentational. Whilethe differences betweenthe lids cannotbe satisfactorilyexplained, they suggestnot only that differentpeoplemayhave designedlid A and lid B,but alsothatlid A mayoriginallyhavebelongedto a now-lostvesselwith matching design,and thattheremayonce havebeen several morevesselsof this kind.9 Thissectionwill firstexaminethe inscriptionson the two lids and then those on the vesselbodies.There is only limitedagreementon the transcriptionand translationof theseornamentalinscriptions,andthe readingof the characterson the lids is especiallycontroversial.Amongthe eightstudiesI consulted,four suggestdifferenttranscriptionsof the text on lid A, and six differenttranslations:
"Thisinvertablelid was madewith inlaidwritingin three-wordphrasesand adornedwith goldenfish."'0 (2) j&r,$,T n tZ "Therearethree-character phrases,decoratedwith gold fish,for the splendidlid, inlaidas writing.""Or: "Therearethreeverses,arrangedgoldenfish,to make a grandcontainerfor GoldenRootMedicinalWine with inlaidwriting."'2 (3) i ,ME , VWm^ 03 "Tomakeajin-typelid, writingwas inlaid,thereare threewords.Fordrinking,[the emperor]bestowed gold.))13
-
E , IXEI4 , -_4_4 "Fishwerearrangedfor this preciouslid.Writingwas inlaid.Therearethreesentences."'14 (4)A 4fii ,
CD
Cl
m
14)
Althoughthereareplentyof scholarlydifferences on how to transcribeand translateseveralof the characterson this lid, all interpretersrecognizethe inscription as beingself-referential and describingessentially whatone alreadyknowsby the time the text is deciphered- namely,thatthe lid is inlaidwith golden writingwhichis decoratedwith littlefish imagesand thatthe inscriptionshouldbe understoodas threewordphrases.Amongthe moreunusualinterpreta-
tions is thatof Zhou Esheng(proposition4), who alonereconstructsan eleven-character inscription.All otherauthorsarguefor twelvecharacters,understanding the passage 5 as describing"three-word phrases"and assumingthateachof the threesegments betweenthe legs of the lid shouldcontainfourcharactersto preservesymmetry.'5 Anotheroriginal,albeit far-fetchedinterpretationis providedby Zhou Cecong (proposition2), who understandsthe crypticexpressionjin gai WE as a referenceto the intendedcontent of the entirevessel,explainingthatjin indicatesskullcap (scutellariabaicalensisGeorgi),a medicinalplant whose aromaticroot is usedto treatinflammatoryrelateddisorders,and thatgai shouldbe understood as referringnot to the lid but to the entirevessel. In his readingof lid B, Zhou Cecongexpandshis theorythatthe vesselswerecommissionedby Liu Shengto hold medicinalwine, andhe proposesthat vesselB was supposedto contain"lizardwine."Butthe ideaof a contentlabelon a lid is not convincing,especiallywhenthe wordsarebarelyreadable.Content labelsareusefulon a containerbut not on a lid. Of the threecharacterson lid B, onlygai A, whichis generallyunderstoodas meaning"lid,"canbe readwithout problems;on the readingof the othertwo characters, opinionsarewidelydivided.Butagain,thereis a consensusthatthe wordinghasto be takenas a laudatory descriptionof the lid or the vesselitself,andthatthe modifyingwordbeforegai X specifiesthe kindof lid. The proposedtranscriptionsfor the wordson lid B areas follows: (1) K [I:A (2)
RX
decorated... lid.:"l6 "Beautifillly "Beautifully decoratedlid fora guanjar. "Lidmodeledforgreatprofit."''8
(3)V_>IfJ decorated lizard[wine]vessel."'9 (4) UWEiX "Finely As for the vesselbodies,epigraphistsarenow in agreementon the transliteration of allbut two or threegraphs;the veryfirstand still influentialreading by Xiao Yun of 1972has been corrected and should
be consideredoutdated.20 Bothvesselscarrythe same poetic text,whichconsistsof eighttetrasyllabic verses thatform fourstanzas(see fig.4). Everysecondverse
5'iI~~L
4-)
15 z
4 Drawing and transcription of the inscription on vessel A. Read from right to left (drawings after Institute of Archaeology CASS and Hebei CPAM,ed., Mancheng Han mu fajue baogao (Excavation report of the Han tomb at Mancheng), (Beijing: Wenwu chubanshe, 1980), 7-10.
rhymes. Vessel B is missing the last verse (i.e., the last four characters), perhaps because it is 1.5centimeters smaller in circumference. To cover the vessel surface neatly, the charactersin the lowest register on vessel B are stretched into a much wider, looser, and more abbreviated style than those on vessel A (fig. 5). Below is the transcription and translation I would suggest. Vessel A
VEt "Encircledby four invocations,21 $it,lQ;<
What excellent vessel,22what perfect vase.23
5f,gX
May your liquid abound in aroma
t4'L'f?
And please us to our heart's content,24 tKtVIgJX Flood the palate full with flavor,25
J31i1l,J) Imbuewith moistnessblood and skin.26 K&_ prg Prolonglife, dispeldisease M*
fjg, For ten thousand years and more."
5 Comparison of the same words written in the lowest register of vessels A and B.
If translated in this manner, the text on the vessel bodies, as on the lids, starts out self-referentially,praising the artful design and craftsmanship of the vessels, then celebrates the sensory qualities of the contents, and finally explains what the benefits of consuming these contents should be -the blessings of health and longevity. The precise nature of these contents, is, however, left undisclosed.27 This written decoration is a verbal and visual celebration of exquisiteness, which presents us with an exceptional form of synesthesia. Once the ornamental graphs have successfully been translated into words we are, as on the lids, told explicitly what we have
LU
-1
already gathered from a quick look namely, that the vessels impress the viewer with an abundant display of art, skill, and costly materials. We also recognize that what may seem to be an artful play with redundancy in fact serves to intensify the art inherent in both the poetic text and the ornamental design. Like the calligraphy,the poem reveals a remarkableemphasis on sensory experience. Aroma, flavor,and moistness are
16
paralleled with bodily sensors, the heart, the palate, the skin -as if the aesthetic experience of deciphering the precious charactersought to culminate in the stimulation of the gustatory senses. To say it in more profane terms, appreciating the art entices one
to drink and thus to procure the blessings of health and longevity. One wonders if the quality of the drink could actually have lived up to the quality of these containers. Or was it not precisely the synesthetically overwhelming exuberance of the containers that made their contents so special?
THERITUALCONTEXT Were these two bronze hu what we generally call ritual vessels, implying a use in sacrificial ceremonies? Or were they simply elegant treasuresthat expressed Liu Sheng's idea of what a "true king" ought to be surrounded with -
art that "delightshim with gorgeous sights and sounds"?28Both possibilities have found scholarly proponents. Some commentators have felt that the invocation of sensuous delight encoded in the written ornament mainly served to enhance Liu Sheng's reveling in wine;29others have understood the vessels as appropriatefor ritual use.30A close reading of the inscriptions, artful design, and funerary context of the vessels supports the second position. The explicit request for good health and longevity links the surface poems of the vessels with a long
traditionof prayersto heavenand the ancestralspirits. Countlessritualvesselsandbellsof the Zhouperiod areinscribedwith prayersthat askfor suchblessings,althoughthe wordingof those earlierinvocations of the spiritsis somewhatdifferentfromthatof In particular,the Mancheng the Manchengvessels.31 inscriptionmakesno claimto the preservationor virtue of a familylineage,as it does not includea dedicatory statementwith the nameof the beneficiaryof the blessings.Instead,text andvesselpraisethe refined qualityof eachotherand thus playon the relationship betweenornamentand container.In its self-referentiality,celebratorystyle,and emphasison sensoryexperience,the Manchengprayeris reminiscentof some of the liturgicalhymnsof the Qin and especiallythe as well as of a numberof songs earlyHan dynasty32 (Book of aboutsacrificialfeastsin the ShijingE,#\4G' Theseritualtextsprovidecopiousreferences Songs).33 to the sensoryenjoymentof fine foods,fragrantwine, beautifulsongs,and refinedvesselsas essentialcomponentsof sacrificesor the feaststhataccompanied them.The irresistibilityof the gorgeousofferingswas meantto enticethe spiritsto come and indulgeand, in appreciation,assurethe worshipersof theirsupFormany port and grantthem the desiredblessings.34 believersstimulatingsensorydelightwas clearlya meansto communicatewith the numinous. Whilethe ceremonialhymnsmentionedabove concentrateon transmittingsuch sensorydelightto the metaphysicaluniverse,otherwritingsexplainthe importanceof a holisticaestheticexperiencefor the livingperformersof a ritual.Thisview is best known (ca.310-ca. 220 throughthe writingof Xunzi5JLF B.C.), whichwas still promotedas a standardfor the imperialcourtby HanWudi'stime. SimaQian's monographon imperialritesin the Shiji(Recordsof the Historian),for instance,largelyparaphrasesand Featuredprominently quotesXunzi'sviewson ritual.35 in this ru fa discourseon ritualis the ideathatthe ornatematerialenvironmentis essentialfor a successfulritualand oughtto nurtureor satisfy(yang 4) the sensesof thosewho performthe regalrites. Finefood and drinkarelistedas necessaryto nurture the mouth,fragrancesand scentsto nurturethe nose,
musicto nurturethe ear,roomsand furnitureto nurturethe needsof the body,and"engravingand inlay, patternsand designs"to nurturethe eye.36 According to Xunzi,ritualin its broadestsensewas (amongother things) clearlymeantto be an aestheticexperience. It is easyto imaginethatan aesthetesuchas Liu Shengwouldemployartfullydesignedutensilsfor the performanceof sacrificialritesand in this manner subscribeto the ideaof nurturingthe sensesand aestheticsensibilitiesof both the spiritsandhimselfas the ritualperformer.Communicationwith the spirits wouldthus havebeen mediatedthroughthe artinherent in the designof the ritualutensils.In LiuSheng's tomb,of course,the utensilsareprovidedfor Liu's own spirit,to nurturehis desiresand materialneeds, whichapparentlywerebelievedby manyto be largely identicalin life and in death.LiuSheng'stomb indeed has been recognizedas one of China'smost prominent materialsourcesof evidencefor the beliefthatthe living and the spiritshaveverysimilardesiresand ambitions.Archaeologistshaverecoveredin it a plethora of materialnecessitiesfor the king'slife, fromhorses, chariots,and armsto furniture,food and drink,medical utensils,cosmetics,and sexualimplements. The two hu werefound in the centralroom of the rearchambersof the tomb,behindthe largereception hall,wherethey hadbeen placednextto the coffin with two othersumptuoushu vessels(figs.6, 7) on or rightnext to whatusedto be a low table(fig. 8).3 Also on the tablewerea spoon,a lacquerdish,three pots,fu X, a whitejadesealwithoutinscription,a belt hook, and a sword.38 On a second,smallertable directlyin frontof the firststood a lacquervessel,zun #:, a simplebronzetripod,dingfJ, a lacquerdish and cup,and two animal-shapedornaments.Nearthese tableswerevarioustypesof lamps,swordsand other arms,quarrels,coins,toiletries,and a stonefigure of an attendant.Nearthe entrancetwo morestone attendantswaitedwith lacquerdishes.Thisspaceconformsto whatis knownas a qin V, a retiringroom at the backof a ceremonialhall,miao)i, in aristocratic palacesand ancestraltemplesof the lateZhou and Qin dynasties.39 The furnishingsof LiuSheng'seternal retiringroom conveyan atmosphereof privacy,
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luxury, and authority and create an environment to withdraw to, eat and drink, be waited upon, do administrative work, and always find a weapon within easy reach. The setup of the hu vessels is formal, yet the formality is that of private enjoyment rather than public ceremonial. Liu Sheng's descendants had set up an eternal offering for their deceased ancestor that catered to his personal predilections and tastes and at the same time represented his royal status.
I
S
7 Drawing of a hu vessel with dragon-scroll design (1:5014) from the tomb of Liu Sheng, gilt and silvered bronze, h. 59.5 cm, diam. 37 cm. Institute of Archaeology CASS and Hebei CPAM,ed., Mancheng Han mu fajue baogao, (Beijing: Wenwu chubanshe, 1980), 40. ing~in
j
~~
Qi"as*icue0"netwrtn,
cogh
w0t THE CALLIGRAPHY
The stylization of the ornamental writing on the Mancheng vessels, especially the addition of bird and fish images to the characterson lid A and the many coils alluding to bird heads and plumes, has led
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2
-
5 cm
scholars to call this writing "birdscript."The term is first used in Eastern Han textual sources, but it is not entirely clear what exactly the script referredto in
those textslookedlike.Xu Shen9F'[,A(A.D. ca. 55-ca. 184
6 Drawing of a hu vessel (1:5019)from the tomb of Liu Sheng, gilt and silvered bronze with glass inlay, h. 45 cm, diam. 28.9 cm. Institute of Archaeology CASS and Hebei CPAM,ed., Mancheng Han mu fajue baogao, (Beijing: Wenwu chubanshe, 1980), 39.
149) mentions in the epilogue of his Shuowenjiezi =, 3ZW!F- (Elucidationsof the Signsand Explicationsof the Gratphs)(A.D. 100) thatthe "eigzhtclassesof writ-
0~~~~~~~ A. te^~~~~~ese
Bathroom 0 a
1k
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1 ese
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B,0;g ~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~ N
Room Retiirinag
8 Plan of the rear chambers of Liu Sheng's tomb. For the fully annotated map, see Institute of Archaeology CASS and Hebei CPAM, ed., Mancheng Han mu fajue baogao, (Beijing: Wenwu chubanshe, 1980), 31.
According to the Shuowenjiezi and the Hanshu, chongshuwas still tested in the imperial academy during the early Han dynasty as one of the "six types of writing,"and later, in the Wang Meng Interregnum )
.40
this writing also became known as "birdand-insect writing" or "birdwriting,"niaochongshu,f (A.D. 9-25),
-E4
The reason for the new emphasis on birds in
of cloth and hung from spears and the like) used for
41Z
proving legitimacy and identity.43Yan Shigu Afifi
0
E*f(581-645) commented that insect writing was so called because it resembled worm and bird forms and therefore was used for writing on authentication ban-
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ners.44The Hanshu, on the other hand, implies that several official writing styles were used for fanxin-a
the term is unclear.42Xu Shen further reported that during Wang Meng's time bird-and-insect writing was
note that finds confirmation in the archaeological discovery of funerary banners and an authentication
used mainly for authentication banners and pennants, fanxin MfA-,i.e., for formal objects (usually made
pennantin Gansuin the 1950S and in 1973 respectively (fig. 9), which apparentlywere written in a clearly dis-
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cernible form of regular sealscript,xiaozhuan J. M.45 Finally,the sources record that under emperor Lingdi NV (r. A.D. 168-189) an elegant and technically demanding sealscript style called niaochongshuwas favored at the court.46Yet how closely the birdscript of the late Eastern Han dynasty was related to the writing on the Mancheng vessels remains unclear. In sum, the early literary sources can be interpreted as describing a type of writing that was practiced during the Qin and Han dynasties, that may have called to mind animate forms of life, more specifically worms or feathered creatures,and that was often used on objects for authentication. While archaeologically recovered authentication banners are too rare and controversial to illuminate actual styles of Han period birdscript, seals -another group of authentication objects -provide richer evidence. Based on a corpus of more than one hundred extant examples (most of them without archaeological provenance and preserved in private collections), historians of calligraphyhave confidently identified
10 Imprints of Han-period seals in two stylistic variations of birdscript. Transcriptions follow Ma Guoquan, "Niaochongshu lungao" (A discussion of birdscript), Gu wenzi yanjiu 10 (1983).
styles appears to have spanned the entire Han period. Most of the earliest pieces are large and made of jade rather than bronze.5'The size and material of these early seals clearly imply that their owners stood above the sumptuary regulations that otherwise applied to seals during the Han period.52The same aristocratic privilege is expressed by the exceptional skill that was invested in cutting the carefully designed winding charactersinto the hard jade. The imaginative,
one of the Han seal-writing styles as birdscript.47They traditionally define this style in relation to a wavy
unconventional qualities of the mouzhuanand niaochongshuseals reflect their private use. Many of these
form of zhuanshu, which is considered to be the mouzhuan M, the "winding sealscript"mentioned in the Hanshu and other early sources as one of the six writ-
seals explicitly state that they are private seals, siyin 1A
ing styles of the early Han period. Seal inscriptions in which the winding distortion of the charactershas become extreme or that include bird and fish motifs are considered to correspond to the niaochongshu (fig. 1o).48The difference between the mouzhuanand
owners, not only through the shapes of the entire seal, which could on occasion be rather playful,53but also through the choice of writing style. Closely related to some of the wavy, scrolling writ-
niaochongshuis thus today determined by the degree to which the basic xiaozhuan style has been altered. Among the few archaeologically recovered examples with birdscript are a white jade and a white agate seal of Cao Zhuan {', the consort of a royal nobleman
of Changshaaround140
B.C.
(fig.11).49 In its distortion
EF,not suited for official business. The design of these seals must have catered to the individual tastes of their
ing on seals and also to the script on the Mancheng vessels is the molded inscription on a rare eaves tile,
wadangIQ (fig. 12)7. Duringthe Westernand early Eastern Han periods eaves tiles were decorated not only with geometric ornament but also with either the name of their buildings or with auspicious phrases written in a great variety of styles based on the xiao-
of the xiaozhuan character structure and the tendency
With these blessings the imperial family and zhuan.55
to add swellings and occasional hooks, the writing on these seals is very similar to that on the Mancheng
members of the aristocracy,who reserved for themselves the privilege to use them on eaves tiles, asked for dynastic permanence, peace, happiness, and longevity. The inscription of the tile illustrated expresses
vessels.50 Although a detailed chronology of the seals with mouzhuan and niaochongshuinscriptions is still lacking, the development of their extravagantwriting
h/)
0
I
the wish "to eternally receive good fortune,"yongshou
jia fu
DVCee
21
A
B
11 Drawing of Cao Zhuan's jade seal (A) and agate seal (B), excavated in 1974 in Changsha, Hunan. Imprints actual size. After "Changsha Xianjiahu Xi Han Cao Zhuan mu," Wenwu, 1979, 3:1-16. 3:10.
CD)
4=
22
The writingstyleon this tile, likethaton the hu vesselsand the privatesealsof CaoZhuanand others,abandonsthe conventionaland sacrifices readabilityin favorof visualeffect.It thwartsbasic premisesaboutthe revelatorynatureof writingand insteadcelebratesthe languageof ornamentaldesign popularduringthe firsthalfof the secondcentury B.C.56MartinJ.Powershas eloquentlycharacterized "an thatlanguageas a formof "visualelusiveness," uncannydisplayof calculatedconfusion,a confusion thatreinforcesthe impressionof endlessprofusion." The artof such a designlanguagelay in its "abilityto its aim was to delightand dazzle, surpriseand tease";57 its messagethatof privilege,luxury,and elegance. The Manchengbirdscriptand relatedexampleson tiles and sealshavesuccessfullyalteredwrittenwords into an ornamentalpattern,wenzhang3*, which elevatedthe designto the exuberantstandardthat was consideredappropriatefor ritualuse at the early Han courts.58 Someauthorshavealso recognizeda magiccomponentin the encryptionof ornamentalscript,which maybe especiallyfittingwhen the text asksfor blessings such as good fortune,wealth,and longevity.59 But sincesuchblessingswerealsowrittenin other zhuanshustyles,connotationsof magicwould seem to resideeitherin the worditselfor in the zhuanshu
12 Eaves tile with ornamental script, yong shou jia fu, early Western Han, second century B.C., clay, d. 15.4 cm. Kuboso Memorial Museum of Art, Izumi.
styleas a whole.Sincethe Six DynastiesperiodDaoist charmsand amuletsconsistingof inventedcomposite characterscalledfur
13 Fu amulet for curing disease. From the Six Dynasties text Zhengyi fawen xiuzhen zhiyao (Essentials of the Practice of Perfection), Zhengtong daozang (Daoist Canon) (1445; repr., Shanghai: Shangwu yinshuguan, 1926), vol. 1003 (CT 1270).
invocationson eavestiles,the old, crypticaristocratic writingmayhavebeen perceivedas magicalby people who werenot initiatedinto the aestheticsof the aristocraticworld.As a designprinciple,visualconfusion certainlyhas the potentialto expressqualitiesof magic.ErnstGombrich,for example,recognizedit as an essentialcomponentin designsthat evokewhat he called"protectiveanimation." Yethe warnedthat withoutexplicitexplanationswe wouldnot know whethersuchanimateimagerywas meantto be funny and delightfulor frightening.63 This articlehas argued thatin the caseof the Manchengvessels,it wasthe delightfulartthatwas supposedto do the magic. LINKSTO THESOUTH
At leastsincethe 1930S Chineseepigraphistshavebeen applyingthe term"birdscript" to the gold-inlaidwriting on bronzeweapons,bells,and sacrificialvessels producedbetweenthe mid-sixthand earlyfourth centuriesB.C. in the southernstatesof ChuX, Yue ,, Wu 0, Cai#, Song 1, Qi f, andXu, (fig. 14).ThisZhou periodornamentalwritingcamein a greatvarietyof stylesthat,to a certainextent,must be recognizedas an earlyreflectionof individual artisticinventiveness.On the otherhand,the increase in archaeologicaldatanow allowsscholarsto match differentstyleswith specificregionsand periods.64
In comparisonto the writingon the Manchengvessels,theseearlierwritingstylesdiffernoticeably,most obviouslyin theirproportions.Whilethe Mancheng graphsarewell balancedand relativelywide,Zhou charactersarenarrowand mostlyelongated,and theircenterof gravityoftenshiftsarbitrarilyfrom characterto character.Suchstructuraldifferencesare undoubtedlydue to the differentzhuanshustyleson whichthe ornamentalscriptswerebased.Duringthe EasternZhou thesewerethe numerouslocalscript variations,but duringthe earlyHan periodit wasthe xiaozhuan-the generallyaccepteddisplaystylesince the Qin writingreforms.65 Therearealsodifferences in the mannerin whichthe normativecharacterswere alteredinto ornamentalforms.In Zhoubirdscriptthe actualcharacterin manycasesremainsclearlylegible withinlong garnishingstrokesthatoftentransform into birdsor dragons(see fig.14).In othercasesthe charactersareelongatedandwavy.Additionsof fish or scrollsdo not appearin the Zhouperiod.66 Becauseornamentalwritingof the northernZhou statesfavoredneitherextremewavinessnor zoomorphic transformationsin theircharacters, the design languageof Zhouperiodbirdscriptis easilyrecognizedas a southernidiom.Butis this southernidiom also presentin the ornamentalscriptwe find in the Han period?Afterall,CaoJinyan'sexhaustive1996 studyrevealsa long and markedbreakin the tradition of birdscriptbetweenthe EasternZhou andthe early Han period.Abouttwo hundredyearsstretchbetween the Manchengvesselsand the latestknowninscribed examplesfromthe Zhanguoperiod,the swordsof the YueKingBuguangjITY) (r. 411-376 B.C. ).67 Are A
B
C
D
E
0i: 0I
0
14 Examples of the character yong m in birdscript of the Eastern Zhou period as inscribed on bronze weapons of Yue (A, B), Wu (C), Chu (D), and Cai (E). After Ma Guoquan, "Niaochongshu lungao" (A discussion of birdscript), Gu wenzi yanjiu
10 (1983):149-52.
23
we then to understand early Han ornamental writing as a conscious revival of an old southern tradition? And if so, was such a revival predominantly practiced in the southern parts of China, or was it instead part of the general fashion for Chu culture fostered at a great many of the early Han courts?And how, then, should we interpret Xu Shen's remarks,that insect writing, chongshu,was one of the official writing styles already at the Qin court?68 Chinese scholarship on the history of birdscript has so far been unable to produce material evidence from the Qin period to substantiate Xu Shen's record.69The material record instead points to a sudden reemergence of a slumbering tradition in the first half of the
:,r
second century B.C., with the Mancheng vessels as its most splendid point of reference. Unfortunately, archaeological data for the development of early Han ornamental writing are very scarce and still await systematic analysis. Nevertheless, there are at least two indications that during the early Han period birdscript was indeed closely connected with southern China and the old region of Chu. First, an initial survey of early birdscript seals discovered in controlled excavations clusters these finds to the Hunan region.70 Second, a stylistic analysis of the Mancheng vessels clearly reveals that their ornamental language is that of the south. The elegant linear flow of the Mancheng characters,which pauses at the nodes where flaming scrollwork is added, and the sharp, beaklike tips that revolve out of the scrolls and occasionally continue into a long, thin coil can all be matched most closely
CO
with bronze and lacquer designs found in southern tombs. These southern sites include the third-century B.C. Chu tomb 406 at Wulipai, Changsha;7'tomb 135at Yangjiashan,Jiangling,Hubei (fig. 15), considered to date to the Qin period;72tomb 168 at Fenghuangshan, Jiangling, Hubei, dated to 167 B.C.;73 tomb 1 at Shazitang, Changsha, dated to 157 B.C.;74 the tomb of
CaoZhuanin Changshaof ca. 140 214
B.C.;75and the tomb
of the marquis of Ruyin &) in Shuanggudui, Fuyang County, Anhui, dated to 165 B.C. (fig. 16).76 The design language on several lacquer objects from this last tomb most closely compares to that of the Mancheng vessel. Most of those particular lacquer pieces have
15 Drawing of a painted lacquer dish from tomb 135 at Yangjiashan, Jiangling, Hubei, Qin, late third century B.C., diam. 28.8 cm. After Hubeisheng Jingzhou diqu bowuguan, "Jiangling Yangjiashan 135 hao Qin mu fajue jianbao," Wenwu, 1993, 8:8.
inscriptions, which date them to the 170S and early 160S B.C. and explain that they were locally produced in Anhui for the marquis of Ruyin. Such comparisons unequivocally establish a link between the Mancheng vessel ornament and southern design traditions of the early second century B.C.77 They do not, however, securely explain the provenance of the vessels. Some scholars have suggested that the hu were manufactured in the southern parts of the Han empire. Wang Zhongshu summarizes this theory as follows: Because the bird-pattern seal characterswere popular in the South during the Spring and Autumn-Warring States periods, it was likely that [the vessels] were in the collection of the prince of Wu or that of the prince of Chu. They were perhaps given to Liu Sheng after being confiscated from their previous owners as a consequence of the latter'sparticipation in the rebellion of the seven feudatories.78
9
195*t
-c)
El
coZ 11
I25
16 Drawings of lacquer designs from tomb 1 at Shuanggudui, Fuyang, Anhui, 165 B.C., Western Han (ca. 180-170 Shuanggudui Xi Han Ruyin hou mu fajue baogao," Wenwu, 1978, 8:27-29.
B.C.).
After "Fuyang
The transfer of precious utensils among the royal nobility was certainly common during the early Western Han period, and several of the most impressive Mancheng finds attest to this practice in their inscriptions. The two other splendid hu vessels from
the Mancheng vessels, which celebrate the southern visuality in the design of ritual paraphernaliaprecisely during these early decades of Han rule, the ideological charge could hardly have escaped even a semieducated courtier. Here a southern design idiom is used
Liu Sheng's eternal retiring chamber, for example, both have inscriptions that indicate previous owners. The glass-inlaid vessel (see ) was once used in the imperial palace in the capital at Chang'an, while the vessel with the dragon scrolls (see fig. 7) once
to alter the normative script forms that had been imposed only decades earlier by the despised Qin. ; (r. 221-210 Some lines from Qin Shihuang's
belonged to the household of a king of Chu.7 Yet, while Wang Zhongshu is certainly correct in dating all four vessels to the first half of the second century B.C. rather than closer to Liu Sheng's death in 113or there is little evidence for a significant tradition of gold-and-silver-inlaid metalwork in Hunan.80 The great majority of such work can be associated with bronze workshops in the Central Plains and in Hebei, the Zhongshan region itself.8"Among late fourth-century ritual vessels of Zhongshan one even finds prototypes whose entire surface is covered with 112 B.C.,
elegantly designed script.82Furthermore, murals such as the ones in the tomb at Shiyuan ft1 at Mount Mangdang E5LLIdemonstrate that southern-style design was produced locally for the early Han aristocracy in the Henan region.83In sum, the Mancheng
ceremonial stele erected in 219 B.C. on Mount Langye IPF4:in Shandong make clear what ideological potential underlay his standardization policies in
B.C.)
the first place: The August Thearch "unifies the minds and integrates the wills. Vessels and implements have their identical measures. One uniformly writes the The stele from Mount Langye refined characters."86 survives in fragments and allows for a glimpse of the elegant xiaozhuan style that the First Emperor had set forth as a standard for ritual display and transcendental communication (fig. 17).87The contrast to the writing style on the Mancheng vessels could not have been more dramatic!Yet both inscriptions address the spirits, both emphasize artistic design, and both follow a very similar poetic structure. Until future archaeological data reveal that birdscript (as we know
birdscript vessels' overt design references to the south may reflect a southern manufacture, but it is equally possible that the vessels were manufactured at a northern court workshop in collaboration with a southern designer. JessicaRawson has alreadydemonstrated that southern design idioms held a great appeal for early Han aristocratsthroughout their new empire,84and m CD
C14 Cl) m LU
5--n -j C) I.-,) .1-t ZAI 4--
rIj C) 2
26
Gopal Sukhu recently illuminated the political and intellectual background that explains the Han nobility's embrace of the cultural heritage of the south.85 Sukhu has also shown how profoundly ideologically the promotion of Chu culture could have been interpreted under Han rule. During the early parts of the second century references to a southern heritage could easily be read in political terms that related them to the overthrow of the Qin dynasty and the establishment of a new Han aristocratic culture. In regardto
17 Rubbing of fragments from the stele inscription of Mount Langye, Qinlr219 ec.C
it fromHan-periodevidence)waspracticedat the Qin court,we mayinterpretthe ornamentalwriting on the Manchengvesselsas a reactionarystatementof an earlyHan nobleto assertpoliticalpower. WhetherLiuShengwouldhaverecognizedthis sameideologicalmessageonce he obtainedthe vessels is unclear.His personalinterpretationof the vessels would certainlyhavebeen motivatedby theirprovenance.Generallyspeaking,however,luxuriousvessels decoratedin a southernstylepossessedby the llOS B.C. all the prerequisitesto be controversialcenterpiecesof politicalrivalriesat the courtof emperorWu,which focusedon the appropriateperformanceof imperial ritesandthe necessityof lavishdisplay.Toquitean extenttheserivalriesweredominatedby two groups: reformistintellectualsof the ru traditionon the one hand,who emphasizedthe worldlybenefitsof rites
and advocatedmoderationin ritualdisplay,and the mastersof methods,fangshi171?on the other,who oftenpromotedsouthern,shamanisticapproachesto ritualandwho werefavoredby EmperorWuwhen it cameto issuesof efficaciousspiritworshipand direct interactionwith the transcendentalpowers.88 Liu Sheng'ssidingwith the emperor'sbeliefsis dear from the evidencein his tomb.89Overtime, ru scholarssucceededin curtailingluxuriousritualdisplay.Bythe beginningof the EasternHan,extravagant vesselslike the ones found in LiuSheng'stomb wereno longer producedand doubtlesslywouldhavebeen consideredtasteless.ForLiuSheng,however,the vessels had stillservedas efficacioustools of worshipand historicartworksfor self-representation and personaldelight.+
El 0
c-o
FRAN(OIS
LOUIS, Ph.D. (1997) in East
Asian art history at the University of Zurich, is assistant professor at the Bard Graduate Center,
I
New York. His recent publications include "The Genesis of an Icon: The Taiji Diagram's Early
C-
History," Harvard Journal of Asiatic Studies (2003) and "Shaping Symbols of Privilege:
Precious Metals and the EarlyLiaoAristocracy," Journal of Sung-YuanStudies (2003).
27
NOTES Preliminary versionsof thisarticlewerepresented Conventionof AsiaScholars at theInternational in Berlinin 2001 andtheNewEnglandEastAsian ArtHistorySeminarat HarvardUniversityin 2002. I received valuablefeedbackatboththese eventsandamparticularly gratefulto Jessica RawsonandEugeneWangfortheircomments. Thispaperis dedicatedto the memoryof my mother. i. Thevesselsarecataloguedas vesselA
(1:5015)and vessel B (1:5018)in Institute of
ArchaeologyCASSandHebeiCPAM,ed., ManchengHan mufajuebaogao F (Excavationreportof the Hantomb #K at Mancheng)(Beijing:Wenwuchubanshe, 1980), 43-48. 2. MaGuoquanmentionsthatwhenthe ves-
selswereexhibitedin the WuyingHallof the Palace Museum in Beijing in 1972,a
drawingof the inlaidtextin redandblack wasdisplayedas well.Accordingto Ma,this is the drawingone findsreproducedin most publications.SeeMaGuoquanXKJ, "Niaochongshu lungao" ,4%A-MAg
(A discussionof birdscript),Guwenziyanjiu 10 (1983): 153.
3.VesselA hasornamentalbandswith a meanderinglandscapefeaturingvariousreptiles and monkeylikecreaturesthatwalkon two legs.VesselB hasbandswith long dragons thatwind theirwayaroundthe vessel. 4. SimaQian J ShijiP_= (Recordsof the historian)(Beijing:Zhonghuashuju, 1959), 59.2099; cf. BanGu iffJ3 (32-92), comp.,HanshuX (Historyof the [Former]Han) (Beijing:Zhonghuashuju, 1987), 53.242sf. Translation after Sima Qian,
Recordsof theGrandHistorian:HanDynasty, trans.BurtonWatson(Hong KongandNew York:Columbia University Press, 1993),1:395:
Cl
LL
-j
.t' s:
28
[Liu]Shengwasa manwholovedwineand wasveryfondof womenso that,withall his and theirfamilies,hishousehold offspring numbered overonehundredand twentypersons.He oftencriticizedhiselderbrother,the KingofZhao,saying"Although mybrotheris a kinghespendsall his timedoingtheworkof A truekingshould hisownclerksandofficials. passhisdayslisteningto musicanddelightinghimselfwithgorgeoussightsandsounds." TohisbrotherthekingofZhaoretortedin no uncertainterms:"TheKingofZhongshan instead frittersawayhisdaysin debauchery of assistingtheSonof Heavento bringorder to thecommonpeople.Howcansomeonelike thatbecalleda bastionof thethrone?"
5.Hanshu,53.2422.Cf MichaelLoewe,A Biographical Dictionaryof theQin,Former HanandXinPeriods,221 B.C. -A.D. 24 (LeidenandBoston:Brill,2000), 354. 6.E.g.,WilliamWatson,TheGeniusof China: Findsof the An ExhibitionofArchaeological People's Republicof China(London:Times Newspapers,1973),no. 167;JennySo,in The GreatBronzeAgeof China:AnExhibition Republicof China,ed.Wen fromthePeople's Fong(NewYork:MetropolitanMuseumof Art,1980), 331;ShingMuller,in China,eine 5000JahreErfindungen WiegederWeltkultur: undEntdeckungen, ed.ArneEggebrecht (Mainz: P.von Zabern, 1994), no. 114;Ma
Gemsof Zishu,ed.,NationalTreasures: China'sCulturalRelics(HongKong:Hong KongMuseumof Art,1997), 166; Jessica Rawson,in TheGoldenAgeof Chinese Discoveries fromthe Archaeology: Celebrated People's Republicof China,ed.XiaonengYang (New HavenandLondon:YaleUniversity Press, 1999), 5,398-400.
Hanmu chutu 7.XiaoYunjg "Mancheng de cuo jinyinniaochongshutonghu"JAj (Thebronze : ,+ 1 vesselswith inlaidgoldandsilverbirdscript fromthe Hantombat Mancheng),Wenwu
~F, 1972, 5:49-52; ZhangZhenglang k, "ManchengHanmu chutucuo jin yin niaochongshutonghujia shiwen"jg 3Z,
of the bronzehuves3r (Transcription selA withbird-and-insect writinginlaid in goldand silverfromthe Hantombin Mancheng),ZhonghuawenshiluncongLp 3 f R, 1979,3:1-6;ZhangZhenlinff &tc, "ZhongshanJingWangniaozhuanhu mingzhi yundu"r LL Ef, AAIfI. of the birdX (Rhymeandpronunciation scriptinscriptionon the vesselsof Prince Jingof Zhongshan),Guwenziyanjiu-3l; 35 1 (1979):157-73;ZhangZhenlinJKj) 4, ZhouEshengM.I)t, andHe Xuejin{6J 7,"Guanyu ManchengHanmu tonghu niaozhuanshiwende taolun(sanbian)"M
8.Foran insightfulpositioningof courtly in relation writingstylessuchas"birdscript" to Cai Yong's#
(133-192)
theories on
writing,see MichaelNylan,"Calligraphy: TheSacredTextandTestof Culture," in Characterand Context in Chinese
ed.ArtMuseum,Princeton Calligraphy, University(Princeton:PrincetonUniversity Press, 1999), 49-57.
recordthe twoves9.In the archaeological selsfromManchengare,to my knowledge, unique.Buta verysimilarhu,which appearedon the HongKongartmarketa decadeago,is now ownedby the Shanghai Museum. See Zhongguo wenwu jinghua FP
(Gemsof China'scultural 3t1V relics)(Beijing:Wenwuchubanshe,1993), no. 89.Comparedto the Manchengvessels, the Shanghaiexampleis, however,of such inferiorqualityas to raisedoubtsabout its authenticity. Similarlydisconcertingis the factthatthe Shanghaivesselhasonly writtenon it, an odd twenty-ninecharacters number,whichdoes not allowfor a poetic structureof the text. 10.XiaoYun,"Mancheng Hanmu,"49;Ma Guoquan,"Niaochongshu lungao,"161. ZhangZhenlinunderstandsthe lastcharacter as a differentkindof fishcalledfu, a type of barbel.He arguesthatthe choiceof that wordmighthaveimpliedsomekindof preciousgift.SeeZhangZhenlin,in "Guanyu ManchengHanmu tonghu,"356; Zhang Zhenlin,"Zhongshan JingWangniaozhuan hu,"159. il. He Xuejin,in "GuanyuManchengHanmu
tonghu,"359;Instituteof Archaeologyet al., Mancheng Han mu fajue baogao, 43 (no
translationis offeredhere). 12. ZhouCecong,"Yidui zui gu de yaojiuhu zhi faxian,"418-27, 436. 13. Fan Xianyong in Zhonghua wenshi luncong, 1980, 3, quotedafterZhouCecong,"Yidui
zui gu de yaojiuhu zhi faxian," 419. 14.ZhouEsheng,in "GuanyuManchengHan
mu tonghu,"358. 15.A visualexaminationof the inscription
(Threediscussionsof the translationof the birdscripton the bronzevesselsfromthe Hantombat Mancheng),Kaogu :, 1979, 4:356-59;ZhouCecongN.J f, "Yidui zui f gu de yaojiuhu zhi faxian" (The discoveryof one of the tjv2a9, oldestpairsof medicinalwinevessels),Gu wenziyanjiu 3Z 0o(1983): 418-38; MaGuoquan,"Niaochongshu lungao," 139-76.
showsthatthereareclearseparations betweenthe individualcharacters, which appearto occupya fieldwith straightborderlines.In two of the threesegmentswe canreadilyrecognizefourcharacters, but in the thirdone, thereareonlytwo clear separatingspaces,whichwouldindicate No dividingspaceis onlythreecharacters. allottedbetweenthefu A4andjin i_characters.Instead,a cranelikebirdwith a long, outstretchedneckandprotrudingtaillinks
the two parts.Whatis usuallyreadin four charactersas sanfu jin lai -sj could thereforealsobe readas sanpu lai E-W*iw. In the lattercase,the textshouldbe read beginningwith the characterpu f, as Zhou Eshengproposes.On the bodyof the vessel, however,therearesimilarinstancesin which a characteris not neatlyplacedin an imagined frame,so ultimatelyI, too, wouldsupport a symmetricaltwelve-character reading. i6. XiaoYun,"ManchengHanmu,"52;Institute of Archaeologyet al.,ManchengHan mu fajuebaogao,43. JingWang 17.ZhangZhenlin,"Zhongshan niaozhuanhu,"' 159.Ma readsgan e instead of guanX.: MaGuoquan,"Niaochongshu lungao,"154. 18.ZhouEshengin "GuanyuManchengHan
mu tonghu,"358,takessu as referringto the modelingin clayduringthe manufacturingprocessandrecognizesfourcharacters altogether.He doesnot offera translation. 19. ZhouCecong,"Yidui zui gu de yaojiuhu zhi faxian,"431-35. 20. XiaoYun,"Mancheng Hanmu,"49-52. Xiao'sarticlehasbeentranslatedinto English.SeeAlbertE.Dien,JeffreyK. Riegel,and NancyT.Price,eds.,Chinese vol.3, Eastern Archaeological Abstracts, ZhoutoHan (LosAngeles:Instituteof Archaeology, Universityof California,1985), 1087-89. 21. Mostauthorsunderstand this firstverse
as a descriptionof the vessel,suchas "The lid is roundandtherearefour [decorated] meaningthe neck,shoulregisters/bands," der,belly,andfoot (XiaoYun,"Mancheng Hanmu,"51;ZhouEshengin "Guanyu ManchengHanmu tonghu,"358),or "Four layers[carry]the roundlid"(He Xuejin,in "GuanyuManchengHanmu tonghu,"359), or "Thelid is all roundandornamentsurrounds... ." (ZhangZhenlin,"Zhongshan JingWangniaozhuanhu,"166).Yetthe statementthatthe lid is roundseemssimply too banalto wastespaceandlaboron two preciouscharacters, especiallysincethe inscriptionson the lid alreadyreferto it in muchmorecomplexlanguage.So gai A shouldherebe translatednot as"lid"but eitheras a causativeparticle("Becausefour invocationsencircleyou")or as "tohonor," "tovenerate." Thetraditionaltranslationsarealsonot consistentwith the actualappearanceof the decoration,becausetherearein factnot fourdecoratedregisterson thesehuvessels; one can distinguisheitherthreeregisters decoratedwithwriting,or threenarrow bandsandthe footringdecoratedwith
animals.If transcribedasfu t: (following ZhangZhenlinandMaGuoquan),the last characterof this line maybe understoodas referringdirectlyto the writtendecoration ratherthanto the registersof decoration. Xu Shenmentionsin the postscriptof his Shuowenjiezithe carvingof inscriptionson talliesandcredentials,kefuPIJe as one of the eightwritingstylesof Qin.SeeXuShen com9VA, Shuowenjiezizhu = mentedby DuanYucaifWR (Shanghai: Shanghai guji chubanshe, 1981),758. More
specifically,fumaybe understoodas an engraved,auspicioussaying,an invocation. BytheWesternHanperiodthe character fu couldcertainlyimplythe ideaof auspiciousness,furui?T. SeeLuoZhufengW J1,, ed.,Hanyuda cidian(suoyinben) X g>kCyL (X 1[4) (The GreatLexiconof the ChineseLanguage)(Shanghai:Hanyu da cidianchubanshe,1997),5202. Sincefour fu arespecified,I believethe referenceis to the fourstanzasof whichthe inscriptionis composed.Eachof thesecanbe readas a separateinvocationof a blessing. 22. Probably the most importantremaining uncertaintyin the vesselinscriptionsregards the readingof the characterbeforethe word zun # in the neckregister.No fewerthan six differenttranscriptions havebeensuggested.Problematicis the radicalof this character,whichcanbe understoodas anything froma simpleverticalstroketo a vertical strokewith threesmallstrokesacross.Xiao Yunreadsthe characterasxi X andinfers thatit shouldbe understoodtogetherwith the followingcharacterasxizun,which woulddescribean archaicvesseltype.Zhou CecongmodifiesXiao'sinterpretation and proposesreadingthe radicalas shou# and transcribingthe characterasxi a, which wouldbe a variantof . He convincingly supportshis readingwith numerousearly quotationsaboutxizun*#, a termthatin lateZhouandearlyHanliteraturedescribed varioustypesof exquisitezunvessels. Thesourceshe discussessuggestthatthe commondenominatorof sucha xizunwas its superlative, unusual,andexceptionally accomplisheddecorationandshape,often saidto havebeenmadeof ivoryor bull's horn.ZhouCecong,"Yidui zui gu de yaojiu hu zhi faxian," 423-25. In one article,ZhangZhenlin("Guanyu ManchengHanmu tonghu,"356)suggested readingthe characteras mieNwith a water radical;in another("ZhongshanJingWang niaozhuanhu,"159f.) he readsi~. Thislatter readingis alsofollowedby MaGuoquan ("Niaochongshu lungao,"153).Bothauthors
understandthis characterin the senseof i, meaning"offineappearance," translating the line as"whata finecup,whata great vessel."He Xuejin("GuanyuMancheng Hanmu tonghu,"358)andthe editorsof the official1980 excavationreport(Mancheng Han mufajuebaogao,43) readthe character as f-i too, althoughHe notesthatthe radical is clearlydifferentfromthe unmistakable ren \ radicalseena fewcharacters laterin the wordjia f?. He'stranslationis, however, ratherdifferentfromthatof Zhangand Ma.He understandsff as a noun meaning "ritual" or "propriety," reading t instead verballyas"toappreciate, to value,"and chengfJ,,likethe otherauthors,as an adjectivemeaning"fine,'"good,'"perfect." Accordingto his interpretation the line wouldmean"finehu to be honoredin ceremony,"clearlyimplyingthatthis is a vessel designedto be usedin somekindof ritual context. 23. Althoughthe vesselsaretodaycategorized as hu , in this inscriptionthe termmusthave had a moregenericmeaningthanjust referringto vesselsof this specificshape.Other vesselsof the sametypefoundat Mancheng carryinscriptionsthatexplicitlylabelthem as zhongW.SeeInstituteof Archaeologyet al.,ManchengHan mufajuebaogao,38-48. "[Mayyou] containcool liquid, 24.Literally: whichaboundsin aroma,andis delicate andbeautifulto our heart."Thewordxiong 3'E,whichis usuallyinterpretedas kuangjR, is glossedby manyearlycommentatorsas "coolwater"(ZhouCecong"Yidui zui gu de yaojiuhu zhi faxian,"427f ). 25.Thereadingof yan 4: followsZhouCecong, "Yidui zui gu de yaojiuhu zhi faxian," 428. 26.Thecharacterreadhereas chongi mayalso be transcribedasjiao 3Z.In the abbreviated styleon vesselB,the secondreadingis suggested. 27.Notethatthe word"wine"is not mentioned in the inscription.Theinterpretation of the crucialwordxiong5Eas "coolwater" (see note 24 above)andthe presenceof fish on the lid mayperhapspointto scented waterratherthanalcohol-to someform of liquidin anycase,ratherthandatesor othertypesof fruitthatweresometimesalso storedin hujarsat the time. 28.Seenote 4 above. 29. Duringthe Cultural Revolution,XiaoYun, for example,wrotethatthe "vocabulary and contentsof the inscriptionareextremely shallowandfilledonlywith a desirefor materialenjoyment." XiaoYun,"Mancheng Hanmu,"52. Fora moretemperedview of thevesselsas evidencefor the frivolous
0
I2 4-
','I C
29)
lifestyleof LiuSheng,see JennySo,in Wen Fong,GreatBronzeAgeof China,331. 30.SeeHe Xuejin,in "GuanyuManchengHan mu tonghu,"358;JessicaRawson,in Yang, GoldenAgeof ChineseArchaeology, 400. Metalsand 31.ConstanceA. Cook,"Auspicious SouthernSpirits:AnAnalysisof the Chu BronzeInscriptions" (Ph.D.diss.,University of California,Berkeley),UMI(AnnArbor, Mich., 1ggo),
162-211.
32. MartinKern,Die Hymnenderchinesischen
Staatsopfer (Stuttgart:FranzSteinerVerlag, 1997),132,138,187-88; Martin Kern, The
SteleInscriptions of Ch'inShih-huang: TextandRitualin EarlyChineseImperial Representation (New Haven:American OrientalSociety,2000),142. 33.BernhardKarlgren,TheBookof Odes: ChineseText,Transcription and Translation (Stockholm:Museumof FarEastern Antiquities, 1950), no. 246 "Xing wei," no. 247
"Jizui,"no. 248 "Fuyi,"pp. 202-5. 34.Kern,Die Hymnenderchinesischen Staatsopfer,15,150;Cook, "Auspicious Metals and Southern Spirits,"195,207. 35.Shiji, 23:1157-74;Edouard Chavannes, trans.
de Se-ma anded.,LesMemoireshistoriques Ts'ien(Leiden:E.J.Brill,1967), 3:200-229. The Xunzi passage is 36. Shiji, 23.1158,1161.
somewhatmoreexplicitwhenit comes to the descriptionof ornament:"Carved andpolished[jade],incisedandinlaid [metal],and [fabrics]embroideredwith the whiteandblackaxeemblem,the azure andblacknotched-stripe,the azureand crimsonstripe,the whiteand crimson blazon,arewhatnurturethe eye."Cf.John Knoblock,Xunzi:A Translation andStudy of theCompleteWorks(Stanford:Stanford University Press, 1988-94), 3:55.
Cl
CD
C: C14
m
3o
37.Instituteof Archaeologyet al.,Mancheng Han mufajuebaogao,31. 38.Thebladesof two long andtwo shortspears, as wellas two halberds,werealsofound there,but thesewereoriginallystandingin the southeastcornerandapparentlyfellon top of the tableevenbeforetheirwooden shaftshaddecayed. 39.On the qin,seeWuHung,"FromTempleto Tomb:AncientChineseArtandReligionin Transition,"Early China 13 (1988): 95. Wu
quotesan informativedescriptionof such roomsby CaiYong (133-192): An ancientancestraltempleconsistedof a ceremonial hallinfrontanda retiring hallin therear,afterthemannerin which a rulerhada courtinfrontanda retiring in therear.Theancestraltablet chamaber wasset in theceremonial halland was worshipedduringtheseasonalsacrifices.
Theretiringhallcontainedroyalgowns, andstaffs,liketheparacaps,armrests, phernaliaof thelivingking,whichwere usedwhenpresentingofferings.TheQin firstremovedtheretiringhall[fromthe temple]to occupya positionflankingthe tomb. Niaochongshu tongkao 40. CaoJinyanNA, examinationof bird(A comprehensive script),%A f (Shanghai:Shanghai shuhuachubanshe,1999),if. On Xu Shen's epiloguesee MarcWinter," . . undCangJie EinHandbuchfiirden erfanddieSchrift": desShuoWenlie Zi (Bern:Peter Gebrauch Lang,1997),557-80. 41.MaGuoquanhasproposedto understand the termchongnot only in its narrowsense referringto wormsandinsects,but in its broadermeaning,whichduringthe Han couldencompassanyspecifiedcategoryof animatecreature,includinghumans.He wouldthereforetranslatethe termniaochongshuas"birdwriting."MaGuoquan, "Niaochongshu lungao,"141;CaoJinyan, Niaochongshu tongkao,2. 42. It is widelydebatedwhetherinsectwriting andbirdwritingweretwo differentstyles,or whetherthe termniaochongsimplyreferred to "feathered anddesignatedone creature" andthe samestylewith a morespecificterm. SeeMaGuoquan,"Niaochongshu lungao," 142.
43.Onthis typeof object,see LiXueqin > ?J, "Tan'Zhangyeduweiqixin"'A t{X V , Wenwu,1978,1:42-43,translated into Englishby JeffreyK.Riegel,"AWordon the 'PennantCredentialof the Controllerof Zhangye,"' ChineseArchaeological Abstracts, vol.3, ed.AlbertDien et al. (LosAngeles: Instituteof Archaeology, Universityof California,1985),1206-9. 44.CaoJinyan,Niaochongshu tongkao,lf., sf. 45.HuaRende , Zhongguoshufashi - liangHanjuan (Historyof ChineseCaligraphy-Han Dynasty)(Nanjing:Jiangsujiaoyuchubanshe,1999),68-69; MaGuoquan, "Niaochongshu lungao,"169-70.Thereis stillcontroversyoverwhetherthe writing on the qixinpennantfromGansuis an exampleof lateWesternHanchongshu.Cao Jinyanhaslittledoubtthatit is, whileHua Rende- andI wouldconcur- considersit to be a regularformof xiaozhuan.SeeCao Jinyan,Niaochongshu tongkao,3;HuaRende, Zhongguoshufashi,69. The SacredTextand 46.Nylan,"Calligraphy: Testof Culture," 49;HuaRende,Zhongguo shufashi,22.
47.Withinthe entirecorpusof survivingseals fromthe Hanperiod,thesesealsstillforma verysmallgroup. der 48.WilUibald Veit,SiegelundSiegelschrift Chou-,Ch'in-undHan-Dynastie(Stuttgart: FranzSteinerVerlag,1985),38;HanTianheng "i, QinHan niaochongzhuan yin xuan ,1%aEpg (A Selectionof Qin and Hanperiodbirdscriptseals)(Shanghai: Shanghaishudian,1987), 1-8; for an abbreviatedformof this study,see HanTianheng, "QinHanniaochongzhuan yin xian,"in Zhongguoshufajianshangda cidian,ed. LiuZhengcheng(Beijing:Dadichubanshe, 1989),1512-13;MaGuoquan,"Niaochongshu lungao,"162-68; HuaRende,Zhongguoshufa shi,93-94. 49."Changsha XianjiahuXi HanCaoZhuang mu" Y9\AtjWM , Wenwu,1979, 3:1-16.
50.Foran explanationof the characters on theseseals,seeMaGuoquan,"Niaochongshu lungao,"168.CaoZhuan'stombalso includedlacquerobjects,whosepainted designscloselyresemblethe Manchengvessels in style, see Wenwu,1979,3:13,15.
51.Veit'sstudyshowedthatmouzhuanwasused initiallyforjadesealsandwas"transferred to bronzesealsonly relativelylate,probablyaroundthe middleof theWesternHan dynasty." Veit,SiegelundSiegelschrift, 197. 52. Veit,SiegelundSiegelschrift, 197. 53.In the collectionof Mr.Sonodain Kyotois a sealin the shapeof a coilingdragon,which canbe wornas a bracelet.Thesamecollection,however,alsoincludesanotherprivate sealwith a similarlyextravagant handle,but with a veryangularinscriptionin regular sealscript.Veit,SiegelundSiegelschrift, table tableCXCIV:6. CXCIII:i, 54.DaisanjiKubosokorekushon: EguchiJiro korekushon (TheThirdKubosouCollection: EguchiJir6Collection)(Izumi:Kubos6 KinenBijutsukan, 2001), fig.359.An identicaltile wasexcavatedin 1953in Xianyang, ed., Shaanxi,see ShiShuqing Zhongguowenwujinghuadaquan,jinyin yu shijuan l +.i ;E, (The Compendiumof China'sfine culturalrelics,volumeon gold,silver,jade, stone) (HongKong:Shangwuyinshuguan, 1994), 355.For a rubbing of possibly the
sametile,seeVeit,SiegelundSiegelschrift, tableLXVII:3; Veit'sreferenceto an earlier Chinesepublicationof thatrubbingincludes an errorandcannotbe verified.Fora rubbing of a tile once in the collectionof the antiquaryandconnoisseurWuDacheng %JKm (1835-1902), see MaGuoquan,
"Niaochongshu lungao,'171;HuaRende, Zhongguoshufashi,116. 55.WangZhongshu,Han Civilization(New HavenandLondon:YaleUniversityPress, 1982),148-50; Hua Rende, Zhongguo shufa
shi,111-18.Mostof the tilesdecoratedwith xiaozhuan,mouzhuan,and niaochongshu charactersdateto the mid- andlateWestern Hanperiod.Duringthe EasternHan,eaves tileswith auspiciouswishesbecomerarer andtilesmorefrequentlyuse the lishustyle. Bythe end of the Hanandlater,the old tiles had apparentlyalreadybecomedesirable collectiblesof calligraphyenthusiasts.See HuaRende,Zhongguoshufashi,117. 56.HanTianheng,"QinHanniaochongzhuan yin xian,"2, has arguedthatthe birdscript styleusedon sealswasa meansto beautifyordinarywriting,the designertaking recourseto the ornamentaltraditionof its time. 57.MartinJ.Powers,ArtandPoliticalExpression in EarlyChina(New HavenandLondon: YaleUniversity Press, 1991), 80.
58.On ritualsplendorunderEmperorWu,the ensuingreactionof ritualclassicists,and a most insightfuldiscussionof the changing meaningof the termwenzhangfrom"correctandappropriate ornament"to "mere ornament"in the courseof the lateWestern and earlyEasternHanperiod,see Martin Kern,"Ritual,Text,and the Formationof the Canon:HistoricalTransitionsof wen in EarlyChina,"T'oungPao87.1-3(2001): 43-91,esp.66f.Kernalsodemonstratesthat the termwenonlytakeson the meaningof textandwritingin the courseof the debates on ritualreform,beginningin the laterpart of the WesternHanperiod.Thetempting speculationof a consciousplayin the earlyHanbirdscriptwith a possibledouble meaningof wenas "refinedornament" and"refinedwrittentext"canthereforebe excluded. 59.E.g.,TsengYuho,A Historyof Chinese Calligraphy (Hong Kong:ChineseUniversity Press, 1993), 41, 80-82;
see also Lothar
Die Siegelschrift Ledderhose, (Chuan-shu) in derCh'ing-Zeit (Wiesbaden:FranzSteiner Verlag, 1970), 43-44.
6o.On suchfu talismans,see MonikaDrexler, DaoistischeSchriftmagie: Interpretationen zu denSchriftamuletten "Fu"im Daozang (Stuttgart: Steiner, 1994). See also Michel
Strickmann,ChineseMagicalMedicine (Stanford:StanfordUniversityPress,2002), 123-93, esp. 140-43.
61.Seenote 21 above. 62. HuaRendesuggeststhatWesternHanofficials wellversedin the eightwritingstyles
musthaveprovidedthe designsfor the tile inscriptions,as the archaeologically excavatedexamplesapparentlyallbelongedto imperialmonuments.HuaRende,Zhongguo shufashi,115.Mythanksto BaiQianshenfor directingmy attentionto thispassage. 63.ErnstH. Gombrich,TheSenseof Order:A Studyin thePsychology of DecorativeArt (Oxford:Phaidon,1979), 262-63. 64.Forfinerecentscholarshipon Zhou-period birdscript,consultCaoJinyan,Niaochongshu tongkao.SeealsoCongWenjun!R , "Niaofenglong chongshuhekao",ft,!Nl,4h (An examinationof bird,phoenix, a: dragon,andinsectscripts)Shufayanjiu Sfi3P, 1996,3:40-80; MaGuoquan, "Niaochongshu lungao,"139-76. 65. On the Qin scriptreforms,see DerkBodde, "TheStateandEmpireof Ch'in"in The Cambridge Historyof China,vol. 1, TheCh'in andHanEmpires, ed. DenisTwitchettand MichaelLoewe(Cambridge: Cambridge UniversityPress,1986),56-58. 66.MaGuoquan,"Niaochongshu lungao,"142. 67.CaoJinyan,Niaochongshu tongkao,5, 88-99. 68.Seenote 40 above. 69.Thebirdscripttile excavatedin Xianyangis occasionallyconsideredto be of Qin date, but no compellingevidencehasbeencited for sucha dating.SeeShiShuqing,ed., Zhongguowenwujinghuadaquan,jinyinyu shijuan,355. 70.WuZhefuet al.,FiveThousandYearsof ChineseArt:ChineseSeals-Zhonghua wuqiannianwenwujikan.Xiyinpian (Taipei:Zhonghuawuqiannianwenwu jikanbianji weiyuanhui,1985),48,62, 66, 67.Thetwo sealsdiscoveredin 1974in the tomb of CaoZhuanin Changshawerethe firstarchaeologically excavatedexamplesof birdscriptsealsthatcouldbe clearlydated (see fig.ii). SeeVeit,SiegelundSiegelschrift, 194. 71.Changsha fajuebaogao(Excavationreports fromChangsha)K Ri (Beijing: Kexuechubanshe,1957), 57f., pl. 107,color PlS. 1,2.
72. HubeishengJingzhoudiqubowuguan,
"Jiangling Yangjiashan 135hao Qin mu fajue jianbao"(Excavationreportof Qin tombno. 135at JianglingYangjiashan)IEtRt?Il 135MMURIEV,a, Wenwu,1993,8:1-ii. 73.Margarete Pruch,Die LackederWestlichen Han-Zeit(Frankfurta.M.:PeterLang,1997), 287. Comparehereespeciallythe diagonal ornamentswith animals,in Instituteof Archaeologyet al.,ManchengHan mufajue baogao,45,figs.27:2, 27:5. 74. Wenwu, 1963,2:13-24, pls. 2, 3; Pruch,Die LackederWestlichen Han-Zeit,Figs.9,1so.
75.Seenote 49 above. Xi HanRuyinhou 76."FuyangShuanggudui mu fajuebaogao"(Excavationreportof the tombof the WesternHanmarquisof Ruyin in FuyangShanggudui) l Wenwu, 1978, 8:12-31. Wf1iL 77.Foradditionalcomparativeexamplesof animalornamentin southerncontexts,see
Jenny So in Fong, GreatBronzeAge of China, 331.
78.Wang Zhongshu, Han Civilization, loi.
79.Instituteof Archaeologyet al.,Mancheng Han mufajue baogao, 41ff.;WangZhongshu, Han Civilization, iol.
80.Forlatefourth-century Chubronzevessels with inlay,presumablyproducedin the Chu capital,see the examplesfoundin Chutomb 2 at Wangshan, Jiangling,Hubei(Wenwu, 1966,5:33-55),andin Baoshan,Jingmen, Hubei (Yang, GoldenAge of Chinese Archaeology,no. 115). 81.Jenny So, EasternZhou Ritual Bronzesfrom the Arthur M. SacklerCollections(New York:Arthur M. Sackler Foundation, 1995), 3:56-79. 82. SeeSo,Eastern Zhou Ritual Bronzes, 61;
Gems of China's CulturalRelics,1992 (Beijing: Wenwu chubanshe, 1992), no. 11.
83.TheShiyuantombbelongedto a still unidentifiedmemberof the earlyHan SeeYanGenqi,ed. # aristocracy. , Mangyang shan Xi Han Liangwang mudi
EffiJR:Xtt (The tombof King Liangof theWesternHanat Hangyang Shan)(Beijing:Wenwuchubanshe,2001), fig.49, colorpls.1,11. 84.JessicaRawson,"ChuInfluenceson the Developmentof HanBronzeVessels," Arts Asiatiques44 (i989):esp.84-86. Shamans, 85.GopalSukhu,"Monkeys, Emperors,andPoets:The ChuciandImages of Chuduringthe HanDynasty," in Defining Chu: Image and Reality in Ancient China,
ed. ConstanceA. CookandJohnS. Major (Honolulu:Universityof Hawai'iPress, 1999), 145-63.
t:o
IIZ
86. Kern, Stele Inscriptions of Ch'in Shih-huang, 27.
z
87.Ledderose, Die Siegelschrift(Chuan-shu) in
derCh'ing-Zeit, 27-28. 88.Sukhu,"Monkeys, Shamans,Emperors,and Poets,"152-57; Kern,"Ritual,Text, and the
Formationof the Canon,"66-68. 89.Onemayevenreadthe unflatteringdebate with the kingof Zhao,whichSimaQian choseto recordin LiuSheng'sbiographyas a criticismof the emperor'spromotionof luxuriousritualdisplay.Seenote 4 above.
31
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ABSTRACT Beginning in the ninth century, a new genre of images appeared in Chinese tomb murals: bird and flowers. These new motifs conveyed wishes for the prosperity of the family and quickly became standard, continuing to be used in Chinese tombs as well as in tombs of other ethnic groups affected by Chinese funeral practices well into the thirteenth century. This article has four goals. The first is to describe the evolution of bird-and-flower compositions in later Chinese burials. The second is to document the geographical range of the depiction in tombs of these bird-and-flower motifs and to prove that their use was widely accepted, not an isolated, local phenomenon. The third goal is to define the auspicious meanings of the bird-and-flower motifs seen in tombs, and the fourth is to explain their function in a funerary context.
Myresearchinto the beginningsof bird-and-flower painting,basedon extantexamples,indicatesthat birdshavebeen a partof the Chinesedecorativeidiom sincethe Neolithicperiod.'Flowers,however,did not appearin Chineseartuntilthe latterhalf of the first millenniumB.C., but then the representation of floral motifsdied out, only to reappearas an acceptedart subjectby the thirdcenturyA.D. Theevolutionof flowerdepictionfromgenericblossomto the accuraterepresentationof specificspeciescanbe traced throughfloralmotifsin muralsat Dunhuangand in Chinesetombsas well as in the engravedcoffinchambersof earlyeighth-centuryimperialtombs. The combinationof birdsandflowers,as distinct fromthe renditionof thesemotifsas separateentities, evolvesfromtheirfirstbeingplacedindividuallyin verticalregistersto theirlaterpresentationas coherent and integrated,oftensymmetrical,arrangements. Evidenceof this developmentis preservedin the decorationof Chinesemetalwork,lacquers,andtextiles. Integrated,coherentbird-and-flowercompositions apparentlydid not emergein Chineseartuntil the time when floraand faunabecameappreciatedfor theirown intrinsicvaluesand,then,only afterartists cultivatedtheirabilitiesto renderthe complexbirdand-flowercompositions. The glorificationof flowersandbirdsin Tang dynastydecorativeartcan be understoodas one facet
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of a new esteemfor naturemanifestedby advancesin otherculturalspheressuchas the illustrationof herbals,progressin horticulture,and innovativeemphases on new plantsin privategardens.On the artside, therearewrittenreferencesto a fewpre-Tangand earlyTangpaintersnoted for depictinginsectsor birds or flowers,but it is difficultto knowwhatthesepaintings reallylookedlike.The appearanceof bird-andflower,alongwith rock-flower-and-bird, compositions in lateseventh-centurycraftscoincideswith written dataindicatingthatpaintersof thatperiod,such as YuchiYisengS4 fZi (fl. duringthe Zhengguanera, A.D. 627-649), Xie Qi (649-713),andYinZhongrong Aqf[P4g(ca. 684-705), hadbegunto renderthese themes.Unfortunately, paintedexamplesof this stage of the sequencearemissingtoday. In the ninth century,the recentlydevelopedillustrativegenreof integrated,coherentbird-and-flower compositionsbeganto appearin Chinesetomb murals.Hereassemblagesof floraand faunaaremost often depictedon paintedreplicasof multipaneled screenstypicallylocatedon the most importantsurfaceof the tomb:the wallor wallssurroundingthe corpse.Thesebird-and-flowerscreensquicklybecame standardin tomb decoration.Theycontinuedto be used in Chinesetombsas well as in tombsof other ethnicgroupsaffectedby Chinesefuneralpractices well into the thirteenthcentury.However,despite theirobviouspopularity,theirimportand significancehavebeen overlookedin archaeologicalreports becausepicturesof dailyexistence,also renderedon tomb walls,aremorehighlyvaluedeitherfor the light they shedon Chinesematerialculture,and on the life of otherethnicgroups,or for whatthesepaintings revealaboutpaintingtechniquesand styles. Thisarticledescribesthe evolutionof bird-andflowerscreensin laterChineseburials,documentsthe wide geographicalrangeof the such depictions,and definesthe relevanceand functionof thesemotifsin a funerarycontext.As backgroundto this exposition, generalcommentsarefirstpresentedabouttombsand the organizationof decorativemotifswithinthem and aboutthe riseof the use of replicatedscreensas a part of tomb decoration.
TOMBSAND SCREENS
Descriptionsof the properpreparationfor funerals andthe correctperformanceof burialceremonies survivein Chinesetreatises.Butthereexistno Chinese writingsdetailingotherimportantconsiderationsfor the properdispositionof the deceased.Suchinformation mustbe recoveredtodaythrougharchaeological work.Archaeologicalexcavationsof tombsdating fromthe ninth centuryandlaterrevealthattomb shapeswerecircular,square,hexagonal,or octagonal.2 Mostgraveswerealignedfromsouthto northwith the entrancefacingsouth (most tombs,however, arenormallya few degreesoff the truenorth/south axis).The corpsewas usuallypositionedparallelto the north (back)wallof the burialchamberor,more rarely,parallelto the westwall.If the decorationof the tomb wallshas survived,the most commonsubjects in theselatertombsareunderstoodas representing the life (often idealized,of course)of the deceased: processions,excursions,food preparation,dining, orchestras,and entertainments.Thesethemesappear on anywallbut the northwallof the burialchamber. The northwall,the only one visiblefromthe entrance,was oftenreservedfor distinctivesubjects. The specialdeferenceaccordedthis particularwall waspointedout yearsago by RichardEdwardsin his studyof the Han dynastyburialcavereliefsin Ma Hao,Sichuan,whereon the backwallwerecarvedthe two most importantimagesin the complex:the horse and a seatedBuddha"placedon the veryaxisof the tomb-shaft,appearingto us as both a guardianand a guidefor thatgreatdarkunknownjourney."3 Muchlater,in Songtimes,the backwallwas routinelyembellishedwith one of threesubjects:(1) depictionsof the deceased,oftena couple,seatedat a table;(2) the figureof a girlat a door,sometimes partlyopen;or (3) bird-and-flowercompositions renderedas partof the replicationof foldingscreens. Thesemotifsareexceptionalelsewherein the tomb. The figureof a girlat a door goes backto the Han dynasty,but its significanceis unknown.4Some Chinesescholarssuggestthat she representsthe daughter-in-law readyto serveherparents-in-law.5
SomeWesternscholarsbelievethis motif "maysimply be whatit seems:an entranceor exit for the tomb occupantto movebetweenthe severalworldsavailable to him or her."6 Substantiallymoreinformationis knownaboutthe thirdmajorsubject,the standingor foldingscreenand its importancein Chineselife. Longbeforethe ninth century,the depictionof screenswerepartof tomb decoration.An extremelyadaptablepieceof furniture,screenscan protectagainstcold draftsor prying eyes.7Screensdefinespacesfor specificuseswithin a largeroom or even out-of-doors.Wealthyand elite personagesof rankusedthe decorationon screensto announceand reinforcetheirsocialstatus,as did the dragonscreensplacedbehindthe imperialthrones. Thus,intimateconnectionsexistedbetweenscreens and theirusers.Accordingto Wu Hung: Fora long periodin Chinesehistory,discourseon the subjectof the screenevolvedarounda hypotheticalmalesitter.Althoughin actuallife women ownedand used screensas well,pre-Hanand Hanwritersonly talkedaboutmen'sscreens,and describedtheirdesign.Accordingto thesewriters, a screen'spictorialimageswererelatedto the man sittingin frontof it -not so muchin the senseof his physicalcomfortor perceptualdelightas in his spiritualand moralconduct.8 A lacqueredscreenwith didacticsubjectmatter was found in the tomb of Sima Jinlong rJ,KT
at Datong,ShanxiProvince,datedto beforeA.D. 484 (figs.1, 2). Depictedon the three-panelscreenis an extensiveprogramof maleand femaleparagonsof Confucianvirtues.Accordingto the excavators,this screenstoodbesideSimaJinlong'scoffin.WuHung suggests"thateven in the afterlife,this paintedobject continuedto symbolizeits owner'shigh morality."9 It mightalsohaveexpressedhopesthathis familywould endureas upright,moralindividuals. Bythe fifthcenturyA.D., multipanelscreens enclosedthe lowerpartof bedsteadsor couches,as seen in a segmentof the Admonitionsof thePalace Instructress to thePalaceLadiesscroll,a copyafter Gu KaizhiFA1' (ca.345-406) now in the British
Museum(fig.3). Beginningin the latesixthcentury, a new burialpracticeused stone couchesin the tomb imitatingthe woodenbedsteadsof the livingwith theirmultipanelscreensenclosingcouches(fig. 4).1O Screenpanelswerereplicatedas paintingson the wallssurroundingthe burialplatformand decorated with subjectsthat changedoverthe centuries.In the sixthcentury,the subjectsweremen seatedunder trees.In a Shandongtomb (datingafter561),where the coffinwasplacedalongthe west side of the chamber,the northwallcarrieda paintednine-panelscreen on whichwas depictedrudimentarymountainsand cloudsand a trio of figures:a presumedportraitof the deceasedin the centerand a servantto his left and right."Severalconstellationsof men undertrees representthe well-knownSevenWorthiesof the BambooGroveaccompaniedby an eighthpersonage,RongQiqi 4.12 AudreySpiro,in her analysis of depictionsof thesesevenunconventionalthirdcenturyreclusesand the legendarycontemporaryof Confucius,suggeststhattheirattractionto latergenerationswasthattheybecame"classics,models in theirtalentand abilityfor both rulersand courtiers"and,like othercharacterportraits,were"made for the purposesof admiration,identification,and emulation."'3
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Figuresbeneathtreeson screenpanelsenclosing the coffinarearemaineda favoredsubjectwell into the earlyninth century,as seen in some eleven tomb muralsenclosingthe coffinareaas widelyseparatedgeographically as Xi'anin Shaanxi,Taiyuanin Shanxi,Guyuanin Ningxia,and evenremoteAstana in Xinjiang.Theseexampleshaverecentlybeen tabulatedand analyzedby ZhaoChao,who determined thatmanyrepresentparagonsof filialpietyor sages or otherindividualsof superiormoralsubstance, includingsome membersof the SevenWorthiesof the BambooGroveand RongQiqi,who serveas role models."'
On the otherhand,in the Tangdynastytomb at Astana,a six-panelscreendepictingsix 65TAM38 men, standingandseatedundertrees,spreadsacross the backwall (fig. s). Despiteseveredamagein the middleof the scene,the gentlemenandtheirassistants
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seeminglyengagein literatiactivitiesand the whole is interpretedas representingthe life pleasuresof the deceased.'5 Bythe earlyeighthcentury,women in garden settingsbeganto appearon the screensrendered in tombs,as discoveredon the backwallof a grave nearXi'an(fig. 6).16 In anothertomb,that of Crown PrinceJiemin p,, datingto 710,a smallsectionof a multipanelscreenwith depictionsof women in a
gardenis preservedamongthe westwallpaintings.'7 Theseundergroundpaintingsareanalogousto actual examples.The famousscreenpanels,now in the Shoso-inin Nara,Japan,of women seatedbeneath treesreflectthis new trend,as do the women,entertainers,and diversionsdepictedon actualscreensdiscoveredin fragmentaryconditionin tombs at Astana. Amongthesearetwo fragmentsrepresentingdancers and musicians found in tomb 72TAM230,dating to
2 Reconstruction of fig. 1. After Wu Hung, The Double Screen: Medium and Representation in Chinese Painting (London: Reaktion Books, 1996), fig. 50
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4 Left: screened bed illustrated in fig. 3. Right: a Northern Wei funerary couch from Luoyang, early sixth century. After Wu Hung, The Double Screen: Medium and Representation in Chinese Painting (London: Reaktion Books, 1996), figs. 55, 56.
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703, and men and horses under trees, fragments of an eight-panel screen from tomb 72TAM188,dated to 715.18 It is generally understood by Chinese scholars that the subjects on screen paintings in tombs are related to the lives of the deceased. Multipanel screens are also found replicated in the niches of Buddhist caves at Dunhuang. Here some later caves have a raised image niche opposite
the entrance, resembling the arrangement of the Chinese tomb with its raised coffin platform opposite the entrance. In discussing screen paintings lining the three sides of niches in caves created during the Tibetan occupation of the Dunhuang area (781-848), Zhao Qinglan points out that the niche with its sculptured icon, directly opposite the door, is the most important part of the cave shrine. He observes that
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6 Women in Garden Setting, six-panel screen mural, back wall of a tomb near near Xi'an, Tang dynasty. After Zhongguo meishu quanji, huihuabian, vol. 12, Mushi bihua (Beijing: Wenwu chubanshe, 1989), pl.125. *,!KW, X2.t
the Buddhist screen paintings always are thematically connected with the sculptured icon in front of them, just as the tomb painting subjects are associated with the deceased."9 Finally,in the late Tang dynasty, flowers and rocks were introduced as suitable subjects in tomb decoration. In an undated tomb in Xi'an, a single panel containing the depiction of an unidentified flower on a long stem and a rock was on the east wall adjacent to a scene of a musical performance (fig. 7). On the north wall is rendered an altar with offerings and a flowering plant (fig. 8). Unfortunately, little remains of the painting on the west wall, where there was depicted a five-panel screen with undecipherable flowers and stones.20Despite the ruinous condition of the floral paintings in this tomb, their remains suggest the concurrent existence of two compositional arrangements. The north wall composition is in a wide horizonal format with a degree of formal symmetry evident in the arrangement of blossoms and leaves. The west wall flowers and rock are in the tall, vertical format of folding screen panels. Happily, a nearly complete multipanel screen mural survives from Astana (fig. 9). Generally considered to be late Tang in date, it is the earliest known
bird-and-flowerscreenreplicatomb mural,and indeedthe earliestknownintegrationof floraand faunainto consecutivecompositions.It was painted on the all-importantbackwallof the tomb.In somewhatdisjointedscenes,the motifson the six panels include,as faras they can be identified,fromleft to right:(1) a mandarinduckand plant,(2) a pheasant with threechicksand dandelionsor cattails,(3) a red duckand reddaylily,(4) a mandarinduckand reeds, (5) two ducksand narcissus,and (6) a pheasantand an unidentifiablelily.Birdswing off towarddistant mountainsscreenedwith redclouds.Whatactual bird-and-flowerscreensfromthis periodmightlook like is seen in a sophisticatedcompositionof a pheasant standingon a rockin frontof a floweringtreeand butterflies,one of a six-panelscreenof whichtwo panelsarepreservedtodayin the Shoso-in (fig. lo).
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BIRD-AND-FLOWER DEPICTIONSIN NINTHAND TENTH-CENTURY TOMBS
Eachpanelof the Astanascreenhas a loose arrangement of motifsplacedon the centralaxis.But another compositionalformatwas also in vogue in the ninth century:a three-partorganizationsuggesting
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8 Altar Table with Offerings and a Flowering Plant, mural on north wall of a tomb near Xi'an, Tang dynasty. After Shaanxisheng kaogu yanjiusuo, Shaanxi xinchutu Tang mu bihua (Chongqing: Chongjing chubanshe, 1998), pi. 145.
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9 Flowersand Birdsand Rocks, six-panel screen mural on back wall of tomb 217 at Astana, Tang dynasty. After Zhongguo meishu quanji,huihuabian,vol. 12, Mushi bihua (Beijing: Wenwu chubanshe, 1989), pl. 134.
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10 Pheasant on a Rock, printed textile screen panel, eighth century. Shoso-in, Todai-ji, Nara, Japan. After Yamatoe no shiki Q)Vi1g3vol. 1, HeianKamakurano kachotc7LE,% (Tokyo: Gakushu Kenkyusha, 1982).
a three-panel standing screen consisting of a large panel flanked by a small one on each side. In this new scheme, perhaps descended from the mural in the Tang tomb described above, a large plant spreads across the central surface in a visually arresting and effective method of covering a sizable expanse. This new scheme is seen in the decoration on the north walls of three graves dated 852,924, and 995, all in present-day Hebei Province. The earliest of these tombs is located in the Haidian suburb of Beijing. It was constructed for the wife of Wang Gongshu 3E24 in 838;her husband was also buried there in 852.21It is unknown whether the roughly octagonal tomb was repainted to receive the body of the husband. Fragments of human bones were found on the elevated coffin platform abutting the north wall. In a large mural on the north wall, a luxuriant peony shrub stretches across the center of the wall; two large swallowtail butterflies hover to the right, and farther to the right is a plant identified in the report as an autumn hibiscus (figs. 11, 12). The upper part of the scene and much of the left portion have been destroyed, but the site report identifies the plant on the left as a baihe W lily.22 A pair of marsh geese stand facing each other at the bottom of the picture. Some seventy-two years later, in 924, an elaborate four-chambered mausoleum near Xiyanzhuang village in Quyang County was prepared for Wang Chuzhi a high official in the Tang and LaterLiang ETAW, dynasties.23Perhaps because it is later in date, or perhaps because it was prepared for a high official, the decorative scheme of this tomb is much more complex than that of the tomb of Wang Gongshu. Near the entrance into the forechamber,two side rooms open off to the east and west. On the central axis is a rectangularextension of the forechamber, and then at the back is a smaller burial chamber. There were at least two coffin platforms, one at the east and one at the west wall of the back chamber; there may also have been one at the north wall, but this is unclear from the description and the ground plan in the site report. The tomb had been robbed of its contents, but its walls were left largely intact. The large painting on the
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11 Peonies, Flowers, Marsh Geese, and Butterflies, mural on north wall of tomb of Wang Gongshu in the Haidian suburb of Beijing, 838. After Beijingshi Haidianqu wenwu guanlisuo, "Beijingshi Haidianqu Balizhuang Tang mu," Wenwu, 1995,11:49, fig. 7.
northwallof this chamberis nearlyundamaged(figs. 13-15). It is similar to the one in Wang Gongshu's
tomb:a largeredpeonyshrubhereaugmentedwith a pittedrock,four pigeonson the groundand four flyinglong-tailedbirdshoveringabove,alongwith at leastsix butterflies.One of the pigeonshas espieda grasshopper(fig. 16).Eachblossomingsideplanthas attractedfourbutterflies.The flowerson the left are whitewith a redcenter;they look suspiciouslylike narcissus.24 The redflowerson the rightareimpossible to identify.In the burialchamberthe muralsonce on the eastandwestwallsarepoorlypreserved,but they musthavebeen impressive.In the site reportthey are reproducedonly in blackandwhite,and it is difficult to makeout the imagery.Accordingto the report,on the eastwallall thatremainsof the originalpaintingis a tall,thin "mountain"rockand two stemsof bamboo, two smallflyingbirds,identifiedas mountaintits, and an insectidentifiedas a bee.25On the westwallthere area convoluted"lake"rock,suggestionsof branches and stems(perhapsof bamboo),a butterfly,and a long-tailedbird.
Painteddecorationelsewherein the tomb is especiallyrichin avianand floralimagery,including pairsof cranesflyingin the intersticesof the bracket arms.A peonyplantwith two long-tailedbirdsis paintedon the westwallof the west side room,and ten panelsof redfloweringplants,rocks,and/or dovesor pigeonsline the eastandwestwallsof the forechamber(fig. 17).Thesepanelsareakinto those in the Astanascreenbut arehandledwith greater sophistication.Theblossomingplantsareidentified as treepeonies,monthlyroses(yueji JA~), red roses (qiangwei ?FW), and morning glories
The tomb is famousfor two monochromelandscapemuralsandtwo exquisite marblecarvingsof femalemusiciansand attendants, framedby a floralcurtain.Manyof the garmentsof the women depictedon the wallshadbeen tinted red,and the figuresareset againsta paintedred background.The muralsincludefiguresof male and femaleattendants,manyin redclothing,along with sculptedfiguresof the zodiac,alsowearing redrobes.
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13 Peony Shrub, Pitted Rock, Rose Plant, Narcissus Plant, Pigeons, Long-Tailed Birds, and Butterflies, mural on north wall of tomb of Wang Chuzhi in Xiyanzhuang village in Quyang County, Hebei, 924. After Hebeisheng wenwu yanjiusuo and Baodingshi wenwu guanlichu, Wudai Wang Chuzhi mu (Beijing: Wenwu chubanshe, 1998), pl. 20.
In sum, the arrangement of the floral compositions in the tombs of Wang Gongshu and Wang Chuzhi suggests a three-panel screen on the north wall with a large central panel and two smaller wings. This interpretation is confirmed by what is clearly a three-panel screen, now at the end of the tenth century, with a configuration of camellia shrub, rock, and secondary plants rendered on the north wall, the location of the coffin platform, in the tomb of Han Yi ft (936-995) at Babaoshan, Beijing.26The picture is badly damaged, and only a poorly reproduced copy of it is availablefor study, but is important because it establishes the use of a three-paneled screen (fig. 18). Among the many floral depictions in these tombs, only the peony murals in the graves of Wang Gongshu and Wang Chuzhi have attracted the attention of Chinese scholars. Luo Shiping associates the Wang Gongshu picture with the eighth-century painter Bian Luan I, on the basis of written observations about his painting.27Hao Jianwen sees connections between
the Wang Chuzhi representation and the works of the tenth-century court painter Huang Quan f Only Luo touches briefly on the meaning of the peony as connoting wealth and nobility, but does not explain how these bird-and-flower representations function in a funerary context. In view of the sanctity of the north (or less frequently,the west) walls in tombs and of the importance of their received imagery, the question arises, how do motifs from the world of flora and fauna fit into the general intent of tomb decoration? Despite inaccuracies or lapses in identifying the flowers and birds seen in these tomb paintings, it is hypothesized here that these motifs carried auspicious wishes for the welfare of the deceased and of his family. This development is not new in burial practices; such wishes placed in tombs can be traced back to the Han dynasty. By the Eastern Han dynasty (A.D. 206-222), easily recognizable expressions of hopes for a prosperous and happy life were common. Auspicious expres-
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yanjiusuo and Baodingshi wenwu guanlichu, Wudai Wang Chuzhi mu (Beijing: Wenwu chubanshe, 1998), color p1.28.2.
15 Rose Plant, detail of fig 13 After Hebeisheng wenwu yanjiusuo and Baodingshi wenwu guanlichu, Wudai Wang Chuzhi mu, color pl. 281.
tomb.Actualcoinswereplacedin tombs;some were speciallymadefor burialand had auspiciousphrases A.~ ~ ~~~~~t on them.In ancientChina,coinswerecalledquan . -~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~. r 7. Quan is also the sound of the charactermeaning "complete"(i). One Sichuantomb containedmore than one hundredcoins as well as a bronzebasin ornamentedwith a fish and inscribedwith the phrase The fish (yu ,> ) is fuguichang,yihou M a homophonefor "plenty"or"excess"(yu ");the inscriptioncan be translatedas,"Wealth,honor and prosperity,mayyou attainthe rankof a marquis."34 Suchsentimentsmust haveappliedequallyto the deceasedas well as to his descendants. The fishjust mentionedis an exampleof a rebus. In the realmof the living,puns and rebuses,based on auditoryassociations,werepoetic staples.35 In the 16 Pigeon and Grasshopper, detail of fig. 13. After Hebeisheng precinctof the tomb,to continuewith the Sichuan wenwu yanjiusuoand Baodingshiwenwu guanlichu,Wudai WangChuzhimu, pl. 6. example,the moneytreebranchesshelterhumanfiguresand animalfiguresincludingmonkeys;molded sions takethreeforms:(1) writtenphrases,(2) visual on the ceramicbasesfor thesetreesarerams,deer,and rebusesto whichthe homophonicnatureof the elephants.The monkey(hou I) is a homophonefor Chineselanguagelends itself,relyingupon audi"marquis" (hou {M)as well as for"descendants" (hou associations of instead the written the Shuowen but, tory employing &); earlydictionary, jiezi :-Q3ZWr and (3) the (An Explicationof WrittenCharacters),equatesthe text,usingimagesto conveymeaning;29 use of actualobjects(such as coins) or representacharacterfor ram (yang -) with that for"auspicious" tions of them.SuchexpressionspermeatedHanlife. (xiang4); "deer"(lu f) is a homophonefor"salary" (lu iji);36"elephant" (xianga ) is an exacthomoAboveground,clayeaves-tileends carriedcharacters phone for "auspicious." wishing"profoundhappinesswithoutend"(changor "athousandautumns,ten A long-standingconcernof the Chineseis embodshengwujiAtIA thousandyears"(or "everlasting wansui in the conceptof "longevity"(shou ). In the ied life,"qianqiu laterHan dynasty,physicalimmortalitywas an aspira{'tkMiA) andsimilarideas.30Hantextilesincorporatedcharactersspellingout analogousauspicious tion reflectedin imagesof the QueenMotherof the sentimentsin theirdesigns.3' West,the rulerof immortality,includedamongthe of wishes for the moneytreeimagesand paintedor sculptedon wallsof Belowground, expressions propitious future of the deceased were routinely included numeroustombs.Butshoumeantmorethan immorin tombs. In Eastern Han tombs in Sichuan, for tality.Accordingto the modernChinesescholar,Wang wshesgwere engrve onronze baosins paceduins then Zhongshu,"Inthe Han dynastyas soon as an emperor example, money trees (yaoqianshu guan), their bronze branches festooned with coins, are interpreted was enthroned,he beganto buildhis own grave,callas obvious hopes for the fiture prosperity of the ing it his shouling , or 'longevitygrave."'37 Writing deceased.3n2Molded clay bricks lining Sichuan tomb aboutbronzemirrorsplacedin Han dynastytombs, walls frequently had decorative motifs of coins or K.E. Brashierexploresthe multiplemeaningsof the lif such as term shou.He interpretsshoulingand shouqi g inscriptions including phrases yizisun v (longevityobject),the euphemismfor a coffin,as "May you have sons and grandsons'ar Similar referringto the"desirethattheseobjectswouldlong ..
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48
endure."Brashierpoints out that "shouis often used to signify more than the longevity of human life and can be associated with the perpetuation of social iden-
tity and of the grave itself."He observes, "If shou can refer to the perpetuation of social identity, the wish for future generations is not unrelated. Those genera-
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18 Camellia Shrub, Rock, and Secondary Plants, three-panel screen on north wall of the tomb of Han Yi (936-995) at Babaoshan, Beijing. After Beijingshi wenwu gongzuodui, "Beijing Xijiao Liao bihua mu fajue," Beijing wenwu yu kaogu, 1983, 1: pi. 5.
tions would foster remembrance through sacrifices in ancestral worship. The wish for personal longevity and the wish for lineage longevity are fused."These sentiments could also be stated directly in written form, such as inscriptions on mirrors that use such phrases as, "Mayyour longevity be that of metal and stone, and may you amass future generations without end" (shou rujin shi, lei shih wei yang ;E : *k9A).The durability of metal is just one of a constellation of reasons why mirrors were placed in tombs to express hopes for longevity and for ancestral-cult remembrance.38 Concerns for the future of the deceased and of their families continued to be expressed in tomb furnishings and decoration. Images of fish were a constant in tomb decoration, as, for example, in a burial dated 366 in Zhejiang; in a Sui dynasty tomb in Fujian,there were double fish and coins.39One grave,dating to 398 at Zhenjiang, had wishes for family prosperity inscribed on a wall brick: "zisun anshou wannian"f (sons and grandsons, peace and longevity, for ten thousand years).40 Above- and belowground, auspicous symbols continued to be used as designs in textiles and elsewhere. One weaving discovered in Astana in 1966 in a tomb dating no later than 631included a figure riding on an elephant: qixiang V, The motif could only have been
intendedas a homophonefor"auspicious" (jixiang t
)*41
Albert E. Dien has been particularly percep-
tive in recognizingauspicioussymbolsamongobjects placedin Six Dynastiestombs,including,for example, chicken-headedewersand crossbowmechanisms.In both cases,the wordfor"chicken" (ji W) and that for "mechanism" (ji fX) arehomonymsfor "auspicious" (ji )*42 In the late SixDynastiesperiodan impressed, moldedclaytile affixedto a wallof a gravediscoveredin 1959at Dengxianin southernHenanProvince consistsof a pairof confrontedbirdswith unusual heads.One is describedas having"aelf-likeheadwith long pointedearsand a funnyhat";the otherhas"a profiledrodent-likeheadwhichappearsto be craning upward."43 Accordingto YuYing-shih,one wayto achievephysicalimmortalityduringthe Han dynasty wasto metamorphosethe humanbody into a bird." In reality,the identityof thesetwo birdcreaturesin the Dengxiantomb has puzzledscholarsfor decades,45 but for purposeshere,it is the two pairsof characters in the lowercornersthat areof importance:they read
0 Es
2 .
I
T (ten thousand years) and qianqiu f-k. (one thousand autumns) (fig. 19), common expres-
wansui
sions for longevity. Theseauspiciousmotifsarelimitedto isolated, individualcreaturesor actualobjects.Partof the appealof the newlydevisedbird-and-flowercom-
49
positions in the late Tang was that they provided a new, powerful, attractive,and truly beautiful visual language through which to articulate these cultural aspirations. These ideas, like their predecessors in earlier tombs, could be proclaimed through metaphors as well as through rebuses and homophones. Flowers and birds had been assigned virtues in early Chinese poetry and continued to be given special distinction. Tao Hongjing AdjTL-c(456-536),for example, wrote of pomegranate's red flowers as the "longevity flower" (yannian hua LI ").4 It is entirely possible that the bird-and-flower screen replica tomb mural discovered in Astana (see fig. 9) served the purpose of expressing felicitous hopes. Those birds and flowers depicted on this screen that can carry propitious content include mandarin ducks, known for their marital fidelity, and pheasants, which symbolize loyalty because they "cannot be enticed with food (i.e. salary) or intimidated with awesome might."47Pheasants are also associated with five virtues: civil culture, martial qualities, courage, benevolence (ren Af-), and trustworthiness.48The daylily is supposed to "bring sons"; the narcissus, an early blooming flower, brings good luck throughout the next twelve months.
m~~~~~~~ 4',
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Two aboveground counterparts of the Astana screen, the roughly contemporary Shoso-in printed screen panels (see fig. lo) and the tenth-century hanging scroll ascribed to Huang Jucai ) (933-after 993), Pheasant, Brambles,and Sparrowsdeserve consideration here. In the Shoso-in panels, aside from the auspicious connotations of the pheasant, the rocks are obvious symbols of endurance and longevity; the exact identification of the flowering tree is unclear, but butterfly (die W) is a homophone for "octogenarian" (X) and conveys the idea of longevity. Of the two dominant bird-and-flower masters in the tenth century, Xu Xi ft,ME(d. before 975) in the South and Huang Quan (903-968) in Sichuan, the tomb paintings seem to be most closely allied with the works of the latter artist along with those of his two sons, Jubao (dates unknown) and Jucai.49The Astana compositional formula, for example, was consolidated under the brush of Huang Jucai,whose Pheasant, Brambles,and Sparrowsis in the National Palace Museum in Taipei (fig. 20). Huang's painting, now mounted as a hanging scroll, is believed originally to have been a screen panel and thus might once have been one portion of a full complement of auspicious motifs.50Its connections with the tomb murals dis-
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19 A Pair of Confronted Birds and Characters "Wansui" and "Qianqiu, impressed, molded clay tile from tomb at Dengxian, Henan, late Six Dynasties. After Annette L. Juliano, Teng-Hsien: An Important Six Dynasties Tomb, Artibus Asiae Supplementum (Ascona Artibus Asiae, 1980), fig. 28.
cussedbelowarestrengthenedwhen it is remembered thatthe motifsin Huang'sdepictiondo conveyauspiciousideas:the sparrow(que*) is a homophone for"highofficialrank"(I); this connectionplus the meaningsassociatedwith the pheasantand the rock suggestan officialwith firmand lastingloyalty. As the ideaof expressingluckywishesthrough birdsand flowerstook hold, the lexiconexpanded. The firstburstoccurredin the ninth century,as seen in the muralsin the tombsof WangGongshu,Wang Chuzhi,and HanYi.The secondsurgewas underway by the earlytwelfthcentury.Givenbelowarethe auspiciousmeaningsassociatedwith the bird,flower,and insectmotifsof the threelateninth- and earlytenthcenturytombsof WangGongshu,WangChuzhi,and HanYithathavenot been explainedearlierin this article.Amongthe flowersin thesethreetombsare peonies,camellias,narcissus,hibiscus,autumnhibiscus, baihelily,roses,and morningglories.Thereare threebirds:long-tailedbirds,dovesor pigeons,and wild geese.Amongthe insectsarebutterflies,bees,and Twoothermotifsarerocksandbamboo. grasshoppers. In Tangtimes,the peonywasprizedas rareand precious,especiallyin the gardensof the imperialpalace,and so the peonywas calledthe flowerof wealth and rank (fugui
,
symbolsof longevitybecauseof theirlong blooming period.Withclingingvines,morninggloriessymbolize maritalfidelity. A genericnamefor"long-tailedbirds"is shoudainiaoVIM% (birdscarryingstreamers).The wordfor streamersis shoue and is a pun on the wordfor longevity(shou).Dai sharesthe samesound as the characterfor "generation" (ft). Ribbonswereattachedto sealsof officialoffice,and so sashesor streamersare connectedwith good fortuneand nobility.Long-tailed birdscarryingstreamersappearedin the auspicious decorativelexiconespeciallyas populardesignson Tangdynastymirrors.53 In the Han dynasty,sculptures of pigeonsweremountedas finialson staffspresented
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As a spring flower, the peony
is sometimesassociatedwith longevity.In the Song dynasty,the peonybecamethe most popularflowerin Luoyang,whichbecamethe centerof peonyculture.5 Anotherspringflower,the camellia,is also identified with longevity;it is a new yearflowersinceit blooms in winter.The narcissus,a thirdearlybloomingflower, bringsgood luckthroughoutthe next twelvemonths. A commonnamefor the hibiscusisfurong) ; the rongW echoes rong*, meaning "splendor and glory:" Thesignificanceof the autumnor yellowhibiscusis loyalty;it is also knownas a flowerthat followsthe
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sun, the life-giving yang element.52 By means of verbal
rebuses,the baihe lily means"hundredtogether," a phrasedescribingmultipleoverlappinglayersof the lilybulb;baihealso standsfor baiheT , "hundred harmonies"or "completeharmony";and further, the baiof baiheis a homophonefor"cypress" (f)' the evergreentreeof long life. Rosesmaybe takenas
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51
to men who reachedthe advancedageof seventy. Becausethe wordfor"pigeon"(jiu ) is a homonym for the ideaof "longlasting"(jiu -X), this emblem wishedthe granteelong life.54Thewild goose is a yang symbolbecauseit followsthe sun in its annualmigrations and thus is also an emblemof longevity;because geesefly in pairsand arebelievedto matefor life,they embodymaritalfidelity. Thefeng 4 in the namefor "bee"( mifeng-1*) is a homophonefor"bountiful"( ) and for"appointment to noble rank"(y4).The grasshopper(guo'er N ,) carrieswishesfor successin the bureaucracy becauseguo'eris similarin soundto the pronunciation of the characterfor "official"(guanW ). The always-greenbambooand the largestonesareobvious symbolsof longevity. Irrefutableevidenceprovingthatexactlythese images- rocks,pigeons,peonies,and long-tailed birds-were acceptedas appropriatefor funerarysettingscomesfromthe art-historianGuo Ruoxu1E TS,who recordedthat in the year1064, when the XiaoyanHall**YO wasbeing constructedin the JinglingMortuaryshrine [Yi]YuanjiA = was summonedto *W paintthe Imperialaudiencescreenin the Yingli Hallof RitualFastingLffi. On the centerpanel he depictedrocksfromTaihu,and sketchedin the well-knownpigeonsof the capitaland the celebratedflowersof the Luo;whileon the two side panelshe representedpeacocks.55
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Luorefersto Luoyangand its peonies.Peacocksare emblemsof dignityand,as birdswith long tails, fit into the categoryof shoudainiao(birdscarrying streamers).Thus,all fourmotifsreceivingimperial endorsementcarryauspicioussignificancesuggesting the perpetuationof the familyand its continued prosperity.Thesemotifsas appropriatefor burialsnot only becamefirmlysituatedin Chineseimperialpractice, as revealedby Guo Ruoxuin the quotationabove, but also,alongwith a host of otherbird-and-flower motifs,becameembeddedwithinthe Chinesecultural spherein generaland subsequentlyspreadto other ethnicgroupswho camein contactwith the Chinese.
Bythe time of HanYi'sdeathin 995,the Qidan Liaohad acquiredthe prefecturesof YanA andYun ,
basically the northern part of modern Shanxi
and Hebeiprovinces.The Qidanpeoplewereof proto-Mongolstock.Fromthe tenthto the thirteenthcentury,they occupieda largeareaof northernAsia,coveringpresentInnerMongolia,southern Manchuria,and,as noted,partsof present-dayShanxi and Hebeiprovincesof China.56 The Liaoandthe Songcontinuedtheirdualrulershipof Chinauntil 1127,when both were defeated by the Jin armies.
The Liaomovedwestward.The Songreestablished theircapitalin the farsouth,in the present-daycity of Hangzhou,and as the SouthernSongruledfrom 1127until 1279,when both the Jin and the Song were
replacedby Mongolinvaders.Underthe QidanLiao, Chinesesubjectscontinuedto burytheirdeadand decoratetheirtombsaccordingto Chinesecustom. SomeQidanalso adoptedcertainChineseburialpractices,includingpaintingthe interiorwallsof tombs.57
BIRD-AND-FLOWER IN LATE COMPOSITIONS ELEVENTHAND EARLYTWELFTH-CENTURY TOMBS
The strengthand effectivenessof expressingauspiciouswishesthroughbird,rock,and flowermotifson screensin tombsarefurthersubstantiatedby the fact thatby the lateeleventhandearlytwelfthcentury,this usagehadspreadfromHebeito otherareasof China. In northernShanxithis screenformulaappearson the northwallof nine,round,paintedbricktombsdiscoveredin the northern,southeastern,and southwestern sectorsof Datongcity,the Liaowesterncapital, more familiaras the site of the Buddhistcaveshrines atYungang.All werecremationburials.One tomb is believedto havebeen constructedbetween1091 and 1093;two others are dated by inscription to 1107and iii;
the other six tombs are not dated, but circum-
stantialdatapoint to approximately the sameera.58 Accordingto the reports,the wallsof theseround tombsaredividedinto sectionsby paintedcolumns. All nine tombshadthree-,five-,or six-paneledscreens depictedon the northernsegment(fig. 21). Lush floweringshrubs,pittedrocks,and sometimesbirds
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21 Peony and Rock, three-panel screens on north walls of tomb 4 (top right and left), tomb 5 (lower left), and tomb 6 (lower right) at Datong, Shanxi, late eleventh-early twelfth century. After Datongshi wenwu chenlieguan "Shanxi Datong Wohuwan sizuo Liaodai bihua mu, Kaogu, 1963,8: p.5, figs. 1-2, and p 6, figs. 1-2. .E 9 .o
or butterflies are depicted on each panel of the screen replicas.Unfortunately, none of these paintings is adequately reproduced in the site reports, thus precluding supplementary comment here. Moving farther north, to the Liao main capital at Zhongjing in present-day Ju Ud Meng of Inner Mongolia, the walls of four early twelfth-century tombs had, according to the report, "six paintings of flowers and plants,"or pictures of "a large stone in the center with bamboo and plum to the sides."59 Other fragmentary echoes of the rock-and-peony convention as a funerary motif come from late eleventh-early twelfth-century Qidan tombs in the area
of Kulun Banner, Inner Mongolia. These murals are best understood from drawings published in the site reports. The basic configuration of peony and rock was discovered painted in the antechamber of tomb 6 at this site (fig. 22).60 A nearby tomb -tomb 1-is famous for its extensive murals depicting Qidan life, and these have received extensive attention from Chinese and Western scholars.6' The north and south walls of the antechamber of tomb 1 from this site were decorated with registers of paintings, including rows of figures at the bottom, then sets of fine rocks and peony plants, then a band of clouds, and, finally,four cranes in a bamboo grove and a lotus pond (fig. 23).
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Thistop registeris not a coherentscene,as the lotus pond awkwardlyintrudesinto the bamboogrove fromone side of the high entranceway. Twospectacularpaintingsof bird-and-flower screensfromthe earlytwelfthcenturywereuncovered in the gravesof two membersof the Zhangfamily whose cemeterywas nearXuanhua,some 129kilometersnorthwestof Beijing,in HebeiProvince.Zhang Shigu :t- and ZhangGongyou , were Chineseadministratorsunderthe Liao.ZhangShigu died in 1108;his cremated remains were entombed in 1117.Zhang Gongyou died in 1113,and his cremated
remainswerealsoburiedin 1117(theirtombsaredesignatedin the reportsas tombs5 and 2, respectively).62 Bothtombsarehexagonal;they arecremationburials, andthe ashesof the deceasedwereplacedin a wooden effigydepositedalongthe northwall.On the northwest,the north,and the northeastwallsof eachtomb arepaintedsix-panelbird-and-flowerscreens,two panelson eachwall.As in the othertombsin Hebei and Shanxidiscussedabove,thesescreensoccupy the most importantpositionof the tomb decorative schemeand couldbe seen fromthe entrance(fig. thesepaintings,descendantsof 24). Compositionally, the panelsin the tomb of WangChuzhi(see fig. 17), demonstratethatas the bird-and-flowercompositions continuedto developin present-dayHebeiProvince, the genrebecamemoreelaborateandthe motifs morediversified. Thissecond,twelfth-centurysurgeexpandingthe rangeof permissiblebird,flower,and insectmotifs reflectsthe rapidacceptanceof bird-and-flowerpainting. Bythe time the imperialSongcollectionwas inventoried in 1120,this genre outstripped all others, CD 0
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with 2,776bird-and-flowerpaintingsby 46 specialists out of a totalof 6,396worksby 231artists,and it was"morethantwicethe numberof the next largest of whichthe imperialcolgenre,religiouspainting)" lectionhad 1,180.63Not only weretheremoreartists in the bird-and-flowerspecialty,but the typesof flora and faunathey choseto portrayhad also expanded. In additionto the increasedexploitationof birdsand flowersas auspiciousmotifs,this expansionwas perhapsdue to the broadeninginterestin observingthe
physicalworld,an interestreflectedin Songlandscape paintingswith theiremphasisupon recordingnatural phenomenasuchas rain,mists,clouds,andtimesof the day. In ZhangShigu'sgravethe representation on each of the six-screenpanelscombinesa plantwith red blossoms(few of the flowersareidentifiedin the site report),dragonflies,a convolutedrock,and a cranein a differentpose in eachpanel(fig. 25).Fromthe left, on the two panelson the northwestwallarewild chrysanthemum(followingthe identificationin the site report)64 and hibiscus;the next panel(on the north wall) depictsa shrubladenwith smallredflowersand augmentedwith bamboo;in the nextpanel(also on the northwall) is a long sprayof daintyredblooms amidmorebamboofoliage.The finaltwo panels,on the northeastwall,haveredhibiscusandlily plants. The imageson the screensreplicatedin Zhang Gongyou'stomb (fig. 26) aremoreelaborateand complexthanthose in his kinsman'stomb.Fromleft to rightin ZhangGongyou'stomb:the firstpanelon the northwestwallis decoratedwith an integrated compositionof a largerockbehindwhichstandsa crane;a largeredlotus is presentedin threestagesof its life-bud, fullblossom,andblossomwith developing seedpod.Pointedleavesof the arrowheadplant providefillers.Twoamazinglyaccuraterenderingsof the black-napedyelloworiole,sometimesknownas the Chineseoriole,areabovethe lotus plant.The plantin the next panelappearsto be a rose (following the site report);65 an orioleperchesin its upper branchesand a butterflyhoversabove.On the north wallpanels,a peonyand a rockareaccompaniedby two butterfliesand the hibiscusand rockby two orioles. In the finaltwo panels(on the northeastwall) is anotherpeonyand rockcompositionwith one oriole and a lotuswith rock,a standingcrane,andtwo dragonflies. The rocksdepictedin ZhangGongyou'stomb are exceptionalfor theirconvolutedanimal-likecontoursand eyelikepits,some of whichhavea pebbled appearance.FancyrocksfromLakeTai(Taihu)farto the southof HebeiProvincein JiangsuProvincein south-centralChinaarewell-knowncomponentsof
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22 Peonies and Rock, mural in tomb 6 at Kulun Banner, Inner Mongolia, late eleventh century. After Zhelimu Meng bowuguan and Nei Menggu wenwu gongzuodui, "Kulunqi de wu, liu hao Liao mu," Nei Menggu wenwu kaogu, 1982, 2:42, fig. 5.
24 View into tomb of Zhang Shigu at Xuanhua 1117.After Hebeisheng wenwu yanjiusuo, Xuanhua Liao mu 1974 1993 nian kaogu fajue baogao (Beijing: Wenwu chubanshe, 2001), 1: fig. 187.
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23 Figures, Peonies and Rocks, and Cranes in Bamboo, and a Lotus Pond,murals in entrance corridor of tomb 1 at Kulun Banner, Inner Mongolia, late eleventh century. After Wang Jianqun and Chen Xiangwei, Kulun Liaodai bihuamu (Beijing: Wenwu chubanshe, 1989), figs.
55
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Chinesegardens.Thosedepictedin the Zhangtomb correspondremarkablyto a vivid descriptionof the superiorgardenrockpaintingsby HuangJubao w:*)g%a son of the famousbird-and-flowerpainter fromSichuanProvince,HuangQuan: His predecessors,in paintingTaihurocks,would simplyhollowout the pot-holeslightlyby ink shading.Jubaowould use the tip of his brushto rubin verticaland horizontalmarkings,[add] varioussortsof insertedpebbles,[andmake] everythingsharpcornersand hardness;insteadof a single [type,his forms]wouldbe shownlikedragons or tigersaboutto spring.66
rockand a blossomingpeonyas the main motifs (figs. 27, 28).67 Tomb5 excavatednearXiawanzibelongedto a Chineseand is believedto be fromthe middleto late Liaoperiod (fig. 29). It had a peonyshrub(described as havingfourlargeblossoms)and butterflieson the northwallof the hexagonalgrave;to eithersidewas a largelotus pond with largelotus leaves,blooming lotuses, reeds, and arrowhead plants (fig. 30). Tomb 1
at this samesite,also believedto be a Chinesetomb, had two extremelyunusualauspiciousmotifspainted on the walls.The northwallof this hexagonaltomb had a representationof a servantgirlat open door and a servantstandingto eitherside.On the northeastand
Depictionsof peoniesand otherfloweringplants and long-tailedbirds,some on ersatzscreenpanels surroundingthe coffinplatform,spreadfarnortheast to the heartlandof Qidan,to AohanBannereastof the present-daycity of Chifengin InnerMongolia. An elaboratelydecoratedQidanburialnearYangshan (tomb 1) had a falsedoor and a figureon the wall oppositethe entrance;to eithersidewas a panelwith a
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A 25 Flowers, Rocks, Cranes, Butterflies, and Dragonflies, six-panel screen mural on the northwest (A), north (B), and northeast (C) walls of tomb of Zhang Shigu at Xuanhua, Hebei. 1117.After Hebeisheng wenwu yanjiusuo, Xuanhua Liao mu1974-1993 nian kaogu fajue baogao (Beijing: Wenwu chubanshe,
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A 26 Flowers,Rocks,Cranes,Butterflies,Birds, Sixpanel screen muralon the northwest(A),north(B),and northeast(C)walls of tomb of ZhangGongyouat Xuanhua,Hebei,1117.After Hebeishengwenwu yanjiusuo,XuanhuaLiaomu-1974 -1993 nian kaogu fajuebaogao (Beijing:Wenwuchubanshe,2001),2: color pls. 82-84. '
A
northwestwallswerereplicasof single-panelstanding screenspaintedwith imagesof two mynahbirds on whataresaidin the site reportto be plum tree branches(fig.31).6 Of fivetombsexcavatedin the
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Qijia area believed to date from the late Liao period, three stil retained remnants of wall paintings. All three had floral screens on the back wall (figs.
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Bythe twelfthcentury,as seen in the paintingsin the Zhangfamilytombs in Xuanhuaand in the tombs in AohanBannerin InnerMongolia,the auspicious visualvocabularyhad expandedto includelotuses, arrowhead,chrysanthemums, dragonflies,orioles,and
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cranes, perhaps reflecting the concurrent heightened
rooted;it suggestscontinuedprosperitysince its flow
interestin exploringnature.And,compatiblewith this trend,auspiciousmeaningsfor birdsand flowerhave becomemore intricate.70 Lotuseshost a clusterof luckyideas,includingthe conceptsof steadfastnessbecauseits tubersarefirmly
ers and leaves are so numerous but also because its blooms, buds, and seedpods appear on the plant at the same time. Its many seeds suggest many sons. One lotUSpicture in the tomb of Zhang Gongyou (see fig.
bud, full blossom, and beginning of seedpod. One of the names for lotus, lian 1, is a homophone for "continuous"L; another of its names, he Wj,is a homophone for "harmony"(fH) as well as for "entire"
They were believed to transport the deceased to the realms of immortality, a belief that accounts for their frequent appearance in tomb decoration from the
The lotus is often the symbol of the continuation of the family through an uninterrupted line of male descendants. The arrowhead (cigu 8tt) contains in its name the characterfor "benevolence" (ci A). The word for chrysanthemum (ju *) is the sound equivalent of the word for "to remain" ()). The chrysanthemum, an autumn flower, is thus also
Wang Chuzhi.74
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associated with longevity. Among several terms for dragonfly is qingding ' and the ding serves as a homophone for "adult ]TJ, male" (7T). According to Dieter Kuhn, in the Song dynasty,"long nails [ding iT] used to nail the coffin lid were called'nails of the descendants' (zisun ding the lotus, the dragonfly stands for the continuation of the family line through its sons. The oriole is often associated with singing girls and prostitutes. However, in the context of auspicious meanings, it is the bird's yellow color that carries ; 7JT
).">71 Combined with
Han dynasty onward, including the tomb of Additional meanings are derived from the homophones for the name for the crane, he , which is another homophone for "harmony"and "entire."For example, the two cranes that appear at either end of the screen sequence in Zhang Gongyou's tomb (see fig. 26) could be understood as hehe 1I, a homophone for "harmony and unity."A pair of cranes appears in an undated Tang tomb in Fuping District, Shaanxi. Here the north wall was divided into three parts; on the west side was depicted an ox led by a black man, and in the center was a female attendant. On the east side were two cranes, one on either side of a convoluted rock and flowers: one crane while walking toward the right has its head turned to look over its back; the head of the other crane, facing to the left, is partially damaged. This bird raises its wings and
significance. Yellow (huang j,) is close to the pronunciation of a word for "happiness"(huan a.); the same character also means "welcome."When depicted together, the lotus (he) and the yellow bird signify
lowers its body as if calling (fig. 34).75 Whether this pair might also be interpreted as "harmony and unity" remains to be clarified. The theme of six cranes, as seen in the screen panels in Zhang Shigu tomb (see fig. 25), is excep-
huanle
"entirehappiness."A later,but related, phrase is hejia , "happiness in the entire family."72 The crane was a common metaphor because it was
tional, and explaining its presence in this tomb requires extended investigation of the multiple layers and dimensions of meaning of this motif.
asserted that cranes often lived to a great age and so they symbolized wisdom, longevity, and immortality.73
In Zhang Shigu's grave, the representation on each of the six screen panels follows a configuration com-
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27 Cross-section of tomb 1 at Yangshan, Aohan Banner, Inner Mongolia, Liao dynasty. After "Aohanqi Yangshan 1-3 hao Liao mu qingli jianbao," Nei Menggu wenwu kaogu, 1991, 1:3, fig. 4.
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bininga floweringplant (of variedspeciesin each segment),a convolutedrock,and a cranein a different pose in eachpanel:stridingalong,preeningits feathers,peckingat the ground,flappingits wings,and so forth.As mentionedabove,flyingcraneshavea long historyas a funerarymotif,beingnormallyassociatedwith immortality,but thesecranesarenot winging off amongclouds;they areearthbound,seeking sustenanceand livingamongreeds.Thissix-panel screenpaintedwith representations of cranesreopens the questionof theirpossiblerelationshipto similar worksby courtartists. The earliestknownrepresentationof six cranesis on a Han dynastyeaves-tileend,where, giventhe factthat otherimageson roof tileshave some meaning,thesesix cranesmust also havehave had some significance,althoughwhatthat mightbe in the Han dynastyis unclear(fig.35).In painting history,the most famouscreationof the painterXie Jitt (649-713) was his renderingof six craneson
29 Ground plan and cross-section of tomb 5 at Xiawanzi, Aohan Banner, Inner Mongolia, Liao dynasty. After "Aohanqi Xiawanzi Liao mu qingli jianbao," Nei Menggu wenwu kaogu, 1991, 1:69, fig. 5.
a screen,and indeedhe is creditedwith introducing this genre.76 Sixcraneswerequicklyappropriated as decorativethemesfor smallutilitarianobjects,such as a lacquerwarechestnow in the Shoso-inin Nara, Japan.77 In 944,the SouthernTangstatesent an envoy with gifts,includingsix live cranes,to the rulerof Shu (present-daySichuan),the secondPrinceMeng (MengChang 7-, r.934-65). The princeobviouslywaspleasedwith this presentand,as if to commemorateit, orderedHuangQuanto representthese birdson the wallsof his (PrinceMeng's)withdrawing room.The gift craneswererealcreatures;heretofore the peopleof Shuknewof thesebirdsonly through Xie Ji'spictures.Meng'swithdrawingroom was des-
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ignated the Hall of the Six Cranes.78The portrayals of the cranes by Huang were honored with distinctive names. According to the eleventh-century painting historian, Guo Ruoxu, z
The first was called "Screamer-to-Heaven" ([because it was shown] raising its head with outstretched beak, and calling). The second was called
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called "Look-as-you-step,"(because it was walking along with head down [as if] looking). Latergener-
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ations of painters took these as models to imitate.79 For the people of Shu, Huang's crane paintings immediately recalled those of Xie Ji. There is a possibility that these six names actually were initially assigned to Xie's six cranes.80
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Xie Ji'ssix-cranescreenand the gift of six cranes to the Shuprinceandhis Hallof the Six Cranes undoubtedlycarriedauspiciouswishes,basedupon the similaritybetweenthe pronunciationof the charactersfor"sixcranes"(liuhe jM ) and those for "sixharmonies." The latterset of soundsis usually explainedas referringto the "sixdirections"(north, south,east,west,the zenith,and the nadir),suggestive of "harmonyeverywhere." Anothermeaningstems fromthe writingscompiledca. 139B.C. by LiuAn I1J Z,kingof Huainan4kjA,and membersof his group of scholars,knownas the Huainanzi A-A-F (Master Huainan)."SeasonalRules,"the fifthchapterof the Huainanzi, statesthatthe rules"followautomatically fromthe annualwaxingandwaningof yin andyang; they areaccompaniedby direwarningsof the conse-
quencesof ignoringthem."'" Section14of this chapter is LiuheA- (Six Coordinates).Thesesix coordinates "aresix pairsof months"and areused"todemonstratethe cyclicalunityof the calendar.First,it is shownthateverymonthlyphenomenonis pairedwith its oppositeat an intervalof six months:for example, in mid-springcropssprout,in mid-autumncrops areharvested.Next,it is assertedthatanyfailureto observethe dutiesof governmentin anygivenmonth will haveadverseconsequencessix monthslater."82 Strippedof its politicaltrappings,the Liuhe,by extension, offersthe conceptof allyearlong,perpetually, or "harmonyforever." Suchideaswouldbe entirely appropriatefor a gift fromone rulerto another. Perhapsthe chestnow in the Shoso-inwas alsooriginallya presentationitem.
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In addition, one simple rebus explanation links the pronunciation of the character for six (lu or liu) with
It is understood that in traditional China, depictions in tombs represented the beliefs, the cultural
the sound of the character for prosperity, rank, and promotion (lu). The number six is considered a lucky number; it occupies the pivotal position in the basic
environment, and the life of the tomb occupant. At the same time, objects placed in or depicted in Chinese tombs were for the use of the deceased in
sequence of even numbers (two, four, six, eight, and ten). Gifts of identical items totaling six or sixteen are considered especially lucky.83
an afterlife. Expressions wishing longevity were to hope for long life to the deceased in another world. In return for this care and for continued observance of rites, the deceased will help ensure the continuation and prosperity of the living family. Edouard
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THEFUNCTIONOFAUSPICIOUSBIRD-AND-FLOWER Chavannes'sobservation about Chinese desires MOTIFSIN LATERCHINESETOMBS is astute: The birds and flowers painted in the later Chinese tombs expressed hopes for the longevity and continuation of the family, as well as for wealth and prosperity. This section further expands upon the purpose of these motifs in a funerary context.
Happiness and longevity are not the only desires of the Chinese. To these must be added the wish for a numerous male posterity, the reason for which is found in the idea of the significance of the family that they have developed. To the Chinese, the
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In returnfor the carelavishedon the deceasedto ensurehis happyafterlife,the livinghoped to realize and maintaina good life throughthe powersof the deceased.Whatthe familywantedwas madeevident in the auspiciousmotifsexpressingwishesfor a felicitous and propitiousprosperitycontinuingoverthe generations. Althoughthesesentimentsexpressedin bird-andflowermuralswerea new developmentin post-Tang times,some olderpracticespersisted.Duringthe Songdynasty,bronzecoinswereused to spellout the 21
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35 Six Cranes, molded clay tile end, Han dynasty. After Zhao Liguang, Zhongguo gudai wadang tudian (Beijing: Wenwu chubanshe, 1998), 86.
family has a far greater reality than the individual; secret and powerful ties attach the dead to the living. The dead will not be tranquil in their tombs or on the family altar if they do not have descendants to offer for them the sacrifices prescribed by the rites; and in return, the living will not be happy unless they are surrounded by the beneficent influences of the dead, who mysteriously protect them.84 Writing about the rationale behind ancestor worship, Jan Stuart and Evelyn S. Rawski elaborate: The spirits of the deceased inhabit a world that is not completely cut off from the world of of the living. Death does not sever the relationship between the living and the dead. Although the corpse is a dreaded source of pollution, it can be transformed into a beneficent force through appropriate rituCLL C=
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als. Even after burial of the corpse, some elements of the deceased person's spirit linger and must be nurtured by his descendants. Ancestors properly cared for become sources of wealth, good luck, and many sons for their descendants. If they are neglected, however, the spirits of deceased persons can become malevolent and wreak misfortune not only on the family but also on the community, in the forms of ghosts.85
In one example,115 sandyears,ten thousandyears).86 coinswereused for this purpose(fig.36). Othertext placedin the tombsthemselvesexpressedwishesfor prosperityand longevity(fushouV ) and for long life (yanchang4I:; figs.37,38). In the tenth century, the epitaphof HanYi,whoseburialchamberwas decoratedwith paintingsof camellias(see above), includesthe term"chamberof longevity"(shoutang t to referto the tomb.As noted earlierin this article,shouling(longevitygrave)was used in the Han dynasty.In the twelfthcentury,especiallyin Sichuan, written charactersfor shoutang and qingtangM
(chamberof blessings;fig.39) wereplaceddirectly in the tombs.The Songdynastypoet and statesman, Su Shi ffW$ (1036-1101), a native of Sichuan, noted
thatdoubletomb chambers,one for husbandand one for the wife,werepopularthere,adding"theroom of the [still]living [partner]is called'Hallof Longevity' (shoutang).:87
In China,whiteis normallyconsideredto be the colorof death;yet redis a constantin Chineseburials.Layersof cinnabarwereplacedin Shangdynasty tombs,and redis the majorcoloron the coffinsof the MarquisYi of Zeng (d. ca. 433B.C.) and of LadyDai fromMawangdui(d. after168 B.c.). 88 In latertombs, redpredominates,as in the muralsof WangChuzhi's tomb noted above.The insideof some Songdynasty coffinswerelacqueredred.89Redhad multipleroles. Cinnabarwas an ingredientin the elixirsof longevity Daoistmasterssoughtto concoct.RichardEdwards pointsout that as a backgroundcolorin earlymurals at Dunhuang,redmighthavebeen usedto indicate"a
Redis the colorof joy and happiness; specialplace."90 as a prophylactic,it wardsoff evil.Associatedwith the sun, it is a yanginfluence,the colorof life.AlbertE. Dien suggeststhatthe placementof a figureof a ram (yang)in Six Dynastiestombsfunctionsas a homophone foryanginfluence.9'ArthurP.Wolffindsthat exceptin the mourninggarmentsof membersof the deceased'shouseholdor his childrenor grandchildren, red appearsin the mourningattireof everyoneelse who attendsa funeral.In this capacity,redprotects the "wearerfromthe malignantinfluenceof death."92 The floral,bird,and insectmotifsin theselatertombs expressingwishesfor longevity,harmony,prosperity, wealth,officialoffice,nobility,and preservationof the familyarevisualreinforcementsof theseideasand apparentlyweremorepopularthanverbalones. In the Zhangtombsat Xuanhua,the craneand rockscreen panelarethe visualequivalentof the euphemismfor burialchamberas a "longevitychamber," and the red lotus,crane,and dragonflypanel,for the continued longevityof the family. EXTENSIONS
Oncethe presence,significance,and importanceof auspiciousimagesin tombsis recognizedas vitalpictorialadjunctsto tomb decoration,the meaningsof othermotifsdepictedin latertombsfallinto place.As the urgeto use auspiciousthemesin tombsescalated, suchthemescouldbe representedin othermedia andwith othermotifs.Althoughtheseareillustrated and describedin the site reports,thereis neverany attemptto explaintheirsignificance. Amongthe 169 claybricksrecoveredfroma late SouthernSongtomb in Ankang,Shanxi,some were impressedwith exquisite,delicatepatternsof peonies, lotuses,chrysanthemums, and autumnhibiscus(fig. 40).93In additionto carryingthe messagesalready identified,thesefourseasonalblooms suggests"all yearlong"or "forever." A differentsolutionto incorporatingauspicious motifswas foundin a three-roomgravein Huguan,
(peony) andwest (lotus) wallsof a smallchamber openingoff the mainroom."Thiseast-westpeony andlotus configurationwas not uncommonin tombs of this era.Twoexamplescome fromthe farsouthwest of China,Sichuanand Guizhou.In a tomb in Zhaohuaxianin Sichuan,datedby inscriptionto 1183,a reliefsculptureof a singlepeonywason the eastwalland a lotus on the westwall.95 A similar arrangementof peonyandlotus sculptureswasdiscoveredin an undatedtomb of the Songperiodin Meitan,Guizhou.96 Thesetwo flowers-peony and lotus-become basicnecessitiesin tomb decoration. Shiftingnorthto InnerMongolia,in the tomb at Xiawanzimentionedabove,only peoniesandlotuses aredepicted.The peonyis a huge,flourishingshrub, and the lotus hasbeen expandedinto a veritablepond completewith reedsand arrowheadplants.Peonyand lotus arethe flowersof springand summer,the two seasonswhen the life-givingyangforcesbeginto wax (in spring)and then to flourish(in summer). Otherauspiciousmotifsenteredthe lexiconfor tomb decoration.Spraysof blossomingplum and two craneswererenderedin blacklines and colorson an eight-paneledscreenreplicatedon the northwall abovethe coffinplatformof an octagonaltomb at Kangyingziin AohanBannerof JuUd Meng (fig. 41).97 Giventhe auspiciousconnotationsassoci-
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ing scrolls-one with peonies,the otherwith a lotus -were partof the muralprogramon the east
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36 Coins forming the characters Qiannian wansui in a Song dynasty tomb. After Kaogu xuebao, 1985, 3:390, fig. 9.
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37 Characters fushou in tomb 2 at Jingkou, Chongqing, Sichuan, early twelfth century. After Chongqingshi bowuguan lishizu, "Chongqing Jingkuo Song mu qingli jianbao," Wenwu, 1961, 11:59, fig. 25.
38 Characters yanchang in tomb 1 at Jingkou, Chongqing, Sichuan, early twelfth century. After Chongqingshi bowuguan lishizu, 'Chongqing Jingkuo Song mu qingli jianbao," Wenwu, 1961, 11:58, fig. 18.
atedwith the blossomingplum,it is surprisingthat it so rarelyappearsin tomb decoration.The plum (or more correctly,Japaneseapricot)"isa long lived tree.Veryold specimens,of hundredsof yearsup to a thousandyearsof age,areoften found in gardens and templegroundsin China."98 Becausethe plum blossomsearlyin the spring,beforethe ice and snow aremelted,it suggests"hardinessand loftinessand As statedby RichardBarnhart,"Thesight purity."99 of an ancientplumburstinginto flowerlike a shower The five-petaledblossom of snow is unforgettable.""" of the plum can signify"goodluck"becausefiveis a "luckynumber"in China."'0 In one earlytwelfth-centurytomb in Sichuan,a stone panelis carvedwith a specialcompositionof a deerholding"spiritgrass"(lingcao;&M),a donkey standingon a slope,a smallcranein the background, and a monkey(hou) seatedin the boughsof a peach
withoutrest.'102 The monkeypickingpeachesis linked to the ancientstoryof DongfangShuoI)1}5 stealing the peachesof immortalityfromXiwangmu's garden.The reportcontinues,sayingthat all Nl?-e imagesreflectthe influenceof Daoism.DieterKuhn takesa slightlydifferentview of these motifs,saying thatit wasbelievedthe deceasedascendedto heaven on the crane;thatthe deerstood for wealthandlongevity;thatthe donkey(or as he translatesthe term,
tree plucking its fruits (fig. 42). The excavation report
statesthatthe craneand deeraresymbolsof longevity, and thatthe donkeyis an "immortaldonkey"(xianliu QJd), illustratingthe expression"thedonkeyof an immortalwill enjoy500 yearsand carryheavyloads
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39 Plaque with characters qingtang in tomb in Sichuan, early twelfth century. After Shen Zhongchang and Chen Jianzhong, "Sichuan Zhaohuaxian Quhuixiang de Song mu shike," Wenwu
cankaoziliao,1957,12:52,fig. 5.
mule) is "themule of the immortal."Kuhninterprets the monkeypickingpeachesas an allusionto the monkey-kingSunWukonggkdt, the protagonist of the famous sixteenth-century novel, Xiyouji #fjb
motifsto interpretthe monkeypickingthe peaches as a rebusbasedupon a characterhomophonefor The monkeypickwhichmeans"posterity." "monkey," ing the peachesof longevityexpresseshopes thatthe
E"(Journeyto the West),who stolethe peachesof immortality.03Althoughit is true thatpartsof Xiyou it is also difji wererootedin earlieroraltraditions,'04 ficultto acceptthis motif as representingthe monkeyking.It is moreconsistentwith the otherauspicious
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40 Peonies, Lotuses,Chrysanthemums,and AutumnHibiscus, clay bricksfrom a tomb at Ankang,Shanxi,SouthernSong dynasty.AfterShanxishengkaoguyanjiusuoand Ankangshi wenhua jiaoyuju, "Ankangshi Shang Xu jia tal Nan Song mu
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41 Two Cranes and Plum Blossoms, eight-panel screen mural on north wall of tomb at Kangyingzi, Aohan Banner, Ju Ud Meng, Inner Mongolia, Liao dynasty. After Xiang Chunsong, comp., Liaodai bihua xuan (Shanghai: Shanghai renmin meishu chubanshe, 1984), 71.
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familywill be long lived.The deer (lu) and crane(he) can standnot only for longevityandwealth,but the combinationof lu for deerand he for cranecan also be understoodas homophonesfor"sixharmonies,"as discussedabove. Finally,a veritableexplosionof felicitiousmotifs appearsin the numerous,spectacularlyembellished tombslocatedin the areaof Pingyang,Shanxi.The tombswereconstructedunderthe Jindynastyand rangein datefrom1173to 1212; the interiorwallswere profuselycoveredwith beautifullycarvedclaypanels depictinga varietyof figuraland othermotifs. Auspiciousbotanicalmotifsincludethe familiar peonies,lotuses,peaches,chrysanthemums, autumn hibiscus,and morningglories.Crabappleblossoms (haitang't ) and pomegranates are also among the luckymotifs.The crabappleblossomis often representedalongwith the peony (fugui)and the magnolia (yulan3I ), wherethe tangof the crabappleblossoms contributesto the rebusexpression:yutangfugui "wealth and rankin the jadehall.""Jade 3ETt Hall"refersnot only to a wealthyfamilybut alsoto the HanlinAcademy,whose memberswerescholarswith the highestcivil servicedegrees.The abundantseeds of the pomegranatemakeit an idealemblemexpressing wishesfor manysons.Amongthe propitiouscrea-
turesarethe familiardeer,peacocks,pigeons,golden pheasants,and pairsof fish.Theseand othermotifs in the Pingyangtombswererecognizedas auspicious; they areso listedand identifiedin a lavishcollection of reproductionsof morethan fourhundredimages fromthis location,but thereis no hint abouttheir functionin the tomb.'05 As partof the continuum,the mortuarypictorialschemeof 1064 as recordedby Guo Ruoxuis echoedin a Jindynastytomb at Pingyang dated1210. On one side of the northwallof the tomb is a replicaof a single-panelstandingscreenwith a compositionof peacock,peony,and contortedTaihu rock (fig. 43).'"
CONCLUSIONS
The bird-and-flowercompositionswith theircomplementsof busyinsectsin the tombs arepartsof larger pictorialprogramsof the tomb.Theirstandardlocation on the north (back)wallof the tomb reinforces a premiseaboutlaterChinesetombsproposedtwo decadesago:thatthe decorationof laterChinese tombsis not randomlyselectedand placedbut tends to adhereto unwrittenrulesdictatingthe appropriate locationin the tomb for eachmotif.'07In addition, the motifscarrymeaning.The bird-and-flowercom-
positionsin thesetombsarenot the consequenceof whim or fancyon the partof the bereavedfamilyor the funeraldirectorbut arethose specificblooms and birdsthat connotefelicitouswishesfor the deceased and the descendants.As such,they confirmthe persistenceof conceptsaboutsuitabletomb decoration, for they arean updatedvisualexpressionof the ideas aboutauspiciousnessarticulatedas earlyas the Han dynasty(althoughthroughdifferentmotifs) as well as by contemporaneouswrittendeclarations.The fact thatthe bird-and-flowercompositionsareusually placedalongthe north (back)wall,adjacentto the coffinand henceclose to the deceased,underscores hopes for theirefficacy.The preponderancein the tomb paintingsof redflowersand redbutterflies, and eventhe yellowhibiscusthat facesthe sun or the goose that followsthe sun in its migrations,is yet furtherconcentrationof the active,energizingyang element necessaryto achievethe goalsexpressedthrough thesepictorialcombinations.*:
42 A Monkey Picking Peaches, a Deer, a Crane and a Donkey, from tomb 1 at Jingkou, Chongqing, Sichuan, early twelfth century. After Chongqingshi bowuguan lishizu, "Chongqing Jingkuo Song mu qingli jianbao," Wenwu, 1961,11:12, fig. 12.1.
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ELLENJOHNSTON LAING,Ph. D. (1967) in FarEasternart history, Universityof Michigan, is currentlya research associate, Centerfor Chinese Studies, Universityof Michigan. Her publications include "Chin(Tartar)Dynasty (1115-1234)MaterialCulture,"ArtibusAsiae (1988-89)and Selling Happiness: Calendar Posters and VisualCulturein the EarlyTwentieth CenturyShanghai (2004). 2106 Wallingford Road,Ann Arbor,Michigan48104. E-mail:
[email protected].
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Pingyang Jin mu zhuandiao (N.p.: Shanxi renmin chubanshe, 1998), pl. 56.
70
NOTES Thisstudyis basedon a paperpresentedat the conference"Re-Mapping the Northeast," Reed College,Portland,Oregon,February2000. The authorextendsthanksto ProfessorsMaggie Bickford,RichardEdwards,andSusanErickson for theirassistancein the preparationof this articleandto CarolStepanchukforherhelp. 1.EllenJohnstonLaing,"TheDevelopment
of FlowerDepictionandthe Originof the Bird-and-Flower Genrein Chinese Art,"Bulletinof theMuseumofFarEastern Antiquities64 (1992):180-223. 2. DieterKuhn,A Placefor theDead:An on Gravesand Archaeological Documentary Tombsof the Song Dynasty (960-1279)
(Heidelberg:EditionForum,1996), 39-54. 3. RichardEdwards, "TheCaveReliefsat Ma Hao II,"ArtibusAsiae 17 (1954): 116,see also 120.
and 4. EllenJohnstonLaing,"Patterns Problemsin LaterChineseTomb Decoration," Journalof OrientalStudies16 (1978): 13-14, 17-18.
5.Kuhn,Placefor theDead,50. 6.JessicaRawson,"Changesin the of Lifeandthe Afterlifeas Representation Illustratedby the Contentsof Tombsof the in Artsof theSung T'angand SungPeriods," and Yuan,ed. MaxwellK.HearnandJudith G. Smith(NewYork:MetropolitanMuseum of Art,1996),36 n. 44. 7.Foran earlysurveyof screensin Chinese art,see MichaelSullivan,"Noteson Early ChineseScreenPainting," ArtibusAsiae27 (1965):239-64. 8.WuHung,TheDoubleScreen:Mediumand in ChinesePainting(London: Representation ReaktionBooks,1996),84.WuHunggives an exampleof thisideaon p. 85. 9.WuHung,DoubleScreen,89.LiLi t discussesscreensas foundin tombsboth as physicalobjectsandpaintedreplicasin "CongkaogufaxiankanZhongguogudaide pingfenghua" J Yishushi FII 1:277-94, yanjiuOfitJ andArt synopsesin ChinaArchaeology Digest4.4 (April-May2002): 265-68. 1o.WuHung,Double Screen,go. Sogdians living in NorthChinaespeciallyfavoredthis funerarycouch.Foursuchcouches,two completeand two now dividedamong museums,areknown.Theywereproduced withina briefperiodof some fiftyyears
panelsareidentifiedas the SevenWorthies of the BambooGroveandRongQiqi. wenwukaoguyanjiusuo, Shandongsheng "Ji'nanshi DongbaliwaBeichaobihuamu"
between the Northern Qi (550-577) and the Sui (581-618) dynasties. The stone
panelsarecarvedwith scenesof banqueting,hunting,musicians,anddancersand withZoroastrianreligiousthemes.See AnnetteL.JulianoandJudithA. Lerner, MonksandMerchants: SilkRoadTreasures fromNorthwestChina(NewYork:HarryN. AbramsandtheAsiaSociety,2001), 304-09, andthe severalarticleson Zoroastrianism in Chinain ChinaArchaeology andArtDigest 4.1 (December2000): 5-216. A sacrophagus carvedwith similarsubjectsis discussedin the collectionof essaysin part1,"TheYu andSinicizedSogdian HongSarcophagus Art,"in Han Tangzhijian wenhuayishude hudongyujiaorong ,X*ZkPJ3 Jb5 El;5ffi3tjS ed.WuHong A (Beijing: Wenwuchubanshe,2001). WhetherSodgians originatedthe practiceof usingstoneplatformsandscreenedburialcouchesandwere copiedby Chinese,or the otherwayaround, remainsto be clarified. ii. Ji'nanbowuguaniitl?, "Ji'nanshi BeiQi mu"Allr,Qg*4L Majiazhuang Jtg,
Wenwu,1985,10:44-46, figs. 5,8-1o.
XJ\W;ftXFFX,
4:4-26;
Wu Wenqi, "Painted Murals of the
NorthernQi Periodin the Tombof General
W
&, "ShandongBeichaomu renwupingfeng L XO R bihuade xin qishi"O 4 Wenwu tiandi, 1991,3:6-8. b?*J!g, theAncients: 13.AudreySpiro,Contemplating AestheticandSocialIssuesin EarlyChinese Portraiture (BerkeleyandLosAngeles: University of California Press, 1990), 135,11.
Spiroincludesin herdiscussionthe renditionsof the SevenWorthiesof the Bamboo GroveandRongQiqifoundin Qi imperial tombsin the Nanjingregion. laoren'yu 14.ZhaoChao , "'Shuxia Tangdaide pingfengshimu zhongbihua"# 2003,
Wenwu, f tS,ttt,o M,itrp, 2:69-81. For the known examples and
referencesto theirsite reports,seeZhao's chart, pp. 71-72.
Weiwuerzizhiqubowuguan*f 15.Xinjiang WiZt "M, "Tulufanxian 1 Asitana- Halahezhuogumuqunfajuejian-
12. Wallsin the tombof CuiFen
4 dating to 551hada replicaof a fifteen-panelscreen with figuresandtrees,includingeight figuresidentifiedas the SevenWorthies of the BambooGroveandRongQiqi. wenwukaoguyanjiusuo Shandongsheng [_ KZ VE!FAFT andLinquxian bowuguanWuRQf%M,' "Shandong LinquBei Qi CuiFenbihuamu"ILI, W L4 WIJX, Wenwu,2002,
Wenwu,
1989,4:67-78, figs. 3, 4-6; Yang Hong
bao" 9;FJ
-ttJftr
Vgm M.*K, Wenwu,1973,lo:a9.
16.Sitereportin ZhaoLiguangjn)])Mand WangQiugangT3t)Lf, "Chang'anxian NanliwangcunTangbihuamu" A T fl *91 STI, Wenbo,1989,4:3-9, 19. 17.Shaanxisheng kaoguyanjiusuoREt
V)
tHtAfi, ShaanxixinchutuTangmu bihua fiN (Chongqing: Chongqingchubanshe,1998), pl. 129. 18."Xinjiang AsitanasanzuoTangmu chutu zhenguijuanhuaji wenshudengwenwu"*
t-n
fs:)
Cui Fen,"Orientations 29.6 (June 1998):
60-69. Fortwo earlystudiesof the Seven Worthiesof the BambooGroveas motifs in Chinesetombs,seeAlexanderCoburn Soper,"ANew ChineseTombDiscovery: TheEarliestRepresentation of a Famous LiteraryTheme,"ArtibusAsiae24 (1961): 79-86; EllenJohnstonLaing,"Neo-Taoism andthe 'SevenSagesof the BambooGrove'
:W:X:t1,Y Wenwu,1975,1o:89-go, reproduced in pl. 1 and pp. 40-41, figs. 3-5. 19.Zhao Qinglan kt E,
"Mogaoku Tufan
shiqidongkukanneipingfenghuayanjiu" 4..
20.
Dunhuangyanjiu 1994,3:58-59. #fR, Seeillustrationin Shaanxisheng kaoguyanjiusuo,ShaanxixinchutuTangmu bihua,pL. z
in Chinese Painting,"ArtibusAsiae 36 (1974):
5-54. An undatedtombfromthe Northern Dynastiesin Dongbaliwa,nearJi'nanin ShandongProvince,hadan eight-panel screenpaintedon the wallssurrounding the coffinplatform.Fourof the eightpanels wereblank;the figureson the otherfour
147. 21.
BeijingshiHaidianquwenwuguanlisuo I Pf, "Beijingshi . L'r YW HaidianquBalizhuangTangmu"4IXf5r R, ZrhJ \_!9 *-1
22.
Wenwu, 1995, 11:49.
BeijingshiHaidianquwenwuguanlisuo, "Beijingshi Haidianqu," 46.
71
23.HebeishengwenwuyanjiusuoMJtt9" f5Pfi, Baodingshiwenwuguanlichu{R t-rViZA;fl!.P, andQuyangxianwenwu guanlisuoa W-l," fli, "Hebei QuyangWudaibihuamu fajuejianbao"SJ 0 , Wenwu,1996, aLbtW ftI 9:4-13; Hebeishengwenwuyanjiusuoand Baodingshiwenwuguanlichu,WudaiWang Chuzhimu Eft{FWY.3 (Beijing:Wenwu chubanshe,1998). Foran English-language surveyof this tomb,see the entryby Richard Barnhart,"TheTombof WangChuzhiat in Quyang,HebeiProvince," Xiyanchuan, TheGoldenAgeof ChineseArchaeology: Discoveries fromthePeople's Celebrated Republicof China,ed.XiaonengYang(New Haven:YaleUniversityPress,1999), 506-13. plantsin the 924 24. Bothof the secondary WangChuzhitombhaveredblossomsand areidentifiedin the site report(Hebeisheng wenwuyanjiusuoandBaodingshiwenwu guanlichu,WudaiWangChuzhimu,31) as roses(qiangwei),but this is erroneoussince the long,lanceolateleavesbearno resemblanceto roseshrubfoliage. 25. Hebeishengwenwuyanjiusuoand Baodingshiwenwuguanlichu,WudaiWang Chuzhi mu, 30-31, pl. 4.
26.BeijingshiwenwugongzuoduiIL5$: tITf'F, "LiaoHanYimu fajuebaogao" t"ffiffiffiM&, Kaoguxuebao,1984,
Sichuan wenwu 1999,2:22.
Forsurveysof moneytreesandthe meanings of variousmotifs,see Erickson,"Money Images StanleyK.Abe,Ordinary Trees"; (Chicago:Universityof ChicagoPress,
Renkai* 2a, "Yemaotai Liaomu chutu ?J?i guhuade shidaiji qita" R; Wenwu, 1975,12:37-39. , tSnfe;28.Hao JianwenKJ, "QiantanQuyang Wudaimu bihua"aA[MW
I.-
Bulletinof the EasternHanDynasty," Museumof FarEasternAntiquities66 (1994): ZhuJunhui20 is; He Zhiguof11, andZeng %f,HuangQuanxiangjh_ chutu GuomingViHl, "Mianyangshi yaoqianshushukao" ZL"f A+4T&A r :,
of Sung YuanStudies 24 (1994): 60-63; Yang
-j
32.SusanN. Erickson,"MoneyTreesof the
"BeijingXijiaoLiaobihuamu fajue"I -3,i Fj 9 M #i, Beijingwenwuyu kaogu, 1983, 1:28-47.
uJ
4, 5, 22, 23.
3:361-81;Beijingshi wenwu gongzuodui,
27.LuoShiping V 2, "GuanWangGongshu mu bihua'Mudanluyantu'xiaoji" T A (Kt?ffIR ) /J\`-, Wenwu, M 1996,8:78-83.AlthoughLuodoes not refer to it, the scrolldepictionof two rabbits, bamboo,andsparrowsfoundin a Liao tombat Yemaotairetainsa remnantof the symmetryseenin the WangGongshimural. SeeEllenJohnstonLaing,"ASurveyof Liao Journal Painting," DynastyBird-and-Flower
Cl)
Art,trans.,annotated,and illustratedElaine 1973); S.Atwood(NewYork:Weatherhill, A Dictionaryof Chinese WolframEberhard, HiddenSymbolsin ChineseLifeand Symbols: Thought,trans.G. L.Campbell(London andNewYork:Routledge,1986);C.A. S. and Williams,Outlinesof ChineseSymbolism ArtMotives,3rdrev.ed. (Shanghai:Kelly andWalsh;reprint,NewYork:Dover,1976); NozakiNobuchikad LR, Kisshozuan (Tianjin:Zhongguo kaidai 0 tuchangongsi,1928), 2nded. (Tokyo: Heibonsha,1940;reprintedasZhongguo jixiangtu'an@ fJ-fM 3 [Taipei: Zhongwentushu,1980]); WangShucun T4jt, Zhongguo jixiangtujichengrp1 Hebeirenmin %MZ(Shijiazhuang: chubanshe,1992). trans.K. 30.WangZhongshu,Han Civilization, C. Changet al. (New Haven:YaleUniversity Press,1982), 148-50. zhilu:Han Tangzhiwuff*gVAr: i* 31.Sichou *KV0 (Beijing:Wenwuchubanshe,1972),
auspiciousmotifs.Someof the most useful includeEdouardChavannes,Five in ChinesePopular Symbolism Happinesses:
2002), 31-151.
Studiesin 33.ChengTe-k'un,Archaeological Szechwan(Cambridge: Cambridge UniversityPress,1957),150,pI. 26. chutu 34.HeZhiguoet al.,"Mianyangshi of such 22; for photographs yaoqianshu," basins,see ChengTe-k'un,Archaeological Studies,pl.56. 35.SeeJamesJ.Y.Liu,TheArtof ChinesePoetry (Chicago:Universityof ChicagoPress,1963), 11, 111-12; QianshenBai,"ImageasWord: A Studyof RebusPlayin SongPainting (960-1279)," Metropolitan Museum Journal
34 (1999):65-66. 36.Erickson,"MoneyTrees," 9;He Zhiguoet al., 22. chutuyaoqianshu," "Mianyangshi 211. 37.WangZhongshu,Han Civilization, 38.K.E.Brashier, "LongevityLikeMetaland Stone:TheRoleof the Mirrorin Han T'oung Pao 8i (1995): 217, 218, 218 n. Burials," 42, 225.
72
39. Fu Yimin
; "Zhejiang Fenghuashi
Jin jinian mu de qingli" NiI1#ThW 2003,2:89, fig.6; gt , OKaogU Quanzhoushi wenguanhui RJifiS t
C I*4 J Huianxian Zengcuocun faxian
and Huianxian bowuguan
#,"Fujian
liangzuo Sui mu"
fJ9
p, Kaogu, 1998,11:72,fig. 4. 40. Zhenjiangshi bowuguan Q-It nt1, "Zhenjiang Dong Jin huaxiang zhuan mu" A
E*41,
Wenwu,1973,4:54,56,
fig.6. 41.Sichou zhilu: Han Tangzhiwu, 27. 42. Albert E. Dien, "Developments in Funerary Practices in the Six Dynasties Period: The Duisuguan or 'Figured Jar'as a Case in Point,"in Wu Hung, Han Tangzhi jian, 510. 43.Annette L. Juliano, Teng-Hsien:An Important Six Dynasties Tomb,Artibus Asiae Supplementum (Ascona: Artibus Asiae, 1980), 45. 44.Yu Ying-shih, "Life and Immortality in the Mind of Han China,"HarvardJournal of Asiatic Studies 25 (1964-65): 110. 45. See Juliano, Teng-Hsien,45 nn. 206, 207, 208; Susan Bush, "Thunder Monsters, Auspicious Animals, and Floral Ornament in Early Sixth-Century China,"Ars Orientalis lo (1975): 24; Wang Kai Et, "'Renmianniao'
kao"A
Kaoguyu wenwu,1985,
6:97-101. 46. Donald Harper,"Flowersin T'ang Poetry: Pomegranate, Sea Pomegranate, and Mountain Pomegranate,"Journal of the American Oriental Society 106.1(JanuaryMarch 1986):142-43. Convenient lists of metaphors and allusions, especially as found in Chinese love poetry, are in Anne Birrell, trans. and annotator, New Songsfrom a Jade Terrace:An Anthology of Early Chinese Love Poetry (Harmondsworth, England: Penguin, 1986), 295-335; Lois Fusek, trans., Among
the Flowers:The "Hua-chien chi" (New York:
ColumbiaUniversityPress,1982), 203-16. 7.4a, 47. Ban Gu QIE, Baihu tong Ftd, quoted in Charles Hartman, "Literaryand Visual Interactions in Lo Chih-ch'uan's Crowsin Old Trees,"MetropolitanMuseum Journal 28 (1993): 146. 48. Hanshi wai zhuan "
fW, quoted in
Hartman, "Literaryand Visual Interactions," i65-66 n. 95. See also Hou-mei Sung, "Lu Chi and His Pheasant Paintings,"National Palace Museum ResearchQuarterly10.4 (Summer 1993):8.
49.Fora biographiesof XuXi andHuangQuan, see entriesby RichardM. Barnhartin Sung Biographies: Painters,ed. HerbertFranke (Wiesbaden:FranzSteinerVerlagGMBH), 41-45, 50-55, respectively. Huang Jucai's
biographyby EllenJohnstonLaingappears in this samevolumeon pp.47-50. In the Xuanhehuapug3i1tJX, HuangQuan is creditedwith picturesof pigeonsnext to a bowl.Hou-meiSung,"TheEvolution of ChinesePigeonPainting," OrientalArt 39.3 (Autumn1993): 28-30. An intriguing, unfortunatelypoorlyreproduced,section of a muralin the Xi'antombof Princess Tang'anis of birds,includingpigeons,and flowersarounda shallowbowl.ChenAnli "Xi'an J*+ [J andMaYongzhongW,%=cf WangjiapoTangdaiTang'angongzhumu" Gi:Fttl?t,W.'D4:X,Wenwu,
1991,
reproducedon p. 19, fig.12. 50. RichardM. Barnhart, "WangShenandLate NorthernSungLandscapePainting," in International onArtHistorical Symposium Studies,2d,1983,Kyoto(Kyoto:National MuseumandTaniguchiFoundation, 1984), 62-63, 69, quotedin WenC. Fong, in MaxwellK.Hearnand "Riverbank," WenC. Fong,AlongtheRiverbank: Chinese theC. C. WangFamily Paintingsfrom Collection(NewYork:Metropolitan Museumof Art,1999), 28. 51.Foradditionalinformationaboutthe peony see H. L.Li,TheGarden appreciation, Flowersof China(NewYork:RonaldPress, 9:20,
Arizona Press, 1998), 10.
57.Forgeneralsurveysof Liaoperiodtomb structures,decoration,anddating,see Nancy ShatzmanSteinhardt, LiaoArchitecture (Honolulu:Universityof Hawai'iPress, 1997),chap.12; DieterKuhn,HowtheQidan ReshapedtheTradition of theChineseDomeShapedTomb,Wiirzburger Sinologische Schriften(Heidelberg:EditionForum, 1998);HsingyuanTsao,Differences Preserved: Reconstructed theLiaoandSong Tombsfrom Dynasties(Portland,Ore.:DouglasE Cooley MemorialArtGallery,ReedCollege,2000). 58.BianChengxiu&Aif, "Datongxi'nanjiao faxiansanzuoLiaodaibihuamu" kl3I Wenwu,1959, rfEw- Ift"eI, 7:73;Shanxisheng wenwuguanliweiyuanhui "Shanxi Datong 1l it:1;t jiaoquwuzuoLiaobihuamu" U[i7fg 1-` ,*IMS Kaogu,1960, 10:37-42; Datongshiwenwuchenlieguant] r1@ NOW, "ShanxiDatongWohuwansizuo r Liaodaibihuamu"[_i2ff) Ji3,!LV , ee Kaogu, 1963, 8:432-36. 59.Onlya dim photographof one wallpainting is reproducedin the sitereport.Nei Menggu zizhiquwenwugongzuoduiN`Ft [ 1E 3 1'TI`tl, "LiaoZhongjingxichengwai de gumuzang" t p,-T, Wenwu,1961,9:41,fig. 3.
1959), 22-26. 52. Hui-shuLee,"TheDomainof Empress Yang
(Ph.D.diss.,YaleUniversity, I am gratefulto Richard Edwardsfor supplyingme with a copyof this reference. 53.Forexamples,seeWangShilunIE? fi, Zhejiangchututongjing 4Wl?f +%f (Beijing:Wenwuchubanshe,1987), 2; Qiu Shijing , Tongjing (Hefei: MuJ$% Huangshanshushechuban,1995), 80. (1162-1233)"
1994),147-48.
54. Shang Yongqi 1i74z3,
1951),65.Forthe sakeof consistency,Soper's Wade-Gilesspellingshereandelsewhereare convertedinto pinyin. 56.Jing-shenTao,TwoSonsof Heaven:Studiesin Sung-LiaoRelations(Tucson:Universityof
60.Tomb6 is reportedin ZhelimuMengbowuguan m?7T IfA" andNei Menggu wenwugongzuoduiN'q f3IZ" Tf , "Kulunqide wu,liu hao Liaomu"* 9 LP, NeiMengguwenwukaogu, 1982, 2:35-46.
6i.Thesitereportis Jilinshengbowuguan mc'%$4" andZhelimuMengwenhua ju 9T X9;3j, "JilinZhelimuMeng KulunqiyihaoLiaomu fajuejianbao"
"Zhongguo gudai de
zhangyu zunlaozhidu"+rp ftn,f it tIJg, Zhongguodianjiyu wenhua,1997, 2:86-88. Shangalsodiscussesrulesregulating the awardingof thesetokens. 55.GuoRuoxu,Tuhuajianwenzhi,trans. AlexanderCoburnSoperasKuoJo-hsu's in Painting(Washington,D.C.: Experiences AmericanCouncilof LearnedSocieties,
,
Wenwu,1973,8:2-18. The tomb paint-
ingsarediscussedby WangZeqingT &,1 "KulunqiyihaoLiaomu bihuachutan"*ft
,-
Wenwu,1973,8:3035.Tomb1 is alsocoveredin a monograph on fourLiaotombsat Kulunqiby Wang JianqunIzF# andChenXiangweiP* nXR1=%
, KulunLiaodaibihuamu**Mf (Beijing:Wenwuchubanshe,1989).See alsoLindaCookeJohnson,"TheWedding Ceremonyforan ImperialLiaoPrincess: WallPaintingsfroma LiaoDynastyTombin Jilin," ArtibusAsiae54 (1983):107-36. 62.Theinitialreporton tomb5 appeared in Zhangjiakoushi Xuanhuajuwenwu baoguansuo AR El M tT.:31rfift XuanhuaLiaodaibihuamu" fT,"Hebei ILit IE ftte , Wenwu, 1995, g
2:4-19; the first report for tomb 2 was in
Zhangjiakoushi wenwushiyeguanlisuoN 1 rt 1A fffT andZhangjiakoushi Xuanhuajuwenwubaoguansuo,"Hebei XuanhuaXiabaliLiaoJinbihuamu"SI L'R
LTJ /k
-5z
, Wenwu,
990o,1o:1-8,
19. Bothtombsaredetailedin the final
site report,Hebeishengwenwuyanjiusuo, XuanhuaLiaomu-1974-1993 niankaogu fajue baogao
tM}{+
(L2
-
1974-1993 -t
(Beijing:Wenwuchubanshe,
2001), 1:239-67, 268-87.
63.RichardM. Barnhart,PeachBlossomSpring: GardensandFlowersin ChinesePaintings (NewYork:MetropolitanMuseumof Art, 1983), 27.
64.Hebeishengwenwuyanjiusuo,XuanhuaLiao mu, 1:256.
65.Hebeishengwenwuyanjiusuo,XuanhuaLiao mu, 1:274.
66.HuangXiufu ilI,
Yizhouminghualu @
)t'I?&ff (Huashicongshued.,comp.Yu Anlanf:J ), zhong21, trans.Soperin Kuo Jo-hsu'sExperiences in Painting,147n. 357. 67."Aohanqi Yangshan1-3 hao Liaomu qingli tl1-3 M224404 M , jianbao"it2
1^
Nei Menggu wenwu kaogu, 1991, 1:1-38,43.
68."Aohanqi XiawanziLiaomu qinglijianbao" Nei Menggu RWffTf IjWN, wenwu kaogu, 1991,1:67-84.
69."Aohanqi QijiaLiaomu"R&g-L
,
Nei Menggu wenwu kaogu, 1999,1:46-66, 104.
-
70. Theauspiciousmeaningof mynahsin what
areidentifiedas plumtreespaintedin tomb at Xiawanzi,notedabove,remainsenigmatic. 71.Kuhn,Placefor theDead,20. 72. TereseTseBartholomew, "PiousHopes Carvedon ChineseBeads:A Discussion of RebusesandLegendsin ChineseArt," Orientations 19.8 (August1988): 27,30.
~c z
t
73
73.Forthe rolesof cranesin Daoism,see EdwardH. Schafer,"TheCranesof Mao Shan"in Tantricand TaoistStudiesin Honour of R.A. Stein,vol. 2, ed. MichelStrickmann, publishedas vol.21 of MeangesChinoiset Bouddhiques (Brussels:InstitutBelgedes Hautes-4tudes Chinoises, 1983),372-93. For
the roleof cranesin Tangdynastyculture, see MadelineK.Spring,"TheCelebrated Cranesof Po Chu-i,"Journalof theAmerican Oriental Society 1ll (1999): 8-18.
74.In the TangcapitalXi'an,the westwallsin tombsof LiangYuanhanWTGk (dated 844) andYangXuanluefi1% (dated 864) hadreplicasof six-panelscreens ornamentedwith cranes.WangRenboT {2t, He XiulingfiJff, andShanWeiM R4,"ShaanxiTangmu bihuazhi yanjiu"t
2
j 1ZWPL,Wenbo,1984,2:45.Or, accordingto SuBai9 b, the ornamentsare cranesamongclouds.Su Bai,"Xi'andiqu Tangmu bihuadebujuhe neirong" 2t FL.*902n,
i
Kaogu xuebao,
1982, 2:147,152-53. No excavationreporton
thesetwo tombshasbeenpublished.The subjectdepictedon the six-panelscreenreplicatedon the westwallof anotherunpublishedXi'antomb,thatof GaoKecongA. I#j{) (dated847),is uncertain:the birdsare identifiedfirstas cranesandlateras pigeons. WangRenboet al.,"ShaanxiTangmu bihua zhi yanjiu,"45,55. 75.Sitereportin JingZengli *f j andWang Xiaomeng3EJ,"Fupingxian xinfaxiande Tangmu bihua"E Kaoguyu wenwu, 1997,4:8-11.
76.ZhangYanyuanKjf-& Lidaiminghuaji a (Huashi ft,IT congshued., comp.Yu Anlan)(Shanghai:Shanghairenminmeishu chubanshe, 1963), g:all, trans. in William R.
B.Acker,SomeT'angandPre-T'angTexts on ChinesePainting,vol. 2, ChangYen-yuan, Li TaiMingHua ChiChapersIV-X, pt. 1, Translation andAnnotations(Leiden:E.J. Brill, 1974), 245. Houmei Song has analyzed
0
thesematerials,as wellas laterinformation aboutandimagesof cranes,in "Imagesof the Cranein ChinesePainting," OrientalArt 44.3 (Autumn 1998): 11-33.
Ln
2J
I-
74
77.Scenesof six cranesamongvegetation paintedon a blacklacquerchestpreserved in the Shoso-inRepositoryin Nara,Japan, mayechoXie'ssix-cranescreen.Sincethe chestwasdepositedin the Sh6s6-inin 756, the box musthavebeendecoratedwithin Xie'slifetimeor shortlyafterhis death. Todaythe imagesof the six craneson the
Sh6s6-inchestcanbe studiedonlywith the aid of infraredtechniques.As recaptured by OgawaHiromitsu/J\J113, the birds arein livelyposes:standingwith head turnedto the back,or with headlowered as if lookingat the ground,or preeningits wingfeathers,or withheadraisedandwings outstretched; walkingwith headraised,or peckingat the ground.OgawaHiromitsu, "ShaShokurokkakuzubyobuko" #A/\ tWiBL, t, Toyobunkakenkyujo kiyo117 (1993): 179-214. The chest is also illustrated
in Shso-in no kaigaiF*FrtO
(Tokyo:
Nihon Keizai Shinbunsha, 1968), pls. 151-52, figs. 170-74.
78.GuoRuoxu,Tuhuajianwenzhi d trans.Soperin KuoJo-hsii'sExperiences, 34. 79.GuoRuoxu,Tuhuajianwenzhi,trans.Soper in KuoJo-hsiu's in Painting,34,75. Experiences Whenthe peopleof Shucomparedthe two, of course,Huang'sdepictionsof craneswere declaredsuperior.If thesenamesoriginated withXie'scranes,the connectionsbetween Xie andHuangwouldbe strengthened. 80.Theposesof the cranesdepictedon the Shoso-inchestmentionedin note 77 fit thosedescribedby GuoRuoxu,but not necessarilyin the sameorder.Theentry on HuangQuanin HuangXiufu'sYizhou minghualu (prefacedated1006) namesthe cranesin a differentorderandgivesdifferent namesfor threeof them (trans.Soperin KuoJo-hsu'sExperiences in Painting,188n. 598).Formoreinformationon XieJi'scrane paintings,see ChenGaohua f comp., Sui Tang huajia shiliao %4f
14
(Beijing: Wenwu chubanshe, 1987), 89-97.
TheNorthernSongemperor,Huizonga' (r. 1100-26) was an avidbelieverin portents andauspicesandwasalsoknowledgeable aboutancientcultureandits auspicious motifs.He commemoratedsome of the unusualor noteworthyeventsof his reign, consideredas"auspiciousresponses" to his rule,in visualformandprovidedthemwith writtenexplanations.Peter accompanying C. SturmansuggeststhatHuizong'sFive ColoredParakeet(Museumof FineArts, Boston)andhisAuspicious DragonRock (PalaceMuseum,Beijing)areremnantsof this program.Peter.C. Sturman,"Cranes aboveKaifeng:TheAuspiciousImageat the Courtof Huizong," ArsOrientalis20 (1991): 33-68. Sturmannotesthatappearances of flocksof cranesperformingaerialballets weretakenby EmperorHuizongas"auspiciousresponses." A Songdynastypaintingof
cranesdancingabovea palacegate(a work if not by the emperorhimself,certainlyof the period)wasmeticulouslyanalyzedby Sturman.Althoughhesitantto pressthe point,Sturmanperceiveda visualdivisionof the flyingcranedancersinto groupsof six. Closerto the topicat hand,however,a set of albumleavesdepictingsix cranesin various poses,traditionallyclaimedas painted by Huizongin imitationof HuangQuan's original,deservesto be remembered(reproducedin ShinaNangaTaisei]! t:W JV[Tokyo:Kobunsha,1935-37]6:15-17). Theimagesarevaguelyreminiscentof, but not identicalto, thoseon the Sh6s6-inchest mentionedearlier.Huizong'salbumincludes two standingcraneswith headsraised andbeaksopen,one cranelookingat the ground,one withheadturned,one standing on one leg andpreeningits wingfeathers, andone runningwithwingsoutstretched. Basically,HuangQuan'sandHuizong's cranesarea topologicalcatalogueof characteristicposesandmovementsof thesebirds, so it is not surprisingthatsimilar,but not identical,posturesarefoundas wellon the screenpanelsin ZhangShigu'stomb.It need not be assertedthatthesecranepictures descendfroma singleprototype. 81.JohnS. Major,HeavenandEarthin Early Han Thought:ChaptersThree,Four,andFive of the"Huainanzi" (Albany:StateUniversity of NewYorkPress,1993),11. 82. Major,HeavenandEarth,263. 83.VivienSung,Five-FoldHappiness: Chinese Concepts of Luck,Prosperity, Longevity, andWealth(SanFrancisco: Happiness, ChronicleBooks,2002), 83. 84.Chavannes, FiveHappinesses, 24-25. 85.JanStuartandEvelynS. Rawski,Worshiping theAncestors: ChineseCommemorative Portraits(Washington,D.C.:FreerGallery of ArtandArthurM. SacklerGallery, SmithsonianInstitution;Stanford:Stanford UniversityPress,2001),36. 86.Kuhn,Placefor theDead,21. As notedabove, in ancientChinacoinswerecalledquan. Quanis alsothe soundof the character meaning"complete." Consequently, ten coinswereusedto conveythe expression shiquanshimei +e+ (literally,"ten complete,ten beauties"or figuratively, "tobe completein everyway").Whetherthis idea alsopertainsto the use of coinsspellingout felicitouswishesin the tombsremainsto be explored.
87.Trans.HelgaStahl,"SuShi'sOrthodox DoubleChamber Burials:Interconnected in Burialin SongChina, Tombsin Sichuan," ed. DieterKuhn(Heidelberg:Edition Forum, 1994),16i. See also Kuhn, Placefor the Dead, 341,342-43.
88.Forthe Shangdynastyuse of layersof cinnabar,see RobertL.Thorp,"BurialPractices of BronzeAgeChina,"in TheGreatBronze fromthePeople's Ageof China:AnExhibition Republicof China,ed.WenFong(NewYork: MetropolitanMuseumof Art,1980), 52. Forthe MarquisYi coffin,see Hebeisheng bowuguan f4 "ft1, ZenghouYimu (Beijing:Wenwuchubanshe, Forthe Mawangduicoffin,see Hunanshengbowuguan MIA'}Jt0, yihaoHan mu t$O,% ChangshaMawangdui (Beijing:Wenwuchubanshe, Tt tjj
ekZM
1989), 2:1-2.
1973), 2:26,32-36.
89.Kuhn,Placefor theDead,128. go.RichardEdwards,personalcommunication. in FuneraryPractices," 91.Dien,"Developments 510.
92.ArthurP.Wolf,"ChineseKinshipand MourningDress,"in FamilyandKinship in ChineseSociety,ed. MauriceFreedman (Stanford:StanfordUniversityPress,1970), 193,194-
kaoguyanjiusuoand 93.Shaanxisheng Ankangshiwenhuajiaoyujul,!* etZh ShangXujiataiNanSong WQ,"Ankangshi mu fajuejianbao",!*-FVJ-, Kaoguyu wenwu,2002,2:34-36. R 94.WangJinxianTtG, "ShanxiHuguan XiahaolaoSongmu"1 Wenwu,2002, 5:42-55 (52, figs.28, 29). 95.ShenZhongchangi,t{+'MandChen Jianzhong P*gr4,
"Sichuan Zhaohuaxian
Quhuixiangde Songmu shike"VSIN WLEj Wenwucankaoziliao, 2t,BT-,jR, 1957,12:52, 50, fig.3. 96.GuizhoushengbowuguanchoubeichuWII[ "GuizhouZunyizhuanqu tfj#"*rmA, de liangzuoSongmu jianjie" 'f'VX^g Wenwucankaoziliao, Xb9,XMe, 1955,9:86, 83, figs. 18, 19.
97.Thereis no site reportforthis tombknown to me andno furtherinformationabout it is includedwith the reproductionof the muralin XiangChunsong404, comp., LiaodaibihuaxuanLtve fX (Shanghai: Shanghairenminmeishuchubanshe,1984), 71.
98.Li,GardenFlowersof China,49. 99.Li,GardenFlowersof China,49. OldTrees: 100.RichardBarnhart,WintryForests, Themesin ChinesePainting SomeLandscape
1ol. Li,GardenFlowersof China,50.Foran
extensivediscussionof the plumand its role in Chineseculture,see MaggieBickford, InkPlum:TheMakingof a ChineseScholarCambridge PaintingGenre(Cambridge: UniversityPress,1996). 102. Chongqingshi bowuguanlishizuM,VlfIf "Chongqing JingkouSongmu t?,t#E, qinglijianbao",14 :1<913g Wenwu,1961,11:60. 103.Kuhn,Placefor theDead,343-44. 104.Thereareseveralstudiesof Xiyouji andits sources.See,forexample,GlenDudbridge, TheHsi-yuchi:A StudyofAntecedents to theSixteenth-Century ChineseNovel CambridgeUniversityPress, (Cambridge: 1970),36-38, forhis ideasaboutthe peachstealingepisode. kaoguyanjiusuofUJt7V 105.Shanxisheng WRP,, PingyangJinmuzhuandiao'jW X4 t (N.p.:Shanxirenminchubanshe, 1998),32-35. io6.Shanxisheng kaoguyanjiusuo,PingyangJin mu,pl. 56,see alsopIs.51-53for additional examples. andProblemsin Later 107.Laing,"Patterns 18. ChineseTombDecoration,"
(New York:China House Gallery, 1972), 37.
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ABSTRACT The Main Hall of Jingtu Monastery in Ying County, Shanxi, dated to 1124, is an ideal structure through which to explore the building system and its purpose during the nonnative Jin dynasty (1115-1234). The structure of the hall is shown to be extremely simple, in contrast to its ceiling, the most structurally complicated and
A
Jin
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Jingtusi
Architecture in Search of Identity
magnificent ceiling among known Jin buildings or those a century earlier or later in date. An examination of Jin architecture shows Jingtusi Main Hall to be typical. The structure is shown to have some roots in construction of the former century, but to be a simpler version with a more complicated ceiling than Song or Liao buildings. An investigation of Jin tomb architecture yields similar results: structurally simpler tombs than those built in earlier times with explosive detail in ceiling and wall decoration. The lack of monumental construction distinguishes Jin not only in China but also among conquest dynasties. It is suggested that architecture was not fundamental to Jin imperial goals. As a result, the Jin period had little impact on Chinese construction. The intense interest in detail, however, is suggested to be part of a wider-spread phenomenon evident beyond Jin's borders during the period.
The MainBuddhaHall (Daxiongbaodian . of Jingtu' i: Monasteryfacesonto a narrowdirt roadin the northeasterncornerof Yingf,f County, ShanxiProvince(fig. i). Dateson architectural componentsof the halland steleat the site informus that it was built in 1124and rebuilt in 1184,but the
. .
historyof the monastery,accordingto localrecords, is tracedto the lateTangperiod.It was a clantemple of Li Siyuan > (r.926-34) of the LaterTang (923-34). A stone funerary pillar and a pair of stone
lions todayin frontof the hallaredatedby inscription to the year1040. At the time of the monastery's greatest flourishing, the Jin dynasty (1115-1234)and probably the subsequent Yuan dynasty (1267-1368)
Occupant portrait, Macun tomb 4. After Cui Yuanhe, gen. ed., Pingyang Jinmu zhuandiao (Jin tombs with relief sculpture in Pingyang) (Taiyuan: Shanxi Renmin chubanshe, 1999), pl. 85.
as well,DaxiongbaoHallwas one of nine buildings thatstood in two north-southlines:a Shanmen[Jr (frontgate),ten-meter-highrelicpagoda,Hallof the DivineKings,bell and drumtowers,andthe Buddha Hallon the west and a MeditationalHall,second BuddhaHall,andtwo-storysutratoweron the east.
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I MainHall,Jingtu Monastery,YingCounty,Shanxi, 1124,with repairsof 1184and later.Steinhardtphotograph.
Repairedthree times in the Ming dynasty (1368-1644) and once under Qing rule (1644-1911), Jingtusi suf-
feredextensivedestructionin 1969duringthe CulturalRevolution,afterwhichonly Daxiongbao Hallsurvived.Its doorsandwindowswerereplacedin 1976.1
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The greatestnumberof monasteriesin Ying Prefecturein premoderntimes seemsto havebeen thirty-seven,the numberrecordedin Yingzhouzhi (Recordof YingPrefecture)for the Mingand Qing periods.2Mostfamousamongthem was Fogong%A1 structureknown Monastery,home of the 67.31-meter throughoutChinatodayas Muta*tKJ6(Timber Pagoda),built in 1056 (fig. 2). Constructedby the eighth emperor of the Liao dynasty (947-1126) in the
birthplaceof his adoptivemotherin the yearof his father'sdeath,the pagodabroughtattentionto a prefecturethat otherwisewas not of politicalor cultural importance.3Still,buildersof Jingtusicouldnot have been unawareof the massivetoweronly a few kilometersto the west.One wouldexpectsuch an awe-
inspiringstructureto haveencouragedimpressive constructionat othermonasteriesin the town.From the outside,the impacton the JingtusiHallappearsto havebeen negligible. DaxiongbaoHallof Jingtusiis but a three-baysquare,nearlysquarebuildingthatsupportsa singleeave,hip-gableroof.It has two multipaneldoorsin the centralfrontbayandwindowsin the two side bays.All exteriorpillarsof the hall arenearlythe same length,veryslightlyshorterthanthe lengthsof the side bays,and interiorpillarshavebeen eliminated exceptfor those thatflankthe backinteriorbay. Bracketsets abovethe pillarsareof the four-puzuoM fT formation,fourthrankin complexityin a system of eightpossibleranks(with eight as the highest). The frontbracketsetshaveone cantilever,and none is used in the backexteriorsets.The interiorwallswere fullypaintedin the Jinperiod,when Buddhiststatues stood on the altar.The muralswereredoneduringthe Qingperiodrepair,but some statues,at least,survive fromthe Jindynasty.4
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2 TimberPagoda,Fogong Monastery,YingCounty,Shanxi, 1056.Steinhardtphotograph.
does one know that,14in conupon enteringaig>c|t2,o Only h wihtedt bea trast to the mediocre building standards exhibited by the timber frame, the ceiling is magnificent. Somewhat repaired in late imperial times or the late twentieth century, the ceiling of the Main Hall of Jingtusi is believed to survive largely in its twelfthcentury form. It is comprised of nine individual caissons (zaojing *4), three each of three sizes, and each extraordinaryin its own right (fig. 3). Framing several of the zaojing are tiangong louge )~fx multistory structures so named because they were believed to nlyrpalcs At the-base of oneiis the, rese-mbeheave-nun1
yearof repair,followedby illegiblenames,believed to be monks.The bracketsets of the zaojingaremore complexthanthose of the hail,rangingfromfive puzuoto seven,the latterwith fourlayersof perpendicularlyprojectingbracketarmsand two cantilevers. Roofsof the miniaturepalatialstructuresaredecoratedwith coilingdragonsand flowers,all covered with gold leaf.' One mightthinkthat,as one of sixty-fivetimberframejin buildingsin Shanxi,'enoughothersare worthyof studythatthis one has rightlybeen ignored. deon disucouresae to architectural is known the case. theJingtusi This is notomitdfo generrepaatal byondoarg historians,but usuallybecauseof its ceiling,a superb carpentry,or xiaomuzuo/JN, exampleof "small-scale" AfTC,the subjectof juan 6-11 in LiJie'stwelfth-century architecturalmanualYingzaofashi (Building Standards).'The otherjin woodenbuildings,too, are
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Chinesearchitecture, both in the premodernlocal recordsand in modernstudies. One also might suspectthatthe omission,at least in premodernsources,shouldbe attributedto the fact thatthe rulingdynastywas of non-Chinese,Jurchen, origins.8Thisis not trueeither.Not only is the TimberPagoda,builtby non-Chinese extraordinary patronageof the Khitanduringthe Liaodynasty,one of China'smost famousbuildings,so arethe Liao periodDaxiongbaoHallof Shanhua Monastery in Datong,DaxiongbaoHallof FengguoM Monasteryin Yi & County,Liaoning,and Pavilionof the BodhisattvaGuanyinin JiCounty,Hebei.9 The only Jinstructuresthathavereceivedattention standat two monasteriesin westerncapitalat Datong and atYanshan j1 Monasteryin Fanshi1[4 Countyof Shanxi.The Datongarchitecture, however, is most oftendiscussedas Liao-Jin,withoutan attempt to separateconstructionpracticesof one dynastyfrom those of the other."'The DaxiongbaoHallat Datong's Huayansi , discussedbelow,was constructed underLiaoruleand repairedin Jintimes.At Shanhua Monastery,the structurallycomplexbuildings,Puxian : Pavilionwith a mezzaninestoryandthe Main Hallmentionedabove,datefromthe Liaoperiod; only the structurallysimplerFrontGateand Hallto ThreeDeitiesareJinstructures."MafijusrlHallof YanshanMonasteryis knownfor its interiormurals, not the structureof the hall.'2Amongstructuresbuilt anewduringthe Jinperiodin Hebei,Shanxi,Henan, Shaanxi,Shandong,Gansu,or the Northeastern Provinces,not one offersthe structuralcreativityor innovationof the Liaobuildingslistedaboveor of Song (960-1279) or laterYuanarchitecture.'3 Thisinvestigationseeksto understandwhy Jin buildingsfromShanxito Shandongwereso lacking in architectural challenge,creativity,inspiration,or symbolismandwhy,in contrast,suchan extraordinaryceilingwouldbe found in one of them.Weshall observethat,liketemples,tombsof the Jinperiod, irrespectiveof location,earlyor latedateduringthe dynasty,constructionby Jurchenor non-Jurchen, imperialor nonimperialpatrons,areas structurally lacklusteras the halls,exhibitingembellishmentbut
not challengingor advancingthe existingarchitecturalsystem.Jingtusi'sHallwill emergeas an ultimate exampleof the Jinarchitectural legacy.
GREATHALLSOFTHEJIN
AmituofoRJ3Zt+ Hall,betterknownby the shortenednameMituoO1! Hall,at Chongfu g Monasteryin ShuotJ County,Shanxi,is the most grandiosetimber-framebuildingthatsurvivesfrom the Jinperiod.Monasteryrecordsrelatethatthe templecomplexwasfoundedin 665.UnderLiaorule, it was usedas a militaryoffice,but a sightingof light froma spiritled to its reconversionto a monastery.In 1143,AmitabhaHalland GuanyinHallbehindit were constructed.Duringthe HailingwangjtWI reign (1149-61), Chongfusichangedfroma PureLandto a Chanmonastery."4 One of the threelargestwoodenbuildingsin Shanxi,"541.32 by 22.7 metersat the base,it is alsothe best exampleof a high-rankinghall,or diantang , the Yingzao fashiterm,amongextantJinarchitecture (fig. 4). Criteriafor this distinctionare:(1) bracket setsof fivepuzuo or higheron the interiorand exteriorthatarepositionedaroundtwo concentrictimber frames;(2) bracketsetsof the interiorringof columns that arehigherthanthose of the exteriorcolumns; the interiorpillarsshouldbe fiveto correspondingly, sevenincrements(zucaiZtt), or full modules,taller thanthe exteriorones,sometimesevenmore;(3) bracketsets underthe exterioreavesthatarejoinedby woodenmembersto the bracketsetsof the innerring, or cao{f(created by the innerringof columns)(fig. 5).16 In this system,the distributionof pillarscanvary. The interiorcolumnsmightbe parallelto the exterior eavecolumnson only threesides,andthe fourthrow mightbe movedtowardthe interior.The resultof this displacementis thatnot all interiorbracketsetsrest on pillars.Rather,bracessuchas those namedafter the shapeof camel'shumps(tuofengq.Liti)or lintels on rafterscan supportbracketsets. Displacementof interiorcolumns,off line with those indicatedon the building'sexterior,and eliminationof interiorcolumns,arefeaturessharedby
4 Fot> lfade of Amtabh Hall,.Chngf MonsterySu
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5 Infrastructuraldrawing of timber frame of Main Hall, Fengguo Monastery, Yixian, Liaoning, 1019, a diantang structure. After Chen Mingda, "Zhongguo fengjian shehui mujiegou jianzhu jishu de fazhan" (Development of Chinese timber-frame architecture of feudal society), pt. 2, Jianzhu lishi yanjiu, vol. 2 (Beijing: Zhongguo jianzhu kexue yanjiuyuan jianzhu qingbao yanjiusuo, n.d.), 54.
MituoHallandthe JingtusiHallthat associatethem with Liaoand Jinwoodenbuildings.(Both continue to occurin Yuanperiodarchitecture.)OtherJinfeaturesseen at MituoHallarethe radiationof bracket armsat anglesotherthanninetydegreesto the building plane;highlyelaboratedcamel'shump-shaped braces;excessivelylong lintels(nei'e pSJgor youheng Ffl{N),up to 12.45 meters; sublintels (you'e FLi, or
xiahengfang Ttftf5); numerousdiagonalbraces includingtuojiao}EI (side bracesconnectingcrossbeamswith purlinsthathadbeen in use sinceTang times);and heta , woodenclampsthathold posts in placewhen camel'shump-shapedbracesare not used.The long lintelsand sublintelsareamong the fewbuildingcomponentsthatarenot presentin Liaoarchitecture.'7 The most noteworthyfeatureis the seven-puzuobracketing,herecomposedof four huagong , or armsperpendicularto the building plane,andthreecantilevers.MituoHallis the only Jin structurein whichsucheminentclustersarefound. MituoHallwas dominantamongten buildingsin the mainprecinctof ChongfuMonasteryin the Jin dynasty.With a date of 1143,or on the cusp of what
we mightcallFlourishingJin,'8Mituodianis the best standardwe havefor determiningthe structural detailsof a high-rankinghallof the Jinperiod. DaxiongbaoHallof FengguoMonasteryin Yi County, Liaoning, dated 1019, an archetypical diantang
structure,shareswith MituoHallthe threefundamentalfeaturesof diantanglistedaboveas well as the eliminationof interiorpillars.'9A buildingone might expectto anticipateor rivalChongfusi'sMituoHall is the DaxiongbaoHallof HuayanMonastery,probablyconstructedunderLiaorule,in about1040, and coi 0
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bay-by-fivebuildingspansmorethan fiftymeters acrossthe frontand is elevatedon a platformmore thanfour metershigh.It has the simple,hippedroof, importantin designatinga structureas diantang,and both interiorpillareliminationand interiorpillarsnot alignedwith those on the sides.It has,moreover,the fan-shapedbracketsets characteristic of Datongarchitectureand observedat MituoHall,but herethe similaritiescease.DaxiongbaoHallof HuayanMonastery
has only five-puzuobracketsets,the kindemployedat the JingtusiHall.2" Hereinwe beginto perceivewhatdefinesthe Jinbuildingtraditionandwhatassociatesand distinguishesit with or fromthose of Liaoand Song. Amonga representative sampleof twenty-sevenJin woodenbuildings,twenty-threein Shanxi,threein Shandong,and one in Henan,22 only MituoHallof Chongfusihasbracketingof the seven-puzuovariety, and only threehalls- Mituodian,DaxiongbaoHallof Huayansi,and Man-jusr1 Hallof FoguangMonastery, discussedbelow aremorethanfivebaysacross the front. Dated 1137,Man-jusrIHall of Foguang Monastery
on MountWutaihasthreedoubledoorsin the front, one in the back,andthe typicalJinfeaturesof eliminationof pillarsfromthe interior,diagonaland camel'shump-shapedbraces,excessivelylong lintels,and fan-shapedbracketing.23 Thebraceshaveparticularly decorativeedges,sharplycontrastingthe ceilingless shelland emptyinteriorwhoseexposedroof rafters aresupportedby only two interiorcolumnsin front of the altar(fig. 6). Due to its ceiling,JingtusiHallmightcome nextin an assessmentof Jinarchitecturefrommost to least grandiose,for its three-baydimensions,doorsonly in the front,exteriorpillarsall nearlythe samelength and only veryslightlyshorterthanthe lengthsof the sidebays,and four-puzuobracketsets areimportant criteriain distinguishingit as tingtangP, rather than diantang.24 Exceptfor its ceiling,the JingtusiMainHallrepresentsthe norm in Jintimber-frameconstruction:a modesthall,usuallythree-baysquarebut sometimes no ceiling,four-or in some cases five-bays-by-three, five-puzuobracketssetswhosearmsprojectonly parallelor perpendicularto the buildingfacade,no intercolumnarbracketing,and a hip-gableroof.These featuresareall found in Buddhistand otherhalls: Yuanjue M
Hall of Baozangsi WW,
the main
hallsof the Templeto the SageMotherWuZetianR lJlJ andYanqingsiL,1, GuangwangTempleof Taifuguant4, and DaxiongbaoHallof Bu'ersiT Ir(figs. 7_1o).25 Canit be coincidenceof survival
6 Interior of MafjurlT Hall, Foguang Monastery, 1137.After Ancient Chinese Architecture (Beijing and Hong Kong: China Building Industry Press and Joint Publishing Company, 1982),107.
that even though Jin builders must have seen Liao architecture and Song architecture and probably Tang architecture,only Chongfusi's Amitabha Hall and the rebuilt Daxiongbao Hall of Huayansi bear signs of Jin architecturalgrandeur? The only other period of Chinese history in which
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small, humble buildings dominate is the first twothirds of the tenth century.All five dated buildings are three-bays square.26Two of them, Daxiongbao Hall of Hualin V# Monastery and the Main Hall of Zhenguo WW Monastery, have large and elaborate bracket sets in contrast to very understated exteriors. Not one of the halls has a ceiling: every member of their roofs frames is exposed. The five tenth-century buildings are products of short-lived dynasties and kingdoms such as Northern Han (951-79) or Wu-Yue (907-78) or Late Jin (936-46), patrons of Zhenguosi, 7 Yuanjue Hall, Baozang Monastery, Fanshi County, Shanxi, Jin period. After Chai Zejun and Zhang Chouliang, Fanshi Yanshansi (Yanshan Monastery in Fanshi) (Beijing: Wenwu Press, 1990), pl. 140.
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The smallsize Hualinsi,and Dayunyuan,respectively. of the hallsis probablyexplainedby constraintson time and moneyand patronswho employedmassivebracketsets or otheroversizefeaturesas visual symbolsof statusandwealth,but appendedthem to SinceJin scaled-down,moreaffordablestructures.27 ruledan empirethat extendedfromJilinProvince to Gansuand south to includeHenan,Shanxi,and Shaanxi,for a century,if expenditureswerea factorin decisionsto constructhumblebuildings,they cannot havebeenthe only one.28 Hall,also knownas Fromthe outside,Man-jusri the South Hall, of Yanshansi,dated 1153,appears in all
waysto be typicalof Jinreligiousarchitectureaccording to the criteriadiscussedhere:fivebaysas opposed to threeacrossthe front,bracketsets thatareonly four puzuo.Yetas mentionedabove,its interiorwallsare coveredwith meticulouslyrenderedmurals,among whicha majorityof scenestakeplacein or in frontof buildings.The wallpaintingsarefurtherdistinguished becausethey aresignedand datedby courtpainter
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Wang Kui (i1oo-?) and others to 1163and 1167(fig. 1).29 The contrast between both the quality of paintings and the structural complexity of the architecture depicted, on the one hand, and the hail that houses the murals, on the other, is similar to the contrast between the Jingtusi ceiling and its timber frame. Although the contrast between exterior structure and interior decoration may be a feature of Jin wooden architecture,the Jin do not deserve credit as innovators of such a design. Liao builders constructed a pavilion with an interior mezzanine and ceiling unanticipated by its exterior structure in 984, and followed it with the five-bay,hip-gable roofed Sutra Libraryof Huayan Monastery in 1038,a tingtang
whose interiorcabinetryincludedarchitecturaldetail with seven-and eight-puzuobracketsets.Then,in 1056,Fogong Monastery pagoda with its four unan-
ticipatedinteriormezzaninestorieswasbuilt (see fig. 2), and even as the Liaodynastywas in rapiddecline in 1124, threeof the humblesthallsknownfromthe period,at Kaiyuan )LEMonasteryin Yi 4 County, Hebei (all now destroyed),werebuilt,one of which exhibiteda caissonceilingof the kind in evidenceat the JingtusiHall.30 Althoughnot yet in Jinhands,it is Hallor anothersimilarbuildpossiblethat Pilu RHJA ing in the territoryof Liao-Jurchen conflictcouldhave influencedthe constructionof the JingtusiHalland its contrasting ceiling (figs. 12, 13;see also figs. 1,3).
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13 Zaojingof PiIuHall,KaiyuanMonastery.AfterLiuDunzhen,"Hebeishengxibu gujianzhudiaochajil(ue"(Notes on the investigation of ancientarchitecturein western Hebei),Zhongguo yingzaoxueshe huikan6.4 (1935),pl. 4, jia.
By1124,exquisiteexamplesof xiaomuzuo arealso foundin Songbuildings.One three-bayhailwith a hip-gableroof and five-puzuobracketsets,where this contrastis also observed,is in the MainHallof Erxianguan-i{LIN in Xiaonan/J'j-i Village,Jincheng E County,Shanxi.Believedto havebeen built shortlyafterthe monastery'sestablishmentin 1107, its interiorexhibitsan elaboratexiaomuzuo altar(fig. 14). Themost famousexampleof xiaomuzuo from the NorthernSongperiod,the cabinetinsidethe Pavilion of the RevolvingSutraCabinetat Longxing# Monastery,Zhengding Et, Hebei,was also constructedbeforethe onset of Jinrule.3" Clearly,superb examplesof small-scalecarpentrycouldhavebeen seenby the Jurchenconquerorsof North China fromthe time of theirearliestinvasionsof Liaoor Songterritory. The contrastbetweenexteriorconstructionand ceilingof the MainHallof Jingtusialso suggestscom-
parisonwith Jinfuneraryarchitecturein southern Shanxi.As we shallsee, almostwithoutexception,Jin periodtombsin the regionhaveonly one main room, yet, at the sametime, complex,vaultedceilingsfurtherelaboratedby intricatedetail.As in timber-frame architecture,aspectsof thesetombscan be shownto followSongand Liaoprecedents,but the simplicity in groundplansmarksa sharpbreakbeforethe twelfthcentury.
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Jinnan- i, the southernpartof the ancientprovince of Jin,alsoknownas the Pingyang*%' region,in southernShanxi,that includesLinfen j5, Yuncheng andYongji71Zj* prefecturesand the townsof M, Houmaf,, Jishanf[i4, Macun,%,tJ, Xinjiang*iF 9, WenxiA0 , andXiangfenWj, has scoresof tombs datedto the twelfthand thirteenthcenturies.32
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Amongthe thirtyor so Jintombsfromsouthern Shanxistudiedfor comparisonwith Jingtusi'sMain Hall,most areenteredfromgroundlevelvia a stepped or inclineddiagonalramp.The actualentryis a double-leafdoor.OnlyoccasionallyaresouthernShanxi tombssimplepits dug into the ground.In tombs with rectangularplans,the entryis usuallyon the east side of the southwall.In squaretombs,the entryis at the centerof the south wall.Roomsmayalsobe octagonal,but whatevertheirshape,almostwithout exceptionthe undergroundspaceis a singleroom or a room with two smallcornerextensionsor niches. In contrastto such simple,one-roomburialsarethe elaboratelydecoratedinteriorsin whichbrickis transformedto imitatewooden construction(fig. 15).
elaborationof everyarchitecThe extraordinary Ceilingsand turalfeaturecannotbe overemphasized. wallsof Jintombsin southernShanxireplicatethe virtuosity of Jingtusi Main Hall's xiaomuzuo ceiling.33The practice of fang mugou {tZ4tj, the Chinese
phrasefor imitationof wooden structure,often used to describeundergroundtomb wallsand ceilings, is much more ingeniousthan mereimitation.For example,the bracketsets aboveand betweencolumns in tombs i and 5 in Macun,Jishan,and in the tomb of Dong Ming WA arefive-puzuoformation.Yetthe curvilinearformsresemblingthe outlinesof clouds makethem appearmorecomplicated(fig. 16).The widespreaduse of five-puzuobracketingis noteworthy.One recallsthatwith the exceptionof Mituo Hall
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of Chongfusi,bracketsets in Jintimberarchitecture aremainlyfivepuzuo. Likebuildingsaboveground, in spiteof the decorativeeffect,the structuralrank of the woodenpartsimitatedin Jinnantombsis middlerange.Aboveground,Jinperioddiantang arerarebut, as we haveseen,did exist;underground, so far,the timber-framearchitecturefollows tingtang style.
The fan-shapedbracketclustersthathavecharacterizedLiao-Jinconstructionin Datongand at the Manfjusrl Hallof Foguangsialsoarefoundin Jin periodJinnantombs.Excellentexamplesof these bracketsetsalso remainon wallsof tombsof the Liao consort dan, Xiao jg, at their family cemetery in
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KulunqiJf4h, InnerMongolia.Yetas wasthe case in the comparisonof abovegroundarchitecture of Jin andLiao,the bracketformationsin Liaotombsare morecomplicatedthanthose foundin Jintombs.34 It canbe argued,moreover,thatthe use of high-ranked bracketingin Liaotombshad a symbolicpurpose: it representeda consciouseffortto elevatethe status of the interredin the afterlifebeyondtheirterrestrial
rank.35 Liaotombwalldecorationoffersevenmore in the wayof symbolismandpurposethatis not foundin Jinarchitectural decorationin Jinnan,such as the use of the twenty-eightlunarlodgesand signs of the twelveChinesecalendricalanimalsand the Westernzodiac.36 Thereis little doubtthe Chinesesystemof wood joineryand its associationwith structuralrankwere understoodby Jinbuilders,becausefromMituo Hall of Chongfusito the three-bay-square hallsof Shanxi and tomb wallsof Jinnan,structuralformsareconsistent with the ranksspecifiedin Yingzaofashi.Lacking in Jinfuneraryconstructionis the employmentof symbolismthathadbeen exploitedby Liaobuilders. In this way,Jintomb architecturein southernShanxi seemsratherto followNorthernSongtombs,tending towardthe decorativewithoutthe symbolic. AlthoughSongtomb wallsand ceilingsneverreach the degreeof decorationobservedin Jinnan,highly decoratedinteriors,farmore complicatedthanthose of the Tang,tenthcentury,or even most Liaotombs, existed.37 The well-knownNorthernSongtombsat
Baishab &J'in centralHenanProvinceareexceHent examplesof the degreeto whichSongtomb interiors wereelaboratedin imitationof wooden architecture, as aretombsexcavatedat Shizhuang+fR, southwestern Hebei,in Mangshan14UIandXin'ancun Jfi t4 in the vicinityof Luoyang,and a tomb excavated in Huguan y Countyof SouthernShanxi(figs. this lasttomb 17, 18).38 Perhapsnot coincidentally, is dated to 1123,within a decade of the Jin takeover
of the regionand a yearbeforeconstructionof the
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frame architecture than is observed in Jin tombs. Gualunzhuang,U49, or melon wheel-shaped pillars, such as survive at Daxiongbao Hall of Baoguo
WEJMonastery in Yuyao County, Zhejiang, dated 1013, for example, are painted at the wall seams in
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tomb 1 in Licun (fig. 21; see also fig. 18). Diamondshaped and pentagonal sections at the end of the bracket arm, features that date a structure to the eleventh century and are found at Moni Jft, Hall of Longxing Monastery, dated 1052, are also found in the Song tombs listed above (fig. 22; see also
92
fig. 18).39 Jin tomb builders in southern Shanxi added an overlay of flora and fauna beyond even Song decoration of architectural members. Lattice doors in Jin tombs in Shanxi often have different floral patterns
on eachcompartmentof a six-panelseriesas well as flowersand floweringplantson the lintel (fig. 23).The qualityand arrangementanticipategardensof southeasternChinatodayand perhapsalso representgarden architectureof the twelfthor thirteenthcentury, localor fromfarthersouth in China. Someof the themeson Jintomb wallsin Jinnan, such as scenesof dailylife includingbanquetsand entertainmentfor the deceased,a womanlookingout a partiallyopen door,or storiesof filialpiety,could be anticipatedfromthe historyof tomb decorationin Chinalong beforethe eleventhor twelfthcentury.40 Twoof the narrativeprogramsfit especiallywell in the octagonal,vaultedceilingsfound in manyof the ShanxiJintombs:the EightDaoistImmortalsand Twenty-fourParagonsof FilialPiety.Jintomb decora-
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20 Varieties of decorated camel's hump-shaped braces. Li Jie, Yingzao fashi (Building standards) (1103),juan 30 (reprint, Taipei: Taibei Yinshuguan, 1974), 6:41.
21 Interiorof DaxiongbaoHall,Baoguo Monastery,Yuyao County,Zhejiang,1013,showing melon wheel-shaped column and zaojing. Steinhardt photograph.
rersettin of drm eeseii.Teidvda tion is best known, however, for representations of drama, sometimes set on a stage. Any study of Chinese drama emphasizes the importance of the Pingyang region in the development of zajuWtJJor yuanbenR* and other forms of drama and entertainment in the jin and Yuan periods.4'Studies of Chinese drama since the i96os, by which time several of the most relevant tombs had been opened, have recognized the one-to-one correspondence between five main actors in zajuand their representation in jin tomb interiors, paying particular attention to the best example, five actors on a stage on the north wall of the tomb of Dong Ming in Houma, dated 1162 (fig. 24). The "bamboo horse,"or hobby42 so horse,also appearsin jin tombwall decoration.
far, specific plays have not been identified on the walls of tombs, although the specificity of scenes of filial piety and historical or legendary heroes in Chinese art is schI--I;IF funemramryi that+it 'wouldnot be su-rprisingf
playersin yuanbensuch as the clownsor leaderareas identifiableas specificinstruments. The proportionof representations of drama comparedto othersubjectsin Jinas opposedto Song or laterYuantombsis also impressive,althoughthe subjecthas a historyin Chinabeforeand afterthe eleventhand twelfthcenturies.Entertainmentand performance,no doubtintendedfor the deceased,are partof decorativeprogramsin countlessexcavated tombswith wallpainting,reliefsculpture,or figurines fromthe last B.C. centuriesonward.43 Whetherall curtainsrepresentstagesor if curtainsalonearemerely decorative,as they appearto be in some Songtombs (see fig. 18),in Jinnantombsthereis no question that stagesaresculptedonto the walls(see fig. 24) or thatthe performerson the stageshaverolesin playscripts. A Yuantomb excavatedin 1986at XilizhuangSW , YunchengCounty,southernShanxi,displayssix zajuactors,includinga child,acrossits westernwall and six musiciansoppositethem on the east (fig. 25).4 The subjectis a markedcontrastto the otherwise dominantportrayalsof Mongolianmalesand their wivesand servantsin the majorityof otherknown Yuantombswith wallpaintings.45 In the Xilizhuang tomb,the presentationof actorsis simple,direct,and stark,lackingthe complicateddecorationthatcombineswith actorsand dramain Jintombs.YetYuan is the only periodfromwhichan actingtroop is identifiedby nameon a templemural,46 suggestingthat the popularityof dramaand otherperformances in Yuantimes,particularlyin Shanxi,mayhave been no less than in the previouscenturyunder Jinrule,but the portrayalof actorsin Jintombsis, likethe otherdecorationmore generally,uniquely exuberant. The emphasison decorativestagesin Jinnantombs mayreflectreality.A centerof dramain JinandYuan times,the Pingyangregionhad open-airstagesin manyof its towns.A comparisonof the stagein Dong Ming'stomb and one that survivesfromthe Yuan periodin LinfenCountyagainshowsthe Jinperiodto be more opulent.The mountedfiguresthat decorate the lintel,cut-off decorationon the bracketarms,scal-
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of a four-sided chamber and two side niches. The intensification of decoration through constricted space is the same principle at work in the Jingtusi
same province (fig. 26; see also fig. 24). Comparisons of representational tomb art of Liao, Northern Song, and Jinnan during the Jin period sug-
Hall.
gest terms like straightforward,clear,and sometimes symbolic for the first, some decorative aspects in painting and relief sculpture of architecture on walls and one-to-one correspondences above- and belowground for the second, and breathtaking,detailed
Grand as xiaomuzuo may be, it is small-scale, carpenter'swork. If it served a purpose for Jin builders, it appears to have been a decorative one. In no Jin wooden structure was the zaojing fashioned around a monumental sculpture or multilevel sculptural program such as one finds at the Liao Guanyin Pavilion or Timber Pagoda. Architecture whose focus is a
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decoration for Jin. Not only are Jin tomb interiors decorative;the decorative experience is intensified by the interior space. All but one of the Song and Liao tombs discussed above or mentioned in notes have several main chambers, at the least.47The exception is the late Song tomb in Xiahaolao, suggested as anticipating Jinnan tomb construction of the Jin period because of its date. Its plan consists
xiaomuzuo ceiling, it is suggested, is not that of conquerors or dynastic founders or shapers with eternal visions - not Qin Shihuangdi, Tang Taizong, Khubilai Khan, the Yongle emperor, or even Liao Shenzong and his successor Daozong, whose names are linked to the Yingxian Timber Pagoda. One might wonder if the structural magnificence present in religious and funerary architecturebefore
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23 Eastwall of Macuntomb 5, showing differentfloralpatternsand latticeworkon each door panel.Jin DynastyTombMuseum, Jishan County, Shanxi. After Cui Yuanhe, gen. ed., Pingyang Jinmu zhuandiao (Jin tombs with relief sculpture in Pingyang) (Taiyuan:
ShanxiRenminchubanshe, 1999),PI.31.
andafterJinwas in the Jinperiodrestrictedto palaceconstruction.The Jinhad six imperialcapitals. Theearliest,theirfirstShangjing F aboutthirty kilometerssoutheastof Harbinin Heilongjiang,was dismantledand destroyedin 1153.Preservedparts movedwith the transferof the capitalto the formerLiaocentralcapitalin Ningcheng*JA, Inner Mongolia,duringthe reignof Hailingwang.No palace buildingssurviveat eitherShangjingsite.As for the otherfourimperialcitiesand theirpalaces,the Jin central,eastern,and westerncapitalsand palaceswere builton the ruinsof the Liaosouthern,western,and duringthe reignsof the easterncapitals,respectively, ; second,third,and fourthJinrulers,Wuqimai (r. 1123-38), Dan 5 (r. 1135-49), and Hailingwang.
Hailingwangalso movedbuildingpartsfromthe formerNorthernSongcapitalDongjing/Bianjing t I,F today Kaifeng, to his central capital Zhongdu rp
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beneath present-day Beijing, which were added to
the expandedand reconstructedpalacesof the former Liaosoutherncapitalthere.Whathe left in Dongjing In otherwords, was used in the Jinsoutherncapital.48 althoughnothingbut a few piecesof decorationfrom thesepalacessurvives,textualevidencesuggeststhat littleJinoriginalityor ingenuitywent into their construction.49 Pagodasremainwithinwhatwouldhavebeen the wallsof eachof the Jincapitals,as well.Almostwithout exception,they areconsideredLiaopagodasor aredesignatedLiao-Jinbecausethey wererefacedor In comparison otherwiserebuilton Liaooriginals.50 to the profoundimportanceof imperialarchitecture of Chinain the establishmentand legitimation of nonnativeempirespriorto Jin,in particular for the fifth-centuryNorthernWeiat Luoyang, for Liao,or for the laterMongolsor the Manchus,
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or earlier non-Chinese who impacted smaller regions of China such as the Xiongnu in the city they constructed at Tongwan J,9 in Shaanxi, Jin appears almost unique in the decision not to use architecture
as a means of self-aggrandizement and imperial visual display.5'One cannot but wonder why the conquestdynasty Jin had this seemingly unique relationship with architecture.
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25 Actors and musicians in tomb at Xilizhuang, Yuncheng. After 'Shanxi Yuncheng Xilizhuang Yuandai bihuamu" (A Yuan period tomb with wall paintings in Xilizhuang, Yuncheng, Shanxi), Wenwu, 1988, 4: pl. 4.
JURCHENAND JIN PERIODTOMBSBEYONDJINNAN
One of the most impressiveJurchentombsis believedto havebelongedto WanyanYan ; also
Jin period tombs have been excavated in almost every
known as the prince of Qi 3, estimated by excava-
county of the former Jin empire. Besides the Jinnan tombs, located in a region heavily influenced by Chinese civilization, Jin tombs cluster in the vicinities of the first Shangjing, that is, eastern Heilongjiang along the Songhua 4.rt River,and the central capital, near Beijing, and contiguous counties.52
torsto havebeen aboutsixtyat the time of death,and his wife,probablyaboutfortywhen she died.53The tomb was excavatedin 1988in JuyuanIFM, about thirty-eightkilometersnorthwestof AchengFJiA, and the pristineconditionandvarietyof the rulerand his wife'sgarmentshaveattractedgreatattention.54
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He was dressedin eightlayersof garmentsand she in nine,with anothersixteenarticlesof clothingsuch as hats,belts,leggings,and boots amongthe tomb contents.The structureof the tomb and methodof burial offera sharpcontrastto the contents.The Jinprince and his wife werelaidto restin a woodensarcophagus insidea stone sarcophagusin a simple,verticalpit tomb (fig. 27).
Althoughjoint husband-and-wifeburialis a widespreadpracticein Chinaand at its northeastern border,burialof spousesin the samesarcophagusis unusual.Also noteworthyis the intermentof royalty in a simplepit tomb.The coffinof WanyanYanand his wife was 2.21by 1.26 meters at the base and go
centimetersin height,eachside,the top, andbottom madeof betweensevenand twelvewoodenplanks. Contrastingthe simplespacewas its decoration:the coffinwaslined with a curtainmadeof two piecesof cloth and adornedwith maleand femalemandarin ducks,a Chinesesymbolof harmoniousmarriage. No epitaphwas found,but the tomb containedtwo plaqueswith a totalof threeinscriptions.The first, madeof silver,was 48.5by 17centimetersand placed in the centerof the lid of the innercoffin.The second, of wood, 66.3by 23centimeters,was underthe headsof the corpses.Bothinscriptionsreferredto the deceased male as taiwei
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Qiguowang,or princeof the stateof Qi. Thewooden plaquealso had the three-character inscriptionfang yizuo ,-M (one house) on the back,perhapsa referenceto burialin the samesarcophagus. Simplewooden coffinsin simplepits seem to havebeen the norm for Heilongjiangburialsdated to the twelfthcentury.Twenty-fivetombs excavated fromapproximatelyseventyfound in the vicinityof Aolimi , aboutnine kilometersnorthwestof the SonghuaRivernearSuibin,jrjA, weresimple pit tombs.Somehad woodencoffinsand othershad stone coffins.No coffinwas largeenoughto hold two corpses.In casesin whichhusbandandwife burialis suspected,eachspousehad its own grave.55 Amongfourteentombs found in Yongsheng44., fewerthanten kilometersnorthof Aolimi,all twelve thatwereopenedwerepit tombs.56Lesscomplicated
27 Remainsof princeof Qi,WanyanYan,and his wife, Juyuan, Acheng, Heilongjaing.AfterZhuQixin,"RoyalCostumes of the Jin Dynasty,"Orientations21 (December1990):60.
eate
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an ;thethr sx,sinifcatl and smallerthanthe Aolimigroup,the largesttomb was3.05 by 1.4 metersandjust undera meterinto the ground.Therewereno stone sarcophaguses, and the wooden all were tenoned ones, among together. Eveniron nailsthatheld togethercoffinsat Aolimi werenot found.The lackof anythingmoreprecious than iron led archaeologistJingAi 41~ to conclude that this was a commoner cemetery."
Twelvetombs of higher-statusoccupantswere excavatedin Zhongxingr-#, also in the Suibin Rivervalley.58 Formingtwo sets of six tombseach, eachgrouphad threelargerburialsbeneatha single,
smallergraves,spreadin no obviouspatternto their southeast.The largestof them,tomb 3, the maintomb underone of the mounds,was a rectangularearthen pit with a painted,inner,woodensarcophagusand an outerone madeof stone.Westbeyondtomb 5, which shareda moundwith tomb3 to tomb3'swest,was a depressionwith evidencethatfivepostshad once stood in it. It has been suggestedthesewerestakesfor tyinghorses,59 presumablyfor use in the afterlife. Tomb3 wasthe only one with a doublecoffin.Nine tombs of this grouphadwoodencoffins,andtwo were coffinlesspits.The coffinlesstombswerecremation burials,as weresix of the tombsthathadwoodencoffins.In otherwords,postcremation,corporealremains wereplacedin coffinsor undergroundpits without coffins.Cremationbeforeintermentis one reason mid-Jinor laterhas been proposedas the dateof all twelvetombs.Pre-Jinandproto-Jurchen peoplesare believedto haveburiedcorpses,whetherwith or without containers,and cremationis viewedas a practice learnedfromnon-Jurchenpeoples,perhapsbut not necessarilydirectlyfromBuddhists.60 Cluesthatmightindicatethe statusof occupantsof the Zhongxingtomb grouparefound amongburial goods.Firstis the presencesilver,gold,or jadeobjects and garmentsmadeof ermine,sable,or othervalued animalskins.SanchaoBeimenghuibian -MLE* Q (CollectedDocumentson Treatieswith the North duringthe ThreeDynasties[Liao,Jin,Song]), informs us of the associationbetweencertainanimalskins and the upperechelonsof Jinsociety.Thewealthy, we aretold, adornedthemselveswith preciousobjects and garmentsof blackfur suchas sableor blackfox. Others,by contrast,woreclothingof ox, horse,pig, sheep,cat,dog, fish,and snakeskin.6'Althoughneitherpreferredvarietiesof glazesnor kiln sitesare specifiedin this text,ceramicsburiedwith the dead shouldalso indicatestatus. Anotherburialobjectindicativeof statusshouldbe currency.Coinsalso providea terminuspostquemfor a tomb.Basedon a historicalfact,thatthe Jurchendid not mint currencyuntil the yearZhenyuan2, or 1154, some JintombshaveearliestpossibledatesfromLiao and Songcoins.62Similarly,the appearanceanywhere
in a tomb of Jurchenscript,inventedby WanyanXiyi 5u 6 (d. 1140)in 1119at the requestof Wuqimai and accordingto the officialrecordused only until it was denounced in 1153by Hailingwang'ssweeping
Sinicizationreforms(one of whichwasthe issueof Jincoins),63hasbeen usedto datetombsto the thirtyIn at least four-yearperiodbetweenthesetwo dates.64 one instance,the tomb of Shi Li'aiHI i:ii-, discussed below,the tomb occupantdied in 1143but his epitaph is dated to 1195.His funerary inscription is believed to
havebeen carvedat the time of his death,perhapsin Jurchenscript,and recarvedlater.The currentepitaph not only uses Chinesecharactersbut recordsa lowerstatus title designated in 1157,also a result of policy
duringHailingwang's reign.65 The familycemeteryof the above-mentioned WanyanXiyisurvivesin Shulan M County,Jilin Province.One of fivetombsbuilt into mountainsin a 13.64-kilometer area,WanyanXiyi'swas openedin 1980.66Eachwasbuilt entirelyof stone.WanyanXiyi's tombwas a single-chamber, stone replicaof a hippedroof structurewith an octagonal,caissonceiling(fig. 28). His remainswerefound in a stonebox, one of fivein the tomb.All fivetombshad theirown spirit pathsconsistingof pairsof tigers,sheep,pillars,and civiland militaryofficials.Thesearethe only known Jurchenspiritpathsexceptfor those at the imperial tombs,discussedbelow.Althoughthe use of stone as the primaryconstructionmaterialandthe single chamberassociatethesetombswith Jurchenor Jin burialsin China'sNortheasternProvinces,the spirit pathsandparticularlythe formof WanyanXiyi'ssarcophagusareindicationsthatChinesearchitecture wasknownto the Jurchenin the vicinityof theirfirst Shangjingcapital. One cannotassumeJurchentomb construction in the SuibinRivervalleyceasedwith the movement of the main seatof Jingovernmentto Zhongduin 1153,but in 1155Hailingwang ordered the destruction
of imperialtombsand theirabovegroundarchitectureat the firstShangjingcapitaland the transferof Aguda's 1J4;TandWuqimai'stombsto the hillsnear Fangshan,, southwestof Beijingtoday.67 Before the end of the year,funerarytempleswereconstructed
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28 Tomb of Wanyan Xiyi. After Zhongguo wenwu ditu ji: Jilin fence (Atlas of Chinese Cultural Relics: Jilin Volume) (Beijing: Zhongguo ditu chubanshe, 1993), pi. 141.
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at the two new tomb sites.Hailingwangalso commencedconstructionof tombsfor his fatherand nine otherimperialancestorsat Da Fangshan,to which corpsesweremovedfromthe firstJincapitalby 1161. In the sameyear,Hailingwangawardedroyalburial to his murderedolderbrotherDan,buildingfor him Siling ,>, to whichDan'sremainsweremovedfrom temporaryburialin the tomb of an empressdowager at the firstShangjingcapital.Althoughall historical recordsinformus of the thoroughdestruction of tomb architectureand nonfunerarybuildingsof the earlyJincapitalby Hailingwang,the occasional discoveryin AchengCountyof stone andlacquersarcophaguses,glazedceramics,carvedmarble,and gold objectssuggestsremnantsof imperialconstruction. Silingwas movedagainabouttwentykilometers southwestto Emeid0t, ValleynearFangshanin ii88. Hailingwangwas laid to restnearhis fatherand otherancestorsat Da Fangshanas well,as washis son (Hailingwang'ssuccessorwas not his son, but his brotherWanyanYong mg [Wulu,%] who
becamethe EmperorShizong).Eventually, the first sevenJinemperors,theirancestors,theirwives,and some of theirchildrenwereburiedin the hills andvalleys of Fangshanbetweenthe 1150S and the beginning of the thirteenthcentury.All but the seventhemperor'stomb,belongingto Weishao*#>E (or Weiwang{ I-) (r. 1209-13) who, like Hailingwang,neverreceived a "templename') weredesignatedling M, or royal tombs.The eighthJinruler,Xuanzong(r. 1209-13), died nearthe southerncapitalBianjing(Kaifeng)and was buriedtherein a tomb calledDeling Jin Aizong,who sawthe demiseof the dynasty,did not receivea royaltomb.68 It is believedthat much survivedfromthe Jinroyal tombsin FangshanCountyinto the Mingdynasty. Destructionwas rampantin the lateMingperiod, however.Reconstruction,includinga wall around partof the tomb area,took placeunderManchurule, probablyinspiredby the sameemotionalor symbolic attachmentto theirManchurianforbearsthatled to the predynasticname Hou Jin * and restoration of Jinarchitecturein northeasternChinaafter1644. The Ming-Qinghistoryof the Fangshannecropolises makesit impossibleto be sureif oversizestone sculpturesof men and animalsfound at Da Fangshanwere fromthe spiritpathsof Jinroyaltombs,but it is likely. Yetthe frequentmovementof funeraryarchitecture and humanremains,particularlyunderHailingwang, seemsto indicatethat decadesof planningand constructionthatpredatedthe burialof Chineserulers of Tang,Song,Ming,and Qingwerenot incorporated into the Jinideologyof imperialdeath,particularlyat the Da Fangshannecropolis. In spiteof uncertaintiesaboutthe datesof abovegroundcomponentsof the tomb such as animal three-coloredporsculptureor an enclosingwall,69 celaindatedto the Songdynasty,jade,and a silver facemaskfound in the vicinityof the presumedlocation of the Jinroyaltombswerebelievedsinceinitial reconnaissanceto be fromthem.The maskwas noted in only one study,70 yet its potentialto link Jurchen funerarypracticeswith those of Liaowouldbe evident to anyonewith knowledgeof Khitanburialcustoms.7'The reporton excavationat the tomb believed
to be Aguda'sat Da Fangshan,in September2003, of headgearmadeof goldenwirenettingstrengthens the possibilitythatthe Jurchenrulersengagedin burialpracticesof Liao.It is unknownif this burial customwas employedin Aguda'sfirsttomb at the capitalShangjingin Heilongjiang.If so, it is a strong contrastto the burialwithoutfacialcoversof Wanyan Yan,princeof Qi, and his wife (see fig.27) and other excavatedtombsin the SonghuaRivervalley.The facemaskand headgearof wirenettingthatwould be joinedto a deathmaskraisethe possibilitythat an aspectof royalKhitanburialwas learnedand adapted by the Jurchenfrompeoplesthey conqueredafterthey movedsouth fromHeilongjiang.Thereis no indication the coveringof the corpsewith a metalmaskand wirenettingwas a predynasticJurchencustom. Six sitesarerepresentative of nonroyalJinburial in the vicinityof Beijing.The first,the FengtaiM ; districtadjacentto Fangshan,yieldedfourtombs withinaboutthirtymetersof one anotherduring excavationsof 1980 and 1981.72Eachdifferedslightly fromthe others,but, more important,the fourFengtai tombsresembledJintombsfromHeilongjiang. Tomb1 at Fengtaicontainedpiecesof a coffinbed in a stone sarcophagusmadeof six stone slabsjoined togetherby cornernotches.Tomb2 was an earthen pit tomb with a lacqueredwoodencoffin.The third tomb,identifiedby funeraryinscriptionas belonging to WugulunWolun,t, containedhis crematedremainsin the remnantsof a woodenlacquer box on a coffinbed insidea woodencoffin.Finally therewas the joint burialof YuanZhong)fJg and his wife, the princess of the state of Lu %, both relatives
of the imperialJinclan.Theywereburiedtogether in a stone innercoffinenclosedby a jadeoutercoffin, the doublecoffinformatand pit tomb the same as those of WanyanYanand his wife.Informationin Yuanand his wife'slengthyfuneraryinscriptionsis corroboratedby numerouspassagesin Jinshi __ (StandardHistoryof Jin)and otherhistoricaltreatises.73Thebiographicalinformationindicatesrank and statuscomparableto those of the princeof Qi and his wife, suggestingthat simplicityin burialspace was the norm for this levelof Jinroyalty.Amongthe
objectsthatremainedin the two Fengtaitombswith identifiedoccupantswerean incenseburnerwith the eighttrigramscastacrossits neckand a coin with the inscriptionchangmingfugui '"EjI on the obverse side and a storkwith one straightand one bent leg, headturningback,and a turtleholdinga plantin his mouth on the reverse.Likeclothingand motifsin the tomb of WanyanYanand his wife,the eighttrigrams, stork,andturtlesignalfamiliaritywith Chinesegoods and presumablyideas.74 The contrastbetweenChinese decorativegoods andthe single-coffin,simplepit tombsthathousedthem suggeststhe samementality of builderwho constructeda spectacularceilingin the simpleJingtusiHall. In 1958,one of the architecturally most extraordinaryJintombswas uncoveredin BeichangVillage, Xincheng4fj County,southwestof Fangshan.It belongedto Shi Li'aiandhis wife.75Accordingto Jinshias well as the epitaphin the tomb,Shidied in 1143.76The tomb was approached by a fifty-nine-meter
long spiritpaththatculminatedin a mound about fifteenmetersacrossthe base.It was enteredvia a diagonalramp.Therewerefourunderground chambers,morethanin anyexcavatedJintomb to date.In the frontcenterwas a four-sidedroom that containedthe epitaphs,joinedby a corridorto an octagonalroom behindit and connectedto smaller chamberson eitherside (fig. 29). In otherwords, amongthe four roomswerethreeshapes.Aroundthe four sidesof the epitaph,each1.14metersin length and 20 centimeterswide,werethe eighttrigrams.The Chineseduodenarycalendricalanimalsdecoratedthe four slopingslidesbetweenthe lid andthe sideswith the trigams. ShiLi'ai'stomb is the one mentionedabovein which the epitaph was recarved in 1195,fifty-two years
afterhis death.Shihad died duringthe reignof Jin Shizong.The inscriptionhad firstbeenwrittenin 1157 duringthe Hailingwangerawhenthe interred'sstatus as prince(wangEF) hadbeen demoted.It was reinstatedin the 1195inscription,eitheron a recarvedor new epitaph. Shi Li'ai'sfourthson, Shi FengKW1,wasburied 29.34 metersto the west in a more standardJintomb.
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29 Plan of tomb Shi Li'ai, Xincheng County, Hebei, 1143. After Luo Ping and Zheng Zhaozong, "Hebei Xinchengxian Beichangcun Jinshi Shi Li'ai he Shi Feng mu fajue ji" (Excavation report on the Jin period tombs of Shi Li'ai and Shi Feng in Beichang Village, Xincheng County, Hebei), Wenwu, 1962,12:646.
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Predeceasinghis fatherin his twenty-ninthyearin 1112, Shi Fengwas laid to restin a stone coffinin a single-chamberpit. He was alsoburiedwith his wife, and two epitaphswereamongthe veryfewburial objects.The twelvecalendricalanimalswerecarvedon the four sidesof his epitaph. In severalways,Shi Feng'stomb was morecomplex thanthe pit tombsdescribedthus far.Its fourstone wallswerecoveredwith whitelime andthen painted. The tomb had an entryat the south,on eitherside of whichwas a guardin officialdressandholdinga spear.On the otherwallsweredailylife scenesbeneath an open curtainon the eastand a hangingcurtainon the north.A coffinbed is believedto be paintedat the bottom of the northwall scene.
A noticeof a Jintomb uncoverednearthe Altarof the First Crops in 1973was published in 1977.77It was
a verticalpit earthentomb,nearlysquareat the base, whichcontainedat leastone stonesarcophagus. The sarcophaguswas madeof six piecestenonedtogether, a formwe haveseen in Jintombsin Heilongjiang andthe Beijingregion.A woodenbox for cremated remainsand some high-qualitySongceramicswere insidethe stonecoffin. I in Fourkilometerssouth of ZhangjiakouN Fangshan,fivestone sarcophaguspieceswerefound in 1974.78It is possible they were from more than one
unit.Foundin additionwas a lacqueredcoffininlaid with a silverdragonon eachside andvine and other decorativemotifs.It is believedto havebeen an inner
coffin.The tomb also containednumerouspiecesof jade.Excavators havesuggestedthatthe lacquersarcophagusfolloweda descriptionof sarcophaguses decoratedin gold in ShenGua'stL{S (1031-95)Mengxi bitan*jeff (MengxiJottings),writtenduringthe author'sretirementin Zhenjiang,Jiangsu,from1089to 1093.79 Theyfurther drawa parallelto mercuryfound
in the tomb and a passagein Da Jinguozhi . (Recordof the GreatJinState)thatrecordsthe use of mercuryin a tomb builtin Henan.80 Becauseof the amountof jadeand a coin with a Songreignperiod, the tomb is believedto havebelongedto an elderly womanof Han Chinesedescent,probablythe wife of an officialwho servedJin.8' TwoJintombsuncoveredin TongxianLl (district) of Beijingareamonga rarefew thathavenever been robbed.82 In one, the six-piecestone sarcophagus whosepartswerenotchedtogetherlinksit to otherJin burialsin the Beijingregion.Thistomb containedan identifiedoccupant,Shi Zongbi ;Ei (1114-1175), who wasmovedto Tongxianfor burialtwo years afterhis demise.Excavatorsbelievethe secondtomb belongedto a relative.AlthoughShi Zongbihas no biographyin Jinshi,his epitaphinformsus thathe rosethroughthe ranksof Jinofficialdomand received imperialgifts.The companiontomb containedprecious objectsincludingsilverhairpins,suggestingits occupantwasa female.An interestingfeatureof the secondtomb was the placementof a dressedstone neareachof the four corners. Onceestablishedas the centralcapital,Zhongdu emergesas the desirablelocationfor officialburial, usuallywith familymembers.So far,only the vicinity of the firstShangjingcapitalhasyieldedas many Jintombs,includingthosewith funeraryinscriptions carvedin stone.In both cases,proximityto imperial burialsfor selectedrelatives,officials,or otherservants of the Jingovernmentprobablyindicatedstatusor recognitionof meritoriousdeeds,as it had in Han and TangChina.83 TwoJintombshavebeen found in the Haidianit S districtof Beijing,one priorto the establishment of the People'sRepublicand the otherin 1985.84Each was a stonecoffintomb.Excavatorsat the 1985site
believea woodencoffinmayhavebeen insidethe stone one. The firsttomb uncoveredhad a funerary inscription,but one of the threecharactersof the occupant'snamewas missing.Weknowthatthe occupant,Zhang-zhen ff O X, foughtin warsagainst Liaoin the1120Sandthathe diedbetween1153and ii6o. The dateof the tomb excavatedin 1985could be determinedonly as no earlierthanthe Jinreign periodsZhenglong(1156-60)and Dading(1161-89), becauseof coins foundin it. The Haidiantombsbelongto a groupof at least fourteenothers,some of whichhavebeen mentioned already,excavatedin the vicinityof Beijing.85 Those with inscriptionshavedatesthatrangebetween1127 and 1201, or approximately the firsttwo-thirdsof Jin ruleof China.Mostaresimplepit tombswith sixpiecestone coffins.Burialgoodsmayincludeprecious objectsmadeof gold,silver,or jade,oftendecorated with Chinesesymbols;thosewithoutsuchobjectsare usuallyassumedto havebeen robbed.At leasta few coins andprimarilySong-producedceramicsremain in almostall the tombs.One tomb retainedwallpaintings.The most complicatedtomb had fourroomsand a subterraneanapproachramp.Thereis no evidence of abovegroundmounds. A majorityof the Jintombsin HebeiProvincehad stone epitaphs.Thoseof malesrecordmilitarydeeds in serviceof Jinrulersin the decadesof most intense fightingwith Liaoor Songand/orofficialservicein latertimes.Wivesburiedjointlywith thesemales andwomen interredin theirown gravesusuallyhave associationswith the Jinrulingfamily.Sarcophaguses in both Heilongjiangand northernHebeiweremade of interlockingstone slabs.Somecontainedplain woodenor lacqueredinnercoffins.Somehad coffin bedsratherthaninnercoffins.Therewerealso cremationtombs.Enoughtombshavebeen excavated in groupsin Heilongjiangand Hebei,especiallywith identifyingfuneraryinscriptions,to knowburialwas in cemeteriesand oftentheywerefamilycemeteries. Amongthe tombsin Heilongjiang,Jilin,andthe vicinityof the Jincentralcapital,only one, thatof Shi Li'ai,showsevidenceof employmentof structural patternsof a precedingdynasty(see fig. 29). Shi's
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tomb couldbe that of a Liaooccupant.Datedearly in the Liaoperiod,959-86, tomb 7 at Yemaotaia )U Faku&J County,Liaoning,has an 8.7-meter diagonalpathleadingto four squarishunderground chambers,a centralfrontone, two thatjoined it, and one in the back(fig.30).86 The configurationis middle rangein termsof complexityfor the Liaodynasty: evennonimperialLiaotombscouldconsistof nine undergroundchambers.Roomshapescouldbe foursided,circular,hexagonal,or octagonal,and it was rare for a Liaotomb not to haveat leastone roomwith a vaultedceiling.87 DifferentfromJintombswith the possibleexceptionof the Haidiantomb mentioned above,a stone sarcophaguswas containedin a wooden one, the outeran exquisitemodel of a house or temple that followedprescriptionsfor timber-frameconstructionin the Yingzao fashi.88The stone sarcophagus fromYemaotaitomb 7 is madeof six slabs,in the style of the numerousstone sarcophaguses fromJintombs. Perhapsthe commonJinformof sarcophagus,six
stone slabsjoinedtogether,waslearnedfromLiao. If so, the Jinwerenot innovatorsevenin this simple structure.In addition,the morearchitecturally challengingwoodenstructuralmodelswith whichstone werein some instancescombinedin sarcophaguses Liaotimes89was abandoned. If Liaoouterwoodensarcophaguses had an impact on Jinburialcontainers,it seemsto haveoccurred in the vicinityof Liaotombswith woodensarcophaguses,but the formseemsto havebeen transformed into the preferredJinfunerarymaterial- stone.In additionto the stone sarcophagusof WanyanXiyi (see fig. 28) found in Jilin,a stone sarcophagusthatreplicateda buildingwith a ceramictile roof,pillars,and cornerand intercolumnarbracketsetswasuncovered in the tomb of Ma Ling ,,-
(d. 1184),identified by
funeraryinscription,in ChaoyangCounty,Liaoning, in 1961.Also in the mannerof moreLiaotombsthan Jinones,the brickwallsof MaLing'stomb werecoveredwith whitelime to providea paintingsurface.90
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So far,only in the occasionaluse of stone sarcophagusesthat followpatternsof wooden architectureand deathmasksfound in Da Fangshando we findLiao precedentsfor Jinfunerarypractices.Evenwhen correspondencesoccur,the Liaotombs in everycasehave moreroomsof morevariedshapesthan anyJurchen burial.The famouscouple,princessof ChenguoF# I and herhusbandXiao Shaoju,offerboth striking comparisonsand contrastswith the princeof Qi and his wife buriedin Juyuanapproximatelya century and a halflaterandwith,we havereasonto believe, the interredremainsof the firstJinruler,Aguda(fig. 31;see also fig. 27).9' All royalty,the Jurchenexhibit littleof theirheritagein death:WanyanYanand his spouselie clothedin exquisitesilkprobablyproduced in SongChina.Agudaprobablyworea facemaskand wireheadgearof preciousmetal,funerarygarbwhose originscan be tracedto Liaoand a full millennium earlierto peoplesof NorthAsia.The high qualityand extensivewardrobeof the princeof Qi and his wife in the simpleone-chambertomb suggestcomparison with the exquisitelydecoratedceilingand uninspired timberframebelowit of the MainHallat Jingtu. Similar,too, is the contrastobservedbetweenKhitan tombswith as manyas nine or ten roomsand a variety of vaultedceilingsand the structureof the singlechambertomb of the kingof Qi and his wife or those in Jinnanwith moreelaboratedinteriors.Suchis the contrastbetweenthe main hallsof Liaomonasteries suchas Fengguosi,Shanhuasi,or Huayansiand the JingtusiHall. Exceptfor the frequencyof stone coffins,it is difficultto isolatewhatis distinctiveaboutJintombs. Simplepit tombs,multiplecoffins,and familycemeteries,or at leastburialwith one'simmediatefamily, aretraceablethroughalmostfifteenhundredyears of Chinesehistorypriorto the Jindynasty.Justone examplewhereall threearepresentis the three-tomb complex at Mawangdui H,,;
The evidence of a
lackof investmentin funeraryarchitecturemadeby Jinbuildersis overwhelming. Eventhe stonecoffinssuggestthatJurchenbuilders mayhavelookedelsewherefor funeraryarchitectural precedents.Thelastkingdomcenteredin Jili and
31 Remains of princess of Chenguo and her husband, Qinglongshan, Naiman Banner, Inner Mongolia, 1018. After Liao Chenguo gongzhumu wenwuzhan (Cultural relics exhibition from the tomb of the Liao princess of Chenguo) (Xian: Shaanxi History Museum, n.d.), n.p.
Heilongjiang,the Parhae(BohaiiAU), likeLiaoand Jin,ruledfroma five-capitalsystemspreadthroughan empire.The Parhaeempireextendedbeyondthe two NortheasternProvincesto Russiaon the east,Inner Mongoliaand Liaoningon the west,and Koreato the south;andboth the Parhaeand Jurchenhad ethnicties to the Mohe.Followingthe constructionpracticesof theirKoreanpredecessors,Parhaetombswereprimarily stone,both insideand in the formationof mounds weresomeaboveground,but woodensarcophaguses timesused.93Cremationburialwas alsoemployed,and sometimes,as we haveseen amongthe Jurchen,the crematedremainswereplacedinsidea coffin.
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THE JIN CENTURY
Jin tomb builders and patrons of architecture surely were aware of architecture of the Song and Liao whom they conquered. Residents of the Jinnan region should have been more directly influenced by Song architecture,either because the region had been under Song control in the twelfth and early thirteenth centuries or because some occupants of those tombs were ethnically Chinese. Yetwhether for temples or tombs, the Jin consistently selected scaled-down, limited versions of the Liao and Song building traditions or reused buildings that survived from those periods. To the extent that China was a source for Jin architecture, it was overwhelming a source of decoration. This decorative aspect of Jin architecture is particularly emphatic because of the constricted spaces in which it occurs and because of the contrast between the undistinguished, even lackluster structure and its decoration. The intense interest in wall and ceiling decoration as opposed to structure and mass is perplexing. The
Hall palatialhallspaintedon the wallsof Man-jusr1 of YanshanMonastery(see fig. ii) suggestthatsuch buildingswereknownin North Chinain the twelfth and thirteenthcenturies.Yetthe only extantmultilevel buildingsfrom Jintimes arestelepavilionsin Qufu FtM (fig.32), lackingceilings,mezzaninelevels,or of wooden anystructuralcomplexitycharacteristic architectureof Liaoor Song China.Evenallowingfor pictorialhyperbolein the Yanshansimuralsand the destructionof a majorityof Jinbuildings,the fact that not one extantstructureeven hints at the highest standardsof the Chinesesystemdocumentedin Yingzaofashi and survivingin Liaoand Songarchitectureis hardto ignore. Perhapsthe intenseinterestin decorationsignalsa desireto decorateto perfectionor achieveperfection in details.Facialfeaturesof sculpturein Jinnantombs suchas figuresof filialpiety or the occupantportrait in Macuntomb 4 or the tomb excavatedin Nanli j%,
Qin 'L\County, in 1998,display expressive realism
of an intensitythat mightbe comparedto the Jingtusi ceiling(fig.33).94Yetsculpturalrealismin humanfaces
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33 Occupantportrait,Macuntomb 4. AfterCuiYuanhe,gen. ed. PingyangJinmuzhuandiao(Jintombs with reliefsculpturein Pingyang)(Taiyuan:Shanxi Renminchubanshe,1999),pi. 85.
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is not new to Chineseartin the twelfthcentury.Its historymaybe traceableto statuesburiedwith the FirstEmperorof Qin or the WesternHan Emperor Jingdi(r.157-141B.C.), or entertainersexcavatedat varioussitesin Sichuantombs of the EasternHan dynasty(A.D. 23- 22o).95 It maybe challengingto documenta continuoushistory,but the elevenththrough thirteenthcenturiesis a periodin whichsuperbexamples of sculpturalrealismarefound.The so-called Yizhouluohansareprimeevidenceof this tradition.96 Perhapsit couldbe arguedthatthe facialintensityof the luohanis exemplaryof a broader-based intensity of detailcharacteristic of the Jincentury.Perhapsthe interestin sensitivityand detailshouldbe viewedin the evenbroadercontextof twelfth-andthirteenthcenturysculpturefromNingxiato Sichuanto Shanxi thatincludesimagesfromthe Xi Xiakingdomfound amongthe ruinsof a templeaboutfortykilometers eastof Dalankubu7 1gI, Eji'naqi ,M;, InnerMongolia,and scenesof hell,humanrelationships,and passionat BaodingshanWto and elsewherein reliefsculpturefromthe Dazu kcZregion (figs.34,35). The architectural contextof the Xi Xia imagesis unknown,but at Baodingshan,cave surfacesarecoveredwith the kind of elaboratedecorationfound in the JingtusiHallceilingand Jinnan tombs.The validityof such a comparisonthus furtherisolatesJinas a dynastyoverwhelmingly lackingin originalcontributionsto artor architecture. The JingtusiHalland Jinarchitecture, moregenerally,suggesta legacyof masteryof carpentryand perhapsreliefsculpture.Theyofferlittleinsightinto the patronsor buildersof the hallsand tombsexcept by contrast:lackof architectural grandeuris not characteristicof rulers,especiallynon-Chineserulerswho establishedempiresin China.The factthatJurchen rulersof Chinaseem not to haveviewedreligious constructionaccordingto Chinesemodelsas a means of imperialself-legitimization breakswith long-standing patternsof the use of imperialarchitectureand its symbolismin dynasticestablishmentand perpetuation, evenbeyondChina,98 and,perhapsdisappointingly,supportsassessmentsmadeby HerbertFranke,
thatthe Jurchens'acceptanceof Chineseculturewas "morepassivethan active."" One can seekto explainthe lackof powerful architectural symbolsby financialconcerns,as noted above,or by politics.One mightalsoview the Jinlack of interestin pastarchitectural modelsas intentional, indicativeof self-confidencein theirown meansof empireformationat China'sbordersand a continuationof the strongoppositionto Sinicizationof Hailingwang.Further,one mightview the Jinadmirationof small-scalecarpentrybut withouta desire to furtherimproveor interpretprescriptionsin the SongbuildingmanualYingzao fashias similarto an employmentof NorthernSongaestheticsby Jinpainters and calligraphers who did not seekto createnew styles." Or one mayposit thatten rulersin a period of 1i9 years,the movementof imperialtombsand a capital,two rulersso evil theywerenot awarded templenames,two murderedemperors,andtwo who witnessedonly dynasticdeclineandcollapse createdso muchpoliticalturmoilthattherewould havebeen littlepossibilityof bold or original architecture. Thepoliticalcorruptionand chaos of Jinmaybe impressive,but it was not unique. Rather,it was preciselyagainsta backdropof such turmoilthat Chineseand non-Chineseoccupantsof the Chinesethronehad soughtout Chinesearchitectureand its symbolismto empowertheirreigns.With or withoutsufficientcause,justification,or explanation, predeterminedor largelythe resultof circumstance,the Jinweredistinctfromall Chineseand non-ChinesedynastiesthattouchedChinesesoil in theirlackof enthusiasmfor the monumentalChinese buildingtraditionand its accompanyingpower-laden symbolism. The Jinperiodmayhavehad an impacton drama, andthe humanizationevidentin reliefsculpturein Jintombsmaybe partof a broader-based intensity and realismin twelfth-and thirteenth-century artin Chinaand at its borders,but the architectural legacy of Jinis single-chambertombsand structurallysimple, uninspiredbuildings.It is the legacyof a dynasty that,likeits architecture, wouldnot significantly impactChina. *
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12
NANCY SHATZMANSTEINHARDT,Ph.D. (1981) in fine arts, HarvardUniversity,is professor of East Asian art at the Universityof Pennsylvania and curatorof Chinese art at the University Museum of Archaeology and Anthropology. She has published Chinese TraditionalArchitecture(1984), Chinese ImperialCityPlanning (1990), LiaoArchitecture (1997), Chinese Architecture(2002), and more than fifty articles. Departmentof Asian and Middle Eastern
NOTES Thefirstversionof thisarticlewaspresented at theWorkshopon the Historyof Material Culture,Instituteof Historyand Philology, AcademiaSinica,Taipei,in December2001. For reasonsthatwill be clearbelow,I arguedthatthe most elucidatingwayto studyJinarchitecture wasas evidenceof materialculture.I thankthe in particularYangHong,SunJi, participants, andPaulKatz,forveryvaluablecommentson the article.A laterversionwasreadat the annual meetingof theAssociationforAsianStudies in April2002. I thankPeterBol,SusanBush, EllenCookeJohnston,JeromeSilbergeld,Hoyt Tillman,andTimothyWixtedforhelpfulcommentsaboutthis article. 1.Themainsourceof informationon the early historyof Jingtusiis the Mingperiodrecord, Yingzhou zhi (Recordof YingPrefecture), the basisforMaLiang,chiefed., Yingxian zhi (Recordof YingCounty)(Taiyuan: ShanxiRenminchubanshe,1992), in which informationfromthe originalrecordis foundon pp.557-58.Thetwo twelfth-centurydates,namesof monkswho supervised constructionandrebuilding,respectively, ShanxiangandShansong,andlocationof the monasteryin the northeastof the prefecturaltown arerecordedin WangXuanet al.,Shanxitongzhi(Comprehensive record of Shanxi)(1892),juan 169 (reprint,Taipei:
baogaojilue"(Researchnoteson an investigationof old architecture andits associated culturalrelicsin Shanxioverthe lastthirty
worksmost useful(in alphabetical order): ChanHok-lam,Legitimation in Imperial China:Discussions undertheJurchen-Chin
years), Wenwuziliao congkan 4 (1981):145.
Dynasty (1115-1234) (Seattle: University of
Thebuildingis not discussedin Qi Yingtao et al.,"Liangnianlai Shanxishengfaxiande gujianzhu" (Ancientarchitecture discoveredin ShanxiProvinceduringthe lasttwo
WashingtonPress,1984);ChenShu,chief ed.,Liao-Jinshi lunji(Essayson Liao-Jin history),4 vols. (Shanghai:Shangjiaguji
years), Wenwucankao ziliao, 1954,11:1-96; or
Ritai,ZhongguoBeifangminzumeishu shiliao(Arthistoryof peoplesof North China)(Shanghai:ShanghaiRenminmeishu chubanshe,iggo);HerbertFrankeand DenisTwitchett,TheCambridge History of China,vol. 6, AlienRegimesandBorder States(Cambridge: CambridgeUniversity Press,1994);JilinCityMuseum,Jilinshiyi (Historicalremainsin Jilin)(Changchun: Jin Renminchubanshe,1984);Liao-Jin shi lunwenji (Collectedessayson Liao-Jin history)(Shenyang:LiaoningRenmin chubanshe,1985);MikamiTsugio,Jindai Nuzhenyanjiu(Researchon the Jindynasty Jurchen),trans.JinQicong(Harbin: HeilongjiangRenminchubanshe,1984); F.W.Mote,ImperialChina,900-1800 (Cambridge,Mass.:HarvardUniversity
in YangZirong,"LunShanxiYuandaiyiqian mugoujianzhude baohu"(On the preservationof Yuanandearliertimber-frame in Shanxi),Wenwujikan,1994, architecture 1:62-67, 58, although it is assumed to be
includedin Yang'scountof Jinbuildings. 5.Theceilingis recognizedas one of the most importantextantexamplesof zaojing.See, for example,XiaoMo,Zhongguojianzhu yishu(The artof Chinesearchitecture), 2 vols. (Beijing:Wenwuchubanshe,1999), 1:453.Threeillustrationsarefoundon p. 455.It alsois publishedin AncientChinese Architecture (Beijingand HongKong:China BuildingIndustryPressandJointPublishing Company,1982), 1o3;andin LiYuminget al.,Shanxigujianzhutonglan(Panoramaof ancientarchitecture in Shanxi)(Taiyuan: Shanxi Renmin chubanshe, 1986),103-4, in
chubanshe, 1985-86); Enen Tala and Su
Press, 1999), 265-88; Tamura Jitsuzo,
Chugoku seifuku6ch6kenkyui (Research on the Chineseconquestdynasties),3 vols.
Ma Liang,Yingzhouzhi, 556. WangXuanet al.,Shanxitongzhi,liststwenty. 3.Fogongsiis discussedin a seven-lineentry, as opposedto two linesfor Jingtusi,in Wang
whicha smallillustrationof the hallis publishedalso. 6.YangZirong,"LunShanxiYuandaiyiqian mugoujianzhude baohu,"62. 1 am not awareof additionalJinbuildingsidentified sinceYangwrotehis article. 7.LiJie,Yingzaofashi (Buildingstandards) (1103),juan 6-u, (reprint, Taipei:Taibei
Rule (Albany: SUNY Press, 1995);Toyama
Xuan et al., Shanxi tongzhi, 6:3250.The best
Yinshuguan, 1974), 2:23-3:46. An octagonal
Gunji,Kinchdshi kenkya(Researchon Jin
studyof the TimberPagodais ChenMingda, Yingxianmuta(YingxianTimberPagoda)
zaojingon whichthreeof the caissonsin the JingtusiHallmaybe basedis illustrated
history) (Kyoto: Dobosha, 1964); Wang
(Beijing: Wenwu Press, 1980).
in juan 29 (6:19). In his 1,260-page work,
Huawen shuju, 1969), 6:3250. 2.
4.A descriptionof the JingtusiHallapproximatelyone paragraphin lengthis found in dictionariesof Chinesearchitecture and in a fewstudiesof architecture in Shanxi Province,suchas ChaiZejun,"Shanxi gujianzhugaishu"(Generaldiscussionof ancientarchitecture in Shanxi),Zhongguo gujianzhuxueshujiangzuowenji(Lectures andessayson Chinesearchitecture)(Beijing: Zhongguozhanwangchubanshe,1986), 267; ChaiZejun,"Shanxigujianzhujishu"(Notes on ancientarchitecture in Shanxi),in Chai Zejungujianzhuwenji(Collectedessays on traditionalarchitecture by ChaiZejun) (Beijing: Wenwu chubanshe, 1999), 48-49.
It is includedin a list of buildings,but not discussed,in ChaiZejun,"Sanshinianlai Shanxigujianzhujiqi fushuwenwudiaocha
Zhongguo jianzhuyishu,XiaoMo makesno mentionof the hall. 8.On the originsof the Tungusicpeople fromwhomthe rulersof the Jindynasty emerged,the Jurchen/Jurched (in Mandarin, Nuzhen),seeA. P.Okladinov,TheSoviet FarEastin Antiquity: AnArchaeological and HistoricalStudyof theMaritimeRegionof the U.S.S.R.(Toronto:Universityof Toronto Press, 1965). Throughout this article I
use Jurchenin referenceto the dynasty's founders,rulers,andothersknownto be of Jurchendescent.Jinis employedas a periodreference,as an adjectivereferringto buildingsor otherobjectsor featuresdated 1115-1234,or as a reference to the dynasty
itself.Forbackgroundon Jinhistoryand civilization,I havefoundthe following
(Kyoto: Toy6shi kenkyuikai,1964-86), esp.
vol.3;TaoJing-shen,TheJurchenin TwelfthCenturyChina:A Studyof Sinicization (Seattle:Universityof WashingtonPress, 1976), esp. 304-19; Hoyt C. Tillman and
StephenH. West,eds.,ChinaunderJurchen
Chengli,chiefed.,Liao-JinQidan-Niizhen shiyiwenji(Interpretive essayson Liao-Jin Khitan-Jurchen history)(Changchun:Jin wenshi chubanshe, 1990); Yao Congwu 4j , Liao-,Jin-,Yuanshi jiangyi,vol.3,Jinchao shi (Lectureson the historyof Liao,Jin,and Yuan,vol.3, Jindynastyhistory)(Taipei:
-
~l "I
;S
0
4-
Zhengzhong shuju, 1971).
9.Forillustrationsof thesethreebuildings,see NancyShatzmanSteinhardt, LiaoArchitecture (Honolulu:Universityof Hawai'iPress,
z Iz
.
1-
1997), figs. 140, 84,30, respectively. 10.Discussionas Liao-Jinhasbeenthe case
in ChinesepublicationsaboutChinese architecture sincethe initialstudyof these buildings,LiangSichengandLiuDunzhen, "Datonggujianzhudiaochabaogao"(Report on the investigationof ancientarchitecture in Datong),Zhongguo yingzaoxueshihuikan
CD,
113
m
C14
ii.All the Datongbuildingsareillustratedin LiangSichengandLiuDunzhen,"Datong gujianzhudiaochabaogao." anddiscussion,see Chai 12. Forillustrations ZejunandZhangChouliang,Fanshi Yanshansi (YanshanMonasteryin Fanshi) (Beijing:WenwuPress,1ggo). 13.As we shallsee,not only did the Jinconstructno buildingwith fifty-fourvarietiesof bracketsetsor fiveexteriorandfourinterior Timber storiessuchas the above-mentioned Pagoda,therewasno pavilionas high as the SongFoxiangf4M (Buddha'sFragrance) Pavilionof 971or with fourporticoessuch as MoniHallof LongxingMonasteryof 1052, or with a beamspanningeightrafters suchas the SageMotherHallat the Jin Shrines,constructed1023-32. Nor wasthere a buildingthatanticipatesthe Templeto the NorthernPeakin Quyangof 1253or structuresat anyof the thirteenth-century Yonglegong.Illustrationsof eachof these areavailablein NancyShatzmanSteinhardt, (New Haven:Yale ed., ChineseArchitecture UniversityPress,2002). 14.On this monastery,see an initialnoticein an articleby LuoZhewen,Du Xianzhou, gujianandZhangZhengmo,in "Yanbei zhu de kancha"(Investigationof ancient in Yanbei[NorthernHebei]), architecture Wenwucankaoziliao,1953,3:35-56, esp. 37-42,53-56; ChaiZejunandLiZhengyun, ShuoxianMituodianxiushangongcheng baogao(Reporton the restorationof the AmitabhaHallat ChongfuMonasteryin ShuoCounty)(Beijing:Wenwuchubanshe,1993);ChaiZejun,gen.ed, Shuoxian Chongfusi(ChongfuMonasteryin Shuo County)(Beijing:Wenwuchubanshe,1996). It is alsorecordedin WangXuanet al., Shanxitongzhi,juan170, 6:3255. 15.Theothertwo arediscussedbelow. 16.Featuresof diantang,includingplans,are illustratedin Yingzao fashi,juan31.Foran excellentdiscussionof diantang,see Chen Mingda,"Zhongguofengjianshehuimujiegou jianzhujishude fazhan"(Development of Chinesetimber-framearchitecture of feudalsociety),Pt.2, Jianzhulishiyanjiu, vol. 2 (Beijing:Zhongguojianzhukexue yanjiuyuanjianzhuqingbaoyanjiusuo,n.d.). On diantang,see alsoChenMingda,ed., damuzuoyanjiu(Researchon Yingzaofashi large-scalecarpentryin the Yingzaofashi), 2 vols.(Beijing: Wenwuchubanshe,1981), esp.1:28,114-24,138, 203.
"ShanxiYuandaidiantang 17. ZhangYuhuan, timber-frame de damujiegou"(Large-scale hallsin ShanxifromtheYuanperiod), Kejishiwenji2 (1979):71-106, emphasizes the pointthatin ShanxitheseareJin-Yuan features. 18.YaoCongwu,Liao-,Jin-,Yuanshi jiangyi,vol. 3, dividesthe Jindynastyinto threeperiods, wasat its 1115-53,whenthe capitalShangjing firstsite,aboutthirtykilometerssoutheast of Harbinin Heilongjiang(Achengin the Qingperiod);1153-1214,bracketedby the moveof Shangjingto its secondlocation,the site of the formerLiaoZhongjing(central capital)in Ningcheng,nearthe Jilin-Inner Mongoliaborderandthe sackingof the Jincentralcapital(Zhongdu)by armies of ChinggisKhanin 1214,an intervalthat includesthe Shizongreignperiod(1161-go); andthe lasttwo decades,of decline,1214-34. Theyear1143is justone yearbeforethe establishmentof Jincontrolin the eastern partof the empireat LiaoyangM, siteof the Jineasterncapitalandformersiteof the easterncapitalof the Liao,whomthe Jin conquered. 19.In his seminalstudyof the Chinesetimber frame"Zhongguofengjianshehuimujieesp.53-56, gou jianzhujishude fazhan," ChenMingdaselectsDaxiongbaoHallof Fengguosias his casestudyof a premier diantang.Formoreon this hail'sstructure,see SekinoTadashi,"ManshfiGi-ken (Daxiongbao H6koku-jiDaiyuih6den" Hallof FengguoMonasteryin YiCounty, Manchuria),Bijutsukenkyu13 (1933):37-49; YuZhuoyun,"Liaoxisheng YixianFengguosi kanchajiankuang"(Brieflook at the investigationof FengguoMonasteryin YiCounty, Liaoxi[LiaoningProvince]),Wenwucankao Takuichi, ziliao,1953,3:85-88;Takeshima Ryo-Kin jidai no kenchikuto sonoButsuzo andits Buddhist (Liao-Jinarchitecture sculpture)(Tokyo:Ryubunshokyoku,1944), 47-73;Du Xianzhou,"YixianFengguosi diaochabaogao"(Report Daxiongbaodian on the investigationof DaxiongbaoHallof FengguoMonasteryin YiCounty),Wenwu, 1966, 2:5-13; ShaoFuyu,"Fengguosi" (FengguoMonastery),Wenwu,1980,12:86LiaoArchitecture, 87-101. 87;Steinhardt, 20. On DaxiongbaoHallof Huayansi, in addition to LiangSichengandLiuDunzhen, "Datonggujianzhudiaochabaogao," see ChaiZejun,"DatongHuayansi
Daxiongbaodian mujiegouxingzhifenxi" (Analysisof the timber-frame structureof DaxiongbaoHallof Huayansiin Datong), in Zhonghuagujianzhu(AncientChinese ed. ZhangYuhuan(Beijing: architecture), Zhongguokexuejishuchubanshe,1ggo); DingMingyi,Huayansi(Beijing:Wenwu Press,1980). Illustrationscanbe foundin all theseworks. 21. Supportfor the laterdate(1140),at leastfor the bracketsets,is thattheyareof five-puzuo formation.MostLiaodiantanghavebracket setsof sixpuzuoor higher. 22. As mentionedabove,YangZirong,"Lun ShanxiYuandaiyiqianmugoujianzhude baohu,"recordssixty-fiveJinbuildingsin Shanxi.He doesnot providea list.Yangdoes writethatthis numberis in contrastto four fromTang,threefromthe periodof the FiveDynasties,threefromLiao,sixty-two fromSong,and262 fromtheYuandynasty. One assumesallbuildingslistedbyYangas SongareNorthernSongperiod,sincethe JincontrolledShanxiafterthe fallof the NorthernSong.Jinwoodenbuildings(some with laterrestoration)thatprovidemy databaseforthis studyareThreeBuddhasHall of CixiangAk Monastery,Pingyao-TL County,Tianhuireignperiod(1123-34); the MainHallof JingtuMonastery, YingCounty, 1124;MafijuiriHallof FoguangMonastery, WutaiCounty,1137;DaxiongbaoHallof HuayanMonastery,Datong,ca.1060, rebuilt 1140;AmitabhaHallof ChongfuMonastery, ShuoCounty,1143;Avalokitesvara Hallof ChongfuMonastery,ca.1140;MainHall, Templeof the SageMotherWuZetian, Wenshui& County,1145;Samantabhadra Pavilion,ShanhuaMonastery,Datong,1154; the MiddleHall,TwoImmortalsDaoist Monastery,GaopinglA, , 1156-61; Mafijufri Hall,YanshanMonastery,FanzhiCounty, 1158;Hallof the GreatLordof the Eastern Peak,Templeto the EasternPeak,Jincheng, 1161-89; GreatCompletion/Perfection Hall,ConfucianTemple,Pingyao,1163;the OfferingHall,JinShrines,Taiyuan,1168; GreatUltimateHall,Templeto the Northern Peak,Jincheng,1178;the FrontGate, Xianyingwang (Fujun)Temple,Lingquan County,1184;Hallof the ThreeBuddhas, Bu'erMonastery, County,ca. Yangqu TaifuDaoist 1195;Hallof the JadeEmperor, Monastery,Fenyang~5FA County,1200; ZhengIEHall,Guanwang
VTE Temple, Dingxiang
2
County,
1208; the Front Gate and Three Buddhas
Hall, Shanhua Monastery, Datong; Great Buddha Hall, Yanqing Monastery, Wutai County; Ten Thousand Buddhas Hall, Chongqing )
Monastery, Zhangzi R
County; and the Back Hall, Nanjixiang Xt t Monastery, Lingchuan _JIICounty, all the above in Shanxi; two stele pavilions, Confucian Temple, Qufu, 1195,and Guandi in Shandong M; Temple, Guangrao ,_, Province; and the Hall of the Three Purities, Fengxiang ;
Daoist Monastery, Jiyuan
M County, in Henan. 23. On MafXjuiriHall, see the discussion in
studies of architecture in Shanxi listed in note 4 above, including Chai Zejun, "Shanxi gujianzhu gaishu";Chai Zejun, "Sanshinianlai Shanxi gujianzhu jiqi fushu wenwu diaochao baogao jilue"; Qi Yingtao et al., "Liangnianlai Shanxisheng faxian de gujianzhu";Liang Ssu-ch'eng, A Pictorial History of ChineseArchitecture,ed. Wilma Fairbank (Cambridge, Mass.: MIT Press, 1984), 86-87. 24.On tingtang, see Chen Mingda, Yingzaofashi damuzuo yanjiu, 1:28,107-13, 202, 204. 25. In addition to the articles on architecture
in Shanxi cited in note 4, some of these buildings are illustrated in Li Yuming
28. Costwasalsoa factorproposedby PeterBol
LiaoArchitecture, 299, 305-6 35.Steinhardt,
as an explanationforthe structurally simple Jinbuildings,at the annualmeetingof the Associationof AsianStudies,Washington, D.C.,in April2002. 29. On the paintingsof Yanshansi, in addition to ChaiZejunandZhangChouliang,Fanshi see FuXinian,"Shanxisheng Yanshansi, FanshixianYanshansi NandianJindaibihuazhongsuohuijianzhude chubufenxi"(Early stagesof analysisof Jinperiodwallpaintings of architecture in the SouthHallof Yanshan Monastery,FanshiCounty,Shanxi),Jianzhu lishiyanjiu,vol. 1 (1982), 119-51. 30.On PiluHallandthe othertwo buildings fromKaiyuanMonastery,see LiuDunzhen, xibugujianzhudiaochajilue" "Hebeisheng (Noteson the investigationof ancientarchitecturein westernHebei),Zhongguo yingzao xueshehuikan6.4 (1935):9-15. Interiorsand exteriorsof the otherstructuresof Kaiyuansi canbe seenin Steinhardt, LiaoArchitecture,
arguesthatbracketingin tombsof the consortclan,Xiao,wasof higherrankaccordthanthe ing to the systemin Yingzaofashi bracketingin tombsof the rulingfamily Yelu. 36.On the signsof the zodiacin Liaotombs,see TansenSen,"Astronomical TombPaintings fromXuanhua:Mandalas?"Ars Orientalis29
figs. 6, 20, 23, 108, 111, 112,
120, 126.
31.Formoreon the Pavilionof the Revolving
SutraCabinetandxiaomuzuo,see Helen Loveday, "Labibliothequetournanteen China:Quelquesremarquessurson roleet son evolution,"T'oungPao86.4-5 (2000): 225-79. 32.The most extensivestudyof thesetombs
Daxiongbaodian qianjian, baohu yu yanjiu"
is CuiYuanhe,gen.ed.,PingyangJinmu zhuandiao(Jintombswith reliefsculpture in Pingyang)(Taiyuan:ShanxiRenmin chubanshe,1999).Foradditionalreportson Jintombs,seeKaogu, 1984,8; 1985,8; Wenwu,
(Moving, preservation, and research on the
1978,4; 1979,8; 1983,1, 11;1985,6; 1986,12;
et al., Shanxi gujianzhu tonglan. The Yanqing Monastery Hall is often discussed or illustrated in guidebooks to Mount Wutai. On Bu'ersi, see Li Xiaotao, "Bu'ersi
Main Hall of Bu'ersi), Wenwu,1996,12:67-
1988,7; 1989,10;1990, 5;1994, 12; 1996, 5; 2000,
74. Yuanjue Hall of Baozangsi is discussed
5, 6; Wenwujikan, 1ggo, 1;1996,3; 1997,3, 4;
in Chai Zejun and Zhang Chouliang, Fanshi
Hall of Hualinsi (964), and Main Hall of
1998, 2, 3;1999,3. Fora studyof Jintombs knownbefore1988,see EllenG. Laing, "Chin'Tartar' Dynasty(1115-1234)Material 49 (1988-89):123-24. Culture,"ArtibusAsiae On reliefsculpturein Jintombs,see Enen Talaand Su Ritai,ZhongguoBeifangminzu
Geyuansi (966). All but Hualinsi's Hall
meishu shiliao, 472-505.
Yanshansi,26-30. 26. They are the West Side Hall of Longmensi (925), Main Hall of Dayunyuan (940), Buddha Hall of Zhenguosi (963), Buddha
are in Shanxi Province and discussed in Chai Zejun, "Shanxi gujianzhu jishu."On the Hualinsi Hall, see Yang Binglun et al., "Fuzhou V)4I1Hualinsi Dadian" (The Great Hall of Hualinsi in Fuzhou), Jianzhushi lunwenji 9 (1988): 1-32. 27. On tenth-century halls and ideas about
why their timber frames are so humble, see Nancy Shatzman Steinhardt, "Chinese Architecture, 963-66," Orientations 26 (February 1995):46-52. Both the Hualinsi and Zhenguosi buildings are illustrated in the article.
33.1thankHelenLovedayfor sendingme a copyof a paperentitled"Aspectsof Liao andJinWoodenArchitecture as Reflected in FuneraryDecoration," presentedat the SecondWorldwideConferenceof the SocietyforEastAsianArchaeologyin Durham, July 2000, in whichshe discussed this subject. 34.Forillustrations,seeWangJianqunand ChenXiangwei,KulunLiaodaibihuamu (A Liaoperiodtombwithmuralsin Kulun) (Beijing:Wenwuchubanshe,1989), pl. 1, fig.4.
(1999):
29-54.
37.Thisis not the placeto surveythe develop-
mentof tombdecorationpriorto Song.Two surveyswith numerousillustrationsareLuo Zhewen,Zhongguolidaihuangdilingmu (Chineseimperialtombsthroughthe ages) (Beijing:Waiwenchubanshe,1993),which dealswith imperialburials,andZhongguo meishuquanji:Jianzhuyishubian,vol. 2, Lingmujianzhu(Universalcompendiumof Chineseart:Architectural artseries,vol. 2, Funeraryarchitecture)(Beijing:Zhongguo jianzhugongyechubanshe,1991).Sincethe Jinnantombsarenot imperial,a representativetenth-centurytombthatmightbe usedfor comparisonis thatof officialWang ChuzhiT3Jt: in QuyangCounty,Hebei, discussedandfullyillustratedin Wudai WangChuzhimu (WangChuzhi'stomb of the FiveDynasties)(Beijing:Wenwu chubanshe,1998).As for Liaotombs,so far nonewith an interiorthatcomescloseto the elaborationin the majorityof Jinnan tombsis known.Thisis truefor tombsof royaltyandpeopleof presumedhighrank suchas the tombsuncoveredin Baoshan with goldpaint,one of whichis dated 923 (publishedin "NeiMengguChifeng BaoshanLiaobihuamu fajuejianbao"[Brief reporton Liaotombswithwallpaintingsin Baoshan,Chifeng,InnerMongolia],Wenwu 1988,1:73-94)or the tombof the princess of Chenguoandherhusbandmentioned above(for moreon the tomb,see Liao Chengguo gongzhumu [Thetombof the Liaoprincessof Chenguol,[Beijing:Wenwu chubanshe,19931 ). It is alsotrueforsome of the latestLiaotombs,includingthose closestto the borderwith Songsuchas the tombsin Xiabali,XuanhuaCounty,Hebei. Fornumerousillustrationsof Xiabalitomb interiors,whichshowfour-or five-puzuo bracketsetsand simplelintels,seeXuanhua Liaomubihua(Liaotombswithwallpaintingsin Xuanhua)(Beijing:Wenwuchubanshe,2001).
. -
I? *
w
*t -
C/
z<
IZ z UJ CDi
115
38.On thesetombs,see Su Bai,BaishaSongmu (Songtombsat Baisha)(Beijing:Wenwu chubanshe,1957);"Hebei,Jingxingxian, ShizhuangSongmufajuebaogao" (Excavationreporton Songtombsin Shizhuang,JingxingCounty,Hebei),Kaogu xuebao,1962, 2:31-73; Li Quanshe,"Shanxi WenxiXiayangSong-Jinshiqimu"(A SongJinperiodtombin Xiayang,Wenxi,Shanxi), Wenwu,1990, 5:86-88;LiMingdeandGuo XiaonanhaiSongdaibihua Yitian,"Anyang mu"(The Songperiodtombin Xiaonanhai, Anyang),Zhongyuanwenwu,1993,2:74-79; numerousbookson archaeologyin the Luoyangregion;WangJinxian,"Shanxi HuguanXiahaolaoSongmu"(A Songtomb in Xiahaolao,Huguan,Shanxi),Wenwu, 2002, 5:42-55.
39.Andin the tombat Xiaonanhaicitedin note 38. 40. Tensof thousandsof tombsconstitutethe
databasethatverifiesthis statement. 41.Importantstudiesof JinandYuandrama
areShihChung-wen,TheGoldenAge of YuanDrama(Princeton:Princeton UniversityPress,1976); StephenH. West, Vaudeville andNarrative: Aspectsof Chin Theater(Wiesbaden:FranzSteiner,1977); WiltIdemaandStephenH. West,Chinese Theater, 1100-1450 (Wiesbaden: Franz
Steiner,1982); J.I. Crump,ChineseTheater in theDaysof KhubilaiKhan(AnnArbor: Universityof MichiganCenterfor Chinese of Studies,1ggo). On the representation actorsin tombpaintingandreliefsculpture, see alsoRobertMaeda,"SomeSung,Chin, andYuanRepresentations of Actors," Artibus Asiae41.2-3 (1979):132-56; Xu Pingfang, "Songdaide zajudiaozhuan" (Brickcarvings of dramafromthe Songperiod),Wenwu, 1960, 5:40-42.
has a recon42. J.I. Crump,ChineseTheater, structionof the horsebasedon textson p. 112. Forillustrations in color,see CuiYuanhe, PingyangJinmu zhuandiao,pls.188-91. 43.AnneliseBullingproposedsweepinggeneralizationsaboutrepresentations of drama in Chinesefuneraryartin "HistoricalPlays in the Artof the Han,"ArchivesofAsian Art 21 (1967-68): 20-38. The theory was vl)
1-16
challengedbyAlexanderSoperin "Allthe World'sa Stage," ArtibusAsiae30.2-3 (1968): 249-59, Bulling'sresponseto whichwas publishedin ArtibusAsiae31.2/3 (1969): 204-9. Thirtyyearsof subsequentexcavation haveincreasedthe verifiablenumber of representations of dramain Chinese funeraryart,althoughit is stillimpossible
to knowwhatproportionof curtainedbackgroundswereintendedto representstage sets.On this subject,see alsoShanxiNormal OperaticCulturalRelicsResearchInstitute, Song,Jin,Yuanxiqu tulun(Illustratedessays on operaticculturalrelicsof the Song,Jin, andYuan)(Taiyuan:ShanxiRenminchubanshe,1987). 44.Thereporton this tombis YangFudou, "ShanxiYunchengXilizhuangYuandai bihuamu"(A Yuanperiodtombwithwall paintingsin Xilizhuang,Yuncheng,Shanxi), Wenwu,1988,4:76-78,go. 45.OnYuanperiodtombsandwallpaintings, "Yuan seeNancyShatzmanSteinhardt, PeriodTombsandTheirDecoration:Cases at Chifeng," OrientalArt36.4(1990-91): 198-221.
46.LaurenceSickmanbroughtthis paintingto the attentionof the Westernworldin "Wall Paintingsof theYuanPeriodin KuangSheng-Ssu," RevuedesArtsAsiatiques11.2 (1937):53-67. On religion,ritual,andother implicationsof the Guangshengsi painting, seeAnningJing,TheWaterGod'sTempleof theGuangsheng CosmicFunctions Monastery: ofArt,Ritual,and Theater(Leiden:Brill, 2002), esp.144-99. 47.Plansof eachtombarefoundin publicationsaboutthemalreadycited. 48.Jincapitalcitiesarediscussedin ChenShu, Liao-Jinshi lunji;EnenTalaandSuRitai, ZhongguoBeifangminzumeishushiliao; JilinCityMuseum,Jilinshiyi;1984;LiaoJinshi lunwenji; MikamiTsugio,Jindai Nuizhen yanjiu;NancyShatzmanSteinhardt, ChineseImperialCityPlanning(Honolulu: Universityof Hawai'iPress,1990), 128-36; TamuraJitsuzo,Chuigoku seifuku6cho kenkyui, esp.vol.3;WangChengli,Liao-Jin shiyiwenji;YaoCongwu, Qidan-Nuzhen Liao-,Jin-,Yuanshi jiangyi,vol.3. Periodical articlesin Japanesearelistedin notesto Steinhardt,ChineseImperialCityPlanning, 128-36. 49.Almostnothingbut wallpiecessurvives fromanyof the cities.Remainsof the second JinShangjingandthe Jincentralcapitalare housedin museumsat the sitein Ningcheng, InnerMongolia,andat the BeijingLiao-Jin CityWallMuseum,respectively. 50.Theuse of symbolismin Liaotombconstructioncomparedto significantlyless employmentof it in Songtombsappears to be similarto a tendencyobserved in masonrypagodasof the two periods- Liaopagodasoftenfacedwith iconographyandthoseof Songwith orna-
ment.Representative Liaopagodasforthis comparisonarethe southernpagodain the LiaocapitalShangjingin Balinzuoqi, InnerMongolia;the GreatPagodaof DataMonasteryin the Liaocentralcapital Zhongjing,in Ningcheng,InnerMongolia; the pagodaat JiafuMonasteryin YiCounty, Liaoning,allpublishedin vol.2 of Sekino TadashiandTakeshima Takuichi,Ryui-Kin jidai no kenchikuto sonoButsuz6(LiaoJinarchitecture andits Buddhistsculpture) (Tokyo:TohoBunkaGakuinTokyo Kenkyujo,1925). NorthernSongpagodas, whichare,by contrast,decoratedbut lacking symbolicor iconographicdisplay,include LiaodiPagodaof KaiyuanMonasteryin DingCounty,Hebei;the twin pagodas of LuohanMonasteryin Suzhou;and the pagodasof TianqingMonasteryand YougouMonasteryin Kaifeng.TheSong pagodasareillustratedin ZhangYuhuan and LuoZhewen,Zhongguo gutajingcui (The creamof Chinesepagodas)(Beijing: Zhongguokejishuchubanshe,1990), 26, Forthisreason,unlessa dated 81,139,141. inscriptionsuggestsotherwise,the pagodas studiedby SekinoTadashiandTakeshima Takuichi,Ryui-Kin jidai no kenchikutosono Butsuzo wereandstillaredatedLiao-Jin. On the cityat Tongwan,see Dui Henget al., "Liyongcaihongwaihangkong yingxiangdui de zaiyanjiu" Tongwancheng (Restudyof the cityof Tongwanin the lightof colorinfraredaerophotographic films),Kaogu,2003, 1:70-77. 51.Thepointbeingmadehereis relevantto
in particular. architecture Chineseceramics andothergoodsarefoundin someof the Jurchentombsdiscussedin the nextsection.TherelationbetweenLiaoimperial is a themein aspirationsandarchitecture I havealsodiscussed my LiaoArchitecture. the integralrelationshipbetweenarchitectureandimperialgoalsof the Mongolsin "ThePlanof KhubilaiKhan'sImperialCity," ArtibusAsiae 44.2-3 (1983):137-58, andin Architecture "Imperial alongthe Mongolian Roadto Dadu,"ArsOrientalis18(1989): 59-95. On the associationbetweenBuddhist cavetempleconstructionandimperial goals,seeAlexanderSoper,"SouthChinese Influenceson the BuddhistArtof the Six Bulletinof theMuseum DynastiesPeriod," of Far EasternAntiquities 32 (1960): 47-65;
AlexanderSoper,"ImperialCave-Chapels of the NorthernDynasties," ArtibusAsiae28.4 (1966): 241-70.
52. Jintombsarediscussedregionallyin Ellen
J.Laing,"PatternsandProblemsin Later Journalof ChineseTombDecoration," OrientalStudiesi6 (1978): 3-20; Laing, Dynasty(1115-1234) Material "Chin'Tartar' Culture;" Qin Dashu,"Jinmugaishu" (Generaldiscussionof Jintombs),Liaohai wenwuxuekan1988,2:101-21. 53.Theprinceof Qi'sbiographyis found in Tuotuoet al.,Jinshi,8 vols. (Beijing: Zhonghuashujuedition,1974) (hereafter Jinshi),juan73,pp. 1672-74. Forthe excavation report,see Hao Side,LiYantie,and Liu AchengJuyuan Xiaodong,"Heilongjiang JindaiQiguowangmu fajuejianbao"(Brief reporton the excavationof the tomb of the Jindynastyprinceof Qi in Juyuan,Acheng, Heilongjiang),Wenwu,1989,10:1-10,45. 54.ZhuQixin,"RoyalCostumesof the Jin 21 (December1ggo): Orientations Dynasty," 59-64.
55.ZhangDaixiang,"Songhuajiang xiayou Aolimiguchengjiqi zhouyuande Jindai mujiang"(A groupof Jintombsat Aolimi andits environson the lowerreachesof the SonghuaRiver),Wenwu,1977,4:56-62. 56.JingAi,"SuibinYongshengde Jindaipingminmu"(Commonertombsof the Jin periodatYongsheng,Suibin),Wenwu,1977, 4:50-55, 62.
57.JingAi,"SuibinYongshengde Jindaipingminmu,"51. 58.LinXiuzhen,ZhangTaixiang,andYang SuibinZhongxing Zhijun,"Heilongjiangpan guchenghe Jindaimuqun"(A walledcity andgroupof Jintombsin Zhongxing, Suibin,alongthe bankof the HeilongRiver), Wenwu,1977,4:40-49. 59.LinXiuzhen,ZhangTaixiang,andYang SuibinZhongxing Zhijun,"Heilongjiangpan guchenghe Jindaimuqun,"42. 60.On Jinburialcustoms,see JingAi,"Cong chutuwenwukanHeilongjiangdiqude Jindaishehui"(Jinsocietyin Heilongjiang seenthroughexcavatedmaterials),Wenwu, shidaide 1977,4:27--39;JingAi,"Liao-Jin huozangmu"(Liao-Jincremationburials), Dongbeikaoguyu lishi1 (1982): 104-15; Li Jiancai,"JindaiNuzhenmuzangde yanbian" (Changesin Jurchenburialunderthe Jin), in ChenShu,Liao-Jinshi lunji,4:339-49. No criteriahavebeenproposedfordistinguishingbetweenJinandproto-Jinburials, or thoseof Jurchenandtheirnon-Jurchen neighbors. 61.XuMengxin(1126-1207), ed., Sanchao Beimenghuibian(Collecteddocumentson treatieswith the Northduringthe three dynasties[Liao,Jin,Song]), 4 vols. (Taipei:
Wenhaichubansheedition,1966),juan3, sec.3,p. 33. 62. WuzhuEa coinsfromthe Handynasty arefoundin tombsthroughoutChina, includingsomein the SuibinRiverregion datedto the Jinperiod.Theyareindicative of the occupant'swealthratherthanan earliestpossibledateforthe burial.On Jin currency,see PengXinwei,Zhongguohuobi shi (Historyof Chinesecurrency),trans. EdwardH. KaplanasA MonetaryHistory WesternWashington of China(Bellingham: University,1973), 2:464-70; A Historyof ChineseCurrency (Beijing:Xinhuashudian, 1983), 22-23.
63.ForWanyanXiyi'sbiography,seeJinshi,juan 73,pp. 1684-86. 64.Becausedecisionsat the time of deathare personal,somethinglikethe use of a certain scriptcanneverbe a foolproofmeansof identifyingan occupantor datinga tomb. On a Jintombin whichthe funeraryepitaphwascarvedin Khitanscript,seeYan "HebeiXinglongJinmuchutu Wanzhang, Qidanwenmuzhimingkaoshi"(Research on a funeraryinscriptionin Khitanscript excavatedin a Jintombin Xinglong,Hebei), Dongbeikaoguyu lishi1 (1982): 116-23. 65.LuoPingandZhengZhaozong,"Hebei XinchengxianBeichangcunJinshiShiLi'ai he ShiFengmu fajueji"(Excavationreport on the Jinperiodtombsof ShiLi'aiandShi Fengin BeichangVillage,XinchengCounty, Hebei),Wenwu,1962,12:650. Hailingwang wasrenownedfor uncontrollable brutality.Accordingto Franke,in Frankeand Twitchett,Cambridge Historyof China,6:239, he is describedin SongandJinsourcesas a "bloodymonster." 66.On WanyanXiyi'stomb,see DongXuezeng, "Wanyan Xiyijiqi mudi"(WanyanXiyiand his tombsite),in JilinCityMuseum,Jilin shiyi,34-40; Zhongguowenwudituji: Jilin fence(Atlasof ChineseCulturalRelics:Jilin Volume)(Beijing:Zhongguoditu chubanshe,1993),pls.140-41. 67.As this articlewasgoingto press,excavation wasongoingat the Jinroyaltombsite Da Fangshanin FangshanCounty,41.7 kilometerssouthwestof Beijing.One-lined tombsandstonecoffinswereexcavated. As recordedin the texts,the tombsof Hailingwangandhis foursuccessorsare amonga totalof at leastthirteenroyaltombs in an areaof aboutsixtysquarekilometers. Formoreinformation,see http://news.sina. com.cn/s/2003-9-o6/0947700489s.shtml andHuangXinchun,"BeijingFangshanqu Jinlingyizhide diaochayu fazhan"
(Investigationandexcavationof Jinroyal tombsin FangshanDistrict,Beijing)Kaogu, 2004, 2:26-40.
68.Informationon Jinroyaltombsis found in the biographyof eachrulerin Jinshiand YuwenMouzhao,Da Jinguozhi (Record of the GreatJinstate)(Taipei:Shangwu yinshuguanedition,1967),juan33,pp. 247-49. Summariesof the textsandthe little informationgatheredfromthe sitesarein XieMincong,Zhongguolidaidiwanglingqin kaolue(Researchon Chineseimperialtombs throughthe ages) (Taipei:Zhengzhong shuju,1976),119-21; LuoZhewen,Zhongguo lidaihuangdilingmu,118-21; RenChangtai, ed.,Zhongguolingqinshi (Historyof Chineseroyaltombs) (Taipei:Wenjinchubanshe,1995), 254-61. 69.LuoZhewen,Zhongguolidaihuangdi lingmu,120, questionsthe dateof the wall. 70. Theonly mentionof the maskof whichI am awareis RenChangtai,Zhongguolingqinshi, 261. Neitherits originalnor currentlocation is providedin Ren'sbook. 71.Accordingto a SouthernSongdescription of the preparationof the corpseof the secondLiaoemperor,DeguangX? (d. 947),his facewascoveredwith a death maskof goldandsilver.Theprincessof Chenguoandherhusband,XiaoShaoju, jointlyburiedin 1018,alsoworedeathmasks of preciousmetal,as did an unidentified femaleburiedin a tombin Haoqianying. Theengagementof Jurchenrulersin this funerarypracticeassociatesthemwith not onlythe Khitanbut evenearlierseminomadicpeoplesof NorthandNortheastAsia. On Liaodeathmasks,see NancyShatzman LiaoArchitecture, Steinhardt, 12, 291,318-22, andrelevantnotesto thosepages;LiYiyou, "LielunLiaodaiQidanyu Hanrenmuzang de tezhenghe fenxi"(Specialfeatures andanalysisof Khitanvs. Hanburialsin the Liaoperiod),Zhongguokaoguxuehuidiliucinianhuilunwenji (Collected Essaysfromthe SixthChineseArchaeology Conference)(Beijing:Wenwuchubanshe, 1987), 187-95; LiYiyou,"Liaodai Qidanren muzangzhidugaishuo"(Introductory remarkson the burialsystemof Khitanin the Liaoperiod),in Nei MengguDongbuqu kaoguxuewenhuayanjiuwenji(Research essayson archaeologyandcultureof NortheasternInnerMongolia)(Beijing: Haiyangchubanshe,1991), 80-102. Both articlesarereprintedin LiYiyou,Beifang kaoguyanjiu(Researchon archaeologyof the North),vol. (Zhengzhou:Zhongzhou gujichubanshe,1994). On the use of death masksby pre-Khitanpeoples,see Nancy
4.
r. Iv}
Iz
1-1
"LiaoArchaeology: ShatzmanSteinhardt, New Frontierson China'sFrontier," Asian Perspectives 37.2 (1998): 224-44; Chinese HistoryMuseumandInnerMongolia AutonomousRegionCulturalCommission, Qidanwangchao(Khitandynasty)(Beijing: ZhongguoZangxuechubanshe,2002), 21-23,39. 72. Forthe report,see"BejingJinmufajuejian-
bao"(Briefreporton Jintombsexcavated in Beijing),Beijingwenwuyu kaogu,1983, 1:55-72.
73.Thesearediscussedin "BeijingJinmufajue jianbao." 74.One canneverbe surea symbolor motif is understoodby someonewho possesses it, but one assumesthattheseobjectswere recognizedas Chinese.If theirmeanings wereunderstood,the coin with the stork andturtleshouldhavebeen selectedbecause theyweresymbolsof longevity. 75.LuoPingandZhengZhaozong,"Hebei XinchengxianBeichangcunJinshiShiLi'ai he ShiFengmu fajueji." 76.Jinshi, juan78, pp. 1775-77. 77.MaXigui,"BeijingXiannongtanJinmu"(A Jintombnearthe Altarof the FirstCropsin Beijing),Wenwu,1977,11:91-94. 78.ZhangXiandeandHuangXiudun, faxianshiguomu" "BeijingshiFangshanxian (A stonecoffintombexcavatedin Fangshan County,Beijing),Wenwu,1977, 6:78-80, 71. 79.ZhangXiandeandHuangXiudun, faxianshiguomu," "BeijingshiFangshanxian 71.
80. ZhangXiandeandHuangXiudun,
faxianshiguomu," "BeijingshiFangshanxian 71; YuwenMouzhao,Da Jinguozhi,juan31, p. 227.
81.ZhangXiandeandHuangXiudun, faxianshiguomu," "BeijingshiFangshanxian 71.
m
U.j
.
1-18
82.LiuQingyiandZhangXiande,"Beijingshi TongxianJindaimuzangfajuejianbao" (Briefreporton Jinperiodburialin Tongxian,Beijing),Wenwu,1977,11:9-14, 6. 83.A famoussecond-centuryB.C. exampleis the tombof Huo Qubing(d. 117B.C.). As a rewardfor serviceof the empire,Huowas buriedabouttwo kilometersfromthe future site of HanWudi's(d. 87B.C.) tomb.Tang emperorsengagedin the samepracticeat ZhaolingandQianling,as evidencednot onlyby excavationbut illustrationsof the imperialtomb sitesin LiHaowen(Yuan), tu (Illustratedrecordof Chang'anzhi Chang'an),juanzhong,andShaanxitongzhi (Recordof Shaanxi),juan 6.
Haidianqu 84.Qin Dashu"Beijingshi NanxinzhuangJinmuqinglijianbao"(Brief reporton the investigationof Jintombsin HaidianDistrict,Beijing), Nanxinzhuang, Wenwu,1988,7:56-66. Haidianqu 85.Qin Dashu,"Beijingshi 64. NanxinzhuangJinmuqinglijianbao," 86.On Yemaotaitomb7, see"FakuYemaotai Liaomujiluie"(Noteson a Liaotombin Yemaotai,FakuCounty),Wenwu,1975, 12:26-36.Thisis the tombin whichtwo silk paintingsof the periodwereuncovered. 87.The simplepit Jintombs,as faraswe know, had flatceilings.Thetombof Wanyan Xiyi,mentionedabove,maybe important evidenceof the morewidespreaduse of domed,vaulted,andlanternceilingsthan is currentlyrecognizedamongexcavated Jintombsin Heilongjiang, Jilin,andHebei. Jintombsin Shanxi,as notedabove,had vaultedceilings.An importantearlystudy of the developmentof Liaotombstructures is XianChunsong,"Zhaomengdiqude Liaodaimuzang"(Liao-periodtombsin NeiMengguwenwukaogu1 "Zhaomeng"), (1981):73-79.
88.CaoXun,"Yemaotai Liaomuzhongde guanchuangxiaozhang"(The small-scale andcoffinbed in a Liaotombat "container" Yemaotai),Wenwu,1975,12:49-62. havebeen 89.Otherwoodensarcophaguses foundin Balinzouqi.Foran illustration, see ChineseHistoryMuseumandInner MongoliaAutonomousRegionCultural 20. Commission,Qidanwangchao, go.ChenDawei,"LiaoningChaoyangJindai bihuamu"(A Jintombwithwallpaintingsin Chaoyang,Liaoning),Kaogu,1962, 4:182-85.
91.On the princessof Chenguotomb,see Liao Chengguo gongzhumu (Thetombof the Liaoprincessof Chenguo)(Beijing:Wenwu chubanshe),1993. 92. Almosteveryhistoryof Chineseartor archaeologyincludesdiscussionof these veryfamoustombsandtheircontents. 93.On the Parhae,includingtheirtombsand burialpractices,see Okladinov,SovietFar EastinAntiquity,170-201; ZhuGuoshen andWeiGuozhong,Bohaishikao(History of Bohai)(Ha'erbin:Heilongjiang Wenwu chubanshe,1984);SunYuliang,Bohai Shiliaoquanbian(Comprehensive noteson Bohaihistoricalmaterials)(Changchun: Jilinwenshichubanshe,1992);LiDianfu, Dongbeikaoguyanjiu(Researchon archaeologyof the Northeast),vol. 2 (Zhengzhou:
Zhongzhougujichubanshe,1994), 349-433; und JohannesReckel,Bohai:Geschichte Kultureinesmandschurisch-koreanischen Konigreiches derTang-Zeit (Wiesbaden: Harrassowitz, 1995);Liudingshan yu Bohaizhen(LiudingshanandBohaizhen) Chinese (Beijing:Instituteof Archaeology, Academyof Sciences,1997);ZhuGuoshen andZhuWei,Bohaiyiji (Bohaitraces) (Beijing:Wenwuchubanshe,2002), esp. 156-89. Twoof the most importantBohai tombsexcavatedto datebelongto princesses,thatof Zhenhuiexcavatedin 1949 at Liudingshan, Dunhua,Jiin, anddiscussed at lengthin Liudingshan yu Bohaizhen, andthatof Zhenxiao,uncoveredin 1980 in HelongCounty,Jin, anddiscussedin "BohaiZhenxiaogongzhumu fajueqingli jianbao"(Briefreporton the excavation of the tombof PrincessZhenxiao),Shehui kexue zhanxian, 1982,1:174-87. The other
Bohaitombgroupthathasreceivedconsiderableattentionis in Beida.On thesetombs, see"HelongBeidaBohaimuzangqingli jianbao"(Briefreporton a Bohaitomb groupin Beida,Helong),Dongbeikaoguyu lishi 1 (1982): 200-208; Zheng Yongzhen and
QianTailong,"Jilinsheng, Helongxian,Beida Bohaimuzang"(Bohaitombsin Beida, Helong County, Jilin), Wenwu,1994,1:35-43, 49.
94.On the Nanlitomb,see ShangTonglinand GuoHailin,"ShanxiQinxianfaxianJindai zhuandiaomu"(A tombwithbrickrelief sculptureexcavatedin Qin County,Shanxi), Wenwu,2000, 6:60-73.
see 95.On the historyof Chineseportraiture, JanStuartandEvelynRawski,Worshiping theAncestors: ChineseCommemorative Portraits(Washington,D.C.:FreerGallery of ArtandArthurM. SacklerGallery, SmithsonianInstitution;Stanford:Stanford UniversityPress,2001), esp.38-46. On the issueof the earliestChineseportraiture, see LadislavKesner,"Likeness of No One: the FirstEmperor's (Re)presenting Army," Art Bulletin 77.1 (1995): 115-32. Like the
Mawangduisilkpaintingmentionedin a comparisonabove,the Hantombsculptures arewidelypublishedin studiesof Chinese art.See,forexample,ShaanxiProvince ArchaeologyInstitute,HanYangling (Yang mausoleumof the Han) (Chongqing: Chonqingchubanshe,2001); RobertBagley, ed.,AncientSichuan:Treasures froma Lost Civilization(Seattle:SeattleArtMuseum, 2001),
esp. 252-307.
96.On theYizhouluohans,see Richard Smithies,"ALuohanfromYizhouin the Universityof Pennsylvania Museum," Orientations 32.2 (February2001): 51-57, with additionalbibliographyprovidedin this article.It is importantto note in terms of the ideaput forthin this paragraph thatchemicalanalysisof the University of Pennsylvania statueconductedin 1999 suggesteda dateof twelfthcentury,or Jin period,forthe sculpture. 97.On the Xi Xiasculptures,see ShiJinbo,Bai Bin,andWuFengYun,Xi Xia wenwu(Xi Xiaculturalrelics)(Beijing:Wenwuchu-
banshe,1988),312-13;andon Dazu,see Bai Ziran,ed.,DazuGrottoes(Beijing:Foreign LanguagePress,1985);AngelaF.Howard, Summitof Treasures: BuddhistCaveArtof Dazu,China(NewYork:Weatherhill, 2001). 98.BesidesNorthernWei,Liao,Yuan,andQing, mentionedabove,the formationof imperial architecture underthe Achaemenidsand adoptionof aspectsof theirtraditionby the Sasaniansareexamplesof this phenomenon. On some of the WestAsiancases,see H. P.L'Orange, Studieson theIconography of CosmicKingshipin theAncientWorld(New Rochelle:CaratzasBrothers,1982).
Historyof 99.FrankeandTwitchett,Cambridge China, 6:310. 100.I thankan anonymousreaderfor this sug-
and gestion.On Jinpainting,calligraphy, after aesthetics,see SusanBush,"Clearing Snowin theMinMountainsandChin OrientalArt,n.s. 11 LandscapePainting," Culture (1965):163-72;SusanBush,"Literati underthe Chin(1122-1234)," OrientalArt, n.s.15(1969):103-12;SusanBush,"Chin Traditions," LiteratiPaintingandLandscape NationalPalaceMuseumBulletin21.4-5 (1986): 1-24.
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QUITMAN E. PHILLIPS
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The J6fukuji Paintings of the Ten Kings
ABSTRACT Jofukuji, a Pure Land temple in Kyoto, owns a set of ten hanging scrolls depicting the Ten Kings, which were painted by Tosa Mitsunobu in the late fifteenth century. These pictures offer insight into the development of Ten Kings beliefs and imagery in East Asia and attest to the continued practice of gyakushu (predeath mortuary rites) in Japan. A close examination of the works strongly supports the idea that they are copies of another set at the Nison'in, painted about one hundred and fifty years earlier. Both sets were painted for members of the imperial court and show how such a project did not merely add a few fresh touches to a standard iconography but brought the cultural resources of the court to bear to aid in the salvation of their elite audiences.
JofukujiitV4,
a Pure Land temple in Kyoto, owns
a well-knownand admiredset of ten hangingscrolls depictingthe TenKings,the judgesof the deadin EastAsianBuddhism(figs.1-io).1 Highlyreliable documentaryevidencetellsus thatthe paintingswere producedfor salvationritualsconductedby and for EmperorGo Tsuchimikado j?xm (1442-1500) duringhis lifetimeand providea secureattribution to TosaMitsunobu(d. 1521). At thattime,Mitsunobu was the directorof the CourtPaintingBureauand the naturalselectionas painterin sucha project. Somewhatless secureevidencesupportsa longacceptedargumentthatMitsunobuproducedthe Jofukujiset by copyinga virtuallyidenticalone at the Nison'in R (fig. 11),also in Kyoto,but consensus on this matterhasweakenedoverthe lastdecade. In this article,I will reviewprimarysourcesand majorscholarshipon the Jofukujipictures,evaluate the mainargumentsin the recentcontroversies, and analyzedistinctiveaspectsof the Jofukukjiand Nison'inpicturesin relationto theircircumstancesof productionand consumption.First,however,I will offera briefintroductionto the historyand natureof TenKingsbeliefand imageryand then to the Jofukuji paintingsthemselves. THECULTOFTHETEN KINGS Tosa Mitsunobu, Bydo6 0 from The Ten Kings of Hell, 1489, hanging scroll, ink and color on silk, 97 x 42.1 cm. Jofukuji, Kyoto.
The cult of the TenKingsemergedin Chinaaround the firsthalf of the tenthcenturyout of the religious fusionsproducedby Buddhism'sinteractionwith
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belief in the kings and the efficacy of their rites came of Hel active489 1489, Kig O wide Th-agreement Shnk verym n Mitsun2Tobu,Shereis fTIroTIA;A fmT tha Chitsna.2T andos into Japanin the Kamakuraperiod. Textual source material probably first arrived in Japanin 1072, when the monk Jojin Jt4 (ioli-io81) began a sojourn in China that lasted until the end of his life 'Ahile there, 1 Tos
122
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he sent backboxesof sutrasand mentionedobtaining a TenKingssutrathatfirstyearin San Tendaigotaizan (Recordof visitingthe Five ki f Mountainsof Tiantai).3 The cultsof the TenKingsand the bodhisattvaJizo Jtha, redeemerof the lowerworlds,arecloselylinked. The riseof theircultsgavea particularlyEastAsian ritualformto tendenciesin laterBuddhistsoteriology thatallowedspecialofferingsand ritualpracticesto overcomekarmicdestiny.Eachkingpresidedover one dayin the standardBuddhistmemorialcalendar, one occurringeverysevendaysafterdeathfor fortynine days(knownas the "sevensevens"),with three additionalones at the end of one hundreddays,one year,and in the thirdyear(see table1). Properritual behavior,includingofferings,couldgreatlyaffectthe karmicbalanceupon whichtheirjudgmentsrested. Likefaithin Jizo,beliefin the efficacyof the salvific ritesof the kingsofferedthose whosekarmic burdenwould normallymeritrebirthin a lower realmof existencethe hope of escape,perhapseven froma hell. TA BLE 1
MemorialServices: TenKings,andHonji Butsu(basedon JizoJuoky6ftP+3~e [Sutraof Jizoandthe TenKings])
Shink60 AY2i3E QinguangWang
Fud6My66 JTMWJAcalanathaVidyaraja
7-Day2
ShokO0 VlIE ChujiangWang
ShakaNyoraiW-?WpU* SakyamuniTathagata
7-Day3
Sotei 0 w; T SongdiWang
MonjuBosatsu T MafijusriBodhisattva
7-Day1
7-Day4 Gokan0 Eq3E WuguanWang 7-Day5
Enma0 Yanluo0
7-Day6 Hensei0 /J)fjA BianchengWang 7-day7
Taizan0 tIK[LTI TaishanWang
loo Day Byodo0 Z T PingdengWang Year
Toshi0 XT F DushiWang
3 Years Godo Tenrin0 HLOR401 Wudao ChunlunWang
'
FugenBosatsu * Samantabhadra Bodhisattva JizoBosatsut)CDX K,itigarbhaBodhisattva MirokuBosatsu b MaitreyaBodhisattva YakushiNyorai_4t-%41* Tathagata Bhaipajyaraja KannonBosatsu fi r7 Bodhisattva Avalokitegvara SeishiBosatsu*Mitf Mahasthamaprapta Bodhisattva AmidaNyoraitJt4nX AmitabhaTathagata
*Yheoldestversionsof JizoJuo6 KyohaveAshukuNyoraiSJt4fl
instesd.
As judgeswho took all suchfactorsinto consideration,the TenKingsoriginallysymbolized the promiseof salvationas well as the threatof damnation.However,the generaltendencyovertime was for the latteraspectto dominatethe imageof theircourts;the visagesof the kingsbecamefiercer, and the spacebeforethembecamesitesof hideous inquisitionaltorturesand immediatepunishments. A comparisonof a sutraillustrationfromDunhuang , (fig. 12) and the correspondingscenein the J6fukujiset (see fig. 2) providesa clearexample. Suchdevelopmentsprobablyinfluencedthe Western tendencyto callthe figuresthe "TenKingsof Hell," eventhoughtheirrealmis actuallydistinctfrom the Buddhisthellsand,as the intermediatesite of immediatejudgmentand expiatorypunishments, has muchmorein commonwith ChristianPurgatory thanwith ChristianHell.4It is commonlyreferred to in Japanas meifu : or meikaiV$ (the dark region [beyonddeath]),andthe box inscription for the J6fukujiset bearsthe title"MeifuJfuono zu" (Picturesof the TenKingsof the DarkRegion).In this text,I will simplyreferto it as the intermediaterealm. Despitethe fearsomeconceptionof the kingsthat emerged,theircult remainedcloselylinkedto that of Jizo,but in a specialfashion.Eachking cameto be considereda manifestationof a honjibutsuT/-tjfA (original-groundbuddha),a higherorderbeingbut not alwaysa Buddha- who in this caseembodied the promiseof salvation.5Forexample,Jizocameto be consideredthe honjibutsuof the most important of the kings,Enma0 JT_ (also Enra0 23M the Sinicized version of the IndianLordof the E), Underworld,Yama.In Japan,all of the kingshad honji butsu,who wereveryfrequentlydepictedwith them as in the Jofukujiscrolls. The scripturalfoundationof TenKingsbeliefscan be found in the YoshuJuoshoshichikydf_ff,-+E Cultivation (YJSK,Sutraon the Preparatory tbf of the Sevensof Lifeof the TenKings)andJizdJao kyo (JJK,Sutraon Jizoand the TenKings).6Both areapocryphalsutras,textsin Chineseforwhichno knownSanskritor Paliversionsexistandthatare believedto havebeen producedin EastAsiato lend
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authorityto local developmentsin Buddhism.Many Japanesescholars still accept the long-held position
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4 Tosa Mitsunobu,Gokan0 from The TenKingsof Hell,1489, hangingscroll, inkand color on silk,97 x 42.1cm. Jofukuji, Kyoto.
Furthersupportfor this conclusioncomesfrom the factthat only the JJKassociatesall the kings with honjibutsu,whichhavelong been seen as a distinctiveelementof Japaneseiconography.However,
againstacceptingthe notion of Japaneseoriginsof all elementsof the text.Withoutquestion,beliefin the honjibutsutook hold and developedas a major elementin the cult of the TenKingsonly in Japan. However,scholarshaverecentlyinvestigatedmore carefullythe possibleChineseoriginsevenof the honjibutsuof the TenKings.8One keypieceof evidenceis the set of TenKingspaintingswith honji butsuat Shomyoji ,4, whichhavelong been acceptedas Chinesein origin.The ideathatthe honjibutsualonemightbe laterJapaneseadditions hasbeen effectivelyrefutedby TakedaKazuaki'sA RilFUHIclose materialand stylisticanalysis,but he leavesopen the possibilitythatthe Shomyojiversion representsa specialcommissionby Japanesemonks; this is, afterall,the only Chineseversionin Japan with figuresthatareclearlyindividualhonjibutsu for eachking.However,therearea numberof Chineseand Koreanpaintingsthathaveindividual figuresthatwouldseemto be honjibutsu,such as the figureof Jizodescendingin the Enma paintingin the set of TenKingsownedby the SeikadoBunko.Evenmoreintriguing,however,is a Songcavepaintingin whichJizois flankedby the TenKingsabovewhom areseatedBuddhafigures insidecircles.The evidencefor a Chineseantecedent seemsoverwhelming,evenif thatantecedentmay havelackedsome importantfeaturesof the Japanese honjibutsu.9 Whatis more,evenbeforemidcenturya number of scholarshadbegunto challengethe entirely Japaneseoriginsof the JJKbecausecertainimages depictedin paintingsfromDunhuangarefound only in JJK,not in YJSK.10 In theirview,the few Japanese termsincludedin the only extantversionsof the text mustbe consideredminorintrusions.Resolvingthis controversylies at the heartof anyattemptto writea broadhistoryof the latertransmissionof TenKings beliefsand imagesin EastAsia,but my focushereis on imagesand ritualpracticesin Japan,so I will set the problemaside. The scripturalfoundationfor actualTenKings practicescanbe foundin the followingpassages from YJSK:
If thereis a good son or good daughter,bhiksu or bhiksuni,upasaka,or upasikawho cultivates in preparationthe sevenfeastsof life,twiceeach month offeringsupportto the ThreeJewels,then whosoeverprovidesfor the TenKingswill have theirnamesrevisedand reportswill be given; memorialswill be sent up to the SixMinistries,the Boysof Good and Evilwill sendmemorialsto all the officialsof heaven'sministriesand earth'sprefects,and it will be noted in the registerof names. On the dayone arrives,one will expedientlyattain assignedrebirthin a placeof happiness.One will not haveto dwellin intermediatedarknessfor forty-ninedays,and one will not haveto waitfor sons and daughtersto attemptposthumoussalvation.As one'slife spanpassesbeforethe ten kings, if thereis one feastmissing,then one is detained beforeone king,remainingtherecontinuouslyto undergosuffering,unableto emergeinto birth, detainedfor the lengthof one year.Forthis reason you areadmonishedto performthis crucial serviceand to prayfor the rewardof rebirthin the PureLand.'1 The Buddhaannouncedto [variousbeingsmentioned]:"TheLawis broadand forgiving.I allow you to be lenientwith the compassionateand filialsons and daughtersof all sinners.Whenthey cultivatemeritand performsacrificesto raisethe dead,repayingthe kindnessshownin givingbirth to them andsupportingthem,or when duringthe sevensevensthey cultivatefeastsand commission statuesin orderto repaytheirparents'kindness, then you shouldallowthem to attainrebirthin the heavens."'12 The ritesmentionedin the secondpassage-the sacrificesto raisethe dead-are foundedon the Buddhistprincipleof merittransferalfromthe living to the dead,knownin Japanas tsuizen M. Believing thatthe deadappearbeforeeachpresidingkingin turn forjudgment,the livingwouldseekto affectthe outcomein a positivewayby transferringmeritto the deceased.Holdingthe feasts,or offeringservices,
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according to the memorial cycle, and making special efforts to support Buddhism, such as commissioning Buddhist statues and copying sutras, added greatly (and, it seems, instantly) to one's special store of merit for such purposes. As the passage further indicates,
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However,the primarythrustof the TenKings sutraswas not to reaffirmthe selflessnessinherent in Buddhistconceptsof merittransferalor Chinese idealsof filialpiety,but to promotemore selfish practices.Theverytitle of the YJSKshowsthe emphasis.Yoshu,or morepopularlyin Japan, gyakushu , wereactionsundertakento increase one'sown storeof meritin preparation for one'sown death.'3The emphasishereis important.Gyakushu reachesbeyondthe actsof pietyand kindness promotedby basicBuddhistteachingsaboutkarma, the effectof the totalityof one'sactionsin successive incarnationsupon the next. Gyakushuis an act of deliberateself-redemptionthattreatsthe self in advanceas one of the honoreddeadso thatit can receivean extraordinary infusionof meritthrough specialritesand offerings.In otherwords,it is to that livingself exactlywhat tsuizenis to the dead.'4 The proceduresof the gyakushuritesprobably had severalvariations,but I havenot yet found anydetaileddescriptionsin originalsources.The firstpassageabovespecificallymentionsyoshu , fI "feasts"(ritualofferings)to the TenKingsto be performedeveryhalf-monthoveran indefinite period,presumablyuntil one'sdeath.However,the secondpassagesuggeststhe possibilityof a formof gyakushueven morecloselylinkedto tsuizen.The text declaresthat tsuizenitselfgainsbenefitfor filial sons and daughters.Furthermore,a numberof sutras wellknownin Japanpropoundthe principleof the sevensevenths,accordingto whichonly one seventh of the meritgainedfrom tsuizenactuallywent to the deceasedand the restto the livingperformerof the rites.'5EarlymedievalJapanesegyakushutestaments clearlyrecorda desireto obtainthe "fullsevenths."'16 It is possible,then,thata conflationof tsuizenand gyakushuoccurred.MotoiMakikomakesexactlythis argumentbasedin parton her understandingof the title of the YJSK. Shenarrowlydefinesthe "sevens of life"as preciselyparallelto the most standard tsuizenritesthattakeplaceeverysevendaysfor forty-ninedays.'7In otherwords,the livingperform the tsuizenritesthemselveson theirown behalf. However,her argumentignoresnot only the fact
thatthe sutrapassagecitedaboveclearlyprescribes specialsemimonthlygyakushuritesbut alsothatthere areten, not seven,kingswho mustbe propitiated. Nonetheless,she maystillbe correctsincereligious ritualpracticecan certainlyevolveawayfromthe formsprescribedin scriptures.The picturesunder discussioncouldeasilyhavebeen usedin either ritualpattern. Fourmaintypesof TenKingspicturesexist.'8Types one and two, illustratedTenKingssutras(see fig.12) and individualicons of Jizoattendedby the kings, appearedfirstand areknownbest fromtenth-century examplesfoundat Dunhuang.A numberof later Chinese,Korean,and Japaneseexamplesof the latter showthe continuingvitalityof the type in EastAsia. Typethreecomprisessetslikethe ones at Jofukuji, whichmayincludeadditionalscrollsdepictingJizo and/orthe messengerof the kings,who is described in the sutras.The earliestknownexamplesof this type whosedatesarewidelyacceptedwereproduced in the thirteenthcenturyin the Chinesetradingport of Ningpo , a centerfor professionalateliers specializingin Daoist-Buddhistimagepainting.Type fourincludesa varietyof picturesincorporatingthe TenKingswith imagesof the TenWorldsor just hell sceneson one or two wide scrolls.'9In additionto imagesof the TenKingsper se, picturesof the fifth king,Enma(or Enra),combinedwith Jizoor alone as theKingof Hell,survivein some numbers.Some picturesof Enracome out of an entirelydifferent traditionandpresenthim as a devaratherthana king, emphasizinghis natureas the EastAsianversionof Yama,IndianLordof the Underworld. Thevisualizationof the immediatecourtsof the TenKingswe see in the hangingscrollsetsderives in largepartfromthe earliersutraillustrations.The two typespresentthe samebasiccastof characters: the kingswith theirattendants,courtclerkswho presentevidentiaryrecords,otherfunctionarieswho announcesentences,the dead,the demonicprison guards,and,occasionally,the livingwho present sutrasand Buddhistimagesas tsuizenofferings.They also containspecificimplementsof judgmentsuch as a scale(see fig.4) andthe karmicmirrorusually
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found in the court of Enma (see fig. 5). Beyond these basics, most of the details, even in the sutra illustrations, reach well beyond the descriptions of the sutras and are profoundly East Asian. The kings sit in majesty,wearing Chinese crowns and robes of state.
They are the center of a well-organized Chinese-style bureaucracy,seated behind tables with functionaries handling records and announcing judgment and petitioners appearing before them.2 in the hanging
sit in even grander,courtliersettingson bentwood chairscoveredby luxurioustextilesin frontof painted screens.Theyalsohavepaperandwritingutensils readyfor inscribingtheirofficialpronouncements of justice. The sutraillustrationsand hangingscrollsets divergemoredramaticallyin whatthey includein the areain frontof the kings.The formerareperhaps moreconstrainedby theirtextualsourcesand depict relativelylittlebeyondthe immediateprocessof inquisitionandjudgment.In strikingcontrast,the sets frequentlyincludescenesof hideous,quitehell-like tortureand immediatepunishment.In some cases, the painterssimplyexaggeratedthe grimprocessesof justicefound in mundanecourts,but manypictures showscenesof sufferingin the hellsthemselves. WhileI wouldnot suggesta strictlinearprogression of developmentwithinthe hangingscrollssets,the scenesof hellishsufferingwithinthe contextof the courtof an individualking do not appearin the earliestpicturesfromDunhuang. The"hellification" of the areain frontof the courts and,ultimately,the additionof the honjibutsuin Japan,if not elsewhere,accommodateda long-term shiftin the popularimaginationof the afterlife.Trends in popularreligiousteachingin medievalEastAsia, gainingparticularimpetusfromaroundthe tenth centuryin Chinaand the thirteenthcenturyin Japan, tendedtowardsimplification.Steepedin PureLand teachingsand the sermonsof preachers,laypeople tendedto conceiveof an afterlifedominatedby a simplebinaryopposition:damnationin underground hellsversussalvationin a celestialparadise.2'More complexBuddhistteachingson rebirthwithinthe six pathsand,especially,the nebulouspromiseof the ultimatereleaseof Nirvanahad muchless powerover theirimaginationsthandid dramaticallycontrasting, repeatedimagesof hellfireand goldenpalaces.They wouldquitenaturallysee the intermediaterealmas beingmuch closerto the formerthanthe latter.In particular,the BuddhaAmidahad promisedto receive the faithfulat the momentof theirdeaths,so those who even appearedbeforethe kingshad missedthe surestchancefor salvation.Burdenedas all areby a
heavyweightof sin, the deceasedin the realmof the kingswereall too closeto beingcastdownby their fiercejudgment.On the otherhand,popularfaith readilyacceptedand combinednumerouspossibilities for escapingthe damnationthatseemedso inevitable. Mostcommonly,one lookedto the mercyof the bodhisattvaJizo,who offeredredemptionevenfrom hell itself.One alsolookedto the sortsof offering ritualscentralto the cult of the TenKings.
THEJOFUKUJIAND NISON'INSETS
The Jofukujiversionof the TenKingsis virtually identicalto that of the Nison'in.The two sets and theirrelationshiphavea long historyin scholarship. Developmentsoverthe lastfifteenyearssuggestthe need for a reviewof its majorparts. - presentedthe basic In 1940,TaniShin'ichi6 researchon the Jofukujipaintingsas partof his foundationalstudyof the painterTosaMitsunobu.22 He foundconsiderableconsistencyin threetypes of documentation:an inscriptionon the underside of the lid belongingto the box in whichthe scrolls were(and arestill) stored,inscriptionson piecesof silkpastedto the backof eachscroll,and an entry in the diaryof high rankingmemberof the nobility and culturaladviserto the courtSanjonishiSanetaka Thebox lid inscriptiondatesto 1530, ffiSR. when Tanibelievedthe scrollsweredonatedto the temple.The beginningstates:"Thesepicturesare fromthe Entoku g era (1489-1492). Theyarefor the gyakushuritesof EmperorGo Tsuchimikado. He orderedthe painterTosaFujiwaraMitsunobu?f{ to producethe copies.The monk Zenkui ,JXj{t t4 presidedoverthe eye-opening(tengan,#gR)." The attachedinscriptions,whichappearto have been cut fromoldermountings,presumablyfor the samepaintings,statethe datetheywerereceivedand then:"Theeye-openingofferingserviceorderedby the emperorended.The picturehadbeen produced for the emperor'sgyakushuritesby copying.The monk Zenkuireverentlyrecorded.The painteris Lieutenantof the LeftGuards,FujiwaraMitsunobu." The paintingsof the firstsevenkingsbeara date -
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Of1489.12.23 and the rest1490 5 14. The entryin Sanetakako ki (Diaryof Sanjjonishi for I sent up the title text notes: Sanetaka) 1489.9.i8 for the newlypaintedimageof one of the TenKings. Iriob%fLeTenm-1+a-nt {It-lisyte b-- rusha Tosan andis-the deityx
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down to me yesterday.}I" Writingnearlytwo decades laterin 1958,UmezuJiroMM zV citedan entryin Sanetaka's diaryon 1489.8.18that states:"Anorder cae
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send up a title for a newlypaintedTenKing[the one for the firstsevendays}."23 As haslong been accepted,the combined evidencesupportsthe followingconclusions.The currentdirectorof the CourtPaintingBureau,Tosa Mitsunobu,paintedTenKingscrollsbasedon an unspecifiedmodel for use in gyakushuritesperformed Sanetaka by the currentemperor,Go Tsuchimikado. providedtitlesand Zenkui(d. 1492) conductedthe eye-openingceremonythatinvitalizedthe paintings as materializations of the divinities.Umezu'swork furthersuggeststhatproductionof the scrolls occurredin sequenceovera periodof time. Thatthe Jofukujipaintingsof the TenKingswere in some sense"copies"hardlycomesas a surprise, sincethe needsand practicesof religiousart, includingJapaneseBuddhistpaintings,do not allow for wholesaleinvention.In addition,the common root charactermeaning"copy,"as the verbutsusu4 , meansanythingfromsketchingpartsto closely duplicatingthe whole.Manycasesof "copying"really amountto no morethan"sketching," usingan existing paintingas a loose model.24In this case,however, the box lid inscriptioncontainsthe particularterm tdshaP , whichusuallydenotesclose duplication, involvingeven a verymechanicalprocesssuchas tracing.If this laterdocumentcan be trusted,the model for the Jofukujiset had to havebeen nearly identical.Writingin 1958,UmezuJirotellshow he searchedfor evidenceof Mitsunobu'smodel as he readthroughSanetaka's diary,and felt confident he had found it in the entryfor 1489.5.7:"Further, at the Kurodo1!TI Palace,I sawpaintingsof the TenKings{tenhangingscrolls}.Thebrushworkwas commendable.{[By]Yukimitsu iY6of the Kasuga PaintingBureau,they aresaidto be at leasta hundred and fortyor fiftyyearsold.} Theyarethingsthat surprisethe eyes."25 Threefactorsmakethe paintingsmentionedby Sanetakaverystrongcandidatesfor beingMitsunobu's models.Firstis the timing.Theviewingoccurred only aboutthreemonthsbeforeMitsunobuprobably beganworkon his own version.Second,Sanetakawas a keyparticipantin the projectfor Go Tsuchimikado
as well as his primaryadviseron culturalmatters, and he clearlyadmiredYukimitsu's(datesunknown) paintingsquitehighly.Finally,thereis good evidence thatTosaMitsunobuhimselfcouldclaimdescent fromYukimitsu,who belongedto the Kasuga4 Flline,whichhadlong, closeconnectionswith the court.In fact,Yukimitsuis frequentlyreferredto as in laterhistories.Umezubelieved "TosaYukimitsu" his theoryto be provedwhen a virtuallyidenticalset of TenKingspictureswerediscoveredat the Nison'in and appearedin Kokka.26 He felt especiallyconfident becausethe Nison'inwasthe home templeof Zenkui, the monkwho servedas Go Tsuchimikado's spiritual adviserandplayedso prominenta rolein the rites connectedto the Jofukujiset. Umezusurmisedthat eitherthe paintingswerealreadyin the possessionof the Nison'inand recommendedby Zenkuior givento the templelateras an expressionof gratitudeby the emperor. Umezu'sresearchand conclusionsgainedbroad acceptancein the Japaneseart-historicalcommunity as a majorcontributionto its understandingof the TosaSchool.Not only did theystrengthenthe perceivedconnectionbetweenMitsunobuand Yukimitsuandthe KasugaPaintingBureau,but they alsoprovidedthe only survivingworksstrongly attributableto Yukimitsu.It wasthreedecadeslater beforeanyseriousquestionwas raised. In 1989,NakanoGenzorp - proposeda radicalreinterpretation of the relationshipbetween the two setsof paintings.AfterreviewingUmezu's work,he saysof the Nison'inversion: It resemblesthe Jofukujiversion,whichwe must believeis separatedfromit by one hundredand fortyor fiftyyears- its colorandbrushworkthat muchlaterin time, so closelythatthey cannotbe told apart.Therefore,we maybelieveit correctto considerthe Nison'inversiona workof the Tosa Schoolexecutedat aboutthe sametime as the Jofukujiversion.In otherwords,consideringthe factthatthe offeringserviceleader,HolyPriest Zenkui,seen in the inscriptionson the Jofukuji versions,was an elderof the Nison'in,deeply
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This argumenthas the intrinsicweaknessthat it inventsan entity,a secondMitsunobuscroll, not mentioned,or even implied,anywherein the documents.It nonethelessoffersan alternative interpretationof the two sets'similaritythattakes into accountthe main facts.The decisionof whether we shouldchose it overUmezu'srestson the visual evidenceof the worksthemselves. A casualinspectionof the two sets easilyconfirms theirbasicsimilarityin compositionand color scheme (see figs. 1, ii). Closer comparisons further
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showthattracingor some othermechanicalmeansof reproductionwas involvedin the productionof one or more of thesesets.The pathsof the majorcontour lines (motif outlines) coincidetoo exactlyto allowany otherconclusion,28 and differencesin minorcontour lines (e.g., facialand draperylines) wouldbe no more thanthe inevitableresultof finishingthe work.The tracingsmerelyprovidedthe underdrawings for the pictures,and applicationsof mineralpigmentsto the motifsconcealedmuch of the interiorlineardetail. Whenthe paintersappliedthe finalink lines they workedmost freelywherethe underdrawingwas leastvisible. Suchevidenceof tracingwould supportthe interpretationsof eitherUmezuor Nakano,but the latterrequiresnot only thatthe two worksbe virtually identicalin theircompositionsand majorcontour lines but also thatthey show strongsimilaritiesin brushworkand colorapplication.A close comparison of detailsof the demonessDatsuebat from the firstscrollsdoes not seem to supportthis view (figs. 13,14). Different conditions of preservation
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32
involvedin the spiritualguidanceof EmperorGo we canbelievethatMitsunobu Tsuchimikado, madetwo sets of TenKingspictures,one for Go Tsuchimikado's gyakushuritesand the otheras a donationto1the N .2.77
makecolorcomparisonsdifficult,especiallyin Japanesepainting,wherefugitivedyesand flakingpronemineralpigmentsareinvolved.However,some importantdifferencesin techniquecan stillbe readily discerned,most noticeablyin the use of vermilionas a sort of shading.The painterof the Nison'inpicture appliedit as relativelynarrowlinesthat followand even overlapthe ink contours.Similarly,he applied richred"shading" in the earin only a smallarea. In contrast,Mitsunobuusedbroader,moredilute applicationsof vermilionalongwith washesof ink to
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moresoftlymodelhis forms.Nor does the brushwork seem as close as Nakanobelievesit to be. In painting the draperylines of the garmenthangingto the right of Datsueba'shead (on our left), the Nison'inpainter movedwith greatercareas he turnedhis brush,while Mitsunobumovedwith morespeed,allowingthe brushto lift and sink moredramatically. The longer musde contours,such as those alongthe inneredge of the upperrightarm,showthe Nison'inpainter's concernfor producinga senseof relativelynatural varietyand Mitsunobu'spreferencefor smooth, complementarycurves.Most dramaticallydifferent, however,aretheirtreatmentsof the treeabove. TheNison'inpainterusedheaviercontoursand manytexturestrokesas well as carefulapplications of wash,whileMitsunobuappliedhis ink washes morebroadlyand used considerablyfewer texturestrokes.
I do not see how Mitsunobucouldhaveproduced the two sets of paintingsaroundthe sametime. Nor do I believethatthe handsof assistantsaccountfor the smallbut nonethelessfundamentaldifferences betweenthem.The contrastsin basictechniquesof brushwork,colorapplication,and modelingin two sets of picturesotherwisenearlyidenticalarguemore persuasivelythat one is a closecopyof the other producedat a significantlylaterdate.Precisedating is verydifficultdue to the relativelyprimitivestateof researchon picturessuch as theseand the factthat techniquesvariedgreatlywithin differentpainting lineagesand genres.However,I can see nothingin the techniquesused in the Nison'inpicturesto deny theirplacementin the firsthalf of the fourteenth century.In thatcase,the supportingevidencelong ago presentedby Umezucompelsme to accepthis theory as the best available.
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The historicalinterpretationof the composition and iconographyof the Jofukujipicturesmustbegin with an acceptanceof theirprobablestatusas almost identicalcopiesof the Nison'inpaintings.Theydo no morethan re-presentcompositionsdetermined a centuryand a half earlier.The factthatdocuments relatingto productionand consumptionexistonly for the copies,not for theirmodels,complicates Historicalinterpretationseems mattersconsiderably. then treacherousif it reachesbeyondobservations regardingrespectfor the pastand continuityof religiousbeliefandpractice.To stopthere,however, is to leavethe picturesthemselvesunread,merely described.This is wouldbe particularlyregrettable sincetherearegood reasonsto believethatvery similarcircumstancesprevailedfor the Nison'inand Jofukujipictures,despitetheirseparationin time. In one sense,a gulf of socialandpoliticalhistory separatesthem,but historyas a whole is not one giganticlinearprogressionled by politicalevents, whichleavea uniformperiodstampon everyelement of culture.A subculture,especiallyone with the prodigiousculturalresourcesof the imperialcourt, mayreactin a varietyof waysto politicalchange, includingturninginwardandlookingto its own traditions.Furthermore,evenif Yukimitsuwas not directorof the CourtPaintingBureauat the time he paintedthe Nison'inset,he did regularlyworkfor the court,and the technicaland materialqualityof his paintingsstronglysuggestsa provenancefor them that is nearly,if not just as, eliteas that of the latercopies by Mitsunobu.If one acceptsUmezu'sarguments, SanjonishiSanetaka,chief culturaladviserto the emperorGo Tsuchimikadoa centuryand a halflater, expressedgreatadmirationforYukimitsu's paintings and apparentlyapprovedthem as modelsfor an imperialprojectin his own day.Whileone of his reasonsmighthavebeen theirappealto his aesthetic sensibilities,the paintings'pedigreesgenerallyplayed a key role in determiningtheirappropriateness as models.In the caseof the imperialproject,the most fittingwouldbe a workcommissionedat the
highestlevelsof the court.As for function,memorial ritesand,moreparticularly, gyakushuriteswere the standardfunctionof sets of TenKingspictures throughoutthe time in question.In sum,I believethat the basiccircumstancesof productionand reception of the Nison'inset resembledthose of the Jofukujiset quiteclosely.Whatfollows,then,will be a discussion or moresimply,the Tosa of the Nison'in/Jofukuji, paintingsof the TenKings. The Tosapaintingsdisplaythe standardsof Buddhistpaintingat the highestlevelsof patronage. The paintingof the honjibutsu,in particular,reveals the fine technicalskillandthe exactingapplication of techniqueslong used in paintingdeluxeicons. Althoughthe faceof eachdeityis quitesmall,little morethanthumbnailsize,an impressiveamountof carewastakenin the representationof detailssuch as hair,hairline,eyebrows,eyes,and mouth.The hair is paintedin azuriteblue (gunjoM with a green line of malachite(rokushoai mark to the hairline. Eyebrows,mustache,and otherfacialhairaredepicted in at leasttwo lines of color,richblackandmalachite, runningside-by-side.The uppereyelashis a simple line of richblackink,andthe lower,a line of grayish pigment.The pupil is a dot of richink surrounded by an irisof brown,gray,or anothercolor.Thelips area flatapplicationof vermilion,softenedand given volumewith a graded,translucentapplicationof white.The treatmentof the restof the figureis equally meticulousand up to the highesttechnicalstandards for medievalBuddhistpainting.29 The varietyof sourcesfromwhichthe Tosa paintersdrewtheiriconographysuggestsproject adviserswith extensiveknowledgeof the material. As variousscholarshavealreadynoted,the baseis the JinChushi J+ (also Jin Dashou i7k
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examplethat coincidespreciselywith its placement in the illustrations.(The scaleweighsthe sins of the deceased.)The Tosapicturesalso followthe illustrationsin havinga singleking in armor(see fig. 7), althoughhe is the seventhscrollratherthanthe usualtenth."' The scrollsvarysomewhatin composition,but eachfollowsthe samebasicscheme.The top third presentsthe honjibutsu.The middlethirdpresents the kingseatedin three-quarterview,slightlyto left or rightof center,alongwith subsidiaryfigures. Thebottomthirdpresentsthe scenesin whichthe deceasedaresubjectedto punishmentand torture, evenhellishsufferings.The top thirdconsistently standsapartfromthe othersas a distinctzone or register marked off by clouds. It is only in the first and tenth scrolls that clouds mark off distinct registers below the kings as well as above them (see figs. i,
(The cloudsin the sixthscrollmarkoff only one corner.)In all the others,overlappingof motifs and figurestendsto unite everythingbelowthe honjibutsu as a continuousscenein the king'scourt,eventhough Thegazean att d sention o thek ing himel d notheave 0).
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the immediateareaaroundhis table. As in othersets,the representationof the kings inspiresawe.Eachis easilythe largest,most central figurein the picture,as he sits in an ornatechair beforea table(with one exception).Both articlesof furniturearecoveredwith textileswhose splendor is reminiscentof those in Zen abbotportraitsbut whichprobablyderivefromChineserepresentations of rulers.The expressionsof the kingsvary,from dispassionateor furiouswhen turnedtowardthe deceasedto reverentwhen turnedtowarda sacred offering.As in sutraillustrationsand otherhanging scrollversions,attendants,functionaries,and petitionersstandor kneelneartheirtablesin various combinations.As always,thereis an overwhelming senseof an efficientbureaucracyof justicethat is not swayedby mercyand can only be turnedasideby extremeeffort.The scenesnearthe foregroundand theirrelationshipto the centraldepictionin the Tosa picturesaremuch more distinctive. Scenesof the brutaltreatmentof the deadat the handsof demonicminionsdominatethe bottom thirdof eachscroll.Leavingasidethe firstfor special
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discussionbelow,they fallinto fourroughcategories. The firstcontainsscenesof the inquisitorialprocess immediatelybeforethe king,whichis severebut not utterlyfantasticwhenviewedin the light of the grim historyof criminaljustice.It includesimagesof the deadbeingplacedin yokesand draggedaboutto facejudgment(see figs.3, 5). The secondcontains scenesof extremephysicalabuse,but not utterbodily destruction(see figs.2, 4). The thirdincludesimages of fantasticformsof abuseand evenutterbodily destructionthatoccurin the courtimmediatelybefore the king,withoutseparationby clouds(see figs.7-9). The fourthconsistsof scenesof hellishtormentthat areset off by clouds(see figs.6, lo). Scenesin the first two categoriesultimatelyderivefromthe illustrations to the TenKingssutra,whilethose in both the third and fourthdrawtheirimageryfromdepictions of hellsin paintingsof the six realmsof existence (rokudo e ) In theirpictorialand conceptual relationshipsto the courtsof the kings,typesthree and four nonethelessdifferin importantways.As suggestedin the passagecitedabove,the former verylikelyrepresentthe harshsuffering,evenin the intermediaterealm,of sinnerswho did not conduct all of the ritesprescribedby the sutras.Therefore they mergeseamlesslywith the imagesof judgment beforethe TenKings.In contrast,those of the fourth type serveprimarilyas remindersof the worst,and all too common,resultof the kings'judgments.Scenes of hellishtorturebelongingto both the thirdand fourthcategoriesappearin setsproducedin Ningpo, but not in combinationas here.The Tosapaintings thus showthe sort of compulsiveinclusivenessoften seen in Japaneseadaptationsof Chineseprototypes. One mightcomparethis exampleto casesin which Japaneseink painterswouldfrequentlyincludein one picturemotifsfound in Chinesepaintingsof diverse themes,suchas "visitingthe hermit"and Li Bo seated by a waterfall, It is in the upperregistercontainingthe honji butsu,however,thatthe JofukujiandNison'in compositionsdepartmost tellinglyfromothers.When the deitiesappearat all,othercompositionstend to constraintheirvisualimpactin one or moreof three
ways:relativelysmallsize,completeenclosurewithina halo,and a positionoff to the sidebut stillwithinthe spacedominatedby the kings.32 Theyoperatevisually as remindersof the identityof the honjibutsuof each king.In this set,however,they areconsiderablylarger, centrallyplacedin a comparatively open space,and seatedon a cloudthattrailsvapor.Theythus operate of morefullyas affectivelypotentrepresentations deitiesdescendingto offersalvation. Thereis some questionas to the identitiesof the kingsand honjibutsuin the JofukujiandNison'insets and thereforein the orderof the paintingsas well. Resolvingthe identitiesis a criticalfirststepto any overallinterpretationof the set.The problembegins with theirlackof the usualinscribedcartouchesthat identifythe king,his honjibutsu,andthe particular dayof ritualobservanceandjudgmentoverwhich he presides.Nor is the iconographyof most kings and some honjibutsuconsistentenoughto provide a guide.Eventhe associationof specifickingswith specifichonjibutsuvariedconsiderablybeforethe late fifteenthcentury,whenthe schemeof the JJKseen in tablei cameto dominate.However,it prevailedmost quicklyin PureLandcontexts,to whichboth Jofukuji andthe Nison'inbelonged.Latertemplelabelsalso coincidewith thatorder,so scholarshaveacceptedit. Controversyarisesin identifyingtwo of the kings andtheirhonjibutsu.Thosewho pioneeredthe studyof the Tosapaintingstypicallyidentifiedthem as I have,followingthe schemeof the Jofukujiset ( Jl, J2, etc.), whichwas the firststudied.However, MiyaTsugiog;9 andNakanoTeruorpIL 9 haveofferedan alternative,presumablybasedon the traditionsof the Nison'in(Ni, N2, etc.).33 The only differenceis a reversingof the identitiesof the sixthandtenthkings.An additionalpieceof visual evidencethat causesthem to adopttheirschemeis the inclusionof the tigerandhorsemotifsin scroll N6/Jlo (see fig.lo) becausethose motifsalso appear in the sixthscrollof the JinChushiseries.Following the JJKscheme,theythen identifythe Buddha-form honjibutsuof thatscrollas Miroku,the bodhisattva who is alsothe Buddhaof the Future.Becausethe iconographyof Buddhasvariesgreatly,it is difficult
to denythis possibilitycompletely.However,the pose (mudra)and raysof coloredlightthe figureemits aremuch more consistentwith Amida,whichthe JJK associateswith the tenthking.Furthermore, the pose and attributesof the honjibutsuof Nio/J6 (see fig. 6), whichthey identifyas Amida,generallybelong to Mirokuin his Buddhaform.I would arguethen thatMiyaand Nakanowereswayedby the greater ageof the Nison'inset andthattheiridentifications of the honjibutsuaresimplywrong.Nor can a good argumentbe madefor ignoringthe JJKorder.Amida's attendantbodhisattvas,Seishiand Kannon,hold the eighthand ninth placesin the sequence,andAmida, as theirmaster,shouldfollowthem.Moreover,the tenthpositionrepresentsthe ultimatepoint in the sequenceand the honjibutsuof this shouldbe Amida in a PureLandcontext.Finally,N6/Jiois the only paintingthat showsno herdingor torturingof the deadbeforethe king,only sufferingin a hell separated off by clouds.The obviousimplicationis thatthe processof judgmenthas reachedits end, andthe ultimatefateof the deadwho remainlies between salvation,as representedby Amida,and damnation. Forall those reasons,I believeit is safeto proceed with an analysisof the set basedon the Jofukuji identifications. The sequencebeginsin dramaticfashionwith a strikinglyunusualcompositionin the firstscroll(see fig. 1). The honjibutsu,Fudo Myoo, rideshis cloud abovea drasticallyreduceddepictionof the courtof Shinko0 (QinguangWang),who sits facingto the left (all directionsarefromthe viewer'sperspective).On that side,two functionariesbringand presentscrolls of evidence,whileon the other,slightlyforward,a demon holds severalnakedsinnersby the hair.In the lowerthirdof the pictureis a separatesceneeffectively partitionedoff by clouds.There,the deadcrossthe RiverNai (in Japanese,Nagawa J sometimes calledin Englishthe "Riverof No Recourse." The majorityof the deadarehurledinto the serpentinfestedwaterby a huge red demon.Accordingto JJK and sutraillustrations,the deadcrossthis riverin one of threewaysdependingon theirmerit.Thebest cross by bridge,the averagefordat a shallowplace,and
the worstswim a deepriver.Veryfew setsof hanging scrollsevenrepresentthis scene,but sutraillustrations invariablydo even if they do not alwaysmakea clear distinctionbetweenthosewho fordandthosewho swim.Here,certainly,a simplercontrastbetweena single,fullyclothedrideron the bridgeandthe nearly nakedswimmersandwadersbelowprevails.Included amongthe latteris a femalefigurewhosehairand visiblefacialfeatures,alongwith her paleskin,suggest a Japanesewomanof some status,probablya member of the court.MasakoWatanabehas interpretedthe contrastbetweenher and the obviouslymorevirtuous Chinese-appearing gentlemancrossingthe bridgeas symbolicof the Japanesesenseof the superiorityof Chineseculture.34 Whilethis is certainlya provocative idea,I wouldpreferto interpretthe figureof the womanlaterwithinthe contextof the whole series, especiallysinceshe,or virtuallyidenticalfigures, appearin laterscrolls.As relatedin JJK,the great demonessDatsueba(OldWomanWho Removes Clothes)waitsat the otherend of the bridgeto fulfill the implicationsof her namewhenthe deadapproach her.Accordingto the sametextbut not depicted,her companion,Ken'eo,tAA' (Old ManWho HangsUp Clothes),hangsthe clotheson a tree,whichactually servesas a scaleto measurepeople'spastactions. None of theseelementsarementionedin YJSK,but the treeat leastappearsin some sutraillustrations fromDunhuang. The most strikingaspectof this compositionis the greatemphasisgivento the RiverNai sceneand its inclusionon the firstscrollat all.In the sutra textsand usuallyin the illustrations,the crossing of the riveroccursin the sectiondealingwith the courtof the secondking,KingShoko(see fig.2), whosenameactuallymeansKingof the FirstRiver.3" In those cases,the geographiclocationof the river betweenthe courtsof the two kingsoften remains the sameand the directionof movementis still away fromthe firstking andtowardthe second.36 In the Jofukujiarrangement,its uncommonplacement on the firstscrollseemsaimedtowardproducing a strongsenseof a journey'sstartin its viewers, especiallythose engagedin the TenKingsrites.The
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actualtextualdescriptionsof the passagethrough the intermediaterealmin the sutrasareextremely episodic,with littleconcernfor a senseof narrative with (or ritual)development.Thispictorialization, its replacementof most of the episodebeforethe firstkingwith the sceneof crossing,givesthe set a narrativebeginningwith affectiveforce.As suchit would set the tone for beginninga seriesof ritesthat tracethe samestepsas the spiritsof the departed. The compositionof the firstscrollsshowsa keenawarenessof this breachin the customary iconographyfor narrativeand ritualends:only in this picturedo cloudsseparatethe kingso decisively fromall the eventsoccurringbelowhim. Cloudsalso separatehell scenesfromthe courtsin some Ningpo pictures,but the diagonalarrangementin the Tosa compositionmorecloselyresemblesthatseen in Japanesenarrativehandscrolls.The cloudssuggest temporaland spatialdistanceand,in this case,remind the viewerthatthe rivercrossingreallybelongsto anotherstagein the passageof the deadthrough the intermediaterealm.In otherwords,the painters used cloudsas theywouldhavein narrativehand scrolls,to indicatea leapin narrativemovement.Any painterwho workedfor the court,suchasYukimitsu and Mitsunobu,wouldbe versedin such formsand pictorialusage.It is a powerfuldevicethatmaintains the integrityof the textualsequencewhileallowing the placementof this strikingsceneof movementand transitionfromthe realmof the livingto thatof the deadon the firstscroll.Throughthis pictorialdevice, the openingof the seriesmeetsthe requirementsof both theologyand ritualfunction.It is no coincidence thatsimilarcloudsservea similar,if not so decisive, functionin the last scrollseparatingrealexperiencein hell fromthe finaljudgmentof the lastking. The secondking,Shoko0 (ChujiangWang), sits facingto the right(his left) beneathShaka (Sakyamuni),who is posed in the earth-touching mudrathat evokeshis momentof enlightenmentand the potentialof all Buddhiststo achieveit. Nothing else identifiesthe king.Tothe rightand farther back,a martial-lookingattendantstandshooded and cloakedin a tigerskinholdinga greatornate
sword,point down,beforehim.At the king'sside,a functionaryappearsreadyto readfromor offerscrolls documentingthe deedsof one of the deceased,toward whom he points.His odd graynessand a costume consistingof a shorterrobeandboots distinguishhim frommost of the otherfunctionaries.I will tentatively identifyhim as one of the Guseijin,two beingswho resideon one'sleft andrightshouldersfrombirthand recordgood andbad deeds.The reportis obviously bad,as demonshaveproceededto smashthe sinner's armson an anvil.Anotherof the dead,who hasbeen yokedin a cangue,holds out a meagerscrollas a demondragshim awayby the hair.Suchscenesare verydifficultto interpret.His armsarenot smashed, so perhapseventhe littlepositiveevidencehe has to offerallowshim to escapethe worsttortures.The canguewas a commondevicefor managingprisoners in medievalChinaand is a standardelementin paintingsof the courtsof the TenKings. The thirdking,Sotei0 (SongdiWang)(see fig.3), sits facingleft beneathhis honjibutsu,MonjuBosatsu who is easilyidentifiableby his chignons (Manfjusri), and sword.A boy attendantstandsdiagonallybehind the kingon the left holdinga ceramicjar.On the same side two courtfunctionariesexaminedocuments, one crouchedlow to the groundcarefullyreadinga scroll.In frontand to the rightof the king'stableis a humanfiguredressedin brightredclothing.He actsin muchthe samemanneras a demonicguard, tormentinga red-trouseredJapaneseladyby stepping upon her cangue.Obviously,he is neitherattendant nor ordinarycourtfunctionary.His costumeis evenmoredistinctivethanthatof the gray-skinned functionaryin the secondscroll,markedby narrow sleevesas well as a shortrobeandboots. Onceagain,I will offera tentative(but somewhatmoreconfident) identification:this figureis probablyone of the two Chinesestargodswho playrolesin the judgment of the dead,the Officerof LifeSpans(in Japanese,
ShimeiX1Up;in Chinese,Ssu-mingmlan) andOfficer of Records(in Japanese,ShirokujiJ,; in Chinese, Ssu-lu iJP1Q). Togethertheykeeprecordsof the deedsof the livingand determinetheirdateof death accordingly.The formeris generallydepictedreading
from a scroll,andthe latter,writingon a narrow wooden tablet.Sincethe figurein this pictureholds a bundleof scrollsunderhis arm,he is probablythe Officerof LifeSpans.However,he andhis companion areneverdepictedtogetherin thesescrolls,so thereis no emphasison theirspecialcharactersand functions. Instead,eachactsindividuallyas a spokesmanfor the kingin deliveringpronouncementsof judgment. Depictedin a role similarto that of a demonhere, this officerfigureis simplya servantof the court immersedin the machineryof purgatorialjustice.The positioningof the ladyclosestto the kingindicates thathersis the caseunderconsideration,so the attentionof the officermakessense.Belowandto the left,an actualdemonpullsa womanof ordinarystatus awayas a small,nakedchildpullsat her sash.This is one of the most commonlysharedmotifsamong Chineseas well as Japanesesets of TenKingspictures. It illustratesno particulartext that I knowof, but is certainlya potentvisualimage.It encapsulatesthe horrorof separationfromfamilyby death.It mayalso symbolizethe moreorthodoxBuddhistnotion that attachmentsto the worldpresentimpedimentson the pathto releasefromrebirth.Certainly,Buddhist doctrineoften assertedthe particularimprobability (if not impossibility)of a womanachieving enlightenmentbecauseof her closeconnectionto the incarnateworld. ThebodhisattvaFugen(Samantabhadra) sails down fromthe left abovethe fourthking,Gokan0 (WuguanWang)(see fig.4), who facesto the right. An attendanton thatside andto the rearholds a smalldisplaytablebearinga bronzetripod,but no functionariesappear.Instead,a man andwomanin ordinarywhitedressstandon an elevationof stone beforethe king.The formerholds out a stackof books thatemit wavy,coloredraysof light.Thekingfaces them with handsclaspedin reverence,so the couple clearlybearsan offeringof commissionedsutratexts as prescribedin the TenKingssutras.Theirrelatively smallsizelinksthem with the dead,but sincethey arefullyclothed,they probablysymbolizethe living who makesuch offeringson behalfof the dead.As if to emphasizesuch necessity,the foregroundarea
is dominatedby imagesof judgmentand torture. On the right,a scalebalancesa bundleof scrolls againsta weight,the formerrepresentingthe record of the deceased,lightor heavydependingon past actions.Thoughthe scalesarein balance,sucha resultis not sufficientto win the deceasedrelease fromthe sufferingsof the intermediaterealm.As a sign of this outcome,one of the deadbendsdown and covershis headin anguishjust in frontof the scaleas if his own grimfatehasjustbeen decided.A littlefurtherin the foreground,anotherof the dead crawlsoff to the left yokedin a cangue.Overto the right,a greatreddemon usestongsto rip the tongue fromanotherpoor sinnertied to a post. Slightly behindhim, anotherdemonpointsto the scaleas he looksin the generaldirectionof the torture.One is temptedto see this as an adaptationof the old iji dozu(differenttime, samepicture)deviceof Japanese pictorialnarration.In this case,however,the figures areclearlynot identical,and representthe stagesin an often-repeatedprocessratherthana singlenarrative sequence:a frightenedsuffererhas his burdenof sin revealedby the scaleand grievesat his certain punishment,sufferstorture,and crawlsoff on his wayto the next roundof judgment.The sceneof offeringbehindcouldserveeitherof two somewhat contradictoryfunctions:to remindthe viewerof the meansof escapinga similarfateor,in combination with the sceneof torture,to showthe inadequacyof evensuchofferingif madeby othersafterone'sdeath. If the originalcompositionsreallywereproducedfor a gyakushuritual,as seemsalmostcertain,then the latterexplanationwouldmakeconsiderablesense. The fifthking,Enma0 (Yanluo0) (see fig.5), sitsbeneaththe bodhisattvaJizo(K,itigarbha). He facesobliquelyleft,wherea singlefunctionary holds out an open scroll.As is frequentlythe case, Enma'scomplexionis ruddy,andhis clothesare predominantlyred.Unlikethose of his fellowkings, his tablehas no cover,nor does he havea scroll spreadbeforehim andbrushat ready.The focusof judgmentlies not in the usualbureaucraticprocess, but, as in the caseof the fourthking,in a device.In the foreground,two demonsdragthe deadby their
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hairbeforethe karmicmirror.Insteadof simple reflections,the mirrorrevealsthe evil deedsof sinners, the most seriousof whichfor the man held kneeling beforeit wouldappearto be killinganotherin battle. Whatis unusualand strikingaboutthe scenein the mirroris its overtJapaneseness: with warriorsin early medievalJapanesearmorfightingon a boat,it could be takenfroman illustrationof the Dan no Ura 9 I 4 episodefrom Talesof theHeike.37 The next among the deadto come beforethe mirroris a/theJapanese ladyin redtrousers.Offsetto the rightbetweenthe zone of the kingand thatof the karmicmirroris the secondof the stargods mentionedabove,the Officer of Records(in Japanese,Shiroku;in Chinese,Ssulu). He can be identifiedby his dressand the narrow woodentablethe holdsbeforehim. The sixthking,Hensei0 (BianchengWang)(see fig. 6), sits facingrightbeneathMiroku(Maitreya), the Buddhaof the Future.An attendantto the rear holds a bundlewrappedin red,whileto the side a functionarypointsto the scrollupon whichthe kingis writing.Justbeforethe tableto the left,the Officerof Recordsreadsfroma scroll,his boardtuckedbehind him in his sash.A pairof demonsbringsa groupof the deadbeforethe king,the one in the leadholding a clothedmalefigureby the hairwith one handand a/theJapaneseladywith the other.In the lowerleft cornerappearsa standardhell sceneseparatedoff by clouds.In that scene,a malefiguresuffersfor his lustfuldesires:he climbsa hill of bladesto reach a beautifulJapanesecourtladyseatedat the top, naturallyimpalinghimselfin the process.As a motif, the ladycouldhavecome directlyfroman illustration of the Taleof Genji.The sceneservesas an ominous warningaboutearthlydesires,whoseplacement immediatelybeforethe last of the traditionalseven seven-dayperiodsis particularlyappropriate. The seventhkingin armor,Taizan0 (Taishan Wang)(see fig.7), sitsbeneathhis honjibutsu,Yakushi Buddha(Bhai,ajyaraja Tathagata),facingleft.His appearanceis anotherverydistinctivefeatureof this set of scrolls.No such armoredfigureexistsin Ningpo paintingsor in otherJapanesesetsthatI knowof. As noted above,this type of representationdoes have
precedentsin the illustrationto the JJK,but always as the tenthking.A martialcharacterseemsto have been felt appropriatefor thatking,who hadthe taskof drivingthe remainingdeadoff to theirnext incarnations.In the Tosapictures,whythen does the seventhkinginsteadwearhelmetand armor?The answerverylikelylies in the specialplacehe and the seventhseven-dayhold in the historyof ideas aboutthe afterlifein EastAsia.Beforethe adventof Buddhismin China,TaizanFukunt>'[ThUXV was Lordof the Landof the Dead.Evenlater,when Enma had largelyusurpedhis place,he frequentlyappeared in representations of the new Lordof the Underworld as a specialaide.Moreimportant,eventhoughthe mortuarycalendarhad expandedto includethe hundredthday,firstyear,andthirdyearservices,38 the forty-ninthdayremainedon some levelthe Dayof Reckoningin JapaneseBuddhism.It no longerstood invariablyas the dayon whichthe deadweresentto theirnextpathsof existence,but it maintainedits statusas a time of specialpossibilityfor salvation,as long as one had met all the requirements. Thismartial 0 Taizan wouldbe a suitablefigureto drivethosethat remainedbehindonwardto the eighthkingto face muchgreatersuffering.39 Thatunderstandingof the statusof the forty-ninth dayhelpsexplainotherdetailsof iconographyin the seventhscroll.A smallfemalefigureascendson a cloud abovetwo torii.40Dressedin regalChinesegarb and claspinghandsin prayer,she probablyrepresents thosewho achievespecialsalvationand need not facefurthertime as an incarnatedbeing,particularly in the underworld.In contrast,the demonsbelow transformmen into dogs as a suggestionboth of the furthersufferingthe deadwho remainwill encounterand of the likelihoodof rebirthinto a lowerrealm.The scrollsthat immediatelyprecede and succeedthe seventhconfirmits pivotalplace.In the sixth,the deadconfronta clearchoicebetween salvation,as representedby one of the mainsaviors amongthe honjibutsu,Miroku,and sufferingin one of the Buddhisthells,as representedby the cloudpartitionedscenein the lowerleft corner.In the eighthand ninth scrolls,representations of
the most extremetortureand evenutterbodily destructionsuggestthat only the virtuallydoomed remainin the underworld. The eighthking,Byodo0 (PingdengWang)(see fig.8), sits beneathhis honjibutsu,the bodhisattva Kannon(Avalokitesvara) facingright.Nearthe front rightcornerof his desk,two document-carrying functionariesfacehim, one fromthe side and the otherfromthe front.Directlybeyondthem in the foreground,the fierce-lookingOfficerof Records readsfromhis tabletas two demonsdemolishsinners in a hellishfoot mill.The tone of the serieschanges with this scrollfroma senseof an ongoingprocessof judgmentto simplythe metingout of punishment. Eventhe secondand fourthscrolls,with theirscenes of brutaltorture,did not show suchutterbodily destruction,and the demonsin them actedas jailers as well as torturers. The ninthking,Toshi0 (DushiWang) (see fig.9), sitsbeneaththe bodhisattvaSeishi (Mahasthamaprapta) facingleft.On that side two functionariesstandwith emptyhands,in perhapsa furtherindicationthatall that is left of the process is a metingout of punishment.Immediatelyin frontof the table,one demon castssinnersdown into a caldronof flames,whiletwo otherstorturea crouchingfigurewith hot coals.In otherwords,the tone of this depictionis exactlythe sameas that of the previousscroll. The tenthking,Godo Tenrin0 (WudaoChunlun Wang)(see fig. io), sits beneaththe BuddhaAmida (Amitabha),facingleft.There,two functionaries presentevidencefromscrolls,whilein fronta demon holds a malefigureby the backof his robe.Thatfigure bearsa singletext in book form emittingwavyrays of light.Tothe right,a figurewho maybe the Officer of Lifespansholds a scrollandgesticulates.In the foregroundis an areaset off by cloudswherea great tigermaulsone sinnerwhilea fire-breathing horse gallopsto the left in chaseof two others.Thissudden returnto a morecomplexcompositionand renewed senseof the processof judgmentis not surprising sincethis is the finalcourt.Somefew of the deadwho remainmayhold and receiveenoughmeritto avoid
the lowestlevelsof incarnation.Amidaalso floats aboveas an ultimatesourceof salvation. Wemightdividethis seriesinto two subsetsof odd and even.Suchan arrangementwouldverylikelyhave occurredduringactualuse,with the formerhanging on the viewer'srightsideof a centralimage,such as an icon of Jizoor evena portraitof the deceased. Sucharrangementsexistedin lineageportraitgroups andwerenot unknownin TenKingspictures,as seen in an examplein the Powerscollection.4'As further confirmation,all of the kingsin the odd-numbered Jofukujipicturesfaceto theirrightand in none but the ninth,afterthe judgmentof the Taizan0, do the deadconfronttrulyhellishtortures.Thus,despite theirsubjectionto the universalstandardof harsh treatmentat the handsof the underworldjailers,the deadin the odd-numberedscrollspassthroughthe firstsix seven-daysin the intermediaterealmwithout realsuggestionof the threatof fallinginto hell.If the arrangementwassimilarto thatin the Powers example,the sequenceproceededinward,with a sense of convergence.The two seriesbecomingmoresimilar as they drawtogethertowardthe finaljudgment makesgood narrativeand ritualsense. Whatof the even-numberedkings?All of them face to theirleft exceptthe tenth.Perhapsthe lastking's rolein sendingthe deadoff to one of the six paths mayhaveresultedin an openingof the composition at the end.As noted above,this subsetcontainsthe most grotesquepunishmentscommonto TenKings imagery;it alsocontainsthe only imagesof tsuizen.In the fourthandtenthscrolls,small,fullydressedfigures presentofferingsthatgiveoff raysof light.These surelyrepresentthe livingwith the sutrastheycopied, imagesthey made,and ritestheyperformedon behalf of the dead.It is significant,however,thatthe only clearsign of salvationcomeson the othersidewithout suchdisplays.I wouldarguethatthe differencesin iconographybetweenthe left and rightgroupsderive fromtwo trendsin TenKingsfaith.First,the program of the odd-numberedscrollssuggestsa continued emphasison gyakushu,performingritesbeforedeath on one'sown behalf,whilethatof the even-numbered ones showsthe minglingof tsuizen beliefswith Pure
t:o
.
.
a-
F4 z
*41
a-
1-4
LandBuddhism'semphasison salvationthrough divinegrace.The best preparedamongthe dead, who arehighlightedin the odd-numberedsequence, would reachsalvationon the seventhsevenday,while the less prepared,who arehighlightedin the evennumberedsequence,must suffergreaterpunishments and dependon tsuizenand/orthe graceof Miroku,or especiallyAmida. The minglingof the cult of the TenKingsand Amidistbeliefshad long been a partof TenKings andthe honjibutsuof the finalthreescrolls faith,42 aregenerally,as in this example,the deitiesof the AmidaTriad.Actually,in the Tosapictures,the saving powerof Amidadoes not playas significanta role as one might expect.One must consider,however,that the TenKingsriteswereonly one, and not the most important,of the salvationritualsof the PureLand sects.The TenKingspracticesprovideda specialsort of insurancefor a ritual-proneclienteleunreflective on theologicalconflicts.Amida'sgracefoundmuch clearerexpressionin morespecializedimagessuchas his WelcomingDescent.
CONCLUSIONS
co C)
12
I havenoted fourwaysin whichthe Tosascrollsstand out. First,amongworksproducedin Japan,they areof exceptionallyhigh quality.Second,the honji butsuhaveunusualprominence.Third,they contain motifsthat arerarely,if ever,seen in hangingscrolls producedin medievalJapan.Fourth,the overall designof the set allowshighlystructuredreadings. All of theserelateeasilyto the elite contextfrom whichthe workscame.The matterof material qualityrequiresno furthercomment,but the otherthreedo. The increasedprominencegivento the honji butsuin thesecompositionsstronglyaffectsthe readingof the pictures.If the kingsrepresentthe threatof sufferingin the afterlife,theirhonjibutsu representthe ultimatepromiseof salvation,and emphasizingthem changesthe soteriologicalimport of the picturesin the latterdirection.In addition,the vapor-trailingcloudsupon whichthey ridesuggest
movement,usuallyas a descentfroma celestialrealm. In paintingsof the Buddha'sNirvana,for example, his motherridesdown on sucha cloudto witnessthe event.However,by Muromachitimes,suchclouds aremorestronglyassociatedwith scenesof Amida and otherdeitiesdescendingto welcomethe dead and conveythem to a PureLand.In otherwords,the hope of salvationreceivesspecialemphasisin these pictures.Thattheseparticularpaintingsbelongto PureLandcontextsdoes not sufficientlyaccountfor this distinction.The majorityof TenKingspictures producedin Japanbelongto PureLandcontexts,so one mightinsteadaskwhymorepicturesdid not do the same.I believethatthe answerlies in the social ratherthansectariancontextfor thesepictures.Is therenot simplya generaltendencyin religiousart to stressthe "carrot" of salvationto the higherclasses andthe "stick"of damnationto thosebelowthem? Motifsin Tosapicturescome froma varietyof sourcesand includesome highlyunusualones.Some verylikelycome directlyfromhandscrollillustrations. Suchgatheringof visualmaterialstronglysuggests broadknowledgeand research.It is not at all difficultto imaginea scholarlymonk of high station contributingto the planningof such a set.Afterall, the resultsmightaffectthe fateof an emperoror other elitememberof the courtin the afterlife. A figuralmotif of particularinterestis a/the womanin redtrousers,who seemsto be a person of high station.Shehaswhiteskin;long, straight, lustrousblackhair;andhigh,wide eyebrows.Such a figureis not unknownin TenKingspaintings,but it seemsto servea particularpurposein this set.In a numberof scenes,she playsstandardroles,ones moreoftenplayedby femalefigureswho areclearly Chinesein appearance.However,she does not simply replaceall Chinesefemalefigures,sinceshe does not do so in the most famousand commonmotif of a motherin canquebeingtuggedat by her child(see fig. 3). Instead,she representsa womanof high station, a ladyof the court.Tellingly,she does not appearin the lastthreescrolls,nor does she appearin scrolls two and four,all containingsceneswith the most severeandhellishtorturesbeforethe kings.Thisnoble
lady'spassagethroughthe firstsevenseven-daysmay thereforebe seen as a stronglynarrativesubtheme of the set.A nobleladycarriesa burdenof sin, as do all,but has a relativelyeasypassagethoughthe intermediaterealm.One mightevenreadthe woman ascendingin the seventhscroll,despitehervery differentappearance,as the samefigure,transformed into a goddesslikefigurefor ascensioninto salvation. The subthemeof the ladysuggeststwo different interpretivedirections.The firstis thatthe Nison'in versionwas actuallyproducedfor use in rites(tsuizen or gyakushu)performedfor or by a noblewomanor femalememberof the imperialfamily.The second is thatthe femalefigureis simplyone of a number of yamato-eelementsto whicha courtaudience wouldbe especiallyattuned.Otherswouldinclude the emaki-likestructureof partsof the composition, the torii,the courtladyseatedat the top of a hill of blades(see fig. 6) to representtemptation,and the sceneof killingshownin Enma'smirror(see fig.5), whichsuggestsan episodefrom Talesof theHeike.The firstline of interpretationis certainlypossiblefor the Nison'inpictures,but nowherenearprovable.In the caseof the Jofukujiset,producedfor an emperora centuryand a halflater,however,the basicfunction
of suchyamato-eimageswouldcertainlybe in accord with the secondpathof interpretation. Howevermucha lackof writtenrecordslimits us in our attemptsto fullyunderstandthe J6fifkuji paintingsof the TenKings,the picturesthemselves havemuchto say.The emperorandthose around him livedwith the fearof damnationjust as common peopledid.Theyalso sharedmanyof the sameimages of it. At the sametime,however,religiousand cultural advisers,alongwith painterssuchas Mitsunobu, providedthemwith everyaid to avoidnot only damnationitself,but the fearof it as well.A deluxeset of TenKingsscrollsservedas both ritualimplement and pious donationworthyof merit.An overalldesign to the set thatmatchedits usersin sophistication gavean addeddegreeof confidencein its efficacy.An interweavingof especiallyfamiliarvisualimages"Heike"warriorsin the mirror,a "Genji"womanon the hill of blades,an emaki-likestructure,anda lady in redtrousers- providedthe comfortingassurance of familiarity.Mostimportant,however,more prominenthonjibutsushiftedthe balancefromthe threatof damnationto the promiseof salvation.The elite couldbe assuredof theirdistinctionevenin the pursuitof salvation..* r_^
tlo
IZ
z
14 z C'e
QUITMAN E. PHILLIPS, Ph.D. (1992) in Japanese art, University of California-Berkeley, is professor and chair of the department of art history, University of Wisconsin. His publications
include The Practicesof Painting in Japan, 14751500(2000). E-mail:[email protected].
1c-
NOTES
cm
Cl)
J
w -
144
i. Thestandardshortreferencefor the history of TenKingsimageryin Japanis Kajitani "Nihonni okeruJuozu Ry6ji 3 no seiritsuto tenkai"H* l 4- ltI ? \ s k(The formationand ?EMO)JjiKL developmentof picturesof the TenKings in Japan),Bukky6geijutsu 97 (July 1974): 84-95. Synopsesof researchon the history of earlyJiz6andTenKingsbeliefsappearon pp. 84-87. Twomorethorough,fairlyrecent generaltreatmentsarea seriesof three articlesby MiyaTsugio,"Ju6ky6e ni tsuite," "Juo ky6e shui,"and"Jui6jigokue"+T-V t M, (Picturesof the TenKingsand Hell), Bigakuto Bijutsushi(JissenJoshiDaigaku)5 (1ggo): 81-118, 7 (1992): 1-63, and 8 (1993): 5-24; andNakanoTeruo,"Enma,Joi6zo" R -+TI-{ (Imagesof Enmaandthe Ten Kings),Nihonno bijutsu313(June1992): entireissue.Threescholarsworkingin the Westhavewrittensubstantialstudiesof TenKingspaintingsin EastAsia.Lothar Ledderosepioneeredon the Chinasidewith "AKingof Hell,"in SuzukiKeisenseikanreki kinenronbunshui; . . of t% (Anthology essayscommemorating ProfessorSuzukiKei'ssixtiethbirthday) (Tokyo:Yoshikawa k6bunkan,1981),33-42, andofferedmorerecently"TheBureaucracy of Hell,"in TenThousandThings:Module andMassProductionin ChineseArt (Princeton:PrincetonUniversityPress, 2000), chap.7. MasakoWatanabe's very substantialmaster'sthesis,"AnIconographic Studyof 'TenKings'Paintings"(University of BritishColumbia,1984) remainsthe fullesttreatmentin Englishof the overall subjectof TenKingsbeliefsand imageryin ChinaandJapan.It includesa discussion of the "Japanization" of TenKingsimagery throughan analysisof the versionat the Nison'in.Morerecently,MasakoWatanabe has developedselectedaspectsof herwork in "Traveling acrossthe Sea:JapaneseRakan andthe TenKingsof Hell,"in TheArtsof Japan:An International ed. Symposium, MiyekoMuraseandJudithG. Smith(New York:MetropolitanMuseumof Art,2000), 31-58. At the time of thiswriting,Cheeyun LilianKwonhas not madeher Ph.D. dissertation"The'TenKings'at the Seikado Library" (PrincetonUniversity,1999), availablefor order,but shehas apparently offereda compellingrevisionof current notionsof the chronologyof KoreanTen Kingspaintings.
2.Theoriginsof the TenKingscultin China does not concernthis study,but those particularly interestedshouldreferto Sakai Tadao, "Jfi6shink6no kansuru sho mondaioyobiEnraOjukiky6"+TE M-fmLi
I3 6 -2r- MW S
u tStT a
4CR
q (Variousproblemsregardingthe cult of the TenKings,alongwith Thesutraon King a Buddha),in SaitoSensei Enrabecoming kokishukugaronbunshu -fi fifR W-AWM(Anthologyof essayscelebrating ProfessorSait6'sseventiethbirthday)ed. NakayamaKyuishir6 iJP (Tokyo: Lp Toko Shoin, 1937), 611-56; Matsumoto Eiichi
Tonk6ga no kenkyus +45-, RffljBO) WA (Researchon paintingat Dunhuang) (Tokyo: T6ho Bunka Gakuin, 1937),368-416;
ManabeK6saigfijJ2IJ, JizoBosatsuno kenkyfitWMXO)FA (Researchon the bodhisattvaJizo)(Kyoto:Sanmitsudo Shoten,1960); TokushiYuishot.Jl$and OgawaKan'ichi+J\JI shdshichi "Juod ky6sanzukanno kozo5" +TAttge X%s (The structureof the illustrated scrollsof Thesutraandhymnsof theTen Kingsandthesevensof life),in ChuoAjia Bukky6bijutsuE4I7 $2 7; fAXtJ (The artof CentralAsianBuddhism)(Kyoto: Hozokan, 1962), 255-96.
3.Citedin MotoiMakiko,"Juokyoto sono kyoju:Gyakushu, tsuizenbutsujini okeru shodoo chuishinni"+T-,, E 0) (The TenKingssutrasandtheirreception: centeredon the recitationsoccurringduring advanceritesandmerittransferalritesfor the dead),pt. 1,Kokugokokubun766 (June 1998): 25.
4. Fora fullerdiscussionof this point,see
StephenF.Teiser,TheScripture on the TenKingsandtheMakingof Purgatory in MedievalChineseBuddhism(Honolulu: University of Hawai'i Press, 1994),1-33.
Thisstudy,its translationsandnotes,andits havebeen extremelyhelpfulto bibliography my own work. 5.A morefamiliaruse of the termhonjiin Japanis in the compoundhonjisuijaku,or "originalgroundandlocaltrace usedto conveythe ideathatkamiaremanifestations of Buddhistdeities.Theactualbeliefsand practicesinvolvedarevariedandcomplex andhavebeen extensivelystudied.Some of the most recentworkandan extensive bibliographyappearin MarkTeeuwenand FabioRambelli,eds.,BuddhasandKami in Japan:HonjiSuijakuas a Combinatory Paradigm(LondonandNewYork:
RoutledgeCurzon, 2003). The introduction givesa veryusefuloverviewof the topic. 6.Thelongernamefor YJSK is Bussetsu Enra0 jukishishugyakushushoshichisai kudoku6joj6doky6fLASEW J EEI @ffffe:1t\ $,+ (The Sutra expoundedby the Buddhato the Four Orderson the prophecygivento KingYama Rajaconcerningthe Sevensof Lifeto be cultivatedin preparationforrebirthin the PureLand)andforJJK,it is BussetsuJizo bosatsuhosshininnenJuoky6 L A, -Il+'E9 (The Sutraexpoundedby the Buddhaon the causesof the Bodhisattva Jizogivingriseto thoughtsof enlightenment andthe TenKings).Bothcanbe foundin Dai Nihonzokuzokyo7 H q, (GreatJapancontinuedcollectionof sutras) (1905-12; reprint, Shanghai: Shanghai
Commercial Press, 1923), case 150,pp. 381-87.
7.MotoiMakiko,"Juiky6to sono kyoju,"pt. 1, p. 27.
8.Themost thoroughdiscussioncanbe found in TakedaKazuaki,"Juisanbutsu no seiritsu saik6 (OkayamaMokuzanjizo JfuIjuihonji butsuzu o chuishinto shite)"+- fLO)j
At: ( .tR+XtA - 41[,LJ of e L Z ) (A reconsideration how the ThirteenBuddhascameinto being, centeredon the pictureof the TenKingsand TenHonjibutsubelongingto Mokuzanji in Okayama),Mikkyobunka188(October 1994): 41-45. A more cursory treatment
appearsin YajimaArata,A , "Gunma kenka no butsugakara:Numatashi Sh6kakujiz6 Jui zu to Jasanbutsuseiritsu no mondai",% f) clc1N 'i5 EE rD t +F1 ]TTl a + LS Tv, 0) ,(Fromthe Buddhistimagesof Gunma prefecture: Thepictureof the TenKings belongingto Sh6kakujiin Numatacityand the questionof how the ThirteenBuddhas cameinto being),Gunmakenritsujoshi daigakukiyo(bigakubijutsushi gakuhen) 10 (March 1990): 63-77.
9.TakedaKazuaki,"Jusanbutsu seiritsuno saik6,"41-45. 10.MatsumotoEichi,"Tonk6bon ji6 zukan
zakk6'o (Various researchon the illustratedscrollsof the Ten KingssutrasfromDunhuang),Kokka621 (1943): 229-30; Ono Gemmy6/J\-ff4g?, "T6matsugodaiJoS6 no Bukkyoga"J ltElttg@Lt@l (Buddhistpainting of the lateTang,FiveDynasties,Jin,and Song), pt. 3, Kokka516 (November 1933):300;
KyotoNationalMuseum,Rokudoe \
(Pictureof the SixPathsof Reincarnation) (Kyoto:KyotoNationalMuseum,1982), 64. 11.Thetranslationis fromTeiser,Scripture on theTenKings,203-4. His notesto this sectionwerealsoinvaluablein the discussionof the passagethatfollows. 12. Teiser, Scripture on theTenKings,209-10. to 13.In this article,gyakushurefersspecifically TenKingsritesself-performed in advance of one'sdeath.However,gyakushuwas not actuallylimitedto TenKingsritesbut extendedto ritesassociatedwith memorial portraits,ritesmemorializedin stone monumentscalleditabi&6*, andthe erectionof one'stombstonein life.This is a complextopicI hopeto addressin a separatearticle.Forportraits,see Quitman E.Phillips,Practicesof Paintingin Japan, 1475-1500 (Palo Alto, Calif: Stanford
UniversityPress,2000),151. Forstone monuments,see Kawakatsu Masatar6J[I Rt; 5,"Gyakushu shink6no shiteki kenkyu"L-O -A(Historical fM I' researchconcerningthe cultof advance rites),Otemamaejoshi daigakuronshui 6 (November
1972):
147-65. For tombstones,
see the textof the twentieth-century play by OkabeKodai n t,"Gyakushu no t6: MantetsuandWako"f@gQ -Al eitl] (Tombstoneerectedin advance: MantetsuandWako),Teatoro 481 (March 1983):220-48. 14.MotoiMakiko's textualstudy("JuI6 ky6
to sono kyoju:Gyakushu,tsuizenbutsuji ni okerush6d6o chuishinni,"pts.1, 2, Kokugokokubun766 [June1998]:22-33, 767 [July 1998]: 17-35) details the continued
importanceof both tsuizenandgyakushuin TenKingsritesin medievalJapan. 15.Forspecificreferences, see MotoiMakiko, "Jut6 ky6to sono ky6ju,"Pt.2, p. 32 n. 7. 16.MotoiMakiko,"Jfuiky6to sono kyoju," pt. 2,p.18.
17.MotoiMakiko,"Jfiukyoto sono kyoju," pt. 1, p.30.
i8.Examplesof all the typesareillustratedand discussedin MiyaTsugio,"Rokud6e,"Nihon no bijutsu271 (December1988):entireissue; NakanoTeruo,"Enma,Juozo." 19.MiyaTsugiosuggestsa three-parttypology basedon iconographywith no regardto the numberof scrolls:(1) sutraillustrations,(2) imagesof Jiz6andthe TenKings,and (3) imagesof the TenKingswithoutJiz6and with hellishscenes."Juokyoe ni tsuite" gz' LI + I e,I&
(Regarding illustrations
of the TenKingssutra),Bigakuto Bijutsushi (Jissen Joshi Daigaku) 5 (1990): 83.
Thisreadilyobservedpoint is discussedwith specialemphasisin Ledderose, "Bureaucracy of Hell." 21. As evidenceof thisbinaryopposition,note thatParadise-and-Hell is a commontheme in painting.(I use the term"Paradise," rather thanthe moretheologicallyaccurate"Pure Land"becausethe emphasisin popular religion,if not all medievalBuddhism, seemsto be on the pleasuresandwonders of the PureLandratherthanits efficacyas a site fromwhichto attainNirvana.) 22. TaniShin'ichi, "TosaMitsunobuko"?:? A (Researchon TosaMitsunobu),pt. 2, Bijutsukenkyui103(July1940): 211. 23.UmezuJir6,"Nisono Juiozu:Yukimitsuto Mitsunobuno gaseki"_, +T g -e Y )iiaj X ){M (Twosetsof pictures of the TenKings:the paintingtracesof YukimitsuandMitsunobu),Bukkyo5 geijutsu 36 (October1958):34. 24.Formoredetaileddiscussionof "copying" in latefifteenth-century Japanesepainting,see Phillips,Practices ofPainting,66-71. 25. UmezuJiro,"Nisono Juozu,"32-35. 26.Kokka786(September1957):281-89. 27.NakanoGenz6,Rokudo-eno kenkyui X\ eo)WrL (Researchon picturesof the Six Pathsof Reincarnation)(Kyoto:Tankosha, 1989),336. 28.ThecomputeroverlaysI usedin this analysis havenot printedout clearlyenoughfor reproductionhere. 29. An excellentintroductionto the techniques of Buddhistpaintingin Japanis Ariga Yoshitaka Butsugano kansho 4Rga, kisdchishiki LE0 g 5fi, (Basic knowledgeforthe appreciationof Buddhist painting)(Tokyo:Shibund6,1996),esp. 20.
11-58.
30.See,for example,KajitaniRy6ji,"Nihonni okeruJfu6zu,"84. 31.Thestylisticallyquitedifferentset in the Seikad6collectioncontainsboth the scale and armored-king motifs.In thatcase, however,the scaleappearsin both the fourthandthe eighthscrolls,whilethe kingin armoris the tenthas in the sutra illustrations.Recentresearchsuggeststhat this set maybe Koreanbut reflectthe style and iconographyof NorthernSongpictures. CheeyunLilianKwon,"'TenKings'at the SeikadoLibrary." 32. SeeNakanoTeruo,"EnmaJui6zo"for variousexamples. 33.MiyaTsugio,"Juio ky6 e shuii"+TI4, M (Surveyof illustrationsof the TenKings sutra),62-63; MiyaTsugio,"Rokud6e," Nihonno bijutsu 271 (December1988):6i62; NakanoTeruo,"Enma,Juo6zo,"59-72.
"Iconographic 34.MasakoWatanabe, Study of 'TenKings'Paintings," 49;Masako acrossthe Sea,"47. Watanabe, "Traveling 35.Thehandscrollversionownedby the H6juin on MountKoyaalonepresents the rivercrossingjustbelowandto the left of the firstking,as in the Jofukujiset. 36.Not all sutraillustrationsadhereto this order,someplacingeventhe secondking to the rightof the river.However,theJJK clearlysays,"Thesecond.Aftersevendays theypassbeforethe Kingof the FirstRiver. / Thehymngoes:/ Duringthe second seven,deadpeoplecrossthe RiverNai."In otherwords,afterthe secondweek,during whichtheyhavecrossedthe rivertoward the secondking,the deadarriveat his court. Forillustrationsof both typesof sutra illustrationsandthe fulltranslationof the text, see Teiser,Scriptureon the TenKings, 85, 212.
37.In the earlysutraillustrations,the sins revealedtendedto be the killingof fowlor cattlein keepingwiththe Buddhistteaching thattakingthe life of anylivingthingwasa grievoussin.Thevarietiesof sins revealedin the karmicmirrorsin differentversionshad considerablevarietyandsuggesttheywere targetedto specificaudiences.Thiswill be the subjectof a futurestudy. 38.TakedaKazuaki,"Jiasanbutsu zu no seiritsu ni tsuite:Juiichi son mandarazu karano tenkai" +_LSCI 0) Ot df- . 0)Rrff J-
b
-
(On the
formationof the ThirteenBuddhas:their developmentfromthe Mandalaof the ElevenBuddhas),Mikkyobunka169 (March
1)
k 0 b4
k
1989): 32.
39.Thesamegeneralpointhasbeenmade by MiyaTsugiowithina largerattemptto identify"Japaneseness" in variouscertain TenKingsimages.MiyaTsugio"Ju6kyoe ni tsuite,"98-99. 40. MiyaTsugiocitesa passagein JuohSandan shi -+FIJ Jtj in whichNichirenEJ mentionssix torii,eacha gateto a different pathof existence.MiyaTsugio"Joi6kyoe ni tsuite,"p. 99. 41.Illustratedin MiyaTsugio,"Rokud6e,"64; NakanoTeruo,"Enma,Jfuozo,"10,11;John M. RosenfieldandElizabethten Grotenhuis, Journeyof the ThreeJewels:JapaneseBuddhist
Paintingsfrom Western Collections (New
'0
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42.KajitaniRyoji,"Nihonni okeruJdozu," 84-85.
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CRISPIN BRANFOOT
ABSTRACT
The
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Nayakas Temple
In the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries, a modest, early sacred site focused on an eighth-century cave temple at Tirupparankundram, in southern Tamilnadu, was transformed into a great Hindu temple, under the patronage of the Nayakas of nearby Madurai. The site is also important to local Muslims, and the shifting emphasis in the Hindu temple toward the deity Skanda may partly be explained through the increasing identification of Skanda with the local Islamic association of the site with both Iskandar (Alexander) and Sikandar Shah, the last ruler of the fourteenth-century Madura sultanate. This temple illustrates the planning emphasis throughout on the single axis of access directly inward, through successive increasingly sacred spaces to the cave shrine at the temple's heart. The Nayaka period expansion of the temple utilized the distinctive architectural composite column, allowing wider, higher, and more open halls, often with major sculptures of deities and royal images attached. Such royal portraiture and further evidence from inscriptions demonstrate that much of the temple was built under the patronage of the Madurai Nayakas, who were also important patrons of the region's festival ritual.
Tirupparankundram
View along Sanniti Street, the axial approach to the temple from the north.
Duringthe sixteenth-and seventeenth-centuries, a modest,earlysacredsite focusedon a cavetemple at Tirupparankundram in southernTamilnaduwas transformedinto a greattempleunderthe patronageof the Nayakasof nearbyMadurai.The earliest survivingstonetemplesin Tamilnaduwereexcavated cavesdatingto the latesixthand seventhcenturies, manyunderthe patronageof the Pallavaand Pandyan dynasties.The creationof structuraltemplesin stone followedclosely,by the tenthcenturybecomingthe dominantarchitectural form.Cavetemplescouldonly be createdwheretherewas a suitableoutcropof rock, whichwouldthus determineboth the site and the alignment.The gradualabandonmentof this type of templewas undoubtedlyaffectedby theselimitations, not to mentionthe greatexpenditureof artisticenergy requiredin excavatinga templeratherthanbuildA structuraltemplecouldbe built ing it structurally. anywhere,on remotehills or in the manyemerging urbancenters.As templeconstructionbecamemore closelyconnectedwith kingshipand stateformation, the limitationof availablesiteswouldhaveaffected the patronageof cavetemples.Furthermore, as correct
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alignmentgainedgreaterritualimportance,the flexibilityof positioningfor a structuraltemplealso made it preferableto an excavatedcavein a rockface. Butnot all cavetempleswereabandoned.Some gainedgreatstatusas sacredsitesandweredeveloped into muchlargertempleswith additionalmandapas (columnedhalls),enclosingwalls,subsidiaryshrines, andgopuras(pyramidalgateways)beforethe original cave.The Skandatempleat Tirupparankundram exemplifiesthis development.Throughoutthe Tamil region,templeswereextendedovera verylong period, graduallybecomingthe vastcomplexesthatdominate the Tamillandscapetoday.The most prolificperiods for the expansionof templesat existingsitesand for the developmentof new ones werethe Cholaperiod fromthe lateninth to the thirteenthcenturyand the lateVijayanagara and Nayakaperiodsin the sixteenth and seventeenthcenturies.The generalscholarly emphasison the earlierperiodsof Tamilarthas led, however,to the majorarchitecturalexpansionof manytemplesin the latercenturiesbeingoverlooked or mentionedonly cursorilyin favorof moredetailed discussionof the earliestphases. The Skandatempleat Tirupparankundram offersa good exampleof such scholarlyemphasis.Its eighthcenturycavetempleis mentionedmorefrequently thanthe substantialtemplethat developedbeyond it overthe courseof the subsequentmillennium, especiallyin the periodbetweenca.155oand 1700. The detaileddescriptionand analysisof a singletemple that followwill also illustratethe distinctivefeatures of sixteenth-and seventeenth-century artand architecturein Tamilnadu.Notableissuesthatthis temple illustratesarethe historicalpatternof architectural developmentoverthe millenniumfromthe temple's foundation,highlightingthe importanceof the late sixteenthand seventeenthcenturies;the planning emphasisthroughouton the singleaxisof access directlyinwardthroughsuccessiveincreasinglysacred spacesto the caveshrineat the temple'sheart;the developmentof the architectural compositecolumn andwider,higher,moreopen mandapas;the distribution of figuralcompositecolumns,especiallyroyal portraiture;the evidencefor patronageto the temple
by the MaduraiNayakas,fromboth inscriptionsand sculpture;and finally,the connectionsbetweenarchitecturalpatronageand regionalfestivalritual. THESACREDHILLATTIRUPPARANKUNDRAM
The hill of Tirupparankundram, literally"thesacred hill of the greatgod,"lies sevenkilometerssouthwest of Maduraiin southernTamilnadu(fig. 1). It is now sacredto both HindusandMuslims,whose pastinteractionhas had importantimplications for the developmentof the site,as will be discussed below.At the baseof the hill is a largetemple dedicatedto Skanda(Subramainya or Murukan).1 is one of the six sitessacred Tirupparankundram in Tamilnadu,a sacredTamil to Skanda/Murukan geographyclearlyestablishedby aroundthe thirteenth century.The othersareTirucenduron the southeast coast,Palanito the west,Tiruttaniin the north, Swamimalaiin the center,andthe unspecifickunratal, "everyhill on whichthe god dances, meaningall othershrinesdedicatedto Skandain Tamilnadu.2 Skandahas a long associationin Tamilnaduwith hills,and Palani,Tiruttani,and Swamimalaiare, likeTirupparankundram, alsohill sites.ToHindus, Tirupparankundram is knownas Skandamalai, "theHill of Skanda." Thisis the spot thatthe deity cameto afterhis mythicbattlewith Cuiran,an asura (demon), andwherehe marriedDevasena,given to him in marriageby Indraand the gods,afterhe had provedhis meritby winningthe cosmicbattle. Tirupparankundram is one of the earliesthistorically attested,largesacredsitesof Skandaas Murukan, togetherwith the coastalTirucendur,an association thatis at leasttwo millenniaold, with referencesin the Can.kampoetryof the earlycenturiesA.D.3 The fourth-fifth-centurytext,the Tirumurukirrupatai (Guideto LordMuruku)by Nakkirar,is one of the sacredhymnsof the Murukantradition and refersto the six sitesof the god, including Tirupparankundram.4 At the heartof the Hindutemplein the side of the hill is an earlycavetemple,frontedby a gopura and threelargemand4apas,all additionsof the sixteenthand seventeenthcenturiesthatdrama-
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6.
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7.
Patanjali
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Urdhvatandava
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Royal couple
12.
God in anijalimudra
13.
God in anijalimudra
14.
God with sword
15.
Divine marriage
16.
Portrait of Mangammal
17.
Standing Siva
18.
Standing Vis nu
19.
Standing goddess with lotus
20.
Dancing Ganesa
21.
Durga Mahiscsuramardini
22.
Four-armed goddess
23.
Min5ksi (or Tatatakai)
24.
Sundare6vara as a sow
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Patainjali
27.
Sundaregvara with tigress
28.
Isana
tize the approachto the main shrine(fig. 2).5 The planningprinciplesof all laterSouthIndiantemples arebasedarounda singlemain axisof entrancefor an approachingdevoteeand exit for deitiesduring festivalprocessions,with a lesseremphasison the remainingcardinaldirections,that suggestthe expansionfromthe centerof divineenergy,and a concentricplan,with a seriesof layersalongthese axes.The Hindutemplesof Tamilnaduareprimarily experiencedthroughmovement,thatof both devotees and deities.Thewhole structureof the templeat Tirupparankundram stressesthe firstplanning principle,emphasizingthe gradualapproachof the devoteeinwardand upward,fromlightto dark,from open spaceto increasinglyconfinedspace,to the final destinationat the veryheartof the templein the small cavetemplein the side of the sacredhill itself. The cavetempleis on the northside of the rock, andthis positiondeterminesthe whole alignment of the temple.As a worshiperapproachesthe temple alongSanniti(shrine)Street,the long straightroad thatextendssouthwardto the mainentrance,the mainstructureone sees is the largegopurawith a mandapain frontof it againstthe backdropof the hill (fig.3). The largemandapaenteredfirst,theAstana Mandapa,is wide and open andnow containsshops and smallshrines(A in fig.2). Theworshipergoes throughthis mandapaand the gatewayof the gopura andthen proceedsup a shortstaircaseto another open mandapa,the Tiruvacci(or Tiruvatsi)Man.dapa (B). The directline of approachis disruptedat the southend of this man.dapa by a staircaseapproached fromthe sidesand exitseitherside,leadingto further shrinesandthe kitchen(C, D) on the west,andto a schoolfor priestsand a tank(E,F) on the east.As the worshiperentersthe thirdmandapa,the Kampattati Mandapa(G), it getsmuchdarker,for the sacred heartof the templeis beingapproached.Another steepstaircaseleadsto the mahamandapa(K) and ardhamandapa builtbeforethe caveshrine(J), the focusof the wholetemple.Theworshiperapproaching this templecomplexfromthe norththus proceeds alongthe straightmainroadtowardthe temple, drawnforwardby thegopura,then entersa seriesof
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darkerand more maiz4apasthatbecomeprogressively enclosedas he or she climbsthe stepsto the caveand dars?ana(vision) of the deity.Overallthe pathfrom
the roadto the caveclimbsaboutten meters. cosit o arctnglr
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PANDYAN CAVES AND THE EARLYTEMPLE
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Thereareapproximatelyfortyknownexcavatedcave templesin the Pandyanregionof southernTamilnadu datingto the eighthand ninth centuries,and manyare in the Madurairegionitself.At Tirupparankundram therearetwo on the west and southwestsides,in addition to the most importantone on the north side of the hill. Only some of these early cave sites remained
I52
152
the focusof worshipin latercenturies,as has the main cavetemplehere.SimilarNayakaperiodexpansions to an earlycavetemplearefound at Anaimalai, Nammakal,and Tirumayam.' The main cavetemp)leat Tirupp)arankundram
at the entranceand fivesmallerexcavatedchambers leadingoff it, threeacrossthe rearwalland one in eachof the sidewalls.7 Eachchamberalongthe rear wallis aroundone meterdeepand one and one-half metershigh,with sculptedreliefsof deitieson the rear wallslikemanyotherPandyanperiodcavetemples in southernTamilnadu.The distributionof deitiesis indicatedin figure4. Notableis the presenceof Durga in the centralchamberwith Skandato her rightand threeothershrinesdedicatedto Visnu,Ganesa,and Siva.Dvarapalas(door guardians)areplacedat the sidesof the entranceto eachof the flankingshrinesto Visnuand Siva.Withinthe Sivashrineis a linigawith a Somaskandareliefon the rearwall.The layoutsuggeststhatthe ritualemphasisgivento the off-center shrineto Skandawaslaterthanthe cave'soriginal dedication.A largegildedprabhavali(halo) now surroundsthe openingto the Skandashrine;the image withinhas a goldencanopyaboveand holds a golden spear(vel) in one hand.Additionalsculptedreliefsare locatedon the exteriorwallsof the cave(see fig.4). The dateof this cavetemple'sexcavationis suggestedby two inscriptions.The first,on one of the cave'scolumnsand in Vatteluttucharacters,is datedin the sixthyear(ca. 771)of the Pandyanking Miaranjadaiyan (aliasJatilaParantakaNedunjadaiyan, r.ca.765-815).It refersto repairsto the templeand tankby SattanGanapatiand the excavationby his wife of shrinesto the goddessesDurgaand Jyegha.8 The latteris probablythe reliefbelowthe main cave of the goddessseatedwith her son and daughter(fig. 5). The Durgaof the inscriptionmayrefernot to the reliefof the goddessin the main cavebut to the largerecessedreliefabouttwo and one-halfmeters wide and one and one-halfmetershigh, similarly belowthe main caveon the west side,of Annapiurn.a, seatedwith twentyadditionalfigureson eachside (fig. 6).9 The secondinscriptionon the lintelof the doorwayof the Durgashrinerecordsthe installation of the imageof Ganapati(Ganega)in Kali3874 by one SamantaBhimain the Sivatempleexcavated by him. This gives a date of 773.1ONeither inscrip-
tion makesit certainto whom the cavewas dedicated in the eighthcentury,nor do eitherreferdirectly
4 Plan of cave temple. Adapted from Francoise L'Hernault,L'Iconographie de Subrahmanya au Tamilnad (Pondicherry: Institut Fran,ais d'Indologie, 1978), plan 2.
to the excavation of the complete cave temple. However, the inscriptions do provide the latest date by which the cave was substantially complete. Only three Pandyan period cave temples have such dated inscriptions. The other two are the Siva cave at Malaiyadikkurichinear Tirunelveli dated ca. 670 and the Visnu/Narasimha cave at Anaimalai, nine kilometers northeast of Madurai, dated ca. 770. Another member of the same family mentioned in the first inscription at Tirupparankundramexcavated the cave at Anaimalai."
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For about the next eight hundred years little was added to this small cave shrine. Structural enclosed columned halls -an inner ardhamandapa (J) and outer, larger mahamandapa (K)-were probably added in the twelfth or thirteenth century. Little of these halls survives today, however, apart from fragments of the wall of the present mahamandapa on which partial and misplaced, largely thirteenthcentury Pandyan inscriptions survive, for the whole was rebuilt in the late sixteenth or sevmahMmandapa enteenth century.12
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French Institute of
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153
Like so many niches in southern Tamilnadu, these are too shallow to contain an image; they are conceptual only. The date of a Tamil Dravida temple may be suggested by formal features such as the composition of the base, the articulation of the wall and its pilasters or engaged columns, and the form of the bracket capitals under the curved eave. The forms of this shrine described, together with the simple molded base or adhisthanawith a three-sided kumudaand a plain jagat7,and the bevel-edged bracket capitals all suggest a twelfth or thirteenth century date (see fig. 1i). Three inscriptions on the east enclosure wall around this shrine refer to gifts of land to this one is dated goddess shrine (tirukkamakko.ttam): to the forty-second year (1309) of the Pandyan king MaravarmanKulasekharaI (r. 1268-1312).14 The 6 Relief of Annapurna.
K French Institute of Pondicherry/Ecole
Frangaise d'Extreme-Orient.
The only notable addition to the eighth-century cave shrine before the great expansion of the late sixteenth century is the small goddess shrine to Avutainayakion the west side of the present mahamandapa in a small square, enclosed room (I). It consists of a vimana, the main shrine unit, and small porch in the center of the room. From the late eleventh or twelfth century goddesses began to take on a greater ritual and architectural importance in Tamil temples, reflected in the construction of separate goddess shrines within the expanding temple complexes."3 By the late twelfth century it had become standard practice for a Tamil temple to have a separate shrine
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for one or more consorts, housed in separate shrines, and often within their own series of concentric enclosures or prakdras. The vimana of this modest shrine has a molded base (adhisthMna)and a straight wall, articulated by six shallow pilasters on each side, arranged as three pairs. The flat stone roof of the whole chamber completely obscures the vimana's superstructure from within. At the center of the south, west, and north sides of this east-facing shrine is a shallow niche, each framed by the halves of a split-pilaster that support a k7rtimukha("faceof glory") in low relief over the top.
palliyarai,the bedchamber for the temple's god and goddess, on the north side of this room is a later addition.
DURGA,SKANDA,AND ISKANDAR The transformation of this temple from a modest cave shrine in the side of the hill in the eighth century to the great temple complex seen today involved not only architecturaldevelopment but the shifting ritual emphasis on to Skanda (Murukan). The distribution of deities in the main cave shrine with the goddess Durga at the center and the absence of any direct reference to Skanda as the presiding deity in the inscriptions suggest that the ritual emphasis toward Skanda is a late development. Furthermore, Fred Clothey has cast an element of doubt on whether the present site of Tirupparankundramis the same as that associated with Skanda/Murukan in the premedieval literature;the site at Anaimalai the other side of Madurai fits the description in the fourth-fifth more accurately.Was this century Tirumurukdrrupatai a Durga temple originally? The emphasis placed upon Skanda at the temple at Tirupparankundrammay be dated to the twelfth to fifteenth centuries. It is partly related to the rising status of Skanda/Murukanas an independent deity throughout the Tamil country in this period. But
morespecificallyit maybe explainedwith referenceto the changedpoliticalconditionsof the latefourteenth and fifteenthcenturyin the Madurairegion,with the overthrowof the short-livedIslamicMadurasultanate of Hindu dharmaby the and the reestablishment generalsof the newlyfoundedVijayanagara empire. In the periodfromthe seventhto ninth centuries, Skandais almostalwaysthe son of Sivain both literatureand iconography,depictedas a smaller figurewith Sivaand Parvat1in a Somaskandapanel. The sculptedreliefsof Skandaindependentof and both Sivaand Parvat1at Tirupparankundram Anaimalaiarethereforeiconographically noteworthy, evenin a cavewith otherdeities.Onlya few temples dedicatedprimarilyto Skandaarefoundbeforethe twelfthto fifteenthcentury,when theirnumbers increaseand the deity'siconographybecomesmore varied.The enhancedstatusof Skanda/Murukan in fifteenth-century Tamildevotionis reflectedin the Tiruppukil(Divine Praise)by Arunakiri(ca. 1370-1450),a hugepoeticworkin praiseof the deity.'5 The spreadof Skandatemplesfromthe fourteenth to fifteenthcenturiesmayalsobe partiallyexplained by the incorporationof previouslymarginalsocial groupsinto mainstreamTamilculture.Theworship of Murukanby marginalhill dwellersis referred to in the earlyCan.kamliterature.The periodfrom the fourteenthcentury,when the earlyTamildeity Murukanis clearlyidentifiedwith the Sanskritic Skanda,is characterized by extensiveinternal migrationof just such groupsand the extensionof the agriculturalfrontierto previouslymarginalareas.'6 Thisbroadculturalchangethroughoutthe Tamilcountrymayexplainwhy Skandabecamethe presidingdeityat Tirupparankundram. Butthis site hadbecomeof greatimportanceto the Muslim communitiesof SouthIndiain the fourteenth century,as both the capitalof the Madurasultanate and subsequentlythe locationof a Muslimshrineto the fallenwarrior-heroesof this short-livedIslamic regionalpower. Muslimtraderswerepresenton the coastsof southernIndiafromaroundthe ninth centuryand had penetratedinlandevenbeforethe raidsfrom
1310on by the Khaljiand Tughluqgeneralsof the
Delhi sultanate."7 Theseraidsled to the rulefromca. 1334throughthe middleof the fourteenthcentury of the Madurasultanate(or sultanateof Ma'bar) oversouthernIndiauntil its overthrowby the Vijayanagara generalsin ca.1377.At the summitof the hill at Tirupparankundram is a Muslimdargah (shrine) overthe graveof SultanSikandarShah,the last rulerof the Madurasultanatefromca. 1372to 1377.18The present dargahstructure probably dates to the seventeenthor eighteenthcentury,judging featuressuchas the columns by the architectural in thatare the sameformas contemporaryHindu temples,thoughthe sacredstatusof the site among the TamilMuslimcommunityis undoubtedlyearlier (fig.7). Localtraditionrefersto Sikandarand his armybeingsurroundedand defeatedon this hill at Tirupparankundram by the Vijayanagara forces; gravesof Sikandar's courtiersand generalsarefound down the hill fromthe dargah.Maduraiis usually understoodto havebeen the Madurasultanate's capital.However,MehrdadShokoohysuggeststhatthe travelerIbn Battita'sdescription fourteenth-century of the town,situatedbelowa fortifiedhill aroundsix kilometersfromthe river,moreaccuratelyappliesto Tirupparankundram.19
ToMuslims,the sacredhill at Tirupparankundram is Iskandarmalai, "theHill of Iskandar." SusanBayly has identifiedfivetypesof Suficultsand Muslim devotionaltraditionsin SouthIndiathatintersect with Hinduformsof worshipandsacredlandscape.20 The firstgroupfocuseson biblicalfigures,suchas Adam,Daniel,Solomon(Sulaiman),Jesus,andthe VirginMary.Sulaimanhasbeenveneratedby Deccani and SouthIndianMuslims,and indeedacrossthe Islamicworld,as a divinelyempoweredhero-king fromthe ageof the prophets,and this emphasison kingshipis evenmorepronouncedin the second categoryof TamilMuslimcult traditionsidentifiedby Bayly.21Thesearebuilt up aroundkingsandwarriors frommoreaccessibleeras,and Iskandaris one of the most widelyreveredin Tamilnadu. Iskandaris the Persiannamefor the Macedonian kingAlexanderthe Great,who defeatedthe
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AchaemenidPersianempirein 331B.C. andwhose conquestsfromGreeceto NorthwestIndiaarestill commemoratedacrossthe Muslimworld.In the easternIslamicworld- in Persia,CentralAsia,and India-Alexander was regardednot just as an alien conquerorbut also as a heroicking and a philosopher. His historicaland legendaryexploitsarenarrated in a numberof Persianliteraryclassics,including FirdausI's Shahndma(Book of Kings)(completed ca. ioio), the Iskandarnama (Book of Iskandar)in Nizami's Khamsa (Quintet) (ca. 1190-1200), and Jaml'sKhiradna-ma-yiIskandari (Alexander'sBook of Wisdom) (ca. 1485).22 CulturalcontactbetweenPersia and southernIndiain the fifteenthand sixteenth centurieswas maintainedboth via the Delhi sultanate of North Indiaand throughthe Deccansultanates. Iskandaris depictedin manyPersian,CentralAsian, and Indianpaintingsfromthis period.23 ManyIslamicrulersin Persia,CentralAsia,and Indiaidentifiedthemselveswith Iskandaras an ideal king.In IndiacertainMuslimrulersappearto have
developedthis identificationfurther,considering themselvesto be continuingAlexander'splanned invasionof the subcontinent.The cleareststatement of this ideologyis to be found in the figureof the Khalji sultan 'Ala' al-Din Muhammad (r. 1296-1316),
who consideredhimselfa "secondAlexander" (Iskandaral-Sdni).He is quotedby the historian Ftraz-Shaht(Historyof Firuz Baraniin his Ta'rikh-i Shah)as saying,"Iwill go out myselfinto the world, likeAlexander,in pursuitof conquest,and subduethe whole habitableworld";this was proclaimedin the The greatestPersianpoet khutba,the Fridaysermon.24 of the Indiansubcontinent,AmirKhusrauDihlavl (ca. 1253-1325),wrote both an account of cAla' al-DIn's conquests and a Khamsa,the fourth book of which
was devotedto the world-conqueringAlexander. BarbaraBrendstatesthat it is "probablethat in laying his workbeforethe sultan,Khusrauintendedto flatter him and,in the guiseof entertainment,to offerhim adviceon the properconductof an Alexander."25 al-Din'sclaimto be a "secondAlexander"is also CAl&'
clearlystatedin his inscriptions,both on buildings in and aroundDelhi,such as the AlaiDarwazain the Qutbcomplex,and on the numerousgold and silver coins fromhis reign.26 The thirdof Bayly'stypesof cult areassociated with companionsor contemporariesof the Prophet. The fourthtype is basedaroundthe burialplaces of historicalwarriorsof the fourteenthcenturyin Tamilnadu,returningthe emphasisin this cult to the motifsof invasionand conquestfoundin the Iskandarcult.Tirupparankundram's greatstatusin TamilMuslimsacredgeographyis accountedfor by the overlappingof both the Iskandarcult,known acrossPersia,CentralAsia,and IslamicIndia,and the local,Tamilcult of SikandarShah,the last rulerof the Madurasultanate,who died fightingon the site of his capitalandwhosedargahlies at the top of the hill. Butthis sacredassociationis enhancedby the subsequentTamilHinduidentificationof the sitewith the similarlynamedwarriordeity,Skanda. Whendid the figureof Iskandararrivein southern India,and when did the hill at Tirupparankundram come to be knownas Iskandarmalai? It was duringthe al-DinthatraidsfromNorthIndiato the reignof CAlW, Deccanand as farsouth as Maduraibegan,starting in 1310,and led to the foundationof the Madurasultanatein 1334,with its capitalat Tirupparankundram or Iskandarmalai. The arrivalof Iskandaras a cult figurein the farSouthof Indiathus seemsto be directlyassociatedwith the invasionsof the Khaljis and subsequentlythe Tughluqsin the earlyfourteenth century.The traditionof Iskandar,or Sikandaras he is knownin India,as a precursorking is extremely strongin Tamilnadu,accordingto Bayly,7andby the eighteenthcenturyhe waswidelyidentifiedwith the Tamilwarrior-deityMurukanor Skanda.But this processcan be tracedto the fourteenthand fifteenthcenturies.It is in this periodthatthe site undoubtedlyacquiredits nameof Iskandarmalai throughits associationswith CAla' al-Din,the "secondAlexander" who initiatedthe Islamic invasionof the deep Southof Indiaand the lastruler of the Madurasultanatewho died and is enshrinedon the hill itself.
It is highlyprobablethatthe Hindutempleat fell out of use duringthe Tirupparankundram periodof Islamicrulein the Madurairegion,even if it wasnot systematically destroyed.Followingthe overthrowof the Madurasultanatein the late1370S by the generalsof Vijayanagara, templesthathadbeen sackedor desecratedthroughoutthe Tamilcountry werereconsecratedfor worship,an act centralto the politicalrhetoricof the Vijayanagara invaders fromthe Deccan.28 The reopeningof the templeat Tirupparankundram in the latefourteenthcentury providesboth a historicalmomentand an explanation for the laterritualemphasison Skandawithinthe cavetemple:Iskandarmalai becameSkandamalai. The risingstatusof Skandaas a warrior-deity throughoutthe Tamilcountry,and specificallyhere at Tirupparankundram, post-fourteenthcentury, maythereforebe seen as a defiantreactionto the overthrowof the Turkicinvadersfromthe North. SheldonPollockhas similarlysuggestedthatthe cult of Rama,its role in the ideologyof Hindukingship, and the expressionof this doctrinein templeworship becameimportantonly fromthe twelfthcentury, preciselyin reactionto the riseof Islamicpowerin northernIndia.29 Iskandar,SikandarShah,and Skanda haveall becomeintertwinedat Skandamalai.
E-
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ARCHITECTURAL PATRONAGE UNDERTHE MADURAINAYAKAS
Whilethe fifteenthcenturymayhaveseen Skanda takeon greaterritualimportanceat the temple,this trendwas not reflectedin anysignificantarchitectural activityuntilthe latersixteenthand seventeenth centuries,whenthe sitewastransformedunder the patronageof the MaduraiNayakas.Thisperiod coincideswith the proliferationof Tamilliterary worksof Skandadevotion,includinga Tamilversion of the SkandaPurana (AncientBookof Skanda).30 Despitethe rhetoricof the Vijayanagara rulers restoringworshipto templesin the latefourteenth centuryand the long periodof Vijayanagara rule overthe Tamilcountryinto the earlysixteenth century,fewtempleswerefoundedor evenadded
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to in a substantialwayin this period.It is only from the middleof the sixteenthcenturythatthereis a boom in templeconstructionthroughoutthe Tamil country,coincidingwith the ruleand patronageof the Nayakas,the "littlekings"and regionalsuccessors to the Vijayanagara empire.In the Madurairegion, this expansionof templebuildingactivitycanbe seen not only withinMaduraiitselfbut also at nearbytemples,suchas at Alagarkoyilandhereat Tirupparankundram. The modestsitewastransformedin the 158os with the constructionof a seven-storygopuraand an enclosurewallthatboth definedthe extentof the sacredareaand prominentlymarkedthe axis of accessto the main caveshrine.The dateof this expansionis knownfromtwo similarinscriptions, one in Tamiland one in Telugu,the mainlanguages in whichinscriptionswerewrittenin sixteenth-and seventeenth-century Tamilnadu,on the wallsof the gopura'sgateway.3' BothstateclearlythatVirappa,
in southern India from ca. 1530to 1736,for example,
wouldbe an inadequatewayof studyingthe temples in the geographicalareaof theirempire,fromthe Kongunaduregionin the northwestof Tamilnadu, to Ramesvaramin the southeastand Kanyakumari at the southernmosttip of the subcontinent.Apart fromthis exampleat Tirupparankundram in 1583-84, examplesof the patronageof templearchitecture by the MaduraiNayakasincludea newtempleat Krishnapuram nearTirunelveliin the 156os,additions to the Ardhanarisvara and Kailasanatha temples at TiruchengodunearmodernErodebetween 1590 and 1670,the Gopalakrsnatemple built in the
Ranganathatemplecomplexat Srirangamin ca. 1674, and -from
evidence -the
sculptural rather than epigraphic Astana Mandapa in ca. 1690-1700
at Tirupparankundram discussedbelow.33 The MaduraiNayakaswho reignedbetween1572and geographicaldistributionof thesetemplessuggests 1595,builtthe gopuraand compoundwallin Saka the extentof MaduraiNayakarule. 1505(1583-84). This is a notable example of clearly Thegopura at Tirupparankundram is a typical documentedMaduraiNayakapatronageof temple exampleof the period.A recurringthemein Indian Theirpatronageof templeconstruction architecture. templearchitectureis the conceptionof the main in Maduraiitselfis clearlyestablished,spreading shrineas beingcomposedof multipleimagesof fromthe mid-sixteenthcenturyrightthroughthe smallershrineformsor aediculesarrangedin rows seventeenthcentury;it was not the specialinterest and storiesto buildup a toweringsuperstructure. of anysinglekingdespitethe emphasison Tirumala Thisthemewas originallycommentedupon by James Nayaka(r. 1623-59) givenin some literature.32This Fergusson,the firsthistorianof Indianarchitecture, interestis clearlyevidentat the Minaksi-Sundaresvara in the 1870s, who remarkedthat"everywhere... in templecomplexat the centerof the citywith India,architectural decorationis madeup of small sustainedroyalpatronagein the latesixteenthand modelsof largebuildings."34 Thisideahasbeen seventeenthcenturies,the periodwhen the temple examinedby AdamHardy,who haspersuasively expandedto its presentextent.It was similarly demonstratedthat Indiantemplearchitecture, both duringthe reignof Virappathatthe fourhuge outer southernDravidaandnorthernNagara,"depends gopurasof the Minaksi-Sundaresvara templecomplex for its visualstructure,its expressionand its werebuilt in theirpresentform,all visiblefrom meanings,on the combinationand interrelation Tirupparankundram sevenkilometersaway. of imagesof shrines."35 OutsideMadurai,however,the evidencefor Gopurasaresimilarlyconceived,for they are MaduraiNayakapatronageis muchthinnerand more formallycomposedlikea main shrineor vimana fragmentary. Whilethe broadpatternsof temple split in two,with a seriesof embeddedaedicules constructionin the regionsruledby the Madurai or miniaturebuildingsarrangedin an ascending son of Krishnappa (r. 1564-72) and the third of the
C15
Nayakassuggesttheserulers'activeinvolvement in architectural patronage,the detailedevidenceis not so forthcoming.A studyof MaduraiNayaka architectural patronagein the periodof theirrule
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8 Upper basement story of the gopura. The staggered gateway with relief latticed window is on the left, the sai/a-aedicule is in the center, and the corner kCita-aediculeand intermediate panijara-aedicule are on the right. All three aedicules have secondary aedicules of the same form embedded within them.
series of tdlasor stories. In this example at Tirupparankundramthere are seven. The stone basement itself is formed of two stories, with an enlarged subbase. The first talaconsists of the upper section of the basement and the roof forms above, made from brick and plaster (figs. 8-1o); the second and remaining talasare embedded within the whole form and are indicated by the roof forms alone in the same sequence as the first tila. The aedicules are each distinguished by their roof form: square-roofed ka.tas,horseshoe-arched panjaras,and rectangular, barrel-vaultedsalas. The arrangement of each of the first six talasbeneath the capping, long, barrel-vaulted salaroof is typical for such a large gopura:a corner square kuta-aedicule, intermediate panijara-aedicule, and long sala-aedicule placed alongside the staggered gatewaybeneath the pronounced mukhasald, the projecting central spine of the superstructure. In figure io the staggered gateway and the projecting
aedicules (S, P, K), each defined by engaged columns, are indicated at the bottom. A straightforward classification of gopurasis to identify the sequence of aedicules across one side of the basement and the number of talas above. The formal composition of this gopuraat Tirupparankundramis similar to other late sixteenth-century gopurasin the Madurai region, such as the outer four of the Mindks-i-Sundaresvara temple also constructed during the reign of Virappa. Embedded within and projecting from each primary aedicule is a similar, smaller, full secondary aedicule of the same type, described as "full"because each comes complete with its own adhisthanaand upapqtha (subbase) that overlays the adhisthanaand the wall zone of the primary aedicule (fig. 11;see also fig. 8). Thus there is a smaller secondary kata-aedicule within and overlaying the primary kuta-aedicule, and so on. This secondary aedicule is a stylistic feature of the Nayaka period, for while early Tamil temples
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9 Elevationof the gopuraat southwest cornershowing both lower and upperstone stories of the basement.
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may have a secondary aedicule emerging from the primary one, these do not have base moldings of their own. Blind latticed windows in high relief also appear on the rear section of the gateway,a reminder of the vimdna origin of gopuras where windows may illuminate the passageway around the garbhagrha sipl Eeaspoetionsadrcse gpratsuhetcnrsowall, of the bthea (main shrine) as they do, for example, at the midsixteenth-century KiitalAlakar temple in Madurai.36 The paired columns supporting s?alasin the three recesses between each primary aedicule of this gopura at Tirupparankundramsimilarly connect it to others of this date in the region. If one is skeptical of this mode of formal analysis, seeing what are here described as aedicules more
significant formal feature suggests that this approach, this "wayof seeing,"is appropriate. The formal distinction between each aedicule is emphasized not only by their prominent projection but also, in typical Nayaka period fashion, by varying the base moldings and engaged column types between aedicules. Though such variation in base moldings and engaged column forms between aedicules appears in some earlier temples, with perhaps two or three base molding or engaged column types, it is almost standard practice in Nayaka period design with the distinctive use of up to five variations. The great variety of base moldings across a Nayaka period vimdna or gopura means that the method used to classify earlier temples by a single profile of their base that remains largely consistent across cannot be meaningfully used.37This tendency demonstrates the continued inventive use of the Tamil Dravida tradition of architecture in the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries.
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11 Diagramof a NayakaperiodprimarykOita-aedicule with a embedded withinit. secondarykoita-aedicule
The Tirupparankundram gopura'sengaged columnsallvarybetweenaediculesin this manner: those of the rearwalland the primarykaita-aedicules areoctagonal;the secondarykaita-andpatijaraaedicules'engagedcolumnsand the reargateway section'sareround;the primarypaiij'ara-and aresixteen-sided;the secondary?cila-aedicules' primary?'dlds'engagedcolumnsaredeeplyfluted;and the frontsectionof the gateways'engagedcolumns aredeeplyflutedwith a narrowerstripbetweenflutes. the upwardAll havesquarebaseswith ndkapantams, turnedleaf or cobrahood detailat the cornersof the basethatappearsfromthe thirteenthcentury.The kumudaof the gopura'sbasesimilarlychangesproffle, and the kapota (see fig. ii) movesfromcenterto top betweenaedicules.The lowerstoryof the basement
followsthe layoutof the upperstory,as usual, thoughonly with projectionsunderneatheachupper secondaryaedicule.The only nichesin the gopuraare in the secondarysdld-aediculesof the lowerstory,and they areempty.Likeso manyNayakaperiodniches that areeithertoo narrowor too shallow,they may neverhavebeen intendedto containstone images of deities. The interiorof the gatewayhas a deep central recesson two levelscorrespondingwith eachstory of the gopura'sbasement,as is usual;thesearethe vestigesof the garbhagrhaconceptuallysplit in half. On eitherside of the four monolithicjambsarethree pilastersmadeup of tiersof kapotas,a downwardcurvedmolding,supportedby pairsof pilasters framinga recessedpanelor kantha;at the top is a seatedelephant(ratherthanthe moreusuallion or simha)andpu.papotikaor flowerbracketcapital supportingthe horizontalslabsof the roof.Bands of intertwiningfoliageformingcircularframes containingganias(dwarf),vydlas(mythicallionfacedanimal),and simhasin reliefrun up the four doorjambsand acrossthe beams.At the baseof the two outer,northjambsarethe usualfiguresof women standingon makaras(aquaticmonster),holding the two intertwiningcreepersthat coil roundabove, that area common featureof Nayakaperiodgopuras (fig. 12). Thesewomen appearfirstin the gateways of fifteenth-century gopurasin the Deccan,following the adoptionof the TamilDravidatraditionas the empire.The imperialform for the Vijayanagara makarasareinitiallyseparatelyplacedin frontof the women,and only fromthe earlysixteenthcentury in both the Deccanand Tamilnadudo thesewomen standupon the makaraholdingthe creepersemerging fromthe makaras'mouth thatswirlabovethem both. Thislatericonographysuggeststhatthesewomen areto be identifiedas the rivergoddessGanga,who standson her makaravehicleor vahanaand with her counterpartYamunafeatureson the jambsof earliertempledoorwaysin northernIndia.It is not at all clearthatthesewomen shouldbe so specifically identified:the initialseparationof the womanand the makara,and the absenceof Yamuna'svehicle,
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the tortoise,suggestan alternativemeaning.Neither of the rivergoddessesarefound on the doorjambs of earliertemplesin Tamilnadu.The appearanceof suchwomen in Tamilgopurasin the sixteenthcentury is an exampleof a DeccanVijayanagara period innovationin the TamilDravidatradition,exported backsouth againto becomea standardfeatureof the seventeenth-century gopura. co)
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12
AND PORTRAITURE PATRONAGE
The innertwo jambsof the gopurahavehigh-relief imagesof kingswith the handsplacedpalmstogether beforetheirchest (an-jalimudra) on the samescalein placeof thesewomen,greetingall who passthrough the gateway (figs. 13,14). A striking feature of the arts
of the sixteenthand seventeenthcenturiesin southern Indiais the prevalenceof royalimagery.38 Imagesof
kingsand courtlyfiguresaredepictedin a variety of media-stone and bronzesculpture,miniature ivories,and paintedtextiles- alongsidethe more familiarimagesof the multitudeof Hindudeities. Approximately life-size,stone figuresof royaltyare widespreadin templecomplexesof this period.They aredistinguishedby theirgreatsize,attentionto detail in dressand anatomy,the uniformstandingposture with handsin anfjalimudrd, the gestureof respect or greeting,and theirlocationin festival-related structuresor alongprocessionalroutesin temples. Thoughthe gopura'sgatewayis a routefor both devoteesgoing inwardand deitiesexitinga templeon procession,this positionis generallyunusualfor such royalimages,whicharemoreoften found in corridors and in festivalmandapas. Identifyingroyalimageswith specifickingsis difficultgiventhe generalpaucityof associated inscriptionsin this period;of the morethan 120 examplesof life-sizeportraiturefromthis periodseen by the authorin the Tamilcountry,not one had an associatedinscriptionalongsidedirectlyidentifying the subject.Thereareindeedfarfewerinscriptions visibleon anyNayakaperiodstructurecomparedwith those of the earlierCholaperiodfromthe late ninth to thirteenthcenturies.39 However,it seemsprobable thatone of thesetwo figuresis a portraitof Virappa, attestedin the adjoininginscriptiondatingthe gopura;the othermaybe his immediatepredecessor The two standingmalefiguresarevery Krishnappa. similar,depictedabout120 centimetershigh.These arenow ratherworn and damaged;the west figure's rightarmis broken.Both arenakedto the waistand weara necklace,wristbands,andjeweledbeltswith a daggeron the outeror northhip overa long, anklelengthcloth.The keydistinguishingfeatureof these figuresis the tall,conicalcloth capwith a rounded top of both royalfigures.Whilethe figure'sdecorated cap on the eastside curvesslightlyforwardwith thin filletsfallingin frontof his ears(see fig.13),the figure on the west is clearlywearingthe straight,conical cloth ku.ldyi(see fig. 14).This is a form of capworn by SouthIndiankingsonly fromthe late fifteenth or earlysixteenthcentury.As PhillipWagonerhas
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13 Royalportraiton southeast gopurajamb.
14 Royalportraiton southwest gopurajamb.
demonstrated from evidence at Vij'ayanagaraand elsewhere in the Deccan, it is derived from a Persian form of headwear,the cloth kulah40. These two figures may also be compared with those in the Putu Maindapa(New Hall) built by Tirumala Nayaka in ca. 1630 These include ten groups of portrait images possibly of all the Madurai Nayakas with their queens up to and including the building's patron.4'These have long fascinated scholars and visitors to Madurai, and rightly so. They are located in the center of the Putu Mandapa, five groups on sandin wit armbreooe thpaedirhthanse Thestwfigures each long side, each king facing into the central space of this festival mandapawith between one and four attendant queens at their sides All but one of the figures of kings are approximately life-size and look down on the viewer. The queens are all on a scale smaller than the scale for the kings, emphasizing the priority of representing authority over realism All
in anjalimudra,dressed in fine clothing and jewelry, and with daggers on their hips. All wear headwear of varying types. The detail of the ornament, particularly th te igrsA Jeecanruhasntd of textile patterns in delicate relief, is very finely executed. Some of these figures have traces of paint, which though recent and deplored by some scholars such as D. Devakunjiari,for detracting from the sculptural artistry,undoubtedly reflects an original scheme." The paint suggests an attempt to enliven the sculptures with the living presence of the king, a situation enhanced by the figures'prominently carved eyes. The whole set is often said to represent Tirumala and his nine predecessors from the first Nayaka, Vishvanatha (r. 1529 64) on, the sequence starting in the southeast and moving clockwise to the northeast corner with Tirumala (r. 1623-59). It is difficult, however, to securely establish the identity of all
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namingTirumala'spredecessorsis not a subjecton whichthe sourcesagree.43 J.H. Nelson in 1868,relying principallyon WilliamTaylor'sOrientalHistorical Manuscripts publishedin 1835,givesa list of nine NayakasfromVishvanathato Tirumala;Sathyanatha Aiyar'shistoryof the MaduraiNayakaspublishedin 1924,however,givesof only seven.' The firstarticle devotedto the studyof theseportraitsculptures by HenryHerasin 1925aimednot to discussthem froman art-historicalpoint of view but to use them as historicalevidenceto demonstratethe Madurai Nayakas'genealogyand to showthattherewere ten Nayakasup to Tirumala'saccessionin 1623,not Sathyanatha Aiyar'sseven.Herasfoundinscriptions aboveeachstatuegivingtheirnames,but theseare no longerextant.45 Giventhe paucityof inscriptions fromthe Nayakaperiodgenerallyand associatedwith portraitsculpturespecifically,it is doubtfulthat any identifyinginscriptionswith thesesculpturescan have been original. Namingthe Nayakasof Maduraiin chronological orderis complicatedby differentsourcesthatgive multiplenamesfor the sameperson,similarnames for differentNayakas,and the possibilityof overlap in ruleor dualreigns,a standardpracticefor the Nayakas'predecessors,the Pandyans,in the eleventh and twelfthcenturies.The scholarlyconsensushas threerulersfrom1529 to 1595 (Visvanatha[1529-64], Krishnappa[1564-72], andVirappa[1572-95]), and threemorefromca.1601 up to and including Tirumalaon his accessionin 1623 (MuttuKrishnappa [1601-9] and MuttuVirappa[1609-23] ), leavinga sixyeargapbetween1595 and 16oi with one, three,or four Nayakas.Giventhe complexityof clearlyidentifying eachportraitimagein the PutuMan.dapa as depicting a specificnamedking,it is not possibleto relatethe two in the Tirupparankundram gopurawith two in the PutuMandapaand come to a clearidentification. Whatcanbe achieved,however,is comparingthe distinctivestyleof and changingpatternsof headwear of the portraitsin the PutuMandapaoverthe course of the sixteenthand seventeenthcenturyto the two late sixteenth-centuryTirupparankundram images. The imagesof kingson the south side of the Putu
Mandaparepresentingthe earlierMaduraiNayakas up to aroundthe end of the sixteenthcenturyare mostlywearingthe tall,conicalkullayiassociatedwith the Vijayanagara rulers(fig.15).The lastfew portraits of Tirumalaandhis earlyseventeenth-century predecessorsare,however,wearinga tighter,rounded capthatfallsto one side.Thisdiscussionof headwear as an indicationof specificidentity,and indeeddate, will be returnedto when discussingfurtherportrait imagesat the heartof the temple.
SITE HISTORIESAND ARCHITECTURAL SCULPTURE
Thegopuraserveda dualfunction:it createda monumentalgatewayinto the sacredareaof the templecomplexthat devoteescouldsee froma great distanceas they reachedtheirpilgrimagedestination, and at the sametime it clearlydefinedwith the wall the greaterextentof thatsacredzone in frontof andto eitherside of the caveshrineat the baseof the hill.Twophasesof furtherdevelopmentof the templein the followingseventeenthcenturyled to the infillingof the spacebetweenthe gopuraandthe caveshrinewith a seriesof ascendingand increasingly enclosedmandapas,andthen in the lastdecadesof the seventeenthcenturythe furtherextensionof the mainaxisnorthwardwith the constructionof another largeopen mandapa.It is not possibleto determine the exactsequencein whichinnertwo mandapas,the Tiruvacci(B in fig.2) andthe Kampattati(G), were built,but a mid-seventeenth-century date,perhaps 1620-60, wouldbe appropriate. Thisdiscussionwill move inwardswith the movementof the worshiper towardthe caveshrine,but the orderof discussionis not intendedto implythatthis wasthe sequenceof construction. Untilaroundthe earlyto mid-seventeenthcentury, movingthroughthe gopuraled into a largeopen space boundedby the prakarawallswith the caveshrine up on the hillsideopposite.Thenthe largeTiruvacci Mandapawasbuilt,conceivedas a freestanding structurebut functioningas a corridorleadingworshipersinwardto the caveshrine.Thebasiclayout is of a freestandingmandapawith a moldedbase,
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15 Royalportraitin PutuMano1apa, Madurai,south side.
very like that of both vimdnas and gopuras, now visible only on the north and east, and concentric rows of composite columns supporting a stepped flat roof, highest at the center (fig. 16).46 The composite column (or pier) is a notable feature of later Tamil Drdvida architecture,an adaptation of the simple column form present in the earliest rock-cut caves and structural temples of the Tamil tradition.4"The simple column form is cubical at top and bottom, and thus square in section, with chamfered sides in the middle creating an octagonal section. Laterexamples retain a cubical middle and have octagonally chamfered sections above and below; thus they are divided verticaly into five parts, of square then octagonal section (square-octagon-square-octagon-square). From the sixteenth century on, the octagonal sections are normally chamfered into sixteen sides with a band around. While the number of parts generally Dremaviacnsitentlye, thhiga t of the column
can be variedby elongatingthe lowestand topmost sections,the centralpartusuallyremainingcubical no matterhow tallthe whole shaft.All composite columnsand manysimplecolumnshavea molded basebeneaththis coreshaft,sculptedfromthe same monolith.Theysupporta seriesof separatelysculpted capitalelementsstackedone upon another,whichin the Nayakaperiodincludethepuspapotika(flowerbud bracketcapital)and the seatedsimha(lion), and ultimatelythe horizontalbeamsof the stone roof.48 Whatdistinguishesthe compositecolumnfromthe simplecolumnareadditionalcolumnsemergingfrom the samemonolith;on the plan in figure2 composite columnsareindicatedby rectangleswith the core columnfilledin black,the additionalcolumn(s) left white.Thisschemeis the basisfor substantial variation,for compositecolumnsmayhaveseveral smallercolumns,sometimescarvedfullyin the round on one or more sidesof the corecolumn,whichI describeas "detached" thoughthey arestilljoined top and bottom to the coremonolith.Compositecolumns mayalso havean attachedfigureup to 2.5 meters high of a deity,a mythicalyali(lion-headedanimal), a mountedcavalryman,or a portrait.This figural compositecolumnis a distinctiveNayakaperiod developmentin Tamilnadu,frommodestbeginnings in the architecturalsculptureof earlysixteenthThe increasinguse centurytemplesat Vijayanagara. of compositecolumnsratherthan simplecolumnsled to muchhigher,wider,and open mandapasthan in earliertemplearchitecturein Tamilnadu,such as these examplesat Tirupparankundram. The centralsectionof the TiruvacciMandapaat Tirupparankundram is framedby two concentric aisles,similarto the layoutof the PutuMandapa at nearbyMaduraibuilt ca.1630.49 The composite columnsareall of similartype,with the usualfivepartcorecolumnon a basewith attachedsquare columns.Compositecolumnsusuallydelineate processionalroutesby facinginto them;the attached columnsand capitalsareon the inside.The central compositecolumnsherearedouble,with attached columnsfacingboth inwardand outward;the outer rowsof compositecolumnsfaceinwardonly,those at
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conception of the mandapa.50Facing the worshiper entering the mandapa are two dvdrapdlasattached to the composite columns of the central section. Six further figural composite columns are located either side of the north staircase facing inward. These are notable for depicting local Madurai myths. The bestED 'Ia.
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known place history in the Madurai region especially associated with the Minaks-i-Sundaresvaratemple is the Tiruvilaiya.tarpurdnam (The Story of the Sacred Games), written by Paraficoti around the early to mid-seventeenth century, and using a number of earlier sources. In sixty-four episodes or "games"(in Tamil, vilaiyaital;in Sanskrit, hlla),Siva'sappearance in Madurai is described. The best-known event is his marriage as Sundaresvara(the Beautiful Lord) to the local Pandyan warrior-princess, Tatatakaior Minaks1. Other myths describe how Siva saved the city of Madurai from various threats. Many events in the Tiruvilaiyatarpuranamare depicted in the composite column sculptures of the M-inksi-Sundaresvara temple in Madurai, particularly in the thousand-column Mandapa and the Putu Mandapa; a complete set of small panels of all sixty-
mE.':,.: 16 Interiorof Tiruvcicci Manoiapa.
the corners face diagonally (see fig. 2). The outermost columns frame the central space and the corridor around it; at the north end the columns are not placed on the mandapa'sbasement but are unusually situated in the space between it and the gopura. The structure of the capitals of these composite columns also emphasize the center and surrounding frame as the flat ceiling increases in height toward the center in a series of steps: the outermost ring has only lateral pu.papotikds, the middle ring adds a seated simha and co
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puVpapotikafacing inward, and the highest central section adds a detached beam running between each capital in between these two elements (see fig. 17;see also fig. 16). Stairs at the north end by the gopura lead into the Tiruvacci Mandapa. They have balustrades with horses pulling chariot wheels, a motif seen in other Tamil temple structures from the twelfth century and later, though these are not part of the original
four lilas are placed just beneath the ceiling of the KilikkattuMandapa on the west side of the Golden Lily tank. Like the contemporary Putu Mandapa, the figural composite columns of the Tiruvacci Man.dapa include Isana and Mindksi (or Tatatakai)with three breasts facing each other, though these images are much smaller than the Putu Mandapa'ssculptures at only around one meter in height. Another depicts Siva as a sow clutching six piglets to his/her breasts with six further piglets around the base (fig. 18). This depiction relates to a myth in the Tiruvilaiyatarpuranam (chapter 45), when Siva saved twelve piglets from starvation after a king had hunted down their parents. In a previous life they had been cursed by an ascetic to be reborn as pigs but in compensation would have the lord of Madurai as their mother. The king hunting the boar and sow appears on the side of the composite column's base in relief. In the subsequent chapter the piglets grow up, develop human bodies, and become chief ministers to the Pandyan king. A number of the pig-headed ministers stand in anijalimudra
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17 Section of a Nayaka period open manQapa from exterior (A) to the highest central aisle (C). In A the ceiling rests upon a single pu,papotika (flower-bud bracket capital); in B there is an additional lateral puspapotika and a seated si,mha (lion); in C a detached beam (black square) and another block with foliate edge is placed between the seated sirmhaand the additional lateral pu$papotika.
beneath the royal hunter on the right side of the
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composite column. Two small male portrait images in anjalimudrnface into the central section. At the south end of this man.dapaa high basement with the usual sequence of moldings on the north side and stairs on each side leads up through a small doorway to the next KampattatiMandapa. The Tiruvacci Man.dapais now partially enclosed with later infilling walls on east and west, but it was originally open-sided and lighter. On the east side a short staircase leads past the northeast corner of the enclosed KampattatiMandapa to a gateway through the prdkdrawall leading to the tank. To the north of this path is a modern building used as a school for training priests, founded in 1992, and opposite it is a small, square, sixteencolumn mandapa with two small portrait images attached to the central columns around the platform where images of deities would be placed during a festival. This tank on the east side of the temple, the Laksmitirtha,is square with steps at the center of each side (fig. 19). It is used for ritual bathing by devotees rather than as a teppakkulam(festival water tank) for the celebration of a float festival (teppotsava). The temple's festival tank with the distinctive central mandapa lies farther away to the northwest. On the west side of the Tiruvacci Mandapa a corridor leads round past the temple kitchens, storerooms, and a Vinayakar(Gan.esa)shrine to the open space of the west side of the prakdra and a side entrance to
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the KampattatiMandapa. Several of the composite columns in this side corridor have very worn male portrait images in anijalimudra,each about one meter high, attached to them.
ENTERINGTHESACREDHEARTOFTHETEMPLE The walled enclosure, smaller size, and interior darkness of the KampattatiMandapa (G in fig. 2) distinguish it from the two outer ones, the Astana (A) and TiruvacciMandapas (B). It is not an independent structure, acting more just as an infill of columns and corridors,yet it marks a clear entrance into the sacred core of the temple.5'The composite columns of this mandapa form a T-shaped section running between the outer entrance from the TiruvacciMandapa to the inner staircaseleading to the mahamandapa and across the front of these stairs to a plain shrine for the two utsavamurtis(festival images) of Skanda/Murukan and Devasena on the west side (H). The north-south axis is disrupted as is usual in Tamil temples, however,
(sacrificial (flagpole),balip7tha by the dhvajastambha altar),and threevahanas(animalvehicles)- Nandi for Siva,a peacockfor Skanda,and a ratfor Gan.esa so worshipersmust movearoundthis fencedarea.The is veryhigh.The columnsand ceilingin this man.dapa compositecolumnsareall the usualTamilDravida five-parttype,with alternatingcubicaland chamfered sections,but with exceptionallyhigh basements beneathto ensurethe evenproportionsof the four upperpartsof the corecolumns.The roof is raised alongthe T-shapedsectionwith seatedsimhaand pu.papotikdcapitals,but no detachedbeam.At the intersectionin frontof the vahanashigh-relief,lifesize maleportraitimageson the compositecolumns faceinwardtowardthe mainshrine,and dvdrapalas faceoutwardtowardapproachingworshipers.Two staircasesleadsteeplyupwardfromthis mandapato in the centerdirectlybeforethe the mahaman.dapa caveshrineandto a Sanmukha(six-faced,Skanda) shrinein the southeastcornerof this templecomplex, builtagainstthe rockface(L).
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and gopurafrom the east. 19 Lak$mTt-irtha
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Withinthe Sanmukhashrine(L) an aisleof compositecolumnsleadsfromthe staircaseon the northside to a smallshrineagainstthe southwall containingmetalimagesof Skanda/Murukan and his two wives,Devasena(Devayanai)andValli.An additionalshrineto Centilantavar(Murukanat Tirucendur)is in the northwestcorner;metalimages of the Nayanmars,the sixty-threeTamilSaivapoetsaints,areplacedon a platformall alongthe west wall.The main shrineis a recentaddition,however, for originallytherewasjust a throneplatformfor festivalritualsat the south end of this darkroom. This originalarrangementis clearnot only fromthe modernmaterialsusedto makethe shrinebut also becauseone of the two life-size,royalportraitimages (P) attachedto compositecolumnsalongsideis now obscuredby the shrine. Thesemalefiguresarestandingin an-jalimudra as usual.Theyareapproximately 16ocentimetershigh but areraisedon bases68 and 55centimetershigh,and so theirraisedhandsareat eye level.The two arevery similar,barslightdifferencesin theirheaddress-the tight-fitting,turbanlikehat wornby royalfiguresin southernTamilnaduonly fromthe earlyseventeenth Bothhavea sharplydefinednose, muscentury.52 tache,and eyes.Theywearheavyearringscomposed of fourlargebeadsthathavestretchedtheirearlobes; a hole throughthe stone has been createdby the sculptorto realisticallysuggestthe earrings'weight. A long, three-stringnecklacereachesdown overtheir round,well-fedstomachsthatbulgeovera jeweled belt.Thickbandsandbanglesareplacedaround upperarmsandwrists.Theyarenakedto the waist as usual,but wearan ankle-lengthcloth delineated with finelypatternedfoliatedecoration.53 Twosmaller maleportraitsareplacedon the sidesof the columns. Theyareplacedon the eastside of this room to faceboth the throneplatform,now a shrine,upon whichportableimagesof deitieswouldhavebeen placedduringfestivals,and also the staircasefrom the mahdmandapa andthe main caveshrineat the heartof the temple.Thoughthereareno associated inscriptions,they areverylike the pairidentifiedas of the MaduraiNayakaTirumala,and perhapshis
brotherMuttuKrishnappa, in the TirumalaMandapa at Alagarkoyil just northof Madurai(fig. 20).54 These examples,and indeedtwo furtherexamplesin this templeat Tirupparankundram (fig. 21) together with othersprovisionallyidentifiedas Tirumalaat Srivilliputtur, Srirangam,and Tiruppuvanam, are best-termed"Tirumala-type," as it cannotbe certain thatthey areboth Tirumala.Theirsimilaritywith the figurein the PutuMan.dapa at Maduraiundoubtedly of this well-knownkingsuggests,however,thatsuch an identificationis reliable.As discussedabove,the distinctivedifferencein headwearof theseimages comparedwith the two late sixteenth-century examplesin the gopurameansthatthereis no reason to believetheseimagesshouldbe associatedwith the only Nayakainscriptionsat the site,datedto 1583-84 in the gopura. As suggestedabove,the mahamandapa(K in fig. 2) mayhavebeen built in the eleventhor twelfth century,but the presentstructureis substantially a seventeenth-century reconstruction.Composite columnswith two attachedcolumnson the north and south sidessupporta six-meter-highceiling;a platformagainstthe northwallhas metalimages. As the worshiperentersfromthe Kampattati Mandapa,smalldoorson threesidesleadeastward to the Sanmukhashrine,to the Ammanshrine, andpalliyaraion the west and upwardagainto the ardhamandapa directlyin frontof the eighth-century caveshrine.Thissmall,enclosedspaceis now very hot and dark,lit only by oil lamps.Fourseventeenthcenturycompositecolumnssupportthis small structure,with two furthercolumnsalignedwith the two eighth-centurycolumnsof the caveshrine.The is chieflynotablefor the two royal ardhamandapa portraitgroupsalongsidethe entranceto the caveon the eastside (P). Theseareagainof the Tirumalatype,verysimilarin dress,size,and anatomyto the two in the Sanmukhashrinedescribedabove,and they areroughlylife-size(see fig.21). Theyfaceinward towardthe worshipersandpriestsbeforethe shrine, andthe deitiespresentthere.As atAlagarkoyiland in the PutuMan.dapa,theseroyalportraitimagesarenot alonebut areaccompaniedby theirqueens;herethe
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inner king is accompanied by two queens, one on each side. The outer queen is on an extended basement attached to the side of the composite column in order that she can turn to face the main rather than shrine with her hands in an*tjalimudrdi, the outward toward the worshipers, as queens do at
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Alagarkoyil. The last major addition to this temple complex was the Astdna Mandjapain front of the gopura, but in the final decade of the seventeenth century (A in fig. 2). The long approach through the gopura's gateway,the Tiruv;acciand Kampattati Mandjapas, to the and the ardhamanduapa, the mahdimand.zaPa cave shrine was thus extended with another grand entrance mandapa. The structure of the Astana Maiicjap is ve-rylikepthat of the TiruivacciManinjapaa
an interiorspacesurroundedby two concentricaisles. is raisedon a high basementwith The whole mandiapa an upapqhaand adhisthdna,the formernow largely buried.A deeplycurvedeaverunsacrossthe frontand a short distancealongthe sideswith a row of brickand-plasterroof forms,alternatingkcitasand ?dalas, above. Originally the mandapa was open on all sides,
and thoughnow shopssellingreligiousparaphernalia it make the columns walls between composite infilling feel more enclosed.The northerncompositecolumns at the front have huge attached figures: rearingy lis
aln annit temple the at ars the cornerslarge rn and horsemenin the center,and threddevoteesaprachingev
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deities holding bows standing in open aedicules attached to the front of the corner composite column (fig. 22). These two are Skanda at the northeast and ofePnku,ni (atrth-Ari) Tamil moreninthh cornes, forg Cfiran, the demon killed by him, at the northwest.
This mythic event is celebrated each year on the
Streetthesefiguralcompositecolumnsof theAstana of the Mandapagreetthem,with the superstructure gopurasoaringaboveagainstthe backdropof the rock, "theHill of Skanda." The interiorof this mandapais dominatedby the centralspaceemphasizedby the highestroof and its inward-facingfiguralsculpture(fig. 23).Likethe the AstanaMandapa'sflatroofs TiruvacciManidapa, ascendfromthe outerconcentricaisletowardthe centerby meansof additionalcapitalelements(see fig.17).The centralspacewith the highestceilingthus has a seatedsimha,detachedbeam,andpu.papotikd, manyof the latterhavingparakeetsattachedto the points.The additionof lifelikebirds,cats,snakes, or monkeysin high-reliefor fullyin the roundto columncapitals,eaves,or wallsis a distinctivefeature temples of latersixteenth-and seventeenth-century in Tamilnadu.The whole structureis supportedon largecompositecolumns,all of similarfive-partcore columnson baseswith one or moreattachedcolumns dependingon theirlocation:set diagonallyfor the innerside of cornercompositecolumns,for example, or with threeattachedcolumnsset on the outer 23 Interior of Astana Maniapa.
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sides of cornercompositecolumns.The composite columns'attachedcolumnsdemarkthe centralspace and the concentricaislearoundit as locationsfor the movementof worshipersand the deitiesin procession, whilethe outermostaisleis just a frame.The stress on thesespacesis emphasizedby the figuralsculpture attachedto manyof the compositecolumns,framing the centralspaceand facingtowardthe shrineand the deitiescomingin processionfromthe north end of the mandapaAs worshipersenterthe mandapa on the main centralaxis they aregreetedby a pair as in the TiruvacciMandapa of dvarapalas, (fign 24)p Thoughfrom an artisticor technicalviewpointthese arenot amongthe finestfiguralcompositecolumn sculpturesin Tamilnadu,therearethreeparticularly noteworthysculpturesamidthe generallySaiva subjectmatterindicatedon the annotatedplan (see fig.2).
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At the center of the west side is a large divine marriage scene, very similar to the more familiar scenes in the Putu Mandapa and KampattatiMan.dapa of the Mindksi-Sundaresvaratemple at Madurai, but here the marriage is of Skanda and Devasena with Indra, Devasena's father, in attendance (fig. 25). Opposite this scene is a royal portrait group, which, together with many of the architecturalfeatures described, suggests a late seventeenth-century date for the Astana Mandapa (fig. 26). The portrait group is unusual, consisting of a queen flanked by a smaller male figure half her height, both in an-jalimudra; usually if a queen is accompanying a king, then the male figure is larger and more prominent. On the basis of a ceiling painting in the Minaks.i-Sundaresvara temple at Madurai with Tamil and Telugu labels alongside a very similar depiction of these two figures at the divine marriage of Minak.s-and Sundaresvara, the sculptures in the Astana Man.dapaare identified as Queen Mangammal, who ruled as regent from ca. 1689 to 1706, and her grandson VijayarangaChokkanatha of Madurai (fig. 27).55 Another figural composite column sculpture on the east side of the mandapa depicts a courtly couple embracing, the man standing behind the woman and pulling her long plait; another similar couple in high relief is sculpted at the northwest corner of the Tiruvacci Mandapa (fig. 28). With a broad view of the South Asian artistic tradition, both chronologically and geographically,one could identify these as a mithuna, a loving man and woman, much like those seen on a wide range of temples across India. But mithuna imagery is not common or prominent in the specific context of Tamil sculpture in any period, and is certainly not a prevalent feature of sixteenth- and seventeenth-century architecturalsculpture, except on a modest scale among the brick-and-plaster images that cover the superstructures of some vimanas and gopuras.56 Such depictions of a courtly or royal couple I-
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are very unusual in public architecturalsculpture in this period, when kings and queens usually appear in attitudes of devotion either before shrines, as in the cave shrine at Tirupparankundramor more usually on the major routes taken by deities in procession
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24 Dvarapala at entrance to Astana ManIapa.
duringfestivals.Thispublicproclamationof identity as a devotedworshiperof the deities,expressed throughlife-sizestone architecturalsculpturein templesettings,contrastswith a notabletheme in the decorativeartsfromthe Nayakaperiod.Forimagesof kingsin ivories,both fullyroundfiguresup to thirty centimetershigh or in reliefsfromboxesor combs, used in moreprivatedomesticor courtlysettings,and on paintedtextiles,royalcouplesaredepictedin erotic poses often in palacesettings.57 Thereis then not just a contrastin scaleand artisticmediumbetween architecturalsculptureand thesedecorativearts,but a differencein the publicidentityof the king as the devotedworshiperand the privaterepresentation of his eroticidentity.The iconographyof these compositecolumnsculpturesat Tirupparankundram is thus unusualin the contextof Nayakaperiod architecturalsculpture.
25 Composite column with divine marriage of Skanda and Devasena, Astina Mandapa.
ARCHITECTURE, PATRONAGE, AND FESTIVAL RITUAL
Comparedwith manyTamiltemplesof the sixteenth and seventeenthcenturies,the Skandatempleat is strikingfor the veryclear Tirupparankundram singleaxisof approach.All the main structuresof this templeguidethe approachingworshiperinward and upwardto the coreof the temple,the earliercave shrine.The Nayakaperiodarchitectswereclearly concernedwith definingboth the sacredareaof the templecomplexwith enclosurewallsand a gopura, and the approachto the most importantshrine througha seriesof mandapas.Boththe alignmentof the templeand the angleof approacharedetermined by the originalsite of the excavatedcave,a limitation not presentfor templeson open sites.The awareness of correctalignmentis, however,suggestedat Tirupparankundram by the teppakkulam (festival tank) aboutfivehundredmetersto the northwest of the temple,wheretherewas no limitationon its locationand thus it is more accuratelyalignedwith the cardinalpoints (fig. 29). Thistankis for use duringthe annualteppotsava when,on one dayin the year,the deitiesareplacedon a teppam,a floating temple,and pulledseveraltimes aroundthe waterfilledtankduringthe dayand night of the festival. As usual,this teppakkulam is square,with stepsat the centerof eacheighty-meter-longside.A low wallframesthe tankwith small,seatedbulls and peacocksat the corners;rowsof triangularholes on
the innerside arefor oil lamps,lit for the nighttime At the centerof the tankis a sixcircumnavigation. teen-columnedpavilion,termeda nrralimandapa.A smallshrineand attachedmandapafacetowardthe tankon the west side. The constructionof the temple'smandapasalso stressestheirarchitecturalfunctionas corridorsor, betterstill,as galleriesto move through.Thistemple is strikingfor the relativeabsenceof specifically festival-related structures,such as utsavamandapas. Processionsand the temporaryplacementof deities in prescribedlocations,especiallyin mandapas,are keyfeaturesof templefestivals.Festivalmandapas area majorfeatureof Tamiltemplesfromthe twelfth centuryon. Theyhavepreviouslybeen namedhundred-or thousand-columnmandapason account of theirapproximatesize,or as kalyan3amandapas functionas a location referringto some man.4apas' for the celebrationof a divinemarriagefestival.Given thatthe divinemarriageof a god and goddessis only one of the manytypesof festivalcelebratedin of this form,they arebettertermedmore man.dapas than specifically generallyfestivalor utsavamandapas Festivalman.dapas arecolumned kalydanaman.apas. hallscharacterized by pronouncedcentralaislesthat arewiderwith a higherceilingthanthe aislesto either side,and they areoften framedby figuralsculpture, leadingto a throneplatformfor the temporary placementof deitiesat one end. The relativeabsenceof specificallyfestival-related structuresin this templedoes not, however,suggest thatno festivalstakeplacein the temple:processions takeplaceboth withinthe templeand outsideits boundariesaroundthe town. Shortprocessions relatedto one-dayfestivals,such as on full moon or new moon days,go out as faras the Kampattati Man.dapa, going clockwisearoundthe vahanas, Duringthe major balipqha,and dhvajastambha. festivalsthat occurin most of the Tamilmonths eachyear,processionsgo to the TiruvacciandAstana the centralareasof whichareused for Mand.apas, the temporarydisplayof the utsavamurtis. Astana indeedmeansa courtor placeof royalaudience,a suitablesettingfor the festivalof divineroyalty.A
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27 Ceilingpaintingof Mangammal,MTnfksi-Sundaretvara
swing (fincal) and a marriage (kalyana) festival take place in the Tiruvacci Mandapa, for example, with temporary decorations including banana fronds tied to the columns, an applique cloth suspended from
day float festival in early Tai (january- February), clockwise all around the sacred hill on a ter (rathia) on the penultimate day of the fourteen-day Pankuni brahmotsava(March-April) (fig. 30), the day following their marriage within the temple, and
the central ceiling, and a wooden structure erected for the enthronement of the deities. Such temporary structures were undoubtedly an essential element of festival ritual prior to the creation of permanent, stone festival mandapas, especially from the sixteenth century on. A constant theme in the development of South Asian architecture is the translation of temporary structures made from impermanent materials, such as cloth, clay, and wood, into more permanent features in durable materials, such as stone or metal. Deities from the temple also go in procession outside the temple's precincts: Skanda/Murukan and Devasena go to the teppakkulamfor the one-
temple at Madurai.
during the month of Cittirai (April-May) Murukan and PavalaKanivani Peruml (Visnu) travel the seven kilometers to Madurai for four days to attend the and Sundaresvara. wedding celebrations of Miniaks-1 These two deities return the favor by attending Murukan and Devasena's wedding on the twelfth day of the Pankuni brahmotsava. Patronage by the Madurai Nayakas at Tirupparankundramis clear from the inscriptions in the temple's gopura and the portrait sculpture of Mangammal in the Astana Mandlapa,and probably from the two portraits in the gopura and the four Tirumala-type portrait sculptures in the inner
sections of the temple. The Madurai Nayakaswere active patrons of architecture in the Madurai region, in Madurai itself and at both Tirupparankundramto the southwest and Alagarkoyilto the north. Stylistic features of the mandapas and the gopura connect Tirupparankundramwith similar temples built in
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the late sixteenth and seventeenth centuries at these sites, together with similar portrait sculptures usually identified as Tirumala. The connections among the temples of Madurai, Alagarkoyil,and Tirupparankundramthat have been
28 High-relief sculpture of loving couple, Tiruvacci Mandapa.
suggested here through an analysis of the architectural and sculptural forms are further supported by the festivals celebrated in each temple that create one vast sacred, royal space whose focal point is the MinaksiSundaresvaratemple in Madurai.58The Madurai Nayakas'patronage was not confined to architecture: the development of festival rituals, which had such a striking impact on the layout of these temples and their use, was also an arena for patronage by kings and others. Tirumala is regarded as the founder of the great Cittirai festival, uniting two different festivals, one at the Vaisnavatemple at Alagarkoyil with another at the Saiva Minaksi-Sundaresvara temple in order to promote the unity of the Madurai region and its people, a festival in which the deities of
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arealso involved.59 The festival Tirupparankundram celebrationsthatconnectthesetemplesin the present areexpressedarchitecturally in the greatexpansion of buildingactivityat all thesesitesin the sixteenth and seventeenthcenturies,and the emphasisof this architecturalactivityis preciselyon the dramatization of those festivals.
con
CRISPINBRANFOOT,Ph.D. (1998) in art and m LU
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archaeology at the School of Orientaland AfricanStudies (SOAS), Universityof London, is currentlya research fellow in South Asian art and architectureat De MontfortUniversity, Leicester,U.K.His publications include articles in ArtibusAsiae and South Asian Studies, and a forthcoming book entitled Gods on the Move: Architectureand Ritualin the South Indian Temple.E-mail:cbranfoot@&dmu.ac.uk.
By focusingon the "lifehistory"of the Skanda templeat Tirupparankundram, a numberof importantthemesin the developmentof Tamil templearchitectureovera thousandyearshave been illustratedand explored.Froma modest, but importantexampleof rock-cutarchitecture and sculpturein the eighthcentury,the temple expandedoverthe subsequentmillenniuminto the majortempleseen today,much of it built in the culturallydynamicperiodin the late sixteenthand seventeenthcenturies.This developmentinvolved not only architecturalexpansionbut a shiftin dedicationfromDurgato Skandain the fourteenth or fifteenthcentury.Thisshift in dedicationwas due, at leastin part,to the associationof the site with the developmentof an overlappingTamilMuslimcult to Iskandarand SikandarShah,the last rulerof the local Madurasultanate,the capitalof whichwas probably at Tirupparankundram and not nearbyMadurai.This Hindutemplealso illustratesthe planningemphasis throughouton the singleaxisof accessdirectly inward,throughsuccessiveincreasinglysacredspaces to the caveshrineat the temple'sheart.The Nayaka periodexpansionof the templeutilizedthe distinctive architecturalcompositecolumn,allowingwider, higher,and moreopen mandapas,oftenwith major figuralsculpturesof deitiesand royalimagesattached. Suchroyalportraitureand furtherevidencefrom inscriptionsdemonstratethat much of the templewas built underthe patronageof the MaduraiNayakas, who werealso importantpatronsof the region's festivalritual.Thus,fromonly a smallcavetemplein the eighthcentury,the templeat Tirupparankundram expandedinto a muchlargertemplecomplexin the sixteenthand seventeenthcenturies,the layout and designof whichillustratethe artisticvitality of this importantperiodin Tamilartand architecture.*:
NOTES I wouldliketo thankthe BritishAcademy,the Schoolof OrientalandAfricanStudies,De andthe Societyfor South MontfortUniversity, AsianStudiesfortheirgenerousassistancein supportof this research,andthe FrenchInstitute of Pondicherryforpermissionto publishthree of its photographs.I amverygratefulto the anonymousreader,BarbaraBrend,SheilaBlair, Nile Green,and SheilaCanby,AnnaDallapiccola, ElizabethLambournfortheirgenerouscommentsandadviceon this article.All illustrations areby the author,unlessotherwiseindicated. i. Hindudeitieshavemanynames,some
localto a regionor a particulartempleand some pan-Indian.In Tamilnadu, the panIndiandeitySkandais moreoftennamed in Sanskritor Murukanin Subramanya Tamil.Murukanis the namefor an ancient Tamildeitywho cameto be identifiedwith the SanskritdeitySkanda,an association thatdatesbackto fourthor fifthcentury I havegenerallyused A.D., if not earlier. Skandato namethe deityherebut have retainedthe nameMurukanin someplaces to emphasizethe Tamilcontextof the discussion.Skanda,Subramaniya, andMurukan are,nevertheless, consideredto be the same deity. 2. FredClothey,TheManyFacesof Murugan: The History and Meaning of a South Indian
God(The Hague:MoutonPublishers, 1978),116,124-27. Some Tamils, however,
locateSkanda/Murukan's sixthabodeat a hill abovethe Alakar Palamutircholai, nearMadurai. templeatAlagarkoyil 3. George L. Hart, The Poems of the Ancient Tamil: Their Milieu and Their Sanskrit
Counterparts (New Delhi:OxfordUniversity Press1975;reprint,1999), 22; KamilV. Zvelebil, Tamil Traditionson Subramanya-
Murugan(Madras:Instituteof Asian Studies,1991),84.Clothey,ManyFacesof Murugan,125,injectsa note of cautionin assessingthesesources,however,indicating that"thereis at leastsome questionwhether the presentsite is the sameas thatassociated with Murukanin the pre-mediaeval literature."I will returnto this issuebelow. 4. Clothey, Many Faces of Murugan, 66, 218 n. 47. Clotheysuggeststhatthe
Tirumurukdrrupatai,though substantially of
fourth-fifth-centurydate,haseleventhtwelfth-century portions.An introduction andtranslationis in J.V.Chelliah, Pattupattu: Ten Tamil Idylls (Madras: South
IndianSaivaSiddhantaWorksPublishing Society,1962), 331-61.
5.Theenclosurewallextendsfortymeters fartheron the westsideandis builtup to the rockface.TheLaksmitirtha on the eastside is square.
6.Theliteratureon Tamilcavetemplesin in particular generalandin Pandyanadu includesP.Z. Pattabiramin, Sanctuaires Rupestres de l'Indedu Sud,vol.2, Tamilnadu et Kerala(Pondicherry: InstitutFrancais Madurai d'Indologie,1975); D. Devakunjari, throughtheAges:FromtheEarliestTimesto 1801A.D. (Madras:SocietyforArchaeological, HistoricalandEpigraphical Research, 1979),105-13; OdileDivakaran, "Some Characteristics of the EarlyBrahmanical Cavesin the PandyanCountry," in NewInterpretations Kusumanjali: of Indian Artand Culture,ed. M. S. NagarajaRao (Delhi:AgamKalaPrakasham, 1987),173-78; R.Nagaswamy, "SomeContributionsof the Pandyato SouthIndianArt,"ArtibusAsiae 27 (1964-65): 265-74, who discussestwo of the earliestPandyancavesat Pillaiyarpatti andKunnakkudi; C. Sivaramamurti, andEarlyPandyanRockKalugumalai CutShrines(Bombay:N. M. Tripathi, 1961); P. R. Srinivasan, in the "Sculptures TwoRock-CutVaisnavaCaveTemples at Namakkal," ArtibusAsiae24 (1961): 107-16; VidyaDehejia,TheNammakalCaves (Madras:StateDepartmentof Archaeology, Governmentof Tamilnadu, 1969). Thelatter two publicationsprovidea detailedanalysis of the cavesand sculptureat Nammakal, but with littlediscussionof the laterNayaka periodtemplesexpandedfromthem at the site.Thecaveat Tirupparankundram merits similartreatmentin the largercontextof Pandyanart,but the emphasishereis on the architectural transformation of the site in the sixteenthandseventeenthcenturies to illustratethe keyartisticthemesof the Nayakaperiod. 7.Forthe maincaveat Tirupparankundram, see Devakunjari, MaduraithroughtheAges, 1o6-io; and Sivaramamurti, Kalugumalai
andEarlyPandyanRock-Cut Shrines,32-34, pI.23.
8.AnnualReporton SouthIndianEpigraphy, no. 37 (1908): 70. The fulltextof the inscription is translatedin IndianAntiquary22 (1893): 67-68.
9. Fora descriptionof this relief,see MaduraithroughtheAges,log. Devakunjari, lo.AnnualReportonIndianEpigraphy, no. 143 (1951).
11.G.VenkataRao,"TwoAnaimalai Inscriptions," Epigraphia Indica,8 (1905-6): 317-21.
12.AnnualReporton SouthIndianEpigraphy, nos. 238-50 (1941). Nos. 251-59 (1941) are
furtherfragmentary twelfth-or thirteenthcenturyPandyaninscriptionsthathave beenbuiltinto the laterstructure.It is possiblethatthe thirteenth-century temple extendedas faras the presententranceto the Kampattati Mandapa,perhapswithjust a smalldoorwaythroughan enclosurewall, thoughthe columned,enclosedstructure seentodayis substantially a seventeenthcenturyconstruction. 13.BurtonStein,"DeviShrinesandFolk Hinduismin MediaevalTamilnad," in Studiesin theLanguage andCultureof South Asia,ed. EdwinGerowandMargeryD. Lang(SeattleandLondon:Universityof WashingtonPress,1973),75-90. 14.AnnualReporton SouthIndianEpigraphy, nos.337-39 (1918).ForMaravarman Kulagekhara I'schronology,see N. Sethuraman,TheImperialPandyas: Mathematics Reconstructs theChronology (Kumbakonam: Raman&Raman,1978), 97-101. 15.SeeKamilZvelibil,TheSmileofMurugan:
On TamilLiterature of SouthIndia(Leiden: E.J.Brill,1973),237-46. 16.Hart,Poemsof theAncientTamil,22; Burton andthe Historical Stein,"Circulation Geographyof TamilCountry," Journalof Asian Studies 37.1 (1977):
7-26;
Burton Stein,
PeasantStateandSocietyin MedievalSouth India(Delhi:OxfordUniversityPress,1980; reprint,1994), 368, 443-51. 17.On the developmentof Muslimsociety andthe religioustraditionin Tamilnadu, see SusanBayly,Saints,Goddesses, and Kings:Muslimsand Christians in South IndianSociety,1700-1900 (1989;reprint, NewDelhi:CambridgeUniversityPress, 1992), SusanBayly,"CultSaints,Heroes, andWarriorKings:SouthAsianIslamin the Making," in ReligionandPublicCulture: Encounters andIdentitiesin ModernSouth India,ed. KeithE.YandellandJohnJ.Paul (Richmond:CurzonPress,2000),193-210; MehrdadShokoohy,MuslimArchitecture of SouthIndia:TheSultanateofMa'barand theTraditions of theMaritimeSettlerson theMalabarandCoromandel Coasts(Tamil Nadu,KeralaandGoa) (LondonandNew York:RoudedgeCurzon, 2003).
-le Z oZ z
177)
18.Shokoohy,MuslimArchitecture of South India, 57-65; MehrdadShokoohy,
"Architecture of the Sultanateof Ma'barin Madura,andOtherMuslimMonuments in SouthIndia,"Journalof theRoyalAsiatic Society, ser. 3, 1.1(1991):31-92, esp. 36-42,
67-74. 19.Shokoohy, Muslim Architectureof South India, 31. 20.
Bayly,Saints, Goddesses,and Kings, 104-50.
21. Bayly,Saints, Goddesses,and Kings, io8-1o.
22.Vesta SarkhoshCurtis,PersianMyths
(London:BritishMuseumPress,1993),5659;A. J.Arberry, ClassicalPersian Literature
(Richmond:CurzonPress,1958;reprint, 1994), 43, 126, 448; Norah Titley, Persian Miniature Painting (London: British Library, 1983), 251-56.
23.See Titley, Persian Miniature Painting, figs. 60, 61;Oleg Grabar and Sheila Blair, Epic Images and ContemporaryHistory: Illustrations of the GreatMongol Shahnama
(ChicagoandLondon:Universityof Chicago Press, 1980). 24. Quoted in The History of India as Told by Its
Own Historians: The Muhamamdan Period,
ed. H. M. ElliotandJohnDowson(London: 25.
York and Tokyo:Weatherhill, 1985), 591.
A rightlyskepticalJ.H. Nelsontracesthis emphasison TirumalaNayakato contemporaryJesuitaccountsfromthe seventeenth century.J.H. Nelson,TheMaduraCountry: A Manual(Madras:Governmentof Madras,
RoutledgeCurzon, 2003), xxii.
26.SeeG.Yazdani, "Inscriptions of the Khalji Sultansof DelhiandTheirContemporaries in Bengal,"in EpigraphiaIndo-Moslemica (1917-18), 8-42, esp. 18-20, 24; J.A. Page,
9 (1907-8): 328-41, for five copper plates
in Sanskritdated1567-68 describingthe constructionof the templeby Krishnappa Nayakaof Madurai(1564-72) andthe grantof villagesandlandto the templeby theVijayanagara Two kingSadashivaraya. inscriptions(MadrasReportson Epigraphy, nos. 16-17 [1912] ) on eithersideof the entranceto the mainshrineof the temple aredated1563-64 and1577-78. Thereis no reasonto suggestthatthis templewas not builtentirelybetweenca.1563and 1578. GeorgeMicheil'ssuggestionthatthe sculpturesin this temple,andsimilarones at Tirukkurunkudi andTenkasi,dateto the earlyeighteenthcenturyplacesthem150 yearstoo late.SeeGeorgeMichell,Artand
Qutb,Delhi(Calcutta:Governmentof India, 1926),34-39. Forexamplesof standardized coinswith the "secondAlexander" titleon the reverse,see MohammedAbdulWali Khan, Gold and Silver Coins of Sultans of Delhi in the Andhra Pradesh State Museum, Hyderabad (Hyderabad: Government of
AndhraPradesh,1974), 4, 28-32.
CD
Bayly,Saints, Goddesses,and Kings, 1o8.
28. Arjun Appadurai, "Kings, Sects and
Templesin SouthIndia,1300-1700
A.D."
in South Indian Temples:An Analytical
C1
Reconsideration,ed. Burton Stein (Delhi: m :
78J
1868), 166.
Indica see Epigraphia 33.ForKrishnapuram,
Memoirs of the ArchaeologicalSurvey of India, no. 22, An Historical Memoir on the
CD
ofAncientIndia:Buddhist,Hindu,Jain(New
BarbaraBrend, Perspectiveson Persian
Khamsah(LondonandNewYork:
UJ)
Authorities, 1991). 32.See,for example,SusanHuntington,TheArt
Trubner and Co., 1871),3:169. Painting: Illustrations to Amir Khusrau's
27.
in Chieftansof the 14thandi5thcenturies," Aksayanivi: EssaysPresentedtoDebalaMitra, ed. GouriswarBhattacharya (Delhi:Sri SatguruPublications,1991),365-74. andPolitical 29. SheldonPollock,"Ramayan.a Imaginationin India,"JournalofAsian Studies52.2 (1993): 261-97. 30. Clothey,ManyFacesofMurugan,113. 3i.AnnualReporton SouthIndianEpigraphy, nos. 262, 263 (1941). Twofurtherinscriptions alsoin TamilandTeluguin this gateway(MadrasReportsonEpigraphy, nos. 860, 86i [1917]) andboth datedSaka 1593 (A.D. 1670-71) givea detailedgenealogy of the GingeeNayakasandstatethat Varadappa Nayakagavesomeland,a golden palanquin,andprovisionforservicein the centralshrineon his waybackfrom Rameshvaram on pilgrimage.Furthersecondaryliteratureon the sitemaybe found in Devakunjari, MaduraithroughtheAges, 312-16; P. Kirushnasami, Tirupparankunram ArulmikuSuppiramaniyasuvami Tirukk6yil Talavaralaru (Tirupparankundram: Temple
Vikas Publishing House, 1978), 48-73;
RichardDavis, Lives of Indian Images (Princeton:PrincetonUniversityPress,
Architecturein Southern India: Vijayanagara
1997),113-42; Venkata Raghotam, "Ritual
Cambridge University Press, 1995),186-89;
andEconomicExchangesin Transactions LateMediaevalSouthIndia:A Studyof the CulturalPoliticsof Vijayanagara Warrior
GeorgeMichell,HinduArtandArchitecture (London:Thames&Hudson,2000),184.
and theSuccessor States(Cambridge:
seeAnnualReporton ForTiruchengodu, no. 646 (1905), SouthIndianEpigraphy, whichrecordsthe constructionof the mandapain frontof theArdhandriivara templeon the hill in Saka1521 (1599-1600); no. 649 (1905) recordsa giftof landby Chokkanatha Nayakaof Maduraiin Saka 1588(1666-67); no. 654 (1905) on the ceiling of thegopurain the Kailasanatha temple recordsthe constructionof thegopuraand on hill in the templeof Kasi-Visvesvara reignof VisvanathaChokkalinga in Saka 1585(1663-64).
ForSrirangam, seeAnnualReporton South IndianEpigraphy, inscriptionsnos. 102-4 in Telugu, (1937) on the GarudaMan.dapa aredatedSaka1596,Saka1593,andSaka 1596 (1671-72 and1674-75) andreferto the constructionof the Gopalakrsna temple by ChinnaBommaNayuduof Madurai duringthe reignof Chokkanatha Nayaka (r. 1659-82).
34.JamesFergusson,HistoryofIndianand EasternArchitecture (London:JohnMurray, 1876), 285.
Architecture: 35.AdamHardy,IndianTemple FormandTransformation (New Delhi:Indira GandhiNationalCenterforthe Arts,1995), 18.Foran examinationof theseideasin the of Madurai,see Nayakaperiodarchitecture CrispinBranfoot,"Approaching the Temple in Nayaka-Period Madurai:TheKutalAlakar Temple,"ArtibusAsiae 60.2
(2000):
197-221.
36.Theruinedoutergopuraof the mid-late twelfth-century Airavatesvara templeat Darasuramhas similarlatticedwindows on eithersideof the gateway,but rather thanbeingin relieftheyare"blind"in the senseof beingplacedin a shallowniche. JamesC. Harlerefersto the westgopuraat Chidambaram as havingan internalcorridorwith a latticedwindowthatwouldadmit lightto this passage.JamesC. Harle,Temple Gatewaysin SouthIndia:TheArchitecture andIconography of theCidambaram Gopuras (Oxford: Bruno Cassirer,1963), 57.
37.See,for example,DouglasBarrett,EarlyCola Architecture andSculpture (London:Faber and Faber,1974),
27-32,
126-27.
38.SeeCrispinBranfoot,"RoyalPortrait Sculpturein the SouthIndianTemple," SouthAsianStudies16(2000): 11-36. 39.Thedecliningprevalenceof inscriptions, whetherin stoneon buildingsor copperplategrants,in the sixteenthandseventeenthcenturiesin the Tamilcountry, comparedwith earlier,is clearfroma survey of the publishedlistsof inscriptionsin the
AnnualReportsof IndianEpigraphy and hasbeen notedbyVelcheruNarayanaRao, DavidShulman,andSanjaySubrahmanyam in Symbolsof Substance: CourtandState in Nayaka-Period Tamilnadu (New Delhi: OxfordUniversityPress1992), 89.Noboru Karashima hasstudiednearly1,8oo Vijayanagara period(ca. 1350-1700) inscriptions,includingnearly1,200 unpublished ones,fromthe Tamilregion.SeeNoboru Karashima, A Concordance ofNayakas:The Vijayanagar in SouthIndia(New Inscriptions Delhi:OxfordUniversityPress,2002), 2. Thiscompareswith the ca.15,000 inscriptionsrecordedfromthe Choladynasty(ca. 850-1300) in the sameregionnotedby Leslie Orrin Donors,DevoteesandDaughtersof God:TempleWomenin MedievalTamilnadu (Oxford:OxfordUniversityPress,2000), 21. "'SultanamongHindu 40. PhillipWagoner, Kings':Dress,Titles,andthe Islamicization of HinduCultureatVijayanagara," Journal ofAsianStudies55.4(1996):851-80;Anila Verghese,"CourtAttireof Vijayanagara (froma Studyof Monuments)," Quarterly Journalof theMythicSociety82.1-2 (January-June1991):43-61.Thesefigures do not wearit in conjunction,however,with the similarlyIslamicatetunic,the kabayi discussedby Wagoner. 41.Branfoot,"RoyalPortraitSculpture"; Crispin Branfoot,"Tirumala Nayaka's 'NewHall'and the EuropeanDocumentationof the South IndianTemple," Journalof theRoyalAsiatic Society11.2 (July 2001): 191-218, with annotatedplan. 42. Devakunjari, MaduraithroughtheAges,283. The mandapawasgildedaccordingto one of the Tamiltextsin WilliamTaylor,Oriental HistoricalManuscripts in theTamilLanguage (Madras:CharlesJosiahTaylor,1835),2:153. 43.A.V.Jeyechandrun, TheMaduraiTemple Complex(with SpecialReference to Literature andLegends)(Madurai:MaduraiKamaraj University,1985),305-10. 44.Nelson,MaduraCountry;R. Sathyanatha Aiyar,Historyof theNayaksofMadura (Madras:OxfordUniversityPress,1924).
45.HenryHeras,"TheStatuesof the Nayaksof Madurain the PuduMantapam," Quarterly Journalof theMythicSociety15.3(1925): 209-18. Thetempleauthoritieshaveadded paintedlabelsin Tamilovereachfigure,givingyet anothervariationon the genealogy. hasbeenbuiltinto 46. TheTiruvacciMan.dapa laterstructures: the edgeof the basement on the westis levelwith the laterfloor alongside,andstoreroomshavebeenbuilt betweencolumnsat the northwestcorners. Therowof columnsnearestthegopurais not partof the mandapa. 47.Foran extendeddiscussionof the Tamil Dravidacompositecolumn,see Crispin Branfoot"'Expanding Form':The Architectural Sculptureof the SouthIndian Temple,c. 1500-1700,"ArtibusAsiae62.2 (2002): 189-245.
48.Thebracketcapitalis one of the diagnostic featuresusedto dateTamiltemplesby the pioneeringhistorianof SouthIndian GabrielJouveau-Dubreuil architecture, in DravidianArchitecture, ed. S. Krishnaswami Aiyengar(1917;reprint,Varanasi: BharatBharati,1972). 49.Branfoot,"Tirumala Nayaka's 'NewHall."' 50.On chariot-shaped structuresin South Indiantemplearchitecture, see GerdJ.R. Mevissen,"TheSuggestionof Movement: A Contributionto the Studyof ChariotShapedStructuresin IndianTemple in Explorations in Artand Architecture," Archaeology of SouthAsia:EssaysDedicated toN. G.Majumdar, ed. DebalaMitra (Calcutta:Directorateof Archaeologyand Museums, 1996), 477-512.
51.Thesacredstatusis indicatedby the prohibitionof photographyandnon-Hindus fromhereon. Thenameof the man.dapa is thatgivento the columnedhallin many Tamiltemplesthatenclosesthe flagpole or dhvajastambha. Thereis a similarly namedmandapain Madurai'sMinaksiiSundaregvara temple.
52. Jean-Francois Hurpre,"TheRoyalJewelsof
Tirumala Nayak of Madurai (1623-1659),"
in TheJewelsof India,ed. SusanStronge (Bombay: Marg, 1995), 63-80.
53.Whilefew SouthIndiantextilessurvivefrom thisperiod,the presenceof suchdetailed andoccasionallydatedsculpturesmight proveworthyof furtherstudyfor the range of decorativemotifsandsartorialstyle. 54.SeeBranfoot,"RoyalPortraitSculpture." 55.Fora full discussionof thismaterial,see of Madurai CrispinBranfoot"Mangammal andSouthIndianPortraiture," Eastand West 51.3-4 (December 2001): 369-77.
56.Manyof thesebrick-and-plaster images seentodayon gopurasarerecentcreations. Fewsixteenth-century exampleshave survivedintactthroughthe regularrestorationsof temples.Eroticcarvingsarerareat Vijayanagara, appearingonly as smalllow reliefson columns,andonlyfromthe sixteenthcentury.SeeAnnaL.Dallapiccolaand AnilaVerghese,Sculpture at Vijayanagara: andStyle(New Delhi:Manohar Iconography andAmericanInstituteof IndianStudies, 1998),98. 57.Forexamples,see Michell,Artand Architecture in SouthernIndia,212-15. in TempleTownsof 58.C. J.Fuller,"Madurai," TamilNadu,ed. GeorgeMichell(Bombay: Marg Publications, 1993), 94-113.
59.Forthe festival,see C. J.Fuller"Royal DivinityandHumanKingshipin the Festivalsof a SouthIndianTemple," South Asian Social Scientist i.i (1985):3-43;
WilliamP.Harman,TheSacredMarriage of a HinduGoddess(Bloomingtonand IndianaUniversityPress,1989); Indianapolis: D. DennisHudson,"Siva,Minaksi,Visnu: Reflectionson a PopularMythin Madurai," in Stein,SouthIndianTemples, 107-18,D. DennisHudson,"TwoCitraFestivalsin in ReligiousFestivalsin South Madurai," IndiaandSriLanka,ed. GuyR.Welbon and GlennE.Yocum(NewDelhi:Manohar, 1982), 101-56.
Eb
rZ -% z
Z:, 4r
79
ALESSANDRA LOPEZ Y ROYO
Siwa
in
Java
The Majestic Great God and the Teacher
Mahadewa, East Java, National Museum, Jakarta.
ABSTRACT In this article, I have chosen to focus upon two particular representations of the god Siwa from both Central and East Java-Siwa the Majestic Great God and Siwa the Teacher. Through a discussion of these image types I am attempting to weave a narrative of the Javanese past in which the objects are indicative of the singularity and fluidity of the human religious experience. These two specific representations of the god Siwa in the art of classical Java are connected with Javanese religious thought as articulated in indigenous textual material, embracing the present and present-day perceptions of the Indonesian past. I examine how the creation of a typology of images is problematic due to the rigidity of categories, and in so doing I argue that style cannot be separated from the interpretive element. The representation of the male body in Javanese art is also briefly considered.
Thisarticleis basedon recentresearchon imagesof SiwafromJava.'However,this studydoes not relate the discoveryof hithertounknownimagesandthereforeit does not offera new interpretationof Javanese imagesof Siwaon thatbasis.2Rather,througha selfreflexiveengagementwith the research,I critically examinehow to interpretJavaneseimagesof Siwaand how the Javanesepastis reconstructed. Themainconcernof my researchis to see how imagesof Siwacanbe reconnectedwith theirreligious context,fromwhichtheyhavebeen divorced,by paying greaterattentionto Javanesereligioustextualmaterialandlookingat the relationshipbetweentextsand images.In doingso I haverevisitedestablishediconographicclassifications. Thisfocuson textualmaterial is expectedto be complementedby an archaeological studyof the siteswithwhichthe imagesareassociated,whenthatis possible.Scholarssuchas Gregory Schopenhaveindicatedthe importanceof connecting the studyof Buddhisttextswith the archaeological studyof Buddhistsites,andmorerecentworkon early Indianarthas usedlandscapearchaeologyto reevaluate the sculpturefromthe Sanchisite.3 Most of the workon classicalIndonesiahas not differentiated betweenarthistoryand archaeology, whichhavebeen used as a combinedtool in the studyof religiousstructures.4 The overemphasisand overdependenceon writtentexts,whichhasbeen
*wU
.Z
Il.
181
(D
:n m
criticizedin the contextof the studyof Indianreligions,especiallyBuddhism,andthe consequent impactof such a dependenceon Indianart-historicalwritingarenot a problemfound in art-historical writingfocusedon classicalJava.On the contrary, herethe role of indigenoustextualmaterialin reconstructionsof the religiousbackgroundseemsto have been underplayed; this is certainlyso in the caseof Siwaimagesand Saivism.Thusone of the aimsof the researchwasto recontextualizeSiwaandpresentthe cult and iconographyof Siwain its localform as it pertainsto Javanesereligion,througha reevaluation of relevantJavanesetextualmaterial. In the courseof the researcha numberof issues problematizedthe classificationprocessand required thatthe assumptionof neutralityof classification be explicitlyquestioned.In addition,datingimages and objectsand searchingfor a chronologicalorder thatwouldrevealan evolutionaryprogressionwere not seen as the principalgoal of researchof this kind as often stillunderstoodto be the casein writings dealingwith the artof classicalJava.5Development and progressionareassumptionsreflectingwaysof thinkingaboutthe past;theseassumptionsrevealthe relationshipof the presentwith the pastandthe constructionof whatthe archaeologistMichaelShanks has called"apastas wishedfor":"Weall producea 'pastas wishedfor'in the senseof pastswhichwe find empirically,theoretically,aestheticallyand archaeo6 logically'satisfying."' In this article,I havechosento focus upon two particularrepresentations of the god SiwafromJavaSiwathe MajesticGreatGod and Siwathe Teacher. Througha discussionof theseimagetypesI am attemptingto weavea narrativeof the Javanesepastin whichthe objectsareindicativeof the singularityand fluidityof the humanreligiousexperience.
.t
12
IMAGES:RELIGIOUS TEXTS,INSCRIPTIONS, AND TEMPLESITES
Whyarethererepresentations of the god Siwain Java?Saivismtraveledto Javawith a mixedbackground.Weknowthat Siwais a Hindugod whose
cultwas importedfromIndia,as a resultof whatat one time was referredto as the "Hinduization" of the Indonesianislandsandwas latercalled"localization of Indianinfluence."7 The impetusto adoptIndian religionshasbeen seenby historiansas beingmotivatedprincipallyby localrulers'desireto legitimize kingship:the Indianreligionsgavethem the meansto acquiregreaterpowerand/or to consolidateit.8 Neitherthe "Indianization" nor the "localization of Indianinfluence"theoryhavebeen satisfactory in explainingthe "India-Java axis."9 The theoryof of Indonesiaand SoutheastAsia "Indianization" serveda purposeduringthe colonialera,just as the "localizationof Indianinfluence"did in the postindependenceperiod.So is the attemptto see some kind of cosmopolitanismlinkingSouthand Southeast Asia,particularlyin the senseof the Sankritcosmopolis theorizedby SheldonPollock:`0 a "pastas wished for"influencedby contemporaryideasof globalnetworksandthe spreadof Englishas an international linguafranca.I will,however,leaveasideall questions of originof JavaneseSiwacults,preferringnot to engagewith the overlydebatedissueof Indianinfluence on ancientIndonesianculture.It is a topic for anotherarticleand one thatneedsto be consideredin the lightof how it relatesto present-dayconstructions of the Javanesepast. Siwaworshipseemsto haveenjoyedpopularityin Indonesiaovera periodof morethansevencenturies. The existenceof locallyfashionedimagesassociatedwith templesitesand alsoof earlyinscriptions referringto linggainstallationandthe existenceof a numberof locallycomposedtextsin Old Javanese,of variousdates,fromaboutthe tenthcentury,dealing with the worshipof Siwa,canbe takenas evidence that a cult identifiedas Siwaworshipby its practitionerslivedon for a numberof centuries.In manyways the cult of Siwais still alive.Siwaworshipis partof BalineseHinduism,'"and SaiwaTantricinfluencescan be found in kebatinanor kejawen(Javanesemysti2 JudithBecker cism;literally"thereligionof Java")). has highlightedthe impactof SaiwaTantriccults on the artisticpracticesof Javanesecourtsthrough her studyof the twentieth-century mysticalmusical
treatiseWedhaPradanggaKawedhar(Knowledgeof GamelanRevealed)."3 At a morepopularlevel,Siwaprovideda new identityfor the local gods,whosecharacteristics were seen to parallelone or anotherof the god'scomposite aspects.It wouldbe simplistic,however,to perceive the presenceof Siwain Javaand,morewidely,in Indonesia,only in this light.The presenceof literature in the Saivitemold, fromJava,verybroadlycoeval with the images,revealsgreatercomplexityand allows for a studyof the religiousbackgroundof Javanese imagesof Siwathattakesinto accountJavanese sources.Thusone canbeginto engagewith the issue of who madethe imagesandwhy. I cannotclaim(veryfarfromit) to havebeen able to makecompletesenseof the textualmaterial,which is trulyvast.'4Textsto be consideredareas diverseas literarycompositions,suchas some of the best known kakawin(Arjunawiwaha [Arjuna's Wedding]is a case in point) and otherworksthatdealmorespecifically with the expositionof doctrine.The latterarecategorizedby the expertsas tutur,proseworksof religious content.Thistype of literatureis knownto us mostly throughBali,wheretuturhavebeen composedby the hundredsand relatemorespecificallyto Balinesereligion. Someof these tuturwere,however,alsoknown in Java,and it is verylikelythat tuturwriterswere activein ancientJava,alongsidecomposersof kakawin and kidung. Tothe literarygenreof tuturbelongthe "classic"works- "classic" in the sensethatthis is how they areviewedin present-dayreconstructionsof theirreligiousimport-that presentan exposition of Saiwareligionin ancientJava.Of thesethe main ones are:WrhaspatiTattwa(The Doctrineof Reality of Wrhaspati),GanapatiTattwa(The Doctrineof Realityof Ganapati),SangHyangTattwajhana (The ReveredKnowledgeof the Doctrineof Reality),Sang HyangMahajiana(The ReveredGreatKnowledge), Wratisasana (The Preceptsof the Ascetic),Bhuwana Kosa(The Sphereof the InhabitedWorld),Bhuwana Sangksepa(The Quintessenceof the World),and
DharmaSanya(The Philosophyof the Void),a religiousand philosophicalworkin versethathas receivedgreaterattentiononly in morerecentyears." The datesof thesetextsarenot knownwith anyprecision, exceptperhapsforJInanasiddhanta, a Balinese ratherthanJavanesetext in the formknownto us today,whichJanGondaplacesaroundlooo.'6The above-mentionedDharmaSuinya,also regardedas a Balinesework,is thoughtto be Majapahit.'7 Thewaythis textualmaterialrelatesto the images and theiriconographyis not immediatelyobvious. Siwaworshipis a complexphenomenon,shrouded in secrecy.But evenwith suchshortcomings,an overview of the religiousliteratureinvolvedhighlightsthe conceptualbackgroundof the imagesand allowsfor a refinementof interpretivetechniques.Whattranspires froma readingof this vastmaterialis thatJavanese Saivismseemedto havebeen an independentsynthesis of differentSaiwateachings,fromPasupata-for the presenceof whichMaxNihom has argued,"8 to SaiwaSiddhanta-the latternot, however,akinto SouthIndianSaivaSiddhanta."9 Textualsourcesmayallowus an insightinto the thinkingof the peoplewho fashionedthe images,but the inscriptionsconnectedwith siteswhereimages werefoundcan tell us morepreciselyaboutthe historicalcontext.Inscriptionsdo not informus on doctrine;however,theyoften makeindirectreference to Siwaworship,for examplethroughthe mention of specificmythologicalepisodesconnectedwith the god,whichmaybe usedas metaphorsfor royal prowess.Theirvocabularyneedsto be scrutinized for it maybe full of ambiguities.However,suchindirectreferencesarestillverysignificant20 and point to acquaintancewith a specificbody of religious knowledge. The architectural contextof imagesis important for establishingtheirritualfunction.Information aboutthe originalphysicalcontextof the imagesis unfortunatelyfartoo oftenmissingand impossibleto retrieve,as the objectswe see todayhaveby andlarge been removedfromtheiroriginallocation,with no of SaiwaSiddhanta). recordof theirprovenance.However,therearestill Jnainasiddhanta(TheKnowledge Tothis list one shouldadd an exceptionalkakawin, a numberof imagesin situ,suchas the ones at the
.a
. .
183
Prambanancomplex,a numberof linggasalsoin situ, and reliefrepresentations, includingthe Siwafrom Jago'sArjunawiwaha reliefseriesin EastJava. Tothesewe need to addthe knowledgederived froman archaeologicalstudyof the sites,in particularin termsof a sacredlandscape,with the sites viewedby wayof theirrelationshipwith one another, as componentsof this overallsacredlandscape." Wemaythen beginto obtaina morecompletepicture.Postprocessual approachesto archaeologyhave emphasizeda conceptof landscapeas a "livedcontext whichis experiencedfromthe positionof the human bringingbackpeopleand theirmovebeing,"22 ments humanagency- into the emptylandscapes of structuralistapproaches,whichhavedominated Indonesianarchaeologyto date: Thishas resultedin a morereflexivemodelwhich recognisesthe interactiverelationshipbetween peopleandbuildings.... Of particularconcern in theserecentstudieshasbeen the waysin which the physicallayoutof ritualsitesmayhavehelped to maintainbehaviourand ideologicalregularity, especiallythroughthe controland restrictionof vision andbodilymovements.23 Thuswe see a complexrelationshipemergeamong texts,epigraphicrecords,24 the imagesthemselves, theirimmediatearchitecturalcontext,andthe sacred landscapeto whichthe imagesbelong,throughthe siteswith whichthey areassociated.It is only by looking at the waythesedifferentelementsrelateto each other,bringingthe focusbackon humanagency,that we beginto makesenseof the widercontext- religious and sociohistorical. Cl)
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In this and in the followingsection,I shallfocus on the imagetypesof SiwaMahadewaand SiwaGuru andtheiriconographicfeatures.The iconography of the imagesin questionhasbeen examinedin greatdetailin a prodigiousoutputof scholarlywritings for well overa century.Throughthesewritings, archaeologistsand arthistorians-primarily writ-
ing in Dutch,due to the colonialpastof Indonesia, but roughlyfromthe time of the SecondWorldWar publishingin English,BahasaIndonesia,andother languages- haveclassifiedall extantJavaneseimages and arrangedthem into set types.Thesewritingsconstitutethe presentbody of iconographicknowledge.25 Newlydiscoveredimages,if any,arealwayscompared with theseexistingtypes,andthey areclassifiedand namedaccordingly. In my workI haverelatedto this existingtypology in a criticalway,attemptinga reclassification based on a new readingof the formaliconographyof the imagesconsidered.This new readingwasprompted by my engagementwith the religioustextualmaterial.Butmy reclassification is not, in anyway,posited as fixed.As I shallfurtherelaborate,classifications shouldbe keptsufficientlyflexible,for they arebased on interpretation,andwhilesome maybe moreuseful in certaincontexts,theymaybe uselessin others. The firstimagetype I shallconsideris Siwaas the MajesticGreatGod or SiwaMahadewa.The Jinanasiddhanta (TuturAdhyatmika) describes Mahadewaas one of the saptadewata, the sevendeities.Thisdesignationis to be seen as partof a series of interlinkedlevelson the wayto liberation,with the lowestlevelof atmacorrespondingwith the lowest levelof dewataand so on. Mahadewacorresponds to niratma,the aksara0 andthe turyapadastate. TheJnhnasiddhanta describeshim as follows:he is niritma;the sevenopeningsof the body (eyes,ears, nostrils,and mouth) arehis dwellingplace;he is yellow in color;andhe is the originatorof the world.He is fourthin the list.26 Mahadewais also partof the nawasangga, the Nine GreatGods,occupyingdifferentcardinaldirections, and in that schemehe rulesWest.27 Othercharacterizationsof Mahadewaarefoundin a numberof literaryworks,some of whichmaydescribehim in negativeterms.28 Extantimagesof Mahadewaarenot necessarilylinkedwith the whole rangeof thesecontrastingconceptualizations, nor is it alwayspossible to matchthem exactly,but it helpsto be awareof this multivocality.Theyarea "solidmetaphor," andpolysemyis whatunderliesthem as "solidmetaphor."29
In Java(both Central and East Java,but more frequently in Central Java),Mahadewa is shown with a straight back, the standing in samabhanga, weight equally distributed on the feet (fig. i). There are representations of seated Siwa also conventionally referredto as Mahadewa (fig. 2). I prefer to separate the standing Mahadewa from the seated Siwa, as I feel that the seated Siwa is not Mahadewa (bearing in mind, of course, that Siwa is Mahadewa and Guru and everything else simultaneously and all the time). Mahadewa seems to embody the Majestic Lord Siwa, Siwa as a kingly god, whereas seated Siwa is seen in his meditative, yogic aspect. I shall discuss these images in greater detail in the next section. The main laksanaof Mahadewa, by which I mean the customary distinctive marks or attributes, are given as: camara(fly whisk), aksamala(rosary of beads), padma (lotus flower), and kamandalu(water jar). The camarais understood, in the established body of iconographic knowledge, to be linked with purification. The aksamalais a rosary sometimes is said to symmade of small skulls. The kaman.dalu bolize asceticism. These attributes are not necessarily present in all images, nor are they always held in the same hands. Among the hand gestures (mudra), most frequently seen is the yogamudra(also known as one hand over the other, palms facing dhydaiamudra, The hasta (hand and arm gesture) most freupward). (bestowing gesture) and quently seen are varadahasta abhaya(do-not-fear). There are variations in terms of which hand carries what or performs a particular hastaor mudra.Directions for the hastamay vary, and it is important to remember that a change of direction should not be taken to mean we are seeing a different hasta.There are several mudraand hastaseen especially among East Javaneseimages that cannot be easily identified.30 or Another important laksanais the candrakapala which is worn on the head. This ardhacandrakapala, is a moon or half-moon with a skull placed either over the j4tamakuta,a crown placed under a topknot, a tall diadem crown or headdress. or a kiritamakuta, An optional laksanais the trinetra,third eye, not seen in all Mahadewa images. A trisula(trident) may be
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1 Siwa Mahadewa,CentralJava, silver.NationalMuseum, Jakarta.
and a sampur(sash) tied from right to left around the waist, shaped like a fan. East Javaneseimages are almost weighed down by the richness of dress and adornment. The physical body of Siwa disappears, and the sumptous decorative clothing and rich jewelery seem actively to refer to authority and power (fig. 4). Mahadewa may wear an upaw7taular,a snakeshaped upawita (brahmanical cord),3"or a jewel-like long upawrtaand can be seen, in Central Java,standing next to or seated on his wahana(vehicle), the bull Nandi. His jewelery varies. As earrings he wears varieties of kundala(ear ornaments). He wears haraor kalung(necklace), keyura(arm bracelets), and kankana (round ornaments that can be worn over wrists or ankles), and he may wear snakes coiled round the arms. The height of the images varies, and I suggest variations in height are related to their place within the candi(temple). Having examined a variety of Mahadewa images in the course of three field trips to Indonesia (1998, 1999,and 2000), I asked myself how the Javanese Mahadewa compares with parallel images from other regions. Comparison with Indian images seemed to be relevant. Engaging in this comparison had a point, for
2 Seated Siwa, Central Java, bronze. Private collection, Amsterdam.
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seen, sometimes carved on the stone surrounding the image or held by the deity when the image is made of bronze. The dress varies according to the region (Central or East Java) and may reflect aristocratic fashion. In Central Javaneseimages we see what can be described as a thin kain cloth wrapped around the lower half of the body, usually plain. Occasionally a second kain can be seen, which may be made of tiger skin, as in the Mahadewa from Candi Banon (fig. 3), in the Borobudur area, now in the National Museum
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in Jakarta.When the kain is decorated, the motifs seen are lines (garis), kawung (a type of batik cloth pattern), and arabesque-like figures. In East Java,Mahadewa is seen with two or three belts or waist cloths (ikatpinggang),an uncal(tassel),
it helped to highlight what is peculiar about Javanese Mahadewa and what distinguishes it from other images of the god manufactured elsewhere. The first thing that strikes us is that there is no exact equivalent image in India. Indian Siva is generally addressed as Mahadeva by devotees, but Siva is primarily known as Mahesvara (Great Lord) in the Sanskrit texts. As Mahesvara or Mahesamuirti,Siva in India is described in relevant iconographic texts such as Silpasastra (The Canonical Book of Sculpture) as three eyed, or with jatamakuta, four armed and on a padmapqtha padmasana(pedestal), carryingparasu (ax) and mrga (deer, symbol of pasu), and performing abhayaand varada, the gesture of protection and bestowing. Images of Mahesamuirtias such are relatively uncommon. The best known is from Elephanta, and this type of image is possibly related to Javaneserepresentations of Siwa Trisiras.32Mahesvara manifests himself in different forms, seated or standing, riding upon vehicles, as terrific (ugra)or pacific (saumya).
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not specificto the Mahadewarepresentations, as will in be seen,thoughit mustbe pointedout that India Bhairava, the camaramaybe seen with Svarnakarsana a Sanskrit accordingto the Visnudharmottarapurana, workthat discussesthe arts.33 Whatwe arethus witnessingis an overallphenomenonof transposition, whichis not in itselfindicativeof ignoranceof given but maysimplyrepresenta iconographicprecepts34 consciousreformulationto infusea majesticform (Mahadewa)with moreesotericreligiousmeaning. The camarais a referenceto cleansing,and as such it connectsto the asceticpracticesinvolvingablutions, also referredto by the kamandalu,in keepingwith whatthe Javanese(Saiwa)religiousliteraturediscussesin connectionwith tapa,asceticism.35
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His liliamuirti(the lord engaging in cosmic play) are several in number, and it is under such guises that he is more commonly shown. The JavaneseMah dewa seems to be a reinterpretation, in a novel form, of the concept of Siwa as the Great Lord/God. The cdmarais a Javaneseelaboration in the iconography of Siwa and
Siwathe Teacheris SiwaBhataraGuru(Lord Teacher),that is, Siwawhen one thinksof him as teacher.Onceagainit mustbe reiteratedthatthis is not a veryclear-cutcategory.Saivismpostulatesa seriesof realitiesfromthe highestabsoluteto the visible-realities, incidentally,thatareinner,accessible throughmeditationpractice,centeredon one'sown body.A manifestationof Siwarulesovereachreality,and BhataraGuruis Siwamanifestinghimselfin the visiblereality.Siwais the SupremeYogi,and it is that one can reachthe highthroughyogic discipline36 est reality.The disciplineis taughtby Siwahimself (or a guruwho "is"Siwa).ThusSiwais BhataraGuru as he is simultaneouslyMahadewa,Sadasiwa,as he is also SangParamartha(The Highest). I am keento distinguishbetweenSiwaGuruand Agastyaeventhoughthe two areoften conflatedand thought,in secondarysources,to be one and the same.In view of my aboveremarkson simultaneous identities,this view is theoreticallyacceptable,but the imageis usuallydescribedas a compositeimage type,a hybrid,with no furtherengagementwith the religiouscontextof the imagethat has in the first instancegivenriseto this supposedhybridity.Agastya is a guruin humanform,a humanmanifestationof Siwa,and as such imagesof Agastyahavea placein
Siwatemples.37 Agastyais, strictlyspeaking,a rsi,in otherwordsa sage,a guruwho is, ultimately,Siwa.I basemy typologyof SiwaGuruandAgastyaon Le. Poerbatjaraka,38 who, on the basisof his readingof primarysourcematerial,went to greatlengthsto demonstratethatAgastyaand BhataraGuruwerenot quitethe same.39 SiwaGuruis distinct,and thatis why therearesome problemsin understandingthe identity and possiblelocationof the Siwaimagesin a sitting position,referredto earlier,usuallynamedMahadewa in museumclassificationsand catalogues.40 In my view,the categoryof Siwathe Teacherought to comprisesuchimages,mostlyfromCentralJava, especiallyDieng (but the bronzescan be fromother areasin CentralJavaand alsolaterthan Dieng,as seen in fig. 2). TheyrepresentSiwaseatedin a meditativeposture,whichis variedlydescribedby writers as v7rdsana or vajrasanaor evenpadmasana,but moresimplycalledsvastikasana(crossedlegs) by T. A. GopinathaRao.4" The god wearshardlyanyadornment and mayhaveeithertwo or four arms,in which casehe is holdingan aksamalaand a camara,with the two primaryarmsusuallyin dhy@zamudra at the front,oftenwith a lotus placedon the upturnedpalm. An ardhacandrakapala is placedin his locks.The exampleillustratedin figure5 has a differenthand gesture,the siwalingga,whichexplicitlyrefersto the abstractformof Siwa,the lingga. The Siwathe Teachercategory,in the wayit is understoodtoday,also accommodatesimagesof Siwa as a young,ratheremaciatedascetic,two armed,carryinga kamandalu,sportinga smallbeard,dressed with a simplecloth,with a trisulaeitherin his hand or sculptedat the backof the stele.However,ratherthan thinkingof such imagesas youngAgastyawithout the characteristic potbelly,or as a genericSiwaGuru type,I propose,in a slightlymoreradicalinterpretation, thattheseshouldbe seen as SaiwaRsisor human ascetics.Thereis verylittlein termsof contextual cluesfor suchimages,of whichthereareonly a few,all fromCentralJava,but this interpretationseemsto be morein keepingwith the iconographyof the images and the emphasisgivenin Saiwareligiouswritingsto the figureof the Rsi (fig. 6)
5 tiwa the Teacher (conventionally classified as Siwa Mahadewa), Central Java. Musee Guimet, Paris. The hands show .iwalingga.
Onceagaincomparisonwith parallelIndian statuarymaybe helpfulto highlightdifference and affinity.The Indianequivalentof the seated SiwaGuru(Mahadewain currentwritings)is Siwa Yogadaksinamuirti. This equivalentimageis conceptuallycloseto the Javanese.Raogivesthe iconographic precepts,culledfromSanskrittexts,for severalvariants.None of theseis entirelysimilarto the Javanese one, but the affinity,down to the presenceof an aksamala,is undeniable,especiallywhen one considers whatRaocallsthe "firstmode of representation" of Yogadaksinamuirti.4"
Wehaveno realindicationas to whatposition the imagesjust discussedwouldhavehad in the architecturalcontextof a candi,as they arenot found in situ and we arethus unableto saywhether in the caseof the seatedSiwaGuru,the injunction
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A~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~ It hasbeen common practicein classicalIndonesian archaeologyand arthistoryto engagein periodic | ; surveysof all extantimages,aimedat classifyingthem by iconographicfeaturesin the hopes of addingto a definitivetypologybasedon whaticonographicelementsareconsistentandwhatformsarecommon or rare.Throughthis survey-basedmethodarthistorians .'s"P4* SS, a. and archaeologistshavealso thoughtit mightbe pos/ sibleto identifystylisticlinks,with styleunderstoodto .2 be an objectiveproperty,and to establisha chronology ti 23 4. o}i3',*"9;'8z;' 2qi! by lookingat stylesand drawingcomparisons."This approachis problematic. Letus reflectfor a momenton how one would usu..~~~~~~~~~~~~~ ,.,:_;2f'*5 # r<_ allyclassify,in keepingwith the aboveprescriptions of samplesurveycombinedwith meticulousnoting 41 The sortingof objectssuch of frequencyof features.45 ;2X?i2IE:W ;g r as Siwastatuarymaybe done to establishwhether the objectsof the groupsampleconsidered(for example,the SiwastatuaryfromDieng) havea spe6 'M'22'2J.g'Eiwa Naioa her reclassified as Guru1:, Mueu, Jakrt, cificritualfunction,and thus the imagesaregrouped and regroupedaccordingly.Establishingwhetheran of Yoaasnmati south in found facing, India wol hae imageis a freestandingsculpturepartof a groupof icngrj! aphic ha:napi froma specificsite,or a reliefpartof the sculptures of Ygdk m rti ben sot facig,4 foun in#x:;:;j samenarrativesequence,is also a constituentof these Inia iconogapic_ texts-,. wouldha........v1 e ha r an appli caio in a Jaanse conext. sIfeel,howver tht call-;4* initialclassificationsrelatedto determiningfunction. But alreadywe run into problemswith this approach, becausethe ritualfunctioncan be only partiallyascertained,if at all,due to the difficultiesone encounters in reconstructingan architecturalcontextfor any freestandingimagethat is not found in situ;thereforethe ritualfunctionis often only an assumption.Moreover, 6SwGr,ationainla Msteutm.Jakart, her recssified cas ritualfunctionsmayoverlapwith otherfunctions,and this possibilityneedsto be takeninto account. In parallelto this function-basedclassification, afterestablishingwhaticonographicelementsare consistentlyfrequentand consistentlysimilar,following a divisionof the surveyedimagesinto groups,one beginsto engagewith considerationsof variationsin ing such images Mahidewa as currently done is far stylewithina specificgroup,primarilyto establisha too broad a description, and that is why I am suggestchronology.'It has been quiteusualto see styleand ing that they may be reclassified. functionas separate,with classificationsneverunderI can find no Indian equivalent for the Siwa stood to be intersecting,exceptat the levelof grand (Bha,2ta,,ra)4 Guru, here reclassified as aiwa' |
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itingJavaneseSiwaGuruas a hybrid.As said,conceptheorizing.Butherewe haveanotherproblem.This tuallySiwais Mahadewaevenwhenhe is Guru,and separationis not clearcut, and it is artificial.Wecan look at styleas"materialstyle,"that is, the patternthis is so regardlessof whetherhe is depictedstanding or seatedor in anyotherpositionor wearinganygaring in materialartifacts,or as a "wayof doing,"which wouldincludeideas,decisions,and practices.These ment or attire. The artificialnatureof typologiesandthe needfor conceptionsarenot exclusive.Thereis and there needsto be a constantshiftin the waythey areused in keepingthem flexiblecan be exemplifiedby the way the contextof an analysis. Trisiras(three-headedSiwa)is thoughtof. Trisirascan MichaelShankssuggeststhatmaterialcultureis eitherbe takenas a representationof Mahesashowproductionor designand thatthe styleof an artifact ing Siwaas the pacificgod (Tatpurusa),the terrifyis not an expressionor an attributebut "themeansby ing one (Aghora-Bhairawa) andthe femaleprinciple whichobjectsareconstitutedas socialforms."47 Thus or as Trimuirti (Wamadewa-Sakti), (Brahma-Wisnuit no longerseemsfeasibleto adoptartstyleas the Siwa),thus interpretingthe religiousor philosophical unit of analysisand fix the artstylesof ancientJava importof the imagedifferently,creatingyet more into stylistictypes,as hasbeen done in most previous types50and establishinga differentdoctrinalcontent studies.48 in otherwords,cannotbe Interpretation, on the basisof the art-historicalor archaeological separatedfromthe identificationof similarityand difclassification.In otherwords,by takingtypologiesas ferencewithina typology.49 flexibleanalyticalcategoriesandby supportingthem In the workI havecarriedout, I do havetypes. with a readingof religioustextualmaterial,I am not Thesearepositedas veryflexible,temporaryanalytical separatingclassificationfromcontext.Thereare,of categories.Consistencyis whatI havebeen strivingfor course,otherinterpretivestrategiesthatallowfor in creatingthesecategories,but they arenot rigid.In furthercontextualization, whichI havenot explored my typology,I havethe followingtypes,drawnfrom andwhichwill complementmy own. In showing the religiousliteratureI haveacquaintedmyselfwith: thata classificationis an act of creativeinterpretation, SiwaMahadewa(Siwathe MajesticGod), SiwaGuru I am tryingto go beyondthe separationof (Siwathe Teacher),Agastya(the Teacherwho is Siwa objective/subjective, referringto newerdiscourses incarnatedas humanteacher),Nandiswara(the door in archaeologythathavenot yet had much guardianwho is Siwa),Mahakala(the door guardian, impacton the archaeologyof classicalIndonesia.5 swallowerof the universe),Lingga(Siwa'sphallus), I am hereattemptingto questionentrenched Ardhanariswara (Siwawho is half-male-half-female), positions. Hari-Hara(Wisnuand Siwaas one), Trisiras(threeHow,then,do I describetheseimages?WhateleheadedSiwa),correspondingto whatareknownfrom mentsdo I considerimportantto conveythe natureof the saidreligiousliteratureas aspectsor manifestathe imagesas representations of the god Siwa?I have tions of the god. usedthe followingcategoriesto recordthe characterButthoughI am separatingSiwaMahadewaor isticsof the images:formand shape,(approximate) AgastyafromSiwaGurufor the practicalpurposeof size,provenance,location,ornamentation,adorntemporaryclassification,it does not followthatthey ment,dress,posture,gesture,attribute.I haveleft out shouldbe seen or wereat anytime perceivedas wholly precisedatingon purpose.Datingis somethingthat distinct,as the typologysuggests.This distinction shouldbe seen in context,as one of the different is often assumedwhen the imagesaresubsequently typesof informationrelatingto the imagesrather relatedto theirreligiousand socio-historicalcontext thanthe most importantelementof theirclassificain broaderhistoricalaccountsattemptingto recontion. Thusit canbe added,omitted,or left openstructa historicalpast-in this specificinstance,as ended,dependingon the use one wishesto makeof noted earlier,with the additionalcomplicationof posthe classification.
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Postureand gestureareimportantin my classification and typology.I see them as importantbecausethey allowus to focus on the physicaland symbolicbody of Siwa.Theycan be seen as encodinginformation relatingto nonverbalcommunicationof an abstract nature.Throughthem the body can be treatedas a categoryworthyof historicalinvestigation.Thebody of Siwais a representationof the Javanesemalebody, shownwith an "idealized" naturalism-idealized in the sensethat it did not necessarilycorrespondto a real,specificphysicaltypebut that it represented an aestheticizedview of the malebody,informedby awarenessof the yogicbody (by whichI meanthe body possessedof a yogic"habitus")52and articulated in multipleartisticidioms,morespecificallyrelatedto time andlocation.53 In Siwa'simagesthereis a constantshiftbetween the humandimensionof the representationandthe one symbolicof the divine.Siwa'sbody maybe used to displayregaliaandthus be completelyobscuredby it, as seen in a greatnumberof EastJavaneseimages, to emphasizehis majesty(and the majestyof the patronking), or it canbe displayed,barelycovered by cloth andwith sparseornaments,with a fairly accurate,yet not naturalistic,reproductionof natural forms,not devoidof sensualityand eroticism,as seen in manyimagesfromCentralJava,especiallybronzes, but not exclusivelyin imagesfromthatarea.At the ninth-centuryPrambanantemplecomplexthe male is displayedand exposedwhile body (Siwa'sbody?)54 dancinghalf naked,in sinuouspostures- a celebration of masculinity. Naturalformsarenot meticulouslydescribedin an attemptto showwhatnaturelooks like,but Siwa's body is infulsedwith pulsatingenergy,innermovement,and innerbreath.Siwa'sgenitalsarenever fullydisplayed;on the contrary,careseemsto have been takento coverthe genitalareaexceptin the caseof specificrepresentations of Siwaas Bhairawa, of whichwe knowonly veryfew examples,suchas the SinghasariBhairawanow in the LeidenMuseum of Ethnology.This carein coveringthe sexualorgan
seemsto be at oddswith the imageof Siwaas lingga, whichrepresentsSiwa'sphallus.Butthe motivation for coveringanthropomorphicSiwa'spenis should not necessarilybe seen as comingfroma coy desire to coverup a "shameful" partof the body,as a JudeoChristianattitudeto nakednesswouldsuggest. It is morelikely thoughthiswill remainspeculation- to be an attemptto shieldthe viewerfromthe eroticpowerof Siwa,avoidinga naturalizedrepresentationof a penisbut emphasizing,throughconcealing its anatomicaldouble,that Siwa'sphallusis the seat of the maleprincipleand of Siwa'sdangeroussexuality.55The linggais usuallyshownin conjunctionwith the yoni (an abstractionof femalegenitals),never by itself;when it is not, the yoni pedestalis usually missingbecauseit hasbeen lost or destroyed.The maleand femaleprinciplesareinseparable,andthe union- as metaphysicalas it is sexual- of SiwaSakti is an importantSaiwabelief. Stancesfull of strength,handgestureswith varied meanings,and controlledposes imbuedwith movement characterizeSiwa'srepresentations in the artof Java.Thisobservationholdsfor both Centraland East Java,althoughthe wayit is locallyarticulateddiffers. The numberof positionsusedby the sculptorsis quite small,suggestingthatthey had a relativelylimited posturalvocabularyto choosefrom,whichwas in all likelihoodfixedby convention.Conversely, the hand and also the arm gestures positionsindicatea rich symbolicvocabulary,whichunfortunatelyis not easy to understand.Wedo not yet knowwith precision whichpartsor movementsof the bodywereritually and sociallysignificantfor the ancientJavanese; thus the wholebody shouldbe the point of departurefor anyinvestigationof postureand gesture." CONCLUSIONS
Whenwe look at images,whatdo we see?Theperception we haveof them leadsus to an interpretationthat beginsfromthe momentwe encounterthe images.57 Whenwe firstsee an artobject,an artifact,its present contextis as relevantas the pastone we maybe trying to retrieve,for the artifactbelongsto both pastand
present.The interpretationinvolvesmakingchoices. Forexample,we maychooseto see an objectand attachto it a presentvalueof some sort (by whichI do not necessarilymeana monetaryone), or we may chooseto see the peoplewho madeit, whatled them to makeit, and the processby whichthey madeit. Thuswe can workout the waythe artifactrelatesto theirthinkingandworldview.Wemaychooseto do all thesethingssimultaneously,constantlyshiftingour planeof analysisbackand forthfrompresentto past to present. And how arewe lookingat the object?Do we makeaestheticjudgments?Weclearlydo, although we maynot be wont to admitthem,and this aesthetic appraisalis reflectedin our museums'culturesof display(museumsbeingthe placeswherethe object mayend up). As EmmaBarkernotes,beingon display is the conditionby whichthe categoryof artis constructedin the modernWesternworld.58 In the caseof anthropomorphicimageswe areconfrontedwith representationsof the humanbodywhichwe will deem to be artistic,and theserepresentations mayprompt us to reflecton issuesof genderand sexualityand how theseareconstructedby us andby the makers of the images.59 With suchquestionsat the backof my mind,I have,in this article,arguedfor greaterflexibilityand fluidityin classificatorypractice.Thisargumentis in view of the presentlocationin museums,privategalleries,and privatehomes of the majorityof the images thathavebeen the focus of my research.Theircurrent locationis not theiroriginalone, whateverthatmay havebeen,and in theirpresentlocationa contextis re-created,takinginto accountcross-culturaldialogues,conceptualregroupings,and freshclassifications and analogieswhosepurposeis not to constrain perceptionsof the objects. I havealso suggestedsome possiblereinterpretations, as in the caseof imagesof Siwathe Teacher. Therearemoreinterpretiveoptionsto be explored. The objectshavea new life in the presentto which we need to adjustour thinking,and carrytheir pastwith them as a legacy,variouslyperceived and constructed.
WhatI trulyneed to point out beforeclosingis that as the imagesareinterpretedand reinterpreted, generatingmultivocalityin the present,it mustbe rememberedthatthe symbolicmeaningof eachimagealso variedin the pastin relationto the specificbeliefsand the levelof awarenessof the maker,viewer,or worshiper.Thispolyvalenceof Siwaimagesis partof their of Siwa.The conceptof Siwa beingrepresentations belongsto a complexreligio-philosophical tradition, distinguishedby esotericism.A worshiperof Siwa,initiatedinto the practiceby a guru,wouldunderstand the attributesof the god differentlyfroma noninitiate. Toa Siwaworshiperwho has enteredthe higherworld of Saiwaobservances,the only realityis thatof the powersthatarethe deityor deities.Thesepowersare visualizedby the worshiperas correspondingmaterial representations areworshiped. The formsareonly an instrumentfor establishing awarenessand controlof those powers.The attributes of the deitiesareoutwardsymbolsof innerrealities. The Saiwaworshiperthroughyogic meditativeand breathingtechniquesvisualizesthe innerrealitiesand locatesthem in his or herbodyto achieveunion with the SupremeSoulwho dwellsin his or herheart.60 One shouldthereforebe awareof this frameworkof references,ideas,and expectationsthat surroundsthe imagesand mayworksimultaneouslyand at different levels,in the pastand in the present.*+ ct-
ALESSANDRA LOPEZ Y ROYO, Ph.D. (1990) in art and archaeology, School of Oriental and African Studies, University of London. Her publications include Prambanan: Sculpture and Dance in Ancient Java, a Study in Dance lconography (1997) and articles on the visual arts and performance practices of South and Southeast Asia in journals such as Bulletin de l'Ecole Francaise d'Extreme Orient, South Asia Research, and Journal of Music Iconography. AHRB Research Centre for Cross-cultural Music and Dance Performance, School of Oriental and African Studies, University of London,
ThornhaughStreet, Russell Square, London WC1.E-mail:[email protected].
19~3
NOTES Supportfor the research,carriedout from1998 to 2001, hasbeen gratefullyreceivedfromthe WingateFoundation,the BritishAcademy, the BritishAcademyCommitteefor Southeast AsianStudies,the International Instituteof AsianStudiesin Leiden,andWolfsonCollege, Universityof Oxford.An earlierversionof this articlewaspresentedat the EUROSEAS conference,Schoolof OrientalandAfrican Studies,London,September2001. I wish to thankallthosewho havereadthe paper andhavesuggestedwaysof improvingit. All photographsareeitherby the authoror were obtainedby the authorfromrelevantmuseum authoritiesin Indonesia. Herethe term"imagesof Siwa"includes freestandingsculptureandrepresentations of the god Siwain reliefsculpturefrom West,Central,andEastJava,fromthe sixth centuryto the fourteenthcentury,foundin museums,privatecollections,and in situ, in a numberof countries,especiallyThe Netherlands,Thailand,andIndonesia.In this article,however,WestJavaneseimages will not be discussed. 2.1 use a "w"whenreferring to Siwa(Saiwa)in Javaanda "v"whenreferringto Siva(Saiva) in Indiain orderto be consistentwith the conventionalromanizationof OldJavanese andoriginalSanskrit. 3. GregorySchopen,Bones, Stones, and i.
Buddhist Monks: CollectedPapers on the Archaeology,Epigraphy,and Textsof Monastic Buddhism in India (Honolulu: University of Hawai'i Press, 1977); Julia Shaw, "The Sacred Landscape,"in Buddhist Reliquariesfrom
AncientIndia,ed. MichaelWillis(London: BritishMuseumPress,2000). 4. See,for example,Boechari,Some Considerationson the Problem of the Shift of Mataram's Centre of Governmentfrom Central to East Java in the ioth Century
(Jakarta: ProyekPelita,Pembinaan danPeninggalanNasional, Kepurbakalaan Department P & K, 1976), 10; Jan Fontein,
with R.SoekmomoandSatyawatiSuleiman, Ancient Indonesian Art of the Central and C)
East JavanesePeriod (New York:Asia Society, 1971);MarijkeJ.Klokke,TantriReliefs on Ancient JavaneseCandi (Leiden: KITLV
Press,1993);R. Soekmomo,TheJavanese C14
Candi: Function and Meaning (Leiden: R. J.
Brill,1995); EdiSedyawati,Ganesa Statuary of the Kadiri and Singhasari Period (Leiden: KITLVPress, 1994).
5.ConsiderherewhatMarijkeJ.Klokkewrites aboutSinghasariandMajapahit: "Shouldwe speakof a continuousartisticdevelopment whichcannotbe tracedin detailbecause the artof thesethreehundredyearsdid not, for one reasonor anothersurvive?Or shouldthe Singhasarirulersbe considered the inventors of an ancient long lost tradition
of stonetemplebuildingwhichwentback to CentralJavaandwhichwasdeveloped furtherby the Majapahitrulers?"[emphasis mine] MarijkeJ.Klokke,"StoneImagesof the SinghasariandMajapahitPeriods," Arts ofAsia 30.6 (2000): 6o. 6.MichaelShanks,with LampeterArchaeology Workshop,"Relativism, Objectivityandthe Politics of the Past,"ArchaeologicalDialogues 2
(1997): 166.
7. Georges Coedes, The Indianised States of
SoutheastAsia, Englished.WalterF.Vella, trans.SusanB. Cowing(Honolulu:EastWestCenter,1968); JanWissemanChristie, "StateFormationin EarlyMaritime SoutheastAsia:A Considerationof the Theories and Data,"Bijdragentot de Taal-, Land-, en Volkenkcunde 151.2 (1995) 235-88. 8. L. N. Shaffer,Maritime SoutheastAsia to i5oo (NewYorkandLondon:M. E.Sharpe, 1996); KennethHall,Maritime Tradeand
13.JudithBecker,GamelanStories:Tantrism,
in CentralJava IslamandAesthetics (Arizona:ArizonaStateUniversity,Program for SoutheastAsianStudies,1993). Studies:A 14.HelenCreese,"OldJavanese Reviewof the Field,"in OldJavaneseTexts andCulture,ed. HelenCreeseandWilliam van derMolen,Bijdragen totde Taal-,Land-, en Volkenkunde 157.1 (2001) 3-33. 15.IBMDharmaPalguna,DharmaSuinya: MemujadanmenelitiSiwa(The Philosophy of theVoid:WorshipingandResearching Siwa)(Denpasar:Yayasan Dharma Sastra,1999);GeoffreyForrester, "The Dharmasunya (The Philosophyof the Void):An OldJavaneseTreatiseon Yoga andLiberation" (honorsthesis,Australian NationalUniversity,Canberra, 1968). 16.JanGonda,"TheIndianReligionsin PreIslamicIndonesiaandTheirSurvivalin Bali,"in HandbuchderOrientalistik (Leiden: Brill, 1975), 17. 17. Palguna, Dharma Sonya, 172-73.
18.MaxNihom,"Safikhya andPasupata Reflexesin the Indo-Indonesian Vrhaspatitattva," Werner die Zeitschriftffur KundeSuidasiens39 (1995): 203-20. 19.HariatiSoebadio,ed.,Jndnasiddhanta (The Hague: Nijhoff, 1971),53.
State Development in Early SoutheastAsia
20. Thispointwasreiterated by historianand
(Honolulu:Universityof Hawai'iPress,
epigraphistProfessorJ.G. De Casparis,in one of our conversations aboutepigraphyat the International Instituteof AsianStudies, Leiden,October2000-January 2001. 21. Shaw,"Sacred Landscape," 27. 22. JulianThomas,"SpaceandLandscape: in Interpretive Introduction," Archaeology: A Reader,ed. JulianThomas(Londonand NewYork:LeicesterUniversityPress,2000),
1985);0. W. Wolters,Early Indonesian Commerce:A Study of the Origins of Srivijaya
(Ithaca,N.Y.:CornellUniversityPress,1967). 9. AstridWright,reviewof Prambanan: Sculptureand Dance in Ancient Java, by
AlessandraIyer[Lopezy Royo],Asian Perspectives41.2 (2002): 175.
io. SheldonPollock,"TheSanskrit Cosmopolis, 300-1300: Transculturation,
Vernacularization andthe Questionof Ideology,"in Ideology and Status of Sanskrit Contributions to the History of the Sanskrit
ed. J.E.M. Houben(Leiden,New Language, York, and Cologne: E. J. Brill, 1996),197-247.
i. C. Hooykass,Religionin Bali (Leiden:E.J. Brill, 1973). 12.Nancy Florida, Writing the Past, Inscribing the Future:Exile and Prophecyin Colonial
Java(Durham,N.C.:DukeUniversity Press,1995);CliffordGeertz,The Religion of Java(ChicagoandLondon:Universityof Chicago Press, 1976).
492.
23.Shaw,"SacredLandscape," 27. 24. SeeCreese,"OldJavanese for a Studies," reviewof epigraphicsources. 25. It wouldhardlybe possibleto reviewthis massiveliteraturein the contextof this article.Toderivean ideaof just a fragment of this gargantuanoutput,it wouldsuffice to look at allpastissuesof Bijdragen tot de Taal-,Land-en Volkenkunde, an august Dutchjournalpublishedby the Koninklijk InstituutvoorTaal-,Land-,en Volkenkunde (KITLV),Leiden,whichbeganits activities in 1851.
Soebadio,Jiianasiddhanta, 145. 27.Therearevariousversionsof this directional arrangement in the relevantliterature.See Sedyawati,GanesaStatuaryof theKadiriand Singhasari Period,180 n. 56;TeenGoudriaan, "Manifestations of Sivain the Balinese HymnCollection," in Studiesin Indo-Asian ArtandCulture,ed. PeralaRatmam(New Delhi:International Academyof Indian Culture,1973), 2:65-66. 28.Sedyawati,GanesaStatuaryof theKadiriand SinghasariPeriod,181. 29. Christopher Tilley,MetaphorandMaterial Culture(Oxford:BlackwellPublishers,1999),
26.
263.
MarijkeJ.Klokke,"TheSo-CalledPortrait Statuesin EastJavanese Art,"in Ancient IndonesianSculpture, ed. MarijkeJ.Klokke and PaulineLunsinghScheurleer(Leiden: KITLVPress,1994),178-91. 31.Thesnake-shapedupawitais a referenceto the associationof Siwawith snakes.This associationis alwaystakenfor grantedbut rarelyexplained.Javanesesourcesby and largedo not havespecificreferencesto the significanceof Siwa'ssnakes,although Javaneseimagesof Siwado showhim wearing a snakeas ornament.WendyDoniger O'Flahertyhasconnectedthe snakeswith eroticismin herdiscussionof the mythology of (Indian)Sivaas the eroticascetic,underpinnedby herresearchinto Sanskrittexts: "Thegeneralsexualsignificanceof snakesis of coursewellknown;the excitedcobrawith expandedhood is oftenfoundencirclingthe linga,the tailcarrieddowninto theyoni." SeeWendyDonigerO'Flaherty, Asceticism andEroticismin theMythologyof Siva (London:OxfordUniversityPress,1973), 243-44. Seealsomy laterremarkson the bodyof Siwa. 32. Seenote 50 below. 33.T.A. GopinathaRao,Elementsof Hindu Iconography (1916; reprint,New Delhi: MotilalBanasidass, 1968),179;Ratnaesih Maulana,SivaDalamBerbagaiWujud(Siva in His EveryForm)(Jakarta: FakultasSastra UniversitasIndonesia,1993),26-43. 34.Thesewouldhavebeenknownfrompractice,handeddownfrommasterto apprentice.Thereareno specificiconographictexts fromancientJavathatpresenta codification of some sort,as therearein India. 35.See,for example,the workWratisdsana (The Preceptsof Ascetic)(SharadaRani,1961). 30.
36.Theexactnatureof yogicdiscipline(s)and the wayin whichit waspracticedarevery difficultto know.Yogawaslearnedthrough a guruandwasnot availableto everyone.By andlargeyogicpracticesinvolvemeditation andphysicaldisciplineof somekind,but the detailsof eachyogicschool(sadanga, pratyahara, dhyaina, pranayama,tarka,and others)will neverbe accessible,as thisis the kindof knowledgethatwouldnot be divulgedandof whichno record,apartfrom the name,canbe found.See Wrhaspatitattwa (The Doctrineof Realityof Wrhaspati), 52.88;53.4,trans.anded. Sudarshana Devi Singhalas Wrhaspatitattwa: An OldJavanese Philosophical Text(Nagpur:International Academyof IndianCulture,1957),xx; Wratisdsana. 37.Fromextanttemplesin CentralJavait is possibleto saythatit wasquiteusualfor a lingga(anotherrepresentation of Siwa)to be a principaltempleimage,with an image of Wisnuin the northernniche,Agastyain the easternone, andBrahmain the southern one.An alternativepatternseemsto havebeentempleswith imagesof Durga Mahisasuramardini in the northernniche, of Ganesain the easternniche,of Agastya in the southernniche,andof the guardians NandiswaraandMahakalain nicheson eithersideof the easternentrance.Candi Siwaat the Prambanancomplexis a casein point. 38.Le.Poerbatjaraka, Agastyain denArchipel (Agastyain the Archipelago)(Leiden:Brill, 1926). 39.Forexample,Wrhaspatitattwa supports Poerbatjaraka's thesis.SeealsoTomHunter, "TheAridharmaReliefsof CantiJago," in Societyand Culturein SoutheastAsia: Continuities andChanges,ed. Lokesh Chandra(New Delhi:International Academyof IndianCultureandAditya Prakashan, 2000),89. 40.A pertinentexampleis the SiwaMahadewa fromthe MuseeGuimet,Paris(see fig.5;see alsofig. 2). 41.Rao,ElementsofHinduIconography, vol. 2,
Temple of Prambanan,"Archipel40 (1991): 15-23.
44.RecentexamplesareMaulana,SivaDalam Berbagai Wujud;Sedyawati, Ganesa Statuary of the Kadiri and Singhasari Period.
45.I havediscussedsomeof theseconcernsin a shortarticle,"Interpreting JavaneseImages of Siwa,"IIAS [International Institute of
AsianStudies]Newsletter, no. 25 (2001): 32. Thustheremaybe some overlap. 46.Thisalmostobsessiveconcernwith dating hasnot justto do with a "thirstfor A thrivingartmarketis based knowledge." on valorizationof antiquity.Theolderthe object,the morevaluableit willbe. Hence accuratedatingis perceivedto be paramount. 47. Michael Shanks, Art and the Early Greek City State:An InterpretiveArchaeology
(Cambridge: CambridgeUniversityPress, 1999), 18.
48.Forexample,in Sedyawati,Ganesa Statuary of the Kadiri and Singhasari Period.
49.IanHodder,"Styleas HistoricalQuality," in The Uses of Style in Archaeology,ed. Margaret
W.ConkeyandChristineA. Harstof (Cambridge: CambridgeUniversityPress, 1990), 48.
50.Theinterpretation of Trisirasin Javais opento controversy, as the interpretation of TrimirtiandMahesamuirti havebeen in India,judgingfromthe relevantliterature,summarizedin Maulana,SivaDalam BerbagaiWujud,186-89.Thetrio BrahmaWisnu-Siwais knownas trisamayafrom TantuPanggelaran,66.16, andalsofromthe Brahmandapurana (The Ancient Story of
the Universe),55.6.In thisgroupingSiwais regardedas the highestgod.P.J.Zoetmulder, with Stuart Robson, Old Javanese-English
Dictionary(The Hague:Nijhoff,1982), 2:2040; Maulana,SivaDalamBerbagai Wujud.
51.Fora relevantcritiqueof the characterof archaeological see interpretation,
ti
Michael Shanks, ClassicalArchaeology of Greece:Experiencesof the Discipline 1.)
(London:Routledge,1996);Shanks,Art
pt. 1,p. 284.
and the Early GreekCity State; Julian
42.Rao,Elementsof HinduIconography, vol. 2,
Thomas,"Introduction: ThePolaritiesof Post-Processual in Thomas Archaeology,"
pt. 1, pp. 284-89.
43.TheseatedSiwaMahayogiseenin on CandiSiwa,faceseast,not Prambanan, south.R.E.JordaanandEdiSedyawati, "SomeIconographicNoteson the Siwa
I-
InterpretiveArchaeology,1-22. 52.
I am herefollowingPierreBourdieu'sideaof "habitus" or "hexis"- a dispositiontoward a habitualor standardcondition,appear-
-Z
Ir
z9
ance,posture,gesture,etc.,applicableto a sociallyconstructedbody.PierreBourdieu, Sociologyin Question,trans.RichardNice (London:Sage,1993),86.Forthe bodyin Indiansculpture,seeVidyaDehejiaand D.Y. Harnisch,"Yogaas a Keyto Understanding the the SculptedBody,"in Representing Body:GenderIssuesin IndianArt,ed.Vidya Dehejia(New Delhi:KaliforWomen,1997), 68-81. 53.In an earlierpaperI havelookedat representationsof the femalebodyin the artof classicalJava,focusingon the Ramayap.a reliefsof the Prambanantemplecomplex. AlessandraIyer[Lopezy Royo],"Images of Womenin the PrambananRamayana in A VariedOptic:Contemporary Reliefs," Studieson theRamayana,ed. Mandakranta Bose(Vancouver: Universityof British Columbia,Instituteof AsianResearch, complement 2000), 33-54. Theseremarks the earlierdiscussion.
54.In an earlierpublicationI havesuggested thatthe dancereliefsof CandiSiwaat Prambananmightrepresenta dancingSiwa. AlessandraIyer[Lopezy Royo],Prambanan: andDanceinAncientjava-A Sculpture Studyin DanceIconography (Bangkok: WhiteLotus,1998).Subsequently, Astrid Wrighthastriedto identifyspecificreliefs, in herviewmorelikelyto depictSiwa,out of the overallsixty-two.Wright,reviewof Prambanan. 55.Thedangerof IndianSiva'ssexualityhas beenhighlightedby O'Flaherty, Asceticism andEroticism in theMythologyof Siva.The associationwith dangerof Siwa'sexcessive chastityandexcessivesexualityis seenin the kakawinSmaradahana (Theburning of Kama)(Poerbatjaraka, R.Ng [1931] OudJavaansche Smaradahana, Tekstmet Vertaling,BJ3,Bandoeng)andthe episodeof the burningof Kama,the Lordof Desire. 56.JanFontein,TheLawof CauseandEffect inAncientJava(Amsterdam: Koninklijke NederlandseAkademievanWetenschappen, 1989), 82-116.
0
0
196
57.StanleyO'Connor,"HumaneLiteracyand SoutheastAsianArt,"Journalof Southeast Asian Studies 26.1 (1995): 147-58.
"TheChangingMuseum," 58.EmmaBarker, in Contemporary Cultureof Display,ed. EmmaBarker(LondonandNew Haven: YaleUniversityPressin associationwith the Open University, 1999), 13.
Gaze: 59.RosemaryJoyce,"APre-Columbian in MaleSexualityamongAncientMaya," Archaeologies of Sexuality,ed. RobertA. Voss(Londonand SchmidtandBarbara NewYork:Routledge,2000), 253-83;Mark in Plueiennik,"Art,Artefact,Metaphor," ThinkingthroughtheBody:Archaeologies of Corporeality, ed.YannisHamilakis,Mark Pluciennik,andSarahTarlow(NewYork: KluwerAcademicPublishers,2000), 217-32. 60. Thiswouldbe, in Saiwaterminology, the anandakandapadma, the lotusof the heart, wherethejiwatmaandthe istadewataunite throughyoga.P.H. Pott,YogaandTantra, Translation series8 (The Hague:M. Nijhoff, 1966); Dharma Suinya,11.4,in Forrester,
"TheDharmasiunya (The Philosophyof the Void),"84.
RONALD WALLENFELS
Sealson the Persepolis FortificationTablets,volume 1, Imagesof HeroicEncounter By Mark B. Garrison and Margaret Cool Root, with seal inscription readings by Charles E. Jones. Oriental Institute Publications 117. Part 1, Text, 562 + xxxiii pages; part 2, Plates, xxiv pages, 291 plates. Chicago: Oriental Institute Publications, 2001. $140.00 hardcover.
Thislargeand handsomelyproducedvolume,bound in two parts,is the much-welcomefirstof a longawaitedthree-volumecatalogueof the 1,162different analyticallylegiblesealimpressionspreservedon the AchaemenidElamitecuneiformtabletsfromthe PersepolisFortificationArchivepublishedby Richard T.Hallockin 1969.1Hallock'scorpusof 2,087 tablets representsa smallfractionof the estimated20,000 to 30,000 tablets, anepigraphic tags, and unassociated
fragmentsexcavatedfromwithinthe fortification wallat the northeastcornerof the Persepolisterrace by an OrientalInstituteexpeditionheadedby Ernst Herzfeldduring1933-34.Hallockbroadlydivided his study corpus, dating from 509-494
B.C. during
the reignof DariusI (522-486 B.C.), into two major groups,one concernedwith the movementof food commodities,the otherwith theirapportionment. Morerecently,it has been suggestedthata thirdmajor groupmaybe discerned- those concernedwith receiptsat storehousesof commoditiessuppliedby producers.2
Volumei of Seals on the PersepolisFortification Tabletsspecificallytreats312 differentcylinderand stampseals,as reconstructedfroma totalof 1,970 (partial)impressions,that displaythe motif of a "heroicencounter." Thepresentstudyutilizesmore or less the samebody of sealimpressions(exclud-
ing the sixteenPersepolisTreasurysealimpressions) as MarkB. Garrison's1988Universityof Michigan Ph.D.dissertationwrittenunderthe supervisionof his now coauthor,ProfessorMargaretCool Root.3In thatstudyGarrisondefinedthe heroicencounteras one in whicha superhumanfiguregrasps,or combats with a weapon,animalsand monstrouscreatures.He designatedthosebalancedcompositionsin whichthe heroicfigureholds at baya pairof creatures- the so-calledMasterof the Animalstheme- as "control and those compositionsin whichthe encounters," hero stabsor threatensto stabsome rampantbeastas "combatencounters." The authorshavehereslightly refinedthe earlierterminologyso thatthesearenow imagesof "heroiccontrol"and of "heroiccombat,' respectively. Part1, Text,openswith a four-partintroduction.In Part1 of the introductionthe authorspresentan overview of the FortificationArchiveitself,touchingon the scopeand characterof the evidence,sealinscriptions and issuesof language,and stylesof sealcarving. Part2 of the introductionproceedsfroma brief overviewof Herzfeld'sactivitiesat Persepolisthrough a justificationfor termingthe PersepolisFortification tabletsan archiveto a reviewof othercollectionsof Achaemenidperiodsealings.4Part3 offersan overview to the full three-volumecatalogue. Part4 of the introductionbrieflyrecountsthe origins and possiblemeaningof the heroicencounter andpresentsa four-tierhierarchyof compositional formatsand designelementsby whichthe sealsin the Catalogueof Imagesareorderedandnumbered. Thisapproachentailsthe thirdmajorreorderingof this sealcorpus.Hallockoriginallyassignedsequential (PFS)numbersto just those314sealsattestedmore thanonce in his tabletcorpus,orderedin decreasing frequencyof theiroccurrence;inscribedsealswere
C,,
z -1 199
cli
Jl
Cl .t Z>
.i
C)
200)
suffixedwith an asterisk(*), stampsealswith an "s." Garrisonand Roothaveassignedfurthersequential PFSnumbersto all of the remainingimpressionsin the orderin whichtheywereencounteredon the tablets as publishedby Hallockin 1969,whichhe ordered on the basisof theircontents.Forhis dissertation, Garrisonreorderedbut did not renumberthe sealsas perhis assignmentof them to the stylisticgroupsand subgroupsthathe definedat thattime. In the Catalogueof Imageseachindividualentry beginswith both the seal'sPFSnumberand its new cataloguenumber,an unfortunatebut necessary consequenceof the publishinghistoryof significant portionsof this corpus.A twicelife-sizeline drawing of the sealis offeredas reconstructedfromall availableimpressions,accompaniedby a centimeterscale. Wherethe authorsaresecurein theirreconstruction of the full surfaceof a cylinderseal,theyhavecontinuedtheirsomewhatatypicalpracticeof repeating partsof the rolloutboth to the left and rightof the full sceneas engravedon the seal.Thusa singleterminalfillermotif or inscriptionpanelon the original sealnow is seen to flankthe centralmotif to either side.Toreduceanypossibleambiguity,the length and positionof the centimeterscalebeneaththe seal drawingclearlybracketone full rotationof thatseal. Therefollowsa list of objectiveand subjectivedata includingSealType(cylinderor stamp),Photographs (platenumbersin part2), EarliestDatedApplication (but unfortunatelynot the latest),Typology(as per the four-tierhierarchyin Part4 of the introduction) and Style,PreservedHeightand Lengthof Image, EstimatedHeightand Diameterof OriginalSeal, Numberof Impressions,Qualityof Impression,and Completenessof Image.A detailedDescriptionof the sealproceedsfromthe pose and garbof the central heroicfigureto the creature(s)he encountersto the subsidiaryor fillermotifs.Inscriptions,wherepresent, aregivenin transliterationandtranslation.In the Commentarysealownershipand usageareconsidered togetherwith briefformaland iconographicaldiscussions.UnderSealApplication,the locationof the impression(s)on the tablet(s)is described,and any accompanyingsealimpression(s)identifiedby their
PFSnumber,and,if in Volume1,theircorresponding cataloguenumberin parentheses;sealsto appearin Volumes2 and3 aresimplyso identifiedwithouttheir new cataloguenumbers.Eachentryis completedwith a bibliography. The catalogueis followedby no less thantwelve appendices.The firsttwo, Concordanceof Seals to Tabletsin Volume1 and ProvisionalListof All SubsumedHallockPFSNumbers,largelyrepeatdata previouslyprovidedby Garrisonand Root.5Appendix 3, SummaryDataon SealImpressionsforVolume1, containstwenty-twobargraphsthatfor the most part displaythe distributionsof the inferredheightsand diametersof sealsin the differentstylisticgroups.In the few caseswheretherearesufficientexamplesto be of statisticalsignificance,the distributioncurvesare typicallybell-shaped.Appendix4 providesa concise examinationof stampsealshapes;Appendix5 lists sealinscriptionsby languageor script;andAppendix 6 lists and graphssealsby theirstylisticcategories. Appendices7 throughii arein the formof alphabetical indices:Appendix7 liststhe animals,demons,and monstersfoundin the heroicencounters;Appendix 8 is a ratherlargeand heterogeneouslistingof andAppendices9 through "iconographicfeatures"; 11areindicesof PersonalNames,Occupational Designations,and GeographicalNames,respectively. Appendix12 is a concordanceof PFSto catalogue numbers.Completingpart1 aretwo indices:the first an indexof all referencesin Volume1 to Persepolis Fortificationand PersepolisTreasurySealimpressions,6the seconda generalindex. Part2, Plates,beginswith a briefintroduction, a list of plates,andthe platesthemselves.Plates1 through173displayin catalogueorderphotographs of one or two of the best sealimpressionstogether with a line drawing(identicalto thataccompanying the individualcatalogueentriesin Part1) of eachdifferentimpression.The reproductionratiois again2:1 throughout.Consideringthe generallylow reliefof the sealimpressionsand the uneventabletsurfaces upon whichtheywereimpressed,the consistently high qualityand legibilityof the photographsis noteworthy.The closejuxtapositionof the photographs
and the compositedrawingsallowsthe readerto readily evaluatethe copyist's(inevitable)subjectivityin the latter.Thebalanceof the plates(174-291) contains a selectionof sealdrawings"illustratingcomparative featuressuchas iconographicelements,poses, compositionalformats,perspectivalelements,types of animalsand creatures,deities,classesof sealtypes (e.g., inscribedseals,stampseals,officeseals),seal caps,andborders"(p. vii). Thereis no obviousordering to the themes,nor is the treatmentexhaustivebut it is, as statedby the authors,intendedto lend a visual componentto the lists in Appendices4-11. The motif of the heroicencounter,some of whose themeshavebeen tracedbackto prehistorictimes, certainlyenjoyedgreatpopularityon sealsthroughout the entireperiodof the Persiandominationof westernAsia.Butprobablypreciselybecauseof its now closeassociationwith Achaemenidroyaliconography,the motif,alongwith cylindersealsthemselves (althoughfor otherreasons),rapidlyand completely disappearedin the firstdecadesof the thirdcentury B.C. duringthe reignof SeleucusI.7Garrisonand Root presentthe interestedreaderwith a wealthof primary and interpretivedataby whichto appreciate,among much else,the inventivenessof the sealcuttersworking at the beginningof the heroicencounter'sfinal periodof popularityon westernAsiaticseals.When fullypublished,and togetherwith Hallock'stext editions,the cataloguewill, it is to be hoped,makeit possibleto understandmorefullythe complexitiesof the Persepolissealingpracticesand fromthem the associ-
atedadministrative practices.The authorsareto be congratulatedfor theirmost significantcontribution to the studyof LateBabylonianglyptic.Thisreviewer eagerlyawaitsthe appearanceof the remainingtwo volumesin this enormousundertaking.+ NOTES 1. RichardT.Hallock,Persepolis OrientalInstitute Fortification Tablets, 2.
Publications42 (Chicago:Universityof ChicagoPress,1969). GerassimosG.Aperghis,"ThePersepolisFortification Texts-Another Look,"in Studiesin PersianHistory:Essaysin MemoryofDavidM. Lewis, ed.MariaBrosiusandAmeie Kuhrt,AchaemenidHistory11(Leiden: Nederlands Instituut voor het Nabije Oosten, 1998), 35-62.
3. MarkB.Garrison,"SealWorkshopsandArtistsin Persepolis: A Study of SealImpressionsPreservingthe Themeof HeroicEncounteron the PersepolisFortificationandTreasury Tablets" (Ph.D.diss.,Universityof Michigan, 1988).
4. TheDaskyleionmaterialhasnow appearedin DenizKaptan,The Daskyleion Bullae:SealImagesfromtheWestern Achaemenid Empire, AchaemenidHistory12 (Leiden:NederlandsInstituutvoorhet Nabije Oosten,2003). Tothe Babylonianmaterial,addEricaEhreberg, "A Corpusof EarlyFifthCenturySealImpressionsin theYaleBabylonian Collection," BaghdaderMitteilungen 31 (2000):
309-54.
See also Wouter
F.M. Henkelman,CharlesE.Jones,MatthewW.Stolper,"ClayTagswith AchaemenidSealImpressionsin the DutchInstituteof the NearEast (NINO) andElsewhere," ARTA1 (2004):1-66, http://www.achemenet. com/ressources/enligne/arta/pdf/2004.00l/2004.-ol.pdf.
SealStudies: 5. MarkB. GarrisonandMargaretCoolRoot,Persepolis An Introduction withProvisionalConcordances of SealNumbersand Associated DocumentsonFortification Tablets. AchaemenidHistory9 (Leiden:NederlandsInstituutvoorhet NabijeOosten,1996;reprinted with corrections, 1998).
6. ErichB. Schmidt,Persepolis, vol.2, Contentsof theTreasury and Other Discoveries. OrientalInstitutePublications69 (Chicago:Universityof Chicago Press, 1957).
7. RonaldWallenfels, "Fourth-Century BabylonianSealedArchivalTexts." In SealsandSealImpressions of theXLVeRencontre Assyriologique ed.W.W.Halo andI. J.Winter International, part2, YaleUniversity, (Bethesda,Md.:CDLPress,2001), 215-38.
RONALD WALLENFELS, Ph.D. (1990) in ancient Semitics, Columbia University, is currently adjunct assistant professor of Hebrew and Judaic studies, New York University. Among his recent publications are Seleucid Archival Texts in the Harvard Semitic Museum Text Editions
~J
and Catalogue Raisonne of the Seal Impressions (1998) and "Fourth-Century Babylonian Sealed Archival Texts," Seals and Seal Impressions of the XLVe, Rencontre Assyriologique International (2001). 158 Fair Haven Rd.,
FairHaven, NJ 07704. Telephone: 732 747-4868. E-mail:[email protected].
21~
SCOTT REDFORD
Excavationsat Surt (Medinat al-Sultan) between1977 and 1981 By G6za Fehervari, 'Abbas Hamdani, Masoud Shaghlouf, and Hal Bishop, edited by Elizabeth Savage, with contributions by John Riley, Muhammad Hamid, and Ted Hughes. A publication of the Department of Antiquities, Tripoli, Libya, and the Society for Libyan Studies, London. 128 + viii pages, bibliography, index, 7-page summary in Arabic, 11 figures (including one foldout plan), 45 black-and-white photographs and 4 color photographs. Broadstairs, Kent, U.K.: Lanes, Ltd., 2002. $25.00 softcover.
Thisbook documentsfour seasonsof excavation undertaken between 1977and 1981at the Islamic town
0 C
C")
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of Surt,on the coastof the Bayof Sirteabouthalfway betweenTripoliand Benghaziin Libya.The Libyan Departmentof Antiquitiesand the Societyfor Libyan Studies,London,werecosponsorsof the excavation; ProfessorGezaFehervariwas fielddirector. Surtwas a port andtradingtown thatflourished duringthe earlyFatimidera.Its originsin the Islamic periodremainobscure.It was situatedadjacentto the Roman/Byzantine town of Iscina,whichpresumablywas abandonedafterthe Islamicconquests.As ProfessorMichaelBrettpoints out in his preface(p. vii), two of the authorsdisagreeon the earlyhistory of the site.On the one hand,Fehervarimaintainsthat "thismusthavebeen fromthe beginninga fortified camp"(p. 32) foundedby'Amribn al-'As,presumably alongthe lines of the earlyIslamicamsar.Professor 'AbbasHamdani,on the otherhand,argues,based on his reviewof the historicalsources,thatthe first Islamicoccupationwas an eighth-centuryA.D. Ibadi Kharijisettlement(p. 15).Bothargumentsarebased
primarilyon historicaland not on archaeological reasoning.
MedievalIslamictravelersrecountedthe exportof mutton,wool, and alumfromSurt(p. 14).Theyalso reportedthatit was surroundedwith walls,had no suburbs,but possessedcisternsand springsand gardens.The surroundingareawaspopulatedby Berber tribesthatcameto the town to tradeandto graze theirflocksin the winter.The eleventh-century geographeral-Bakri,drawingon a tenth-centurysource, reportedthatthe inhabitantsof Surtweretraders who spokea mixtureof Arabic,Berber,Persian,and Coptic (p. 20), presumablyan avatarof linguafranca. Whateverits origins,all the authorsagreethatSurt's periodof greatestprosperitycameduringthe early to mid-tenthcenturyFatimidexpansionandthatit declinedduringand afterthe Fatimid-Ziridconflict whichdevelopedin the eleventhcenturyafterthe Fatimidconquestof Egyptin 969.Writingin the mid-late thirteenthcentury,Ibn Sa'idreportedthat the town hadbeen destroyedby ArabBedouins,who at thattime inhabitedthe fortsof the area(p. 23). Becauseits ruinsareeasilyvisibleon a prominent sectionof the coast,Surthadbeen the subjectof scholarlyinquirybeforeFehervari's teambeganwork. In the 196os, both Libyanand Egyptianteamshad excavatedat Surt,at the mosque,the citywalls,andon the most prominentmoundinsidethe walls-Area C. Mosteffortshad gone into tracingthe citywalls and locatingtheirgatesand in excavatingthe mosque. Slittrencheshad alsobeen openedin AreaC. Fehervariandhis teamcontinuedpreviousinterest in theseareas.Theyexcavatedin and aroundthe mosqueandbrieflyaroundone of the citygates. Mosqueareaexcavationsconfirmedthe expansion of the mosque,presumablyin the Fatimidera,and uncoveredstructuressubsidiaryto the mainbuilding.
Soundingsdid not resolvethe vexingissueof the orientationof the mosque,whichfacesdue south. The majorfocusof excavation,however,wasthe AreaC. There,Fehervariand his teamexcavated an areathat endedup encompassingmorethan 125 squaremetersto depthsof up to 1meter.Becauseof the lackof overburden,most depositwas shallower thanthis,with manywallslyingjust belowthe surface. AreaC consistedof a seriesof roomsand courtyards, with cisterns,a well,breadovens,and privys.Evidence of glassand iron manufacturingwas uncovered.The combinationof small-scaleindustrialactivity,architecture,and locationin the middleof the intramural settlementled the authorsto concludethatAreaC consistedof housesand workshopsconstitutingpart of the madinaof Surt(p. 114). Thevolumeis dividedinto fivemain sections.After a briefprefaceby Brett,an introductionby Fehervari reviewspreviousworkon the site andpublishes plansand photographsof both the site in general and the mosquein particular.Chapter1 consistsof an overviewof the historyof Surtand the region and by Hamdani.Chapter2, authoredby Fehervairi MasoudShaghlouf,givesan accountof the 1977-81 excavations.Chapter3, a brieffivepagescontaining all of the colorphotographsin the volume,is by Its subjectis "EarlyGlazedPotteryof North Fehervairi. Africa,"and it takesas the basisfor its discussiona limitednumberof sherdsfound duringexcavation. Chapter4, by Fehervariand Hal Bishop,documents some of the potteryand smallfinds.It includesa petrologicalanalysisof sevenglazedsherdsthat isolates threepetrofabrics,and a technicaldescriptionof the sherdsby MuhammadHamidand TedHughes.The text concludeswith a briefsummaryby Fehervari.
the1960S' excavations and Althoughit summarizes surveysthe four seasonsof workbetween1977 and 1981,this book is by naturea preliminaryor interim, not a finalreport.The authorsnote theirlackof access to the findsthemselvesand to excavationrecords (includingpotterydrawings),whichremainon site (p. 75).The text is generouslyinterlardedwith clear (and well-reproduced)photographsand severalplans, but no sectionsarepublished.As noted above,there
areno potterydrawings,nor arethereanydrawings of the restof the objects.Furthermore, despiteseveral mentionsof the largequantitiesof sherdsrecovered, unglazedwaresareaccordedjust overtwo pagesof description.Therehasbeen no attemptat statistical analysisof pottery,let alonedocumentationfollowing the normsof archaeological practicefor finalreports. Finally,thereseemsto havebeen no effortto collect or studybones or seeds,analysisof whichwouldhave shedlight on the briefdescriptionsof economicand socialactivityat Surtby medievaltravelers. Fehervariis clearlyinterestedin glazedceramics, reproducingthem in colorandprovidingtechnical analyses.His briefchapteron glazedceramics providesan overviewof issuesrelatingto the spread of lusterandwhathe calls"NorthAfricanpolychrome-paintedwares."His reviewof archaeological and art-historicalevidenceis curiouslyhurried, however,lackingin referencesto piecesmentioned in the text.It also ignoresthe verycloseconnection betweenthesepolychromewaresand an early Abbasidtype discussedby OliverWatsonin a recent article("Museums,Collecting,Art-Historyand DamaszenerMitteilungen 11 [1999]: Archaeology," The two technicalreportsprovidevaluable 421-32). dataon the manufacturingtechniquesof the sherds involved,althoughthose dataarenot illustratedin the form of photographsof the thin sections. On the lastpageof his summary,Fehervaristates, "Thearchaeological workat Surtis farfromcomplete" (p. 115).When I first read this sentence, I
thoughtthatit referredto the incompletenatureof the publication,and not the need for furtherwork. Butsincesucha callis issuedat the end of the volume,let me suggestwaysin whichthe site couldbe betterunderstoodandwaysthatit couldilluminate Islamicarchaeology.Anyfutureexcavationshould undertaketwo kindsof surveybeforeanyexcavation is attempted.The firstwouldbe a surveyof the hinterlandof Surt,includingall or partof neighboring Iscina.The relationshipbetweenthe Roman/ Byzantineand Islamiccitieswouldsurelyhelp resolve the issueof the natureof the earlyIslamicsettlement here.And,giventhe relativelackof overburden,Surt
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is one of the few remainingsitescapableof furnishing answersconcerningthe relationshipbetweenIslamic and pre-Islamicsettlementin the earliestyearsof the conquest. Thishinterlandshouldalso includethe vicinityof Surtitself.The relationof the tradersof IslamicSurt with nomads,whichthe list of exportscitedabove proveswas obviouslymutuallybeneficial,shouldbe exploredby mappingthe surroundinggardenbelt and fortsand searchingfor nomadicencampments. The relationshipbetweennomadand town dweller shouldnot automaticallybe assumedto be inimical, nor shouldall those later,poorertracesof settlement automaticallybe attributedto nomads(see p. 45:"The shabbyconstructionof some of the walls... mustbe the remainsof nomadicactivity"). A geomorphologicalsurveyis also calledfor. Severaltimes duringthe discussion,variousauthors makerecourseto seismicactivityto explainthe settling of wallsor floorswithout,as faras I can tell,any proofthatthis areawas activeseismicallyduringthe earlyor medievalIslamicperiod.A geomorphologist
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SCOTT REDFORD, Ph.D. (1989) in fine arts, Harvard University, is associate professor in 20
the School of Foreign Service, Georgetown University. His publications include The
Archaeology of the Frontierin the Medieval Near East (Philadelphia 1998) and Landscapeand the State in Medieval Anatolia (Oxford2000).
wouldhavealsobeen ableto helpwith the sequencing of mosqueconstructionby determiningthe difference betweenman-madeandwind-bornedeposit.Most important,however,is the relationshipof Surtto the sea.If it was indeeda port,as it seemsto havebeen, wherewasthe actualport?Hamdani(p. 20) disputes and Dr.MohammedMostafa's(an earlier Fehervairi excavatorof the site) hypothesisin this regard,but makesreferenceonly to the modernsituationof the coastlineby wayof objection.A geomorphological surveyof the coastlinewouldbe ableto relatechanges in the shorelineto those of settlementin the region. In his prefaceto this volume,Brettnotesthe enormous potentialof Islamicarchaeologyfor North Africa,giventhe paucityand natureof the written sources.In the presentstudy,a focuson the mosque and on glazedceramicsevincesinterestsmoreart historicalthanarchaeological. A fullerpresentation and evenbasicanalysisof humblermaterialsat Surt wouldhaveshedgreaterlight on largerissuesrelating to settlementand economy.*:
MASSUMEH FARHAD
PeerlessImages:PersianPainting and Its Sources By Eleanor Sims, with Boris Marshak and Ernst J. Grube. 341 + xi pages, 250 illustrations in color, map. New Haven and London: Yale University Press, 2002. $95.00 hardcover.
In the last decades,Persianpaintinghas received unprecedentedscholarlyattention,with the publicationof numerousarticles,monographs,historical surveys,and cataloguesof exhibitionsas well as privateand publiccollections.'EleanorSims'sgrand andlavishlyillustratedPeerlessImagesis one of the most recentadditionsto this impressivebody of work. Ambitiousboth in its geographicand chronological scope,the book tracesthe developmentof Persian figurativepaintingin "greater" Iran,whichincludes much of CentralAsiaand present-dayIraq,fromprehistorictimesto the earlytwentiethcentury.In her Note to the Reader,Simsexplainsher publication as follows: Thisvolume-which
shouldcarrythe subtitle,
Iranian FiguralPainting and Its Sources
took
shapefroma challenge:to writea book on "Persian painting"froma new perspective.As I considered the possibilitiesand reviewedthe literatureon the subjectthathas markedthe last century,I thought I mightdevelopan approachthatwas not historical;instead,I wouldshapethe book by means of the themesby the subjectsof its illustrations. (p. xi)
Nevertheless,PeerlessImagesbeginswith a historical overview.The formationof ancientIranianart fromseventhcenturyB.C. (the reignof the Scythians) to the lateeighthcenturyA.D, when the Soghdiancity
was abandoned, of Panjikent,outsideof Samarqand, is writtenby the eminentRussianscholar,Boris Marshak.In his outline,"Pre-Islamic Paintingand Its Marshakalso relateshow Persianartistsand Sources," craftsmenabsorbedand transformeddifferentfigural traditions,suchas those associatedwith the Greeks and Indians,to invigoratetheirown. The accountof the author'sown discoveriesof the wallpaintingsat Panjikent,detailsof whichareillustratedthroughout the volume,deservespecialmention. Simsintroducesthe sectionon the artsin Islamic Iranwith a fascinatingdiscussionof the legendary ManicheanpainterManiandhis subsequentimportancefor the historyof the Persianpictorialtradition. Drawingprimarilyon archaeological evidenceas well as on inlaidmetalworkand ceramics,she reconstructsthe evolutionof Persianfiguralpaintingin the earlyand medievalperiods(eighthto the thirteenth century).Forthe rest,she focuseson keyillustrated texts,patrons,and artisticcentersthatplayeda pivotal rolein the developmentof Persianartsof the book fromthe fourteenthto the earlynineteenthcentury. Althoughthis chapteris intendedmoreas a historical "preamble" to the subsequentthematicone, it offersa valuableintroductionand referencetool for students and enthusiastsof the artsof the book alike. In the secondand mainsection,Simshighlights some of the principalthemesand compositionsof Persianpainting,arguingfor a continuouspictorial tradition.The categoriescomprisefeastingand fighting (bazmu razm),cult and ceremony,figuraltypes, and illustrationof texts,whichin turn aredivided into subsections.Underthe rubricof "fighting," for instance,the authorincludesbattles,duals,andthe hunt,whilethe themeof "feasting" is dividedinto outdoorand indoorscenes.Othercategories,suchas "settings'aremorebroadlydefinedand rangefrom
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the naturalworldto interiors,architectural compositions, and nocturnalscenes. Relyingon herbroadknowledgeof Persianart, Simshas set up unusualvisualgroupingsthat include worksin differentmediaand formats.Hersection "Feasting: Out-of-Doors"beginswith a sixth/seventhcenturyceramicamphorafromMerv,decoratedwith a royalcouple(no. 30) and a receptionscenefroman historicalmanuscript(no. earlyfourteenth-century 31).To illustratethe imageof the hero,the author has combineda compositionfromIbrahimSultan's 1431-35Shahnama(Bookof Kings),depictingRustam with two muralpaintingsfrom unhorsingAfrasiyab, Panjikent,one representingRustamfightinga demon (no. 132), andthe other,RustambattlingAulad(no. 133).Inevitably,thereis certainthematicoverlap,and manyof the workscouldfallinto morethanone category.A paintingsuchas BizhanSlaystheBoarsof Irman(no. 139),whichis discussedunderthe heading of the "hero," wouldhavebeen equallyrelevantfor the sectionson"animals," "outdoorscenes,""hunt,"or "illustrationof text."Similarly,the celebratedpainting A ChristianMonastery(no. 104)couldbe analyzed for its depictionof "scholars" ratherthan"setting." The book relieslargelyon well-publishedmanuscript paintingsand objectsbut alsoincludeslesser-known works,suchas the remarkablepaintedossuaryfrom the Hermitage(no. 56) and two folios fromthe 1648 WindsorShahnama(nos. 18,87). Notwithstandingthe difficultiesof reproducingthe richpaletteof Persian manuscriptpainting,it is unfortunatethata considerablenumberof illustrationsin PeerlessImageslack the high visualqualityone wouldexpectfromsuch a book (e.g., nos. 39,50 108,150,160,181,i85, 220). A livelyand highlyinformativeessayaccompanies eachillustration.Simscarefullyguidesthe reader/ viewerthroughthe works,pointingout some of theirsalientformalfeatures,as is evidentin her entry on TheShoemakers WifeReleasedbyHerFriendthe Barber'sWifefromthe 1459Kalilava Dimna (no. 106). The ladieswearredshoesand headdresses; the shoemaker'swife has a redornamentsuspended froma red ribbonaroundher neck,and eventhe
ropewith whichshe is tied is red.As is the somewhatrumpledquiltunderneathwhichthe shoemakersleeps,furnishinga largeredcounterpointto the smallerquantitiesof redin the ladies'toilette. The coloralmostsurelyanticipatesthe next stage of the drama,whenblood actuallyflows.(p. 193) Forotherpaintings,suchas Khusrauand Shirin, in the Gardenat Night, Listeningto Shirin'sMaid Recite Poetry (no. 35),the authorsummarizesNizami'scel-
ebratedlove story,whilethe sectionon religiously inspiredpaintings,writtenby ErnstGrube,provides an opportunityto discussthe centraldoctrinesor "pillars" of Islam. In her note to the reader,Simsadmitsthatchoosing a thematicframework"hasnot beenwithoutits perils,"but adds,"Idid not pull the 'thematic'categoriesout of thin airbut organizedthem as the pictures appearedto ordain"(p. xi). Still,a briefjustification of the particularcategoriesand a summaryof their overridingformalcharacteristics and iconographic significancewithinthe Persianaesthetictradition wouldhavehelpedthe reader.Forinstance,whatare the visualattributesof the heroand,for thatmatter,the heroine,in Persianpainting?Andwhatabout depictionof villains?How did paintersreconcilethe representation of natureor architectural monuments with the deep-rootedaestheticpreferencefor idealized and stylizedcompositions?And finally,is there a reasonfor omittingthe genreof historicalwriting fromthe sectionon "TheIllustrationof Texts," which examinesthe othertwo literarytypes- the epic and the romance?Onlythe sectionon religiousimagery seemsto havedeservedclarification,but the others wouldhavealsobenefitedfroma similartreatment. Clearly,Sims'sdecisionto emphasizebroadformal andliterarythemesin favorof chronologicaland stylisticconsiderationshas allowedherto offera new perspectiveon the natureof Persianfiguralpainting. Butdo the individualessaysaddup to a compelling surveyof Persianfiguralpainting?Canone detach the worksfromtheirhistorical,cultural,and physical contextand focusprimarilyon theirformalcharacteristics?PeerlessImagesis the most recentreminder
of some of the methodologicaldifficultiesof presenting an in-depthaccountof a complexartistictradition, suchas Persianfigurativepainting.Evenif we disregardthe inevitableconsequenceof an ahistorical approach,emphasison a thematicframeworkas an end in itselftendsto perpetuatethe misconception of Persianfiguralpaintingas isolated,self-contained worksof art.The majorityof the imagesin Peerless Imagesaremanuscriptpaintingsthatarepartof a largerartisticensemble.Topresentthem as independent compositions,in the samewayone wouldpresent a decoratedceramicbowl,is to ignoretheirrole and functionas an integralpartof a largerformal entityand,by extension,to downplayan essential aspectof theirartisticmeaningand significance.The factthatmanyof the imagesarecroppedfromtheir whichmay surroundingtext (nos. 14,125,140,150), havebeen an editorialchoice,furtheraggravatesthis problem.Grantedthatthe book'sfirstchapterfocuses on keyillustratedmanuscripts,suchas the Jami'altawarikh(Compendiumof histories),the Mongol Shahnama,or the TahmaspKhamsa(Quintet),the
shiftto and emphasison individualcompositionsin the secondchapterdeservemorediscussionand clarificationthanareofferedhere. Thesecriticismsaside,PeerlessImagesoffersconsiderableinsightinto the underlyingpictorialandliteraryidealsof Persianfigurativepaintingto a broader, morediverseaudience.Thanksto Sims'sanalytical skills,engagingstyleof writing,andjudiciouschoice of illustrations,the publicationservesas a useful introductionand discerningpicturegallery,reaffirming the powerand magicof Persianpainting.*: NOTE i. Some of the most important recent publications include Sheila R.
TheDrawingsandPaintingsofRiza-yi Reformer: Canby,TheRebellious AbbasiofIsfahan(London: Azimuth Publications, 1996); RoyalPersian Paintings:TheQajarEpoch,1785-1925,ed. Layla S. Diba, with Maryam Ekhtiar (Brooklyn, N.Y: Brooklyn Museum of Art in association with I.
PortfolioofMiniaturePaintings B.Tauris,1998); GolistanPalaceLibrary: and Calligraphy(Tehran: Zarrin & Simin Books, 2000);
Bernard
in theLate O'Kane,EarlyPersianPainting:KalilavaDimnaManuscripts Fourteenth Century (London and New York:I. B. Tauris, 2003); Abolala Soudavar,Artof thePersianCourts(New York:Rizzoli Press, 1992); David Roxburgh, "Kamalal-Din Bihzad and the Authorship in Persiante Painting,"Muqarnas 17 (2000):
119-47.
MASSUMEH FARHAD,Ph.D. (1987) in fine arts (Islamicart) HarvardUniversity,chief curatorand curatorof Islamicart, Freer Galleryof Art and ArthurM. Sackler Gallery, Smithsonian Institution.She has contributedto Sultan IbrahimMirza'sHaftAwrang:A Deluxe
C4 -d (Z) IZ) q
Manuscriptfrom Sixteenth CenturyIran(1997), Asian Traditionsin Clay:The Hauge Gifts (2000) and Slaves of the Shah: New Elites of
cc 1,
SafavidIran(forthcoming).E-mail:massumeh. [email protected].
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ADAM HARDY
Encyclopaediaof Indian Temple Architecture: SouthIndia, Dravidadesa,LaterPhase, C.A.D. 1289-1798 Edited by George Michell. 2 vols., 382 + x pages, 123 figures, 570 plates, 3 maps. New Delhi: American Institute of Indian Studies, 2001. Price varies, hardcover.
The Templesin Kumbhariya Edited by M. A. Dhaky and U. S. Moorti. 186 + xx pages, 14 figures, 244 plates. New Delhi: American Institute of Indian Studies; Ahmedabad: Lalbhai Dalpatbhai Institute of Indology, 2001. Price varies, hardcover.
The Encyclopaediaof Indian TempleArchitecture,of
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whichthe firstvolumesappearedin 1983,hasbeen a vastundertaking,of inestimableimportanceto its fieldthroughits scholarlydocumentationof a fargreaternumberof templesthan everpublished before.The latestset,in the usualformatof one volume for text and drawings,one for black-and-white plates,is the penultimatefor SouthIndiaand covers present-dayKarnataka, AndhraPradesh,and Kerala betweenthe end of the thirteenthcenturyandthe end of the eighteenth.The centralfocusis the period of Vijayanagara dominationduringthe fifteenthand sixteenthcenturies,and the volumesincludethe by now relativelyunifiedstylisticzone corresponding to much of Karnataka andAndhra,andthe distinctive traditionsof coastalKarnataand Kerala,with theirwoodenpitchedroofs.The Keralachapters (valuableespeciallybecauseof the inaccessibilityto non-Hindusof most of the temples)areby Jayaram Poduval;the remainingchaptersareby the editor,
GeorgeMichell.Followingthe patternestablishedfor the Encyclopaedia, a regionalstylisticclassificationis followed,runningthroughchaptersdefinedaccording to the rulingdynastiesunderwhichthe templesare knownor thoughtto havebeenbuilt. Michellis the most knowledgeablescholarin the fieldof Vijayanagara architecture. The monuments presented,a selectionof the myriadsurvivingfrom the period,arelesswell knownthanthe earlierones, and muchof the documentationhereis pioneering, as reflectedin the proportionof photographsby Michellratherthanfromthe AmericanInstituteof IndianStudiesarchive.Manyof the fine drawingsare by Michellor fromthe Vijayanagara ResearchProject with whichhe hasbeen involvedfor manyyears.This is the firstadequatepublicationof muchof the material,and Michellpointsto the art-historicalissuesstill to be resolved. M. A. Dhaky,the maineditoralongwith Michael Meisterof the precedingvolumesof the Encyclopaedia, hasbeen"therealforcebehindthe successof the entireEncyclopaedia," as CatherineB.Asheracknowledgesin the prefaceto the latestset (p. xii). WithU. S. Moorty,Dhakyis authorof the recentmonograph on the eleventh-to thirteenth-century Jainatemples at Kumbhariya in northenGujarat.Workon the studywasbegunby Dhakymorethanfortyyearsago, and at one time it was destinedfor the appropriate NorthIndiavolumeof the Encyclopaedia. One happy consequenceof the slowgestationof the latteris this book,dealingwith the site in greaterdetailthanthe frameworkof the Encyclopaedia wouldhaveallowed. The whitemarbletemplesof Kumbhariya, in their coveredcourtyards,belongto the Maru-Gurjara stylethatDhakyoriginallyidentifiedand showa spectacularblossomingof the westernIndiantradition of ceilingdesign,developingheretowardthe
stagesknownthroughthe more famousJainatemple complexesat Delvada(Dilwara,MountAbu) and Ranakpur.Architecturaldescriptionsof the temples, accompaniedby the firstpublishedfloorplansand a numberof drawingsof details,followmeticuloushistoricalsectionsand a reviewof previousscholarship. Associatedsculpturesarediscussed,and inscriptions fromthe site arepublishedand analyzed,manyfor the firsttime. the appointment Returningto the Encyclopaedia, Michell as editor of George couldhavebeen likeputhole.With ting a Brahmakanta peg in a Rudrakanta his backgroundin architectureratherthanIndology, he has generallystayedfirmlyat the pragmaticend of the spectrumon the issueof Sanskritterminology.However,for the sakeof continuityin the series, he has adaptedto the establishedpolicy,usingmany Sanskritand,whereappropriate,Tamilterms.U. S. Moorty,coordinatorof the volumes,has clearlyplayed an importantrolein maintainingcontinuity.Michell and Rudrakanta even refersto Brahmakanta pillars, respectivelysquareand round. The establishmentof authenticindigenousterminologyhas been an objectiveof the Encyclopaedia projectsinceit began,a heroicundertakingarising fromrecent,informedstudyof traditionalarchitecturaltexts,not leastby Dhaky.Westerntermsare oftenboth confusingand culturallyinappropriate: why agonizeoverwhetherto use"plinth," "pedestal," or "podium"whenyou'vegot "adisthana"?A further refinement,againled largelyby Dhaky,has been the realizationthatdifferentregionaltraditionsused differentterms.Thisphenomenonhas alsobeen respectedin the Encyclopaedia, despitethe difficulty thatcan arisefromdifferentwordsbeingusedfor the sameelement. Painfulfor the readeris the lackof a full,detailed, and illustratedglossary.A glossaryhas alwaysbeen partof the plan:it has beenpromisedsoon for South Indiaandwill be welcome.Adisthanas area case in point, the typologyintroducedin volume1still beingused in the latestof the series:"Themost frequentlyoccurringadisthana type is Kapotabandha wherenasisareshownas bases.In a few instancesthe
Padabandhaand Padmabandha typesalso appear" (p. 5). The glossaryat the end of the volumeis cryptic: Kapotabandha is "adisthlnatoppedby kapota," and other two I the merely"adisthanatype." am probably not the only one to havegone throughthe illustrations in volume1 to try to understandthis typology. The clearestwayto definethe adisthanadesign,it seemsto me, is to enumeratethe primaryelements, the horizontalmoldings(usuallya singlecourseof stone), and only then to worryaboutvariationsin theirdetail.TheEncyclopaedia, however,seemsto definesome typesaccordingto theirdetails.Whenit is publishedthe full glossarymayexplainall,but I do suspect,heretically,that evenif we canbe surewhat the textsmeantby the terms,this will not necessarily giveus labelsthatarethe truestto the buildingsthemselves,let alonethe clearest. Therearecomparabledifficultieswith ceilingsin the Kumbhariya book: The mukhacatuski aboveits stairwaysupportsa veryfine vitanaor ceiling[A] whichis structurally of the "ksiptotksipta" orderand decorativelyof the Padmanabhaclass,the one equallyelegantbehind it in the trika[B] is of the complex"utksipta" specification.... The vitanasin the baysflankingthe one thatcarriesthe Padmanabhatype [C] areof the identical"Mandaraka" class;thosethatflank the centralutksiptatype abovethe trika'scentral baynoted above[D] areboth of the identical Nabhicchandaclass.(p. 59) ToDhakywe owe the unearthingof the terms, and againwe arestillin need of a clear,illustrated typology.Referingto the glossary,ksiptotksipta means an "ingoingas well as outprojectingcoursein a ceiling";Padmanabhais a "ceilingtype bearingluimalamdbeinga "cuspedand downward pendentives," projectingpendentive."Utksiptameans"thrownin." unhelpfully,means"projectingcentral "Mandaraka," partof ornatedoorsill"(the platecaptionsprefer "ceilingmadeup of lumas,"of which "Padmaka," thereis only a singlelargeone), and"Nabhicchanda" is "ornateceilingtypewith deepconcentriccusped-
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and-cofferedcoursesor bands."It is betterto extract a typologydirectlyfromthe pictures.Wefind,among otherthings,thatA and B followthe sameunderlying pattern,basedon an orthogonalgrid,while C and D sharea commonconcentricpattern.B and D are respectivelythe negativesof A and C, in that instead of recedingupwardinto domicalvoidsthe patterns push down out of the hollowson the steppedsoffitsof pendants. Apartfromterminologicalchallenges,thereare two problemswith the Encyclopaedia resultingfroma kind of fragmentarywayof looking.The firstrelates to the relationshipbetweenthe materialbeingfocused on and the broadertraditionsbeyondthe scopeof the individualvolumes.To some extent,this problemis simplya limitationof the formatof the series.General observationsareconfinedto Architectural Features sections,followingthe HistoricalIntroductionin each chapter.Thesesectionsarenot relatedto anyillustrations,let aloneillustrationsof extraneouscomparative material.So,for example,whereMichellputs forward the stimulatingideathatmuch of the Vijayanagara architectureof the Saluvaand Tuluvaperiods(ca. 1485-1570)is a revivalof twelfth-to thirteenth-centuryColaforms,he is not ableto provethe point visually.Morefundamentalis a tendencyto describe generalitiesas if theywereparticular. Vimanadesigns that,in termsof underlyingcomposition,hadbeen standardones sincethe end of the seventhcenturyare discussedas if theywerevirtuallyunique.A gopura (p. 89) is "cappedby a largesilai roof with characteristichorseshoe-shapedends":but gdpurasarealways crownedwith salas, and salis by definitionhaveroofs with horseshoe-shapedends,or transformations thereof.Insteadof analyzingthe generaltypologyof pillars,pillarsof a singletype arerepeatedlydescribed for individualtemples:"Interiorcolumnshaveseparatefooting-blocks,doubleblockson the shaftsseparatedby octagonaland sixteen-sidedsections,and doublecapitals"(p. 12). Thiskind of columngoes backat leastto fifth-centuryAjanta.The"doublecapital"is a ghata(pot) surountedby a phalaka(abacus) combinedwith a mand4i(cyma),as we knowfroman annotateddrawingin volume1 of the Encyclopaedia.
Pilastersarealso describedrepeatedly,without explainingthatin termsof its profile,its superimposedelements(not leastghataandphalaka/mandi), thereis just one basickind of Dravidapilaster(also goingbackat leastto Ajanta),regardlessof its details and its cross-section,Brahmakanta or whatever. Diachronicfragmentationhas its synchronic counterpart,wherebuildingsarelookedat bit by bit, missingthe whole: "EarlySangamatemplesarecharacterizedby theiruse of KarnataDravida-styled components,suchas pilasters,generallygroupedin threes, and multi-storeyedtowerswith hiras of miniature kitas andsalas"(p. 23).All Dravidatemples,abovea certaindegreeof complexity,havethesecomponents, but pilastersarenevergroupedin threes.In my view the kitas and salasin a hara(horizontalchainin an entablature)shouldbe seen as the crowningpavilions of two-storyaedicules,definedin the wallzone by pilasters,usuallybut not alwayson the cornersof projections.Butevenif this is not accepted,pilasters arealignedwith the pavilionsabove.In the "threes" to whichMichellrefers,two arealignedunderthe corner katas,the thirdwith one end of a salas,mirroringits twin at the otherend. In the Kumbhariya study,too, superstructures are severedfromtheirbodies.The sikharas(towers)get scanttreatment,with only a sentencein the general section:"Allthe sikharashereareof the Anekandaka or Sekhari(multi-turreted)class,the Latina(monospired)typewent out of vogueafterearlyiith century"(p. 45). Sekhariis anothertermthatwe owe to Dhaky,but herehe skimsoverthe Sekharicompositionsof the shrines(not purelytheirtowersin isolation)by lookingat the wallswithoutraisinghis eyes.In the Mahav1ra templethe "pratiratha [intermediatewallprojection]is narrowas is the casewith the Ambikatempleat Jagat"(p. 54).As at Jagat,these projectionsarenarrowbecause,crownedby miniature sikharasto formkuta-stambhas, theybelong,together with the bhadra(centralprojection)to a centralcluster in the formof a particularkindof shrine,emerging at the centerof the whole.It is not just the narrow wallprojectionsthataresimilarto Jagat,but the whole concept.
The Encyclopaedia series,alongwith its companareinvaluablereference ion volumeon Kumbhariya, works.Theyaregoldminesfor futureresearchers and for students,of artand designas well as of arthistory. Futurescholarshipin the fieldwill need to begin fromthe chronologicaland stylisticframework thatthe Encyclopaedia has created.Thesebooksare sometimesinfuriating,but they aremonumental and indispensable.V'
ADAM HARDY, Ph.D. (1992) in Indian temple architecture, University of Central England, is Director of PRASADA and professor of South Asian art and architecture at De Montfort University, Leicester, U.K. His recent
publications include Indian Temple Architecture:Form and Transformation (1995) and "SekhariTemples" ArtibusAsiae (2002). E-mail:[email protected].
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DONALD M. STADTNER
Inventoryof Monumentsat Pagan By Pierre Pichard. Volume 1, 409 pages, 1992. Volume 2, 411 pages, 1993. Volume 3, 409 pages, 1994. Volume 4, 413 pages, 1994. Volume 5, 411 pages, 1995. Volume 6, 415 pages, 1996. Volume 7, 411 pages, 1999. Volume 8, 375 pages, 2001. Each volume has a tabular index, alphabetical list of monuments, and maps. Volumes 1-6, Paris: UNESCO; Gartmore, Scotland: Kiscadale Press. Volumes 7-8, Paris: UNESCO and Ecole Frangais d'Extreme-Orient. Price varies, hardcover.
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Earthquakes rarelyharborsilverlinings,yet we must be gratefulfor the devastatingtremorstrikingPagan in 1975for initiatinga publicationwhoseimportance is inestimable.The quakecenteredonly38kilometers fromPagan,andwithinsecondstons of ancientbrick tumbledto the ground.The governmentof Myanmar movedquicklyto repairthe monumentsin immediate danger,but a long-termprojectaimedat strengtheningstructuresagainstfuturequakeswasbegun with UNESCOin 1980,underthe directionof Pierre Pichard,an architectand long-timeassociateof the EcoleFranSaisd'Extreme-Orient. Sincemost of the damagedmonumentswereneverproperlyrecorded, partof the missionwasto formulatea comprehensive inventoryof Pagan'smonumentsthatwouldbe availableto guiderestorationsfollowingfuture seismicjolts. The genesisof the inventoryis detailedin the now rarePagan Newsletter,issuedannuallyby Pichard between1982 and 1986. In the inauguralnumberhe reported"someioo to 150monumentson which some recordinghasbeen done"but bemoanedthat therewere"morethan 2,000 whichhavehad no data
collectedaboutthem."'The inventorycoversmore than 2,500 monumentswithinan areameasuring 13by 6 kilometers.Eachmonumentwas measured, photographed,and described.The Herculeanfieldworkbeginningin 1982 consumednearlya decade, endingonly in 1991. The firstvolumeof Inventoryof Monuments of Pagan appearedin 1992; the finalvolume wasissuedin 2001. Theseeight,heftyhardbound volumesrepresentthe most ambitioussurveyof any ancientsite in Asia. Workon the inventorybeganby assigninga number to eachof the thousandsof survivingstructures, rangingfromwell-knownactivetemples,suchas the Htilominlo,to hundredsof namelesssmallruinous brickmounds.The earliestnumberingof the monumentsoccurredin 1901 and totalednearly1,5oo,ending with the Ananda Temple (no. 1,465). This count
was supplantedlaterby a morecomprehensivesecond list that took the number up to 2,171.These same monumentnumberswereadoptedby the inventory but with new additions,raisingthe totalto 2,834. Pichardacknowledgedthe problemswith adopting the previousnumberingsystembut feltthe introductionof a thirdnew list wouldcreateevenfurther confusion.Forcompleteness,however,numbers containedin 1901 list arealso givenin the inventory, beneaththe new number. Eachbuildingis assignedcoordinateswithina square grid set to a 1:10,000 scale map that is arbi-
trarilycenteredon the celebratedShwezigonPagoda nearthe town of NyaungU. Thevolumesareorganizedaccordingto geographiczones,beginningwith the ShwezigonStupaand endingwith the monumentsjust to the eastof the walledcity.Templesfrom vastlydifferentperiodswerebuilt nextto one another throughoutPagan,andthereforeancienttemplesare
juxtaposed with even those from the late Konbaung period (1752-1885), when many new shrines were commissioned. This combination of old and new within all of the volumes conveys a true sense of the
the monuments by number and by major landmarks,
site's evolution. Each structure is evaluated in terms of ten criteria:
its date, presence of epigraphy,and its function. This index is extremely valuable since one can determine at
the function of the monument (stupa, monastery, and temple, etc.), plan, superstructure,mode of construc-
a glance, let us say,the number of thirteenth-century
tion (various types of vaults), present condition (also with reference to former repairs), interior brick or stone images, ornamentation on the outside (stucco) and inside (mural), epigraphy (stone or ink inscriptions), bibliography, and finally an estimated date of construction. Since few of the structures fulfill all ten criteria, their descriptions are truncated. All of the standing monuments are accompanied by at least one black-and-white photograph, apart from a number of completely shapeless mounds without visible brick registers.Important temples are generously illustrated. For example, the Ananda has forty-three photographs, including general views of the exterior and select sculpture and glazed tiles. The majority of entries, however, are accompanied by two to five photographs. The straightforward,didactic nature of the crisp photographs enhances the inventory's goal of recording the monuments accurately.In addition, nearly all of the monuments are accompanied by clearly presented measured drawings prepared especially for the inventory. Elevations are also included for the more important entries. The first volume opens with an introduction treating the history and scope of the publication, followed by a twenty-eight-page section devoted to the terminology and nomenclature used throughout the inventory. This specialized vocabulary is illustrated with scores of photographs, with small arrows pointing to individual features. This entire portion is presented in English, French, and Burmese (with indigenous characters). Since the entries themselves are exclusively in English, one is puzzled at first by this trilingual section, but it provides a helpful aid for non-English speakers using the inventory.At the end of each volume are general and detailed maps locating
such as the Mingalazedi or the Dhammayazika. In addition, there is a tabular index for every volume listing each structure and its chief characteristics,such as
temples with inscriptions. For faster and more precise search, a database lists 2,340 monuments with their characteristics.It can be downloaded from the Ecole Francaised'Extreme Orient website (www.efeo.fr) by clicking on "documentation,"then on "publications en ligne,"and finally on "Inventoryof Pagan Monuments."There is also an alphabetical list of monuments at the end of each volume, together with its inventory number. The final volume concludes with an alphabetical list of all of the monuments, with inventory numbers. Also helpful is a four-page section cross-referencing the hundreds of monuments found in G. H. Luce's well-known Old Burma-Early Pagan with the new inventory number.2Folded into a special flap inside the back cover of the book is a map of the entire site,
to thescaleof 1:20,000. For researchersthis eight-volume set is indispensable for a number of reasons. For example, plans, photographs, and basic descriptions of at least fifteen hundred monuments are presented here for the first time. Few of even the major temples at Pagan were properly documented before the publication of the inventory. Perhaps even more significantly,the inventory, by using the tabular index at the back of each volume, can act as a database for a tremendous number of features central to the interests of the art historian. Indeed, research on Pagan is unthinkable without the inventory. Among the inventory's primary stated objectives was to provide a tangible record of the monuments that would guide restorersfollowing inevitable earthquakes. This laudable goal has since been trumped by a threat to Pagan'sintegrity that scarcely could have been imagined when the inventory was conceived in the early 198os. This new peril is the massive rebuilding campaign at Pagan undertaken by the Myanmar
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governmentbeginningin the early1990S. Sharingthe costs with the government are private donors from throughout Myanmar and abroad. Even the Kobe Postal WorkersUnion in Japanchipped in, its contribution recorded in Japanese,Myanmar,and English on an incised plaque placed before the brick benefaction. Since the early 1990S more than a thousand ancient monuments have been "reconstructed"in various degrees but with scant attention to historical accuracy. Also, ancient brick mounds have been leveled and new shrines built directly above, augmenting merit from not only the "rebuilding"itself but from proximity to sacred foundations. Moreover, unlike all of the ancient monuments, the exteriors of the new monuments are without a stucco covering, allowing their fresh pinkish brick surfaces to clash with adjacent temples and stupas whose exposed bricks are dark and weathered and often covered by aged stucco. The result of so much new building is that the countryside no longer appears the same. In addition, a number of original sculptures, made of brick and covered with stucco, have been com-
sculpture (vol. 6, photo 1600m). The threat to Pagan is clearly not from civil strife or the international art market, as in Cambodia, or from iconoclastic zealots, as in Afghanistan, or even from seismic shocks. Uninformed tourists realize that there is extensive "restoration"but usually assume that the work was executed accurately.Older educated people in the country, however, simply shake their heads in disbelief, dismay, and resignation, reflecting the sentiments of academics worldwide devoted to the study of Myanmar art. In this new environment, Pichard'sinventory therefore assumes immeasurable significance, since it provides the sole record of the original appearance of the vast majority of these monuments. The inventory will serve scholars reconstructing Pagan'shistory in much the same way as the nineteenth-century drawings and notebooks of Eugene-Emmanuel Viollet-le-Duc became important following the wartime destruction of Gothic monuments in France in the twentieth century. Indeed, this inventory and Pagan'slamentable recent history should prompt UNESCO and governments to spon-
pletely removed, destroyed, and replaced by images in concrete, usually with imaginary additions. A typical example is the sole surviving Hindu temple at Pagan, the Nat Hlaung Kyaung,where a four-armed
sor similar inventories covering other major Asian sites. The case of Pagan suggests that the worst threats to ancient monuments are perhaps those that are least anticipated. +
Visnu in brick and covered by stucco was sheared off its supporting wall surface and replaced with a concrete figure now bearing six arms, replete with
NOTES
fanciful attributes. The photograph of this sculpture in the inventory is today the major record of this lost
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DONALD M. STADTNER, Ph. D. (1976) ipi Indian art, University of California, Berkeley. Formerly, associate professor, University of Texas, Austin. His publications include The Art of Burma: New Studies (1999), editor, and Ancient Pagan (2004).
E-mail:[email protected].
i. Pagan Newsletter, 1982, p. 4. 2.
G. H. Luce, Old Burma-Early Pagan (Ascona and Locust Valley:Artisbus Asiae, 1969).
