IRAN - Journal of the British Institute of Persian Studies issue 35

IRAN Journal of the British Institute of Persian Studies 1997

VOLUMEXXXV

CONTENTS

Governing Council ............... Report of the Council ...................

Page ii

......... .......

The International Merv Project. Preliminary Report on the Fifth Season (1996), by Georgina Herrmann, K. Kurbansakhatov, St. John Simpson et al. ................... .....

THE

iii

1

An Amir Khusraw Khamsa of 1581, by B. W. Robinson ........... Excavations at Kazakl'i-Yatkan in the Tash-Ki'rman Oasis of Ancient Chorasmia: a Preliminary Report, by Svend Helms and Vadim N. Yagodin ................... ........... The Elymaian Rock-Carving of Shaivand, Izeh, byJacfar Mehrkiyan . . .

35

Wrestling at the Victoria and Albert Museum, by Patricia L. Baker . . . A Lodi Inscription from Eastern Panjab, by Subhash Parihar ......

73

43 67

79

A Persian Gulf in the Sea of Lights: the Chapter on Naw-Rfiz in the ......... Bihgr al-Anwar,byJohn Walbridge ........ A Preliminary Account of the Persian Manuscripts in the Collection of the Late Sir Harold W. Bailey, by Maria Szuppe ............ Mediaeval Iranian Lustre-Painted and Associated Wares: Typology in a Multidisciplinary Study, by Robert B. Mason .............

103

Archaeological News from Iran, by Vesta Sarkhosh Curtis and St. John Simpson ............. ..........

137

BRITISH

INSTITUTE

OF PERSIAN

83 93

STUDIES

A Registered Charity

c/o The British Academy,

20-21

Cornwall Terrace,

ISSN 0578-6967

London

NW1 4QP

STATEMENTOF AIMS AND ACTIVITIES 1. The Institute has an establishment in Tehran at which British scholars, men and women of learning versed in the arts, friends of Iran, may reside and meet their Iranian colleagues in order to discuss with them subjects of common interest: the arts, archaeology, history, literature, linguistics, religion, philosophy and cognate subjects. 2. The Institute provides accommodation for senior scholars and for teachers from British Universities in order that they may refresh themselves at the source of knowledge from which their teaching derives. The same service is being rendered to younger students who show promise of developing interests in Persian studies. 3. The Institute, whilst concerned with Persian culture in the widest sense, is particularly concerned with the development of archaeological techniques, and seeks the co-operation of Iranian scholars and students in applying current methods to the resolution of archaeological and historical problems. 4. Archaeological excavation using modern scientific techniques as ancillary aids is one of the Institute's primary tasks. These activities, which entail a fresh appraisal of previous discoveries, have already yielded new historical, architectural, and archaeological evidence which is adding to our knowledge of the past and of its bearing on the modern world. 5. In pursuit of all the activities mentioned in the preceding paragraphs the Institute is gradually adding to its library, is collecting learned periodicals, and is publishing a journal, Iran, which appears annually. 6. The Institute arranges occasional seminars, lectures and conferences and enlists the help of distinguished scholars for this purpose. It will also aim at arranging small exhibitions with the object of demonstrating the importance of Persian culture and its attraction for the world of scholarship. 7. The Institute endeavours to collaborate with universities and educational institutions in Iran by all the means at its disposal and, when consulted, assists Iranian scholars with technical advice for directing them towards the appropriate channels in British universities.

MEMBERSHIP OF THE INSTITUTE Anyone wishing to join the Institute should write to the Membership Secretary, c/o The Institute of Archaeology, University College London, 31-34 Gordon Square, London WCIH OPY The annual subscription rates (lstJanuary-31st December) are as follows: Full membership (U.K. only) ?25 ?8.00 Member not receiving journal Full membership (Overseas) ?30 or $60 ?7.50 Student membership

COPIESOF IRAN Full members of the Institute receive a post free copy of the current issue of the journal Iran each year. Copies of Iran may be obtained from the Publications Secretary (address as above) at the following prices: ?30 or US$60 each plus ?3/US$6 Current issue-single copies purchased by non-members per copy for postage and packing (surface mail outside Europe) see publications list inside back cover Back numbers-please Those ordering from overseas may pay in US dollars or by sterling draft drawn in London, by international money order or by Eurocheque.

IRAN Volume XXXV 1997

CONTENTS

Governing Council

..............

....................

Report of the Council

Page ii

... ..

........ ........ The International Merv Project. Preliminary Report on the Fifth Season (1996), by Georgina Herrmann, K. Kurbansakhatov, St. John Simpson et al. ...........

iii

An Amir Khusraw Khamsaof 1581, by B. W. Robinson

. .................... Excavations at Kazakl'i-Yatkan in the Tash-Ki'rman Oasis of Ancient Chorasmia: a Preliminary Report, by Svend Helms and Vadim N. Yagodin ............

35

The Elymaian Rock-Carving of Shaivand, Izeh, byJacfar Mehrkiyan

.......

67

Wrestling at the Victoria and Albert Museum, by Patricia L. Baker

............

..................

A Lodi Inscription from Eastern Panjab, by Subhash Parihar

1

43

....

73

...........

. . . ..

79

Chapter on Naw-Riiz ............

in the ....

83

A Preliminary Account of the Persian Manuscripts in the Collection Late Sir Harold W. Bailey, by Maria Szuppe ...................

of the

A Persian Gulf in the Sea of Lights: the Bihar al-Anwar,byJohn Walbridge ..........

Mediaeval

Iranian Lustre-Painted and Associated Wares: Multidisciplinary Study, by Robert B. Mason ...................

Typology

Archaeological News from Iran, by Vesta Sarkhosh Curtis and St. John Simpson

93

... in

a ...

103

. . . .

137

ISSN 0578-6967

THE

BRITISH

INSTITUTE

OF PERSIAN

STUDIES

(A Registered Charity)

c/o The British Academy, 20-21 Cornwall Terrace, London NW1 4QP

BRITISH INSTITUTE OF PERSIANSTUDIES (A Registered Charity) GOVERNING COUNCIL President Mr. DESMOND HARNEY,O.B.E., B.Sc. Vice-President Professor ROBERT HILLENBRAND, M.A., D.Phil., F.R.S.E. HonoraryVice-Presidents Professor A. K. S. LAMBTON, O.B.E., D.Lit., Ph.D., F.B.A. Professor D. B. STRONACH, O.B.E., M.A., F.S.A. Sir DENIS WRIGHT, G.C.M.G., M.A. Members W. ALLAN, M.A., D.Phil. *ProfessorJ. Sir NICHOLAS BARRINGTON, K.C.M.G.,C.V.O. Dr.J. E. CURTIS, B.A., Ph.D., F.S.A. *Dr. PAUL LUFT, M.A., Ph.D. *Professor K. S. McLACHLAN,M.A., Ph.D. Mr. C.J. RUNDLE, O.B.E., M.A. HonoraryTreasurer *Mr. PETER KNAPTON, B.Phil., M.A., M.B.A., F.C.C.A. HonorarySecretary& Chairmanof theResearchCommittee *Dr. CHARLESMELVILLE,M.A., Ph.D. HonoraryLibrarian Dr. ROBERT GLEAVE,B.A., M.A., Ph.D. HonoraryJoint Editors Professor C. E. BOSWORTH, M.A., Ph.D., F.B.A. *Dr. VESTA CURTIS, M.A., Ph.D. SpecialAdviser Mrs. M. E. GUERITZ, M.B.E. AssistantSecretary MissJULIET DRYDEN,B.A., M.A. Secretary Membership MrsJIRAPORNHODSON Auditors PRIDIE BREWSTER,29-39 London Road, Twickenham, Middlesex TW1 3SZ.

c/o The British Academy, 20-21 Cornwall Terrace, LONDON NW1 4QP

*Member of Research Committee

P.O. Box 11365-6844 Tehran IRAN

REPORT OF THE COUNCIL to 31st March1996 A year rather marking time as various administrative and staffing changes were digested and as the British Academy's review of all thirteen Schools and Institutes was undertaken. The thirty-third Annual General Meeting was held at the British Academy on the 23rd November 1995. The following members of the Governing Council retired in accordance with the Articles and were duly re-elected: Mr. John Cooper, Dr. Vesta Curtis, Professor Robert Hillenbrand, Dr. David Morgan, Professor Michael Rogers and Mr. Alexander Morton. Professor Michael Rogers completed his term as President and was succeeded by Mr. Desmond Harney, a long standing member of Council. Dr. Vesta Curtis resigned as Honorary Secretary and was succeeded by Dr. Charles Melville. We will always remain in Dr. Curtis' debt for her devoted work in seeing the Institute through a difficult period of staff changes as well as her continued invaluable work on Iran. A new post of Honorary Librarian was created and Dr. Robert Gleave of Bristol University was appointed to fill it. After many years of dedicated and professional service to the Institute as its Honorary Treasurer, the indispensable Mr.John Cloake finally insisted on making himself dispensable. It is hard to express how grateful we are to him for his labours on the Institute's behalf. A new Honorary Treasurer, Mr. Peter Knapton, was formally appointed in March 1995 and generously offered to take on the burden of the administration of all membership records from his own office. In the following month we appointed a new Assistant Secretary in the person of Miss Juliet Dryden who quickly got a grip on our diverse affairs from our small second floor office in Old Street. Our lecture programme continued with Professor Peter Chelkowski of New York University giving the Summer Lecture on the contemporary theme of "Graphic Art in the Islamic Republic of Iran". The Annual Lecture after the AGM was given by Professor Ekhart Ehlers of Bonn University on "Rural Development: Between Exploitation and Sustainability". In the course of the year the following grants and bursaries were awarded by the Fellowship Committee. Undergraduate travel grants went to Tim Holman, Matthew Fielden and Lucy Proctor. Bursary Grants and Fellowships were awarded to Maria Brosius, working on a transliteration of 150 Persepolis Fortification Texts; Neil Green on "Fire Temples and Survival of Zoroastrian Culture", Jawid Mujaddedi on "The Position of Tabaqat al-Sufiyye in the Development of the Genre of Sufi Biographical Dictionaries", Syed Rizvi on "A Textual Study of the Sharh-i Manzumeh", Olivier Tirard-Collet on "The Revival of Western Afghanistan", and Elaine Wright for a study of the 14th-century manuscripts of Shiraz in Paris. A grant was also given to Dr. Charles Melville in support of The Societas Iranologica Europaea (S.I.E.)-the Third European Conference of Iranian Studies at Cambridge. BIPS also continued its support for the International Merv project by giving a substantial amount through Dr Georgina Herrmann-the nearest BIPS can presently get, at one remove, to an actual dig! Two Council members organised (independently of BIPS) two successful international conferences on Iranian studies. Dr. Charles Melville masterminded the conference at Cambridge referred to above and Professor Robert Hillenbrand organised the symposium "The Art of the Mongols: Its precursors, Contemporary Context and Legacy" at Edinburgh. Over the course of the year we were fortunate in having visits to Tehran by both Mr. Peter Knapton and Dr. Robert Gleave. Between them and our resident caretaker Houman Kordmahini, they ensured that the maintenance of the building was properly attended to and that the library was put in much better shape. As always the Governing Council wish to thank the British Academy, and in particular its Secretary Mr. Peter Brown (who was appointed a CBE during this period) for their guidance and support; to Mr. Jeffrey James, the British Charge d'Affaires in Tehran for his wise counsel concerning our position in Iran, as well as to the Middle East Department of the Foreign and Commonwealth Office. We also began gratifyingly to see more of the Head of Mission, Gholamreza Ansari, and the staff of the Embassy of the Islamic Republic of Iran in London. DESMOND HARNEY President

CHARLES MELVILLE Hon. Secretary iii

THE INTERNATIONALMERVPROJECT Preliminary Report on the Fifth Season (1996) By Georgina Herrmann, K. Kurbansakhatov,StJohn Simpson et al. Londonand Ashgabat

1996 was the second year of the second threeyear Collaboration (1992-94 and 1995-97) between London and YuTAKE, University College of Turkmen Department History, Academy of Sciences: our fifth season at Merv ran from September 6 to October 19, when we worked under General Permit No. 7/445 granted to K. Kurbansakhatov.Finance was provided by the British Academy, the British Institute of Persian Studies, the British Museum, the Max van Berchem Foundation, the Rolex Awards for Enterprise, the Samuel H. Kress Foundation, the Society of Antiquaries of London and the U.C.L. Graduate School, to all of whom we are deeply grateful. Magnificent logistical support was provided in Turkmenistan by Bridas Energy Ltd. Equipment was generously supplied by Leica UK, Bartington Instruments (Witney), Bridas Energy and the Photographic Laboratory and Field Unit of the Institute of Archaeology. We would like to thank them warmlyfor these generous loans. Those who took part were Georgina Herrmann and K. Kurbansakhatov (joint directors); St John Simpson and Glynn Barratt (assistant directors, excavation and survey); Paul Murray, Neville Redvers-Higgins, Natasha Smirnova and Vladimir Zavyalov (MGK 5); Alaguli Berdiev, Ann Feuerbach, Adrian Powell, Alan Roy, Jim Stedman, Joshua Wright (MGK 4); Akmohammed Annaev, Alaguli Berdiev and Andrew Petersen, assisted by Kurban Agajanov, Pierre Brun and Cate Davies (MSK 1); Akmohammad Annaev, Pierre Brun and Kurban Agajanov (Sultan Kala walls). The house team comprised Gabriele Puschnigg (Sasanian ceramics), Cate Davies and Dave Gilbert (mediaeval ceramics); Sheila Boardman (archaeobotanist) with Guncha and Eneby Durdieva to sort flots, Ian Smith (zooarchaeologist), and Jane Goddard and Faith Pewtress (illustrators). The topographic team comprised Simon Doyle (UCL, G.I.S.) and Fyodor Litovchenko (Bridas Energy), while a magnetometer survey was undertaken by Stephen Bullas. Kathy Judelson served as liaison officer. On arrival we found our excellent expedition house had been occupied by Turkish workmen, involved in building a new mosque in the Yusuf Hamadani complex in the Merv Archaeological Park. We are grateful to the Director of the Archaeological Park 'Ancient Merv', Nursakhad

Mamedov, to his deputies, Azim Akhmedov, Akmohammad Annaev and Rejeb Dzapar, for vacating their offices to provide us with temporary accommodation, as well as for their friendship and practical help throughout the season. The Hakim of Bairam Ali and his deputies, Dovlet and Khalieva Kurbanjemal, were supportive and helpful, allocating us additional working space and a tent. We were glad to be able to take over our house in the second part of the season. The camp was efficiently run by Berdi, assisted by Terkesh Annaev. The excellent drivers were Ak Murad and Khoja. Saeed Khamrakuliev assisted generally. Up to twenty young Turkmen from the Merv kolkhoztook part in the excavations. 1996 Visitors This year we were happy to welcome visits from the British Ambassador and his wife, together with a delegation from Buckingham Palace and the Foreign Office arranging the State Visit of H.R.H. Prince Charles; Ian Berry and his wife of Condi Nast Traveller,Anthony Grey of the Australian Financial ReviewMagazine;,Dr Atamamedov of the Department of History, the Academy of Sciences; a tour of American archaeological enthusiasts led by Dr Sheila Blair; Sara O'Hara from Sheffield University investigating water management; Bryan Stenhouse of TACIS with our old friend Mohammad Chari; Professor Mehmet Ozdugan of Istanbul University, planning excavations in Turkmenistan; Turkmen radio and TV, and members of the Mary and Bairam Ali Peace Corps. We were happy to exchange visits with Asadulina Maya and Golubeva Yevgeniya, the Director and Assistant Director of the excellent Museum in Mary,probably one of the best in Central Asia, recently renovated with a grant from U.N.D.P. Thanks to the acquisition of new cases by the Turkish government, the museum staff have been able to mount a representative display of mainly Bronze Age and Sasanian to Islamic material on the ground floor, complementing their impressive ethnographic display on the first floor. Both Merv and the Museum were visited by a UNESCO delegation, invited by the Turkmen Government to prepare a report on improving Visitor Access to Nysa, Merv and Kunya Urgench. The delegation included Barry Lane from Tashkent and Professor M. Tosi, 1

2

JOURNAL OF PERSIAN STUDIES

recently appointed as the UNESCO coordinator of archaeological expeditions to Turkmenistan. Many more tourists now visit Merv. During the 1996 field season a busload of tourists arrived most days, some of whom visited either an excavation, especially the more accessible, "furnace site", or the expedition house or both. Merv is a large and complex site, and it is to help these visitors that the I.M.P. has prepared a guide to the site, Ancient Merv, published thanks to a subvention by H.M. Ambassador to Turkmenistan, H. E. Mr Neil Hook, M.V.O. The Ambassador has given copies to the Ministry of Culture, Merv Archaeological Park and the Mary Museum. The Guide will shortly be republished in English and Russian, thanks to sponsorship by the Boeing Commercial Airplane Group, a delegation from which visited the site. StateVisitofH.R.H. PrinceCharlesto Turkmenistan (November6-7, 1996) During a short visit to Turkmenistan H.R.H. Prince Charles visited Merv. Guided by G. Herrmann he visited the Kiz Kalas, climbed the walls of Erk Kala, visited the 'furnace site' in Gyaur Kala and drove to Shahriyar Ark where he looked at the palace, the keshk,our excavations and the walls. At Sultan Sanjar the MaryVilayet had prepared a small display of ethnographic and archaeological artefacts and prepared refreshments. He ended his visit at the shrine of Muhammad ibn Zayd, where local women, cooking on the ovens in front of the ruined keshk, offered him a Turkmen delicacy.

Sultan Kala. Unusually, a break in the outer wall of this two-storeybuilding provided access to a well-preserved vaulted room on the ground floor with domical vaults, similar to those on the 'Seljuk' palace in Shahriyar Ark. Useful visits were also made to the well-known Sasanian fortress at Chilburj, formerly dated to the Parthian period, the Partho-Sasanian fort at Durnali, Kyrk-depe ("Forty Mounds") near Chilburj, which reproduces on a smaller scale the plan of Erk and Gyaur Kala, K6ne Kishman ("Kishman East"), Kurtli-depe and G6k-depe. Many of these sites are unfortunately suffering from the damaging effects of rising salts with the loss of previously recorded architectural details. Some of these and other sites were overflown this season in a chartered crop-spraying plane enabling aerial photography. PRINCIPALAIMSAND RESULTS OF THE 1996 SEASON

ShahriyarArk Mediaeval Merv was only walled in the eleventh century when Sultan Malik-shah (1072-92) built the "great wall round the city 12,300 paces in circuit" (Bosworth 1968a, 85; Le Strange 1905, 402), while Sultan Sanjar (1118-57) is thought to have enclosed the irregular area in the north-east corner to form the Shahriyar Ark or "RoyalCitadel" (P1. Ib, Figs. 1, 9). The standard historical reconstruction of the mediaeval city is that Merv died as a result of the Mongol destruction of 1221: both Ibn Battuta and Mustawfi described the city as still almost entirely a TheRolexAwardforEnterprise ruin in the second quarter of the fourteenth century Georgina Herrmann was one of five "Laureates" (Le Strange 1905, 402-403). However, unpublished awarded the 1996 Rolex Awards for Enterprise. This Turkmen excavations have documented considerconsists of $50,000, a gold chronometer and pro- able post-Seljuk occupation including, for instance, two metres of later stratigraphy found near the vides Laureates with world-wide publicity. Numerous articles have appeared on Merv in newspapers and Seljuk mausoleum of Kiz Bibi (Herrmann et al. 1996, 19). It was within the context of documenting late journals, both foreign and British, the most recent of which are the November issue of Minerva and the and post-Seljuk Merv that we began work in Ark in 1995 and, thanks to a generous January issues of the GeographicalMagazineand New Shahriyar the Max van Berchem Foundation, were from Scientist. grant able to expand this programme in 1996. The citadel is roughly triangular in plan and meaThe Gazetteer sures approximately 775 x 400 m.: it was formed by A. D. Petersen has continued assembling informa- building a diagonal wall across the north-east corner tion on 60 standing monuments in the oasis for the of Sultan Kala, linking the existing city walls. In 1996 Gazetteer, to be published as part of a volume on we undertook a ground survey to supplement and mediaeval Merv. He will return to the oasis in April verify information from remote sensing images. We with a photographer to finalise the draft and com- also began a programme of recording the surviving fortifications of Sultan Kala, concentrating in 1996 plete any necessary planning and photography. Visits in 1996 were made to Nagym Kala, a well-pre- on the walls of the citadel and producing the first served example of the heshksof the Merv oasis, locat- plan (Fig. 9). We planned a prominent post-Seljuk ed some 28 km from Merv kolkhozto the south of the residence and continued excavations in one corner Kara Kum canal, and to the Yeki Pir keshk,north of (Figs. 10-11). The fourteenth-fifteenth century date

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4

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OF PERSIAN

of the excavated phases raises important questions about the occupation history of citadel, especially the date of better preserved structures standing within the citadel, including the so-called "Seljuk"palace and the keshk.Indeed the relatively small size and the form of the low domical vaults of the palace suggest a post-Seljuk date. Historically, the obviously exaggerated accounts in the mediaeval records of the devastation inflicted by the Mongols (for instance, nine million corpses at Merv), together with archaeological evidence for continued occupation after the sack, suggest that it may be time to query the accepted hypothesis. There is a possibility that there was an element of deliberate demonising of the Mongols in the sources to excuse the comprehensive defeats which they had inflicted on both the Islamic and European worlds. EarlyIslamicIndustry:GyaurKala Area4 Funding from the Rolex Award enabled us to undertake largescale excavation here for the first time, and to supplement this by a magnetometer survey of the surrounding area, generously supported by the British Institute of Persian Studies. Our excavation aims were to produce a plan of the Early Islamic metal workshop, to determine the method of construction and use of the steel furnaces and to confirm their suggested ninth-tenth century date (Fig. 5). These objectives were successfully completed. In addition excavation verified and dated buried architectural remains beside the nearby 'hollow way' feature, popularly interpreted as the remains of the main east-west road bisecting Gyaur Kala; these had been revealed by geophysical survey in 1993. Mediaeval accounts record that the cities of Khurasan were famous for their high quality metalwork, and al-Biruni even described the co-fusion technique probably employed at Merv. Rather to our surprise the magnetometer survey failed to find more "steel furnaces" in the vicinity of our workshop, although it did locate a variety of furnace and other features. This suggests a complex pattern of urban development with a number of different, yet contemporary Early Islamic specialised workshops located near one another in an otherwise largely deserted area of the city. This negative evidence suggests that, although Merv was known as a steel manufacturing centre, only a few workshops were employed in this expensive high technology industry, heavily dependent on long-distance imports for its materials. MiddleSasanianHousing:GyaurKalaArea5, StructureC Our third excavation continued work initiated in two major seasons (1994-95) of surface stripping and scraping. These had revealed the plan of a large area

STUDIES

of Sasanian private houses, generally dated to the fifth century A.D. (Fig. 2). One of these houses, Structure C, had been selected in 1995 for excavation over the coming seasons, with the objectives of defining its extent, excavating the interior and relating internal phasing to street deposits (Fig. 3). A large pit, rich in pottery, provided a useful corpus of Middle Sasanian pottery from an immediately postoccupational phase. Considered as a group, this assemblage provides an invaluable basis for comparison with Late Sasanian material excavated in Erk Kala (1992-95), as well as longterm re-evaluation of Soviet and earlier excavations at Merv.

A FIFTH CENTURYSASANIANHOUSE: GYAURKALAAREA 5, STRUCTURE C and Stratigraphy 1. Architecture Structure C was initially defined, following scraping, as a small building constructed of very sandy mudbricks separated from other buildings immediately to the east and north by north-south and eastwest aligned alleys. Unlike a number of other structures encountered in Area 5, Structure C did not appear to have been deliberately infilled with bricky rubble prior to levelling up for later construction. Furthermore, interior and exterior deposits associated with Structure C appeared to be refuse-rich, offering the potential recovery of a useful datable assemblage of pottery and other finds. Excavations were commenced within Structure C during the second half of the 1995 season (Herrmann et al. 1996, 5, figs. 3, 8). Three rooms were revealed, one on the eastern side and two in the south-west corner. A circular free-standing tanurwas excavated in Room C6 and further cooking installations were found in Room C7. The 1996 objectives were to define the full extent of Structure C to the north and west, sample adjacent alley deposits and establish a stratigraphic link between Structures B and C, and continue excavations within the rooms of Structure C. These objectives were successfully achieved, but further work is required in order to complete excavations within the building (Fig. 3). Structure C comprises a small house, containing up to six rooms (C1-C6) and a small enclosed but open courtyard (C7). All construction was in mudbrick, with evidence for periodic modifications to the plan and gradual accumulation of deposits and floors within the rooms. It was entered from the east by two separate doorways. The first of these led into a long room with green plastered walls running the entire northern width of the house, later subdivided with the construction of a cross-wall into two separate storerooms (C1-C2). The earliest excavated

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floor within Room C1 was constructed of green and brown mudbricks laid over a make-up deposit. The contemporary street surface was reached outside the house with telltale evidence for use-wear on the intervening threshold. Evidence for three consecutive circular pits, each originally probably containing a storage jar although each had been disturbed or totally removed, was found in the eastern half of this room. Room C2 measured 3 m. across and also contained evidence for storage in the form of three large pithoi sunk in a row against the south wall. One of these was fully excavated in 1994 and found to hold up to 489 litres (Herrmann et al. 1995, 40, pl. IIc). Similar storage jars were characteristic of Sasanian housing excavated by the YuTAKEin the so-called "Miller's Quarter" near the north gate of Gyaur Kala. The second group of rooms lay immediately to the south of this storage area and was entered through a separate doorway, again leading from the alley running between Structures B and C. Room C3 was a rectangular vestibule measuring 5 m. in length and 2.5 m. across with good plastered floors. A doorway at the west end of C3 led directly into Room C4, a square room measuring approximately 3 m. across with a low mudbrick bench set against the north wall. A further friable reddish pithos was found set near the centre of this bench but, following excavation, was found to lack a base, suggesting that it had been reused in antiquity, possibly to serve as a soakaway or drain. A second doorway near the western end of Room C3 led via a step into a rectangular area measuring 3.00 x 3.60 m. across (C7). The heavily compacted sloping surface of the earliest excavated floor within C7 strongly suggests contact with the natural elements, hence C7 is interpreted as an open courtyard. It contained a number of hearths and small cooking installations in the final phase (Herrmann et al. 1996, 8, pl. IIa). A narrow mudbrick partition wall running along the eastern side of C7 defined a rectangular area measuring 4.00 x 1.75 m. (C6). Two consecutive free-standing bread ovens (tanurs) were found within C6, associated with ashy rake-out deposit overlying solid floors. The last remaining room (C5) within this house measured 3.00 x 4.00 m. and was probably entered via a doorway leading off the courtyard C5. However, Key Main structure walls

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6

JOURNAL OF PERSIAN STUDIES

this room was largely destroyed by a substantial circular pit (573), initially half-sectioned and then fully excavated. The upper fills were particularly rich in broken pottery, including two ostraca; the uppermost deposits were excavated in a previous season. This pit is interpreted as an immediately post-occupational feature contemporary with nearby buildings in Area 5, possibly a late phase of Structure G immediately to the south. This would explain the close similarity between material recovered from within Structure C and material recovered from upper pit-fills and other deposits in Area 5. Finally a large portion of the alley running along the eastern side of Structure C was completely excavated this season, providing a useful body of artifactual and environmental material from external contexts. This operation also threw considerable light on the sequence and character of street deposits with

strongly suggestive evidence for gradual build-up and wear followed by periodic infilling and consolidation. 2. The Ceramics' The material found inside the house derives from a large post-occupational pit (Room C5) and refuse layers, plus additional material connected with floor levels: ceramics from street deposits derived from a range of gradual build-up, rapid infilling, street repairs and trampled layers. All ceramic forms and types of decoration were represented throughout Structure C, providing a homogenous group. The assemblage from the pit in Room C5 was particularly rich, distinguished not so much by exceptional vessels as the proportion of specimens belonging to certain groups. The most complete or reconstructable

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N

0

5

----•

I

t O,=

5

I Fig. 3. MGK5: plan of StructureC.

i

THE INTERNATIONAL MERV PROJECT-PRELIMINARY

REPORT ON THE FIFTH SEASON

(1996)

7

forms also occurred within this pit. Fine small jugs pouring rim, from the pit, was vertically polished on ring bases, for example, formed one strong group with a low rib at the shoulder/neck junction and two (Fig. 4: 3-4); the same applied to amphora-like ves- horizontal incised lines on the shoulder (Fig. 4: 5); sels and trefoil pouring mouth jugs, whereas small lightly burnished decoration was generally rare, fine and trefoil pouring mouth jugs were compara- occurring mainly on red fabrics. Another group of tively rare from other contexts. Deep and shallow jugs was embellished with a wavy line and several bowls and cooking wares form the most constant incised horizontal lines: a low rib occasionally substigroups. Jugs and jars occur more frequently and in tuted for the horizontal lines. A few unusual jug fraggreater variety inside the rooms and are rarer in ments have a hole through the neck or shoulder. street contexts. The decoration of two-handled vessels was fairly or shallow bowls and show a Deep plates usually stereotyped. The shoulder/neck junction was usualstereotyped range of forms, distinguished only by ly marked either by several horizontal incised lines, a different decoration on the rim. Small and large low rib or a combination of both. The shoulders storage jars also follow a uniform pattern. In con- show vertical scratched decoration inspired by fluted trast,jugs range from rather small and fine shapes to metal vessels. In addition, the shoulders of some vessels were decorated with incised horizontal and wavy larger forms with narrow or trefoil pouring mouths. All fine jugs have low ring bases. One semi-complete lines, partly arranged in stripes or even a row of stitches. Vertical fluting on the shoulders had the jug of rather slim proportions testifies to influence from metalware (Fig. 4: 2). Three small, but not par- effect of producing a hard shiny surface. This metalticularly fine, jugs appear as a special group. Two- lic effect was combined with horizontal decoration handled vessels, similar to amphorae, occur in two originating in the softer medium of clay. Another variants, either with the handles reaching from neck example of this hybrid type of decoration was found to shoulder or with loop handles attached to the on plate rims with attached imitation handles. The shoulder. Most of the handles show a single deep fin- decoration on the rim, wavy incised lines and ger imprint at the point of attachment to the wall. impressions, are typical for ceramics yet the imitaOnly one fragment of a twisted handle was found in tion handles are obviously inspired by metalwares. Structure C. Trefoil pouring mouths were only This style unites traditional patterns of decoration found in the pit, although a neck fragment discov- with new fashionable elements taken from another ered in the street section could belong to such a medium and might illustrate an experimental phase form. The shape has been found in Area 5 before, in ceramic production. Three other sherds were but only in small quantities. This type might have incised after firing with symbols that may represent been imported from Bactria, although it is more ownership marks as they do not serve any particular probably a local imitation (Rutkovskaya 1962, 77, decorative purpose. Finally, the last group of ceramics are cooking wares. These were invariably decoratfig. 11:1; Zavyalov1994, 72, fig. 5:7). Decoration was sparse and ranged from simple ed with very simple types of decoration, namely wavy horizontal or wavy incised lines, relief lines, impres- incised lines or impressions. The latter can take the sions and wavy-combed decoration to lightly shape of stitches or dots; dotted impressions were scratched or scraped incision covering a greater part exclusively found on coarsewares. of the vessel wall. In general, none of these decorative elements appear to be restricted to any particular shape, although certain combinations were confined to single groups. Bowls and jugs were largely 3. Coinsand otherfinds plain, apart from an occasional low relief rib at the Twenty-five coins recovered from MGK 5 were shoulder/neck junction. Plate rims show two differ- cleaned by Natasha Smirnova and Ann Feuerbach, ent kinds of decoration, either rims embellished by with provisional identifications by Natasha incised or combed wavylines, or a single incised wavy Smirnova, to whom we are very grateful (Table 1). As line and a row of impressions. Two specimens with usual, all of the coins were copper alloy. There was a incised decoration had a vestigial wavy handle high proportion of residual Parthian and Early attached to the rim (cf. Herrmann et al. 1996, 10, Sasanian coins, plus a small number of unidentififig. 7: 3). Apart from plate rims, only storage jars able examples. The latest attributable stratified coins were decorated with wavy combing, sometimes com- belong to Peroz (459-484) suggesting an end of bined with a broad horizontal incised line. Larger occupation within the second half of the fifth storage jars often had a crude type of scratched pat- century; occasional coins of Khusrau I (531-579) tern, occasionally crossed, producing a different appear to derive from post-occupational contexts. A effect to that of the vertical scratched decoration on number of additional uncleaned coins await projugs and two-handled vessels. Two types of jug were cessing in 1997 but these are not expected to decorated. A well-preserved example with a trefoil significantly change this picture.

8

JOURNAL OF PERSIAN STUDIES

(I

\\\

S\\

\\I

r~

cm-

I \

s

I 6I

2~ 0

5

cm 2

35

//

/'

\

\

/ \\.

/,/

I

t

1

16

Fig. 4. MGK5: selectedSasanian ceramics.

THE INTERNATIONAL MERV PROJECT-PRELIMINARY

REPORT ON THE FIFTH SEASON (1996)

9

Gyaur Kala Area 5 coins (1996)

8.0-7.2V 6.4

a

5.6-

I 4.8-

u

e

4.0-

3.22.4

1.6 0.8 0.0 Parthian

ShapurI

ShapurII ShapurIII YazdgardI VarahranIV Peroz

KhusrauI Uncertain

Category

Table1. GyaurKala Area5 coins (1996 season)

Other small finds from this season included three inscribed sherds, an inscribed semi-complete vessel, and several figurine fragments, mostly belonging to hand-modelled horse and rider types. A possible section of a copper alloy bracelet fragment, two beads (blue glass and an unidentified material) and a dark glass setting from a piece ofjewellery hint at a modest degree of personal ornament. A small number of drilled sherd and slightly heavier fired clay domed spindle whorls indicate household spinning, perhaps of cotton and wool fibre, for which there is independent evidence from the environmental analyses. Grinding stones were employed for processing of cereal grain; there is evidence in the form of worked sheep/goat tibia and gazelle horn which suggests small-scale domestic boneworking. An iron smithing hearth bottom was also recovered and a broken whetstone, originally suspended from an iron ring fastened through a perforated end, implies regular resharpening of metal tools. However, the almost total absence of any traces of metal-even small scraps or flakes-other than the small denomination coins strongly suggests systematic recycling of metal, although the somewhat damp saline ground conditions may also be a contributory factor. The impression gained so far is that the assemblage of finds from Structure C appears to be somewhat poorer compared to that recovered in past seasons from the Late Sasanian house in Erk Kala. The most striking differences are the scarcity of glassware and ostraca from Area 5, possibly suggesting a lower degree of wealth and literacy in this quarter of the city. It may be noted that there is no evidence

for an indigenous glass industry at Merv during the Sasanian period, hence all pieces represent long-distance imports from further west. A programme of compositional analysis of Sasanian and Islamic glass from Merv is now underway: the results of a pilot project based on Erk Kala material accompanies this report. 4. Archaeobotanicalremains2 Sampling of intramural and extramural contexts was conducted throughout the season; a large postoccupational Sasanian refuse-filled pit in one room (C5) also provided samples, although these generally contained very few plant remains, consisting of 1-2 gr. of charcoal, occasional barley and indeterminate cereal grains, a single grape pip, some legume seeds and pods, and a narrow range of wild species (including Galium sp., Suaeda type, and Boraginaceae). However, the most productive samples from Structure C came from tanurs, hearths and ash dumps in different rooms. Plant remains included bread wheat, hulled six-row barley and broomcorn millet grains, large Vicieae seeds, cotton seeds and numerous grape pips. All of these now are familiar Sasanian crops at Merv. A similar range of species, plus lentil, was recovered from contemporaneous street deposits excavated immediately to the east of Structure C, although few samples contained more than 30 quantifiable elements. The seeds and pods of small seeded legumes, including camel thorn (Alhagi sp.), are common. Camel thorn is an important fodder crop and grows wild throughout the oasis today: a similar pattern of distribution and

10

JOURNAL OF PERSIAN STUDIES

use is therefore also likely in at least the fifth century. Finally, pieces of a conglomerated amorphous material with small animal bone inclusions were recovered from several samples. These have been exported for sterol analysis in order to test a hypothesis that this, and similar material from rubbish pits in Erk Kala, incorporated cess material, which might provide an insight into human diet at Merv. AN EARLYISLAMICINDUSTRIAL AREA AND ITS ENVIRONS: GYAURKALAAREA 4 In 1992 the Surface Artefact Survey team identified a concentration of highly vitrified crucible fragments within a more extensive industrial area south of the main east-west thoroughfare or so-called "hollow way" bisecting Gyaur Kala (P1. Ia). Following archaeometallurgical analyses in 1993, evaluation trenches were excavated here in 1994 and 1995 (Herrmann et al. 1994, 70-71; Herrmann et al. 1995, 42-49; 1996, 15-17). In 1996 the excavated area was extended 30 m. to the north to link the previously identified steel workshop with the "hollow way", where a geophysical survey in 1993 had revealed possible structures on both sides (Fig. 5: Herrmann et al. 1994, 59). The northern extension was shovel scraped in spits of roughly 5 cm., a technique which has proved to be successful at Merv, because the slight dampness beneath the surface often reveals mudbricks and mortarlines. A row of structures was indeed located adjacent to the "hollow way",as suggested by the geophysical survey: the area sloping down from these to the industrial workshop to the south was more heavily eroded and structures could not be detected without deeper excavation. Area 4 therefore comprises an industrial complex located south of a row of mediaeval domestic structures lining the post-occupational "hollow way"track. These two areas are described separately below. 1. TheSteelWorkshop3 The workshop complex consisted of a fine brick-paved courtyard floor (Herrmann et al. 1996, pl. IIIb), with rooms to the north, south and probably west, with an external area containing furnaces and industrial refuse pits to the east. There are no more than two phases of construction and a relatively shallow build-up of deposits, suggesting that this complex may have been abandoned within a generation or so. The small room (Room C) to the north of the paved courtyard measured 4 x 2.6 m. and was entered via a doorway in the north-west corner: an additional doorway appears to have connected with the paved area. The walls were constructed

0 II

5 "

M

1 Crucible pits

-- .

1 /FURNACE FURNACE

c

FURNACE3 L

O Paved courtyard I

0

4 FURNACE F-.

S ePot

.T7_7--I Fig. 5. GyaurKala Area 4 (MGK4): plan of thesteelworkshop andfurnaces, with domesticstructuresbesidethe "hollowway to the north.

THE INTERNATIONAL MERV PROJECT-PRELIMINARY

of good quality square mudbricks (28 cm. across) and there were traces of fallen white wall-plaster inside this room. The paved area was separated from the furnace zone by a narrow mudbrick wall and was drained in the north-east corner by a carefully constructed ceramic drainpipe made from eleven pre-fired close-fitting sections set into a steep sided cut and packed with large sherds and fired brick fragments. This drainpipe ran east-north-east before ending in a vertical soakaway lined with further fired brick fragments. Four separate furnaces have been identified and excavated in this external area. These appear to have belonged to two different but broadly contemporary types of furnace, judging by details of their construction. The first type (Furnaces 1, 2, 4) was characterised by a ceramic tuyereemerging from the centre of the floor whereas the second type (Furnace 3) lacked evidence for this form of tuyfre.The first type is confidently identified as having been used in the production of crucible steel but the exact function of the second type is at present uncertain. Furnaces 1 and 2 were situated close to an extensive area of inter-cutting pits filled with ash, charcoal and broken crucibles. Both of these furnaces were set into steep-sided circular cuts and had been repeatedly relined, implying repeated use; Furnace 4 lay south of these and belonged to a later phase and it was more heavily eroded. A section through Furnace 2 (P1. IIa) illustrated the rebuilds that these installations underwent during their working lives, although the area enclosed by the furnace was gradually decreased with subsequent relinings. The lowest levels were of mudbrick surrounding a ceramic tuyere of 8 cm. diameter entering the furnace from the north (P1. IIa); the L-shaped pipe found in the floor of Furnace 4 in 1995 is exactly the same type of tuy6re(P1.IIb). The general layout of traditional furnaces involves a tuyerein the floor for air to provide oxygen for combustion of the fuel in the body of the furnace. One or more inclined outlets for the exiting flue gases also exist through the furnace walls. Other factors are also consistent with the interpretation of the central hole and connected underground pipe as a tuy're.The hypothesis of a central tuyire in the floor affects the design of the upper parts of the furnace, for which there is little surviving archaeological evidence. Although many furnaces and kilns have a centrally placed top exit flue, this may be counter-productive in the case of a furnace supplied by an upwardly-directed, centrallyplaced blast of air from floor level, since it would generate a central roaring "chimney" of intensely burning fuel with little reason for the hot gases to circulate. Although such a "chimney" would broaden with the combustion of the fuel, it would be inef-

REPORT ON THE FIFTH SEASON (1996)

11

ficient in terms of transferring the thermal energy to the furnace charge. However, if the furnace had a closed top with one or more inclined exit flues through the furnace wall, the hot combustion gases would be forced into more turbulent flow with more efficient heat transfer. If this were indeed the design, one would expect to find vitrified openings in the furnace wall near ground level. The splayed vitrified opening inclined through the wall on the northern and eastern sides of Furnace 2 possibly represent exit flues of this type, periodic relinings of the furnace wall rendering necessary the excavation of new flues. Furnace 3 was larger and somewhat better preserved than these Furnaces (Fig. 6; Pl. IIc). It appears to have been contemporary with Furnace 2 but was already disused by the time Furnace 4 was constructed immediately to the east. The construction sequence for Furnace 3 initially consisted of digging a large pit (151) measuring 1.90 m. northsouth x 1.60 m. east-west, with a deliberate ledge 1.50 m. long x 0.10 m. across cut halfway down the western edge. This ledge supported part of the furnace structure built directly above and was partly cut by a pair of large steep-sided postholes, some 0.25 m. deep. The surviving furnace structure comprised two distinct elements: the body of the furnace and a box connecting it with the pit. The furnace itself was constructed as a segmented circle with a diameter of 0.80 m. Half bricks (0.30 x 0.15 x 0.08 m.) were used with triangular fragments to fill the interstices on the outside (the same technique was later used to build Furnace 4). The furnace was connected to the pit by a mudbrick box measuring 0.60 x 0.40 x 0.25 m., pierced by two holes running east-west and narrowing at the junction with the base of the furnace. The top of the box was vitrified. This box was built on top of the ledge projecting between the two postholes inside the pit which are regarded as supports for some kind of structure associated with a bellows; remains of two flanking walls constructed of single mudbricks set on edge were also found here. The associated pit (151) contained a number of different fills, partly cut by a later intrusion associated with the subsequent construction of Furnace 4. The primary pit fills were loosely compacted and included a substantial silty deposit and a fine white burnt organic layer, interpreted as burnt tinder. These deposits were clearly related to the use of Furnace 3. They were followed by the collapsed remains of a mudbrick wall which originally appears to have stood highest along the north-west side of the pit. This wall is interpreted as a protective construction designed to shield a bellows operator standing or sitting on the northern side of the pit from the heat generated from a nearby exit flue.

12

JOURNAL

OF PERSIAN

STUDIES

I

I

FURNACE 4 WALL

3

FURNACE

WALL 2

0 FIRED BRICK

I

M-

-.

Fig. 6. MGK4: plan ofFurnaces3 and 4.

2. Literary referencesto the production of steel4

Al-Kindi (c. 801-66 A.D.) described the principal cities of Khurasan, Nishapur, Merv, Herat and Balkh, as steel manufacturing centres (Bronson 1986, 19), while Khurasanwas known for manufacturing swords both of local iron and of iron imported from Sarandib, modern Sri Lanka (al-Hassan 1978, 34). AlBiruni travelled throughout Khurasan, and his writings seem to have been based on first-hand experience. Describing the method of producing steel by the co-fusion method, the method probably employed at Merv (Al-Hassan 1978, 31-52; Allan 1979, 65-76; Al-Hassan and Hill 1986, 252-57), he wrote "this was the method used in Herat and gave two different qualities of steel". One was the result of

melting components "equally so that they become united in the mixing operation and no component can be differentiated or seen independently... such steel is suitable for files or similar tools". The second quality was obtained if the degree of melting of the wrought and cast iron was different for each substance "and thus the intermixing between both components is not complete, and their parts are shifted so that each of their two colors can be seen by the naked eye and it is called firind" (Al-Hassan and Hill 1986, 77). Firind/farandis translated by Allan (1979, 77) as "Damascus"or by Al-Hassan and Hill as "pattern" (1986, 254) steel. Said (1989, 217) wrote "farandin Khurasan is called jawhar al-sayf(the glitter of the sword). Occasionally they hide it after heating

THE INTERNATIONAL MERV PROJECT-PRELIMINARY

it. If the people of India wish to display it, they polish it with the Bamiyanian vitriol or white Multani clay". The last two sentences refer to the etching of the sword with acid after the forging to reveal the pattern or farand. Apparently this was not always done in Khurasan:they would "hide it after heating it". Jean Chardin also described the co-fusion method of manufacturing steel, stating that in countries such as "Parthia"and "Bactria""they mix local iron (which is hard) with Indian steel (which is soft) and the Persians call the product Poulad Jauherder, washed steel or wavy steel, which we call Damascus steel, to distinguish it from the steel of Europe. .... They melt it down in a round loaf like the hollows of one's hand, and in small square rods" (quoted by Bronson 1986, 24). The hard iron is generally interpreted as cast iron and the soft as wrought iron. The crucible steel process at Merv (Herrmann et al. 1994, 70-71) may be related to although one thousand years earlier than what Bronson (1986, 43) calls the Hyderabad Process, as documented by Voysey in the 1820s. Voysey describes how "areddish gray porous bloomery iron" and a "moderately compact iron with a grayish fracture", which presumably must be cast iron, were heated together with a little slag in a crucible (Craddock 1995, 281). Bronson also categorises the process described by al-Biruni as the Hyderabad process, as well as a co-fusion method for the production of Damascus steel in Iran described by Massalski in the 1840s. The crucible charge consisted of iron "old and already worked (nails, sheets, etc.) but free from rust" and "the best quality white cast iron". These two metals must be heated until the mixture ceased to "boil", at which point the cover was removed in order to insert a very small quantity of silver which was stirred into the melted iron. The crucible was then recovered and the openings of the furnace were sealed to allow its contents to cool gradually over a period of two or three days".Bronson ends with the observation that Hyderabad steel is associated with Damascus swords and is the only type regularly to exhibit a Damascene structure when forged (Bronson 1986, 44-45). A number of different crucible types used for iron processing have been found in Uzbekistan and dated between the ninth and thirteenth centuries (Papachristou and Swertschkow 1993). Some crucibles are taller than those from Merv, 32-40 cm., the holes in their lids are twice as large, and they do not seem to have sat on a pad. The height of the slag fin differs, being closer to the lid, and the slag composition is also different. These crucibles were apparently used for the reduction of iron ore and have evidence of the charcoal, iron ore and dolomite as a flux (Papachristou and Swertschkow 1993, 127). They are the cementation production of steel, a process distinct from that used at Merv.

REPORT ON THE FIFTH SEASON

(1996)

13

In conclusion the archaeometallurgical remains from Merv represent a fully developed process for producing steel in a crucible by the co-fusion of high and low carbon iron, possibly cast iron and wrought iron. This process is distinctly different from the Wootz process but apparently can also produce a Damascus pattern. According to Allan (1979, 7576), "Al-Biruni'sdescription of the making of fulad suggests that it was a compound of iron with a very low carbon content and iron with a high carbon content to produce a steel with a carbon content between the two. This is an otherwise unrecorded method of making steel at this period and is therefore, as Validi noted, of some technical importance, for it indicates not only a different process of manufacture but also a recognition of at least some of the properties of cast iron, a form of metal not fully utilised in Europe until the fifteenth century, although known and used in China considerably earlier". The crucibles and furnaces found at Merv represent the earliest-known excavated remains of a cofusion crucible steel processing workshop. 3. GyaurKala Area 4: thenorthernextension5 A sounding was dug into the 'hollow way' with the intention of identifying any street surfaces and collecting a stratified sample of ceramics. The first surface did not appear until a depth of 1.10 m., buried beneath a considerable build up of laminated windblown sand deposits. Immediately to the south, flanking the street two small rooms (A and B) with substantial walls became visible at an average depth of 0.30 m. Both rooms appeared to have open doorways fronting onto the street and were at one time linked by a door, subsequently blocked (P1.IId). Room A measured 2.5 x 3.5 m. across and contained multiple fills and surfaces as well as a number of well-preserved internal features. It appears to have served a domestic purpose with two small grilling hearths deliberately lined with broken pottery sherds (sherds providing a good source of heat insulation), a rectangular installation with a fired brick floor surface built up against its west wall and an area in the south-west corner displaying well-preserved grey ashy plaster (similar to that seen in baths to the south of the Mausoleum of Sultan Sanjar). Within this plastered area was a square depression, 0.60 m. across, which appears to have served as a water handling area. Immediately to the east is the even smaller room, Room B. Measuring only 2.90 x 1.0 m., it may have served as a storage area. In contrast to the multi-phased Room A, Room B contained only one fill, a bricky collapse from the plastered mudbrick walls. Lack of time prevented the completion of the excavation of this room: the foot of its east-facing wall has yet to be reached. A north-facing section

14

JOURNAL

OF PERSIAN

STUDIES

1

2

i4

0

5

cm

7

Fig. 7. MGK 4: selectedEarlyIslamicslippainted and plainwareceramics.

THE INTERNATIONAL MERV PROJECT-PRELIMINARY

REPORT ON THE FIFTH SEASON

(1996)

at the street frontage suggests that the collapse deposit continues to some depth. Finds from these rooms included a complete ceramic jug, iron objects, EarlyIslamic glassware and copper alloy coins.

15

long), a fragmentary polished bone pin with the head in the form of a clenched fist, several figurine fragments and a high proportion of copper alloy coins (Table 2). A small white stone pendant, sherd disks and drilled sherd spindle whorls and an oval 4. Ceramics6 ceramic slingstone could belong to almost any perThe ceramics recovered from Area 4 comprised a iod. However, several other categories appear to be Islamic in date (Fig. 8). These include a mottrange of plainwares with black and yellow slip-paint- Early led softstone pendant and beads made of grey ed glazed wares, plus a small number of other, worked roughly greenstone, perforated shell, presumably imported, glazed wares (Fig. 7). As in faience and dark blue glass (Fig. 8: turquoise glazed the wares previous seasons, slip-painted belonged almost exclusively to open bowls decorated with 2-4); a small greenstone chip was also found. A worn sheep/goat right astragalus and a pair stylised floral and geometric patterns in black and heavily of black jet gaming pieces with dotted circle fragile yellow, covered by a highly decayed transparent glaze decoration suggest leisure activities (Fig. 8: 1). Four 7: cf. Herrmann et al. 1995, 45, 48). No evi(Fig. 1-3; chlorite cooking pot sherds attest further imports dence for figural slip-painted designs has been found. An interesting potter's sideline in the form of from Tus (Fig. 8: 11): jet and soapstone objects were a black slip-painted hollow bird-shaped ceramic whis- listed among specialities of this city in the tenth cenal-Thacalibi (Bosworth 1968b, 133-34). Two tle or ocarina was also recovered. Fugitive paint was tury by used to indicate the wings and other details and cir- of these sherds had been drilled and fixed with iron cular holes pierced through the head, top and bot- wire in antiquity. The interior surfaces of these vestom of the body (Fig. 7: 4). The pale yellow surface sels were thickly coated with charred black residue and fabric (5Y 7/4) of this object resembled other deriving from lengthy use. It is somewhat ironic that one reason for the widespread popularity of softEarly Islamic slip-painted wares from Area 4. stone cooking pots in the Early Islamic period (they included a shallow lid with a Diagnostic plainwares are unknown from the Sasanian period) was their central pull-knob, a familiar Early CAbbasid type ease of greater cleaning. derived from Late Sasanian models in Mesopotamia Minor made of metal were significantly objects and Susiana (Fig. 7: 5; cf. Kervran1977, fig. 48: 8-10), more common than in Area 5, particularly fragexcised wares possibly inspired by CAbbasid crudely ments of sheet and iron, but there was also a copper "chattered wares" and a complete plain bowl found small number of recognisable artifacts. These interred beneath a threshold (Fig. 7: 7). included iron nails with rectangular, square or circular section shanks, an iron clasp, a copper alloy 5. Coinsand otherfinds button, rivet, finger ring hoop (minus bezel), belt Residual small finds from earlier periods include buckle and twisted clipped dagger blade and a piece a trilobate socketed bronze arrowhead (2.8 cm. of folded-over lead sheet. It is possible that some of

Gyaur Kala Area 4 coins (1996) 38.0

V a

34.2

I

26.6

u

22.8

e

30.4

19.0 15.2 11.4 7.6 3.8 0.0

Seleucid

Parthian

Sasanian

Early Islamic

Category

Table2. GyaurKala Area 4 coins (1996 season)

Uncertain

16

JOURNAL

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OF PERSIAN

these represent scrap from the nearby metal workshop. An iron smithing hearth bottom and a small mould carved from a re-used sherd and used to cast small decorated spindle whorls c. 2-3 cm. across certainly fall within this class. Nevertheless, this small assemblage offers a modest yet useful excavated supplement to the less well-stratified Early Islamic corpus from Nishapur (Allan 1982). A small body of plain and moulded-blown decorated Early Islamic glass vessel sherds was also recovered belonging to straight-sided bowls, tall-necked bottles or flasks and bases with low push-ups (Fig. 8: 5-10). 6. Archaeobotanical remains7 Previous flotation samples from Area 4 were limited to external contexts associated with the steel workshops, particularly the crucible-rich refuse pits. These results were useful in establishing the pre-

ferred fuel source (imported pistachio and juniper twigs) used for these furnaces, but corresponding domestic contexts were lacking, hindering closer comparison with the archaeobotanical results from Sasanian and post-Seljuk contexts (Gale in Herrmann et al. 1996, 19-20; Boardman in Herrmann et al. 1995, 50-52). This year's extended excavation area, encompassing a wider range of contexts within the workshop itself as well as other structures on the 'hollow way' street frontage, offered the potential of documenting in more detail continuity or changes in plant regimes. Two rooms from the excavated structure immediately to the south were cleaned down to their latest floors. Room A incorporated two cooking installations and a single large homogeneous dump of charcoal. The latter was particularly interesting, since among the charcoal and various charred seeds and fruits, were a large quantity of whole charred grape

5 1

7

6 2

8

34

0

5

9

10

cm

Fig. 8. MGK 4: selectedEarlyIslamicsmallfinds and glassware.

•

THE INTERNATIONAL MERV PROJECT-PRELIMINARY

fruits. These are unusual archaeobotanical finds, despite their occurrence in samples from G6beklydepe. Melon/cucumber and cotton seeds were also present in this deposit. The cereals from the excavated rooms currently include free threshing wheat and barley. To the south, in the complex of buildings adjacent to the furnaces, samples again produced large quantities of charcoal with fragments of metal and other industrial debris, such as crucible and slag fragments. A sample from a pit produced a large quantity of silicified monocot culm material, possibly burnt tinder from furnace use. 7. TheMagnetometer Survey8 Sampling using magnetic susceptibility has become a recognised survey procedure for the appraisal of large areas (David 1995; Clark 1996). However, the relatively undisturbed conditions in this area, together with the largely unbroken and homogeneous nature of much of the terrain and topography surrounding it, permitted rapid sampling at significantly closer station intervals than would normally be available to users of this prospecting technique. These conditions therefore provided a near-unique opportunity to pioneer the use in geophysics of the method known as Stratified Systematic Unaligned Sampling (SSUS). SSUS may be used to ascertain whether one part of a site is statistically different to another vis-a-visa particular site characteristic. The method owes its origins to the spatial analysis of settlement patterns by Haggatt et al. (1977); the technique together with its statistical benefits are more fully described in Shennan (1988, 323-28). The survey employed a Bartington MS2 Susceptibility Meter with an MS2D 10 cm. Search Loop and a Geoscan Research FM 18 Fluxgate Gradiometer. The aim of the magnetometer survey was to ascertain as far as possible the physical extent of the Early Islamic industrial area in the vicinity of MGK 4, to determine the foci of hitherto unlocated metal workings and to attempt to establish any patterns of distribution in the layout of the various kilns and furnaces. An area of some ten hectares with MGK 4 approximately in the centre, was examined, first by fieldwalking, and then repeated using both instruments. It was hoped that use of magnetic detection instruments might aid in confirming whether the area was specifically used for industrial purposes, as well as identifying the area's physical boundaries and establishing any pattern in the groupings and layout of the kilns, furnaces, slag heaps and associated outbuildings. Where possible the areas immediately surrounding Area 4 were examined in detail, since excavations had revealed considerable industrial activity. Seven 20 x 20 m grids to the north and west were

REPORT ON THE FIFTH SEASON

(1996)

17

subjected to a full magnetometer survey at 0.50 m. station and traverse intervals, a total of 11,200 readings. Stratified Systematic Unaligned Samples were taken using the MS2D in three 30 x 30 m. sub-areas. Sampling was performed using grid cells of 1.5 x 1.5 m., giving a total of 1,200 samples: the initial 39 sets of random coordinates for each sub-area were generated by the roll of two dice. The exercise was repeated using a different series of cell coordinates, thus making a final total of 2,400 samples. The purpose of this second run was to provide a check-inbalance of the results from the first run, but was also valid as a separate set of samples in its own right since auto-correlation between sample intervals must defacto be non-existent (effective susceptibility sphere of 10 cm. diameter in cell proximities ranging from 0.5-2.5 m.). A total of 17,200 magnetic readings were recorded. 8. Archaeologicalevaluationtrenches9 The results of the magnetometer survey were partially successful and produced several surprises. A number of high reading concentrations were registered within and beyond the gridded area, mostly tested through evaluation trenches although shortage of time at the end of the season prevented more extensive investigation. Several factors were found to be responsible for high readings, ranging from heavily burnt installations to dense concentrations of potsherds (MGK 4/3, 4/5) or even mudbricks of a certain consistency in the case of an area tested within Shahriyar Ark. Furthermore, each of the identified anomalies was at or immediately below the present ground surface. Three kilns or furnaces were confirmed through excavation and belonged to large rectilinear or circular structures made of burnt brick. Small flecks of copper associated with one of these (MGK4/4) suggested that this installation may have been used in metalworking, whereas the other structure (MGK 4/2) was tentatively identified as a pottery kiln. A further furnace, comprising a circular chamber 1.20-1.30 m. across, lined and paved with fired bricks, and stoked via a pit on the eastern side was identified on the surface south of MGK 4 (MGK 4/6). Associated scraps of copper suggest that this furnace may also have been employed in metalworking. Significantly, each of the three identified installations was located on the edge of a separate discrete swelling on the topography of the site and was also characterised by a concentration of slag and vitrified clay. Each of these dates to the Early Islamic period. The intervening areas between these low rises were in contrast characterised by compacted laminated patches of ground that were virtually devoid of artefacts. This pattern may be interpreted, in view of our excavations of the steel workshop in Area 4, as

18

JOURNAL

OF PERSIAN

indicative of contemporaneous workshops specialising in different industries and separated by open areas. GYAURKALASURFACEFINDS A number of surface finds were made throughout the season and plotted wherever possible within the site survey grid. Most of these were collected by workmen from MGK 4 during morning breaks. It is possible that any exceptional finds were retained by the

STUDIES

finders, but it should be noted that the registered finds closely correspond with those recovered from the 1992-94 systematic survey and other seasons. Coins predominated, as usual copper alloy and mainly Sasanian in date (Tables 3-4). The preponderance of Sasanian coins reflects a combination of factors, not least the relative inaccessibility of earlier Seleucid-Parthian occupation buried below several metres of Sasanian and Early Islamic deposits, combined with periodically high emissions under certain Sasanian rulers and the greater fragmentation of seventh century and later coins struck on thin flans.

Gyaur Kala surface coins (1996) 27.0

V

24.3

a

21.6

18.9 U

16.2

e

13.5 10.8

8.1 5.4

2.7 0.0 Parthian

Sasanian

Islamic

Category

Table3. GyaurKala: surfacecoinfinds (1996 season)

Gyaur Kala surface Sasanian coins (1996) 9.0

--

V

8.1

--

a

7.2

--

!

~

6.3 --

U

5.4

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4.5

--

3.6

-

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ArdashirI ShapurI

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Category

Table4. GyaurKala: surfaceSasanian coins (1996 season)

KhusrauI Unidentified

THE INTERNATIONAL MERV PROJECT-PRELIMINARY

Traces of minor crafts, possibly Early Islamic in date, are suggested by the presence of two small chunks of unworked lapis lazuli from one square (7.J.IV), a small flake of greenstone with smooth polished surfaces (7.F.IV) and a red sandstone open mould fragment with flat underside (7.G.1). Three perforated shell beads were also collected. Other Islamic finds of note included a large sherd belonging to a cast iron carinated vessel with handle (7.F.1), coloured glass beads and a circular lead spindle whorl.

TopographicSurveyprogramme10 The main survey effort was concentrated on recording the interior of Shahriyar Ark (P1. Ib). Visual and digital examination of a series of aerial photographs covering the area of the Ark had been carried out prior to the 1996 field season. Two sets of

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photographs were used, one low-level series believed to date from 1977, the second taken from a higher altitude, believed to date from 1994. Visual inspection and comparison of the two sets show a considerable disparity in the amount of detail visible in the interior. Although a rectangular grid layout of the buildings is recognisable in both sets, the earlier photographs show what appear to be standing walling over the majority of the site. The later photographs show a more denuded appearance. Stereoscopic examination using a simple Casella stereoscope confirmed this initial inspection. Unfortunately only the south-eastern corner of the site is covered by a stereo pair in the 1977 photographs, limiting stereoscopic work to this area. Further digital enhancement (using Intergraph and ER mapper imaging software) was carried out and a plot of the interior produced from the 1977 photographs (Fig. 9).11 The work on these photographs suggests that the state of monument preservation was good until about 1977, but that since then there has been considerable deterioration.

THE MEDIAEVALCITADELOF SULTAN KALA SHAHRIYARARK

S

REPORT ON THE FIFTH SEASON

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20

JOURNAL

OF PERSIAN

The 1996 field survey programme was designed to survey the interior in three dimensions to facilitate the creation of a Digital Elevation Model, to record the position of standing monuments and to compare their preservation with that shown on the 1977 photographs. The use of Digital Elevation Models, which allow contour and relief mapping, is common in the field of topographic and base mapping and spatial analyses associated with Geographical Information System applications. From three preexisting Ground Control Points and three new base stations, over 1200 data points were captured, using a set of Leica Vector DAES 1000 Laser Binoculars, a former military tool. These calculate the distance and azimuthal bearing from the instrument to a ground "target" object-to an extent allowing the user to remove the need for a traditional prism target. Whilst the usefulness of such a tool is apparent, the case for a field-based digital logging and editing facility to serve as a quality control is strong. Again, thanks to a loan, the field programme was greatly assisted by the presence of a Compaq Concerto 486 pen-driven lap-top which could be connected to the survey instrument via the PenMap spatial data acquisition application. The connectivity between software and hardware greatly assisted the field programme as data capture and surface modelling could be monitored in "real-time" on the ground. Whilst some time was required in product familiarisation at the beginning of the season, it was soon apparent that the skill base within the Surveysection, i.e. survey, archaeological mapping, Geographical Information Systems and Information Technology, was ideally suited to the task. There was, however, still a need for traditional systems analysis to deal with occasional anomalies occurring in the software due to coding errors and in the hardware because of the sandy conditions. Following the creation of the Digital Elevation Model, a second study was commenced within Shahriyar Ark, to ground truth the interior and to record in detail the surface remains of two areas; the "palace"complex and the area surrounding the MSK1 excavation.

2. TheFortifications"1 A complete survey of the walls of Shahriyar Ark, with each sector and tower numbered and measured, made possible for the first time the preparation of a measured plan (1:1000; Fig. 9). Representative sections of the walls were selected for more detailed examination, and records made of the different types of tower, walls, loopholes and gates/entrances. Plans and sections and a photographic survey of the various military architectural features completed the work. The northern city wall joined the western wall of

STUDIES

the citadel after crossing the moat at a point 85 m. south of the north-west corner tower. This made the northern part of the citadel salient from the city wall (P1. Ib). The western wall formed a right angle with the latter, an ideal position to protect the junction, allowing the defenders to shoot at the enemy from two sides instead of the usual front line. The passage of the moat through the city wall would have weakened it, as the enemy could use it to enter, hence the reinforcement. The walls of Shahriyar Ark were defended with semi-circular towers spaced 20-30 m. apart. Out of an estimated total of 80 original towers, 72 still survive. The four corners were fortified by big bastions, salient towers almost oval in plan. The principal material used was mudbrick: the square mudbricks varied in size from 24-32 x 6-9 cm. Although maintenance of the walls presumably ceased after the last supposed period of occupation-the fifteenth century--the walls are relatively well preserved, surviving to a height of some 5 m. The lower portions are covered by mudbrick melt and are more or less buried under their own fallen remains, hence it is often impossible to study the base of the walls and the details of their faces. The northern and southern walls are the most damaged. The southern wall is completely destroyed except for some 60 m. near the south-east corner tower (P1.IIIa). The outer face of the northern wall is also in a bad state, with towers sometimes reduced to a piece of wall. However, the eastern and western walls are particularly well preserved, loopholes remaining visible along certain sections (P1.IIIb). The varying states of preservation of these walls can be explained by the flat bare landscape to the north, which facilitates erosion by wind and rain from the north-east. The northern and southern walls face the wind and suffer this frontal "attack",whereas the eastern and western walls are parallel to its direction and only the salient elements (the towers) suffer from it. Descriptionoffortifications The citadel was surrounded by a moat, 15-25 m. wide and at least 3 m. deep, probably supplied by the Razik and Madzhan canals. Access from the town was through a gate in the middle of the south wall. A bridge must have existed to cross the canal, but nothing survives of either bridge or gate. Excavation of the western "FiruzGate" indicated that fired bricks, subsequently robbed, had been used for their construction rather than the mudbricks used elsewhere. The same robbing probably occurred to the citadel gate and bridge, only leaving enough to discern the shape of the first bent-axis entrance, guarded by at least two huge towers. Three of the four corner towers of the citadel are

THE INTERNATIONAL MERV PROJECT-PRELIMINARY

reasonably well preserved and were equally powerful. They were built on an oval plan and were about 10-12 m. wide, protruding some 8.50-11.60 m. from the wall. Although fallen mudbrick obscures much of the detail of these towers, nevertheless the collapsed eastern face of the north-east tower shows a cut from which we can see an inner chamber filled with rubble and the wall of the tower. This tower would have been hollow with an internal compartment and probably loopholes. We will see these features in other parts of the walls. A close study of the walls shows that they can be divided into two groups: Group 1. Hollow walls with a corridor and a chamber. Group 2. Solid walls. The well-preserved eastern wall is a typical example of the first type, apart from a 19 m. section in the northern part which had been bulldozed by Soviet farmers. The wall is some 53 m. long, 2.5-3.0 m. wide and contains sixteen semi-circular towers, with an average height of 4 m. Some of the outer face has collapsed, revealing an inner corridor in the curtains and chambers in the tower (P1.IIId). The curtain is composed of three parts: the outer face of the wall, 0.7-0.9 m. thick, the corridor, 0.7 m. and the inner wall, 0.9 m. The corridor is 1.5 m. high and is roofed with an arched vault made of five-six rectangular mudbricks. These supported the pise layer of the walkway, now no longer surviving. The central core of pise forms the floor of the gallery. The presence of arrow slits, up to nineteen per curtain, indicates that the corridor served as an archers' shooting gallery (P1. IIIc). Three types of loopholes have been identified so far: straight single, diagonal single and diagonal double. They share the same characteristics, 0.9-0.95 m. high, including a slope of about 0.40 m., 0.20-0.25 m. wide and built every 1.5-2.0 m. The sixteen towers of the eastern wall are positioned at 25-35 m. intervals. There are two groups, differentiated by size and the number of loopholes. Ten towers belong to the first group. They have five loopholes, two on each side and one in front, an average diameter of 3.5-4.0 m. and extend 3.5-4.0 m. from the wall: their outer walls are approximately 0.6 m. wide with inner chambers of 2.5 m. Six towers belong to the second group with three loopholes, one on each side and one in front, an average diameter of 3.0 m. and extend 2.5 m. from the wall. The inner wall is covered by a layer of rubble and is affected by wind erosion, so neither door nor staircases are visible. This prevents us from learning about the access and the connections between the gallery, the towers and the walkway.The hollow walls of Group 1 allowed a two-level defence,

REPORT ON THE FIFTH SEASON

(1996)

21

from the gallery and chamber and from the upper parapet. The northern wall is a typical example of Group 2. It is 330 m. long, 2.50 m. wide and has fourteen semicircular flanking towers. The wall is poorly preserved with many sections missing. The standing remains survive to a height of 4 m. outside and 6 m. inside. The outer face is very damaged although the inner face is better preserved. Most of the towers are reduced to a single wall. Despite its poor state, we can see that it differs from the eastern wall by the presence of posterns and right angle staircases. Eight posterns, the widths of which vary from 0.9-1.7 m., have been recognised. One, although half-buried, is intact: it measures 1.2 m. wide, with a height of c. 2.0 m. of which only 1.0 m. is visible, and has a vault of five mudbricks (25 x 25 x 6 cm.). The right angle staircases on the inner face only lead to the towers or walkways (P1. IVa). By comparing the preserved sections of each staircase we can achieve a relatively complete picture: the entrance is 3.90 m. high x 0.80-0.90 m. wide; there is no trace of a door. The first part of the staircase is 1.4-1.8 m. long with four to five steps; the second is on average 2.7 m. long with seven to eight steps. Both parts are 0.80-0.90 m. wide. The corridor is vaulted. Access to the walkwayor tower would probably have been via a simple hole in the upper parapet. Communication between the inner and outer platform is via the posterns. The inner platform is c. 3.5 m. wide and located about 2 m. above the inner ground level. From the platform soldiers could ascend by the staircase or exit onto the outer platform. This is 9-10 m. wide and protected by a small wall, 0.60 m. thick, still visible near the north-west corner tower. The curtains and towers of the northern wall also differed from the eastern wall, namely in their lack of loopholes in the curtains and the existence of posterns: that no staircase led to the gallery indicated that the curtains were solid and had no gallery. Natural cuts provided by fallen parts of the wall confirm these impressions. The towers also seem to have been solid: the best preserved towers have a diameter of 3.5 m., extend 3 m. from the wall and are 25-42 m. apart. The absence of loopholes, inner chambers and the staircases on the inner wall indicate that the towers were solid. The northern wall was therefore a solid wall where the defence was restricted to the use of the upper parapet. The lack of a corridor was compensated for by the existence of an outer platform and its wall. The latter played the role of a first defensive line, while the main wall played the role of a second defensive line. The western and southern walls can be described according to these two types, either solid or hollow. The western wall is 477 m. long, 2.5-3.5 m wide, 4-7 m. high, and is flanked by 21 semi-circular tow-

22

JOURNAL OF PERSIAN STUDIES

ers. The first four curtains and three towers from the north-west corner tower are identical to the northern wall: they lack loopholes, a gallery and chamber and are solid. One postern leads to an outer platform, one to an inner and one outer right angle staircase survives. The rest of the wall is hollow, like the east wall, although we found the remains of fourteen right angle staircases on its inner face and one on its outer face. These elements are similar to those on the north, and we noticed the same kind of borrowing on the southern wall. The southern wall is poorly preserved. Of the estimated 21 curtains and towers, only three curtains and three semi-circular towers still survive along a section near the south-east corner tower. The wall measures 506 m. in length and is 4-7 m. high. The loopholes in the curtain prove the presence of a corridor, and there are inner chambers in the destroyed part of the towers. The wall is hollow, but again borrowed elements from the northern wall included two posterns. Thecitadel'shistory We examined the junctions of the citadel walls with the city walls. An unpublished excavation conducted by Annaev cleared the junction between the eastern city wall and the citadel's southern wall down to its foundation. This revealed that the latter was built against the sloping inner face of the city wall, proving that it was constructed after the eastern city wall. However, the corresponding junction at the other end of the citadel defences is less clear. Although the western wall appears to abut the northern city wall, only excavation can prove if this end was also built against the slope of the city wall. Nevertheless, there is sufficient evidence to support the hypothesis that the architects built the city walls before those of the citadel. A major change occurred in the history of the hollow walls. The cut in the walls and an examination of the loopholes indicate that corridors, chambers and loopholes were filled with a material which differs from place to place. This includes mudbricks, fired bricks, pise, ash and rubble in various proportions, thus forming a solid wall. Evidence of this deliberate infilling is visible along the eastern, southern and western walls (except for its northern part described above) and in the north-east tower. This evolution from a hollow to a solid wall probably required a complete refurbishment of the curtains and towers, for instance the rethinking of access to the walkway. The "borrowings"from the northern wall, a genuine solid wall, might have formed part of this refurbishment. We can therefore clearly distinguish two periods in the history of the citadel. During the first period,

hollow fortifications were in use with curtains containing galleries and towers with inner chambers. The defence was from inside the wall and on top of the upper platform. The southern, eastern, and south part of the western walls and the north-east corner tower belonged to this period. However, during the second period solid fortifications were introduced: curtains and towers are solid with neither corridor nor chamber and only the upper platform is used for defence. This period is visible in the eastern, southern and south part of the western walls through the infilling of the gallery and chambers. We found the same evolution of solid replacing hollow walls when we began surveying the city's curtains and towers. Consequently, it seems probable that the military architecture of Sultan Kala was initially based on hollow walls, later followed by reliance on solid fortifications. However, the north part of the western wall and the northern wall do not display this change. The techniques used for their construction belong to the second period, and no trace of the first one been found. Had the fortifications initially been hollow we should have found traces. It is possible that the hollow wall was destroyed in this sector and replaced by a genuine solid wall, or the location of the northern wall may have been altered. This change in military architecture is important, expressing a radical move in strategy. The fortifications were probably adapted to counter an enemy using artillery, mobile tower and sap. The corridor and inner chamber would have been more vulnerable to the new military techniques, although a solid wall formed an adequate response. A similar evolution was noticed by Francfort (1979) when the Greeks settled in the south of Central Asia. The exceptional state of preservation of the mediaeval walls of Sultan Kala have made possible the first detailed study of the military architecture of this region. Comparable mediaeval city walls in northern Iran (particularly Nishapur and Rayy) have been destroyed whereas other Central Asian defences are obscure (Samarkand and Bukhara). The survey of the mediaeval city walls of Merv will, it is hoped, continue next year and be integrated into a comparative analysis of the Seleucid-Sasanian'"and Timurid fortifications of this city. A LATE MEDIAEVALBUILDING IN SHAHRIYARARK SULTAN KALAAREA 114 This large building is separated from nearby complexes by open areas. It is built on a low rectangular mound (35 x 25 m.), rising to a height of 2 m. above the surrounding ground level. Most of the outer edges are well defined, although the south-west cor-

THE INTERNATIONAL MERV PROJECT-PRELIMINARY

ner is more difficult to determine, and it appears that the south-east corner has been quarried away.In general, the eastern side of the building is better preserved, and it is there that three walls still stand to a further height of some 2 m. In 1996 the mounded surface of the main building was cleared of vegetation and scraped by workmen, revealing a number of wall lines and other features and resulting in the plan of the entire complex, thus setting the excavated area within a wider architectural context (Figs. 10-11). This monumental rectangular building consists of approximately 27 rooms at ground floor, with a lower courtyard to the north with a further range of rooms along the western side. The main axis of this complex appears to have been north-south, with a main entrance on the north and a possible secondary entrance on the west. The courtyard is a rectangular area (45 x 35 m.), enclosed by a wall which survivesas a low linear mound up to 0.50 m. high and 1 m. wide. The wall is well defined on the north and east sides, although the boundary on the west is less clear; in the middle of the north wall there is a gap which is interpreted as the main entrance to this complex. At the

REPORT ON THE FIFTH SEASON

(1996)

23

north-east corner there is an offset (6 x 3 m.), possibly corresponding to a single room. The interior of the courtyard is flat with no visible features. The main entrance to the house appears to have been at the eastern end of the north side and is defined by a linear depression which leads into a central area, probably a small courtyard. To the east of the entrance a corridor (1.50 m. wide) still retains part of its arched roof. There is also evidence for a corridor on the west side, although this is not so well preserved. The square courtyard opened into four iwans, still visible as shallow depressions. The northern wall of the east iwan has survived and gives some idea of the original appearance of the interior. It stands to a height of over 2 m. and contains a number of features including a window and several niches. Behind the wall (i.e. in the north-east corner of the building) there is a rectangular room (8 x 4.50 m.), covered with a barrel vault running north-south. To the west of this room is the arched corridor and the entrance iwan. The southern iwan is also clear. It is 5.50 m. wide and 5 m. deep. In the south-east corner there are the remains of a barrel-

Key Excavated walls

Fig. 10. MSK 1: plan of thepost-Seljukresidence.

R

Standing walls

E=

Surface walls

24

JOURNAL

OF PERSIAN

0

STUDIES

20 M

Fig. 11. MSK 1: reconstructed plan of thepost-Seljukresidence(A. D. Petersen).

vaulted room with the vault running east-west. The western iwan is approximately 4 m. wide and is flanked by corridors which appear to connect it to the western part of the building. The plan of the western part is less clear although some wall lines and rooms can be identified. In the north-west corner there is a rectangular room and at least two smaller rooms. It is likely that there was a courtyard in the middle of this area, perhaps leading off into iwans, although the symmetry observed in the eastern half may not have been followed. All construction was in mudbrick, generally laid in common bond, although the remains of a single course of fired bricks was found inside one room and a fired brick-lined aperture was revealed during excavations along the exterior facade in the north-west corner. The size of this building (35 x 25 m.) compares favourably with the so-called "Seljuk palace" (45 x 39 m.) in the centre of Shahriyar Ark (Hillenbrand 1994, 411, 578: fig. 7.90). There are other similarities of design, such as the four iwan plan and the use of shallow, four-centre arches. Excavations Excavations in the north-west corner, begun in 1995 (Herrmann et al. 1996, 17-19), were continued in 1996. Objectives were to clear Rooms A and D, to extend the excavated area in the courtyard to the

outer enclosure wall, and to investigate the depth of deposit (Fig. 12). In 1995 the eastern half of Room A was excavated to a depth of 1.5 m. to reveal a compacted floor surface containing a number of built features. During 1996 the eastern half was excavated to the same level. Above this was a sequence of temporary occupation surfaces alternating with layers of collapsed mudbrick. A rectangular pit (0.4 x 0.6 x 0.62 m.) was cut into one of these temporary surfaces and contained a succession of three deposits. The function of the pit is unknown although the rectangular shape, straight sides and hard plastered floor suggest it may have been used for storage. Below the level corresponding to the top of the pit there was a layer of collapsed mudbrick which covered a floor corresponding to that previously reached in the eastern half of the room. In the north-west corner there was a low mudbrick wall (2.1 m. long x 0.25 m. high) running parallel to the north wall. It was built out of rectangular mudbricks (20 x 12 x 6 cm.), plastered on the exterior, and appears to have formed the front retaining wall of a low bench with a rubble core and large square mudbricks laid flat on top. In the eastern half of the room a number of contemporaneous features observed in 1995 were excavated. These included a pit and an oven. The pit was a roughly circular feature (up to 0.6 m. across) with sloping sides and a square fired brick at the bottom.

THE INTERNATIONAL MERV PROJECT-PRELIMINARY

The depth of this feature and the presence of the brick suggest that this was probably a square hearth (manqal) built out of fired bricks which were later robbed out (cf. Herrmann et al. 1996, 18). The oven (tanur) was a much more substantial construction and comprised a circular pit (diameter 0.52 m.) lined with fired bricks, with a flue on the southern side. It was filled with silty ash deposits containing fragments of pottery, bone, glass and fired brick. Excavations of abutting structures immediately to the north of the house were also continued within Room D. This contained two floor surfaces, the uppermost of which was associated with animal bone refuse. Below the underlying floor make-up was an earlier compacted clay floor surface sloping down towards the north. In the northern part of the room there were two pairs of postholes set close together. Each pair consisted of a large hole (0.16 x 0.30 m.) and a smaller hole (0.16 x 0.05 m.) on the south side. In the north-west corner there was a small low bench (1.0 x 0.60 x 0.20 m.) built of mudbrick. This room was separated by a thick north/south wall from an open area to the west (Area F). Most of this area was covered by extensive ashy deposits. The source of this was a large two-chambered oven (c. 2 x 1 m.), found abutting the dividing wall (P1.IVb). The oven was irregular in shape with clay-lined sides, later burnt by the heat. At the western end of the oven were traces of a stokehole whereas the remains of a flue were found at the eastern end. A 20 m. long extension was excavated to the north

ven

G

REPORT ON THE FIFTH SEASON

(1996)

25

of the original 8 x 10 m. trench in order to link the main building with the courtyard enclosure wall. This area was excavated by workmen in 10 cm. spits. With the exception of the wall at the northern end, no features were discovered here, confirming its identification as an open courtyard. As expected the north wall proved to be a substantial structure, 1.20 m. thick built out of pise blocks. Outside the wall a 5 x 5 m. area was excavated to a depth of 1.0 m. in order to determine the exterior ground level. Finally, in order to investigate the potential depth of occupation deposits associated with the main house, the area to the north of Room A (i.e. Room D and part of the courtyard) was excavated below floor level. Directly below floor level there was a rectangular cut (4.5 x 1 m.) aligned parallel to the north wall of the building. The eastern wall of Room D was built partly inside this cut and over the trench, indicating that the room was constructed immediately after the trench was excavated and infilled. The wall spanning the trench was then removed to enable excavation over a wider area. It was noted that the eastern wall of Room D had its own foundation trench which cut the earlier trench (P1.IVc). After removing the wall, a smaller area (2 x 2 m.) was excavated next to the wall to determine the date of the large trench and its relationship to the north wall of the main building. The contexts beneath the large trench were fairly homogeneous, containing a few small sherds of pottery, including post-Seljuk material. These

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26

JOURNAL OF PERSIAN STUDIES

deposits appear to represent a thick makeup layer. Analysis of the ceramics and other finds are still at an early stage. It is at present not yet clear whether these deposits post-date or are contemporary with the main walls of the building, but there is a real possibility of a post-Seljuk date for this substantial building in Shahriyar Ark. Further excavations are urgently required to confirm or refute this hypothesis. Archaeobotanical remains'5 The major aim of the preliminary archaeobotanical assessment has been to obtain as representative a picture as possible of the crop species present. This has involved the scanning and sorting of all processed sample fractions. A comparison with other IMP sites, sampled in the same manner as Sultan Kala 1, is provided in Table 6. The most productive area in terms of archaeobotanical remains was Area C with a series of charcoal-rich deposits, associated with nearby cooking installations. Hulled six-row barley, free threshing wheat, broomcorn millet, lentil and grape have been identified from these deposits. This resembles the range of crops currently identified from several hundred Late Sasanian and Early Islamic samples from Gyaur Kala. However, a surprising discovery that contrasts with the picture obtained from these earlier period is a complete absence as yet of cotton seeds from any of the assessed Sultan Kala samples. A shallow ashy deposit located in the outlying courtyard area (Area N) produced a sample of almost pure free threshing wheat grains, many of which were very small in size. Cereal chaff was absent, and wild species were confined to rare instances of small legume seeds. Several samples from deposits within the main building (Room A)

contained uncharred grape pips and melon seeds, in addition to charred cereals and other seeds and fruits: the state of these suggests that they are intrusive, probably via insects or beetles. A POST-SELJUKKILN:SULTAN KALAAREA 2 During the Seljuk heyday of Merv an extensive potters' quarter flourished immediately outside the Firuz (west) gate of the mediaeval city of Sultan Kala. Excavations by the YuTAKEhave revealed a number of workshops with two-stage updraught pottery kilns and evidence for the manufacture of plainware, moulded and glazed vessels, including a number of pieces signed by a potter called Inoyan. This complex appears to have gradually lost its importance after the Mongol sack of the city in 1221/22. During the Ilkhanid and later periods a number of industrial activities, including pottery and brick manufacture, were relocated closer to the reduced urban core within the old mediaeval city walls. A lowdensity surface concentration of iron smithing hearth bottoms to the east of the Sultan Sanjar tomb complex also suggests the presence of post-Seljuk metalworkers. It is hoped that future surveywork will map the density and distribution of these workshops. An unpublished sounding excavated by Professor T. Khodjaniasov inside the west wall of Sultan Kala revealed a particularly fine two-stage updraught pottery kiln attributed to the post-Seljuk period (P1.IVd, Fig. 13).16 Recording this structure was made an early priority of the 1996 season, the clearance being completed in three days by Annaev and Agajanov, with planning by Brun and Roy. This kiln was sited on the summit of a small but prominent mound and

..O

(),

Limits of

0 0

damaged area.

Stokehole

N

White burnt areas ///, Reddish burnt areas

Fig. 13. Sultan Kala Area 2 (MSK2): plan of thepost-Seljukkiln.

THE INTERNATIONAL MERV PROJECT-PRELIMINARY

orientated east-west with the firemouth, stokehole and rakeout area on the western side. The kiln itself was rectangular and measured approximately two metres in length. It consisted of a 1.2 m. high firebox measuring 1.4 x 0.57 m. across, covered with a slightly larger rectangular flat-topped grate supported by pitched brick vaulting and pierced by up to forty circular vertical and angled flues measuring between 3-5 cm across and arranged in four parallel rows.17 The grate was burnt in places to a whitish colour; no traces of the actual firing chamber walls survived, possibly because they were designed to be easily dismantled after each firing. The kiln stokehole and rakeout area were sampled for carbonised plant remains. These contexts initially appeared to be promising but unfortunately, with the exception of the rakeout dumps, they did not produce any identifiable charcoal remains. Indeed the fuel used in this kiln appeared to have been almost completely reduced to fine ash. The rakeout deposits produced a few barley grains, a single wheat grain, some small and as yet unidentified seeds and 3-4 gr. of charcoal. A useful group of ceramics was recovered from this operation, totalling 505 sherds (23.6 kg) comprising plain (87.9%), monochrome glazed wares (10.2%) and residual black, yellow and green slippainted glazed wares (1.7%), including a small number of plain and glazed wasters. A small number of completely overfired, buckled and warped plainware vessel sherds were also recovered. In total, seven different fabrics were represented (Table 5). Recurrent plainware vessel types included combincised jars and flasks with tapered cylindrical spouts, plain bowls and thick-walled large basins or troughs (Fig. 14: 1-3). A complete flask of the same type was recovered from our excavations in Shahriyar Ark last year (Herrmann et al. 1996, pl. Vb). The glazed wares were mainly light blue or green open bowl forms glazed on the interior and exterior, plus a single green glazed handle (Fig. 14: 4-8). Solidified glaze drips, crawled glaze and plucking marks indicated that the bowls were either stacked upright or upside-down in the kiln and were separated using tripod stilts: five actual stilts, each with traces of blue glaze on the points, were recovered in addition to a cylindrical prop with glaze drips. A number of sherds may be Seljuk or later in date, including one moulded sherd and a single fragment belong to a local plainware copy of a Chinese lobed basin. Significantly, a small number of top quality twelfth/thirteenth and sixteenth century Chinese export glazed wares were recovered from Annaev's excavations next to Kiz Bibi in 1995. These included an incised and combed fragment of a Song Dynasty qingbai (blue-white) glazed basin from the Jingdezhen area (Jiangxi province, south China),

REPORT ON THE FIFTH SEASON

(1996)

27

EA

53.0%

Sultan Kala Area 2 kiln: ceramic fabrics M s[\

GI B2 B3

- G2

6.1%

12

4.1% 1.5%

Other

0.7%

1 0El i

16.3% 9.2% 9.2%

Table5. Sultan Kala Area 2: ceramicfabricsfrom the potterykiln

the base of a Song qingbai dish, the rim of a Song celadon dish with a stylised lotus pattern on the exterior from Longquan (Zhejiang province, south-east China) and a Ming period underglaze blue decorated porcelain plate showing deer in a landscape, again from Jingdezhen.'8 Other finds from the kiln excavation included a coin, a plain undecorated copper alloy finger ring, a perforated shell bead and five sherds of coloured and clear glassware. MUHAMMAD IBN ZAYD: THE SARDOBA19

Over the past few years the Merv Park authorities have excavated and rebuilt a large subterranean water cistern (sardoba), immediately north of the tomb of Muhammad ibn Zayd (Herrmann et al. 1995, 19, pl. VIc). This cistern formed part of the same complex and is presumed to date from the Seljuk period. Its construction is similar to cisterns associated with the Timurid iwans and recent mausolea housing cenotaphs of two Sahdbns or Companions of the Prophet, south of Sultan Kala, and the central mosque in Gyaur Kala (Herrmann and Petersen 1996, 19-20, 15). The cistern at Ibn Zayd was fed by a covered water channel leading from a canal to the east. Excavations by Annaev on the western side of the sardobarevealed a covered outlet channel and remains of Seljuk and Timurid construction. A large quantity of pottery, some 1,754 sherds (52 kg), was processed at the beginning of the 1996 season by D. Gilbert and C. Davies. This assemblage was remarkably homogeneous and con-

28

JOURNAL

OF PERSIAN

cm

STUDIES

3

5

6i

Fig. 14. MSK 2: selectedpost-Seljukceramicsfrom thekiln.

THE INTERNATIONAL MERV PROJECT-PRELIMINARY

tained a number of warped and lightly overfired vessels together with an unusually high number of large or joining sherds, suggesting that it may represent seconds or discards from a workshop in the nearby mediaeval potters' quarter. The overwhelming majority of the excavated assemblage (98%) belonged to plainware vessels whereas only 35 glazed sherds were recovered, and cooking/coarse wares were absent. A high proportion of the plainwares as decorated, usually with horizontal or wavy combed incision, or rouletting in c. 10% of cases and broad shallow lines, executed while the vessels were still on the wheel-head, in the case of another 20%. Delicate tall-necked flasks were one particularly distinctive form (Fig. 15).

ibnZayd:a ceramic Fig. 15. Muhammad flaskfromMerv Park excavationsnext to thesardoba. Archaeological

PLANT USE IN THE MERVOASIS20 An expanded programme of archaeobotanical work took place in 1996, reflecting the enlarged excavation programme and investigation of Sasanian, Early Islamic, Ilkhanid and Timurid contexts in Gyaur Kala and Sultan Kala. As in past seasons, bulk "whole earth" samples were routinely taken from all secure excavated contexts and processed using combined flotation and wet sieving

REPORT ON THE FIFTH SEASON

(1996)

29

(Nesbitt in Herrmann et al. 1994, 71-73; Boardman in Herrmann et al. 1995, 50). Around 250 samples, totalling over 2,500 litres of soil, were retrieved this year, over 200 of which were sieved and assessed during the field season: over 100 residues from the previous season were also sorted. The preliminary results are discussed above, according to excavation area. In addition to the IMP excavations, some further work was carried out on Late Parthian samples from Professor Koshelenko's excavations at G6beklydepe (Gubaev et al. 1990, 54-60), and on Seljuk, Timurid and later samples from Annaev's 1995 excavations at Kiz Bibi (Herrmann et al. 1996, 19). One sample from G6bekly-depe yielded complete charred grapes and among the Kiz Bibi finds was a single, apparently uncharred, textile fragment, awaiting SEM microscopy. Several hundred archaeobotanical samples have now been processed from the five years of excavations at Merv (Nesbitt in Herrmann et al. 1993, 5658; 1994, 71-73; Boardman in Herrmann et al. 1995, 50-52). Studies are completed of the Middle-Late Sasanian and Early Islamic plant remains from the 1992-94 seasons and a detailed report on this material is in preparation. Further reports on limited sampling from Iron Age contexts at Tahirbaj, Parthian Gobekly-depe and Seljuk and post-Timurid Kiz Bibi are likewise forthcoming. Earlier Bronze Age material from Gonur-depe has been published by Naomi Miller (1993; Moore et al. 1994). The cumulative evidence is summarised in Table 6. However, it should be noted that this picture may be revised for periods represented by limited sampling and that coarser retrieval techniques may explain the absence of small seeded species, such as millet, at Gonur-depe. The most striking result is the remarkable consistency of presence of the major species, regardless of the number of samples collected per site or period. Free threshing wheat, hulled barley, broomcorn millet and grape have been recovered from the Bronze Age to the post-mediaeval period. Barley is the most frequent crop at most sites, but the constant presence of wheat hints that topical problems associated with over-use of irrigation, notably salinisation, did not pose a major agricultural problem in the Merv oasis. However, other evidence suggests changes in plant use in different periods. Several species present at Bronze Age Gonur-depe, including emmer wheat, chickpea and plum, have not yet been found in later samples. Secondly, cotton seeds are only represented from Sasanian and Early Islamic deposits, suggesting a relatively late date of introduction into the Merv oasis. Furthermore, Nesbitt's note on the surprising rarity of millet has been supported by its continuing scarcity in samples from three further seasons of excavation (Herrmann et al. 1994, 73).

30

JOURNAL OF PERSIAN STUDIES

SITE

Gonur *

CEREALS Freethreshingwheat Glumewheat Six row hulled barley

X X X X

Barley millet Broomcomrn Foxtail

Tahirbaj **

Gobekli

X X

MGK 5

MEK 1

MGK 4

MSK 2

MSK 1

Kiz Bibi

X

X

X

X

X

X

X

X X

X X X

X X X

X X X

X X

X X X

X X X

X

X

X

X

X

X

X

X X

X X X

X X X X

X X

millet .X)

PULSES Chickpea

X

Lentil

X

Grass

X

Pea

Vicieae

X

FRUITS, NUTS,VEG Cucumber/Melon Uncharredwatermelon Grape Plum Almond Peach Almond/Peach Thick walled nutshell Pistachio

X X X

X

X X

X

X

Hackberry

X X X

OIL/FIBRE PLANTS Cotton

X

X

X

X

X

X

X

X X X

X X X

OTHER IMPORTANT PLANTS Prosopis Alhagi Small seeded legumes

X X X

.X

Papaver

X

.

X X

X X

X

X

X X

X

(X)

X X X

X X X

X X X

(X)

NON PLANT REMAINS Textile remains Dung-charred/ashed KEY

_(x),

X

* from Miller 1993; ** fromNesbitt 1994 (X) - single occurrencein one sample

X

X X

MEK - Merv ErkKala MSK - Merv SultanKala MGK - Merv GyaurKala

Table6. Plantusein theMerooasis

X X

THE INTERNATIONAL MERV PROJECT-PRELIMINARY

Almond and peach have only been conclusively identified from Late Sasanian contexts in Erk Kala, although probable almond/peach nutshell fragments are present in samples from other periods at Merv. Finally, small legume seeds and pods, including camel thorn (Alhagi sp), and cat's claw (Prosopis sp.) are common in Middle and Late Sasanian samples from excavations in Gyaur Kala and Erk Kala. These remains probably reflect a variety of plant uses, possibly ranging from animal dung fuel and crop processing waste to ad hoc coarse matting laid down in the wet season. PRELIMINARYREPORT ON THE ANIMAL-BONE21 The environmental programme was expanded during 1996 in order to encompass the Sasanian and mediaeval animal-bone systematically retrieved from all trenches excavated to date. Much of the season's work was geared towards the reduction of a backlog of bone from the first four seasons. Preliminary assessments were made of all the material, and a programme of cleaning and sorting was undertaken. A start has also been made on assembling a modern reference collection to facilitate bone identification at Merv. The preliminary assessments of each group of bone have taken into account such factors as the state of preservation, degree of angularity, fragment size, extent of dog gnawing, prevalence of butchery marks, and percentages of burnt bone and fresh breaks. Appreciation of these factors will form the basis for an understanding of the taphonomic processes which have acted upon the bone assemblage and which may have discriminated against certain bone categories. For instance, in an assemblage or context where dog gnawing is common one can expect that the bones of young animals will be under-represented, since their bones are relatively soft and easily destroyed. It is hoped that the main sources of this type of bias can be isolated for each context from Merv and that on this basis a representative picture of the pre-depositional assemblage can be formed. The sorting of each context usually resulted in the discard of some elements after preliminary assessments had been made and numbers of tooth fragments, rib ends and vertebral segments had been noted. More detailed recording was undertaken on some Late Sasanian material from the Erk Kala excavation. Bone from 66 contexts was examined and approximately 400 elements recorded in detail. There is more work to be done on material from other contexts and from bone exported in previous seasons. However, the early indications are of a faunal assemblage dominated by sheep and goat, with

REPORT ON THE FIFTH SEASON (1996)

31

cow, pig and donkey less numerous but present in significant numbers. Preliminary assessments of Gyaur Kala Areas 4 and 5 and of Shahriyar Ark Area 1 suggest a similar faunal range, although no pig has yet been identified from ShahriyarArk. Bird was represented at low levels in each of the excavation areas and included domestic fowl from Gyaur KalaArea 4. Fish was represented by vertebral segments recovered from Gyaur KalaArea 4. Although these are not particularly useful for speciation, it is possible that other, more diagnostic, fish bone will be retrieved through the ongoing programme of flotation and sieving. It is to be expected that both fish and bird will be under-represented in the post-excavation assemblage, due to their fragility and susceptability to the effects of the taphonomic processes mentioned earlier. Finds of particular interest from this season's excavations include the remains of gazelle from MGK 5 and of dog from MGK 4. Gazelle horn from MGK5 was worked and suggests that some industrial and craft activitywas taking place. The contexts from which this material was recovered also contains general domestic refuse, perhaps indicating that this activity was small-scale. Another possibility is that refuse from a number of sources, including specialised horn work and domestic activities, was thrown into a communal pit. Although the final analysis is not complete, the indications are of cranial and post-cranial elements of gazelle being present in comparable quantities, and this lends support to the theory of small-scale domestic horn working and butchery. It seems unlikely that quantities of horn were being sent here for specialised working. The remains of dog from MGK 4 comprise both upper hindleg elements. Some finds of dog might be expected to become incorporated into refuse deposits when they died and were disposed of. Certainly, dogs were common in many contexts, as evidenced by the gnawing on many bones. However, these particular bones are unusual since they have come from a dog which had been dismembered and butchered-an unexpected phenomenon in an Islamic context, possibly reflecting the presEarly ence of non-Muslim people, for whom dog might have been an acceptable food. Work in 1997 will involve transferring records to a computer database. Assessments will also be made of age and sex structure for the main domesticates, from which it should be possible to determine the husbandry techniques employed to manage the species-whether sheep and goats were managed primarily for milk, meat or wool (or whether none of these aims took precedence) and whether species were managed along different lines. Much remains to be done, as only a fraction of the detailed analysis from one area has been completed. But this has

32

JOURNAL OF PERSIAN STUDIES

already led to some unusually vivid glimpses of the faunal scene, and undoubtedly there is sufficient material with which to paint a much more comprehensive picture. ANALYTICALINVESTIGATIONOF SASANIAN

AND ISLAMICGLASS22 Preliminary analyses of Late Sasanian and some Islamic glass fragments excavated in Erk Kala have been conducted using electron probe microanalyses (EPMA) and scanning electron microscopy (SEM) with energy dispersive X-ray analysis (SEM-EDS). These techniques provide a means of determining the elemental constitution of the glass samples through analysis of the characteristic X-rays that are emitted when a beam of accelerated electrons strikes the sample. The potential benefits of this research are an insight into little-known Sasanian and Islamic glass technologies with a possibility of comparison of compositional affinities with groups of Early Islamic glass, notably from Nishapur and Raqqa (Henderson 1994; Brill 1995). It might also be possible to suggest the types of raw materials and colourants used in manufacture. The EPMA analyses were set up to look for 22 elements, those which in our experience occur most commonly in archaeological glass, which would be detectable at levels of the order of 0.01% or above. Energy dispersive spectroscopy is less sensitive but will detect elements present at levels of the order of 0.1% or above. In order to prepare the glass for analysis, the fragments were mounted in blocks of resin which were then ground down to yield a flat section through the glass. The sections were then polished to a mirror finish using a succession of increasingly fine diamond pastes. The polished surface is then given a thin coating of graphite under vacuum in order to provide a means of conducting away the electrons from the beam in the EPMA or SEM. Analyses were made away from the surface of the fragments in order to avoid as far as possible the results being distorted by ion exchange with the burial environment. The EPMA analyses were conducted with the beam spread over a large spot on the sample surface and the SEM analyses were conducted with the beam scanning over an area in order to minimise any migration of ions induced by the electron beam (Potts 1987, 338-39). In common with other archaeological glass samples, the Merv glasses are comprised of silica as the glass network former together with other components which act as fluxes reducing the melting temperature of the silica. Generally speaking sodium and potassium are commonly found as fluxes with calcium or magnesium acting both as fluxes and as

stabilisers, making the glass more stable in the presence of water than a simple binary alkali-silica glass would be. Minor amounts of transition metals such as iron impart colour to the glass. The silica might commonly be derived from sand and the fluxes from wood ash or from evaporite deposits. Published work indicates that Early Islamic glasses tend to contain relatively high levels of sodium and relatively little potassium (K20) or magnesium (Mg0), while from at least the mid-ninth century glasses with high potassium and magnesium levels occur (Sayre and Smith 1967; Henderson 1994). This change in composition probably corresponds to a change in the raw materials being employed. Analyses of 35 ninththirteenth century glass samples from Central Asia published by Besborodov and Zadneprovsky (1967) are mostly high in magnesium and potassium, indicating the use of plant ash as a source of alkalis rather than natural minerals such as natron. We have so far analysed 12 samples of glass from Merv using EPMA and gained a less precise view of the main constituents of a number of other samples using SEM-EDS. The samples analysed have been pale blue, turquoise, pale green or colourless. Insufficient samples have yet been analysed to draw firm conclusions, but a few preliminary observations may be made. In terms of the correlation between composition and colour, the colourless glass samples have lower levels of iron (less than 0.5% ferric oxide) than the coloured glasses. Copper is absent from the colourless glasses and some of the green glasses, present as up to 0.8% cupric oxide in green glass and at a level of 1.2-2.1% cupric oxide in the blue glasses analysed. Most of the glasses analysed were fairly uniform in their composition, containing 9.4-12.1% soda, 2.3-3.6% potash, 2.8-8.4% lime and 1.7-5.0% magnesia. These would correspond to the high potassium, high magnesium soda glasses reported by Sayre and Smith (1967). One of the glasses analysed (a clear glass) was distinctly different in its composition, however, having 19% soda, 0.5% potash, 6.5% lime and no traceable magnesia. The difference in composition presumably reflects the use of distinctly different raw materials, and we shall be seeking parallels to this glass composition as part of the continuing analytical programme, which will be expanded to cover other Sasanian and Islamic glass from Merv. 1Written by G. Puschnigg. 2 Written by S. Boardman.

a Based on reports by J. Stedman and A. Powell with technical comments on the probable method of operation of the furnaces written by A. Feuerbach, D. Griffiths andJ. Merkel. 4 Written by A. Feuerbach, D. Griffiths andJ. Merkel. 5 Based on a report byJ. Stedman. 6 Processed by C. Davies and D. Gilbert. 7Written by S. Boardman. 8 Based on a report by S. Bullas.

THE INTERNATIONAL MERV PROJECT-PRELIMINARY

9These were supervised and recorded by D. Gilbert and St J. Simpson. 10Written by G. Barratt and S. Doyle. " Digital work on the photographs was facilitated in the field by the use of ER mapper, kindly loaned by ERM UK. The software, running on a 120 pentium notebook with TSR screen and images archived on CD, allowed the facility to view and manipulate digital images while in the field. This was combined via a ERM dynamic link with the GIS system MapInfo to allow rapid geo-referencing of data sets. 12Written by A. Annaev and P. Brun. 13V. Zavyalov is currently undertaking a reanalysis of published sections through the walls in Erk Kala and Gyaur Kala, excavated by the YuTAKE. 14Written by A. D. Petersen. 15Writtenby S. Boardman. 16We are most grateful to Professor Khodjaniasov for giving his permission for this operation, the results of which will be incorporated into his contribution for our forthcoming final report on mediaeval Merv. 7 The exact number of flues is conjectural owing to an area of the grate (0.50 x 0.70 m. across) having been destroyed. 18We are very grateful to Jessica Harrison-Hall (Assistant Keeper, Oriental Antiquities, British Museum) for kindly identifying these imports. The decoration on the Ming plate was closely copied by Safavid potters, judging by a similar version excavated at Kandahar (Crowe 1996, 318, 357, fig. 261). 19A full description of this complex will form part of our forthcoming final report on mediaeval Merv. 20Written by S. Boardman. 21Written by Ian Smith. 22 Written by D. R. Griffiths and A. M. Feuerbach.

Bibliography Al-Hassan, A. Y. 1978. "Iron and steel technology in mediaeval Arabic sources",JournalfortheHistoryofArabicScience2:1, 31-43. An Illustrated Al-Hassan, A. Y. & Hill, D. R. 1986. IslamicTechnology: Guide,Cambridge. London. Allan,J. W. 1979. PersianMetal Technology, 1982. Nishapur:Metalworkof theEarlyIslamicPeriod,New York. Besborodov, M. A. and Zadneprovsky, J. A. 1967. "Ancient and mediaeval glass of Middle Asia", ArchaeologicalChemistry:a Symposium,(M. Levey, ed.), 29-47, Philadelphia. Boardman, S.J. 1994. in Herrmann, G. & Kurbansakhatov,K. et al. 1994. Bosworth, C. E. 1968a. '"Thepolitical and dynastic history of the Iranian world (A.D. 1000-1217)", CHI 5 (J. A. Boyle, ed.), Cambridge. Bosworth, C. E. 1968b. The Book of Curious and Entertaining Information,TheLata'if al-ma'arifof Thacalibi,Edinburgh. Brill, R. H. 1995. "Chemical analyses of some glass fragments from Nishapur in the Corning Museum of Glass", Nishapur: Glass of theEarlyIslamicPeriod(Kr6ger,J. et al.), 211-33. New York. Bronson, B. 1986. "The making and selling of Wootz, a crucible steel of India", Archaeomaterials 1, 13-51. Clark, A. J. 1996. Seeing Beneath the Soil-Prospecting Methods in London. Supplement to revised edition. Archaeology, Craddock, P. 1995. EarlyMetal Mining and Production,Edinburgh. Crowe, Y. 1996. "GlazedCeramics"in McNicoll, A. & Ball, W. et al., Excavationsat Kandahar 1974 and 1975. TheFirst Two Seasonsat Shahr-iKohna(Old Kandahar),313-64. Oxford.

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33

David, A. 1995. "Geophysical survey in archaeological field evaluation", Researchand ProfessionalServicesGuidelinesNo. 1, Ancient Monuments Laboratory, English Heritage Society. Francfort, H. 1979. Lesfortificationsen Asie centralede l'dgedu bronze (l'ipoquekouchane),Paris. Gale, R. 1995 in Herrmann, G. & Kurbansakhatov, K. et al. 1995. Gubaev, A., Koshelenko, G. and Novikov, S. 1990. "Archaeological Exploration of the Merv Oasis", Mesopotamia25, 51-60. Haggatt, P., Cliff A. D. & Frey A. 1977. Locational Analysis in Human Geography, 2nd edition, London. Henderson, J. 1994. "An investigation of Early Islamic glass production at Raqqa, Syria",MaterialsIssuesin Art and Archaeology IV (Vandiver, P. B. et al.), 433-43, Pittsburgh, Penn. Herrmann, G., Masson V. M. & Kurbansakhatov, K. et al. 1993. '"The International Merv Project, Preliminary Report on the First Season (1992) ", Iran XXXI, 39-62. Herrmann, G. & Kurbansakhatov, K. et al. 1994. '"The International Merv Project, Preliminary Report on the Second Season (1993)", Iran XXXII, 53-75. 1995. '"TheInternational Merv Project, Preliminary Report on the Third Season (1994)", Iran XXXIII, 31-60. Herrmann, G., Kurbansakhatov, K. & Simpson, St J. et al. 1996. '"The International Merv Project, Preliminary Report on the Fourth Season (1995) ", Iran XXXIV, 1-22. Herrmann G. and Petersen, A. D. 1996. Ancient Mero, Turkmenistan.A Visitor'sGuide,London. Hillenbrand, R. 1994. Islamic Architecture,Form, Function and Meaning,Edinburgh. Kervran, M. 1977. "Lesniveaux islamiques du secteur oriental du Tep? de l'Apadana. II. Le materiel ceramique". CDAFI 7, 75-161. Le Strange, Guy 1905. TheLands of theEasternCaliphate,Cambridge. Merkel, J. F., Feuerbach, A. and Griffiths, D. 1994. "Analytical Investigation of Crucible Steel Production, Preliminary Results" in Herrmann, G. & Kurbansakhatov, K. et al. 1994, 70-71. Miller, N. F. 1993. "Preliminaryarchaeobotanical results from the 1989 excavation at the Central Asian site of Gonur Depe, Turkmenistan", InternationalAssociationfor theStudyof Culturesof CentralAsia InformationBulletin19, 149-63. Moore, K. M., Miller, N. F., Hiebert, F. T. & Meadow, R. H. 1994. "Agriculture and herding in the early oasis settlements of the Oxus civilization", Antiquity68, No. 259 (July), 418-27. Nesbitt, M. 1993. "Archaeobotanical remains" in Herrmann, G., Masson V.M. & Kurbansakhatov, K. et al. 1993, 56-58, pl. XVc-d. Nesbitt, M. 1994. "Archaeobotanical research in the Merv oasis" in Herrmann, G. & Kurbansakhatov, K. et al. 1994, 71-73. Papachristou, O. & Swertschkow, L. 1993. "Eisen aus Ustruschana und Tiegelstahl aus dem Fergana-Becken", Der AnschnittKunstund Kulturin Bergbau45, 122-31. Zeitschnyftfiir Potts, P.J. 1992. A Handbookof SilicateRockAnalysis,London. Rutkovskaya,L. M. 1962. "AntichnayaKeramika drevnego Merva", YuTAKEReports11, 45-173. Said, H. M. 1989. Al-Biruni's Book on Mineralogy:The Book Most in Knowledgeon PreciousStones,Islamabad. Comprehensive Sayre, E. V. & Smith, R. W. 1967. "Some materials of glass manufacturing in antiquity" in M. Levey, ed., ArchaeologicalChemistry: a Symposium,279-311, Philadelphia. Shennan, S.J. 1988. QuantifyingArchaeology, Edinburgh. Zavyalov, V. A. 1994. "Zar-tepe: a Kushanian town in Southern Uzbekistan", Archaeological Studies 16: New Archaeological Discoveries in Asiatic Russia and Central Asia, 67-74, St. Petersburg.

AN AMIR KHUSRAWKHAMSAOF 1581 By B. W. Robinson

FormerlyVictoriaand AlbertMuseum

I To arouse aesthetic interest, and to prove of value and importance in the gradual building up of a complete picture of Persian painting, a manuscript need not be of "royal"quality or in perfect condition. In the mass of volumes produced on a commercial scale, and among modest examples emanating from comparatively obscure provincial centres, are to be found many paintings of singular charm and originality, often providing links in the chain connecting the work of one area or period with that of another. The manuscript under consideration is a case in point; it occupies an intermediate position between royal volumes, such as the Tahma-sp Shdhnamaand the Freer Jafmi, on the one hand, and on the other the routine through often charming productions of the workshops of Khurasan or Shiraz. Perhaps it is a little closer to the former than to the latter; it certainly contains excellent and original work, but does not quite achieve that sublime combination ofjewellike precision and overpowering splendour which we find in paintings executed for Baysunghur or Ibrahim Mirza. Among the classical Persian poets quite a number have left quintets (khamsa), sets of five romantic poems, generally in imitation of Nizami's original Khamsa,composed between 1175 and 1200. One of these, next to Nizami in popularity but a long way behind him, is Amir Khusraw of Delhi, whose Khamsa dates from 1298-1301. His imitation of Nizami extended to the titles, and to the subjectmatter, of the five poems. Thus Nizami's Makhzanalasrdr ("Treasury of mysteries") becomes the Matlac al-anwdr ("The rising of the lights") of Amir and Layld wa Khusraw; Nizami's Khusraw u Shirn Majnu-nare simply switched to Shrin u Khusrawand Majnu-n u Layla by Amir Khusraw; Haft paykar ("The seven portraits") becomes Hasht bihisht('"The eight paradises"); and Iskandar-nama ("The book of Alexander") appears as A31ina-yi Iskandanr ("Alexander's mirror"). However in many manuscripts of Amir Khusraw's Khamsa, including the copy under discussion, the order of the last two poems is reversed, making A'fna-yi Iskandanrthe fourth, and Hasht bihishtthe fifth part of the Khamsa. Sometimes Nizami's original titles of Khusraw u Shhin and Layld wa MajnTn are retained in Amir Khusrawmanuscripts, as in the present copy.

The relative popularity of the Khamsasof Nizami and Amir Khusraw may be illustrated by comparing the numbers of illustrated copies in two large and well-known collections. In the Topkapi Library at Istanbul are 75 illustrated manuscripts of the Khamsasof Nizaami,but of that of Amir Khusrawonly ten;1 in the British Library the figures are eighteen and four respectively.2 The British Library manuscripts form an interesting group; let us look at them briefly in chronological order. The earliest, Or. 11327 (Titley56), dated 903/1498, contains 24 miniatures, the majority in a style which is a fairly creditable imitation of the contemporary school of Bihztd at Herat. The drawing is good, clear, and simple, and the colouring somewhat pale; there are occasional traces (in some of the faces) of what I have elsewhere called the proto-Bukhara style.3 The whole manuscript has been remargined and subjected (surely not since its arrivalat the British Libraryin 1931?) to the dire method of "restoration"found in several India Office Library manuscripts, whereby the pages were covered with gauze netting, through which the miniatures are perceived as in a poorly focused photograph. Some half-dozen of the miniatures in this manuscript are the work of a different painter, vigorous and original but a trifle crude; his treatment and colouring are sometimes surprising. The illuminations are of good quality, but do not conform to the contemporary canons of either Herat or Shiraz. All this seems to point to Transoxiana as the place of origin, though Titley calls them "South Provincial". The next one, Add. 22699 (Titley54), presents no problems. It is a very fine, large, and magnificent Shiraz volume (not Qazvin, as in Titley), dated to 1572, and in very good condition. A note on the back flyleaf informs us that it was "Purchased of Lady Campbell 12th February 1859", and one wonders if this was the wife of Lord Campbell (d.1861) the Lord Chief Justice and Lord Chancellor. Her maiden name was Scarlett, a military family, so the manuscript may have been acquired in India. Between the poems are five double-page miniatures within finely illuminated frames, the first being a splendid micraj,in which the Prophet is escorted on his heavenly journey by no less than twenty-three angels. The other miniatures, all of excellent quality, are related to the poems that follow them. The copyist was Muhsin b. Lutfallnh al-HIusayni.4 The third, Add. 7751 (Titley53) dated to 1575, is

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enclosed in covers of painted lacquer, probably of Kashmiri; origin. All the miniatures, of which there are eleven altogether, except one-the first-have been completely overpainted in strong colours by an artist of the early QajLar period. The first miniature is only slightly retouched, and though marred by smudging, enough of the original remains to suggest Mashhad as the probable place of origin. Judging from this painting, one would say that the original illustration of the manuscript was of good, though not brilliant quality. The latest of these four manuscripts is Or.11326 (Titley55), which, like Or.11327 above, was presented to the library on 10 October 1931 by the collector and student of Persian poetry R. S. Greenshields. There are several lacunae, and the order of the folios is very confused, necessitating the incorporation in the volume of a typed collation of the text with that of a perfect copy (Add. 24983). The text is undated. It contains 20 miniatures of modest proportions but of good quality and in good condition; Titley puts them at Qazvin in the late sixteenth century. However, the scale is smaller and the treatment more restrained than usual in the metropolitan style, and details of costume-the ladies' headdresses and the fan-shaped floppy caps one often encounters in the work of Ridfi-yicAbbasiand his contemporaries-incline one to place them in the first quarter of the seventeenth century. Their place of origin remains somewhat problematical, but one may note some resemblances in treatment and colour-scheme to Herat work, as in the Shdh-nadma of 1599.5 The artist shows originality in both choice and treatment of his subjects; for example, in the miniatures of Bahrfam Gilr in the various pavilions (ff. 82b, 154a, 163a, 180a) the figures are confined to BahrfamGtir and the princess in question, who have generally reached a fairly advanced stage of intimacy. The consideration of these manuscripts, together with the one which we are mainly concerned, shows that only one out of the five is illustrated in an easily recognisable style; the other four, it is tentatively suggested, originated in either Transoxiana or Khurasan, both areas having close associations with India. Perhaps the Indian nationality of the poet had something to do with this? II The volume that forms the principal subject of this article is a fairly recent addition to the Keir Collection, and was acquired in Paris. It measures 27.4 x 18 cm. The outer faces of the dark leather binding are embellished with a typical design of gilt medallions with pendants and corner-pieces, stamped and gilt, within a double frame of floral

STUDIES

scrolls. They have suffered somewhat from wear and tear, and portions of the gilding are lost. The doublures are of plain dark red leather with silver rulings. This binding cannot be contemporary with the manuscript, having been made to fit it after the pages had been considerably trimmed. It is probably a century or more later than the text. The volume consists of 205 folios; the text, written in a fine nastacliqand occupying a space of 20 x 11 cm., is in four columns of 23 lines to the page. The folios are numbered in pencil in both European and Persian figures (some of the latter missing) and also in pages. The European folio numbering has been followed here. There is a colophon at the end of each poem; all except one give the year as 989, but in addition the days and months are specified, as follows: f. 38b 23 Rabic I = 27 April 1581 (Matlacal-anwdr) f. 86b 19 Rabic II = 23 May 1581 (Shinn u Khusraw) f. 117b 1Jumida I = 3 June 1581 (Majnin u Layla) f. 169a 2 Safar (see below) (A' ina-yiIskandai) f. 205b 1 Dhu'l- Qacda = 27 November 1581 (Hasht bihisht) The bottom of f. 169 has been trimmed off, including the year of the colophon. It might have been 989 or 990; if the former, it would correspond to 8 March 1581, and if the latter, to 26 February 1582. The former date would mean that the scribe, who nowhere gives us his name, began his work on this manuscript with the A3ina-yi Iskandarf,which is most unlikely. The latter date would put this poem last in his schedule, being completed three months after the Hasht bihisht.This may seem a long time to spend in transcribing fifty folios of verse, but it is nevertheless the better alternative, implying (i) that in the original order of the manuscript Hasht bihishtcame before A3 ina-yi Iskandariand that their positions must have been reversed when the volume was rebound, and (ii) that the scribe took nearly five months over the Hasht bihisht.Why these two poems took him so long to copy must remain a mystery, considering that the Shirn u Khusrawtook twenty-sixdays and the Majniln u Layldonly eleven. Speculation seems pointless. But it may be of interest to note for comparison a manuscript with similarly precise dating in the colophons following each of the five poems; this is the Nizami Khamsa of 1444-45 in the John Rylands Library of Manchester University.6In that manuscript, Khusraw u Shirin was despatched in only six days; Layld wa Majnin and Haft paykar took thirty and thirtyone days respectively; but the copyist spun out the first part of the Iskandar ndma over three months. Like the copyist of our Amir Khusraw, he elected to remain anonymous. Thus both scribes seem to have flagged considerably towards the end of their tasks; was this due to writer's fatigue, or just plain boredom?

AN AMIR KHUSRAW KHAMSA OF

There are three illuminated headings on ff. lb (Matlacal-anwdr),40b (Shhin u Khusraw)P1.Vb, and 88b (Majnuinu Layla).They are finely executed in the fairly broad style of the period. A ina-yi Iskandanr begins on f. 118b, and Hasht bihishton f. 170a, but the opening folios of these, with their illuminated headings, are missing. The top of the first heading (f. ib) is defective, but it appears to have been bounded by a horizontal straight line, and so of earlier type than the other two, both of which have the scalloped, dome-like projection rising from the top, as normally found in late sixteenth century work. Sub-headings are in red nastacliqon plain background; they have not been written in the latter part of the A3ina-yi Iskandanr,which further supports our conclusion that it was formerly the last poem in this manuscript. The whole volume gives the impression that it was in constant use over a long period. There is a little damp-staining, and occasional damage and crude repair. As already noted, the folios have been trimmed, especially at the bottom, thereby losing a considerable number of catch-words, as well as the year of the colophon on f. 169a. The lower corners of many folios are soiled from frequent page-turning with licked and dirty fingers. III The manuscript contains thirteen miniatures of a very good quality, of which one is a double-page composition, and one drawing. They seem to be by two or three different hands, and their style suggests Mashhad or Herat. Their arrangement is rather curious; it may be that originally double-page miniatures, or pairs of miniatures, were placed between the poems, some as illustrations of the text, and others as independent court scenes and the like. We have already noted this arrangement in the British Library manuscript Add. 22699, and another interesting comparison is provided by a Jami manuscript in the Gulistan Museum, Tehran, which was exhibited at Burlington House in 1931.7 This manuscript is dated 928/1522, but the five double-page miniatures it contains are clearly a quarter century or so later; they bear attributions to several artists, but, as pointed out by BWG,these are probably not contemon porary. The miniature of Majnfin visited by Layla, her camel contains rocks that may be prototypes of those in the miniatures attributed below the Painter A, as well as the usual large tree. It bears an attribution to Muzaffar cAl\. The borders of these miniatures are illuminated in a style very close to the illuminations in our manuscript. Miniatures in the text itself are not numerous: Matlacal-anwdr,two; Shirn u Khusraw,one; Majnin u Layl4,two; A3ina-yiIskandari,two; Hasht bihisht,one.

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As commonly found in manuscript illustration of this period, the pictures continue between the columns of text. It is not impossible that one or two miniatures may have been extracted, but there is no definite evidence of this without a detailed collation of the text with a complete copy. Particulars of the miniatures are as follows: f. la (P1. Va) 26 x 14 cm. Single full-page frontispiece. A prince enthroned in a garden pavilion on a terrace with tiled floor, red railings, and an ornamental pool and conduits with kerbs of porphyry; the leaves of two large trees silhouetted against the gold sky form a striking background. The prince is attended by ten courtiers, one of whom offers him a dish of fruit, and another fills a jug from the pool; the remainder sit or stand on either side of the throne. The miniature has suffered a fair amount of damage, partly caused by the green pigment used in the heading to Matlac al-anwdr,on the verso, and partly by rubbing. Clumsy repairs have been carried out, including a large inserted patch at the top of the folio, presumably replacing a torn away piece. On this patch are the impressions of three seals: (i) in calligraphic naskh, Muhammad CAlfKhdn Kanr(?); (ii) in nastacliq, Husayn CAlf, dated 1303/1886; (iii) faint remains of an oval violet seal enclosed in a garter, possibly of an Indian library. The miniature seems to have been intended to stand on its own, in spite of the usual practice of making the frontispiece a double-page painting. Its composition might suggest the right-hand half of a double-page, but this is ruled out by the fact that the heading and opening text of Matlac alanwdr are on the verso; it can only be the lefthand side of its opening. But what was on the right-hand side opposite? Possibly an ex libris or illuminated shams4, but such an arrangement would be very unusual. f. 26a (P1.VIa) 14 x 15.5 cm. (plus tree in outer margin). Illustration to an anecdote of cAli in which he slays an infidel warrior who had insulted him. cAhlis shown veiled and haloed, kneeling on his fallen foe, whose beard he grasps with his right hand; the latter's face has been scrubbed. cAlI's white mule stands facing the combatants, and the infidel's fully armoured horse is in the lower right-hand corner. Four observers are on the rocky horizon and three others in the foreground, one of them a youth with a battle-axe and shield. Good condition.8 f. 35b (P1. VIb) 13 x 14 cm. (with tree-tops in the upper margin). An elegant youth wearing a wide turban of "Shah CAbbis" type9 and seated on a

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stool al fresco, offering a cup of wine to a sage seated on the ground opposite him, his hands tucked into his sleeves. A young page stands behind the seated youth, a half-empty wine-jug at his feet. Green foreground and rocky background of a type characteristic of this painter, with a pair of cypresses on either side of the composition, their tops appearing in the upper margin above the text. A little damage to the foreground, but good condition on the whole. In 1485 the same subject was treated, possibly by Bihzld, in the Chester Beatty Amir Khusraw,but in a very different manner.10 f. 39b (P1.VIIb) 25.5 x 15.5 cm. Full-page miniature of Khusraw observing Shirin bathing. It seems to be unique among the countless portrayals of this favourite subject, in that Shirin is shown, in the foreground, standing naked on a stone in the water, and turning her head towards Khusraw. A maid (fully clothed) hands her a towel, whilst her horse and a little dog stand behind her. This part of the composition has unfortunately sustained substantial damage; Shirin and her maid in particular have suffered badly. Amongst a mass of towering rocks above them appears a bearded Khusraw (another unusual feature) making the gesture of astonishment, and followed by a mounted retainer holding a parasol over him; a young running footman (chav-sh) goes before him, wearing a fantastic hat and holding up ajug. A pair of deer on the summit of the rocks remains in uncoloured outline. A large tree on the left unites the two parts of the composition, spreading its leaves into the upper margin.11 f. 40a (P1. VIIa) 26 x 16 cm. Full-page miniature of the encounter of Shirin and Khusraw in the hunting-field. They meet on a patch of green ground surrounded by rocks above and below. Khusraw, again bearded and followed by a retainer with a parasol, this time wears a large aigrette and double plume in his turban. Shirin wears a Safavid tailed crown, and is followed by her maid, also mounted. Below them are hunt servants collecting the bag, and a couple of hares scurrying across the rocky outcrop at the base of the miniature. Among the mass of rock at the top are two large and curiously twisted trees, and on the bent trunk of the left-hand one appears an animal of indeterminate species, lightly sketched and uncoloured. Damage is confined to the dark green ground on which the human figures are deployed. f. 84b (P1. Xa) 26 x 15.5 cm. Shirin's suicide on the corpse of the murdered Khusraw (in illustrations of Nizfimi's text, the suicide takes place on his cof-

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fin). The two figures lie on a variegated mattress in a typical interior, and on the right is a young man apparently leaving the apartment by the door. Above him, at a window, is the parricide Shiruf, already crowned, and making the gesture of astonishment. Behind him a little vaulted balcony juts from the building, and on it appears the upper part of a pretty girl looking down on the prince. A slender tree and a little patch of greenery with stones and flowers are in the lower righthand margin. Good condition. f. 86b (P1. VIII) 26 x 16 cm. Full-page drawing of a fete champitre.The central position is occupied by an elegant youth, his turban at a rakish angle, seated on a rock, and receiving a dish of food from a young servitor. Above him is an animated group of four youths round the cooking-pots, the larger of which is set to boil on a small fire.'2 This group is overshadowed by a splendid large tree growing up from the left-hand edge of the drawing, and almost entirely filling the upper part. In the foreground is a stream in which a drake is pursuing a protesting duck, and two men preparing food, seated in the right-hand corner. On the extreme left a young man is walking as it were out of the picture. This is not a finished drawing, like those of Muhammadi, but a preliminary sketch for a miniature, and, as such, of considerable rarity at this period;3"it is of high quality and in good condition. The youth walking out of the composition on the left might suggest that this was a sketch for the right-hand half of a double-page composition, but the great tree above him seems to form an enclosing frame for the left-hand side and top of the drawing, which is thus best regarded as a single-sheet composition. What its original place in the manuscript was intended to be, or even if it belongs to the manuscript at all, it is impossible to suggest. It does not fit in with either of the other full-page horstextepaintings (ff. la 118a). ff. 87b, 88a (P1. IX) Each half 26 x 16 cm. Doublepage composition. A young prince and his court al fresco.On the right, beside a large tree, the prince, seated on a small hexagonal throne and shaded by an awning of rich brocade, is entertained by musicians playing the lute and tambourine. At his feet are two bottles cooling in a stream, and round him are grouped courtiers, either sitting or standing, holding books or in conversation; a blossoming tree in the foreground. On the left-hand half another large tree curves over the composition, with a bare-headed youth sitting in the fork. At the base of the tree a sage (face damaged) holds forth to a group of three seated disciples and two standing youths in conversation behind them; the sage

AN AMIR KHUSRAW KHAMSA OF 1581

has evidently failed to retain the attention of the latter. A finely-painted cloud in the top left-hand corner. Good condition.14 f. 102b (P1.Xb) 25.5 x 16 cm. Laylarejects her newlymarried husband Ibn Salam. A typical interior composition with a tall building on the right, at the top of which is an open balcony. On it a youth is lounging, watched by a bashful maid in the doorway behind him. There are three windows, each with an occupant, elsewhere in the building, and a girl drawing aside the curtain (damage from green pigment) as she emerges from the door at the bottom. Layla is seated in the middle of the room on a hexagonal throne, looking down at Ibn Salam who, having discarded most of his clothing on the floor, makes for the exit, turning his head to give Layla a reproachful look. A cupola rises from the building at the top, and in the lower margin, nothing to do with the miniature, is a lightly painted vine-spray.15 f. 108b (P1. XII, colour) 24.5 x 15.5 cm. Layla comforting Majnfin in the wilderness, a rocky landscape with two windswept trees. In the centre Majnfin lies on his back with his head in Layla's lap, whilst her camel, with howdah, rests at the lower right-hand edge of the miniature. On the left-hand side and above the central group are various animals. A fine miniature in very good condition.16 f. 118b (P1.XIa) 26 x 15 cm. Full-page miniature of a young Indian prince, preceded by a chaviishand followed by a mounted attendant with a parasol, riding through a rocky landscape. Two other mounted attendants, one of them on a mule, ride among the rocks in the foreground. All wear turbans of Mughal type. Behind the prince is a large chindrtree. A crack runs across the miniature just above the prince's head, and there is some flaking of pigment in the upper and lower left-hand corners. This could well be the left-hand half of a double-page composition. In the sky, upper right, in a small reserved panel, is a line of verse-a very strange feature. f. 129a (P1.XIb) 25 x 15.5 cm. Iskandar in battle lifts the Khaqan of Chin from his horse. A rocky landscape with trees; nearly all the enemy wear Tatar caps. Warriors on the horizon, and two banners projecting into the top margin. In the foreground four warriors are engaged; one flees before Iskandar, and another, on the right, has been deprived of his shield by the rotting green pigment. Otherwise good condition.17 f. 137b (P1.XIc) 26 x 16 cm. Iskandar lassoing a fleeing foeman. Turbaned young warriors along the

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rocky horizon, one blowing a very long trumpet and another, bearded, wearing a Tatar cap; two banners in the top margin. Trees and rocks line the right-hand edge of the miniature. Good condition. f. 175b (P1. XId) 20 x 16 cm. Bahr-am Gir, having executed one of his master shots by shooting off the horns of a fleeing male gazelle, draws his bow for the sequel, in which he provides the female with horns by shooting two arrows into her skull. He is accompanied by his mistress (Dilatra-m in this version) who had challenged him to switch the sexes of the two gazelles, and who now makes the gesture of astonishment and admiration. Two rather undersized hunt servants and a few small animals appear in the foreground. The rocks on the horizon and on the right-hand side of the miniature are painted in the same distinctive manner as those on f. 26a and elsewhere. Good condition. This was originally a manuscript of high, though not quite royal, quality, and it poses a number of problems; the placing of full-page miniatures, sometimes in pairs, between the poems, and the singlepage frontispiece, for example, are unusual features. Certainly, all the miniatures appear to be contemporary, but it could be that one or two of them-the drawing perhaps-are extraneous to the manuscript. The miniatures in the text are sparse and in several cases the choice of subject is odd; of the total of eight miniatures in the text, only two of the subjects are to be found among the 60 illustrations in the four British Library manuscripts listed by Titley. It is interesting that three of these manuscripts are of much the same date as the Keir copy, and that one of them has double-page miniatures between the poems.

IV It is inevitable, in a study of this kind, that the question should arise of the artists employed and of their stylistic differences. In a search for distinguishing characteristics one is struck almost immediately by the form of rocks found on ff. 26a, 35b, 39b, 40a, and 175b. They often terminate in pointed formations, arching over like breaking waves, and they are painted in strong colours. On ff. 108b, 129a, and 137b, however, the rocks are rendered simply by strong irregular outlines, often with small plants and bare bushes among them. They somewhat resemble those found in contemporary Shiraz work. The fullpage miniature of the Indian prince (f. 118b) seems also to belong to this group. We may, then, envisage two hypothetical painters, A and B respectively, as

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being responsible for these two types. The doublepage court scene (ff. 87b, 88a) and the drawing (f. 86b) seem to be the work of a third and slightly superior hand. His rocks are somewhere between those of A and B, his figure drawing is skilful and assured, and he seems to have had a particular fondness for trees. This leaves us with three miniatures: the singlepage frontispiece (f. la), the suicide of Shirin (f. 84b), and Layla's rejection of Ibn Sal-im (f. 102b). The second and third of these are interior scenes, so no landscape features are available for comparison. However, a comparison of figures and faces, the little balconies attached to the buildings, and the ever-present watchers at the windows, combine to incline one to attribute them to the same hand. A further comparison of the two representations of Layla, and of the figures of Ibn Salim and Majnfin on ff. 102b and 108b surely points to the work of a single brush, thus putting these two interior scenes among the works tentatively attributed to Painter B. This leaves only the frontispiece, the worst damaged of the set, and with very limited landscape features, and so the hardest on which to reach a decision. Perhaps the strongly emphasised architectural character of the terrace and of the pavilion in which the prince is seated might be thought to connect it with the architectural features of ff. 84b and 102b, and so to suggest an attribution to Painter B, but this is extremely doubtful. There are, indeed, details in this frontispiece which recall the double-page court scene (ff. 87b, 88a) and the drawing (f. 86b), as, for instance, the pair of youths with linked arms appearing on the extreme right of both f. la and f. 87b; and the youth ministering to the prince in the frontispiece, who bears a strong resemblance to the youth offering a dish in the drawing. On the other hand, the faces in the frontispiece are different and rather inferior to those in the double-page, and the fortuitous resemblances we have noticed could easily arise from ideas and techniques shared by various painters working in the same tradition. On the question of the pace of origin of the Keir Amir Khusraw, we may note first of all that, though there is never any possibility of attribution to him, many of the figures in these miniatures are reminiscent of the work of Muhammadi.18 He was a native of Herat who quite possibly never left that city, and who at this time (1581) was at the height of his career. So far as we know, he never illustrated a manuscript,19 but his influence is strongly felt in the large number of Khurasan manuscripts illustrated between about 1565 and 1590. An interesting group of manuscripts from the second half of the 16th century provides some further comparisons with features in the miniatures

under consideration, especially the rocks and large trees. A very beautiful manuscript dated 990/1582 and containing the Sifdt al-cashiqfn("Dispositions of lovers") of Hilll is illustrated by a splendid doublepage frontispiece of an outdoor scene signed by CAbdallih,and an exquisite camp scene among the mountains, illustrating the fall of a Sufi imposter.20 Qfidi Ahmad tells us that CAbdallfhworked twenty years for prince Ibrahim Mirza at Mashhad,21 so there can be little doubt of the Khurasanian origin of this volume, a conclusion to which the style of the paintings unmistakably points. Both miniatures show rocks and large trees very close to those in the Keir manuscript, as well as the dark green ground with plants of a paler green, such as may be seen most clearly on ff. 26a, 35b, 129a, 137b, and 175b. Soudavar goes so far as to attribute the second Hilali miniature to Muhammadi and to place it at Herat. This is a doubtful attribution, though admittedly the style of the figures is not unlike Muhammadi's. But no fully painted miniatures are to be found among the best authenticated works of that artist. Soudavar also reproduces another miniature which strongly recalls some of those in our manuscript.22It represents Majntin visited by Layla outside her camp, and is closely connected with the second Hilili miniature. The rocks are very similar to those of our Painter B, but some of them begin to show the light-coloured or white pustule formations round the edges-a trade-mark of Khurasanian painting from the 1590s onwards. Soudavar dates this miniature to c. 1575 and attributes it also to Muhammadi, an attribution I find myself unable to accept, and a date probably about fifteen years too early. But enough has surely now been said to show that the miniatures in the Keir Amir Khusraw are of Khurasani, probably Herati, origin. It may be noted that a number of the turbans in the manuscript are of a later type than those in the miniatures we have offered for comparison. They are of the wider, more loosely tied "Shih CAbbas" form, which must have been just coming in when this manuscript was produced. In fact, one of its great interests is that the miniatures exemplify an early stage in the transition of Khurasan court painting from the Mashhad style associated with Prince Ibrihim Mirzaito the early seventeenth century style practised at Herat under the Shaimlfigovernors by Shah Qasim and his followers.23There is even a nod in the direction of the simplified "commercial" Khurasan style in the Indian prince and his followers on f. 118a; Indians are often found depicted in this style in exactly the same way as in this Amir Khusraw miniature. However, it must be admitted that the problems raised by the drawing and the fullpage single miniatures remain at present without a satisfactory solution.

AN AMIR KHUSRAW KHAMSA OF 1581

SF. E. Karatay,TopkapzSarayzMiizesi Kiitiiphanesifarsfa yazmalar

katalogu(Istanbul, 1961), nos. 398-473 (Nizf5mi), nos. 592-601 (Amir Khusraw). 2 N. M. Titley, MiniaturesfromPersianManuscripts... in theBritish Libraryand the British Museum (London, 1977), nos. 309-25 (Nizimi); nos. 53-6 (Amir Khusraw). 3B. W. Robinson, FifteenthCenturyPersianPainting. Problemsand Issues(New York, 1991), pp. 51, 53. 4Mehdi Bayani, Khlish-navisdn,(Tehran, 1348), vol. III no. 836, where he is given the additional appellation of al-Sabzavitri. 5 Sotheby Parke Bernet, New York, 2. v. 1975, lot 392. 6 Robinson, PersianPaintings in theJohn RylandsLibrary(London, 1980), p. 70. 7 Catalogue no. 544B; L. Binyon, J. V. S. Wilkinson and B. Gray, Persian Miniature Painting ("BWG") (London, 1933), no. 129. 8 For another treatment of the same subject, see Titley,no. 56.3. 9This elegant youth seems to be a close relative of the languid young dandy with a fur-trimmed coat in the Pierpont Morgan Library, New York (M.386); see Robinson, Persian Drawings (New York, 1965), pl. 53; Martin,pl. 151b. 10Chester Beatty Library,Dublin, MS163, f. 38a; BWG,no. 78; F. R. Martin, Les miniaturesde Behzad dans un manuscritpersan dati 1485 (Munich, 1912), pl. 9. 11For another version of this subject, see Chester Beatty MS 226, f. 60b. 12Compare an almost identical pair of cooking-pots in a double-page Mashhad frontispiece of c. 1570 illustrated in P. D. Colnaghi and Co., Persianand MughalArt (London, 1976), no. 20, pp. 47-9. 13The only parallel that suggests itself is the Chester Beatty Biistan of Sacdi (MS 221), which contains six preliminary sketches of equally high quality. This manuscript was copied at Mashhad in 958/1551 (BWG, no. 180) and the drawings have been

41

attributed, on no apparent grounds, to Sultfin Muhammad. Probably this is a legacy from Martin, whose attributions to that artist were lavishly distributed, and who confused him with his putative son Muhammadi. 14See I. Stchoukine, Les miniatures des manuscritssafavis (Paris, 1959), pl. XXXIb, which might well be by the same hand. 15 For the same subject in a Nizami manuscript of 1569, see Stchoukine,pl. LXVII (wrongly captioned). 16For other versions of this subject, see Chester Beatty MS 163 f. 237a, Martin, Behzad (n. 10 above), and Martin, pl. 79a (St Petersburg). 17 For other representations, see Titley, nos. 54.5, 56.13, and Chester Beatty MS 226, f. 20b. 18See Robinson, "Muhammadi and the Khurasan Style" in Iran XXX (1992), pp. 17-29. 19Works by Muhammadi may be found in manuscripts such as Topkapi R. 1012, ff. lb, 2a (F. Gagman and Z. Tanindi, Islamic MiniaturePainting (Istanbul, 1979), figs. 37, 38); and the fiz H. manuscript from which Robinson(n. 18 above), pl. XI, is reproduced, but they are insertions, and not part of the original manuscripts. 20 Colnaghi,no. 24, p. 50; A. Soudavar, Art of thePersian Courts(New York, 1992), no. 90, pp. 227-35. 21 V. Minorsky (tr.), Calligraphersand Painters. A Treatiseby Ahmad(Washington, 1959), pp. 189-90. Qd4.i 22Soudavar,no. 93, pp. 238, 239. Soudavar,no. 66, though on a smaller scale, seems also to belong to this group; the text of the manuscript is dated 933/1527, but the miniatures are some fifty years later (dated by the author to c. 1565, which may be on the early side'. 23E.g. in Chester Beatty MSS 250 (c. 1590-1600), 264 (1619), and 177 (1636?).

EXCAVATIONSAT KAZAKL'I-YATKAN IN THE TASH-KI'RMANOASIS OF ANCIENT CHORASMIA:A PRELIMINARYREPORT1 By Svend Helms2 and Vadim N. Yagodin3 andNukus Sydney

Ural Ural

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Aral Sea

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CHORASMIA K'iz'ilKum

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Fig. 1. Map of CentralAsia.

The Karakalpak-AustralianArchaeological Expedition to Chorasmia4was formed in 1995 following a period of collaboration between A. V. G. Betts (Sydney University) and V. N. Yagodin (e.g., Betts and Yagodin 1992, 1993). In 1994 Helms visited Nukus as a guest of the Russian Open University and conducted ajoint preliminary surveywith Yagodin in

the Beruni, Turtkul', and Elli Kala regions (Figs 1-3) on the east side of the lower Amu-Dar'ya (the ancient Oxus river). The broad objective of the Expedition is to continue the work of Andrianov, Tolstov, and their followers in an international collaborative environment. Explorations were conducted in Karakalpakstan(formerly the Khorezmskaya 43

44

JOURNAL OF PERSIAN STUDIES

Oblastestablished in 1938) within the autonomous Republic of Uzbekistan in the 1930s up to 1942, resuming in 1945/6, and have continued up to the present, although severely reduced in scale since the collapse of the Soviet Union. The subject matter divides into four basic categories (not counting the modern period): (i) the period from the earliest human record to the end of the steppic Bronze Age, the Suyargan, Tazabag'yab, Amirabad culture (_ Andronovo), to about the eighth century B.C. (Askarov 1992);5 (ii) the period of contact with southern late Iron Age cultures and the introduction or adoption of large-scale irrigation projects and permanent settlement strategies in about the seventh century B.C. (or earlier) up to the seventh century A.D.;6 (iii) the inclusion of Chorasmia Khwairazm)in the Arab caliphate (c. 712 A.D. under Qutayba b.

Muslim al-Bahili) up to the Mongol conquest (early thirteenth century); and (iv) the period up to the Russian imperial domination of the area during the nineteenth century. The Expedition will focus on the first two categories at this time. Current explorations in the Tash-k'irman oasis and the excavations at Kazakl'i-yatkan concern the second category. Excavations and further surveys were conducted in September/October of 1995. Permission for the excavations was granted by the Karakalpakbranch of the Academy of Sciences of the Republic of Uzbekistan and conducted under the auspices of the Institute of History, Archaeology, and Ethnography (IHAE, Nukus) and Sydney University. The work was facilitated through the kind co-operation of academician Sabir Kamalov, president of the Academy of Sciences (Karakalpakbranch). The directors, Helms

KZIL-ORDA

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Fig. 2. GreaterChorasmia:the Oxus andJaxartesdeltas,Akcha-Dar'ya,Sar'ikam'ishdepression,and the Uzboi.

EXCAVATIONS AT KAZAKL'I-YATKAN IN THE TASH-KI'RMAN OASIS OF ANCIENT CHORASMIA: A PRELIMINARY REPORT

and Yagodin, were assisted in the field by G. Khozhaniyazov and N. Yusupov.7Logistical support was provided by the IHAE; housing at the site was arranged in co-operation with the collective farm Azat (Beruni) and the support of the governor of the Beruni district. Chorasmia can be regarded as the most northerly of historical lands in Central Asia,8 comprising the delta of the Amu-Dar'ya (Amlidarya/Oxus) at the Aral Sea (Turk. Aral = "island": i.e., "delta"? Also Oxianus lacus), east of the Caspian Sea (Figs. 1, 2). Central Asia is variously defined (e.g., Miroshnikov 1992). In essence its outer boundaries are the lands watered by rivers draining the central massif of the Hindu Kush/Pamirs and Tien Shan/Kunlun Shan/Karakorum mountains (cf. Francfort 1988: 165-8). There are three major basins consisting of the Oxus/Jaxartes rivers and the Aral Sea of modern Turkmenistan, Uzbekistan, Tajikistan, and northern Afghanistan (Uvarazmi' [Xopaoattpil, and Bakhtris Saka, Sug [u] da [loyStavil, the Kashgar, Yarkand, and Khotan [Ba•zptavfl]), rivers and the Tarim basin of Xingkiang, and the Helmand river system and the Hamun lake of southwest Afghanistan and southeast Iran (Seistan/ Sijistin/ Sakastene: western Hara[h]uvati' [ApaXwioia] and Zra[n]ka [Apayytavi']. Minor systems include the Hanrud/Tedzhen and the Murgab rivers (Herat-Mary/Merv: Haraiva ['Apeia] and Marguk/Margu [Mapytav]il, the Chu and the Ili (and Issyk-kul)and lake Balkhash, the Kabul, Kunar, Chitral rivers down to the Indus Valley (Ga[n]dara the Arghandab, [Fav&ipa] and Hindu' ['Iv&K•l], Tarnak, Arghastan, Lora rivers (the Kandahar oasis), and the Farah and Khash rivers (Farah).9 In most cases, this topography created oasis environments in which permanent settlement and large-scale irrigation was possible. Central Asia is characterised by major river systems which tend to disappear into deserts or inland lakes, unlike other world systems, and this peculiarity is reflected in ancient cosmogony.10 The maximum area of Chorasmia (Figs. 1, 2), in its various guises and for most of its history, is physically defined by the Aral Sea in the north, beyond which lies the Siberian/Mongol/Kazakh (Kirghiz) steppe, and to the north-west by the cliffs (Rus. chink'i) of the inhospitable Ustiurt plateau which make a natural boundary, including the Sar'ikam'ish depression and the Uzboi "river"to the east coast of the Caspian Sea. The eastern boundary is the S'irDar'ya (ancient Jaxartes) delta," beyond which lies the Kazakh steppe. But for the two main rivers and their many branches, Chorasmia is mostly a desert: the Kara-kumon the left bank of the Oxus, and the K'iz'il-kum between the Oxus and the Jaxartes. The southern border of Choramia is less clearly defined

45

but must lie north of the Zarafshan river (Samarkand and Bukhara) in Transoxiana which might be the northern border of ancient Sogdia, and in a line east towards the Caspian Sea, north of the Merv oasis and the northern border of ancient Margiana. The main courses of the Oxus and the Jaxartes changed through time and some of the major ancient river courses have been defined. The Akcha-Dar'ya ("old river") runs from the area of modern Urgench/Turkul' northeast and then north into the Aral Sea, while the Inkar-Dar'yadeparts the Jaxartes at Kz'il Orda and runs south west and then north to the Aral Sea, joining the Akcha-Dar'ya (Zhani-Dar'ya) delta west of the Oxus. The Dar'yalik-Daudan-Dar'yahas been traced north west from the area of Tashauz and west to the Sar'ikam'ish depression from which the Uzboi can be traced south and then west to the Caspian Sea. Explorations in these areas have resulted in reconstructions of ancient water courses according to prehistoric and historical periods (Nizov'ya Amudar'ya).12 CURRENT PERIODISATIONAND CHRONOLOGY The classification of Chorasmian post-Bronze Age archaeology was first constructed by S. P. Tolstov (1946: 145, 147, fig. p. 142; 1948a: 32-3, 88; 1948b: 26-7). This scheme continued to be developed by Tolstov and his colleagues up to the present. Both the chronology and the periodisation according to material culture need refinement although the broad chronological framework and the general periodisation remain valid. The following classifications (called "cultures" in the Russian literature) have been established (see also Frumkin 1970). Numbers 1 to 3, that is from about the seventh century B.C. up to the fourth century A.D., are called the "Antique" period. The periods from the fourth century onwards (4) are called "Mediaeval". (1) The sites with "residential-"or "living walls""' (Tolstov 1946, 1948a, 1948b, 1949). Two names were initially given to this division: "Kiuzeli-g'ir"(after the type site in northern Turkmenistan) and "Archaic" (Tolstov 1962: 86-117; Vorob'eva 1959: 66 passim). Absolute dates have been ascribed: at first Tolstov suggested the seventh to the fifth centuries B.C., that is following on the end of the steppic Bronze Age "cultures";later this was limited to the sixth and fifth centuries B.C., contemporary with the rise and floruit of the Achaemenian empire (Tolstov 1962; Vorob'eva 1959). (The correlation between the late steppic Bronze Age and the developed Iron Age cultures to the south, in northeast Iran, southern Turkmenistan, and Uzbekistan, is unclear at the

46

JOURNAL OF PERSIAN STUDIES

moment.) Subsequently, this schema was further subdivided into four categories, according to type sites: (i) Kiuzeli-g'ir; (ii) Dingil'dzhe; (iii) Kalal'ig'ir; and (iv) Khazarasp. The Kiuzeli-g'ir category is dated for the most part by relative chronology based on ceramic and arrowhead typology. The former was codified by Vorob'eva (1959), the latter was regarded as a typical "Scythian"assemblage dated in the sixth century B.C. by Medvedskaya (1972). The relation of the Kiuzeli-g'ir stage to the rise of the Achaemenian empire is uncertain. Tolstov has tended towards a date in the first half of the sixth century B.C. (i.e., predating the establishment of the empire in about 550 B.C., or a little later under Darius I in c. 525 B.C.). The Dingil'dzhe stage is dated in the fifth century B.C. on the basis of evidence from the

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site of the same name (Vorob'eva 1973): specifically on the basis of bronze arrowhead typology (Medvedskaya 1972). The Kalal'i-g'ir stage is dated in the fifth and fourth century B.C. according to the type site Kalal'i-g'i I (Rapoport and Lapirov-Skoblo 1963). The fourth category, Khazarasp (Vorobe'va et al. 1963), is identified at the type site of the same name on the west bank of the Amu-Dar'yawhere the lower layers (areas VIII and IX) were dated in the fifth/fourth century B.C. and should be regarded as transitional between the "Archaic" and the early "Kangiui"periods (Vorob'eva 1973). (2) The "Kangiui" culture.'4Tolstov established this division and dated it in the fourth century B.C. (1946, 1948a, 1948b; 157-161). Subsequently the culture was divided into an early (fourth-second

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EXCAVATIONS AT KAZAKL'I-YATKAN IN THE TASH-KI'RMAN OASIS OF ANCIENT CHORASMIA: A PRELIMINARY REPORT

47

century B.C.) stage and a late (second century which formed settled communities, even states and B.C.-first century A.D.; see Vorob'eva 1959: 144). empires. These are the Scythians (a generic term), The main type site of this period is Koi-kr'ilgan-kala Massagetae, Sacae, Sav[u]romats, Yueh-chih (later (Tolstov and Vainberg 1967) which lies on the east "Kushans"), Sarmatians, and others of the Greek, bank of the Akcha-Dar'ya (Fig. 3). The "Kangiui"cul- Persian, and Chinese sources. Identifying evidence ture, or period, is thought to represent the establish- of their presence has never been easy: the bulk of ment of an independent state (see now Yagodin data has had to come from burials (kurgans) whose 1995; Khozhaniyazov 1995; Mambetullaev 1995) in contents have been loosely arranged in a relative Chorasmia as a result of the final collapse of chronology (see Itina 1979). Recent work by Achaemenid control and the disruptions caused by Yagodin has provided more precise information Alexander's invasion to the south in 329/8 B.C. The regarding tribal groupings in and about ancient early "Kangiui" period should be contemporary Chorasmia, including the Ustiurt Plateau, as early as with whatever existed in Sogdia, the Seleucid and the "Archaic"period (Yagodin 1990) and, more genthen independent Graeco-Macedonian kingdom of erally, the major trade routes (i.e., the Silk Road) Bactria, and Seleucid and Parthian Margiana. The through northern Central Asia (Yagodin 1994). late "Kangiui"period coincides with the Yueh-chih infiltration in the south, the displacement of the Sacae, the collapse of Greek Bactria, and the estabTHE TASH-KI'RMANOASIS lishment of the Kushan empire. The political and economic relations between the "Kangiui"state (if The Tash-k'irman oasis (Figs. 2, 3) was discovered that is what it was) and the lands to the south is and first investigated in 1956 by the archaeological and topographical detachment (under Andrianov) presently unknown. (3) The "Kushan" culture.15Tolstov originally of the Chorasmian archaeological and ethnographiplaced this stage of the "Antique"period in the sec- cal expedition (ASSR Academy of Sciences: ond to fourth centuries A.D. but later this was KhorezmskayaAkheologo-etnograficheskaya Ekspeditsiya extended to span the first to fourth centuries, subdi- [under Tolstov]). Participants of the detachment vided into early Kushan (first-second century A.D.) discovered and recorded a major ancient canal on and late Kushan (third-fourth century A.D.; tak'ir(fossil surfaces) among heavy barkhansands. At Vorob'eva 1959: 144, passim). The type site is the same time traces of a distributional network were Toprak-kala (Nerazik and Rapoport 1981; Rapoport discovered, as well as a number of archaeological and Nerazik 1984) to the north of Kazakl'i-yatkan sites: e.g., ruins of small unfortified settlements; (Fig. 3). The role of Chorasmia in the creation of the remains of ancient fields; and ancient sherd scatKushan empire remains unclear since the major ters). It was noted that "Archaic", "Kangiui", and Kushan thrust appears to have been across the "Kushan"ceramics were present in and around the Hindu Kush into north-west India. canal (Andrianov 1969: 135). In 1982 and 1985 (4) The Hephthalites,Turks,and early "Afrighids".16 members of the archaeological department (the The Hephthalites were eventually felt in India and Institute of History and Philosophy, Karakalpak Persia in the fifth and sixth centuries: but, their first branch of the Uzbek Academy of Sciences) undertook a new investigation of Kazakl'i-yatkan impact was in Central Asia. They are called, among many names, White (fair-skinned) Huns. Chinese (Khozhaniyazov 1995). A preliminary plan of the site sources make them a tribe of the Great Yueh-chih was prepared at that time (Material'i:7, fig. II.4). The who entered Transoxiana in c. A.D. 420 and men- archaeological site of Tash-k'irman (see below), aced Persia until they were destroyed by Khusrau I about six kilometres south-east of Kazakl'i-yatkan, Anushirvan (A.D. 531-579) with the help of the was also discovered at that time (Material'i:19). Turks in A.D. 557. A second hypothesis has their oriThe Tash-ki'rman oasis is located in the ancient gin in a branch of the Chionites who settled in irrigated lands of the Biruni region of the Republic Bactria from whence one branch invaded Persia and of Karakalpakstan on the east bank of the Amuanother, the Zavula in the Kabul/Ghazna region, Dar'ya (Oxus). Today the oasis consists of grey alluinvaded India (Ghirshman 1948). Hephthalite pres- vial sands stretching from southeast to northwest for ence in Chorasmia is presently unclear in the archae- a distance of 50 to 60 kilometres. Some parts are cultivated and developed for agriculture, others consist ological record. The Turks are said to have come from the Altai mountain area in about the sixth cen- of tracts of heavy moving sands or sands partially tury. They appear in the general region of fixed by vegetation. The height of moving barkhan Chorasmia as allies of the Persians. sands reaches ten metres in some places. Between Throughout these periods, the region saw the the sand dunes tracts of tak'ir appear with traces of infiltration of many nomadic groups (initially cattle- levelled agro-irrigational matrices, unfortified settlebreeders, later also sheep-goat and camel) some of ments, farmsteads, field stations, and other features.

48

JOURNAL OF PERSIAN STUDIES

3

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Fig. 4. Kazakl'i-yatkan: preliminarysiteplan.

Sherd scatter is usual on the surface of these tak'irs. Due to underground water, the tak'ir surfaces are humid, sometimes showing traces of secondary salination. Moving sands annually cover and uncover such tak'irs.The disposition of some sand strips may suggest the location of an ancient river bed of the Amu-Dar'ya delta which is the oldest among three of the upper Quarternary period. These water courses were operational and already exploited during the Chorasmian late stone age (Neolithic period: the Kel'teminar culture) of the fourth to third millennia B.C., and during the Bronze Age of the second to the beginning of the first millennium B.C. (Nizov'ya Amudar'i).17 Three large archaeological sites have been discovered in the oasis within the zone of the ancient irrigation system: (i) Tash-k'irman, a fortified complex,

possibly a "residence" of the type discovered at Kalal'i-g'ir I (Rapoport and Lapirov-Skoblo 1963: figs. 1, 2); (ii) Kazakl'i-yatkan,a series of very large fortified settlements; and (iii) Kara-tepe, a large possibly fortified settlement (Fig. 3). Besides these, a number of small sites has been found on the exposed sections of tak'irs:e.g., almost completely levelled remnants of ancient structures of various functions; agro-irrigational matrices; parts of ancient canals; and small distributional irrigation systems. The remnants of the ancient main canal, on which the whole oasis may have been based, were discovered by Andrianov during field work in the region of the archaeological site of Tash-k'irman. This section of the ancient canal was 30 metres wide overall and 17 metres wide between banks (Andrianov 1969: 135, fig. 40). As far as can be seen according to cur-

EXCAVATIONS AT KAZAKL'I-YATKAN IN THE TASH-KI'RMAN OASIS OF ANCIENT CHORASMIA: A PRELIMINARY REPORT

rent investigations, the ancient Tash-k'irman system was formed along the left bank of the stony western riverbed of the Akcha-Dar'ya delta at the same time as the Gavkhore system on the right bank. Thus it is possible to suggest that the main canal may have been constructed during the "Archaic"period of the sixth and fifth centuries B.C. and that it continued to develop, with alterations and modifications, into the "Kangiui"period of the fourth century B.C. up to the first century A.D., and also into the "Kushan" period of the second to the fourth centuries A.D. While other similar oases (e.g., Kel'teminar, Gavkhore, K'irk-k'iz,etc.) were studied archaeologically and geomorphologically and were recorded and mapped (aerial photography), the ancient Tashk'irman oasis remained virtually untouched and, therefore, preserves an archaeological record which elsewhere in the region has been much disturbed by recent development (e.g., see Sheehy 1967 on plans for the Aral Sea). Tolstov's periodisation was intended by him to be a preliminary arrangement which was to be refined as more discoveries were made and processed, and as recovery and analytical methods improved. Tolstov and Andrianov, among many others, have provided a solid basis on which present and future research is based. As was noted above, the objective of the current project is to refine, not to deconstruct: it is to build a history of ancient Chorasmia set against the importance of Central Asia in the history of Eurasia, northwest India, and the Middle East. The Tash-k'irman oasis, therefore, provides a primary data source. The three major archaeological sites noted above have been chosen for investigation (based on recent surveys by Yagodin, Khozhaniyazov and Helms) as suitable to this purpose. All three are linked by ancient canal systems and all three span, more or less, the target periods. In all cases the remains are substantial and relatively undisturbed by modern activity. Kazakl'i-yatkanis partly covered by sand dunes (Fig. 4). The earliest site, Tash-k'irman, is tentatively dated in the seventh/sixth to fifth centuries B.C. (i.e., the "Archaic period"), and was reoccupied in the fourth and third centuries B.C. (i.e., the early "Kangiuiperiod") and again in the first century A.D. (i.e., Yueh-chih/early "Kushan", Andrianov 1969; Material'i:19). Remains visible on the surface indicate the presence of a rectilinear fortified complex with internal structures, all made of pakhsa (pis&). One formal gate has been identified. The complex is somewhat similar in plan and scale to the so-called satrapal residence or palace at Kalal'i-g'ir (c. fourth century B.C.; Fig. 17a, top right) in northern Turkmenistan (Tolstov 1962: fig. 51; Rapoport and Lapirov-Skobolo 1963) where a fragment of a capital was found which clearly refers to Achaemenid im-

49

perial art with direct parallels at Persepolis and Susa. Some of the pottery at Tash-k'irman is similar to that of Kalal'i-g'ir (Vorob'eva 1959) and thus provides evidence which might resolve the question of Achaemenid control over Chorasmia in the fifth century B.C., if not before that. Basal occupation might belong to the Kiuzeli-g'ir/Dingil'dzhe period. The site, therefore, may also produce a link with the later Iron Age complexes to the south (Cattenat and Gardin 1977) which represents a pre-Achaemenid era: e.g., Anau IV, Gyaur-kalaMervskaya,Yaz II and III, Kobadian I, Afrassiab I and Balkh (Vorob'eva 1959: 66-84, Tablitsa 1), Nad-i Ali in Seistan (Dales 1977) and, in southern Afghanistan, Mundigak VI/VII (Casal 1961) as well as Old Kandahar I (Helms 1982, in press). Kazakl'i-yatkanitself (Fig. 4), about six kilometres to the northwest of Tash-k'irman, was originally dated between the fourth and third centuries B.C. and the sixth century A.D. (Andrianov 1953, 1954, 1956, 1957, 1969; Khozhaniyazov 1985, 1995; Material'i:7-8). The present work has refined this to about the fourth and third centuries B.C. for the major fortified settlements with an earlier settlement, perhaps of the fifth century B.C., and a reoccupation in the first/second century A.D. The site is one of the largest known of its type in Chorasmia east of the Amu-Dar'ya, only Bazar Kala (Fig. 15c) coming close in scale (Vorob'eva 1959; Gulyamov 1957; Lavrov 1950; Tolstov 1939, 1948a; Material'i: 26-29). Kiuzeli-g'ir and Kalal'i-g'ir (Fig. 15a) are a little larger (but see Thefortifications,5, below). For this reason Kazakl'i-yatkanhas been regarded as a possible capital of the so-called "Kangiui"kingdom, contemporary with the Hellenistic establishments at Afrasiab (Markanda = Samarkand), Ai Khanoum, and as yet unidentified Alexandrian, Seleucid, Bactrian, and Parthian foundations, or refoundations, in the greater region (Fig. 1). The third site, Kara-tepe, lies a further six kilometres to the northwest and is currently dated between the first and sixth centuries A.D. (i.e., early "Kushan"up to the end of the Hephthalite "empire" and the coming of the Turks). 1995 KAZAKL'I-YATKAN Area and site location. Kazakl'i-yatkan lies on flat alluvial sands typical of the region. Sultan-uiz-dag, a low range of hills, lies about fifteen kilometres to the north, marking the limit of irrigable land in that direction (Fig. 3). Earlier sites of the Kel'teminar and Tazabag'yab culture have been found on Sultanuiz-dag. Many other sites, including a fortress of the "Kangiui"period, Ayaz Kala 1 (Man'ilov 1968, 1972; Man'ilov and Khozhaniyazov 1981; Tolstov 1948a,

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OF PERSIAN

1948b, Material'i:106-107), and the "Kushan"settlement and palace of Toprak-kala (Nerazik and Rapoport 1981; Rapoport and Nerazik 1984), are visible from the walls of Kazakl'i-yatkan.The present bed of the Amu-Dar'ya is about 18 kilometres to the west. Today ground water lies no more than two metres below the surface, having risen up to five metres in some areas as a result of intensive irrigation. Nonetheless, in antiquity ground water could have been tapped at any point by digging wells. Water supply within fortified perimeters was, therefore, never a tactical problem. Air photographs and ground survey show that the extramural areas about Kazakl'i-yatkanare rich in archaeological remains, as was noted above. Remains of a massive fortified enclosure about 300 metres from the north wall of Kazakl'i-yatkanconsist of a galleried curtain wall and part of a large rectilinear tower, both made of pakhsa (pisS). The gallery and the interior of the tower were filled in with large mudbricks (see "Thefortifications" and "Stratigraphy" below). The tower faces north. It is that this massive structure is contemporary likely with at least the upper stages of Kazakl'i-yatkan,as they have been established in area I (see below). Another formal construction about 50 to 100 metres north of Kazakl'i-yatkan,between the site and the fortified enclosure noted above, is a three metre wide pakhsa wall (Fig. 4: area IV). The purpose of this structure is not established although it may well be a formal boundary marker of some kind. Smaller field walls have been found which may be related to formal field allotments in the area. The larger wall makes a turn to the west just beyond the main site and has been reported to run for a distance of at least eleven kilometres to the southeast of Tashk'irman, presumably also linking other sites further southeast and northwest. A test trench cut across this wall showed it to be shallow and set on earlier agricultural surfaces. Thesite.The outer fortifications of Kazakl'i-yatkan (Fig. 4) cover an area of between 36 and 42 hectares, making it one of the largest sites in ancient Chorasmia. The closest parallel in scale and military architecture, as was noted earlier, is Bazar-kalain the Elli Kala district (Fig. 3, 17c). The enclosed area of Kazakl'i-yatkanis roughly square in plan, the southern sector presently covered by high sand dunes. Within this fortified enclosure lies a well preserved inner enclosure, likewise roughly square in plan and measuring about nine hectares. This part of the site is noticeably higher than the outer one. The scale and fortifications of the inner enclosure may be compared with a contemporary fortress at Ayaz-kala 1 (Man'ilov and Khozhaniyazov 1981; see also The fortificationsbelow). No clear internal structures can be seen in the outer enclosure because of the irregular sand dunes.

STUDIES

A sondage (Fig. 4: area II) produced large-format mudbricks and occupational debris, and then ground water at a depth of two metres. On the other hand, the inner enclosure has clear remains of at least three major complexes. A mound at the centre of the upper enclosure stands about 20 metres above the ground and preserves the remains of a long earth ramp, two tower-like structures, and a platform (Fig. 4:A). A scatter of stone column bases was found on the upper slopes. A second structure to the north (Fig. 4:B) has a clearer plan, perhaps including rounded towers at the corners of a square building (c. 50 x 50 m.) and two entrances flanked by narrow pylons. Yagodin has suggested a parallel on the Ustiurt Plateau where a similar structure has been associated with a tribal temple.'8 The juxtaposition of two architecturally distinctive structures within the upper enclosure, one possibly tribal, the other "urban" (i.e., a fire temple?), would be significant in terms of "state"/nomad relations. A third formal structure was discovered at the northwest corner of the upper settlement (Fig. 4:C). It consists of a pakhsa wall making an enclosure about 90 x 120 metres just inside the south gate (see Thefortifications below). A sondage (Fig. 4:V) produced architectural evidence similar to that in sondage II. Stratigraphy.Of the five sondages, two (Fig. 4: Areas I and III) were major operations which have produced a complex stratigraphic/structural (architectural) sequence. Sondages II and V (Fig. 4), as was noted above, revealed structures within the outer and inner settlements, respectively. Sondage IV cut across the "field wall" to the north of Kazakl'iyatkan (see Areaand site locationabove). AREAI (Figs. 4-8,10) A 46-metre long (two metres wide) trench was cut across the line of fortifications of the inner settlement and revealed a long sequence of structures which have been arranged in preliminary building stages. Stage I. The earliest structure reached in area I is a mudbrick surface (1) beneath almost one metre of sterile sand. Whether this structure represents a line of fortifications is not known at this time, nor is its date of construction, although this should not be later than the fourth century B.C. (see Relative below). chronology Stage II. A mudbrick (?) pavement was laid on the sterile sands above stage I (2a, b) at either end of a massive new construction (2) which is nearly 22 metres wide. The structure was uncovered in several sondages and appears to consist mostly of pakhsa which was capped with a layer of mudbricks

EXCAVATIONS AT KAZAKL'I-YATKAN IN THE TASH-KI'RMAN OASIS OF ANCIENT CHORASMIA: A PRELIMINARY REPORT 10

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(48 x 41 x 10-13 and 46 x 44 x 11-13 cm.). Both interior and exterior faces of this structure were battered, the latter faced with mudbricks. A number of additional features can be associated: (i) vertical walls of mudbrick/pakhsa construction were set on the interior and exterior flanks (3a, 3, 4); (ii) a mudbrick/pakhsa structure was built near the interior scarp (6a); (iii) a mudbrick wall was set beyond "wall"6a, directly on the mudbrick capping of structure 2 (5a); and remnants of mudbrick structures were set on structure 2 near the exterior scarp (4a). It might be assumed that all of these features represent one fortification scheme. Structure 2 is complicated: there is a vertical face in one of the sondages which indicates a west-east return, or some internal division, perhaps a casemate or a tower/platform

(Figs. 7, 8, 10, 12: sections C1, C2). A preliminary reconstruction would consist of a wide foundation on which were built a curtain wall (6a) and tower (5a), and internal and external heavy parapets (3, 4; see Thefortificationsbelow). The function of element 4a is not determined, although it might represent the southward return of the postulated tower (5a). A cache of pottery was found on floors immediately above the pavement (2a) at the internal base of structure 2 and in a pit cut from these floors (Figs. 5, 16; see Relativechronology below). There appears to be an interruption in the occupation or use at the end of stage II which is indicated by clear signs of erosion and silting against the inner face of element 3 and also against, and over, the external "parapet" (4) and element 4a. Similarly,

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JOURNAL OF PERSIAN STUDIES 15

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the surfaces of element 6a (the curtain wall?) were eroded and silted. Stage III. A series of structural elements was now added: (i) a wall footing (?) of pakhsa (6) was set on the silts above and against elements 3a and 3; (ii) a battered mudbrick wall with the remains of an embrasure (8) was set on this footing; (iii) another mudbrick wall (7) was built on the silted remains of element 6a; and a mudbrick wall (5b) was made on element 5a, following its line (Figs. 7, 8). Wall element 8a (Figs. 5, 8) may belong to this stage. We are probably dealing with a new trace of fortifications consisting of a galleried curtain wall with (square?) towers (see Thefortificationsbelow). Once again, an episode of disuse is indicated by silts (above element 5b). This is preceded by a (local?) disaster. The inner faces of walls 7 and 8 are heavily charred and the space between them, the gallery, is filled with burnt debris and crumbled mudbricks (Fig. 6). Stage IV. The next stage consists of the reconstruction of the same line of trace. Walls 10 and 11 (mudbrick) are set on the stumps of walls 7 and 8, respectively (Figs. 5-8, 10). Probably at the same time, walls 9 and 12, including the three embrasures, were built over the silted remains of element 5b. At this stage the trace of fortifications is clearly defined as a galleried curtain wall (probably also with embra-

sures) and a square tower with slanted embrasures (Fig. 10; see Thefortificationsbelow). The end of this stage sees the gallery between walls 10 and 11 fill up with silt, fallen and decomposed mudbrick, plaster and more burnt debris, indicating one or a series of disasters. The mudbrick fragments included some with impressed "tamgas" (see also Relative below).19 chronology Stage V. This stage may simply be a phase of stage IV. However, it represents a change in tactics: the exterior surfaces of the curtain wall and the tower (face and flanks) are reinforced with layers of mudbrick set down in a series of construction phases (elements 13, 14a, b). The new scheme completely blocks the embrasures and also includes a formal capping of the debris in the gallery (element 15) and in the tower chamber (Figs. 6-8). The bricks in element 15 had no "tamgas".The outer mudbrick walls could belong to this (Figs. 5, 7:16, a proteichisma)2" last to be the recognised in this area. The secstage, tion (Fig. 8) shows the equivocal stratigraphic relationship between wall 16 and the cladding (14a) against the tower (12) (see Thefortificationsbelow). Some time after this the curtain wall and tower were severely damaged and the evidence suggests that a wall-breaking device was used. The fortifications were not breached successfully, at least not in this sector. AREAIII

(Figs. 4, 9) A 30-metre long (two-metre wide) trench was cut across the fortifications of the outer settlement and uncovered a less complicated series of structures than in area I. It appears that virgin soil (sterile alluvial sands) was reached here: on the other hand, this may be illusory, given the nature of depositions in area I (e.g., element 1 beneath up to a metre of sterile sand). Several stages of construction have been identified in a preliminary sequence. Stage I. A galleried (curtain) wall (1, 2) represents the earliest construction to be found. The walls are slightly battered and provided with an embrasure to the field. Several floors are associated with this stage (west of wall 1:1). The gallery is filled with windblown sands (layers 2-5) and no signs of use were encountered, suggesting an incompleted building programme and perhaps premature abandonment of this sector of the settlement, if not the entire site. (See Thefortificationsbelow). Stage II. The area was re-occupied (floors 3-5 west of wall 1) and this was followed by the construction of house (?) walls against wall 1 of stage I (walls 4, 5). The use of the erstwhile galleried (curtain) wall is uncertain. At some point a new fortification

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EXCAVATIONS AT KAZAKL'I-YATKAN IN THE TASH-KI'RMAN OASIS OF ANCIENT CHORASMIA: A PRELIMINARY REPORT

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EXCAVATIONS AT KAZAKL'I-YATKAN IN THE TASH-KI'RMAN OASIS OF ANCIENT CHORASMIA: A PRELIMINARY REPORT

scheme was undertaken: a solid mudbrick wall, most of whose bricks were impressed with "tamgas" (Fig. 9:6; P1l.XIIIa, b), following the line of the previous galleried (curtain) wall; and, more or less at the same time, an outwork (proteichisma)was added (Fig. 9:3), possibly set into a foundation cut (layers 6 and 7 east of wall 3). A ditch was cut to the east. (See The fortificationsbelow.) CorrelationbetweenareasI and III. This is very tentative at this point (see Relativechronology and Thefortifications below). On the basis of architecture (i.e., plan, scale, construction methods) we may suggest that the trace of fortifications represented by the galleried curtain wall (7, 8) and tower (5a), including an embrasure in wall 7 (Fig. 11: the area III section is reversed), in area I (stage III) corresponds precisely with stage I in area III. Further correlation is impossible at this point, although the deliberate blocking in area I (stage V) might be related to the solid brick (curtain) wall in stage II of area III. It might also be noted that the mudbrick-blocked gallery-tower (including the scale of the structures) corresponds well with the defensive works discovered some 300 metres to the north of the site (see Area and site location above). Finally, we might also link stage V of area I with stage II of area III on the basis of the proteichismata. Thefortifications.Military architecture is astoundingly profuse in ancient Chorasmia, beginning in the "Archaic"period, with a brilliant floruit in the "Kangiui"and "Kushan"periods. Such architectural proliferation in what is, basically, a marginal land almost beyond the borders of the then known world requires explanation. The two fundamental questions are: (i) why were such massive and sophisticated works built; and (ii) who was responsible for this new military, even urban, technology. (A corollary of this concerns the questions of sedentisation of nomadic tribes, state formation, and the management of large-scale irrigation systems.) There is, currently, available a wealth of architectural data; but the chronological framework is still inaccurate, as is information regarding development of the technology. The work at Kazakl'i-yatkanis relevant for various reasons: (i) the site contains wellstratified remains within structural matrices; (ii) recovery methods have been improved; (iii) more reliable comparative material is available throughout Central Asia and neighbouring regions (e.g., AiKhanoum, Dil'berdzhin-tepe, Old Kandahar, etc.);21 and (iv) the occupation times of Kazakl'i-yatkan, Tash-k'irman, and Kara-tepe overlap and cover the entire early historical period from the seventh/ sixth century B.C. up to the seventh/eighth century A.D. Presently only a few brief summaries of Chorasmianfortificationshave appeared (Pugachenkova 1952; Mukhamedov 1961; Koshelenko 1963;Voronina

55

1964; Khozhaniyazov22 1981; but see Francfort 1979). The following is a preliminary reconstruction of the fortifications at Kazakl'i-yatkanin the light of current evidence. (1) Little can be said about the earliest fortifications at the site. Feature 1 in area I may be a fortification and there may be earlier structures beneath that (Figs. 5, 8). If the feature is a line of trace and if sterile sands have indeed been reached in area III, then the settlement of this time might follow the outline of the inner settlement (i.e., c. 300 x 300 m.). (2) If the correlation between stage III in area I and stage I in area III is valid (see Correlationbetween areas I and III above), then the next fortification scheme to be reconstructed must be restricted to stage II of area I. A corresponding stage might exist in area I (unexcavated), or on a different line altogether. This stage represents a monumental undertaking: the new line of trace is 22 metres wide and probably has the same area as the visible remains (c. 300 x 300 m.; Fig. 4). The new structure is built in pakhsa on a brick pavement (Figs. 5, 7, 8:2a, b), a common building practice in ancient Chorasmia (e.g., at "Kushan" Toprak-kala: Nerazik and Rapoport 1981: Fig. 30, pakhsafootings on brick and a consolidated pakhsa surface running into the ditch). Whether the new structure was a solid platform, a battered plinth, or a casemated matrix is not established. It seems, however, likely that we are dealing with a curtain wall and tower combination. The vertical faces of elements 2, 5ab, 9, and 12 are in line (in sections C1, 2 of Figs. 7, 8, 10, 12). A square tower is therefor reconstructed (Fig. 12). The curtain wall consists of elements 6a and 3, although it is uncertain whether there was a gallery. Element 4a, as was noted above, might represent a south return, the face of the tower, while element 4 must have been an outwork or parapet forming a proteichisma(see n. 20). The scheme is reconstructed in Fig. 12: the proteichismamight follow the line of the tower(s) or be straight. Metrically the relation of tower/curtain to proteichismais close to the arrangement at Toprakkala Khivinskaya (Mambetullaev 1986a: fig. 1), the proteichismabeing parallel to the line of trace, and at Khazarasp (Vorob'eva et al. 1963: fig. 18), where the proteichismais joggled, following the line of the towers. The depositions beyond the scarp suggest the presence of a ditch beyond a berm. (3) The next stage (= II in area I) is a reconstruction, consisting of a galleried curtain wall (Figs. 5-8, 13:7, 8) and a tower represented by element 5b. It seems likely that the scarp or battered plinth (2) and the parapet/proteichisma (4) were still in use. The reconstruction, based on parallels, is given in Fig. 13: cf. Ayaz-kala 1, Burl'i-kala and Bazar-kala (Man'ilov and Khozhaniyazov 1981: figs. 1, 2, 5); Malaya K'irkk'iz-kala (Khozhaniazov 1990: fig. 2); and Dzhanbas-

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Fig. 11. Structuraland metriccorrelationbetweenareasI and III.

I

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57

EXCAVATIONS AT KAZAKL'I-YATKAN IN THE TASH-KI'RMAN OASIS OF ANCIENT CHORASMIA: A PRELIMINARY REPORT

2

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Fig. 12. Reconstruction ofstageII in areaI. kala (Gulyamov 1957; Tolstov 1948a; Material'i: 40-43, fig. viii.36). The correlation between areas I and III suggests the possibility that at this time Kazakl'i-yatkanconsisted of an inner and outer settlement, both with similar fortifications. The outer trace, however, does not seem to have the same pakhsa underpinning. Furthermore, the evidence from area III seems to indicate that the fortifications there were never used, or not even completed. As in stage 1, both inner and outer traces were probably supplied with a berm and ditch. (4) The next stage (= IV in area I) is the best preserved at the site and can be confidently reconstructed as a galleried curtain wall and chambered tower system (cf. Fig. 13a, b, Toprak-kala [Nerazik and Rapoport] 1981), with multiple embrasures of typical Central Asian form (Fig. 14, from Koi-kr'ilgan-kala [Tolstov and Vainberge 1967: fig. 111]) and without proteichismatabut probably still with a berm and ditch. The enclosure in the inner settlement (Fig. 4:C) certainly belongs to this stage. The embrasures in the tower are slanted for angled fire along the curtains (Fig. 10).23 One large square tower at the north east corner of the inner settlement was planned and is reconstructed in Fig. 15. Parallels for such a scheme are found at Toprak-kala Khivinskaya (Mambetullaev 1986a), Gyaur-kala Sultan-uiz-dag (Khozhaniyazov 1981: fig. 5d), Pil'-kala (Gulyamov 1957; Man'ilov 1965), Angka-kala (Gulyamov 1957; Tolstov 1948a; Khozhaniyazov 1986a), and "Kushan" Toprak-kala (Nerazik and Rapoport 1981: fig. 2, 32, 35, 38), among others. The fortifications of the outer settlement (stage II in area III) may be contemporary. If so, they would represent a different style, the walls being solid mudbrick. Towers probably existed in all areas24but are preserved on the surface only in the inner settlement, especially in the northern flank (Fig. 4) where ten towers flank a possible central gateway, between two large square corner towers. Two clear gateways are visible in the east and

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58

JOURNAL OF PERSIAN STUDIES

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("Kushan "):arrowslit. Fig. 14. Toprak-kala south flanks of the inner settlement (Fig. 4). They are of the "labyrinth before gate" type (Rus. predvratn'ie labirint'i)which was first seen in ancient Chorasmia at late "Archaic"Kalal'i-g'ir (Fig. 17a; Tolstov 1962: fig. 51) where it measures 60 x 120 m. The gates at Kazakl'i-yatkan measure about 60 x 50 m., the largest after Kalal'i-g'ir. Similar gates, with some variations (i.e., the addition of oval and rectangular towers), occur in "Kangiui"traces of fortifications at Toprak-kala Khivinskaya (Mambetullaev 1986a: fig. 3), Dzhanbas-kala (Tolstov 1948a: fig. 24a), Ayazkala 1 (Man'ilov and Khozhaniazov 1981: fig. 1), the "citadel"of Bazar-kala (Fig. 15c; Tolstov 1948a: 112, fig. 17), Kurgashin-kala (Tolstov 1948a: fig. 62), and 5

0

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Fig. 15. The north-westcornertowerat Kazakl'i-yatkan (reconstruction).

"Kushan" Ayaz-kala 3 (Tolstov 1962: fig. 118; Khozhaniyazov 1987). The introduction to Chorasmia of this type of gate must pre-date Alexander's invasion of the south and might, therefore, be traced back to Achaemenid sources. (5) Finally, the fortifications of the inner settlement were blocked up (= stage V in area I) and the curtain walls and the tower were clad in mudbrick, completely blocking all embrasures. At the same time a proteichismawas added (Figs. 8, 10). The solid walls of stage II in area III might belong to this stage, perhaps representing a uniform tactical response to new siegecraft (e.g., the use of siege engines) which is usually attributed to Alexander the Great, after 329 B.C. The proteichisma,and presumably the ditch, of area I are not parallel to the line of trace but angle in towards the large north-east corner tower (element 16: see Figs. 4, 17b). A similar plan can be reconstructed on the north flank and perhaps also for the south (cf. Toprak-kala Khivinskaya and Kurgashin-kala). The relative position within our preliminary sequence of the galleried wall and tower about 300 metres to the north of Kazakl'i-yatkanis not established. By analogy with area I, however, the galleried curtain wall and tower might be close to stage 4(IV) and the mudbrick blocking to stage 5(V). In any event, the existence of this feature means that at some stage (or stages) Kazakl'i-yatkan was even larger, that is perhaps over 55 hectares. Relative chronology.25There are two sets of data which are used here to establish a notion of chronology. This is done hesitantly since much of the current absolute dating and periodisation has to be refined, even re-defined in the future. The two sets of data are pottery and architecture. With the exception of pottery from the upper levels in area I, from within the inner settlement, all material recovered from the excavations has been classed as "early Kangiui" of the fourth and third centuries B.C. (see Currentperiodisation and chronologyabove). The forms illustrated here (Fig. 16) were found on a floor and in a pit at the base of feature 2 inside the inner settlement of stage II in area I (Fig. 5). Similar pottery was recovered from floor deposits cut into wall 1 in area III (Fig. 9: layers 2-5 = stage II here). The pottery divides into two technological groups: wheel-made; and hand-made (Fig. 16:1-6 and 7-9, respectively). Wheel-made vessels include storage jars (Fig. 16:1) which have characteristic rolled rims and raised bands at the neck-shoulder junction. Surfaces have pink slip painted designs in red slip. Typical patterns include circles and spirals. Parallels are attributed to the "early Kangiui" period (Vorob'eva 1959:94-5, fig. 9:19, 21, 25).Jars (Fig. 16:2) have a whitish slip and red slip painted patterns, raised bands at the neck-

EXCAVATIONS AT KAZAKL'I-YATKAN IN THE TASH-KI'RMAN OASIS OF ANCIENT CHORASMIA: A PRELIMINARY REPORT

59

3 2

8

7 9 0

5

10 cm

20

Fig. 16. Potteryfrom stageII in area I.

shoulder junction and also belong the the "early Kangiui" period (Vorob'eva 1959:96-100, fig. 12:18, 20). Water jugs (Fig. 16:3, 4) also have a whitish slip and dense reddish slip painted patterns with the characteristic raised bands at the neckshoulder junction (Vorob'eva 1959:100-4, fig. 13:1). Bowls or goblets (Figs. 16:5, 6 have concave (omphaloid) bases, dense red slip and occur only in

the "earlyKangiui" period (Vorob'eva 1959: 112-15, fig. 17:33-36, 39 from Koi-kr'ilgan-kala). Handmade vessels include water jugs without handles (Fig. 16:7) with yellowish slip. Bowls with high shoulders and everted rims have grey slip; open bowls (Fig. 16:8) with flat bases are unslipped. Parallels are more difficult to identify but some analogous examples can be found in the early assemblage at

60

JOURNAL OF PERSIAN STUDIES

Koi-kr'ilgan-kala (Tolstov and Vainberge 1967: figs. vi:20, 26, vii:9, 10, 17; for Fig. 16:7 see ibid., fig. vii:6; for fig. 16:9 see ibid., fig. vii:3). These parallels come from the "lower horizon" at Koi-kr'ilgan-kala: i.e., the fourth and third centuries B.C. In addition to pottery vessels, several perforated ceramic discs were found in similar contexts. These have good parallels at Toprak-kala Shavatskaya where they occur in fourth to third century B.C. contexts (Mambitullaev 1986b: fig. 12.1-5). Stage II in area I (stage II[2] generally], then, was

in use in the fourth and third centuries B.C. according to the current chronology, and the upper stages, perhaps the blocking and cladding of stage V(5), should be attributed to the "Kushan"era.: i.e., after about the first to second century A.D. Architectural criteria may suggest further chronological insights. There has been a tradition in Soviet Central Asian archaeology to place much weight on architectural styles, including the dimensions of mudbricks. Thus the embrasures of stage III in area I (perhaps = stage I in area III) with their slight in-

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and "Kangiui"periods:(A) Kalal'i-g'ir;(B) Kazakl'i-yatkan(reconstruction); Fig. 17. Fortifiedsettlementsof the "Archaic" (C) Bazar-kala.

EXCAVATIONS AT KAZAKL'I-YATKAN IN THE TASH-KI'RMAN OASIS OF ANCIENT CHORASMIA: A PRELIMINARY REPORT

clination of four to five degrees (Fig. 11) can be regarded as "Archaic"(Tolstov 1962:104, fig. 48:a, b: including no inclination at all). Such embrasures have only been found at Kiuzeli-g'ir where Tolstov dated them in the sixth to fifth centuries B.C. Similarly, large-format rectangular mudbricks (48 x 28 x 13 cm.) were found in the construction of stage II in area I at Kazakl'i-yatkan.Such bricks were used in "Archaic"Chorasmia in the fifth and fourth centuries B.C.: they are not characteristic of the later periods (Tolstov 1962:33). Another chronological indicator has been the phenomenon of incomplete building projects. Stage I in area III shows no signs of ever having been used or even completed. Similar evidence was also recognised at Kiuzel'i-g'ir (Tolstov 1958:167, 1948a:122, 1962: 115, 117). A preliminary notion, therefore, may be that these architectural and procedural characteristics might indicate a foundation and use of at least part of the settlement during the "Archaic"period. This would necessarily include stages 11(2) and 111(3) which were then reused in the "earlyKangiui" period. Unfortunately, no corroborative artifactual (ceramic) evidence has come to light so far that would support such an early date. The earliest pottery from Kazakl'i-yatkan is ascribed to the fourth century B.C. Similarly, the "tamga"-impressedbricks, which first appear in stage III of area I and stage II of area III, have not been dated earlier. Bricks measuring 40-41 x 40-41 x 10-11 cm. at Kurgashin-kala are dated in the fourth and third centuries B.C. (Khozhaniyazov 1984: fig. 2). The same date-range is given to similar bricks (39-41 x 39-41 x 10-13 cm.) at Kz'il-kala (Khozhaniyazov 1986b: fig. 7, with some "tamgas" identical to those at Kazakl'i-yatkan). Similar "tamgas" exist in situ at Ayaz-kala 1 and should belong to the fourth and third centuries B.C. (survey 1994; see Man'ilov and Khozhaniyazov 1981, for early "Kangiui" pottery from the site). At Toprak-kala, however, virtually the same "tamgas"appear not earlier than the second century A.D. (Rapoport and Nerazik 1984: fig. 7, from the palace). TABLE

AreaI

AreaII

I ? II I? ?11 ? III I? IV ? V ? 1? II?

Fortifications

Date

1 2 3 4 5

5th c.B.C.? 4th c.B.C.

4 1st c.A.D.

CONCLUSION All three sites (Tash-k'irman, Kazakl'i-yatkan,and Kara-tepe) form part of an integrated landuse and

61

administration system based on sophisticated irrigation technology which, according to the available evidence, appeared in ancient Chorasmia in the seventh or sixth century B.C. Moreover, the material culture present at the sites shows that their occupation times overlap and this offers a chance (rare in the region today) to refine the work of Tolstov and Andrianov and their followers. At the same time, it will be possible to re-address the vexing question of Chorasmia's role vis a vis its neighbours: the Median and, particularly, the Achaemenid empires; the Seleucid, Parthian, and Graeco-Bactrian empires or kingdoms; the Khushan empire; and the Hunnish/ Turk entities which form the prelude to mediaeval history in the region. Presently, only the "Archaic" period, contemporary with the end of the Median era and the beginning of the Achaemenid empire, and the "Kangiui" period can be addressed. The latter more or less corresponds to the Hellenistic and Parthian era, up to about the first century A.D. The "Archaic"period. There is a possibility that Kazakl'i-yatkanwas founded in the fifth century B.C. (or even the sixth century) and that it was planned as a large, fortified settlement which might easily have been an administrative centre, if not a capital. The question remains: are new settlements like Kazakl'iyatkan (e.g., Kalal'i-g'irand Bazar-kala) the products of Persian suzerainty or simply of cultural and technological diffusion? Might the status of "Archaic"Chorasmia (Uvarazmi') be similar to that of other eastern satrapies such as Ga(n)dara and Har(h)uvatis (Arachosia) which probably had become virtually independent by the fifth century B.C.? There is precious little direct evidence of Achaemenid administration in the east. The Persian stone capital of Kalal'i-g'ir is no proof; the rest consists of incidental small finds such as the Oxus Treasure. The status with regard to the central Achaemenid administration of places such as Herat in Areia, Nad-i (Dales 1977) and Dahan-i Ghulaman in Drangiana, Merv and Altin-tepe in Margiana, El'ken-tepe in Parthia, Balkh and Tillya-tepe in Bactria, Afrasiab in Sogdia, and Taxila and Charsada in Gandhara, among others, is simply not known. The best evidence comes from Old Kandahar (Helms 1982:13, in press) where an Elamite cuneiform tablet fragment was found which is similar to the Persepolis fortification tablets of the sixth century B.C. (Hallock 1969), strongly suggesting that the site may have been an important Achaemenid centre at that time: but, whether it was the capital of Archaosia or just the seat of a satrap is not adduced. Kazakl'i-yatkanseems to have been either unfinished or abandoned, perhaps in the fifth century B.C., paralleling the evidence at Kiuzeli-g'ir and

62

JOURNAL OF PERSIAN STUDIES

Kalal'i-g'ir (see above) and Old Kandahar, the great southern fortress/city of the Achaemenid era (Kandahar Epoch I stages D-F) which was either abandoned or severely reduced in status by the end of the fifth century B.C. There is a clear gap in the material culture sequence at Kandahar in southern Afghanistan between what can be regarded as Achaemenid and the new administration in the second half of the fourth century B.C. which is Indian, and very possibly the fortress-city (Arachosiorum oppidumor Alexandria/Alexandropolis) garrisoned under Menon on the command of Alexander in 329 B.C. and ceded to Chandragupta Maurya by Seleucus I several decades later. With reference to Herododus' list of satrapies (i.e., no. 16. Parthians, Chorasmians, Sogdians, Areoi: 300 talents of silver as opposed to No. 12. Bactrians...: 360 talents of Silver [Hist. iii:90-97), Olmstead (1948:292), among others, has questioned the status of the east and noted that the text in Herodotus "revealsserious difficulties in tax collection if not actual loss on this frontier [i.e., the north east of the empire] ", and that "the absence of Arachosia from the list is one more reason for suspicion". Bactria was held as a valuable satrapy and was usually entrusted to a member of the Achaemenid dynasty: much of the rest of the east may have been reduced in administrative terms and given lighter taxation, not because of generosity but because of loss of control (cf. Arabians who give gifts, not taxes, and are "friends of the king" in an Arabian "district", not a satrapy [Hdt. Hist. iii.88ff.]). The excavation of Tashk'irman will provide further evidence for the early period potential Achaemenid-Chorasmian contact. The "Kangiui"period.Essentially the Chorasmia of the "Kangiui"period remains the mythical and legendary land of the Han Annals. The new evidence suggests an independent Chorasmia, perhaps as early as the reign of Artaxerxes I (465-423 B.C.), and thus the possibility that the restoration of the fortifications at Kazakl'i-yatkanin stage 2 (see above) was earlier than the current dating of "early Kangiui" (fourth century B.C.). In any event, the excavations have shown that several "cities" existed at the site throughout the pre-"Kushan" era and that these were, on the whole, very large and part of an "urbanised"landscape which may have been a state. The material culture makes few to no references to adjacent lands. Little sign of Hellenistic influence can be seen, as little as there is Parthian (i.e., after Mithradates I, c. 171-138 B.C.). Not one GraecoBactrian coin has been found in reliable stratified contexts so far. The silence of the Persian and Greek texts on the appellation "Kangiui"is problematical. Rare references to Chorasmian administration occur in Arrian, e.g., Anab. iv.15-16, which mentions a Chorasmian king, Pharasmenes, who visits

Alexander at Markanda in 328 B.C., whose kingdom is near the Amazons and the Colchians to the north and west. Alexander put Pharasmenes in touch with the Persian Artabazus and also with various governors of neighbouring provinces (cf. Curtius Hist. viii.1.8). Is Pharasmenes to be taken as a "Kangiui" king? and did he build fortifications against his nomadic neighbours? In Alexander's speech at Opis, "Parthia, the Chorasmianwaste, and Hyrcania to the Caspian Gates and Oxus (Arrian, Anab. 7.11)" were added to his empire, but what is meant by "Chorasmianwaste"? The massive fortifications of the "Kangiui"period can be seen to develop out of earlier east Iranian military architecture. Nonetheless, it is tempting to see some connection between the phenomenal increase in fortificationsin this period and Alexander's campaigns in the south. New foundations such as Alexandria the Furthest (AA4iv68petc 'EoXdtrl [Ptolemy, Geog. vi.12.16]), presumablyon the middle Jaxartes,troubled the Sogdians and mayhave been one cause of the uprisings in 328-6 B.C. (Holt 1989); it may also have been a source of inspiration. On the other hand, the various nomadic tribes in the region may have been the cause of militarisationand the local Chorasmian administration (state, kingdom, etc.) might have felt, as did Euthydemus who wrote, when Antiochus III was moving against him in Bactria in 208-6 B.C., that "large hordes of nomads were at hand who presented a threat to both of them, and the country would certainly be barbarisedif they were allowed in" (Polyb.xi.34). SThis report was compiled from field notes and the text of the

excavation report to be published in Russian (Khabarsh'is'i OzbekstanRespublikas'iIlimlerAkademikasi Karakalpakstanbelimini/Vestnik KarakalpakskogoOtdeleniyaAkademii Nauk Respubliki Uzbekistan[Nukus]). Department of Near Eastern Archaeology, University of Sydney. Institute of Archaeology, History and Ethnography, Karakalpak branch of the Academy of Sciences of the Republic of Uzbekistan. 4The etymology of Chorasmia (Chorezm, Khorasmia, Khorezm, Khorizm), like that of other place names in the ancient East (e.g., Hara[h]uvatis ['ApxXooxice]to al-Rukhaj and Ruhwadh: Helms 1983:347), is complicated. The name must go back to AV. x'ddriza m (= Airyanam Vaeja, Phal. Eranvej? see n. 8) and O.P. (H)uvArazmiy/Uvarazmis which is the Gk. Xopaomirl, the N.P. Khwarazm or Khwairizem, Xcopdaogttot X6pa•ottCo in Arab. Khwarazm/Khwarizm (e.g., var or is preserved which bahr-i Khwdrizmfor sea of Chorasmia = Aral Sea) and Arm. Khrazmikh. Chinese sources give Ho-li-sih-mi-kia (sixth century A.D.; = Khwarizm-i-KIth?)and also Ho-tsin. (See Tomaschek in Real. Ency. 3:2406-8.) Barthold (Real. Ency. [1927]:908) also gives Yueh-Kien for the town of Gurgbnj, now Kunya-Urgenj. Bosworth (El2 [1978]:1060-65) traces back from Khw'irazmin Yaqfit(Mu jam al-bulddn) and suggests khwar("flesh") + rzm ("firewood") reflecting the nature of the land; also N.P. khwdr "to eat", or khurshid ("low") + zamin ("land"), and N.P. khwurdan "sun",therefore "land of the rising sun". Khiwa came into use in post-Mongol times. Tolstov suggested "land of the people Khwarri or Khurri" = Hurrians (Mitanni) of the 2nd millennium B.C. in the Lake Urmia area and northern Mesopotamia (1948a).

EXCAVATIONS AT KAZAKL'I-YATKAN IN THE TASH-KI'RMAN OASIS OF ANCIENT CHORASMIA: A PRELIMINARY REPORT 5 A.

V. G. Betts is co-directing the study of these periods with V. N. Yagodin. 6 S. W. Helms and V. N. Yagodin co-direct the study of these periods. The first volume, TheArchaeologyof Ancient Chorasmia: seventhcenturyB.C. to seventhcenturyA.D., is in preparation. 7 Other staff included Sh. Amirov, N. Yagodin, Ch. Berdiayarov, A. Abdeimov, and D. Kudaibergenov. 8 Herodotus (Hist. iii.117) has "a plain in Asia... [which] used to belong to the Chorasmians" bordering on the Hyrcanians, Parthians, Sarangians, and Thamanaeans who can all be located south of Merv. The Persians (Achaemenians) now control the water supply and taxation. Hecataeus of Miletus (FGrH I F293), following Scylax of Caryanda and Ctesias, has Chorasmians east, not north, of Parthians. Satrapal lists (especially of Darius I) might confirm a southern location in about 525 B.C., or a little later. On the other hand, the Avesta (Vd. 1 and cf. Yt, 10.13: see Monchi-Zadeh 1975:115ff.) could place Airyanam Vaeja (Pahl. Eranvej)/xvarizam near the Aral Sea: a land which has "ten winter months and (only) two summer (months), and (also) these are (too) cold...; then (when) the winter ends, then (there are) very many floods" (Vd.1.3). This description fits Chorasmia: e.g., from the Batbir-na-ma, "in these countries Ghazni and Khwairizmare noted for cold" (in Monchi-Zadeh 1975:109). Cf. P'yankov (1972) who suggests a division into two dahydvas(Chorasmia and Areia), and that the southern Chorasmians colonised the lower Oxus delta by the late 5th century B.C. Chorasmia is definitely in the north by the 4th century B.C. Cf. Khlopin (1993) who equates Airyanam Vabjawith Chorasmia but has the sacred hymns of the Avesta composed between the Tedzhen and Murgab rivers, continuing the debate in Sarianidi 1989. (Cf. Henning 1951.) 9 Perhaps the location of the Thamanaeans in Herodotus (Hist. iii.90-97 and 117). 10See, for example, Boyce 1975:144-5, 274-5; Gershevitch 1964; Markwart1938; Nyberg 1938. " A number of large fortified settlements has been found in the Jaxartes delta (e.g., Chirik-rabat,Balandi I, Babish-mulla) some of which are dated in the fifth and seventh centuries B.C. Hence the notion of an Achaemenian satrapal residence and the identification of the region as the land where "the Saka who are behind Sogd" (i.e., Saka para Sugdamin Dph/DH: Kent 1953) lived (Vainberg and Levina 1993; cf. Tolstov 1961). 2 There is confusion regarding the major rivers in the area: i.e., the Araxes/Aces/Ochus and the Oxus/Jaxartes and Uzboi by Herodotus (Hist. i.201 ff., iv.42) and Strabo (Geog.xi.8.6, 11.5), among others, which was also transmitted to Ptolemy (Geog.) and later the TabulaPeutingeriana,up to the late medieval period, when the Oxus and Jaxartes are taken to flow into the Caspian Sea. The standard resolution has been that the Uzboi either flowed, or was thought to flow, into the Caspian, draining the Sar'ikam'ish depression into which branches of the Oxus still flowed in Tolstov's time. Similarly, older branches of the Jaxartes can still be traced to near the delta of the Akcha-Dar'ya (old Oxus riverbed) so that, without awareness of the Aral Sea, the Jaxartes could be thought to flow into the Oxus and thence into the Caspian Sea. 3 Tolstov tried to link this kind of settlement with the mythological var of Yima in the Avesta (Vd. 2.25-30) which is mostly rejected (cf. Frumkin 1970:89; Boyce 1976:94-5 n. 65). However, the earliest, massive and complex fortifications found at Old Kandahar of the pre-Achaemenian era (Helms 1982:11, in press) belong to this period (= Mundigak VI/VII: Casal 1961) and are almost identical: i.e., continuous, parallel, colonnaded corridors with windows along a heavy pakhsa fortification wall, perhaps lending weight to a east Iranian building tradition of the late Iron Age which might find an echo in the Avesta. 14K'ang-kiu (Kangiui; also Kangha, etc.) is the name given to a western kingdom in Chinese sources as early as c. 160 B.C.: e.g., "The Great Yueh-chih [later some of them = Kushans] are now

63

next to Ta Wan [Ferghana] about two to three thousand ii away. They live north of the Wei-water [Wei-'ui>Kui-Sui
64

JOURNAL OF PERSIAN STUDIES

Khivinskaya (Mambetullaev 1986a: figs 1, 2); Kurgashin-kala (Khozhaniyazov 1984: fig. 1); Burl'i-kala (Man'ilov and Khozhaniyazov 1981 figs. 1); Toprak-kala Shavatskaya (Mambetullaev 1986b: fig. 1); Angka-kala (Khozhaniyazov 1986a); Bol'shaya Aibuiir-kala (Mambetullaev 1990: figs 1-3); and at Koi-kr'ilgan-kala (Tolstov and Vainberg 1967: fig. 5g). The earliest outwork in Greek fortifications, a rock-cut ditch, is thought to be in Rhodes (c. 650 B.C.) and Themistocles built a brick wall on a stone plinth around Athens in 479-478 B.C. (Lawrence 1979: 279, fig. 50, section near the Dipylon gate). Herodotus mentions the rock-cut ditch at Samos, ascribing it to Polycrates (c. 534 B.C.; Hist. iii.39). These dates might suggest that proteichismatain Cental Asia are a Greek import. At Old Kandahar, however, massive outworks, including counterscarp ditches and proteichismataappear in pre-Achaemenian times (Helms 1982) and are certainly reused in the sixth and fifth centuries B.C. when Old Kandahar was an administrative centre of the Achaemenian empire, if not the capital, of Hara(h)uvatis (Arachosia). Moreover, outworks have a long history in the Middle East as far back as the Bronze and Iron Ages. The Median and Achaemenid regimes must have referred to these Assyrian/Babylonian works (see also Lawrence 1979: 13-30), as well as east Iranian architecture. The origin of the Central Asian proteichismata,is therefore, still obscure. 21 Ai Khanoum (Le Riche 1986); Dil'berdzhin-tepe (Dolgorukov, V. S. 1984; Pugachenkova 1984); Old Kandahar (Helms 1982, in press). 22Khozhaniyazov is preparing his dokt. ist. nauk., a work on Chorasmian fortification which contains a detailed catalogue of all excavated and surveyed fortifications in ancient Chorasmia. 2 The style of embrasure has been used as a dating tool. This is deceptive. Rectangular embrasures with shallow downward slopes are said to be typical of the "Archaic"period (Figs. 13, 14); pitched embrasures with acute downward slopes are common in the "Antique" period, e.g. Fig. 11). Cf. Voronina 1964, Figs. 2 (Dzhanbas-kala,4.- 2. century B.C.), 3 (Kunya Uaz, 3.- 4. century A.D., Shakh-semen, early centuries A.D.) and 5 (Angka-kala, early centuries A.D. and Chil'burdzh) and Khozhaniyazov 1981, Fig. 4 (Kiuzeli-g'ir, Bazar-kala,Ayaz-kala 1 and Dzhanbas-kala). 24Khozhaniyazov saw several projections from the outer settlement fortifications in 1985 (p.c.), including squarish projections at the north east and south east corners. He also saw traces of the southern flank of the outer settlement which are presently covered by sand. 25The earliest Chorasmian coinage appears in the first centuries B.C. and A.D. (Vainberg 1977). Next to no Bactrian and Parthian coins have been found in stratified contexts to date. One of the earliest coins found in Chorasmia is dated in the first century B.C., copying both Parthian and Bactrian styles, including a tribal tamga of the Siya-wuiand the legend BAXIAEX MEIAAOY EYKPATIAOY(Tolstov 1953:161ff., fig. 35). An absolute chronology for pre-Islamic Chorasmia might be constructed using more sophisticated recovery methods (for non-Chorasmian coinage) as well as a programme of radiocarbon determinations.

20

Bibliography Abbreviations: AP: Arkheologiya Priaral'ya Genezis:Genezisi puti razvitiyaprotsessovurbanizatsiiTsentral'noAzii (Tesis'i dokladovmezhdunarodnoikonferentsiiposvyashchennoi25-letiiu obrazovaniyaInstituta arkheologiiAN RUz i 60-letiiu akademikaA. A. Askarovag. Samarkand20-21 sentyabrya1995 goda). Samarkand:AN RUz Samarkandotdelenie. OzbekstanRespublikasiIlimlerAkademikasi KarakKhV: Khabarsh'is'i alpakstanbelimini/VestnikKarakalpakskogo OtdeleniyaAkademiiNauk RespublikiUzbekistan(Nukus).

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EXCAVATIONS AT KAZAKL'I-YATKAN IN THE TASH-KI'RMAN OASIS OF ANCIENT CHORASMIA: A PRELIMINARY REPORT Herodotus, TheHistories(transl. A. de Sl1incourt), Penguin Books. Herrmann, A. 1910. Die alten Seidenstrassenzwischen China und Syrien,Berlin (repr. Tsientsin, 1941). Holt, F. L. 1989. Alexanderthe Greatand Bactria:theFormationof a GreekFrontierin CentralAsia, Leiden/New York/K6ln. Itina, M. A. (ed.) 1979. Kochevnikina granitsa Khorezma,TKhAFE12. Kent, R. G. 1953. Old Persian. Grammar,Texts,Lexicon(2nd edn), New Haven. Khlopin, I. N. 1993. "Zoroastrianism- location and time of its origin", IA 27:95-116. Khozhaniyazov, G. 1981. "Istoriyarazvitiyafortifikatsi antichnogo Khorezma", SA 2:43-56. 1984. "Oboronitel'n'ie sooruzheniya: gorodishcha Kurgashin-kala",AP 2:39-46. 1985. PolevoidnevnikNo. 1 (Arkhiv otdela arkheologii IlYaL KKFAN UzSSR, g. Nukus). 1986a. "Angka-kala- pozdneantichnay krepost' drevnego Khorezma", VestnikKKFAH UzSSR1. -1986b. "Kz'il-kala(rabot'i 1981-1982 g.) ",AP3:51-65. 1987. "Nov'ie dann'ie ob oboronitel'n'ikh sooruzheniyakh -Akademiinauk USSR4. Ayaz-kala3", VestnikKarakalpakskogofiliala 1990. "MalayaK'irkk'iz-kala- gorodishche ranneantichnogo Khorezma",AP4:82-91. 1995. "K izucheniu antichn'ikh pamyatnikov Tashk'irmanskogo oazisa", Genezis:111-112. Koshelenko, G. A. 1963. "Parfianskayafortifikatiya", SA 2:57-65. kul'turaSredneiAzii, Moscow. Lavrov,V. Ya. 1950. Gradostroitel'naya Lawrence, A. W. 1979. GreekAims in Fortifications,Oxford. Le Riche, P. 1986. Fouillesd'Ai Khanoum.V. Les rempartset les monumentsassocies,MDAFA29, Paris. Mambetullaev, M. 1986a. '"Toprak-kalaKhivinskaya (raskopki 1973-1974 gg.)", AP3:65-73. 1986b. 'Toprak-kala Shavatskaya (raskopki 1979-1980 gg.)" AP3:12-51. 1990. "Gorodishche Bol'shaya Aibuiir-kala (raskopki 19761977 i 1981 g.)", AP4:91-131. 1995. "Formirovaniegorodov Khorezma", Genezis:76-78. Man'ilov, Iu. P. 1965. "Rabot'i na gorodishche Pil'-kala v 1963 g", Obshchestvenn 'ienauki v Uzbekistane 3. 1968. "Signal'n'ie bashni Sultanuizdaga", Vestnik KKFAN UzSSR3. Man'ilov, Iu. P. and Khozhaniyazov, G. 1981. "Gorodishche Ayazkala 1 i burl'ikala (k izucheniiu fortifikatsii drevnego Khorezma) ", Arkheologicheskieissledovaniya v Karakalpakii (Tashkent: Fan): 32-49. zur mythischen Markwart,J. 1938. Wehrotund Arang. Untersuchungen und geschichtlichen Landeskundevon Ostiran,Leiden. Material'i: Yagodin, V. N. and Madiyarov, S. M. (eds) 1986. Material'ik svodupamyatnikovistoriikul'tur'iKarakalpakskoi ASSR, V'ipusk 2, Nukus. Medvedskaya, I. N. 1972. "Nekotor'ie vopros'i khronologii bronzov'ikh strel Srednei Azii i Kazakhstana"SA3:76-89. Minns, E. H. 1913. Scythiansand Greeks.A Surveyof AncientHistory and Archaeologyon theNorth Coastof theEuxinefrom theDanube to the Caucasus,Cambridge. Miroshnikov, L. I. 1992. "A note of the meaning of the term 'Central Asia' as used in this book", 477-480 in Dani and Masson (eds) 1992. Studienzum iranisMonchi-Zadeh, D. 1975. Topographisch-historiche chenNationalepos,Wiesbaden. sten vokrug Mukhamedov, Kh. 1961. Iz istoriidrevnikhoboronitel'nikh oazisovUzbekistana, Tashkent. Nerazik, E. E. and Rapoport, Iu. A. (eds) (1981) Gorodishche Toprakkala (raskopki1965-1975 gg.) (TKhAEE12).

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Nizov'yaAmudar'i:Tolstov, S. P. and Kes', A. S. (eds) 1969. Nizov'ya Amudar'i, Sar'ikam'ish,Uzboi. Istoriyaformirovaniyai zaseleniya (MKhE3). Nyberg, H. S. 1938. Die Religionendes alten Iran, Osnabrfick (repr. 1966). Olmstead, A. T. 1948. History of the Persian Empire. Chicago/ London. Polybius, The Histories of Polybius (transl. E. S. Schuckburgh), London, New York. Ptolemy, Claudii,PtolemaeiGeographia(C.F. A. Nobbeed.), Hildesheim. Pugachenkova, G. A. 1952. "Parfianskie kreposti iuzhno Turkmenistana", VDI2. Pugachenkova, G. A. 1984. "Raskopkiiuzhn'ikh gorodskikh vorot Dil'berdzhina", DrevnyayaBaktriya3:93-124. P'yankov, I. V. 1972. "Khorasmii Hekateya Miletskogo", VDI 2:3-21. Rapoport, Iu. A. and Lapirov-Skoblo, M. S. 1963. "Raskopki dvortsovogo zdaniya na gorodishche Kalal'i'g'ir I v 1953 godu", MKhE6:141-156. Dvorets Rapoport, Iu. A. and Nerazik, E. E. (eds) 1984. Toprak-kala. (TKhAEE14). Sarianidi, V. 1994. '"Templesof Bronze Age Margiana:traditions of ritual architecture," Antiquity68:388-397. Sheehy, A. 1967. "Irrigation in the Amu-Dar'ya Basin: Progress Report", CentralAsian Review15:342-353. Staviskij, B. La Bactrie sous les Kuchanes.Problemesd'histoireet de culture,Paris. Strabo, The Geography of Strabo (Vol. V), London, Cambridge. Tolstov, S. P. 1939. "Drevnekhorezmiiskie pamyatniki Karakalpakii,"VDI3. 1946 "Op'it khronologicheskoi klassifikatsii pamyanikov drevnego i srednevekovogo Khorezma", KSDXIII. 1948a. Drevnii Khorezma.Op'it istoriko-arkheologicheskogo issle-dovaniya.Moscow (with French abstract). 1948b. Po sledam drevne-khorezmiiskoi tsivilizatsii, Moscow/ -Kultur,Berlin, Leningrad (= Auf den Spurender altchoresmischen 1953). 1949. "Periodizatsiya drevnei istorii Srednei Azii", KSD XXVIII. 1958. "Rabot'i Khorezmskoi arkheologo-etnograficheskoi &kspeditsiiv 1949-1953", TKhAEE2:7-258. 1961. "LesScythes de l'Aral et le Khorezm" IA 1:42-92. -1962. Po drevnimdeltamOksai Yaksarta,Moscow. Tolstov, S. P. and Vainberg, B. 1. 1967. Koi-kr'ilgan-kala. Pamyatnik kul'turiidrevnegoKhorezma,Moscow. Vainberg, B. I. 1977. Monet'idrevengoKhorezma,Moscow. Kul'tura, Vainberg, B. I. and Levina, L. M. 1993. Chirikrabatskaya Moscow. Vorob'eva, M. G. 1959. "KeramikaKhorezma antichnogo perio4:66-233. da", TKhAEE 1973. Dingil'dzhe. Usad'ba I t'isyacheletiyado n.e v drevnem Khorezme. Moscow: Nauk. Vorob'eva, M. G., Lapirov-Skoblo and Nerazik, E. E. 1963. "Arkheologicheshkie rabot'i v Khazaraspe v 1958-1960", MKtE 6:157-200. Voronina, V. L. 1964. "Iz istorii sredneaziatskoi fortifikatsii", SA 2:40-54. Winter, F. E. 1971. Greek fortifications,London. Yagodin, V. N. 1990. "Kurgann'ii mogil'nik Devkesken-4", AP 4:28-81. S1994. "Drevnie kochevniki Aralo-Kaspiya na velikom shelkovom puti", KhV2:99-106. S1995. "Drevni Khorezm i stsentral'noaziatskii urbanizatsionn'ii protsess", Genezis:118-119.

THE ELYMAIANROCK-CARVINGOF SHAIVAND,IZEHI ByJacfar Mehrkiyan (Talbalaghi) Iranian CulturalHeritageOrganisation,Tehran

INTRODUCTION A few years before starting his excavations at Nineveh, Austen Henry Layard entered western Iran, supposedly on his way to visit his uncle in Ceylon (Layard 1894: 20; Waterfield 1963: 25). After residing in Baghdad for two months and learning some Persian, dressed in Iranian clothes he left Baghdad on 30 June 1840 and travelled into Persia via Kermanshah (Layard 1894: 91-92). At Hamadan he was finally given permission to travel by the Qajar ruler, Muhammad Shah, who was staying at Kangavar at the time and he began his journey towards the Bakhtiari region (Layard 1894: 93-96). With the support of Muhammad Taqi Khan Chaharlang, the popular and powerful leader of the Bakhtiaris, who had set up military quarters at Qaleh Tul in Bagh-i Malik and was feared by the Qajar administration, Layard travelled through the entire Bakhtiari region until 1842. In 1841 Layarddiscovered the following unknown reliefs of Elymais:Ishkaft-i Salman and Kul-i Farah of the Elamite period and the Elymaian reliefs of Hung-i Azhdar/Hung-i Nauruzi2 which he dated to the Sasanian period (Layard 1894: 94). At Malamir3 (Mal-i Amir) he discovered the ancient site of Izeh4. In 1842 he discovered the Elymaian reliefs of Tang-i Butan (or Tang-i But-ha) at Shimbar in the mountain range of Masjid-i Sulaiman5. Thus Layard is the first discoverer of rock-reliefs in Elymais and in his publication Early Discoveriesin Persis, Susiana and Babylonia(1894: 106-114) he refers to these reliefs. At the same time as Layard travelled in the Bakhtiari mountains in 1841, Baron Clement Augustus de Bode, First Clerk to the Imperial Embassy of the Russian Tsar in Tehran, published for the first time the Elymaian reliefs of Tang-i Sarvak near Bihbihan in Travels in Luristan and Arabistan (London, 1845)6. 120 years later many more Elymaian reliefs are known and we will mention these briefly': -Klaus Schippmann (1970: 232-237) found the relief of Tisyun8 (Mihrinan) in the Dasht-i Susan in 1970 (see also De Waele 1982: 37-48). -Roman Ghirshman (1975) found the architectural reliefs of the sanctuaries of Bard-i Nishandeh and Masjid-iSulaiman in 1965. -Louis Vanden Berghe (Vanden Berghe and Schippmann 1985: 55-58, fig. 5) discovered in

67

1964 on the road to Zardeh via Shimbar the reliefs at Kuh-i Taraz and Bard-i But of Kuh-i Tina. -In addition, more reliefs have been discovered by Iranian archaeologists, some of these only during the last ten years: -Ali Akbar Kargar Sarfaraz (1357: 41-47) undertook short term excavations at Tappeh Kalagah in Masjid-iSulaiman in 1352/1973/74. -While preparing the gas pipelines of the Karun III (Shalu) Dam Project the relief of Murd-i Tang-i Zir which belongs to a worshipping sanctuary along the southern shores of the Karun river was found by a mechanical shovel (Bashshash 1373/1994: 59-63; Curtis and Simpson 1997: 142). -Jacfar Mehrkiyan found a series of reliefs near Izeh from 1366/1987 until 1368/1989 which include Yashuv-i Algi at Bazuft9, Shirinau Muvri (Mehrkiyan 1975/1996: 54-59; Curtis and Simpson 1997: 144-45) alongside the old tribal road to Shirinau and Shaivand of Izeh at the northern foot of Mount Mungasht. In the following we shall concentrate on the relief from Shaivand which should be seen as part of the ancient Elymaian site of Shaivand. SHAIVAND Shaivand consists of a cluster of villages known as Dih-i Kuhneh, Buzurg, Sar-i Asiyab or Pusht Asiyabl'. Dih-i Nau and Murghab Shaivandis also known as Shahvand". These villages are in the district of Shalu within the region of Dih Diz, a small town on the road from Izeh to Isfahan, in the district of Izeh and the province of Khuzistan. A gravel road of 30 km length, which runs parallel to the Karun river, connects Shaivand with the major Izeh to Shahr-i Kurd highway2 near the Shalu bridge (pul-i Shalu)13. Some 60 km further on lies the town of Izeh Malamir, the capital of the district of Izeh. Shaivand has a population of 2,000 and includes some 300 families who belong to the Aurang branch of the Haft Lang tribe and call themselves Jalillis after a mythological ancestor, who supposedly arrived in the area and called it Shahvand14. The smaller settlements of Shaivand are situated amongst fields of wheat, oats, beans and peas, ricefields and

68

JOURNAL OF PERSIAN STUDIES

Shalu Bridge

-

Izeh

-o

J

1

z

N

-,

d

ih

BzShaivand

QaSandara '

0-

Dih-i BuzurgShaivand Dih-i Pusht-i Asiab

Shaivand Rock-Carving 0

sI

00,

re I

It/I*,l

JIver

1500m r ,1, ...................

Fig. 1. Map showingthesite of Shaivand.

fruit orchards in the valley under the snow-peaked Mount Mungasht in the south-the source of the Rud-i Zard-and near the river Karun in the north. There is not much cultivable land in Shaivand but the abundance of water and the pleasant climate have made it a rich area for cultivation; it is famous in the Bakhtiari region for its fruit, particularly figs and pomegranates, and its rice. The population of Shaivand is partly engaged in agriculture but has not abandoned the habit of migrating in the spring and the summer. Indeed, they belong to the few Bakhtiaris whose migration lasts for only a few hours and they could therefore be regarded as seminomads or semi-migratory. Unlike other migrating Bakhtiaris they do not move northwards but their

migration route leads to the south of their settlement. The population of Shaivand spends most of the year in stone houses and in the middle of the spring they disperse into the heights of Mount Mungasht with their flocks and cattle. During this period they regularly visit their orchards and plantations to make sure that all is in order. Theancientsite Traces of older stone buildings are visible in the area. A stone slab with Aramaic letters may have served as an entrance to an underground chamber (dakhmeh). The stone is locally known as Bard-i Govri'5.Traces of two smaller astudansappear in the

THE ELYMAIAN ROCK-CARVING OF SHAIVAND, IZEH

69

Fig. 2. Drawing of therock-carvingof Shaivand (J. Mehrkiyan).

vicinity of the houses. More traces of ancient architecture is found near Tuf-i Alchuk, a waterfall towards the south of Shaivand. At the top of the waterfall architectural remains, including more stone slabs and stone columns, can be seen. Scattered pottery sherds are a common sight on the ground. TheShaivandrelief To the east of the Tuf waterfall, about 10 m away from the rocks of Dezgah and its cluster of murd trees, there is a free-standing relief.16 It measures 400 cm in length and 180 cm in height. On its southern face there is a carved relief showing several human figures and two oxen within a rectangular frame of 170 cm by 120 cm. Although there has been little damage by humans because of the inaccessibility of the reliefs, it has nevertheless suffered from natural erosion, rain and snow. Altogether seven human figures and two oxen and an altar appear on the face of the rock. A difference in the surface treatment of the figures on the upper row compared with those of the bottom row indicates that perhaps the carving which is

altogether contemporary, may have taken place in two stages. It is also noticeable that the left side of the lower register has not been used for carving figures and therefore appears empty. Descriptionof therelief The top left side of the free standing rock shows a male figure measuring 62 cm in length. He probably has a short hairstyle and is shown in reclining pose. He seems to be resting on the backs of the two adjacent animals. His face, with large eyes and protruding eyebrows and prominent nose and the linear He is wearing a long straight tunic, probably with long sleeves and a round neck opening. His left arm is bent at the elbow and he holds an object which resembles a cup or jug in his left hand. His right arm is bent and he holds a rectangular unidentifiable object in his hand. His legs are stretched out and together with his feet they are shown in profile. With his length of 62 cm he is the tallest figure on the panel. Next to him are two oxen, also shown in profile and with curved horns and large humps on their backs. A whip or a lead to the animals' yokes is held in the left hand of a much smaller figure,

70

JOURNAL OF PERSIAN STUDIES

c.25 cm, depicted frontally. The standing figure with short hairstyle is wearing a long straight tunic and has both arms stretched out; his feet which seem to be resting on the second bull's hump are pointing outwards. Two circles appear between the reclining figure and the hind legs of the animals: these could be interpreted as the charioteer. To the right side of the oxen's head are three human figures dressed in long straight tunics (height from left to right: 34 cm, 35 cm, 32 cm). They are standing in frontal position and their feet in profile are turned to the sides. Their arms are bent and held against the chest; in their hands they seem to be holding a long thin object which does not resemble a bow or arrow but could perhaps be seen as a cornucopia or horn of plenty. This would be comparable with the scene on Tang-i Sarvak II, north-west side (Vanden Berghe and Schippmann 1985: fig. 11, pl. 41) where only one figure is shown with such an attribute. At the bottom right hand side of the rock two standing figures are involved in a cult act. The larger bearded and moustached figure on the left measures 58 cm in height and stands in frontal position with his feet turned outwards. He is wearing a long tunic with U-shaped folds on the skirt. His left arm is bent and held against his chest and in his hand he seems to hold a bowl. His right

arm is also bent and in his right hand he holds ajug and reaches towards a small three-legged altar or thymiaterion on his right side which is pointed and probably covered at the top. This is similar to the scene on the rock-relief from Hung-i Kamalvand (see Vanden Berghe and Schippmann 1985: fig. 3 and pl.8), where the sacrificing figure is shown holding a jug. Sacrificing scenes with a figure standing next to an altar or thymiaterion are known from Parthian period art, where they are seen on the free-standing rock from Bisitun, the Elymaian reliefs of Tang-i Butan in Shimbar, Tang-i Sarvak, reliefs from Bard-i Nishandeh and Masjid-iSulaiman, Hatra and also on a pithos drawing from Parthian Ashur, the religious paintings of Dura Europos and the funerary relief of Palmyra (Safar and Mustafa 1974: pls. 139, 257; Colledge 1976: pls. 19, 43; 1977: fig. 44A and pls. 16, 18-19, 31b, 33, 48c; Vanden Berghe and Schippmann 1985: pl. 26; Mathiesen 1992: figs. 2, 7-9, 18)17.On the right side of the relief a smaller frontal figure wearing a knee-length tunic stands in a pose of adoration, with his right arm bent and held against his body and his right hand originally probably raised. His left arm is bent and held against his chest, perhaps holding a bowl in his hand. The folds of his garment are indicated by vertical and horizontal lines. The similarity

Name of relief

Location

Discovered

Present Location

Tang-i Butan Tang-i SarvakI-IV Hung-i Azhdar 1 (H. Nauruzi) Hung-i Kamalvand Hung-i YarAlivand Kal-i Zarm Bard-i But, Kuh-i Tina Taraz Bard-i Nishandeh

Shimbar, Masjid-iSulaiman Bihbihan Dasht-i Izeh

1841 A. H. Layard 1841 C. de Bode 1842 A. H. Layard

in situ in situ in situ

Dasht-i Izeh Dasht-i Izeh Dasht-i Izeh tribal route to Zardeh (Masjid-iSulaiman) tribal route to Zardeh Masjid-iSulaiman

1963 W. Hinz 1963 W. Hinz 1963 L. Vanden Berghe 1964 L. Vanden Berghe

in situ in situ next to imamzadeh in situ

Sar Masjid

Masjid-iSulaiman

1965 R. Ghirshman

Tisiyun, Mihrinan Hung-i Azhdar 2 Kalagah Shaivand Murd-i Tang-i Zir

Dasht-i Susan, Izeh Dasht-i Izeh Masjid-iSulaiman Rud-i Karun Bajul, Izeh

Shirinau Algi

Muvri, Bazuft Bazuft

1971 K. Schippmann 1972 E. De Waele 1973/74 A. A. K Sarfaraz 1988/89J. Mehrkiyan 1988/89 National Iranian Oil Company 1990/91 J. Mehrkiyan 1990/91 J. Mehrkiyan

1964 L. Vanden Berghe 1965 R. Ghirshman

Fig. 3. List of Elymaianrock-reliefs.

Louvre, Susa Museum, Muzeh Melli Tehran Louvre, Susa Museum, Muzeh Melli Tehran Susa Museum Hung-i Azhdar covered with earth in situ Izeh, National Heritage Office in situ

THE ELYMAIAN ROCK-CARVING OF SHAIVAND, IZEH

71

between the sacrificing figure and that on the relief of Hung-i Kamalvand of the late first century AD and Hung-i Azhdar/Hung-i Nauruzi of the early second century AD suggests a date of the late first century AD.

" Shahvand in Bakhtiari dialect is comparable with shdh nahddeh and shdh guzdshtehand az shdh mdndeh"placed by the king". 12 The importance of a major road from Izeh to Shahr-e Kurd became obvious after the construction work came to a halt during the Iran-Iraqwar and it is expected that it will be officially resumed in the very near future. This new road follows the same route as the old gravel road which dates from the eighth/fourteenth century. 13 This is the narrowest point of the Karun River and traces of CONCLUSION several older bridges are visible. These include the remains of the suspension bridge built by the British company Lynch The sacrificing scene on the rock carving at which collapsed after severe flooding. Shaivand is an important addition to the rich rock 14 For the etymology of the name, see above, n.11. carvings of ancient Elymais. The Shaivand relief and 15 In Bakhtiari dialect Bard-i Guvri is the same as sang-i gu2r, meaning the gravestone. It refers to the stone astudans or other recently found reliefs, such as that from ossuaries that are a common site in Fars and the Bakhtiari Shirinau (see Curtis and Simpson 1997: 144-45) region. show that there are still Elymaian rock reliefs that are 16 The murdis an evergreen shrub with pleasant smell and thin unknown and their discovery will add to our twigs, comparable to the twigs of the barsom.The exact location of the rock-carving is still unknown to most people in the knowledge of the art of the Parthian period. The area. The relief was discovered by the author with the assisconstruction of the Karun III Dam will flood the tance of the late Mulla Ibrahim Kiani of Shaivand and Amir lower areas of the Karun River near Shaivand; it is Mokhtari on 22 March 1987. therefore of crucial importance to be able to con- 17 For a much earlier example of a sacrificing scene on a NeoElamaite relief, see Kul-i Farah (Izeh), relief V of the sixth tinue an archaeological survey in this area18. century BC. Here a king/priest and dignitaries preside over the sacrifice of animals. A thymiaterion is also shown in the TranslatedfromPersianbyV. S. Curtis. scene but the figures are all in profile (see De Waele 1989: The Persian term used for rock-carvingis nagarkhandand 33-34, pl. VIa). not the more commonly used naqsh-ibarjasteh and hajdrn. The author is gratefulto MayharNavabifor suggestingthis 18 The author has requested permission to continue his investigations in the area. term, see Navabi, "Navikand, nagarkand", Chistd

II/4 (1360/1981/82), 37-43. 2 In Bakhtiaridialect"kh"is pronounced"h",for examplekhalhi (uncle, mother's brother) is pronounced halu and khor-md At the sametime, "h"can also be pro(dates)becomes hormd. nounced "kh",as for example in Hung-iAzhdarand Hung-i Nauruzi. Malamiris short for Ma-l-iamir, that is, sardy-iamirmeaning the house of the ruler. The name was used from the eighth/fourteenthcenturyonwardswhen it became the capital of the Luri Atabegs.In the Pahlaviera it was officially renamedIzeh in 1330/1951. The ancientname of Izeh in the Neo-Elamiteperiodis Aiapir,as mentionedin the rockinscriptionsat Kul-iFarah(see De Waele1989:29). Todayit is known as Izeh Malamir. 4 For the relationshipbetween the reliefs of Ishkaft-iSalman and Kul-iFarah,see Layard,"Descriptionof the provinceof Khuzistan", Journalof theRoyalGeographic SocietyXVI (1840), 79-80. 5 Shimbaris a simplifiedform of shirfn bahdr(sweet spring), reflectingthe green and fertile summerpasturesin the vicinity.See also Bivarand Shaked1964,265-200. 6 Soon after De Bode in 1296 AH, Hasan Husaini-Fasayi produced some preliminarysketches of the reliefs of Tang-i Sarvak.See Forsat od-Dowleh MuhammadNasir Husaini, Athdrul-cajam,chdpaz r-yehchdp-isangi (Tehran, 1353 AH). See alsoVandenBergheand Schippmann1985:59-88). 7 For a full bibliography of Elymaian rock reliefs, see Vanden

Berghe and Schippmann 1985, Trudy Kawami 1987; Mathiesen 1992. For the most recent article on Elymais, see Vesta Sarkhosh Curtis 1994: 201-214. 8

The historicalsite of Tisyunin the Dasht-iSusan,Izehwilldis-

appear under water after completion of the Karun III Dam. It is now urgent to undertake archaeological investigations before the disappearance of the site. 9 Unfortunately, nothing has been published on the relief at Yashuv-iAlgi. 10 Another name for this village is Hasht Asiyab, which indicates the existence of eight (hasht) windmills (asfydb)there.

Bibliography Bashshash, R. 1373/1994. "Katibeh-yi elima'i-yi naqsheh barjesteh-yi Izeh/The Elyamian inscription of the rock relief of Izeh", Mirdth-iFarhangi/ CulturalHeritage13, 59-63. Bivar, A. D. and Shaked, S. 1964. "The inscriptions of Shimbar", BSOAS VII, 265-290. Colledge, M. A. R. 1976. TheArt ofPalmyra(London). -. 1977. ParthianArt (London). Curtis, V. S. 1994. "More Parthian finds from ancient Elymais in southwestern Iran", IA XXIX, 201-214. Curtis, V. and Simpson, St. J. 1997. "Archaeological discoveries from Iran", Iran XXXVI, 144-145. De Bode, C. E. 1845. Travelsin Luristan and Arabistan,London. De Waele, E. 1982. "Lastele funeraire elym&ene d'Abe Atabeq de Mehrenan sur le Karun, in J. Quaequebeur (ed.) Studia Paulo NasterOblataII OrientaliaAntiqua,37-48 (Leuven). 1989. "Musicians and Musical Instruments on the rock reliefs in the Elamite sanctuary of Kul-e Farah (Izeh) ", Iran XXVII, 29-38. Forsat od-Dauleh Muhammad Nasir Hoseini. 1353/1892/93. Athdrul-cajam,chdpaz ruyehchdp-isangf, Tehran. Kawami, T. 1987. Monumental Art of the Parthian Period, Acta Iranica (Leiden). Layard, A. H. 1840. "Description of the province of Khuzistan", Journal of theRoyalGeographicSocietyXVI, 79-80. S1894. Early Adventuresin Susiana and Babylonia (London). Mathiesen, M. 1992. Sculpture in the Parthian Empire, 2 vols. (Arthus). Mehrkiyan, J. 1375/1996. "Nagar kand-i nau-yafteh-i; elima3i-yi Shirinau"/The newly discovered Elymaian rock-carving of Shirinau, Mirath-i Farhangi 15, 54-59. Navabi, M. 1360/1981/82. "Navikand, nagirkand/Rock carvings, rock reliefs", ChistaII/4, 37-43. Safar, F. and Mustafa, M. A. 1974. Hatra. The Cityof the Sun God, Baghdad.

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Sarfaraz, A-A. K. 1357/1978. "AyafMasjid-i Solaiman yek macbad mihr ast/Is Masjid-i Sulaiman a Mithraic temple?", Majalleh-yi banaha-yitarikhiI (Journal of HistoricalMonumentsI, 41-47. Schippman, K. 1970. "Notizen zu einer Reise in den Bakhtiaribergen, AMI,NF III, 231-37.

Vanden Berge, L. and Schippmann, K. 1985. Les reliefsrupestres d'Elymaide(Iran) de l'epoqueparthe,Gent. Waterfield, G. 1963. Layardof Nineveh(London).

WRESTLINGAT THE VICTORIAAND ALBERT MUSEUM By Patricia L. Baker London

Few people would associate the Textile and Dress Collection at the Victoria and Albert Museum, London, with the Iranian sport of wrestling, but amongst the holdings of silks, velvets and printed cottons of Safavid and Qajar Iran, there is a pair of wrestler's breeches or tunka pahlavanf (P1. XVa-c), which entered the museum in 1876. The museum registry notes that the breeches had been purchased in the previous year for the sum of eight shillings from Murdoch Smith, who had acquired them, amongst other Persian artefacts, from the Richard collection, Tehran.'Jules Richard had taken up residence in Iran in 1844 to become a photographer and translator at the Qajar court, and in the course of time had amassed many items,2 particularly ceramics, both Chinese and Persian, and textiles, most of which, it was implied, were purchased in Isfahan.3 The sport of wrestling has a long history in Iran and neighbouring Middle Eastern countries. The Prophet Muhammad and both his grandsons, Husayn and Hasan, according to the lore of the sport, allegedly practised wrestling techniques (Minorsky, p. 1242) and according to Persian tradition Sham, the son of Nfih (Biblical Noah), had been renowned for his skill.4 There are frequent references to wrestling bouts in the Shdh-namaof Firdawsi (d.c. 1020), which enshrines the pre-Islamic history of Iran from the first legendary king Kaykumars to the last Sasanian emperor. Perhaps the two most famous encounters in the epic are the meeting between Iranian hero Rustam and the Turanian champion Pfiladvand, and Kay Khusraw accepting the challenge from Shida, son of Afrasiyab;the code of chivalry and bravery associated with the sport is outlined in both episodes (Warner 1905-25; vol. IV, pp. 176, 262-5). As further evidence of its popularity in the pre-Islamic period, depictions of wrestling scenes are included among scenes of courtly entertainment on at least two Sasanian silver-gilt vessels thought to date to the seventh century A.D. Both the examples portray the wrestlers as half-naked, with a folded length of cloth wrapped around the hips and brought up between the thighs.5 This rather dhotilike wrap was still being worn by wrestlers about a thousand years later, according to the seventeenth century traveller and jeweller SirJohn Chardin, who undertook various commissions for the Safavid court during his stays in Iran in 1669 and 1672-4:

They strip themselvesNaked, only with their Shoes on made of Leather, that fit them very exactly, oil'd and

greas'd,and a Linnen Cloth about their Wastgreas'dand oil'd likewise.This is, that the Adversarymay have less to take hold of, because if he should touch there, his Hand would slip and he would lose his Strength. (cited in Penzer,1927, p. 201)6 Some thirty years earlier, Olearius, travelling in the Holstein delegation, attended a wrestling match in the centre of Qazvin in the summer of 1637, and implies that three pairs of the five wrestlers were similarly attired except that: ... two among them had Leatherndrawerson, done over with Oyl,who discover'da miraculousactivityand strength of Body. (Olearius,1669,p. 191) The 1656 edition of his book (1971 facs., at p. 508) contains a wood-cut engraving of a Safavid court banquet entertained by wrestlers, showing two shoe-less combatants wearing ample, knee-length breeches (shalvdr). A century earlier, Bukharan artists depict three pairs of similarly attired wrestlers in a copy of the Gulistdnby Sacdi (B.L. Or. 5302 fol. 30a). The reason for these two types of attire is probably provided by late nineteenth century and later wrestling conventions (Bahmani, 1997). Beginners wore the lung or wrap in the dhoti manner, while those in training had the lung as a skirt, tucked at the waist to the left. The experienced wrestlers were recognisable by their leather breeches but with the lung rolled as a girdle, while champions folded the wrap to form a small triangular "apron"over the front of the shalvar.7 According to the fifteenth-century Timurid poet Husayn Kashifi, leather was used because, as tradition had it, the Prophet Ibrahim made a shalvar for his son IsmFcil from the ram which he sacrificed instead of him (Canard, 1974, p. 13, n. 3).8 The convention for the wrestlers to wear such garments continued, since two centuries later, James Fraser (1838, vol. I, p. 58) wrote after witnessing a match in April 1833, ". .. [the wrestlers] threw off all their clothes, retaining only a pair of strong dark checked breeches with large thick patches on the knees". Some fifty years later a description by Dr. Wills mentions the embroidered decoration, a feature of the pair which were to come to London from the Richard collection: "knee breeches of stiff horsehide, some of which are beautifully embroidered with blue thread; all above the waist and below the knee being bare." (Wills, 1883, p. 98)9

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Such decoration is featured in various illustrations in nineteenth-century works dealing with wrestling.1' The Victoria and Albert Museum pair, made from leather and heavy blue canvas, measures 67 cm. in full length and 72 cm. around the waist, with both knee-bands 42 cm. in circumference. The 4.3 cm.-wide leather waistband, including the belt leads on to a protective stomach band, 7 cm. in width, burnished" and decorated with a line of stitching. It was this that was grasped by the opponent. ... the greatobject[ive]of each [wrestler]seemed to be to seize the waistbandof his antagonist'sbreeches ... The art is so to fall thatthe backshallnot touch the ground:this is the test of victoryor defeat ...12 Perhaps as a distant memory of the dhoti-like linen wrap seen by Chardin, an insert banded with leather attached to the front stomach band (11 cm. across) passes under to form the crotch (17.5 cm. front length) and extends to cover the buttocks. The decoratively stitched knee-caps measure 6.5 cm. in depth edged with leather binding, 1.3 cm. wide at the cuff. There is no sign that either knee-cap was originally ornamented with a small mirror-glass roundel, said to act as a reminder to the wrestler not to fall on his knees during the bout (Bahmani, 1997). Similar leather binding averaging 2.4 cm. wide13protects all the seams elsewhere. Apart from a metal belt buckle, there is a small brass ring attached to the back of each knee cuff by a leather loop. The purpose of this ring is unclear, but as the cuffs of modern breeches often have a buckle and tag to ensure a close fit, it may have taken a cord-tie (Bahmani, 1997). The lined garment is heavily padded throughout, especially thick at the knees for as Fraser noted: Now was seen the use of the knee patches and the stout waistbands,for they grovelledon all fours on the ground like frogs ... and the other wouldget up behind and seize his opponent by the waist,by the shoulders,firstby one leg and then the other, twistingeach limb till I expected it wouldsnap ...'4 Both back and front (P1. XV) of the heavy blue cotton (coarsely-woven with Z-spun warp and weft) are covered with chain-stitch embroidery, which also serves to secure the inside padding. A thick creamwhite cotton thread (S-spun) has been used for most of the decorative stitching with just touches of yellow for the flower centres. The two front thigh panels, each carrying a flowering plant design (P1. XVa, c), are 16 cm. long framed with three edgings, measuring 2 cm., 1.5 cm. and, finally, 4 cm. width for the arabesque scroll. The knee-caps are covered with a fish-scale pattern, also echoed on the front crotch, while the leg backs are decorated with a lattice emphasising the thigh-length, and the buttock area is embellished with five rosette forms. It was the task

of a specialist in the bazaar to make and embroider such a shalvdr, the motifs being selected by the patron for his wrestling champions (Bahmani, 1997). This type of embroidered decoration is still used for contemporary breeches, such as those in the Bahmani collection and examples photographed by the present author in the Zuirkhana Kamal (gymnasium) in Isfahan in 1994 and said by Murshid Kamal CAtafi to have been made and embroidered in the city.15 The sport may have had its keen supporters in Safavid court circles, but Chardin (cited in Penzer 1927, p. 201) noted it was generally considered "the Exercise of People in a lower Condition". This sentiment was echoed in early nineteenth-century Qajar Iran by Fraser (1838, vol. I, pp. 57-8) noting that while respected members of society maintained private wrestling establishments, they themselves were never active participants, just enthusiastic observers: In Persiait is not unusualfor respectablepersonsto entertain pehlewans[champions] of their own, and manyhave private zorkhanahs, or theatres for athletic exercises, which they take pleasure in attending and in attracting to them all the most celebrated prize-fightersin the country.16 Any strong links with court circles were broken during the reigns of Riia Shah (r. 1925-41) and his son Muhammad Riii• Pahlavi for, although the late Shah was photographed at one performance, both rulers were keen to promote European sports as more fitting activities for Iranian youths. This official policy of sports promotion was intended not only to complement the state modernisation programme but was also undoubtedly aimed at diminishing the power and influence of the zuirkhdnasor "houses of strength" (Lenczowski, 1978, p. 316). The strong links between the gymnasia and the town bazaars, the latter known as hot-beds of political intrigue, had long been recognised. In the nineteen-forties it was rumoured that zfrkhdnaswere directly involved in anti-Pahlavi activities (Fischer, 1973, vol. II, p. 252 n. 1) and a decade later, according to a diplomat's wife (Helms, 1982, p. 64), the US Central Intelligence Agency engineered public demonstrations against the nationalist leader, Mosaddegh, in support of the young Shah by the men of the South Tehran bazaar "including the strong men of the zurkhane". This allegiance proved transitory and the assassination of the famous and charismatic wrestler, Ghulam Reza Takhti, by SAVAK agents (or so rumoured) lost the regime further popular support; it further underlines the politico-social importance of such wrestlers.' Despite the absence of "official" patronage (except in the capital, where certain gymnasia, such as that of the Bank Melli, were developed as tourist attractions), the z2rkhdnasretained their importance within the community (Fischer, 1980,

WRESTLING AT THE VICTORIA AND ALBERT MUSEUM

p. 136), taking part in the various parades associated with the Muharram "passion plays" and various mourning rituals for the Imams. In October 1996 the present writer saw members of the Qazwin zirkhdna busy decorating the 2.5 metres-long Muharram Calambelonging to the gymnasium (P1. XVIa) for a procession.'is Traditionally, a young man interested in training would present himself as a tdza-kdror beginner to the zikkhdnaor gymnasium within the town or city, to be taken in by the members. There were two essential requirements: that he was at least sixteen years of age and that his beard was thick enough to carry a comb (Bahmani, 1997). The gymnasium organised itself as a fraternity, each member following his own profession, usually as a merchant or skilled craftsman associated with the bazaar, such as carpenter or blacksmith; in the mid-nineteen-sixties about 10% of those exercising in the zuirkhdnahad government jobs and slightly less were members of the Culamdor of the teaching profession. Only after satisfying the members that he was following the rules of the fraternity did the beginner become a regular member (naw-khwdsta);traditionally, the lung or wrap was worn by these two grades.19Instruction in the various floor-exercises, designed to build up strength, and in wrestling techniques, comprising some fifty holds,20 was then given and when the required standard was reached, he would be awarded the title of nawchapahlavdn or junior athlete (Fischer, 1973, vol. III, pp. 252, 257);21 it was at this point the initiate was permitted to wear the leather shalvdr which were presented, with due ceremony, by the murshid or instructor (Bahmani, 1997).22 Only a few achieved the highest status of pahlavdn or athlete, lit. "hero": just 182 men in the nineteenth century.23The connotations of history, chivalry, manliness, heroism and public acclaim were such that Rii-aShih deliberately selected the title for his dynasty;on 3 May 1925 he announced that he and his successors would be known as the Pahlavi dynasty.24 The exercise and wrestling area within the zirkhdna are one and the same; nineteenth and twentieth-century commentators describe a designated sunken area 9 m2. to 25 m2., large enough to contain twelve to eighteen exercising men, and generally polygonal or circular in shape with seating around for observers (Arasteh, 1969, p. 13). The earliest surviving example has been identified in the ruins of Bam, Kirman.25This has the form of a pit, small in area and located in the citadel, but the gymnasium visited by Fraser (1838, vol. I, p. 58) in 1833 had a more elaborate form: ... an octagonalvaultunder a dome supportedby a circle of pillars. Within the circle was the cock-pit, or arena, whichwasboardedroundto a height of six feet; between this and the outer wall,at a convenientheight, were seats

75

for the spectators... the roof, which was plastered,was painted all overwith fierce figuresof pehlewansperforming theirvariousfeatsof strength... the floor wasof clay,I think, damped, so as not to be too hard for those who shouldfall. Today, visitors to the Zfirkhana Kamal in Isfahan see a similar arrangement (P1. XVIa), but there the majority of the spectators' seats are at one end of the rectangular room. The roof may not be covered with paintings but the walls (P1. XVId) are covered with posters of Shici subject matter (featuring CAlW, Hjusaynand LHasan)and countless photographs of past and present pahlavdns, while items strongly identified with dervishes, e.g. begging bowls, axes, etc., hang on the wall above the murshid'sseat. The proceedings begin with the murshid (or mudir) sitting at one end, beating his drum to mark the entry of the athletes into the ring. Each one pauses to pay respect to the ring by kneeling and touching the ground, and then his lips and forehead. The exercises then begin, all with the accompaniment of the murshidsitting on his small, raised dais, and he beats out the rhythm for the separate work-outs and declaims verses from the Shdh-ndma and other poetic works, including Sfifi dhikrs. During the exercises, a series of verbal responses from the gymnasts and the audience, generally in the form of salavdts, such as "Praise to Allah" or curses on the enemies of cAli, is prompted by the murshid;many (as with the curses) are specifically Shici in context and concern. The first exercise consists of push-ups holding a board on the floor with arms and legs stretched apart as the murshidrecalls how Gushtisp in the Shdh-ndmadenied his heroic son Isfandiyar, before quoting from a work entitled Haml-i HIaydarfconcerning the bravery and selflessness of cAli, and recounting the military campaigns of Nadir Shih (d. 1747).26 The analogy to prayer prostration is not missed, and repeatedly throughout the warm-up period the athletes are blessed in the name of Allah and the name of cAli is invoked. The second exercise is less strenuous, with knee bends, touching toes, and turning the head to relax the muscles before picking up the heavy wooden mzls (Indian clubs) and rotating them in the air and behind the shoulders (P1. XVId) to the murshid's drum-rhythm and cries, calling on cAli to send the group's greetings to the Prophet Muhammad.27 Wrestling tradition has it that this was to prepare the individual for wielding metal war-clubs in battle (Bahmani, 1997). The fourth exercise consists of the athletes separately whirling at speed about the ring with arms outstretched while the murshididentifies each participant, according to his status within the ztrkhdna and the community, as a supporter of CAli; each seeks the approval of his colleagues before tak-

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and observer a formal theatrical setting in which ing the floor, the younger and more inexperienced always giving way to their elders. A different drum rivalries and struggles are worked out according to a strict set of rules, in which courtesy and fair play are rhythm signifies another exercise, that of running on the spot, to the recitation of certain Sfifi verses or pas- justly rewarded. To a Western observer, the role of sages from Hfifiz.The group activityends with a short the zirkhdna, past and present, in Iranian culture prayer, and sometimes with money being placed in may appear to be slight, since references in the centre of the ring, while the leading wrestler and European travelogues and commentaries tend to the murshidremind each other of CAll'smartydom treat the "House of Strength" purely as a place of and call down blessings on the donor. One of the popular recreation; however, along with the leading wrestlers then takes up a kablidaor "bow"of mosque, the craft guild and the village administratwo wrought iron rods with chains looped between tion, the zftrkhdnaformed part of the "social cement" the ends, holds it and moves it above his head; this of traditional Islamic Iranian society (Savory, 1978, was formerly meant to strengthen the muscles used pp. 94-95). Membership of the zftrkhdnaand particiin archery (Bahmani, 1997). The calisthenic perfor- pation in its activities taught a young man to have mance concludes with one or two of the group lifting respect not only for his body and physical health but two heavy wooden boards (sangs) while lying on their also for his elders, whilst the manners and etiquette backs; the resemblance to battleshields is not coinci- learnt in the gymnasium are at the heart of Iranian dental (ibid.). The murshid ends the exercises by society, past and present. counting from one to fifty and then backwards, giving each number a religious connotation, e.g. two: 1The V&A registry number is 841-1876. For details of Major Allah is not two (i.e. there is only one god); seven: the Robert Murdoch Smith and his connection with the Victoria and Albert Museum, then known as the South Kensington seventh Imim.28 These items of equipment identify Museum, see Helfgott, 1991. the individual as a wrestler, as is shown by certain 1991, p. 174 points out that it is unclear whether 2Helfgott, Safavid memorials in the form of free-standing stone Richard had been prompted by the new museum interest in lions (the lion being a traditional epithet for Iranian artefacts to acquire such items, or whether the purCAli) which carry engraved stylised motifs of a kablida, a chases had been made years previously. these breeches formed part of the bulk purchase 3 Presumably and One such the life of a mils. sang commemorating transported via Bushire and Suez for Murdoch Smith in early wrestler (P1. XVIc) stands on the south bank of the 1875 and costing at least ?1,300; see Helfgott, 1991, p. 174. Zayandeh Rud at Isfahan, at the Khwajubridge.29Du 4 For its history in the Arab world, see Canard, 1974. For the Mans (in Schefer, 1890, p. 92), recording his visit to Persian link with Noah, see Steingass, 1892, p. 261, under Iran in 1660, mentioned these stone lions as having "Pahlavan".At least one pair of wrestlers was associated with each Ottoman Janissary orta (company) and from Evliya "la gueule ouverte, dans laquelle est la teste d'un Chelebi, we learn that there was a wrestlers' guild in sevenhomme, car ils luy font ouvrir la gueule si grande que teenth century Istanbul. Several eighteenth-century albums of dans l'estoffe qui reste entre ses dents, l'on peust Ottoman watercolours include wrestlers among depictions of contemporary costume. An annual wrestling contest is still held graver le figure d'un visage". Noting two lion memoin Edirne, close to the original site of the Ottoman palace. For rials in Shiraz, Niebuhr (1790, vol. II, p. 143) descriptions of social interplay at contemporary Turkish observed that a (deceased) wrestler was permitted wrestling bouts, see Stokes, 1996. this memorial when he had no rival in the locale. 5 Sackler dish S.1987.105 as in Gunter andJett, 1992, pp. 161-5; After the calisthenic exercises, the wrestling bouts the Cleveland Museum of Art Wade Fund inv. no. 66.369, as in take place between pairs more or less of equal weight Harper, 1978, pp. 53-4. 6The text refers to Chardin, 1711, vol. II, p. 44. and experience, the final winner in championship 7Husein Bahmani, London, has an informative collection of bouts being honoured with ajewelled leather armlet photographs of wrestlers, a number dating from the late ninefastened around his upper arm (Bahmani, 1997).30 teenth century. I am most grateful to him and his daughter, for their willingness to answer my questions. A former wrestler at Although two main types of wrestling have been the Bank Melli zzirkhana,Tehran, Mr. Bahmani has organised one associated with the eastern recognised, regions since 1985 the Zurkhane Pouria-e Vale at Kensington Sports of Iran and the other with the Western and Caspian Centre which meets every Tuesday. lands, others classified by the mode of action (i.e. Fabric belts of certain colours or materials were established friendly, heroic, hostile, group and field) have been signifiers of experience and rank in the Islamic Middle East, especially among military personnel, from Seljuq times if not identified.31 earlier. The close historic association of the zirkhdnawith 8 The Galunov commentary on HIusayn WCiz Kiashifi's Futuwwatpopular religious fraternities explains the frequent nama-yisultdni, which appeared in Iran (Leningrad), used by Shici references and responses during the exercises; Canard, has not been traced by the present writer. Niebuhr, 1780, vol. II, p. 142, described the Shirazi breeches as "calegons and the emphases on social equality of the athletes de cuir fort etroit qu'ils avoient attache autour du corps par des within the gymnasium, on chivalrous ideals of behavcourroyes avec des boucles". iour and on the duty to be prepared to defend and Texier, 1852, p. 53, stated that the wrestlers' breeches he saw fight for the faith, are also seen as consequences of both at a contest and a bathhouse in Tabriz were made of buckskin ("daim"). this link. Each meeting offers both the participant

WRESTLING AT THE VICTORIA AND ALBERT MUSEUM

10See mss. Suppl. Persian 1169, B.N. Paris, dated 1292 AH 1875

A.D. (Blochet 1900, p. 154), and Or. 1370, B.L., London. 11Wulf, 1966, p. 232, briefly describes the technique of placing the hide on a polishing board and rubbing the surface with a smooth stone with great pressure. 2 Fraser, 1838, vol. I, p. 60. The waistband grip is mentioned in the Shdh-ndmaepisode of Rustam and Pfiladvand, see Warner, 1905-25, vol. IV, pp. 262-5. The decisive throw is called sitdrashumdranddkhtanor "being made to count the stars" (Minorsky, p. 1242). According to Canard, 1974, p. 15, quoting make KIishifi, both of the opponent's shoulder-blades mustH.usayn contact with the floor, and Chardin writing over a century later, stated that "the Man be laid flat upon his Belly, stretch'd all along the Ground" constituted a victory. However, Ella Sykes, 1910, p. 281, noted that the winning throw was forcing the opponent onto his knees; but she may not have personally witnessed a bout. isThe 14 cm. vertical strip on the inner leg of the knee is 3 cm. wide. '4Fraser 1838, I, pp. 60-1. See also Hill, 1710, p. 121, who described eighteenth century Ottoman contestants as: "WRESTLERSare esteem'd, and very common, but unskillfull in the dext'rous Art of trippingfairly; all their Method is to strip their Bodys naked to the Middle, oyl theirJoints, and stooping forward very low, run awkwardlyabout each other; making sudden, strange,and uncouthnoisesto surprize or startle their Antagonist,and snatching with their hands his Legor Thighso throw him upon his Back, without so much as ever making use of theirownLegsabout it." 15The ZfirkhainaKamil is located off Ghiyam (or Sabzeh) Meidan; my thanks to the staff and members of the ziirkhdnafor showing me two modern-day examples of breeches, made of dark blue denim cotton and machine embroidered. In respect of today's sensibilities, the athletes wear long-sleeved "football" (knitted cotton) tops with the lung coloured and checked in conventional bath-wrapmanner, when performing exercises in front of foreigners. 16See also Niebuhr, 1780, vol. II, p. 143, who stated that all social classes trained in the ziirkhdnas,from the lowest to "officiersmilitaires et civils de distinction". 17Shortly after the fall of the Pahlavi regime, a statue to this popular figure was erected in the place of an equestrian figure of the Shah. Many thanks to Peter Kelly for this information. 18Bahmani, 1997, points out that such calams do not usually belong to the ziirkhdnas,but because of their strength the wrestlers are usually asked to carry these heavy "standards"in procession. 19See above for the different styles of wearing the lung. 20Arasteh, 1961, p. 258, states that originally some 300 holds were known. In the Gulistdn(Conduct of Kings section; 27th story), Sacdi tells of a wrestling master knowing 360 throws, all of which he taught his best pupil except one, the moral being that one should safeguard oneself by never revealing everything even to a close friend. This episode is illustrated in the B.L. ms. Or. 5302 Gulistdn,fol. 30a (Bukhara 1567). 21 Arasteh, 1961, adds an intermediary grade of sdkhta,but this is omitted in Arasteh, 1969, pp. 14-5. 22 Canard, 1974, p. 16, draws a parallel with the trousers of the futuwwa fraternity; quoting Husayn Kishifi he notes but does not elaborate that there were six rules to be followed in donning the breeches and four for their removal. Bahmani, 1997, mentions that the gymnast should wash, and recite bi-nam-i khudd(bismilldh)when pulling the shalvaron; after use, the shalvarare folded carefully and wrapped in the lung. 23 Fischer, 1973, vol. II, p. 252, compares this to Kasem Kazemi's number of 163; it has not been possible to trace this last publication. It was in the first half of the nineteenth century that the tomb of a local hero and saint, in PahlaviunMahmfid (d. 1325), Khiva (modern Uzbekistan) was transformed into an important

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shrine, which today still has many visitors. is the explanation given by Wilber, 1975, pp. 106-7. 25Arasteh, 1961, p. 256, citing Iraj Afshar in RahnemayeKitab,IV. (Feb. 1960), 12. 26An interesting juxtaposition of myth, religion and history. 27 PareRaphael du Mans (in Schefer, 1890, p. 92), writing of his visit in 1660, briefly described these exercises. 28 Fischer, 1973, vol. II, pp. 254 ff., gives full and informative details of all responses and their order. 2 My thanks to Amir Bayat for drawing my attention to this lion during my visit in 1995. 30 Husein Bahmani showed me an example: a tooled leather band approximately 3 cm. wide, with buckle, set with three large cornelians, each inscribed. 31 Minorsky, p. 1242, using KIishifi's (d. c. 1504-5) Futuwwat-namayi sultani, specifies two main types. The others are found in Arasteh, 1961, p._258, who cites H. Partaw Bayzaini,1958, Tdrikh Vanish bdstdni Irdn, Tehran, 71-92; these may accord with Fischer, 1973, vol. II, p. 255, who, before detailing the exercises, notes "There are eight exercises.., and five different traditional styles", giving the names of these as a footnote as "chekosi,gahvorei,tabrizi,jangeli and kabuli". 24 This

Bibliography Arasteh, A. Reza, 1961. "The Social Role of the Zurkhana (House of Strength) in Nineteenth Century... Iran" Der Islam, XXXVII, pp. 256-9. idem, 1969 Education and Social Awakening in Iran 1850-1968, Leiden. Bahmani, Husein, 1997. Inverview in London, 7January. Blochet, E., 1900. Inventaireet descriptiondes miniaturesdes manuscritsorientaux... Bibliothequenationale,Paris. Canard M., 1974. "La lutte chez les Arabes," in L'expansionaraboVariorum Reprints, London, no. XI, islamiqueet ses repercussions pp. 1-64. Fischer, M., 1973. ZoroastrianIran betweenMyth and Praxis, PhD thesis, Illinois. Fischer, Michael, 1980. Iran. FromReligiousDispute to Revolution, Cambridge, Mass. Fraser, James Baillie, 1838. A Winter'sJourney (Tatar) from Constantinopleto Tehran..., London. Gunter, Ann C. andJett, Paul, 1992. AncientIranian Metalwork..., Washington DC. Harper, P. O. 1978. The Royal Hunter. Art of the Sasanian Empire, New York. Helfgott, L., 1991. "Carpet Collecting in Iran, 1873-1883: Robert Murdoch Smith .. ." Muqarnas,VII, pp. 171-81. Helms, Cynthia 1982 An Ambassador'sWifein Iran, New York. Hill, Aaron. 1710. A Full and Just Account of the PresentState of the OttomanEmpire..., London. Lenczowski, G., 1978 (ed.) Iran under thePahlavis, Stanford. Minorsky V., "Zirkhlana",EI',vol. IV, pp. 1242-3. Niebuhr, Carsten, 1780. Voyageen Arabie..., Amsterdam and Utrecht. sent Olearius, Adam, 1669. The Voyages& Travellsof theAmbassadors Duke ofHolstein..., London. byFrederick idem, 1971 Vermehrtenewe Beschreibungder Muscowitischenund PersischenReyse,Schleswig, facsimile ed., Tiibingen. Penzer, N. M., 1927. SirJohn Chardin'sTravelsin Persia,London. Savory, R., 1978. "Social Development in Iran during the Pahlavi Era",in Iran underthePahlavis, ed. G. Lenczowski, Stanford. Schefer, C. (ed.) 1890. Estat de la Perse,Paris. Steingass, F., 1892. A ComprehensivePersian-English Dictionary, London. Stokes, Martin, 1996. "'Strong as a Turk'. Power, Performance and Representation in Turkish Wrestling", in Sport,Identity & Ethnicity,ed. Jeremy MacClancy, Oxford.

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Sykes, Ella, 1910. Persiaand its People,London. Texier, Charles, 1852. Description de l'Armenie, la Perse et la Mesopotamie..., Paris. Warner, A. G. and E. (tr.) 1905-25. The Shah-nameof Firdawsi, London.

Wilber, Donald N., 1975. Riza Shah, the Resurrection and Reconstruction of Iran, New York. Wills, C.J., 1883. In theLand of theLion & Sun..., London. Wulff, Hans E., 1966. The TraditionalCraftsof Persia, Cambridge, Mass.

A LODI INSCRIPTION FROM EASTERN PANJAB By Subhash Parihar KotKapura,India

The non-recognition, in the early stages, of the Archaeological Survey of India, albeit unintentional, of the Arabic and Persian inscriptions as an important source for mediaeval Indian history in its various aspects, has been one of the reasons of surprisingly low number of inscriptions from Panjab, which on account of its long, perhaps the longest, association with Muslim rulers since even before the establishment of permanent rule at Delhi, should legitimately have yielded a large number of inscriptions in the region. Had the Surveyestablished in the second half of the last century an Epigraphy Branch in north India as it did in South India for Dravidian and Sanskritic inscriptions-it had to do this, as these formed the foremost primary source for the ancient Indian history as against their Perso-Arabic counterparts, which did not enjoy this primary importance in the presence of literary history--the result would have been, one can say without any fear of contradiction, quite spectacular, as has been the case after the establishment of a comparativelyvery small branch of Arabic and Persian inscriptions in the Surveyworking effectively from 1953. No doubt, sporadic efforts, in the course of routine duty, were made by the Archaeological Survey officials like Charles J. Rodgers, whose RevisedList of ObjectsofArchaeological Interestin thePunjab,'however inadequate, gives some idea of the epigraphical wealth of this part of the country. Its inadequacy may be judged from the article by Dr. Paul Horn, giving the text and translations of 76 inscriptions fromJhajjar, Panipat, Sewah, Sonepat, Rohtak, Meham, Khokrakot, Asthal Bohr (wrongly written as Bohm), Barwala,Fatiabad, Hansi and Hisar, places of the erstwhile Panjab bordering on Delhi.2 One reason for the surprisingly small number of these inscriptions coming to light is the communal holocaust in the wake of the partition of the country in 1947, of which the disastrous consequences were most extensively borne by the undivided Panjab and its neighbouring parts. Partition was responsible for the misappropriation, misuse, alteration etc, if not wholesale destruction, of sites and buildings in the area of the Panjab on the Indian side of the border with its peripheries, including Delhi and its environs and in the Rajasthan regions of Mewat and its vicinity. Also, the lack of interest, or rather unawareness, of the importance of these epigraphs as an important source of regional and local, and

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even central history, on the part of historians and scholars is also to some extent responsible for this state of affairs. Then again, even the newly-established Perso-Arabic section of the epigraphy branch of the Archaeological Survey could not carry out its very limited survey work-as against the village-tovillage survey work of the Dravidian and Sanskritic epigraphy branch-in parts of erstwhile Panjab for a couple of decades after Partition; it has only been during the last two decades that it has done some fieldwork in a few important towns and has brought to light some important inscriptions. The fact that, while quite a lot of inscriptions have disappeared due to human vandalism and also to the rapid urbanisation process witnessed here as elsewhere in the country, there remain inscriptions in fairly good number which still await the notice of the explorer or surveyor, is amply borne out by more than two dozen inscriptions from the present Indian state of Panjab, discovered by the writer of these lines. The epigraph which is being studied here comes from Machhiwara, which is situated in Ludhiana District. A town of considerable antiquity and historical importance, it lies about forty km, to the east of the district headquarter and ten km. from Samrala. The river Sutlej which now runs about five km. north of the town, formerly, before 1800 or so, flowed close to it.3 It was always a place of strategic importance on account of its location, since from here Sutlej could be crossed easily. Numerous events at Machhiwara are recorded in mediaeval histories. For example, it was here that the Mughal Humayuin inflicted a crushing defeat on Sultan Sikandar Stir, enabling him to reconquer the Panjab. Its antiquity can be traced to an earlier period. T. W. Tolbort recorded some local traditions connecting the town with the Pandavas, the heroes of the Indian epic of the Mahabhdrata.4But these myths are too vague and diffuse to be of any historical use. There is nevertheless reason to believe that a large city existed in the neighbourhood of the present town. About the beginning of the twentieth century, the author of the Ludhiana District Gazetteerfound the place covered with mounds, whose antiquity was shown by the large bricks in them, and there were five wells, also built of large bricks to the west of the town which showed that the city in ancient times lay in that direction.5

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Principal S. H. Hodivala was inclined to identify the Jaran-Manjhur mentioned by the fourteenthcentury poet Amir Khusraw Dihlawi in his Khazd•in al-futuh with Machhiwara.6 This Jaran-Manjhur is also mentioned in the Tdrikh-iMubdrakShdhi.In the chronicle of the year 834/1431, the author says that Shaykh CAlI,the governor of Kabul, crossed the Sutlej at Tihara, made the inhabitants of the whole district from Jalandhar to Jaran Manjhur his prisoners and returned along the banks of the Beah.7 From the records of the English East India Company factories in India we learn that around the mid-seventeenth century, at least seven varieties of cloth were woven at Machhiwara.8 The red sandstone slab bearing this very important inscription under study is fixed above the central arch of the facade of the mosque, locally called the Qazi Mosque9 (P1. XVIIa). Architecturally, this mosque belongs to the new type introduced during the Lodi period, comprising a small single-aisled structure composed usually of three or five bays.10 The sanctuary proper stands on the western side of a walled enclosure, entered through a small gateway. The building measures 14.4 m. by 5.9 m. on the exterior. Access to the interior is provided through three archways, the central one placed in a large sunken arch. The interior is divided into three sections of equal size. The western wall of each portion contains a mihrdb.Only one dome crowns the building. A row of sunken panels running across the facade and the sides of the building give a pleasing play of light and shade. Carved medallions and some blue glazed tiles are used for decoration. At present, the mosque is being used as a private residence The inscription was first mentioned by Charles Rodgers, who did not, however, give its text or translation.'1 During the early 1980s, it was noticed by the present writer, who was unable then to add anything worthwhile to Rodgers' notice.'2 The inscription (P1. XVIIb) is now being published here with the complete and correct text and translation on the basis of its reading made for me by Dr. Ziyaud-Din Ahmad Desai (Z. A. Desai), Retired Director (Epigraphy) of the Archaeological Survey of India, who examined this and a few other inscriptions of which I had sent him photographs. I take this opportunity to thank him. The epigraph comprises five lines of Arabic prose (with the exception of a Persian word used twice as a title of respect). The tablet is slightly weather-beaten, the letters in the first line in particular having been slightly damaged, rendering its decipherment somewhat difficult. Nevertheless, it has been satisfactorily deciphered and found to contain merely a religious formula asserting the greatness and true lordship of God. The remaining four-line text constitutes a very important historical record showing that the

mosque, evidently the one on which the inscription tablet appears-it appears to be in situ-was built by Her Ladyship Sitti Maghula, daughter of Malik Majhi Fath-Mulk, during the reign of His High Majesty Sultan Sikandar Shah, son of Bahlfil Shah, in the month of Rajab 923. (July-August 1517). The inscription is remarkable for its naskhstyle of writing which, unlike majority of the inscriptions of this king from Delhi and elsewhere, is of a fairly good order. It betrays angular flourishes and the execution of the letters like fd', kdf Cayn, jim, Idm,bd, etc., some of them written slantingly, recalls to mind the calligraphy of the fifteenth-century inscriptions of Gujarat. The reading of the epigraph is as folows:

4()

(%j j

gA Ss/

a

(w)

Text (Pl. XVIIIb) Translation (1) He is God the Highest, the Lord of Truth. (2) This mosque was constructed by Her Reverend (3) Sitti (lit. "My Lady") Maghula, daughter of Malik Majhi (entitled) Fath-Mulk, in the reign of His Reverend (4) Lofty Majesty Sultan Sikandar Shah, son of BahlhilShah, (5) may God perpetuate his kingdom, in the month of Rajab, may its dignity be increased, [of the] year 923 [of the Hijra] (July-August 1517). Just a glance at the above reading of the inscription is sufficient to show its importance. It throws new light on the name as well as the history of the town. The builder of the mosque was a lady of high birth, as is clearly shown by the reverential titles Her Reverend, My Lady (Bandagi Sittf), and by her name Maghula, who was the daughter of a nobleman, evidently a nobleman of the court of the Lodis. Fortunately, it has been possible to identify the lady, again on the basis of epigraphical evidence only; the historical works of the Lodi period are silent in this respect. She is none other than the dowager queen, wife of the deceased Sultan Bahlul L6di and mother of the reigning Sultan Sikandar Lodi. Sitti Maghula is mentioned in an epigraph from Delhi as the builder of the mosque now popularly called the BaffaGunbad, situated in the Lodi gardens in south Delhi,

A LODI INSCRIPTION FROM EASTERN PANJAB

adjoining the large-domed building called BafiaGunbad, which has been with certainty identified with the gateway leading to the tomb of BahluflL6di himself, called Shish-Gunbad, situated a few metres to the north of the Bafra-GunbadMosque complex. The identity as well as the correct name of the builder of the Bafat-Gunbad mosque could not be determined during the past century or so, when the epigraph was published more than three times or so. It was the celebrated British scholar of mediaeval Indian history and Sufism, Simon Digby, who was the first finally to establish, on the basis of this inscription, the identity of the Shish-Gunbad with Sultan Bahlfil Lodi's tomb, which was until then believed to be near the tomb of the famous fourteenth-century Sufi saint Hadrat Nasir al-Din Chira-gh-i Dihli in the village (now locality) called after him ChiraghDihli.13But the correct name and the identity of the builder with the Queen Mother of Sultan Sikandar Lodi were determined by Dr. Ziyaud-Din Desai in an article contributed by him to the Soundara K. V. Rajan Festschrift Volume.14According to this last, the inscription which records the construction of the [Baffa-Gunbad] mosque on 1 Rabic I 900/ [30 November 1494], during the reign of Sultan Sikandar L6di, gives the name and title of the builder as Sitta (Lady) Maghula Bfiat Makhdfima-yi Jahan.15 Dr. Desai has conclusively shown on the basis of epigraphic and other evidence that the title Makhdfima-yi-Jahan("the one served by the whole world") was used for Queen Mothers during the reign of their sons. There can be little doubt that the Sitti Maghulatof the Machhiwara inscription and that of the BafiaGunbad Mosque inscription are identical. Thus the inscription under study identifies the mosque of Machhiwara as having been constructed by none other than the widow of Bahlfil L6di and mother of then ruling Sultan Sikandar. Then again, it is only from this inscription that we come to know about the parentage of Bibi Maghula. The inscription gives her father's name as Malik Majhi (entitled) Fath-Mulk, an important piece of information by itself. While available historical works are silent about Malik Majhi, father of Bibi Maghula and father-in-law of Sultan Bahlfil L6di, it is obvious from his title that he was a man of status at least under that king or even under his successor, if the absence of the word like mar/inm("the late") or its equivalent could be taken to mean that he was alive at the time of the record. Then again, the name Majhi of Malik Fath-Mulk should ring a bell in our mind to suggest that the after his name and township was called Ma•jhiwatra this name was later corrupted into the present name Machhiwara. One may be permitted to hazard a guess that, situated as the place was on the banks of

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the Sutlej in those days, the place was inhabited by Majhis or fishermen, and Malik Majhi might have been the head of the clan.16 It may also be pointed out that the imposing tomb of the daughter of Sultan Bahlul L6dI , Subhan, who died in 902/1496-7, is situated in Sirhind (District of Fatehgarh Saheb, formerly the District of Patiala) which is not very far from Machhiwara. Interestingly, the Sirhind tomb and Machhiwara mosque are the only two monuments in the whole of the region to have been built of sandstone and not brick, the usual building material in the plains of the Panjab. In short, the inscription from Machhiwara is an extremely important record that throws light on the local history of the town, helps us to identify and determine the age of the monument, the mosque on which it appears, and also provides one more record of Bibi Maghula. 'Lahore, 1891. Also see the same author's Reportof the Punjab Circleof the ArchaeologicalSurveyfor the year 1888-89 (Calcutta, 1891). 2 "Muhammadan Inscriptions from the Suba of Dihli", Epigraphia Indica, II, ed. James Burgess (repr. Delhi, 1970), pp. 130-59, 424-37. Gazetteerof the Ludhiana District, 1904 (Lahore, 1907), pp. 2, 4. 4 "The District of Ludhiana", Jnal. of the Asiatic Societyof Bengal, Part I, No. 11 (1869), pp. 87-8. A similar tradition is recorded by Sujan Rai Bhandari in his KhuldSatal-tawdrikh,Panjabi tr. Ranjit Singh Gill (Patiala, 1972), p. 122. p. 13. 5 Gazetteer, 6 Text ed. Mubammad Wabid Mirzai(Calcutta, 1953), p. 33, Eng. tr. idem, (Lahore, 1975), pp. 18-19; Elliot and Dowson, The History of India as Told by its Own Historians (repr. Allahabad, n.d.), III, p. 71; S. H. Hodivala, Studies in Indo-MuslimHistory (Bombay, 1939), I, pp. 246-7, 407. tr. H. 7Yabya b. Ahmad Sirhindi, Tdrikh-i-Mubdrak-Shdhi, Beveridge (repr. Delhi, 1986), p. 226. 8 William Foster (ed.), English Factories in India (Oxford, 1909-27), years 1646-51, pp. 13, 100; Lachhmi Nara3in Shafiq, IHaqfqat-hd-yi Hindistdn, ms. India Office, Library,fol. 61a, cited by Hameeda Khatoon Naqvi, Urban Centresand Industries in UpperIndia1556-1803 (Bombay, 1968), pp. 179-84. 9 Another name of the same mosque, the mosque of Mihr cAll Shah, is given by the author of the Ludhiana District Gazetteer, p. 32, and Rodgers, RevisedList, p. 48. It is not known how the name of Mihr CAli Shah came to be associated with monument. 10At a later date, this new type became a major type in Mughal India; see Catherine B. Asher, Architectureof Mughal India (Cambridge, 1992), p. 11. 11Revised List, p.48. 12 Subhash Parihar, Muslim Inscriptionsin thePunjab, Haryana and Himachal Pradesh (Delhi, 1985), pp. 9, 2.14 (not illustrated). 13"The Tomb of Bahlul Lodi", BSOAS, XXXVIII/3 (1975), 550-61. 14"The Bara-Gumbad Mosque Inscription and its Bearing on the Identification of Shish-Gumbad and Bara-Gumbad", in K. V. SoundaraRajanFestschriftVolume,vol. I (Delhi, 1991), pp. 281-9. 5 Ibid.,p. 285. '6 Father S. J. Monserrate, leader of the firstJesuit mission to the court of the mughal emperor Akbar, who, in the company of the Emperor, passed through Machhiwara in 1581, translated the name of the town as the "village of fishes." See The Commentary ofFatherS.J. Monserrate,ed. S. N. Banerji and John S. Hoyland (London, 1992), pp. 102-3.

A PERSIAN GULF IN THE SEA OF LIGHTS: THE CHAPTER ON NAW-RUZIN THE BIHARAL-ANWAR

Walbridge ByJohn Indiana University,Bloomington

Among the contents of Majlisi's great collection of traditions, the Bihdr al-anwdr, are a set of texts related to Naw-Rfiz, the Persian New Year. Most of these traditions are variations of an astrological text attributed to the Shicite Imam Jacfar al-S5diq. These contain two related hemerologies, texts telling what activities are lucky or unlucky on a particular day of the month. These are based on the Iranian calendar and thus go back to a Zoroastrian original, probably via a Jewish or Christian intermediary text. Most versions of these texts retain the names of the Zoroastrian gods, identifying them as angels and usually giving them functions related to their roles in Zoroastrian mythology. Some versions come with a description of the events of Naw-Riizwhich parallels extant Zoroastrian texts. Majlisi also contains juridical justifications for the observance of Naw-Riiz by Shicites. These texts are evidence for the survival of adapted Zoroastrian texts and ways of thought in Shicite circles. Muhammad-Baqir al-Majlisi (b. 1628; d. 1699 or 1700), one of the greatest Persian scholars of the Safavid period, is best known for his encyclopaedic collection of Shicite tradition, the Bihdr al-anwdr ("The seas of lights"). This massive work, admirably organised and thorough, contains 110 volumes in its modern edition. Unlike most hddith collections, it makes no attempt to omit material of dubious origin (apart from traditions of a Sufi or philosophical nature). Instead, Majlisi set out to collect all the traditions attributed to the Shicite imams that were not included in the authoritative collections, of whatever degree of reliability. Moreover, unlike most collectors of hadith,Majlisi did not insist on collecting his material orally. Much of his material in fact comes from old books, many now known only through this collection. Sometimes whole books found by him or by his students and colleagues are inserted into the text. The Bihdris thus a sort of museum of Shicism, preserving substantial amounts of material long forgotten or suppressed elsewhere.1 Among the varied contents of the Bihdrare a number of traditions dealing with Naw-Riiz and the Persian calendar. These traditions, along with their variants and Majlisi's commentary, occupy some ninety pages in the modern edition. Though these traditions are attributed to the imams, they are

clearly relics of pre-Islamic Persian learning. The purpose of this paper is to examine these texts in the light of parallel Arabic and Pahlavi material. I will deal mainly with the following aspects of these texts: 1. the reconstruction of the Zoroastrian hemerology that was the probable source of most of these traditions; 2. the reinterpretation of the Zoroastrian day names in terms of Muslim angelology; 3. the events said to have happened on Naw-Rfiz; 4. Majlisi's attempt to provide a legal interpretation of these traditions. TheNaw-RtizTraditions The chapter on Naw-Rfiz2contains the following traditions: 1. A tradition ascribed to Mucalla b. Khunays found in "a reliable book." Mucalla happens to visit Jacfar al-Sadiq on Naw-Riiz and is asked by the imam if he knows the significance of the day. Mucalli, following the custom of straight men in traditions of uncertain authenticity, replies that he would be happy to find out. The imam explains that Naw-Riiz was the day of the primal covenant with mankind, the day of the first rising of the sun, and the day of various other events in the lives of the prophets concluding with the defeat of the antichrist Dajjal by the Qd'im. It is, he says, "one of our days [i.e. holy days] and one of the days of our Shica, which the Persians have kept, although you [presumably the Arabs] have tried to suppress it."3 The imam then lists the names of the thirty days of the Persian month, explaining whether each day is lucky or unlucky, sometimes specifying that it is lucky or unlucky for a particular purpose like travel or falling ill. 2. The Mandqib,a well-known collection of traditions, reports that the Caliph al-Mansfircalled upon Misfi al-KIizimon Naw-Riiz. The imam observed, "I have examined the traditions of my grandfather, the Messenger of God, and found nothing about this holiday. It is a Persian custom which Islam has destroyed. I take refuge in God from reviving that which Islam has destroyed." Al-Mansfir responded, "'Thisis something that we do for political reasons for the sake of the army." 3. Al-Mutahajjid,another collection of traditions,

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reports the tradition of Mucallatin nearly the same form as No. 1 above. 4. A book of astrology quotes al-Sadiq as discussing the good and bad luck associated with the days of the Persian month in a text almost identical with the latter part of the tradition of Mucalla. 5. A somewhat shorter version of the tradition of Mucallaiis reported from a work of astrology by Abfi Nasr Yahyaal-Tikriti (fifth/eleventh cent.) called al("Selected daily omens").4 Mukhtdrfi 'l-ikhtiydrdt 6. Another tradition from an astrological work discusses which days are lucky and unlucky in the different months, a somewhat more complicated scheme. 7. A tradition attributed to cAli al-Ridia quotes CAli'saccount of the people of al-Rass.This tells how an ancient Iranian people who worshipped trees attempted to kill an Israelite prophet who came to preach to them. It is in this chapter because their twelve villages bear the names of the Zoroastrian months. These traditions may be compared to two other published texts: 8. The Ikhtiydrdtayydmal-shahrattributed toJacfar al-Saidiq,5a short treatise similar to the hadith of Mucalla excepting that it does not give the Persian names of the days or identify the month as Persian. According to the editors several other works ascribed to Jacfar with similar titles are similar but not identical works. 9. The table in Birfini's al-Athdral-bdqiyaexplaining which days in each Persian month are auspicious and inauspicious according to the Persians. Its contents are nearly identical to those of no. 6 above. It also explains the implications of seeing a snake on each day of the month.6 10. A tradition attributed to Salman al-Farisi scattered through the previous chapter of the Bihadr.7 Hemerology The common feature of these texts, with the exception of nos. 2 and 7, is the identification of certain days of the month as ideal, auspicious, and inauspicious (mukhtdr,sacd,and nahs).8Given the use of the Persian names of the month and the explicit testimony of al-Birfini that this was the belief of the Persians, there can be no doubt that this represents the Arabic version of a pre-Islamic Persian hemerology. It is also clear from first inspection that two such systems existed and probably passed into Arabic separately: a simple system labelling each day of any month as auspicious or inauspicious (nos. 1, 3, 4, 5, 8, 10) and a more sophisticated system in which the value of the day depended on the month it fell in (nos. 6, 9). Before going further, I will quote the full entries

for one day in each text-Khfir Rfiz, the eleventh day of the month-to show the nature and distinctive features of each text. 1. The hadithof Mucalla: Eleventh,KhtirRiz, the name of the angel responsible for the sun. The Persianssay that it is an unlucky (thaqzl)daylike the previousone. Al-S.diqsaysthatit is and of the Prophet the birthdayof Seth, son of Adam, (i.e. Muhammad).It is suitablefor buyingand selling, for all activitiesand dailyneeds, and for travel,but not for visitingthe king. To keep out of his sight is better than visitinghim, so avoid him. The one born on this day is blessedand will havewhathe needs to eat all his life, neverbeing in want.So go aboutyourdailyaffairs, except for visitingthe king.9 3. According to Majlisi, the text is similar to no. 1.10 4. From a work of astrology and attributed to al-Sadiq: Eleventh,Khuir,the name of the angel responsible for the sun. The birthdayof Moses.Excellentfor meeting kings, sowing, lawsuits,hunting, building, travel, and buying animals. Bad for blood-letting,bathing, marriage,wearingnew clothes and buyingslaves." 5. From Abli Nasr Yahyaib. Jarir al-Tikriti, alMukhtdrmin al-ikhtiydrdt: The eleventh day: He who travelsthereon will be robbed. If he flees from the king, he will be better for

it. He who is born thereon will have an excellent sustenance.'2

6. "Fromone of the books attributed to al-S~diqon the hemerology of the Persian month": Khfir:inauspiciousin Khuirdad,intermediatein the restof the months.'3 8. al-Sadiq's Ikhtiyaratayydmal-shahr. The eleventh day [of the month] is good for all needs except for waiting upon a monarch.A person born on it will not want for sustenance, and will be blessed,and willnot die until old age. 9. al-Birufni: Bad luck in Khurdadand middling luck during the rest of the months.Seeing a snakeon this dayindicates money without exertion.14

10. [The eleventh day], on the authority of al-Sadiq: "Sethwasborn on this day.It is good for beginninga task,for buyingand selling,and for travel.Avoidentering the king's court. He who runs awaywill return repentant. He who falls ill will soon recover. He who gets lost will find his wayto safety.He who is born will live well, but before he dies will face povertyand flee from the king." said: "Riz Khiir is the name of the angel Salmman responsiblefor the sun. It is a light daylike the one that precededit.'"

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Though there seems to be no surviving exact Pahlavi original, it is not difficult to find Pahlavi texts attaching significance to the days of the month. One surviving parallel is apparently an andarztext attributed to Adurbad i Mahrspandan: Ohrmazd Riiz: feast and be happy. Wahman Rfiz:wear new clothes. Ardwahist Riiz: go to the fire temple. Sahriwar Rfiz: be happy. Spendarmad Riiz: till the earth. Xurdad Riiz: dig a channel. Amurda-dRiiz: plant a tree. Day pad Adur Rfiz: wash your head in the morning and arrange your hair. Adur Riiz: travel. Do not bake bread for it is a serious sin.16

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Hurmazd as the day of Adam's creation is common to all-indicates that the most recent common ancestor of the text in its present form was written in non-Zoroastrian circles, possibly Christian or Jewish, though the equation of Adam and Gayomard is common in Arabic version of Zoroastrian texts.2" A more sophisticated astrological schema is represented by no. 6 and 9. These are clearly the same material since they differ only in three days of the 360. In this system, like the first, the first and twelfth days are considered especially propitious (mukhtdr) in every month. Thirteen days of the year, distributed more or less evenly through the months, are inauspicious. About a quarter of the remaining days are considered auspicious, with the rest indifferent. The pattern is not clear, although there is some relation between three inauspious days in the first system Two texts of a somewhat different nature but also and the days that are inauspicious in at least one showing an interest in the power of the days of the month in the second system. Days that bear the month are found in the collection of miscellaneous name of the month are likely to be inauspicious or, texts appended to the Pahlavi treatise Sayestna-Sayest: less commonly, auspicious. In most cases, one day a 1. May Ohrmazd give (thee) higher position and month is inauspicious. Whereas the first system seems to represent some dignity day by day! sort of popular astrological wisdom, the second 2. May Wohuman give thee wisdom, the good reward of Wohuman; mayest thou be of good clearly is a tool of the working astrologer, a profesand so that thou thought good deed, mayest deliver sion known to have been in demand in Sasanian times. Whereas the two systems are very different soul. (thy) 3. May the beautiful Ardwahivtgive thee intelli- and clearly arise from different literary originals, they have enough features in common to show that gence and understanding!17 from the same soil. Ohrmazd (is) most creative, Wohuman most they grow The author of the first hadith seems to have active, Ardwahiit most discerning, Sahnrwarmost known some form of the second system, for the text energetic, Spandarmadmost perfect, Hordadmildest, for each in a phrase obviously inserted into adds, day and Amurdadmost fruitful .. .18 the original text, what the Persians think of that day. The hemerological system given in the hadith of Where this does not agree with al-Sidiq, it almost Mucalla and the texts parallel to it is quite simple. always agrees with the second system. The ultimate common source is more difficult to Days 3 (Urdibihisht), 5 (Isfandairmudh), 13 (Tir), 16 (Mihr), 21 (Ram), 24 (Din), and 25 (Ard) are determine. Zoroastrianism as such does not seem to unpropitious. Two days-1, Hurmazd, and 12, have a tradition of considering certain days auspiMah-are especially propitious because they bear cious or inauspicious. The exceptions are minor. the name of God and of the moon respectively. The Mdr-ndmas,"books of snakes," tell of the implications rest of the days are propitious to one extent or of seeing snakes on various days of the month and another and for various activities.19The various ver- are a source for Birfini's table, text no. 9.21 There sions differ considerably in how much detail they also was a tradition of the days of the lunar month give about exactly which activities are especially pro- being lucky or unlucky.22 The fact that our tradition is not preserved in surpitious or unpropitious for each day. Nos. 4 and 8, both explicitly astrological texts, go into more detail. viving Pahlavi literature indicates that, at the least, it Some details seem to have been part of the original was marginal or purely secular. Probably it was tradition: all the sources agree, for example, that among the Persian learning lost because it was not of Sahriwar, the fourth day, is propitious for marriage interest to the Zoroastrian priests-these two systems but not for travel. Other details seem to be elabora- presumably being most naturally at home in popular tions peculiar to the given text: no. 4 tends to recom- superstition and court astrology respectively. Adurmend bathing, hairdressing, and hunting on days bad's advice does not, for example, imply that days that are unpropitious for matters connected with are good or bad. It is probable, therefore, that these texts are the product of a Persian reworking of nonearning a living, for example. The fact that all the sources identify various days Zoroastrian materials. Such ideas would most natuas the anniversaries of events in biblical historyrally arise in a society with a lunar calendar, which

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the Zoroastrian calendar was not. In this part of the world that points to a Semitic origin. It is known that astrological ideas from the west circulated in Sasanian Iran. Nevertheless, the association of the days of the month with the yazatasprovide a natural basis for such speculations. Thus, although the question of which days of the month are auspicious and inauspicious for various activities might be a question borrowed from non-Zoroastrians, nonetheless answers to it can be constructed from Zoroastrian materials. The yazata responsible for a particular day might well determine which activities were appropriate for it, or the yazatas of the day and the month might interact in a way that affects the success of human endeavours on that day. The argument for a non-Zoroastrian-or, at least, non-religious-origin is that all the yazatasare by definition holy.23 I thus conclude that the history of our text-that is, nos. 1, 3, 4, 5, 8, and 10-is as follows: There once existed in Pahlavi one or several short wisdom texts similar to the handarzquoted above identifying each day of the month as propitious or unpropitious and on some days giving further detailed counsel. This was translated into Arabic, possibly through aJewish or Christian intermediary, and rewritten in an Islamicised form in which the Zoroastrian yazatas were identified as angels and various days identified as anniversaries of biblical events. Like much other early occult material, it was attributed to Jacfar alSaidiq.The multiple versions we have thus are elaborations of an earlier text, not identical with any that we have, that were further elaborated in the interests of providing more detailed astrological guidanceor in the case of the first tradition, of justifying Persian customs in a Shicite context. Theassimilationof thenamesof angels From an Islamic point of view, the most striking feature about these texts is how superficially they are Islamicised. Two of the texts do indeed tacitly drop their Zoroastrian markings, nos. 5 and 8. These simply number the days and omit any mention of the Persian day names, thereby giving the impression that they apply to the Arabic month. The rest, however, calmly fuse Zoroastrian and JudaeoChristian-Islamic elements. Two theological devices are used to do this. First, Ahura Mazda is identified as God (Allfih) and the yazatas as angels responsible for various aspects of the universe. Majlisi accepts this placidly enough. He says that this can be interpreted in two ways. The first is the understanding of the ordinary people and the prophets: that God has made an angel responsible for each of the things in creation. The second, the interpretation of Plato and the Illuminationists (Ishrdqiyyuin)who follow him, is that these are the

STUDIES

immaterial Platonic forms (arbdbal-anwdcal-mujarrada). These people believe in the influence of natures (ta'thir al-tawdbic),and many of them deny that there is a creator. Majlisi says that this is not the place to settle this question, but it is not difficult to tell where his sympathies lie. The reference to "Plato and the Illuminationists" is clearly to Suhrawardi, the greatest Platonist of Islam, who explained the Platonic forms as angels and gave some of them the names of the Zoroastrian yazatas. I will briefly discuss each of the names and its rationalisation. The names and explanations are mostly taken from no. 1. 1. Hurmazd(no. 1, 10; Pahl. Ohrmazd):Nos. 4 and 9 have Hurmuz and no. 6 Urmazd.The texts agree that "this is one of the names of God" (no. 1, the most theological of the texts, and 10) or simply "it is the name of God." (no. 4, 6, 9).24 The name of Ahura Mazda is little known in Islamic sources, where the God of the Zoroastrians is usually referred to as Yazddn,a word used for Alldh in modern Persian.25 Such an identification is not unnatural in view of the tendency to assimilate Zoroastrianism, mentioned only once or perhaps twice in the Qur'an,26 to the well-known monotheistic religions of Christianity and Judaism. Another interpretation is recorded in Dihkhuda's Lughat-ndma:"The name of the angel responsible for the affairs and good things of the day Hurmuz, which is the first day of each month." The source adds that this day is auspicious for travel and wearing new clothes but not for loaning money,27 which sounds like another version of our sources. 2. Bahman (Pahl. Wahman): "the name of the angel responsible for preserving sanctity and highBahman mindedness (hajb al-quds wa 'l-kardma)."28 (Vohu Manah, "Good Thought") is one of the six great Amesa Spentas of Zoroaster's system. The Arabic phrase is somewhat vague, but it probably is an echo of the Zoroastrian notion of good thought, the idea perhaps being that conscience and shame guard the holiness of the soul. The dictionaries know Bahman as the angel responsible for cattle and four-legged beasts and for calming the fire of wrath,29 a very respectable formulation from the Zoroastrian point of view. 3. Urdfbihisht (Pahl. Ardwahist): "the angel responsible for health and sickness."30 Ardwahist is the hypostasis of Asa "truth." Biruini explains that "he is the angel of fire and light, and therefore God has entrusted him with curing illnesses with drugs."31 The ArdwahistYastis recited for healing since it mentions five kinds of healing.32 4. Shahrwar (Pahl. Sahrewar):"the angel by whom the seven substances were created and who is responsible for them all. He is also responsible for the Mediterranean Sea.""3How the Mediterranean became mixed up here is most unclear-one might

A PERSIAN GULF IN THE SEA OF LIGHTS: THE CHAPTER ON NAW-RUZ IN THE BIHAR AL-ANWAR

suspect another misreading-but Shahriwar is certainly the yazataof metals. 5. Isfanddrmudh(Pahl. Spandarmad): "the angel responsible for the earths."34 This is good Zoroastrianism: "The fifth spirit was Spandarmad. The material creation she chose for herself was the earth.-"35 6. Khurddd(Pahl. Horddd):"the angel responsible for the mountains."36 This is most unclear, since Xurda-dis responsible for water. Birlini has it right: "The meaning of the name is 'the stability of creation.' Harfidha is the genius instructed to watch over the growth of the creation, of the trees and plants, and to keep off all impure substances from the water."'37 7. Murddd (Pahl. Amurddd): "the angel responsible for men and their sustenance."38Amurdad is the hypostasis of immortality and the guardian of plants and therefore of foods. The passage is a reasonably accurate reflection of Zoroastrian doctrine: "Amurdad... promotes all types of humanity and presides over trees [vegetation] ."39 8. Daybdr(Pahl. Deypad Adur): "one of the names of God (Allah)." This is correct, since the name of this day refers to Ohrmazd the creator. 9. Adar (Pahl. Adur): "the angel responsible for the fires of the day of resurrection."41Since Adar is the hypostasis of fire, this is close enough and avoids unacceptable notions of fire worship. This and several following day names could scarcely have been misunderstood since they bore the common Persian names of their subjects. 10. Abdn (Pahl. Abdn): "the angel responsible for the sea and waters."42 11. Khu-r(Pahl. Xwar): "the angel responsible for the sun."43Again this is a yazataeasily identified since its name is identical to its subject. 12. Mdh (Pahl. Mdh): "the angel responsible for the moon... According to the Persians it is an auspicious day named Rizbih [good day]"44 This is another nature yazata,correctly identified. 13. Tir (Pahl. Tir): "the name of the angel responsible for the stars (nujtim)."45In fact the Avesta does identify Ti'trya as "lord and overseer of all stars."'46 14. Jdsh (Pahl. G6&):"the angel responsible for beasts, cattle, and livestock."47GoS is the yazata of cattle. 15. Daymihr (Pahl. Day pad Mehr): "a name of God."48See day 8, Daybdr,above. 16. Mihr (Pahl. Mihr): "the angel responsible for mercy."49This is Mithra, the greatjudge of the day of judgment. In Pahlavi and New Persian mihr means "love" or "mercy."This is sufficient to explain the attribution since the explanations of the angel names tend to follow the ordinary meanings of the Persian names, if they are also ordinary words. A late

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Zoroastrian manual says that Mithra presides over love, but this, like the Islamic definition, may reflect the New Persian meaning of the name. 17. Surush(Pahl. Sro&):"the angel responsible for the destruction (khardb)of the world, i.e., Gabriel."51 No. 10 has "for guarding (hardsa) the world."52 Though the meanings are opposites, the two forms look almost alike in undotted Arabic and presumably come from the same original. Presumably "guarding" is correct,53since Sro6 is Ahura Mazda's representative on earth. He is also the yazata of prayer. In both cases, Gabriel, God's courier, is an appropriate equivalent. A more elaborate explanation might be that guarding the world and destroying it are both associated with the day of judgment. 18. Rash or Rashn (Pahl. Rain): "the angel responsible for the fires."54The two spelling are due to the normal shift of sh-n > sh in New Persian. Rashn is one of the three judges on the day of resurrection and holds the scales, letting them tip neither to one side or the other.55 Perhaps more likely is that the word mizan, "scales," has been misread as nzran, "fires,"two words which look very similar in Arabic. If so, it must have happened early in transmission, since all three of Majlisi's versions read "fires." 19. Farwardin (Pahl. Frawardin): "the angel responsible for the spirits of creatures and for taking the spirits [at death]."56 The Fravagisare the souls of the just dead, "all saints," and are important in the Zoroastrian cult. Frawardin is the yazata responsible for them.57This is good Zoroastrianism. 20. Bahrdm (Pahl. Wahrdm):"the angel responsible for victory and defeat in war."58Wahra-m/ VareOraynais the warrior god of Zoroastrianism. His fame was great, and it is not surprising to find him accurately characterised here. 21. Rdm: "the angel responsible for joy and happiness."59The word rdm means "peace" in Middle Persian and "happy"in New Persian, hence this identification. Ram is Avestan Riman Xvastra, the yazata of peaceful pastures. Ram is associated with the wind god Vayu and with death; the Bundahi'n explains that "Vayu will lead the souls of the righteous by their hands into paradise. Thus Vayu is also called Rdm, because he gives peace to the whole creation."'60A modern catechism says, "Ram presides over joy and happiness."61 This is possibly evidence that the formula tradition accurately Mu1alla'sin reflects a Zoroastrian source, but it mayjust be a parallel development based on the New Persian meaning of rdm. 22. Bdd (Pahl. Wdd): "the angel responsible for the winds."'62This is another case where the correct identification is natural because the name of the yazata is the ordinary New Persian name for the thing represented-in this case, wind. 23. Daybedzn (Pahl. Dey pad Den): "the angel

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responsible for sleep and wakefulness."63No. 10 and and minds... "79which looks very similar in undot4 identify it as "one of the names of God,"64 consis- ted Arabic. Maraspand, "Holy Invocation," is the tently with the eighth and fifteenth days. The identi- hypostasis of the Avesta, the word of Ahura Mazda. fication of the angel with sleep and wakefulness is Assuming that we follow the reading of no. 10, it is difficult to explain. Another version mentions that an easy move to the mind and its faculties. Our late dreams on this day will be false,65 so perhaps this day Gujarati catechism says, "Mahraspand... presides had some association in the Arabic material with over the divine words of the Avesta, over their preserdreaming. Ahura Mazda created sleep, but that con- vation, and over the justness of religion, the intellect, nection seems tenuous. The most likely possibility is and all endeavours."s80No. 4 says this is Michael,81 that this is an association that was mistakenly trans- which is probably a rationalisation based on the simiferred from the following day. It is also possible that larities of name. the passage reflects an association of Daena- with 30. Anirdn (Pahl. Anagrdn): "the name of the dreaming: her name means "vision." angel responsible for ages and times (al-adwdr wa 24. Din (Pahl. Den): "the angel responsible for Anagran Rosnih, the full Pahlavi name, 'l-azmdn).82 effort and movement."'66No. 10 gives a longer ver- means "endless light." Anagran alone means "infinsion that includes the text from no. 1 on Deybedin: ity," and the connection to the Arabic name is easily "the angel responsible for sleep and wakefulness, for made. effort and movement, and for guarding the souls We have seen that these texts re-baptise without until they are returned to their bodies."'67Rather cavils the Zoroastrian yazatasas Islamic angels. There than relating to religion, this passage may have to do is considerable garbling in transmission. Some difwith the daena, the maiden who is the embodiment ferences from Zoroastrian formulations are obviof a person's good and bad deeds and whom he ously mistakes, but others presumably have a logic meets at the Cinvat Bridge.68If so, the concept has still unknown to us. In a few cases, the late Zorobecome that of a sort of guardian angel rather than a astrian Guide gives formulations that are closer to Mucalla's descriptions of the angels than they are, hypostasis of religion. 25. Ard (Pahl. Ahriswang):"the angel responsible say, to the Bundahisn, indicating that our texts may for jinn and devils."''69 has "the name be as different from their lost Pahlavi prototype of not Lughat-ndma an angel responsible for religion (din wa-madhhab),"70 as would appear at first. The names of the days show which may be confused in some way with Din, the a pronounced tendency towards being garbled, indiday before, or Astad, the next day. Ard or Ahriswang cating that they were generally unfamiliar, at least to is the goddess Good Recompense. The connection is scholars of Majlisi's time. not obvious to me. 26. Ashtdd:"the name of the angel created at the Theeventsof Naw-Riiz manifestation of religion."71Ashta-dis the goddess of No. 1, the long version of the hadith of Mucalla, rectitude and honesty72 and plays an important role contains an account of the events that have hapin the judgment after death. Since the word din, or will happen on Naw-Riiz. pened "religion," is some Qur3anic contexts refers to the O Mucalla, the day of Naw-Rfiz is the day God acday of judgment,73 it is possible that this is the connection. cepted the covenants of his servants to worship Him and not to associate anything with Him and to believe 27. Asmdn:"the name of the angel responsible for in His prophets and proofs and to believe in the imams. the heavens."'74Asman is the Zoroastrian sky god. It is the first day upon which the sun rose and the winds Since his name is also the ordinary Persian word for blew and the splendour of the world was created. It is the sky, the connection was easily made. the day Noah's ark grounded upon Mount Ararat. It is 28. Zdmydd(All the Bihadrtexts have Rdmydd,but the day God resurrected the thousands who had gone this is merely a dropped dot in the Arabic; Pahl. forth from their homes in fear of death: God said to them, "Die!"then brought them back to life.83It is the Zamydd):"the angel responsible for the fate of creatures (al-qadd3 bayn al-khalq)."75No. 10 gives this day on which Gabriel came down to the Messenger of God. It is the day on which the Messenger of God bore reading as an alternate to "the angel responsible for the Commander of the Faithful CAliupon his shoulder the heavens,"''76 which has obviously slipped down so that he could throw down and destroy the idols of from the previous day. The most plausible reading is Quraysh from atop the Sacred House, and likewise that of no. 4: "the angel responsible for the earths,"77 Abraham.84It is the day on which the Prophet ordered since Zam is the yazata of the earth and does not his companions to pledge allegiance to CAll as seem to have particular connection to fate. Commander of the Faithful. It is the day on which the 29. Mdr Isfand (or Mihr Isfand, Fdr [sic] Isfand; Prophet turned CAI towards the valley of the jinn to Pahl. Mdraspand): "the name of the angel responstake their pledge of allegiance. It is the day on which the Commander of the Faithful received the second ible for fleeting things, times, minds, hearing, and vision." No. 10 has the more plausible "for hearts pledge of allegiance. It is the day on which he tri-

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umphed over the people of Nahrawanand slewDhu'lThadya.It is the day on which our Qd3imshall appear withhis deputies.It is the dayon whichour Qa3imshall

triumphover the Antichristand crucifyhim at the of Kdifa.s5 rubbish-heap Obviously,this text is Islamic and Shicite in origin since all the eventsmentioned in it are found in the Qur an or in Shicitetradition.On the other hand, it clearly reflects Persian beliefs moved in some way into an Islamic setting. The evidence for this is a Pahlavitext called "TheDay Hordad of the Month Frawardin"86--theGreat Naw-Riiz.Zoroaster asks Ahura Mazdawhy men have been commanded to venerate this day above all others. Ahura Mazda respondswith a list of events that have happened or will happen on that day: The day of Hordadof the month Frawardin was whenI gavesoulsto thematerialcreatures. The day of Hordadof the monthFrawardin was whenI manifestedthe Iranianandnon-Iranian lands. The day of Hord-adof the month Frawardin was whenGayomart appearedin theworld. The day of Hordadof the monthFrawardin was whenGayomart slewArzuir... The general similaritiesof form and spiritare quite clear. However,the parallelscan be made more precise by comparisonof specific items in the two lists. 1. The primal covenant-Ahura Mazda's creations of the souls of the inhabitantsof the world: Mucalla'stext refersto the incident in the Qur'anin which God drawsall the people who will ever live forth from the loins of Adam and asks, "AmI not yourLord?'87 2. The creation of the splendour of the world (zahratal-dunya)-the appearance of the Iranian and non-Iranianlands. 3. The creation of man-the appearance of Gayomart;the emergence of the first man and womanfrom the earth. 4. Variousevents of ancient religious historyare given in both. Though there is naturallyno exact correspondence,in both cases they are moments of religioustriumph. 5. Gabrielcomes to Muhammad-Zoroastersees and converseswithAhuraMazda. 6. Several incidents relating to CAli'sappointment as Muhammad's successor-Kavi Vistasp receiving the Law from Zoroaster. 7. The appearance of the QCim-The appearance of Bahrafimgoing towards India. 8. The Q3iim's victory over Dajjal-Hiitidar's triumph. Such parallels do not indicate a precise literary relationship but rather a common spiritual and intellectual universe. In this case, a general idea of Naw-

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Riiz as the appropriatedayfor occasionsof religious triumph is re-interpretedin an Islamic context.88 This part of Mucalla'stext is probablyyounger than the hemerologicalcore, since it is only found in this version. However, it is evidence that Iranians entered Islam, and specificallyShicism,with some veryspecificaspectsof their spiritualand intellectual heritagelargelyintact. Legalaspects

For the Shicitejurist, these traditionsposed difficulties. Were they legallybinding?The hemerological portions did not, of course, pose legal problems as they did not establisha religious obligation. The observanceof Naw-Riizwasanothermatter. The first problem was the contradiction of the

two traditions directly addressing the question of whether the observance of Naw-Riiz is an Islamic obligation. No. 1, the tradition of Mucalla in its fullest form, identifies Naw-Riiz as "one of our days and of the days of our Shica.'"89No. 2, a tradition

attributedto Muisaal-Kazim,says that Naw-Rfizis a Persian custom suppressed by Islam and without foundationin wordsof the Prophet.90Severalresolutions of the contradictionare possible.Majlisipoints out that the formalauthorityof Mucalla'straditionis greater since the guarantors of his isndd are of tradigreaterauthority.Bythisviewthe anti-Naw-Riiz tion is overruledby strongerevidence.Another possibility is that Mucalla'stradition is authentic but deliberatelymisleading, an example of taqiyya,the pious dissimulationallowed to Shicitesin times of peril. Naw-Riiz,by this view,is non-Islamic,butJacfar al-Sadiqwasnot in a position to sayso. A third possibilityis that, due to the complicationsof calculating Naw-Riiz,the two traditionsrefer to different days. The modern editors of the Bihdr,a depressingly rationalist pair in my experience, offer a fourth explanation-that neither tradition is sound or of evidentialvalue in establishingreligious obligation. The fact that the isnddof one of the traditionsseems to be strongeris of no relevanceif the content of the traditionis byits verynatureunworthyof credence.91 This is a plausibleview and quite likelycorrect.It is, however,just possiblethat some versionof this text is accuratelyattributedto al-Sadiq.Majlisipoints out that this tradition is attributed to al-Sidiq in many sources. Many such occult and astrological pieces are attributed to him,'2 and it seems beyond doubt that the imam and his circle did deal in occult materials. Alldh aclam. But Majlisi's chief problem with this material is not the authenticity of the tradition making Naw-Riiz a Shicite holy day but the determination of the date of Naw-Riiz.Since the time of Shaykh al-Taiifa al-Tiisi in the 5th/11 th century, the supererogatory fast and

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prayers for the first day of Naw-Rfiz had been a standard part of Shicite law, and the doctrine was now hallowed by time.93The way of determining the date was not settled, however. Majlisi knew of several possibilities: 1. That it was the beginning of the Persian year when the sun enters Aries. The disadvantage of this was that this was actually a calendar reform introduced only in the time of Malikshah in the fifth/ eleventh century. 2. That it was in Capricorn (December-January). 3. That it was 17 KaintinI, "the day the Jews fast." 4. That it was 9 Shabat (February).94 The difficulty was that the 365-day Persian calendar required the intercalation of a month every 120 years to allow for the extra quarter day per year, but the intercalation was no longer practiced after the fall of the Sasanians. Majlisi is able to account for several different views recorded in earlier literature by the slippage of the year in the times of the various authors. Majlisi himself was well aware of ancient Iranian practices in this matter (from Birunl, just as we know them), but whether the imam was referring to the mythical "original" Zoroastrian Naw-Riiz, the uncorrected Naw-Riiz of their time, or some other day was not easily told. When combined with the difficulty of reconciling well known dates from the lives of Muhammad and CAli with their having happened

on Naw-Riiz, the task becomes nearly hopeless, and Majlisi gives up, having been defeated by the thoroughness of his own research.95 Summary All this is further evidence for the survival of preIslamic Persian learning in Islamic and particularly Shicite settings. Such transmission took the forms of both direct literary borrowings, as was evidently the case with the two hemerological texts dealt with above, and for borrowings that took place on the level of general established concepts, as in the texts discussing the events of religious history that took place on Naw-Rfiz. It is also evidence for the wealth of intellectual history buried in the forty thousand al-anwar. pages of Majlisi's Bihadr The last word on the legal issue of the legitimacy of Naw-Riiz may be found in a popular modern collection of Shicite prayers, CAbbasQummi's Miftdh al-jinan: As for the day of Naw-RiTz, this is what al-Sadiq explained to Mucalla b. Khunays, "On the day of NawRiiz wash and dress in your cleanest clothes... "96

1EIr,s.v. Behadral-anwdr. 2 Bihar

al-anwdr,Tehran, vol. LIX; Beirut, vol. LVI; pp. 91-143: Bdb yawm al-Nayruzwa-tacyfnihiwa-sacddatayydmshuhuiral-Furs wa 'l-Rim wa-nuhdsatihdwa-bacdal-nawddir,"the day of Naw-Riiz,

its determination, which days of the Persian and Greek months are lucky and unlucky, and some rare traditions." In fact, it deals only with the Persian calendar. Additional material of a similar sort is found in the previous chapter, "The auspiciousness and inauspiciousness of the days of the Arabic month." This is a suitable place to mention two minor works of peripheral relevance to the present study, each found in a collection of CAbdal-SalaimHaruin, ed., Nawddir al-makht~tat,vol. II. 'Abu 'l-HasanAhmad b. Faris, "Kitabal-Nayrfiz"(pp. 17-25), identifies nayruz,the Arabic form of Naw-Riiz, as a loan word and discusses it as an example of a class of loan words of the form fayCifl,zaytun, "oil," being the most common example. "Risala fima ja3a fi al-Nawrfiz wa-ahkamihi mimma fassarahu Batlimfis al-hakim wa-wajadahu min cilm Daniyal" ("Epistle concerning what will happen on Naw-Riiz and its determinations, according to what the sage Ptolemy explained on the basis of what he found in the science of Daniel"; pp. 45-48) is a two-page work dealing with the meteorological implications of Naw-Rtiz falling on each day of the week, notably its implications for the Nile flood. Also relevant is the NawRuz-ndma attributed to cUmar Khayyam (ed. Mujtaba Minuwi, Tehran, 1933), which gives an account of the origin of the Persian calendar, Naw-Riiz, and the Persian months (pp. 2-13) but is mainly concerned with the court ceremonials of the ancient Persian kings. 3 p. 92. 4Brockelmann, Geschichteder arabischenLitteratur,S I, pp. 862-3. 5ed. R. Y. Ebied and M. J. L. Young in "A Treatise on Hemerology Ascribed to Gacfar al-Sadiq." 6 Ed. C. E. Sachau, Eng. tr. idem, The Chronology ofAncientNations. Spp. 52-91. This particular tradition is from a book al-Duric.This is probably al-Duric al-wdqiyamin al-akhtdr,a compilation on the religious observances of the days of the week, month, and year by Radi al-Din CAllb. Tawfis.See Aga Buzurg lihrani, al-DharfCa ild tasaniffal-Shica(Tehran, 1329/1950), vol. VIII, p. 146. 8 No. 1 seems to indicate that the Persian terms for auspicious and inauspicious are equivalent to light (khafif) and heavy (thaqfl), perhaps from the Pahlavi sabokand gardn. 9 Bihdr,p. 95 10Ibid.,p. 101. 1 Ibid.p. 102. 12Ibid., 105. p. 13Ibid.,p. 108. 14 Athdr, Arabic, pp. 231-2; Eng., p. 218. 15 Bihdr,p. 64. 16My translation of J. M. Jamasp-Asana, ed., Pahlavi Texts,vol. II: pp. 69-70. It is also translated in R. C. Zaehner, The Teachingsof theMagi. A Compendiumof ZoroastrianBelief,pp. 107-8. 17Firoze M. P. Kotwal, tr., The SupplementaryTexts to the Sayestne Sayest,ch. XXII, vv. 1-3; cf. E. W. West, tr., Pahlavi Texts,vol. V, p. 401. 18Kotwal, Siyest ne sdyest,ch. XXIII, v. 1; cf. West, ibid., pp. 404-5. 19There are minor disagreements among the various versions. No. 5 disagrees with the others at several points, but this seems to have been due to the transmitter having lost count at one point later in the month. The overall agreement is clear, however. 20Some of the texts refer to events in Muslim history, but not all. All biblical events mentioned in all the versions are familiar in Muslim tradition. It is worth noting that the Mandaean Bookof the Zodiac (tr. E. S. Drower, Oriental Translation Fund 36, London, 1949, pp. 72 ff.) also has a hemerology dealing with the prospects of the person who falls sick on each day of the lunar month.Jews rejected Naw-Ruz,but Christians accepted it; see S. H. Taqizadeh, "The Iranian Festivals Adopted by the Christians and Condemned by the Jews," BSOAS X (1940), pp. 632-53. 21Interlibrary loan was unable to produce these volumes in time to consult them for this article. 22In a version given in the Denkard, the lunar month is divided

A PERSIAN GULF IN THE SEA OF LIGHTS: THE CHAPTER ON NAW-RiOZ IN THE BIHAR AL-ANWAR

into six five-day periods. The first, third, and fifth are propitious and the other unpropitious; D. D. P. and P. D. B. Sanjana, eds., The Dinkard, vol. VI, sect. 259, pp. 405-6 (English), p. 305 (Pahlavi) 23This argument is made by two learned readers of this paper, James Russell and FranCoisde Blois. 24Bihdr,pp. 56, 93, 101, 107; Birfini, Athdr,p. 231. 25E12,s.v. Hurmuz.All or nearly all of the other day names have as one definition in Lughat-ndma "X: the name of the angel responsible for affairs on day X." I will not cite these as they do not add anything useful. Yazd-anis used for "God"as early as the poetry of Daqiqi in the tenth century; ibid.,s.v. Yazddn. 26The "Magi"at Qur3an, XXII, 17. 27Lughat-ndma,s.v. Hurmuz. 28 Bihr, p. 93. No. 10, ibid., p. 57, gives "an angel under the throne. " 29Lughat-ndma,s.v. Bahman;A Guideto the ZoroastrianReligion,ed. and tr. F. M. Kotwal andJ. W. Boyd, Studies in World Religions 3 (Chico, Cal., 1982), p. 176. 30 Bihdr,pp. 62, 93, 101. 31Birfini, Athdr,p. 219. 32I owe this information to James Russell. 33Bihdr,pp. 59, 94, reading with Birfini, p. 221, al-jawdhiral-sabca for Majlisi's meaningless al-jawdhirCanhu. 34Bihr, pp. 60, 94. 35Bundahitn 3:17. My translation of the text found in B. T. Ankelesaria, Zand-Akdsih,p. 42. 36 Bihdr,pp. 94, 102. No 10, ibid., p. 60, gives "an angel responsible for the jinn." 37Birfini, Athdr,p. 220. 38 Bihdr,pp. 61, 94; cf. Biroini, Athdr,p. 221, whose account is similar to the Bihdr.No. 4, ibid. p. 102, gives "the angel responsible for animals." 39Guide,p. 176. Khurdddand Murdad are the Hartit and Maroitof Qur "an, II, 102: "[TheJews of Medina] followed what the devils recited against the rule of Solomon. Solomon did not disbelieve but the devils disbelieved, teaching men sorcery and that which was revealed to the two angels at Babylon, Hartit and Maruit. Those two would teach no one until they said, 'We two are a test, so do not disbelieve.' From those two they learned that which divides man and wife, but they can harm no one without God's permission." See G. Vajda, EI2s.v. Hdrntwa-Mdrut,who supports the etymology from these two AmeSa Spentas, as does Jeffery, of the Qur'dn,p. 283. TheForeignVocabulary 40 Bihdr,pp. 60, 95, 102. 41 Ibid., p. 95; cf. Biruni, Athdr,p. 225. No. 10, Bihhdr, p. 62, gives "the angel responsible for the scales on the day of resurrection." (cf. day 10, Rashn.) No. 4, ibid., p. 102, just says "the angel responsible for fire. 42Bihdr,pp. 95, 102. No. 10, ibid.,p. 62, gives "for seas and drugs." 43Ibid.,pp. 64, 95, 102. 44Ibid., pp. 95-6; cf. p. 65. No. 4, ibid., p. 102, gives "the angel responsible for sustenance. This day is called 'the treasury of mysteries.'" 45 Ibid.,p. 95. No. 4, ibid.,p. 102, says "the angel responsible for the planets (kawdkib)";cf. Bir-ini, Athdr,pp. 220-21, who identifies Tir as Mercury. vol. I, p. 77. 46Cited in Boyce, HistoryofZoroastrianism, 47Bihdr,p. 96; cf. p. 102. No. 10, ibid.,p. 66, has "the angel responsible for men, jinn, and wind," which is presumably garbled in transmission somewhere. Lughat-nama,s.v. CGish,has "responsible for the important affairs of the creatures of the world ( muhimmdt-ikhalq-iCdlam)." 48 Ibid.,pp. 68, 96. No. 4, ibid.,p. 103, has "an angel responsible for the throne." 49 Ibid.,pp. 70, 96. No. 4, ibid.,p. 103, has "an angel responsible for hell (jahzim)."Mithra in Zoroastrian tradition sweeps his mace over hell daily. 50 Guide,p. 177.

91

97. 52Ibid., p. 71. No. 4, p. 103, has "one of the names of God or, it is said, Gabriel." Lughat-ndma,s.v. Surutsh,defines it "the name of an angel bringing revelation (paygham,wahy), and more specifically as Gabriel. 53 Cf. Guide,p. 177. 54 Bihfir,pp. 72, 97, 103. 55 R. C. Zaehner, The Teachingsof the Magi, p. 134. On the scales see, for example, Kartir's inscription at Sar Mashhad, 1. 38; Philippe Gignoux, "L'inscription de Kartir i Sar Maghad,"JA CCLVI/(1968),p. 402. 56 Bihdr, pp. 74, 97. P. 103 gives "the angel of death," which is equivalent. Lughat-ndma, s.v. farvardin, gives "one of the guardians of paradise." 57Guide,p. 178. 58 Bihdr,pp. 75, 97, 103. cf. EIrs.v. Bahram.However, Lughat-nama, s.v. Bahram,says, "anangel who protects people travelling to and fro in the desert," which is supported by Guide,p. 178. 59Bihdr, p. 97. No. 10, ibid., p. 77, misreads the name as Mdh. No. 4, Bihar,p. 103, identifies it as "the angel responsible for the spirit," using the natural reading of ruh. However, in this case it should probably be read as rawh,'Joy.") 2:29. 60 My translation; text from Anklesaria, Zand-Akdsih, 61 Guide,p. 178. 62Bihdr,pp. 78, 98. No. 4, ibid.,p. 103, says "for the clouds (suhub), which is a natural extension. 63Ibid.,p. 98. 64Ibid., pp. 79, 104 65Ibid.,pp. 79, no. 150. 66Ibid.,p. 98. Lughat-ndma,s.v. Din, defines it as "an angel responsible for preserving the Pen," which does not clarify anything. 67 Bihdr,p. 81. 68 vol. I: pp. 237-40. Boyce, Historyof Zoroastrianism, 69 Bihdr,pp. 68, 98; cf. ibid.,p. 104. 70 s.v. Ard. 71 Bihdr,pp. 84, 98. 72EIrs.v. "AJtdd." 73Qur'an I, 4. 74Bihdr,pp. 99, 104; p. 85 has "responsible for the birds." 75 Ibid., p. 97. Lughat-ndma,s.v. Zamydd,gives, "the angel responsible for the houries of paradise." 76 Bihdr,p. 87. 77Ibid., p.104. 781bid.,p. 99. 79Ibid.,p. 88. 80 Guide,p. 179. 81 Bihdr,p. 104. 82Ibid., p. 99. No. 10, ibid., p. 90, give al-duhsr wa 'l-azmina,which means the same. Lughat-ndma,s.v. Anirdn, defines it as "the name of the angel responsible for the marriage contract." 83Qur'an, II, 243. This pairing of the Flood and the destruction and resurrection of the unidentified people of this verse might also have something to do with Gnostic mythology. See the "Sethian" text "The Apocalypse of Adam" 69-76, in James M. Robinson, ed., The Nag Hammadi Library;cf. Gedaliahu A. G. Stroumsa, AnotherSeed:Studies in GnosticMythology,pp. 106-7. 84It would seem that Abraham also destroyed the idols on NawRtiz, but it may just mean that he did this just as Abraham had done. 85 Biher,p. 92. 86 Pahlavi Texts,ed. J. M. Jamasp-Asana, vol. II, pp. 102-8. T. E. Blochet, in Revue archeologique,1896/1, pp. 359-64 (which I have seen) and K.J. Jamasp-Asa, in K R. CamaMemorialVolume, (1900), pp. 122-29 (which I have not). "7Qur 3an, VII, 172. 88 Similar traditions exist about the autumnal festival Mihriganm; see Boyce, "IranianFestivals,"pp. 801-2. 51 Bihdr,p.

89 Bihar, p. 92. 90

Ibid.,p.100.

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Ibid.,p.100, n. 2; p. 101, n. 1. F. Sezgin, Geschichtedes arabischenSchriftums,vol. I, pp. 529-34, vol. VII, p. 11. 93It is found in standard modern handbooks of Shicite law, such as, e.g., Muhammad Kazirhal-Tabataba3i al-Yazdi, al-cUrwa alwuthqa (8th ed. Beirut, 1987), vol. II, p.242. Shicite law commends fasting on the first day of Naw-Ru-z and provides certain supererogatory prayers. 94 Bihdr,pp. 116 ff. On the day the sun enters Aries as the beginning of the year in Zoroastrianism and Mithraism, see Russell, "The Craft and Mithraism Reconsidered," Heredom.TheJournal of the SouthernJurisdictionof the ScottishRite of Freemasons(1995). "The day the Jews fast" would seem to refer to Yom Kippur. Perhaps this can be explained as a memory of the time when Naw-Riiz was celebrated at the autumnal equinox, around the time of Yom Kippur, though 17 Kanfin I would be in December. 95On the shifting date of Naw-Riiz and the larger problem of the Zoroastrian calendar, see E. J. Bickerman, "Time-Reckoning," pp. 786-91; Boyce, "Iranian Festivals," pp. 805-13; EIr, s.v. Calendars.F. de Blois, who reviewed this paper, pointed out that it ought to be possible to date these traditions by determining when Naw-Riiz fell on these various dates. I will leave that task to those more expert in calendar history than I am. Majlisi's inconclusive discussion of the issue is found in Bihdr,pp. 116-43. 96 Beirut, n.d., pp. 298-9.

9' 92

Bibliography E. J. Bickerman, "Time-Reckoning," in CHIr, vol. 111/2, pp. 778-91. al-Birfini. al-Athdral-bdqiyacanal-qurunal khaliya.Ed. C. E. Sachau (Leipzig, 1878). Eng. tr. idem, The Chronologyof Ancient Nations (London, 1879). E. Blochet, "Textes pehlevis," Revue archiologique (1896/1), pp. 359-64. Translation of "The day of Hordad in the Month of Frawardin." Bookof the Zodiac.Tr. E. S. Drower. Oriental Translation Fund 36 (London, 1949). MaryBoyce. Historyof Zoroastrianism(Leiden, 1975-). eadem. "IranianFestivals,"in CHIr,vol. 111/2. pp. 792-815. eadem. "Middle Persian Literature." Iranistik. Literatur. Handbuch der Orientalistik IV, 2, 1, pp. 32-66. eadem. Zoroastrians.TheirReligious Beliefs and Practices(London, 1979). Carl Brockelmann, Geschichteder arabischenLitteratur (Leiden, 1937-49).

CA.A. Dihkhuda, Lughat-ndma(Tehran, 1325-58/1946-79). The Dinkard. Ed. D. D. P. and P. D. B. Sanjana (Bombay, 1874-1928). R. Y. Ebied and M. J. L. Young. "A Treaties on Hemerology Ascribed to Gacfaral-Sadiq."ArabicaXXIII (1976), pp. 296-307. EncyclopaediaIranica. Ed. E. Yarshater (London and Costa Mesa, 1982- ). A Guideto theZoroastrianReligion.Ed. and tr. F. M. Kotwal andJ. W. Boyd. Studies in World Religion 3 (Chico, Calif., 1982). cAbd al-Salam Haruin, ed., Nawddir al-makhtitcdt,2nd ed. (Cairo, 1393/1973), vol. II. M.Jamasp-Asana, ed. Pahlavi Texts(Bombay, 1913). K. J. Jamasp-Asia, "The Day Khordfid of the Mont Farvardin."In K. R. CamaMemorialVolume(Bombay, 1900), pp. 122-9. ArthurJeffrey, TheForeignVocabularyof the Qur'an(Baroda, 1938). Textsto theSdyestne-Sdyest Firoze M. P. Kotwal, tr., TheSupplementary (Det Kongelige Danske Videnskabernes Selskab Historiskfilosofiske Meddeleser 44:2, Copenhagen, 1969). Jack Lindsay. OriginsofAstrology(New York, 1972). D. N. MacKenzie. "Zoroastrian Astrology in the Bundahiin." BSOASXXVII (1963), pp. 511-29. Muhammad Baqir Majlisi. Bihdral-anwar.Ed. Jawad al-CAlawiand Muhammad al-Akhfindi (Tehran, 1368/1949). Vol. LIX. This corresponds to vol. LVI in the newer Beirut edition. The AstrologicalHistory of Mdshdealldh.Tr. E. S. Kennedy and D. Pingree (Cambridge, Mass., 1971). Pahlavi Texts.Tr. E. W. West, Sacred Books of the East V. The Persian Rivayats of HormazyarFramarz.Tr. E. B. N. Dhabhar (Bombay, 1932). cAbbasQummi. Mafdtihal-jindn(Beirut, n.d.). James M. Robinson, ed., TheNag HammadiLibrary.Revised edition (San Francisco, 1990). James Russell, "The Craft and Mithraism Reconsidered," see n. 94, above. F. Sezgin. Geschichtedes arabischenSchriftums(Leiden, 1967- ), Vols. I, VII. Gedaliahu A. G. Stroumsa. Another Seed; Studies in Gnostic Mythology.Nag Hammadi Studies XXIV (Leiden, 1984). Umar Khayyam, Naw-Ruiz-ndma.Ed. Mujtaba Minuwi (Tehran, 1933). R. C. Zaehner. The Teachings of the Magi. A Compendiumof ZoroastrianBelief(New York, 1976). Zand-Akcasih.Iranian or GreaterBundahi'n. Ed. and tr. B. T. Anklesaria (Bombay, 1956).

A PRELIMINARYACCOUNT OF THE PERSIANMANUSCRIPTSIN THE COLLECTION OF THE LATE SIR HAROLD W. BAILEY* By Maria Szuppe

CNRSStrasbourg In memoriamSir Harold W. Bailey

A private collection of Oriental manuscripts assembled by the late Sir Harold W. Bailey (18991996), Emeritus Professor of Sanskrit in the University of Cambridge, and the first Chairman of the Ancient India and Iran Trust, has been now known for a number of years to a limited circle of scholars and students of Iranian and Indian studies. The collection is housed in the Ancient India and Iran Trust in Cambridge, and it contains Sanskrit, Armenian, Georgian and Tibetan manuscripts as well as Persian, Arabic, Turkish, Urdu and Pashtu ones. Although the Armenian manuscripts have been studied and card-indexed by Dr. James Clackson,' until recently no such work had been done on the others. A few years ago, however, the present author was asked by Sir Harold Bailey to examine and catalogue the Persian manuscripts in his collection. No manuscript-lover would refuse such an opportunity, in spite of the difficulties of working on a collection for which no catalogue or handlist has ever existed. I started to survey the books in the winter of 1993, hoping that, on a modest scale, this work would add a little to the bibliographical and historical knowledge of Persian manuscripts, loved and studied by so many scholars. The first examination of the Persian manuscripts in the collection of Sir Harold Bailey led me to prepare a card index of authors and a short subject catalogue, designed then for the internal use of the owner and the visitors to the Ancient India and Iran Trust. The immediate goal of listing and describing the volumes has thus been achieved. The main object of the work is, of course, to produce a descriptive catalogue of the Persian collection.

College in Canterbury. An occasional note by Sir Harold Bailey on the inside cover of a manuscript gives the date on which a particular volume was bought: for example, Pers. 2.45: on 8 May 1931, and Pers. 2.26: on 15 December 1938. The St. Augustine's College manuscripts had been apparently presented to them by the Reverend Thomas Robinson, who was the Archdeacon of Madras during the first half of the nineteenth century. Some of the volumes were acquired by Thomas Robinson from other people and some were even copied for him to order.2 The manuscripts previously owned by Robinson form close to 70% of the Bailey collection. Among other previous owners of the Persian manuscripts are people like Sir T. Stamford Raffles, founder of Singapore, who owned the Pers. 1.02,3or Trevor Wheler (sic), the owner of the Pers. 2.02. BD and Pers. 2.04.4 Some other owners are: Philip Pitt (Pers. 2.03), Alexander T. Ross (Pers. 2.37, signature dated 1819),5 R. E. Stephenson (Pers. 2.07, dated 23 November 1809), F. Perry (Pers. 2.09, dated November 1921), or Professor S. Fraser (Pers. 2.27).6 Pers. 2.32, which is an interesting nineteenth was bought from century copy of the DIwdnof David M. Rankin, whose signature .HIfiz,is dated 1912, by Arthur Kay in 1919 (dated note, Ex-LibrisA.K.), and then from the latter by Sir Harold Bailey in 1958 (signature and date).' Another manuscript obviously belonged to Arthur Kay, the Pers. 4.05 (ExLibrisA.K.). Pers. 4.07, a book on mathematics, possess several signatures and notices: "W.M. Roddans" (?) dated 1789, "C. H. Read" (no date), "C. H. R[ead] to J. L. G." dated 1890, and "H. W. Bailey" with the date of purchase, 30 April 1931. A copy of the Shdh-ndma(Pers. 2.01. BD) belonged to the Imperial Library in Delhi.8 Finally, Pers. 2.44, the Diwdn of Wisll, is a luxurious copy made for Timur Mirzai,a son of Fath-cAliShjih Qdijatr(r. 1797-1834),9 and could be an authograph copy written by Wisld himself. It was bought by Bailey in November 1964. Generally speaking, most of the manuscripts under examination were brought to England from India during the nineteenth century. However, by no means all of them were copied in India or do they all date from the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries. Among thirty-one manuscripts (43% of the collection) which bear the date of completion,

Theoriginof thecollectionand previousowners The origins of the Persian manuscripts collected by Sir Harold Bailey are various. Unfortunately, no acquisition records having been kept, we must rely on the memory of the owner who said that nearly all of the volumes, more than fifty of them, had belonged to "a college in Canterbury" and were bought in the 1930s from Heffer's bookshop in Cambridge. This is confirmed by the examination of the inside covers of the manuscripts, the majority of which possess an Ex-Libris of St. Augustine's 93

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two were transcribed in the sixteenth and ten in the seventeenth centuries (17 %).10 The contentsof the collection The Bailey collection contains 72 Persian volumes, several of which are composite." The eleven Arabic manuscripts, although not under investigation here, were also listed and card-indexed for the library records. The same will eventually be done for one Ottoman Turkish (dated 1071/1660-61), one Pashtu and the four Urdu manuscripts. Generally speaking, the whole of the Persian collection is in a good state of preservation, even if some manuscripts need rebinding. The majority of the Persian volumes are literary works in poetry and prose, but there are also historical, religious and scientific books. The literary works number forty-five manuscripts, shelf numbered from Pers. 2.01. BD to Pers. 2.46.12They are mostly by Persian classical authors, such as Firdawsi, Sacdi, Rilmi, cAttar, Nizami Ganjawi, Jami, and others. But there is also a transla.H1fiz, WWCiz, Husayn tion from Sanskrit of the seventeenth-century collection of stories, the Singhasan battisz (Pers. 3.5) and a literary commentary on the Mathnawf-yi macnawl of Rilmi by Qadi Mir Ntirallah Shushtari (Pers. 4.1)."13 The remaining manuscripts represent other subjects, mainly history, with seven manuscripts (Pers. 1.01. BD to Pers. 1.07) being the copies of wellknown historical chronicles by Persian writers of Herat, Mirkhwa-nd and Khwandamir, and by a Mughal period chronicler, Firishta. The epistolary art (inshda) is represented by five manuscripts (Pers. 1.08 to Pers. 1.12) containing the classical seventeenth-century collection of letters by Abu 31-Fadl, as well as those by Harkan and Khalifa Shah Muhammad. Another group of manuscripts contains volumes on lexicography and grammar (Pers. 3.01 to Pers. 3.4. BD). Here, the complete volume of the extensive Persian-Persian dictionary by CAbd al-Rashid Husayni Madani, the Farhang-i Rashidi, must be recorded. Other subjects represented in the collection are Sufism in Ghazlli's Kimiya'-i sacddat(Pers. 4.2), ethics in Husayn WCiz's Akhldq-imuhsinf (Pers. 4.6), as well as Muslim prayer, devotion and divination books (Pers. 4.3, Pers. 4.5). A commentary on the Bible (Pers. 4.4) and a translation of the Mahdbhdrata(Pers. 3.6) are also a part of the collection. The Bailey Persian collection possesses also a volume on medicine by Muhammad Akbar Arzani, the Tibb-iAkbar(i) (Pers. 4.08. BD), and a treatise on the art of farriery entitled the Asb-ndma,the author of which still remains to be identified (Pers. 2.25-b).

Mathematics is represented by a book called the Kitdb-i hisdb, apparently not by Mushir al-Dawla MirzitJaCfarKhan Husayni (Pers. 4.07).14 Somevaluabledatedmanuscripts Several manuscripts in the collection of Sir Harold Bailey are especially valuable. Among those which bear the date of completion, the oldest ones have been copied in the second half of the sixteenth and at the beginning of the seventeenth century in Iran, particularly in Safavid Herat, and at the Uzbeg courts of Central Asia. Several of them are beautifully illuminated and are undoubtedly luxurious copies of a high standard. One of these books is a huge copy of the Shdhnamaof Firdawsi. It is illustrated with miniatures in a distinctive style, some of which have been published.'5 Before enumerating the entire collection, volume by volume, in a succinct handlist, a selection of several valuable manuscripts deserve to be described in more detail, starting with the aforementioned Shdhnama. Pers. 2.01. BD Author: Firdawsi (d. 411/1020 or 416/1025) The Shdh-ndma["The Book of Kings"] Title: The Shdh-ndma,the Persian national epic containing the legendary history of kings and heroes from the creation of the world to the Arab conquest, was composed around the year 400/1010 by Abu l-QfisimHasan (or Mansuir)Firdawsi. This early seventeenth-century copy, produced in Central Asia, is the most magnificent volume of the Bailey collection. It was transcribed in Samarkand by a calligrapher of Bukharan origin (kdtib-iBukhdn-) and is dated 23 Dhu 'l-Qacda 1012/23 April 1604 (fol. 486a). The present copy had been briefly examined by Professor R. A. Nicholson, who read the colophon and translated it into English on a fly-leaf kept with the volume and dated 20 March 1931. The preface of this copy is distinct from the "Abui Mansuiri" and the "Baiysunghuri"ones, and starts with:

(II s

, II ISlr ..~y, .S The same preface, classified by Eth6 among "another type" prefaces, can be found in other copies of the Shdh-ndma,for instance in the collection of the India Office Library and Records, the Bodleian Library, and others.'6 The quality of the execution, the large dimensions of the book, the frontispiece (fol. lb), the illuminated double-page (ff. 7b and 8a) and the decoration of the pages prove that the manuscript

hI,,L p.

A PRELIMINARY ACCOUNT OF THE PERSIAN MANUSCRIPTS IN THE COLLECTION OF THE LATE SIR HAROLD W. BAILEY

95

Selectedbibliography: was certainly made to order, possibly directly for Browne, Lit., II, pp. 129-47; the imperial court of Mughal India. A note on Blochet, nos. 1161-75 (and index); Bodleian, nos. the inside front cover reads that this Shdh-nama was 493-503, 1977, 1979, 2537-41; Browne, Pers. Cam.,nos. "lootedfrom the Royal Palace at Delhi, subsequently 196-9; Browne, Suppl.Handlist,nos. 785-9; Eth6, nos. reboundand sold by Quaritchto Hy. Whitefor 872-4 (and index); Munzawi, nos. 31331-855; Richard, nos. 228, 229, 278 (and index); Rieu, pp. 533-9; Rieu, 30 guineas"(no date). nos. 195-8. The manuscriptcontains twenty-sevenminiature Suppl., Previous owners: 1. the Imperial Library in Delhi; paintingsof unusualstyle,manyof them illustrating 2. Hy. White; 3. L. F. Salzmann; 4. A. B. Cook, professor the cycle of the hero Rustam.Severalof them were of ClassicalArcheologyin Cambridge,Fellowof Queens'. published as illustrations in a work by J. R. Bought from the latter by H. W. Bailey shortly after 1936 Hinnells.17The miniatureshave been examined by (see the owner's typewritten note signed and dated Professor Mukaddema M. Ashrafi-Ayinifrom the 29July [19]86, kept with the volume). Academyof Science of the former TajikS.S.R.,now She considers that no other Persian Pers. 2. 20. BD Tajikistan.'18 manuscriptwith this style of painting is known to Author: Jalal al-Din Muhammad Rfimi (d. 672/ exist outside the [ex-]Soviet Union, while two such 1273) This manuscriptsare known to her in Samarkand.19 ma'nawl ["The Spiritual Title: Mathnawf-yi manuscript can thus be considered unique in mathnawi"] (fol. 2a) WesternEurope. The list of the miniatures(all half-page except This is a beautifully-illuminated and well-preserved no. 3, which is a full-pagepainting) : copy of the celebrated mystical poem written between ca. 656 and 672/1258 and 1273, in six 1. Siyimak fighting the Black Div (fol. 1la); books 2. EnthronedJamshid carriedby the divs (fol. 13a); (daftar) and preceded by an introduction in 3. Maniichihr killing Ttir in a battle (fol. 30a); 4. Rfidaba decorating her house for the arrival of Z51 (fol. 38b); 5. Rustam killing the white elephant (fol. 45a); 6. Rustam fighting a dragon (at the second stop, khwan) (fol. 61a); 7. Rustam led to the divs' lair (fol. 62b); 8. Rustam killing a div (at the seventh stop) (fol. 64a); 9. Rustam killing Suhraib (fol. 82b); 10. SiyaIwush'sordeal by fire (fol. 90b); 11. Siyawush playing polo at Afrasiyab's court (fol. 100b); 12. Murder of Siyawush (fol. 112a); 13. Afrasiyftb informed of the arrival of Giv (fol. 120b); 14. Murder of Farwad (fol. 132b); 15. Rustam capturing Kamiis (fol. 158a); 16. Rostam capturing Pulidwand (fol. 171a); 17. Div Akwdan throwing Rustam into the sea (fol. 172b); 18. Rustam and "a prisoner" (fol. 186a); 19. Gushtaisp fighting a dragon (fol. 235b); 20. Isfandiyar fighting wolves (at the first stop) (fol. 259a); 21. Isfandiyfr killing a dragon (at the third stop) (fol. 260a); 22. Isfandiyar killing a simurgh (at the fifth stop) (fol. 261b); 23. Bahman attacking Rustam (fol. 272b); 24. Duel of Rustam and Isfandiyfir (fol. 280a); 25. Preparation of weapons (fol. 310a); 26. Bahr-im Gur hunting (fol. 354a); 27. Bahrim Gur killing the Black Dragon (fol. 454a). Text in four columns. Complete. Collations. Nastacliq. Frontispiece; illuminated double-page; rubrics; golden

Arabic (ff. lb-2a). Daftar 1: ff. 2a-52a, daftar2: 52b101a, daftar3: ff. 102a-164b, daftar4: ff. 165a-215a, daftar 5: 215b-273a,

daftar 6: 273b-326a.

The volume bears the date of its completion which is 1 Dhu Nl-Qacda1020/5 January 1612 and the indication that it was transcribed in [Safavid] Herat (fol. 326a). The name of the calligrapher is Fakhr al-Din Ahmad, known as Mulla Khurd (fol. 326a). Text in four columns. Complete.Some collaNastacliq. tions. Frontispiece at the beginning of each daftar; rubrics; golden-blue ruled margins. Ff. 10, 15, 274, 275 loose; ff. 24 and 25 stuck together. Black leather binding; outside upper and lower cover with a central medallion struck with the picture of two flying geese, two smaller medallions above and below the central one, and corners with floral ornament. Total of 330 ff.; 21 lines; page: 18,5 x 31,8 cm. Selected bibliography:Browne, Lit., II, pp. 515-23; Blochet, nos. 1329-55; Bodleian, nos. 646-60 (and index); Browne, Pers. Cam., nos. 212, 224-6; Browne, Handlist, no. 1284 (and index); Browne, Suppl. Handlist, nos. 559-61, 1120-32 (and index); Ethe, nos. 1060-85

(and index); Munzawi, nos. 34100-472; Richard, nos. 265-7, 269;Rieu,pp. 584-92; Rieu, Suppl.,no. 240. Previous owners: 1. Square oriental seal dated 1133(?)/1720-1 bearing the name of Muhammad [...] (fol. 327b); 2. date 20 Safar 1243/12 September 1827 (fol. 329a); 3. round oriental seal dated 1311/1893-4, name ? (ff. la, 326b).

ruled margins.27 miniatures.Ff. 1-9loose. Some pages in bad condition;restoredfrom fol. 468 to the end. Binding Pers. 2. 29 non-original; outside upper and lower cover: black leather with central medallion in golden-red-green- Author: Amir Khusraw Dihlawi (d. 725/1324-25) Matlac al-anwar ["The Rising of the brown; inside upper and lower cover: red and golden Title: leather.Total of 486 ff.; 25 lines;page:21,3 x 33,9 cm. Lights"] (fol. 60a)

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This is a small and simple early seventeenth century copy of the mathnawfpoem, being the first one of the khamsa cycle entitled the Panj ganj ["The Five Treasures"], by Yamin al-Din Abu 'I-HasanKhusraw, the famous poet of Balkhi origin who was born and wrote in India. The book is dated 11 Shacban 1024/5 September 1615 (fol. 60a), with no more details on the place of completion or the name of transcriber. Nastacliq.Text in two columns and in the margins.

Complete. Some rubrics. Final ff. bear old traces of

damp. Lastfolio repaired.Recent binding.Total of 60 ff.; 15 lines (plus margins);page: 11,2 x 20 cm. Selected bibliography:Browne, Lit., III, pp. 108-10;

Blochet, nos. 1520-28; Bodleian, nos. 766-72; Browne, Suppl.Handlist,nos. 441-2; Ethe, nos. 1185/6, 1187/5 (and index); Munzawi,nos. 35108-176;Richard,no. 259; Rieu, pp. 611, 615-16; Rieu, Suppl.,no. 255. Previousowners:1. Rev. Thomas Robinson; 2. Saint Augustine'sCollege. Pers. 2. 33 Author: Shams al-Din Muhammad Shira-zi, known Title:

as Hafiz (d. 791/1389) Dfwdn

This very fine volume is one of five copies of the Diwan of Hafiz from the Bailey Collection.20 It is not only the oldest of the manuscripts with the date of transcription, but also one of the beautifully illuminated copies of this collection, too. The copy was completed in 980/1572 by the calligrapher Shihab al-Din cAbdallah (fol. 179a). The place of completion is not indicated. Nastacliq.Important collations and notes in the margins (especially ff. 22a to 31b, and others). Two frontispieces (ff. ib, 10b); golden-red-blue ruled margins; floral ornaments on some pages. Ff. 39 and 44 are misplaced and bound in a wrong place following fol. 79. At the beginning some pages bear old damp stains; towards the middle of the volume borders of some pages tearing off; some loose pages. Binding to be examined. Total of 179 ff.; 14 lines; page: 15,4 x 23,5 cm. Selectedbibliography: Browne, Lit., III, pp. 271-319 (and

index); Blochet, nos. 1583-1630; Bodleian, nos. 815-53 (and index); Browne, Pers. Cam., nos. 256-63; Browne, Handlist, nos. 393-4; Browne, Suppl. Handlist, nos. 52737; Ethe, nos. 1246-68, 2883-5 (and index); Munzawi, no. 22292-624; Richard, nos. 270-4, 318, 326-28; Rieu, pp. 627-31 (and index); Rieu, Suppl.,nos. 267-72, 275. Previous owners:several illegible oriental seals on the blank page preceding the text.

Pers. 1.01. BD Author: Muhammad b. Sayyid Burhan al-Din Title:

Khawandshah, known as Mirkhwand, 837904/1433-98 (fol. 253b). Rawdat al-safd ["The Garden of Purity"]

This late seventeenth-century volume is a part of the Rawdat al-safd,a well-known and the most often copied general history of Persia, written by a famous historiographer of Herat.

This copy contains the tomes (here called daftar)

4, 5, 6, 7 and the epilogue (khdtima), the two latter completed after the author's death by his grandson Khwa-ndamir, all arranged in the usual way.

Each daftarbears, at the end, the date of its com-

pletion, which are as follows: daftar 4 (ff. lb to 252a, the Tahirids and the contemporary dynasties): 5 Safar 1103/28 October 1691; daftar 5 (beg. fol.

253b, the Turks and the Mongols): 9 Rajab 1100/ 29 April 1689; daftar 6 (beg. fol. 445b, Timfir and 12 Dhu the earlier Timurids up to 873/1469): 7 'l-IHijja 1101/16 September 1690; daftar (beg. fol. 767b, the later Timurids and, especially, SultanBayqara- of Herat): 11 Jumada I 1101/ 20 February 1690; khdtima: 17 Muharram 1102/ H.usayn 21 October 1690. Nastacliq. Complete. Red, and yellow-blue-black ruled margins. Ff. 814 to 819 are bound in a wrong order which should be corrected as follows: ff. 814-816-815-818-817 -819. Binding to be examined. Total: 950 ff.; 25 lines; page 19,8 x 30,7 cm. Selected bibliography: Bregel'/Storey, pp. 361-78;21 Browne, Lit., III, pp. 431-3; Blochet, nos. 276-311; Bodleian, nos. 36-68, 2430-7; Browne, Pers. Cam., nos. 44-56; Browne, Handlist, nos. 1265-6; Browne, Suppl. Handlist, nos. 720-4; Eth6, nos. 24-75, 3005-8; Richard, nos. 55-8, 60, 104; Rieu, pp. 87-96. Previous owners:1. Several illegible oriental signatures, one with date 1139/1726-7 (fol. la); 2. Rev. Thomas Robinson; 3. Saint Augustine's College.

Pers. 1.04 Author: Ghiyath al-Din b. Khwaja Humam al-Din Muhammad, known as Khwandamir, 880Title:

942/1475-1536. Khuldsat al-akhbdr ["The Quintessence Histories"]

of

This is a mid-seventeenth century copy of the completed in history of Persia until 875/1470-1, A in Herat Khwandamir. 905/1499 (fol. 405b) by note by an English hand identifies the book incorrectly as the Hlab-b al-siyar, a universal chronicle The correct title is by the same historiographer." quoted on fol. 420b. The copy was completed on 12 Jumada I 1052/ 8 August 1642. There is no name of calligrapher or place of transcription. The book is arranged in ten parts (maqdla) and the epilogue (khdtima). The second part of the maqdla 10 (beg. fol. 390a) treats particularly of the later Timurids of Herat, patrons of the author. The khdtima (beg. fol. 397a), most valuable, is entirely

devoted to the description of the contemporary

A PRELIMINARY ACCOUNT OF THE PERSIAN MANUSCRIPTS IN THE COLLECTION OF THE LATE SIR HAROLD W. BAILEY

Herat: its topography, its buildings and gardens, and its famous inhabitants (Islamic learned men and intellectuals, painters, calligraphers, architects and poets). The eight ff. at the beginning are missing and the text, numbered by an Oriental hand, starts on fol. 9 with:23

I4 -

LT-o

I

a ...

Nastacliq. Imperfect: wants 8 ff. at the beginning.

Rubrics;red-and-blueruled margins. Ff. 289 to 292 are mistakenlyplaced after fol. 412 and should be replaced, in the same order,afterfol. 288. The presentstateof final pages is poor (pages stucktogether,marginsrotted away, old damp stains,holes). Binding to be examined. Total: 421 ff.; 19 lines;page 15,3x 25,6 cm. Selected bibliography: Bregel'/Storey,pp. 380-3; Browne, Lit., III,p. 434; Blochet,nos. 312-14; Bodleian,nos. 83-6; Browne, Handlist, no. 1253;24 Browne, Suppl. Handlist,

nos. 432, 433; Ethe, nos. 76-8 (and index); Rieu, pp. 967, 885;Rieu, Suppl.,no. 30. Previousowners:1. Rev. Thomas Robinson (signed: T. RobinsonTempler); 2. SaintAugustine'sCollege. Of the whole Bailey collection of manuscripts written in Arabic script, the Persian manuscripts are the largest part. They treat a variety of subjects, although the majority of them are literary texts, in both verse and prose. These make up nearly twothirds of the whole collection, while all the other subjects make up the remaining part. It is evident that the composition of the collection reflects the main interests of the late owner, which were in the first place literary and linguistic. There is still a great amount of work to be done on the Persian manuscripts. For instance, the examination of the paper (Indian, European, etc.) should help to date many of those which bear no date of completion. Most of the calligraphers must be properly identified, as well as one or two authors. The identification of the calligraphers might also be helpful in dating the copies, as well as in determining the place of their transcription. Although all of the works represented in the collection are known to exist in different libraries, eleven of them are not to be found in the collections of Cambridge University and College Libraries.25Some other titles are represented by only one or two copies. In this respect, the Bailey collection completes and enriches the main Cambridge University collection of Oriental manuscripts. The importance of particular copies, some of which were described above, and particularly the "Bailey" Shdh-ndma,is evident not only from the historical or bibliophile point of view but also from that of the history of painting and the arts of the book.

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ABBREVIATIONS: BLOCHET E. Blochet, Catalogue des manuscrits persans de la BibliothequeNationale,4 vols. (Paris, 1905-34). BODLEIAN Ed. [ward] Sachau, Hermann Eth6 and A. F. L. Beeston, Catalogueof the Persian, Turkish,Hindustani, and Pushtu Manuscriptsin the BodleianLibrary,3 vols. (Oxford, 1889) (vol. I), (1930) (vol. II) and (1954) (vol. III). BREGEL'/STOREY C. A. Storey, Persidskayaliteratura.Bio-bibliograficheskiyobzor,completed by Yu. E. Bregel' (Moscow, 1972). BROWNE, Lit. Edward G. Browne, A Historyof PersianLiterature, 4 vols. (Cambridge, 1924). BROWNE, Pers. Cam. Edward G. Browne, A Catalogue of the Persian Manuscripts in the Libraryof the Universityof Cambridge (Cambridge, 1896). BROWNE, Handlist Edward G. Browne, A Handlist of the Muhammadan Manuscripts in the Library of the University of Cambridge(Cambridge, 1900). BROWNE, Suppl. Handlist Edward G. Browne, A Supplementary Handlist of the Muhammadan Manuscripts in the Librariesof the Universityand Collegesof Cambridge(Cambridge, 1922). ETHE Hermann Eth6, Catalogue of Persian Manuscripts in the Libraryof India Office,2 vols. (Oxford, 1903). MUNZAWI Ahmad Munzawi, Fihrist-i nuskhaha-yikhatti-yifirsi, 5 vols. (Tehran, 1348-50 Sh./1969-71). RICHARD Francis Richard, Catalogue des manuscrits persans, vol. I: Ancienfonds (Bibliothique Nationale de France, Paris 1989). RIEU Charles Rieu, Catalogue of the Persian Manuscripts in the BritishMuseum,3 vols. (London, 1879-83). RIEU, Suppl. Charles Rieu, A Supplementto the Catalogueof the PersianManuscriptsin theBritishMuseum (London, 1895).

APPENDIX Subjectlist of thePersianManuscriptsin the collectionof Sir Harold W.Bailey (author,shorttitle, date) History and inshd' * Pers. 1.01. BD: Mirkhwaind (Muhammad b. Khawandshah), Rawdat al-safd,volumes 4, 5, 6, 7 and the epilogue, 11 Jumitda I 1101-5 Safar 1103/ 20 February 1690-28 October 1691; 950 ff. * Pers. 1.02: Mirkhwaind (Muhammad b. Kha-wandshih), al-safd, volume 5 (incomplete, some folios Rawd.at missing), no date; 309 ff. * Pers. 1.03: Madmtinat-iRawdat al-safd,list of chapters of the daftar4, 5, and 6 of the volume 6, and those of the volume 7 of Mirkhwand's Rawdat alsafd (see above), early nineteenth century (copied to order for the Rev. Thomas Robinson); 91 ff. * Pers. 1.04: Khwaindamir (Ghiyath al-Din Muhammad), Khuldyatal-akhbdrfi baydnahwdl alakhydr,12 Jumidi I 1052/8 August 1642; eight folios missing at the beginning; 421 ff. * Pers. 1.05: Firishta (Muhammad Qisim Astaribhadi), Tdrmkh-iFirishta (Ttrmkh-iNawrasndma), maqdla3 (on the Sultins of Deccan), no date; 406 ff. * Pers. 1.06: Firishta (Muhammad Qfsim Astarabaidi), Tdrmkh-iFirishta ( Trikh-i Nawrasndma), Islamic period until 800/1397-8 (includ-

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ing a long section on the Ghaznavids), no date; 244 ff. Pers. 1.07: [Firishta (Muhammad Q;Asim Astarabidi), Tdrikh-i Firishta (Tdrikh-i Nawrasndma)], or rather a continuation of it with the later addition of events of the first 21 years of the Emperor Jahingir (until 1035/1625-6), no date; incomplete at the end; 143 ff. Pers. 1.08: Abu 'l-Fadl CAllimi, Mukdtibdt-i 'Alldmi,15 Shacba-n1067/29 May 1657, introduction (incomplete), bdbs1 (beginning missing), 2 and 3; 203 ff. Pers. 1.09: Abu 'l-Fadl cAllami, Mukdtibdt-iCAlldmi, incomplete at the end; no date; 188 ff. Pers. 1.10: Abu 'l-Fadl cAllaJmi,Mukdtibdt-iCAlldmi, introduction, bdb1 and the beginning of the bdb 2, no date; 59 ff. Pers. 1.11: Khalifa Shih Muhammad, Jdmic alqawadnn,some folios missing, no date; 53 ff. Pers. 1.12: Harkan b. MathurdaisKanbii Multini, Inshd--yiHarkan, end of the bdb2, bdbs3, 4, 5 and 6, no date; 190 ff.

Poetry and prose * Pers. 2.01. BD: Firdawsi (Abu 'l-Qisim Hasan or Mansilr), Shdh-ndma, 23 Dhu 'l-Qacda 1012/ 23 April 1604, illuminated 'unwan and doublepage, 27 paintings; 486 ff. Copied in Samarkand by "kdtib-iBukhdrf". * Pers. 2.02. BD: Firdawsi (Abu 'l-Qisim Hasan or of the same work Shdh-ndma, part Mansfir), (beginning with the story of Kay Khusraw), incomplete at the end, no date; 349 ff. * Pers. 2.03: (a) Tawakkul Beg Chini, Khuldsat-i Shdh-ndma-yiFirdawsi, also known as Tdrikh-i Shamshir-khdni,8 Rabic II 1228/10 April 1813; 175 ff (lb-175b). (b) Waqdcat-i cAlamgrf, a history of Awrangzib, 1230/1815; 63 ff. (177b-240b). Copied by Muhammad Salih Kanbii. * Pers. 2.04: Husayn Waiz (IHusaynb. cAli Kishifi Hardti), Anwdr-isuhayli, 14 Shacbain "year 35 of the Emperor Awrangzib", i.e. 1103 or 1104/ 1 May 1692 or 20 April 1693; 281 ff. * Pers. 2.05: Husayn WiCiz (Husayn b. CAliKashifi Harati), Anwdr-isuhayli, no date; 314 ff. * Pers. 2.06: Abu '1-FadlcAllami, Clydr-iddnish, no date; 301 ff. * Pers. 2.07: Niir al-Din Muhammad CAwfi,part of 27 Rabic II 1084 or 1184/ Jdmic 11 August 1673, or 21 July 1770; 89 ff. al-h.ikdydt, * Pers. collection of stories, part 1 in Lahore 20 Sha'bin 1066/13 June 1656, dated 2.08:[H.ikdydt], parts 2 and 3 undated, incomplete at the end; 179 ff. Copied by Muhammad Sacid. * Pers. 2.09: Dalpat Ray (Rao Dalpat Singh),

* * * * * * *

* *

* *

*

* * * *

Maldhat-i maqdl, 21 Safar 1247/1 August 1831, first folio missing; 100 ff. Pers. 2.10: Ahwdl-iHIdtimTayy,7 Shacbain 1198/ 26 June 1784, 15 unfinished drawings in black ink; 144 ff. Pers. 2.11: Shaykh CInayatallih, Bahdr-i ddnish, 17 Ramadan 1232/ 31July 1817; 338 ff. Pers. 2.12: Khaqaini (Afdal al-Din Ibrihim), Tuhfat al-cIrdqayn, Rabic II 1244/OctoberNovember 1828; 137 ff. Pers. 2.13: Sana3' (Abu 'l-Majd Majdfid Ghaznawi, or Bukha-rf), IHadzqatal-haqiqat,some folios missing, no date; 320 ff. Pers. 2.14: Nizam(i) Hariti (Mulla Nizam), Yuisuf u Zulaykhd,6 Jumada II 1164/2 April 1751; 158 ff. Pers. 2.15: Nizami Ganjawi (Ilyis Abui Muhammad), Iskandar-ndma, 27 Rajab 1223/ 7 September 1809, a part of the Khamsa;70 ff. Pers. 2.16: Nizami Ganjawi (Ilyais Abii Muhammad), three out of five parts of the Khamsa: (a) Iskandar-ndma,no date, 88 ff. (2b89b), (b) Haft paykar, some folios missing, no date, 58 ff. (90b-147a), (c) Layldu Majnun, folio 8 missing, no date, 57 ff. (148b-205b). Pers. 2.17: lithographed edition of Nizaimi Ganjawi's (Ilyis Abii Muhammad) Khamsa (see note 12). Pers. 2.18: CAttar (Farid al-Din Nishapiiri), Mantiq al-tayr,22 Muharram 1099/28 November 1687, first folio missing; 176 ff. Copied by Fakhr al-Din b. MirzaiMuhammad b. Mirza-Aka Miisawi Mashhadi. Pers. 2.19: CAttir (Farid al-Din Nishipfiri), Mantiq al-tayr,no date; 147 ff. Pers. 2.20. BD: Jalal al-Din Rfimi, Mathnawi-yi macnawi, dated 1 Dhu 'l-Qacda 1020/5 January 1612, illuminated; 330 ff. Copied in Herat by Fakhr al-Din Ahmad, known as Mullfi Khurd the copyist (al-kdtib). Pers. 2.21: (a) Jalil al-Din Riimi, Mathnawi-yi macnawi,illuminated, no date; 565 ff. (b) two loose illuminated pages of the Qur'in in an envelope attached to the volume, no date. Pers. 2.22: Jalil al-Din Rilmi, Mathnawi-yi macnawi,daftars1 and 2, no date ; 326 ff. Pers. 2.23: Jalil al-Din Rfimi, Mathnawi-yi macnawz,continuation of the Pers. 2.22: dafiars3 and 4, no date; 359 ff. Pers. 2.24: Jalil al-Din Riimi, Mathnawi-yi macnawi,continuation of the Pers. 2.23: daftars5 and 6, no date; 354 ff. Pers. 2.25: (a) Sacdi Shirizi (Shaykh Muslih al-Din Shirazi), Bustdn, 10 Safar (year ?); 78 ff. (1b-78b). Copied by Mustafa (b) Asp-ndma,a treatise on farriery in 38 bdbs,no date; 112 ff (79b- 191b).

A PRELIMINARY ACCOUNT OF THE PERSIAN MANUSCRIPTS IN THE COLLECTION OF THE LATE SIR HAROLD W. BAILEY

* Pers. 2.26: Sacdi Shirazi (Shaykh Muslih al-Din Shirazi), Bustdn, 8 Ramad5n [1000 (?)/18 June 1592]; 165 ff. * Pers. 2.27: Sacdi Shirazi (Shaykh Muslih al-Din Shirazi), Gulistdn,1282/1865-66; 54 ff. * Pers. 2.28: Sacdi Shira-zi (Shaykh Muslih al-Din Shirazi), part of the Kulliyydt,no date; 288 ff. * Pers. 2.29: Amir Khusraw Dihlawi (KhwajaAmir Khusraw), Matlac al-anwdr, 11 Shacbain 1024/ 5 September 1615; 60 ff. * Pers. 2.30: Amir Khusraw Dihlawi (KhwajaAmir Khusraw), Qirdn al-sacdayn, incomplete at the end, no date; 149 ff. * Pers. 2.31: Mir Hasan Dihlawi, a Mathnawi, no date; 86 ff. * Pers. 2.32: Htfiz (Shams al-Din Muhammad Shirazi), Diwdn, several folios missing, some others misplaced, no date (see note 7); 133 ff. * Pers. 2.33: Hifiz (Shams al-Din Muhammad Shirazi), Diwadn, 980/1572, illuminated Cunwan, some folios misplaced; 179 ff. Copied by Shihdb al-Din CAbdallah. * Pers. 2.34: (Shams al-Din Muhammad no date (late eighteenth century?); .Hfiz Shirazi), Dzwdn, 191 ff. * Pers. 2.35: Hafiz (Shams al-Din Muhammad Shirazi), Diwan, missing some folios in the middle of the volume and at the end, some folios misplaced, no date; 150 ff. * Pers. 2.36: (a) Sayib (Mirza- Muhammad CAli Isfahini Tabrizi), DFwdn,no date; 62 ff. (2b-63b) al-Din (b) Hijfiz (Shams Muhammad Shirazi), Dzwdn, 25 Dhu 'l-Qacda 1088/19January 1678; 155 ff. (64b-219a) (c) N5sir CAli,Dzwdn,25 Muharram [..]44; 47 ff. (220a-266a). * Pers. 2.37: Jami (Nilr al-Din CAbd al-Rahmin), Bahdristdn, 13 Rabic I 995/21 February 158726; 76 ff. * Pers. 2.38: Jami (Nik al-Din CAbdal-Rahmain), Yuisufu Zulaykh, 28 Rabic I 1221/15 June 1806, ff. 44 and 45 not original; 155 ff. * Pers. 2.39: Husayn WWiz (HIusaynb. CAli Kishifi Harati), Kitdb-idah majlis (part of the Rawdat alshuhada), 16 Muharram 1141/22 August 1728; 167 ff. * Pers. 2.40: Fa1idi (Fayya•i) b. Shaykh Mubirak, Nal u Daman, Jumalda I 1142/NovemberDecember 1729; 140 ff. * Pers. 2.41: Kalim (Abii Ttlib Hamadini I~shini), Diwdn (fragment), 15 Ramadin 1112/13January 1702, illuminated Cunwdn;278 ff. Copied by Mirza CAbdallah. * Pers. 2.42: Mulla Tughra Mashhadi, Kitdb-i Tughrd,no date; 40 ff. * Pers. 2.43: Mullai Tughra Mashhadi, containing three works: (a) part of the Kitdb-iTughrd,incom-

99

plete at the beginning, 38 ff. (la-38a), (b) Risdlayi Tughrd (or Firdawsiyya), 72 ff. (39a - 111b), (c) Raqacdt-iTughrd,15 ff. (112a-127b); no date. * Pers. 2.44: Wisal (Mirza Muhammad Shafic Shirdzi), DFwdn, Muharram 1250/May-June 1834, illuminated Cunwdn,copy written for Timlir Mirza, son of Fathl-cAliShh Qajir; 74 ff. * Pers. 2.45: Shaykh Yacqiib Sarfi (or: Sayrafi), Khamsa-yiMawlawz-yimacnawi,incomplete at the beginning, no date; 166 ff. * Pers. 2.46: [author ?], Khusraw-ndma,some folios misplaced, no date; 101 ff. Dictionaries, lexicography, grammar, translations * Pers. 3.01: CAbd al-Rashid Husayni Madani, Farhang-i Rashidiz,14 Ramad•n 1143/23 March 1731; 682 ff. * Pers. 3.02: [Sayyid cAli Akbar], an untitled tract on Arabic inflexion, no date; 82 ff. * Pers. 3.03. BD: exercise book containing parts of the above work (ff. la-16b), then random pages covered with exercises, no date; 91 ff. * Pers. 3.04. BD: exercise book similar to Pers. 3.03. BD with various fragments of texts, some blank pages, no date; 92 ff. * Pers. 3.05: Bhirinmal (Bhirmil), Singhdsan battisi, 12 Rabic I 1202/22 December 1787, incomplete at the beginning; 164 ff. Copied by Muhammad CAli[...]. * Pers. 3.06: Mahdbhdrata,part 12, dated 10Jumada II [11]46 (?)/18 November 1733 (?); 218 ff. Other * Pers. 4.01: Qadi Mir Nitrallah Shushtari, Sharh-i Mathnawi-yi Jaldl al-Dzn Rimi-, Safar-Rabic I 1127/beg. February-beg. April 1715; 277 ff. * Pers. 4.02: Ghazali (Abti Muhammad), 1 and a H.imid sacddat, large fragment of part Kimiyd3-yi part 2, no date; 194 ff. * Pers. 4.03: a book of prayers, incomplete at the end, no date; 24 ff. * Pers. 4.04: a commentary on the Bible (note giving the title as "Armeniandialogues"),no date; 163 ff.27 * Pers. 4.05: (a) a book of Muslim devotion and no date; 56 ff. (2b-57a) conjuring, (b) Bakht-ndma,a book on divination, no date; 42 ff. (58b-99a). * Pers. 4.06: I;IusaynWaCiz (Husayn b. CAliIKshifi Harati), Akhlaq-imuthsini,no date; 171 ff. * Pers. 4.07: [author ?], Kitdb-ihisdb,dated before AD 1789 (possessor's signature); 307 ff. * Pers. 4.08. BD: Muhammad Akbar Arzini, Tibb-i Akbar(i),incomplete at the end, no date; 415 ff.

100

JOURNAL OF PERSIAN STUDIES

List of authors CAbdal-Rashid Husayni Madani--Pers. 3.01 Abu '1-FadlcAllami-Pers. 1.08 to Pers. 1.10, Pers. 2.06 Amir Khusraw Dihlawi-Pers. 2.29, Pers. 2.30 CAttar (Farid al-Din Nisha-putri)-Pers. 2.18, Pers. 2.19 CAwff,Niir al-Din Muhammad-Pers.

2.07

Bharinmal (Bharmal)-Pers. 3.05 Dalpat Ray (RatoDalpat Singh)-Pers. 2.09 2.40 Fa"idi (Fayyidi) b. Shaykh Mubatrak-Pers. or Mansur)-Pers. Firdawsi (Abu 'l-Qisim Hasan 2.01. BD, Pers. 2.02. BD Firishta (Muhammad Qasim AstarTibfdi)-Pers. 1.05 to Pers. 1.07 GhazaRli(Abii Hamid Muhammad)-Pers. 4.02 HIfiz (Shams al-Din Muhammad Shirazi)-Pers. 2.32 to Pers. 2.35, Pers. 2.36(b) - Pers. 1.12 Harkan b. MathurdaisKanbui Multanmi Hasan Dihlawi, (Mir)-Pers. 2.31 Husayn Wiciz Kishifi Haratti-Pers. 2.04, Pers. 2.05, Pers. 2.39, Pers. 4.06 Jaimi, Nuir al-Din CAbdal-Rahman-Pers. 2.37, Pers. 2.38 Kalim (Abii TUilibHamadini Kfisha-ni)-Pers. 2.41 Khalifa Shah Muhammad-Pers. 1.11 Kh-iqaini(Afdal al-Din Ibrdihim)-Pers. 2.12 Khwa-ndamir (Ghiyath al-Din Muhammad)-Pers. 1.04 Mirkhwand (Muhammad b. Kha-wandshah)-Pers. 1.01. BD, Pers. 1.02 Muhammad Akbar Arzaini-Pers. 4.08. BD Mullfi Tughri Mashhadi--Pers. 2.42, Pers. 2.43 N5sir CAli--Pers. 2.36(c)

Nizam Haritit (Mulla Nizim)-Pers. 2.14 Nizimi Ganjawi-Pers. 2.15 to Pers. 2.17 Nturallfh Shushtari, Qadi Mir-Pers. 4.01 Rimi, Jalail al-Din-Pers. 2.20. BD, Pers. 2.21(a), Pers. 2.22 to Pers. 2.24 Sacdi Shiraizi (Shaykh Muslih al-Din)--Pers. 2.25(a), Pers. 2.26 to Pers. 2.28 Sanai3i (Abu 3l-Majd Majdidd Ghaznawi, or Bukhitri)-Pers. 2.13 Siyib (Mirza Muhammad Cli Isfahaini Tabrizi)-Pers. 2.36(a) Sayyid CAi Akbar-Pers. 3.02, Pers. 3.03. BD 2.11 Shaykh CInayatallih--Pers. Shaykh YacqilbSarfi (Sayraffi)-Pers. 2.45 Tawakkul Beg Chini--Pers. 2.03 (a) Wisil (Mirza Muhammad Shafic Shiraizi)- Pers. 2.44 List of transcribers Fakhr al-Din Ahmad, known as Mulla Khurd, Herat, 1020/1612-Pers. 2.20. BD

Fakhr al-Din b. Mirzat Muhammad b. Mirza-Aka MuisawiMashhadi, 1099/1687-Pers. 2.18 kdtib-iBukhdn, Samarkand, 1012/1604-Pers. 2.01. BD Mirzi CAbdallfh,1112/1702-Pers. 2.41 Muhammad CAi [...], 1202/1787-Pers. 3.05 Muhammad Silih Kanbfi, India (?), 1230/1815Pers. 2.03 Muhammad Sacid, Lahore (?), 1066/1656 (?)Pers. 2.08 Mustafa-Pers. 2.25 (a) Shihab al-Din CAbdallah,980/1572-Pers. 2.33 *I would like to express my gratitude to the late Sir Harold Bailey for his special invitation to study and use his collections which was issued to me in 1992. I am also grateful to the Trustees of the Ancient India and Iran Trust for making me welcome. I also thank Mrs Anna F. Chaudhri for her scientific and friendly support. I am also indebted to Mr Francis Richard of the Bibliotheque Nationale de France for his comments on an earlier draft of this work. It is my hope and intention to pursue the study of the Persian manuscripts in the collection of the late Sir Harold Bailey, and to produce a full catalogue in the near future. 1 The card index can be consulted at the library of the Ancient India and Iran Trust, 2These are Pers. 1.03 Cambridge. (see ff. 5a, 12a), Pers. 2.08. Some of the volumes possess a signature of Thomas Robinson: Pers. 1.03, Pers. 1.04, Pers. 1.08 (dated Calcutta 23 October 1819), Pers. 2.07, Pers. 2.08, Pers. 2.15, Pers., 2.19, Pers. 2.35 (dated Calcutta, 26 August 1819), Pers. 2.36, Pers. 2.39, Pers. 2.43, Pers. 3.01, Pers. 3.05, Pers. 3.06 (Poona, no date), Pers. 4.02, Pers. 4.08. BD. 3See his Ex-Librison the last blank page of Pers. 1.02. This manuscript was also a part of the library of Saint Augustine's College. Raffles was Lieutenant-Governor of Java (1811-16) and of Sumatra (1818-23). See his Ex-Librison inside lower cover of both manuscripts. -According to the information supplied by Francis Richard, Alexander T. Ross (born 1777) was Governor of Agra and Deputy-Governor of Bengal; he retired in 1838. Compare with the manuscript in the collections of the Bibliotheque Nationale de France, Suppl. Persan 1027, formerly in Ross's possession and bought by Jules Mohl in London in 1826. 6 Pers. 2.27 was bought from Professor Fraser by Sir Harold Bailey on 2July 1929 (note on the last blank page). 7This volume, copied not much before 1225/1810, contains some pages originally coming from a much older manuscript (these have golden-ruled margins). 8See below for the details on this manuscript and for more information on its previous owners. ' See Pers. 2.44, fol. 74a. 10This number is very likely to change after the close examination of the undated manuscripts. 11In 1995, another Persian volume, apparently a work by Niztmi, joined the collection. This manuscript is still to be examined. 12The volume Pers. 2.17, is a lithographed edition of Nizimni Ganjawi's Khamsa: the Makhzan al-asrdr, Khusraw u Shirn, Layldu Majnun, Haft paykar,and Iskandar-ndma.The book was transcribed by Nasrallh Q•ijar Tabrizi, dated 1321/1903-4 and contains 508 pp. 13 See Appendix for the complete list of the manuscripts from the Bailey collection. 14Two other treatises on mathematics, copied in the nineteenth century and bound together in one volume, are classified with

A PRELIMINARY ACCOUNT OF THE PERSIAN MANUSCRIPTS IN THE COLLECTION OF THE LATE SIR HAROLD W. BAILEY the Arabic manuscripts, but must be quoted here. They are firstly the Khuldsat al-hisdb by Bahai' al-Din Muhammad b. Ijusayn al-cAmill (Arab. 10-a), and secondly a very clean copy, in Arabic translation, of Euclid's work on geometry and arithmetic (Arab. 10-b). Among the Arabic manuscripts of the Bailey collection that need to be listed here there are also Fawd3id al-dhiydciyya(Arab. 09), and a little grammar Jarmi's book devoted to Persian verbs, given with their Turkish equivalents (Arab. 07). 15See note 17. 16 See Eth6, no. 872 (copy dated 991/1583), also Rieu, p. 536 (Add. 27,302, dated 994/1586). See also Iraj Afshar, Kitdbshinsf-yi Firdawsf:Fihrist-idthdrwa tahqiqdtdar bdra-yiFirdawsi wa Shdh-ndma,Intisharat-i Anjuman-i Athir-i Milli, Tehran 1347 Sh./1968. Persian Mythology (London-New 17John R. Hinnells, York-Sydney-Toronto, 1973), p. 65: seven pictures being the below-mentioned numbers 6, 7, 15 (as: "Rustam killing Pulfidwand"), 16 (as: "Rustam saving Bizhan from a pit"), 17, 18 (no legend), and 22. Revised edition (London, 1985), pp. 118-119: four pictures being the below-mentioned numbers 6, 7, 17, and 22. 18 M. M. Ashrafi-Ayini is also the author of the chapter entitled "The School of Bukhara to c. 1550", in Basil Gray (General Editor), The Arts of the Book in CentralAsia, 14th-16th centuries (Serinda Publications/UNESCO, 1979), pp. 249-72.

101

19Opinion quoted according to the typewritten note by H. W. Bailey kept with the volume, dated 29 July [19]86, which was written during the Professor Ashrafi-Ayini's visit. No further reference to the two Samarkand manuscripts is given. 20Others are Pers. 2.32, Pers. 2.34, Pers. 2.35 et Pers. 2.36(b). See the Appendix. 21 Including details on the location of an impressive number of manuscripts, references of editions and translations. 22See the handwritten note pencilled on the page before the text: "Pers.Historicalwork.Habi-bal-siyar?". 23Corresponding, with very slight variations, to fol. 6b, line 10, of the Suppl. Persan 175 in the Bibliotheque Nationale de France. 24This copy, bearing the date of completion of Rabic II 1055/ end May-end June 1645, is nearly contemporary of the Bailey's copy. 25 They are: Pers. 2.03(b), Pers. 2.07, Pers. 2.09, Pers. 2.14, Pers. 2.29, Pers. 2.31, Pers. 2.44, Pers. 2.45, Pers. 3.02, Pers. 4.01, Pers. 4.08. BD. In addition, the manuscripts Pers. 2.25(b), Pers. 2.46, Pers. 4.05 and Pers. 4.07 have not been identified as yet. 26This date might refer to the manuscript from which this copy has been transcribed rather than to the present copy, which does not look older then the eighteenth century. 27Francis Richard suggests that it could be a work by John Mrkuz of NewJulfa.

MEDIAEVALIRANIAN LUSTRE-PAINTEDAND ASSOCIATEDWARES: TYPOLOGYIN A MULTIDISCIPLINARYSTUDY By Robert B. Mason Royal OntarioMuseum,Toronto

INTRODUCTION The study of ceramics in the mediaeval Middle East has traditionally been divided into two separate fields: those of archaeology and art history. Archaeologists have generally focused on the finds from their own sites, seeking only precise comparanda for publication. High-quality glazed ceramics like lustrewares were made in a restricted number of centres and distributed over a very large area, and are thus often a very small percentage of the total ceramic assemblage. No archaeologist so constrained has ever had the opportunity to examine the fine wares as a complete corpus. Broad all-encompassing approaches to the fine wares have only been attempted by art historians utilising traditional connoisseurship techniques and focusing on the whole vessels which have appeared on the art market since the nineteenth century. This paper provides the first attempt at providing a chronology for mediaeval Iranian lustre-painted and associated high-quality glazed wares based on the methodologies of archaeological ceramic study. This forms part of a more comprehensive multidisciplinary study, including petrographic analysis and the application of the scanning electron microscope (SEM) with X-ray spectroscopy (Mason 1994, 1995a), aimed at further understanding of the production of "dlite"glazed wares in the central Islamic lands from the beginning of Islam until the beginning of the fourteenth century. Three papers parallel to this one will report the typology of the Iraqi, Egyptian and Syrian wares (Mason forthcoming, in press a and b). Analyticalstudies Petrographic analysis is used to characterise the petrographically-defined fabric (petrofabric) of pottery (Mason 1991. 1995b), at least to characterise groups and hopefully to attribute wares to specific production centres (see Fig. 1). Groups which have merely been characterised are generally named after the side where samples were first examined (e.g. "Rayy 3" and "Rayy 4" petrofabrics). Petrofabrics which have been attributed to a particular site are named after the site of production, although sites

whose attribution is tentative are followed by a question mark in parenthesis (e.g. Gurgan (?)). To date five distinct stonepaste petrofabrics have been defined for pottery produced in Iran during the period covered in this paper (representative examples of the chief four of these defined to date are shown in Figs. 2 and 3). The Kashan (?) petrofabric is the largest of these by number of analyses (see appendix), but it should not be assumed that this is due to the admitted initial bias in sampling of Lustre-painted and "Minai" wares which are only found in this petrofabric. Sampling of a range of lesser-quality stonepaste wares, chiefly monochrome Incised wares (see below) at sites such as Ghubeyra, Gurgan and Rayy showed that the Kashan (?) petrofabric is dominant in all stonepaste wares, even at sites with evidence of manufacture (see Appendix). Attribution to Kashan is based on analysis of Iranian lustre-wares, for which there appears to be only one reliable attribution based on other evidence: Kashan (Mason 1991, 1994). Other petrofabrics include the Rayy petrofabric, defined from analysis of a waster from the site; two further petrofabrics first defined from analysis of pottery from Rayy ("Rayy 3" and "Rayy4"); plus a further petrofabric first identified by analysis of pottery from Gurgan, and tentatively attributed to that site. Stonepaste petrofabrics have also been defined for a number of other Iranian sites based on analysis of later pottery (Mason 1995b, 1996), including sites which have produced evidence of production dateable to the period covered in this study, such as Nishapur. The SEM study is aimed at the determination of technological attributes, and thereby at unravelling technological questions applicable to pottery made at the cutting edge of ceramic technological development (Mason 1995a). Some reference to the results of these analytical studies will be made where pertinent to the typological study, but their full reporting is best made elsewhere.' Therelevanceof high-qualitywares

Systems of production of pottery in the Islamic world are formed into a particularly well-developed hierarchy (Mason 1994, Mason et al. 1996). What may be called "elite" or "first quality" ceramics are 103

104

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Fig. 2. Selectedsamplesof Kashan (?) Petrofabric.

defined by their technically innovative techniques of manufacture combined with decoration executed in an artistically sophisticated manner, and production in a very restricted number of centres with a very wide distribution. Technological innovations first used in the elite

wares include tin-opacified glazes, overglaze enamelpigments, lustre-pigment, the stonepaste ceramic body, and underglaze pigment. Lustre-pigment is applied after the firing of the vessel, and consists of an amalgam of silver, copper, ochre and a fixative. The pigment is fixed in a further low-temperature

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Petrofabric

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Fig. 3. Selectedsamplesof Gurgan(?), Rayy,and "Rayy3" Petrofabrics.

m

-

MEDIAEVAL IRANIAN LUSTRE-PAINTED AND ASSOCIATED WARES: TYPOLOGY IN A MULTIDISCIPLINARY STUDY

anaerobic firing, in which the metallic elements fuse to the surface of the vessel producing a metallic lustrous design. A stonepaste body is a mixture of crushed quartz mixed with clay and glass roughly in the proportions of 10:1:1 (Mason and Tite 1994). The scale of production comprises very few centres, with a wide distribution. A good example for this would be Basra, in Iraq, the sole production centre for lustre-wares between about 800 and 975, the products of which were transported the full extent of the Old World, from Spain to Thailand and China, and south to the tip of Africa (see Mason forthcoming). The consistency of product would argue for a principal manufactory at the production centre, certainly in some cases including division of tasks. The last attribute of the elite group is the degree of ability of the decorator, including what might be called artistry. This is often the realm of rather subjective observations about the confidence and regularity in the brush-stroke and the general composition which might be better assessed by an art historian than by myself, but in many cases the degree of time and attention gone into the decoration forms a more objective means of assessment. Another more objective attribute is the originality of designs, which will only be derivative of yet more prestigious art forms, if they are derivative at all. Forming practices will also exhibit a combination of competency and also a willingness to take extra time and attention, for instance with further re-working of the vessel by turning. Archaeological contexts for these d1itewares certainly include 61ite contexts, such as caliphal palaces, but the scale of production would argue that the bulk would have been made for the well-developed urban elite of the Islamic world, consisting of merchants, bureaucrats, craftsmen, clerics and soldiers. Where sufficient dating evidence is available, elite wares tend to change rapidly through time, with distinct styles having a life of about twenty to fifty years (see below, also Watson 1985). The "second class" group of wares are distinguished from the first elite group by a simpler and/or more conservative technology, a less extensive distribution, and stylistic attributes being largely derivative of the first group. The technology may include techniques which had been previously innovative at the first calibre centres, but very advanced technology or very demanding techniques were not used. For instance, amongst earlier wares they may have tin-opacified glazes, or amongst later wares they may have stonepaste bodies, but they will not have lustre-pigment. This group also includes wares of simpler technologies, for instance, the lead-glazed classes of slip-incised or slip-painted wares, the former having a pale slip over a darker body with decoration executed by incision through the pale slip to

107

reveal the dark body beneath (known in Europe as sgraffito), the latter having decoration executed by application of different-coloured slips. Decoration with slips is, of course, a very traditional technology, while lead glazes appear to have been an undemanding technology. This "second quality" group will have a large number of production centres relative to the elite group, perhaps five in Iraq of the ninth century, perhaps ten in Iran at the same time. The distribution will be limited, and very rarely extend beyond the scale of the modern states of the region, usually less. The degree of originality and competency exhibited in this group may be very high in some regions distant from centres of the first calibre, in particular north-eastern Iran of the ninth century. Here the criteria of technology and scale of production and distribution provide a valid assessment of rank, while it may also be noted that, in the case of the example cited, the wares were supplanted by pottery imitating products of the first or 61ite group. In those cases where the technology being used is largely the same as in the first group, for instanced, incised wares or underglaze-painted wares, they may be separated by their poorer quality of execution in potting (irregularity, etc) or painting (poor design, lack of fluidity, etc). Further down on this hierarchy of production are glazed wares which use the most limited technology, have very restricted distribution, and their decoration is of a limited and functional level. They never include stonepaste bodies, and glazes are simple lead or sodic-fluxed types. They are, however, wheelmade and moderately mass-produced, although their market is local. Change is considerably less pronounced through time than in the preceding groups. Individual motifs may be derived from heirloom pieces as old as a century, and used in conjunction with motifs derived from contemporary fine wares. Below this on the present hierarchy, but probably equal to at least the previously described group in structural organisation of the industry, are unglazed wares, including wheel-thrown wares. Below that again, hand-made wares were also made, presumably for the most part for home consumption. This general hierarchical model of production fits comfortably with those of researchers dealing with similarly developed systems of production, such as the Roman world (Peacock 1982: 8-10, see also Rice 1987: 184-87). Of all these classes of wares, it is the glazed wares, particularly those of the first class, that will be discussed here. Glazed wares are not necessarily dominant amongst the ceramic corpora of archaeological sites, but neither are they rare, at least in regard to sites which represent the principal residences of the bulk of the population. As a rough guide Robert

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Adams, who surveyed and excavated extensively in Iraq and Iran, considered an Islamic site with less than 10% glazed wares to be a small rural site (Adams 1970). Larger percentages would be expected for urban sites, for example ninth-century Siraf had 17% (Hodges and Whitehouse 1983: 148). Only in regions of considerable impoverishment of the cultural record do glazed wares become at all rare; examples include most of Jordan which seems to have rapidly declined to a pastoral economy, apart from sites of strategic military importance, after the first centuries following the hijra. The relevance of the fine wares lies not only in their significance to art history and the history of technology but in their general relevance to archaeology. By producing a chronology for these rapidly changing wares it will be possible to correlate sites across the Islamic world and beyond. Further, the above discussion makes it clear that by providing dating of elite wares, one is also providing dating of wares which imitated them.

STUDIES

with drawn profiles. In the figures of pottery drawings the objects drawn by myself have shaded profiles whereas those taken from other publications have un-shaded profiles. This is to enable distinction between pieces for which the accuracy of the drawing may be vouched for from those for which it may not. In the larger study (Mason 1994), sherds tend to be the most significant due to the much larger and therefore more significant sample size available; however, most of the material used in this paper are whole vessels. Open forms and particularly bowls are the most common shape in this corpus, and so particular attention is given to rim and base profile as well as general vessel form (see Fig. 4). Each type of rim or base is defined by a very specific geometry. Decoration is analysed by reference to design elements, rather than to overall effect. Particularweight is given to those motifs and design elements which are essentially structural, repetitive, and common (see Fig. 5). These are thought to represent expressions to which the painter gave little thought, being more concerned with the overall effect of the piece. Methodology Once these design elements are identified, their The corpus of pottery assembled for this study occurrence within a type is tabulated together with consists of sherds from excavations and surface col- vessel form, and is thus subjected to seriation (Table lection (Fig. 1), and unattributed but diagnostic 1 and 2). The seriated attributes correlate in an whole vessels. Published material has also been assemblage of design elements and forms. This included where possible. In the larger study (Mason assemblage defines a group of pottery with the same 1994) the pottery has been classified in a hierarchal Style.At times a style group is distinct from others, taxonomic structure. The highest division is the with few or no motifs held in common with other ceramic Class,essentially defined by surface technol- assemblages. At other times individual motifs may ogy (slips, glaze). This includes such classes as cross-over from one assemblage to another in an interrelated sequence of motif assemblages. In some Opaque-glazed, Alkali-glazed, and so on. Although these terms often appear general, they are based on circumstances the cause of such stylistic divisions obvious differences in appearance supported by dis- may represent distinct, perhaps contemporary, worktinctions in microstructure and chemistry. Classes shops. In the majority of cases, each stylistic group are in turn divided into ceramic Typesdefined by the within a type represents a progressive series of develmethod of decoration (e.g. lustre, underglaze, slip- opments, which is best explained by chronologically incised, etc). The final division is ceramic Style, successive groups. This may be seen in the relevant defined by a combination of vessel form and the table where the assemblage shifts to the right down styles of decorations, usually expressed as an assem- the table, in what is considered to approximate a blage of motifs. This system of classification does not chronological progression. Also, the forms studies always work, and in particular it falls short with generally show a continuous line of development regard to the material being discussed in this paper, (Figs. 6-10) even with an eye to the realities of potas Iranian lustre-painted wares may be found on ting precision (cf. Miller 1985: Fig. 9). both opaque and clear glazes, even on the same vesUnfortunately, it is impossible, given the space, to sel. Hence in this case it is necessary only to focus on include a full record of every sherd, vessel or other the Type classifications, comprising Lustre-painted, object used in the study. Only vessel profiles and a Underglaze-painted (including true pigment paints record of which motifs are found on selected exand "slip"-paintedstyles such as "Silhouette" ware), amples are reported. This provides all the data conOverglaze-painted ("Minai"and "Lajvardina"wares) sidered in the study, but provides a poor impression and Relief-decorated (including Moulded and of the appearance of the pottery. A limited number Incised wares), each with their various styles of vessels are fully illustrated to give one an idea of divisions. what the pottery looked like (Pls. XVIII-XX), while Form is studied by reference to sherds and whole the Appendix provides reference to illustrations of vessels studied in person, or published examples some other pieces.

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MEDIAEVAL IRANIAN LUSTRE-PAINTED AND ASSOCIATED WARES: TYPOLOGY IN A MULTIDISCIPLINARY STUDY

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Fig. 4. Geometry ofprincipalbowlforms (not to scale).Many of theseforms mayhave rimsotherthan thoseshown.

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Motif KL.1

Motif KL.2

MotifKL.3

Motif KL.5

Motif KL.4

Motif KL. 12 MotifKL.7 Motif KL.8

Motif KL.15

Motif KL.16

Motif KL.21

Motif KL.10

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Motif KL.17

Motif KL.22

Motif KL.18

Motif KL.11

Motif KL.19

MotifKL.23

MotifKL.6

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Motif KL.20 group

Motif KL.24 MotifKL.25

MotifKL.26

A

"x"group motifs bracket-line" xmotifs group "decayed "kidney-palmette"

Motif KL.30 group

Motif KL.34 group

Motif KL.38

Motif KL.27 oupMotif roup

Motif KL.31 group

Motif KL.35

Motif KL.39

Motif KL.32

MotifKL.33 group

Motif KL.37

Motif KL.36

Motif KL.40

Motif KL.29

KL.28

Motif KL.41

Fig. 5. KashanLustre-paintedmotifs(not to scale).

"line-leaf' motif

MEDIAEVAL IRANIAN LUSTRE-PAINTED AND ASSOCIATED WARES: TYPOLOGY IN A MULTIDISCIPLINARY STUDY

A TYPOLOGYFOR IRANIAN STONEPASTEWARES:c. 1100-1340 Lustre-painted wares and associated pottery made of stonepaste appear to have been suddenly and simultaneously introduced into Iran, and rapidly made other wares unfashionable. This would argue for the actual movement of potters, as the stonepaste technology would be beyond the skill of the average Iranian craft potter of the day, as would lustre-painting (Mason and Tite 1994).2 Some of the traditional lead-glazed and clay-bodied wares continued in contemporaneity, and of course for large and coarse vessels clay was still used, but on the whole it is the stonepaste vessels of varying quality which dominate assemblages quite soon after their introduction. Lustre-waresform the dominant fine-ware from the introduction of stonepaste ceramics up until the midfourteenth century. Other important fine-wares include the Overglaze-painted wares, including "Minai"ware, decorated in different-coloured paints over a tin-opacified glaze. The Relief-decorated wares generally had a monochrome glaze, either tinopacified or alkali, and decoration obtained by incision, excision or moulding. Underglaze-painted wares were decorated with metallic oxide pigments under a clear alkali glaze, and may be divided into two groups. The first group had the oxide pigment applied in a medium of crushed quartz, effectively a continuation of traditional slip-painting technology, while the second group had the oxide pigments applied with no surviving medium. The entire Iranian lustre corpus may be attributed to Kashan with moderate confidence. All samples of Iranian lustre-ware have either been of the petrofabric attributed to Kashan, or have been of Safaviddate. The moderation in this confidence is due to the fact that no kiln evidence from Kashan has been sampled, the attribution relying on the fact that the only reliable evidence for manufacture of lustre-wares implicates Kashan (Watson 1985: 37-44), while only one highly distinct petrofabric has been found in Iranian lustre-wares of the relevant period (Mason 1991, 1995a), the overglaze-painted "Minai"wares are also solely attributed to Kashan, while other types are produced at Kashan and other centres, including Rayy,Gurgan and presently unknown centres. Unlike the corpus of Iraqi and Egyptian pottery assembled for the larger study, the bulk of materials available for study of the Iranian wares comprise whole vessels with no information regarding their origin. This is dominated by vessels in the collections of the Ashmolean Museum and the Metropolitan Museum of Art, plus some from the Royal Ontario Museum and the British Museum, with a number of published profiles of pieces from the Gulbenkian Collection, Victoria and Albert Museum, and the

111

Khalili Collection (respectively Mota 1988, Watson 1985).3 A large number of date-inscribed objects have been included from published sources, including those by Watson (1985), Pope (1938) and Bahrami (1949). For the analytical study, samples were available from excavations at Rayy, Siraf, Ghubeyra, Gurgan and Ani (see Pls. XVIII-XX and Figs. 2, 3). To some degree the understanding of the beginnings of production in Iran are dependent on understanding of the sequence of production in Egypt (Mason in press a) and Syria (Mason in press b). As these sequences are to be published elsewhere and would be too long to include here anyway, it must suffice to say that the same methodologies were applied to these wares as are reported below for Iranian wares, and a sequence developed for each. Egyptian lustre-wares can be divided into four major sequential groups, to which may be attributed the following dates: Group One c. 975-1025, Group Two c. 1025-75, Group Three c. 1075-1125 and Group Four c. 1125-75. The various types of epigraphic and archaeological evidence actually provide a more reliable chronology for these wares than is suggested by the equal fifty-yeartimes spans. Although there is some archaeological evidence for the dating of the Syrian wares, the beginning of this sequence is dependent on the dating of the Egyptian sequences, as the first Syrian lustre group (known elsewhere as "Tell Minis"ware) can be directly linked to practices transitional between Egyptian Groups Two and Three. The Syrian stonepaste-bodied wares, including lustre-wares and underglaze-painted wares, may be divided into seven groups. Group One, comprising "Tell Minis" Lustre-painted and "Lakabi". Polychrome-relief wares attributed to western Syria, is dated to c. 1075-1100 or 1125; Group Two, comprising Lustre-painted wares possibly attributed to Raqqa and elsewhere, is dated to c. 1125-50; Group Three, comprising polychrome underglaze-painted wares attributed to Damascus, is dated to c. 1125-50; Group Four, representing Lustre-painted wares from Raqqa, polychrome underglaze-painted wares from Damascus, and bichrome underglaze-painted wares from Ma'arrat al-Nu'man, is dated to c. 1150-75 or 1200; Group Five, comprising polychrome underglaze-painted wares from Damascus and Raqqa, is dated c. 1150 or 1175-1200; Group Six, comprising bichrome underglaze-painted wares from Raqqa and Ma'arrat, is dated to c. 1150 or 1175-1200; and Group Seven, comprising Lustre-painted wares attributed to Raqqa, is dated to c. 1200-50. It may be noted that these are not sequential, but different approaches to forming and decoration in some of the groups, together with the petrographic evidence, would indicate that they were made in different workshops, or even different centres.

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Iranian Lustre-paintedwares Iranian Lustre-painted wares can be found with opaque glazes and also clear glazes, hence they do not respect the technological divisions into Classes based on glaze technology. There is generally no chronological or stylistic division at all between Iranian wares with different glaze technologies, indeed, they may be both found on the same vessel. The characteristics of each piece are broken down into a motif typology (Fig. 5-named KLsequence for Kashan Lustre-painted) and a form of typology (Figs. 6-10). The two are brought together in seriation tables relating the different phenomena (Tables 1 and 2), and a further table relating the typology to dated pieces (Table 3). The various examples studied can be broken down into a number of groups, which in some circumstances can be linked sequentially in a chronological arrangement. Initially, ten groups were indicated by the motif and form study, with seriation putting all sequential except Groups Five and Six. However, integration of the large corpus of dateinscribed pieces indicated a large gap between Groups Seven and Eight. Rather than re-number the whole sequence, the few pieces in this gap have been melodramatically named as Group "x". Although this material has been divided into groups before, most recently by Watson (1985), new terms will be used here. This is because two of the groups (the Monumental and Miniature styles often traditionally attributed to Rayy) have been broken down into a number of smaller groups; the third group (Kashan) was named after where they all appear to have been made; and the fourth (Ilkhanid) was a general dynastic name, not specific to any feature. Hence it was thought preferable to undertake the typological study without the baggage of previously-defined style-names. The chronology for lustrewares will be considered collectively at the end. Kashan Lustre-painted Group One (KLPl): "Egyptianising".This group reflects Egyptian traditions. Examples are apparently most often found as broad dishes, with slightly flattened rims; short, at times slightly splayed ring feet; and usually an internal ridge, concentric with the rim and directly above the foot (Fig. 6). All of these characteristics may be shown to have derived from the Egyptian Group Two practice, notably including the flattened rim (the "camel 2" rim of Mason 1994, in press a). Small bowls are also attributable to this first Iranian group, with a form between a simple segmental profile and a splayed conical shape, with a vertical base (Fig. 6: MMA.47, ASH.54). This cono-segmental bowl form (see Fig. 4), although not a particularly distinguished profile, will continue into the succeeding groups. At least two other similar vessels are published with typical Kashan Group One motifs

(Watson 1985: pl. 16 and 20, the former may be closer to the hemispherical form common in Kashan Group Two, see below). Prototypical constructions may be found in Fustat Group Two forms for these bowls also (see Mason in press a), notably in conical bowls and hemispherical forms. The slightly angular conjunction between vessel sides and base in ASH.54 (Fig. 6) may suggest a relationship with Fustat Group One and Two conical bowls. A tall footed form included in this group (Fig. 6: MMA.07) also has close parallels in Egyptian Group Two. General designs on dishes in the first Iranian Group most often represent a central figure, surrounded by scrolling foliage, and a crescent-motif on the rim (P1.V; also cf. Watson 1985: Plate 12). In the general and the specific, this can also be related to Egyptian Group Two practice. Motifs include the diagnostic crescent rim (Fig. 5: motifKL.1), which is found on the flat rims of dishes, in exactly the same manner as it was used on Egyptian "camel"rims, or draped down from the rim on the exterior of the small bowls. Other motifs include the "knobbed stem" (motif KL.2), "knobbed palmette" (KL.3), and the "circle-lkm"motif (KL.4), which continues into the succeeding group. A motif found only on the bowls is a line of calligraphy around the exterior, which again may be interpreted as a continuation from the Egyptian Group Two practice of inscribing such words as al-yumnand sa'd in various locations, but most characteristically on the exterior. This motif also carries on into the next group, but may conceivably be differentiated on the readability of the text. The Group One texts are always readable, and include one signature (Abu Tahir ibn Muhammad Hamza ibn al-Hasan), whereas the Group Two inscriptions are generally poorly executed and are often meaningless. An apparently uniquely Iranian characteristic is the cobalt-blue coloured reverse, found in the first and a number of subsequent Iranian groups. In all analysed pieces the blue back has been of an alkali glaze, while the white front has been tin-opacified. Kashan Lustrepainted Group Two (KLP2): "scriptback". Dishes in this group are generally similar to that of the preceding group, but the internal circular ridge is considerably less distinct and in one case is replaced by a gouged line (Fig. 6: MMA.49); they tend to have wider flat rims; and may also have an exterior ridge at or just below the join between rim and body. The bowls are dominated by the cono-segmental form, and a newly defined profile in the hemispherical bowls of Iranian Group Two, which all have a splayed foot (e.g. Fig. 6: ASH.03, ASH.16). This also shows links to Egyptian Group Two prototypes, and probably had Iranian Group One predecessors. Some of these hemispherical bowls show weak carinations (e.g. Fig. 6: ASH.12), precursors of

MEDIAEVAL IRANIAN LUSTRE-PAINTED AND ASSOCIATED WARES: TYPOLOGY IN A MULTIDISCIPLINARY STUDY

the bowls of the succeeding group. Motifs in this group include continuations of the circle-ldm motif from Group One, and also the calligraphy on the reverse of the bowls, although at times this is actuallyjust a running scroll derived from the script motif (motif KL.9; see P1l.XIXb,c). In this group the script will not be accompanied by a crescent pattern on the rim as in Group One, but just a simple band. Characteristic motifs include the calligraphy-rim (motif KL.6), consisting of an inscription or pseudo-inscription running along the flat rims of the dishes (cf. Watson 1985: pl. 13); the solid palmette (motif KL.7); and the "big-eye"motif (KL.8). It is in pieces of this group that we first find examples of the seated figure with crossed legs and one arm crossing the body, the palm up-raised on the lap (cf. Watson 1985: pl. 14). This will become an important element of the succeeding two groups (see P1.XIXd). Another feature in some ex-amples is a radial-panel pattern, usually consisting of eight parts, with alternate panels coloured blue (cf. Watson 1985: pl. 23). Kashan Lustre-paintedGroup Three (KLP3): "knotback" Although no large dish forms have been drawn in this group, presumably they would be intermediate between the dishes of Group Two (Fig. 6: ASH.48) and Four (Fig. 7: ASH.63). The simple conosegmental bowl form of Group Two seems to continue in this group, but more common are varieties of carinated bowls with slightly splayed feet (Fig. 7), in shallow and deep styles, including some lobed variants (e.g. ASH.43). These bowls often have a raised ridge on the exterior, just below the rim. One example in this group appears to have an early representation of the biconical form so important in later groups (Fig. 7: GUL.13).4 The interior decora-

tion of this piece (Mota 1988: 54-5) has a radiallyarranged pattern of calligraphically-inscribed bands with intervening calligraphy painted on the white ground, although none of the inscriptions appear legible. Such motifs are more common in later groups, but inscribed bands were an important motif in Egyptian Group Two Lustre-painted wares, while the "knot-back"motif and possibly also the prototypical biconical shape would argue for inclusion in the present group. Although the continuity appears more explicit in Syrian wares (Mason in press b), the particular form of this piece is a logical link between the conical bowls of Fustat Groups One and Two, and the later biconical bowls. The diagnostic motif of this group is the "knotback", an arrangement by which the reverse of the vessel is divided into panels, which contain interweaving lines resembling illustrations in a boyscout's book of knot-tying (motif KL.10; see also P1. XIXd,e). This motif may be derived from the pseudo-calligraphic scroll noted in the preceding

113

group (a link actually best illustrated by some Syrian wares, see Mason in press b). Kashan Lustre-paintedGroupFour (KLP4): "chequertree".Forms in this group (Fig. 7) include dishes which show the continuing trend in broadening of the rim, straightening of the angle between body and rim, and also the ridge on the exterior at the angle between rim and body. Bowls include representatives of the long-lived cono-segmental bowl form, and possibly carinated vessels similar to those of Group Three. An apparently new bowl form is the "hammer-rim" style (ASH.19), which will continue into subsequent groups. Motifs for this group (Fig. 5) include the "pineapple" (motif KL.11), a cross-hatched lozenge commonly framed by two birds and integrated into a network of lines and sold palmettes. This motif may be one of the earliest motifs characteristic of this group, as it occurs on some of the earliest dated pieces (Watson 1985: pl. 37), on the transitional piece ASH.46, and may be ancestral to the chequer tree itself. Even more diagnostic is the "chequer-tree" (motif KL.12), and the "sprout-frond" (motif KL.13; see also P1. I: RYY.08), so-named because the dots along the sides resemble Brussels sprouts on a stem. A further motif, often found on the rim interiors, is the "knot-idm"(motif KL.14), a calligraphicallyderived motif with two Arabic characters, the 1dm, knotted together in the middle. The carinated bowl ASH.46 has been included in this group, although the form and knot-back is characteristic of the preceding group, as is the "knotlam" rim pattern which also occurs in Group Three (e.g. ROM.11). Characteristic Group Four motifs on ASH.46 include the "pineapple" and "sproutfronds", but there is no chequer-tree, instead its place is taken by areas of zig-zag pattern. This transitional piece, probably one of many, could just as easily be placed at the end of the preceding group. Kashan Lustrepainted GroupsFive, Six and Seven These three large con(KLP5-7):generalcharacteristics. temporary groups may collectively be called the "spiral-field"supergroup, as they share a number of features in common. One is that they are often found as tiles, which are not as sensitive to change as vessels, and hence provide less data than the previous groups. Further, tiles do not have motifs on the reverse, an important feature for grouping vessels. The decoration is commonly done in reserve with the lustre-paint field incised through to the white glaze in spirals (motif KL.19), which is the diagnostic feature of this supergroup. Another common feature is the lustre band inscribed with calligraphy (motif KL.18). A number of motifs are embellished by radiating lines with a row of dots at some distance from the ends of the lines ("ray-dot"group). This includes the large "ray-dotring" often found on the exterior of vessels or

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the lower registers of closed vessels (motif KL.17), palmettes (KL.20), birds (KL.21) and fishes (KL.22). Kashan Lustre-paintedGroupFive (KLP5): "birdand leaf".This group is commonly found as tiles, but vessels (see Fig. 8) include dish forms similar to those of Group Four, weakly carinated bowls (e.g. ROM.05), and wavy-walled plates (e.g. Watson 1985: pl. E). Decorative schemes are most often represented by figures in reserve (e.g. Pope 1938: P1. 722B; Watson 1985: pl. 107), surrounded by scrolling tendrils with palmette-leafs (motif KL.20) and rather chubby birds (KL.21), with the lustre-painted field incised through to the white glaze in spirals (motif KL.19). Another motif found in this group are lines radiating from the central design which have been crossed ("crossed-ray",motif KL.25). There is a high incidence of pieces with these motifs having the signature of Abu Zaid, and so these may be his products or those of his workshop, although it might also be pointed out that the much earlier Abu Zaid "Minai" pieces include water, a characteristic of Lustre Group Six (see Pope 1938: pl. 688). Kashan Lustre-paintedGroup Six (KLP6): 'fish and frond ". This group is found in the same range of forms as given for Group Five, again with a heavy incidence of tiles. Diagnostic decorative schemes involve an area of water at the bottom of the central design (e.g. Watson 1985: pl. 63), with fish (motif KL.22), and a zone of "curled grass" between the water and the land (KL.23). On the land is a sprouting frond, with lobed leaves each side (KL.24). KashanLustre-paintedGroupSeven(KLP7): 'fish and bird".Forms in this group appear to be dominated by biconical bowls (most biconical bowls in Fig. 8 are of this group), although other shapes also occur (e.g. a dish upheld by harpies, Watson 1985: pl. 74). Basic motif elements from both Groups Five and Six occur, including birds, palmettes, fronds, fish and curled-grass, although they differ somewhat in execution (what an art historian might call "a different hand"), and are generally lower quality. This amalgamation will include some anomalies, such as the substitution of a snake for the fish (Watson 1985: pl. 74a). Many of the pieces attributed to Gurgan in the past would be of this style (Bahrami 1949: pls. 49, 50, 52, 53, 55, 56, 57, 68, 72, 73). Kashan Lustre-paintedGroup "x"(KLPx):As noted above, consideration of the total available and published corpus wares would have indicated no gap between groups seven and eight, were it not that date-inscribed pieces indicated a gap of production of about thirty years between the two. The few pieces that were made in this period would have been considered "transitional"and allocated to the preceding or succeeding groups. Of the few dated pieces one continues the "spiral-incised"field, with a rudimentary lobed-frond, while the scrolling foliage has the

last expression of the palmette originally imported from Egypt, a kidney-shaped affair perhaps ancestral to some of the fleshy foliage of later styles (see Fig. 5). A further piece also has an incised field derived from the "spiral"practice, kidney-shaped palmettes, and a decayed "bracket-line"motif. Kashan Lustre-paintedGroup Eight (KLP8): "earmuff". Forms in this group (Fig. 9) include dishes derived from the earlier dish form, but the vessel is often poorly thrown and has a small angle between the rim and the vessel wall (ASH.45, ASH.21). Other forms derived from earlier practice are also found, such as biconical bowls (ROM.23, MMA58), although many bowls have tall stem bases (e.g. GUL.10, ASH.04, MMA.01). Imports of Yiian celadons from China introduce two new forms, the hemispherical bowl with a narrow foot (Yiian bowl: ASH.62, MMA.31) and the wide shallow dish, with a very curved wall and flat or slightly dished rim (Yifan dish: none noted in this group, but see following). There are also a large number of tiles (see Table 2). Motifs in this group include some derived from earlier groups, due to the continuance of the general arrangement of having fish in water, with "curled grass" as a border with the land, with lobed stems as foliage (see Fig. 5). Much of the foliage, including the lobed fronds, will be embellished with large dots, and strings of smaller ones ("spotted-leaf', motif KL.27; see P1.XXa). The "curled grass"will have subsidiary lines coming up between each curved line ("curled grass 2", motif KL.28; see also P1.XXc). The fish may be represented solely by their heads. Other characteristic motifs include leaves and palmettes filled with spirals ("spiral-leaf', motif KL.29); lobate foliage embellished with a single large dot, found as flowers, medallion-motifs on vessel exteriors, and three-lobed fronds found in various locations, including as a background for large-scale tile-work, such as mihrdb(motif KL.30); and a flower with radiating stamens (motif KL.31). Diagnostic for this group is the technique of incision through the lustre field to expose the white glaze or body, which is done by incising a dot, often linked by a curving line to form an "ear-muff' shape (motif KL.32). Further motifs which are also important in the following group include patterns of medallion-like motifs arranged on the reverse of some vessels ("medallionback", motif KL.33); a derivation of the spotty leaf in which the line of dots has become a simple line ("dot-line" group, motif KL.34); a derivation of the spiral leaf in which the leaf is filled with circles containing dots ("frog-spawnleaf", motif KL.35); a motif that resembles a procession of dead worms on a hot pavement ("dead-worm", motif KL.36); a leaf in which veins are rendered in a naturalistic manner ("vein-leaf", motif KL.37); a scrolling pattern of fleshy leaves ("fleshy-scroll",motif KL.38); and the

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AND ASSOCIATED

IN A MULTIDISCIPLINARY

petal-like motifs on the rear of Yuian bowl forms (motif KL.39). Kashan Lustre-paintedGroup Nine (KLP9): "dotincised". Examples in this group are apparently entirely represented by the Yilan-influenced vessel forms and tiles (Fig. 9; P1. XXd-f). A number of motifs which commenced in the previous group and continue in this group include the "frog-spawn"leaf, the "dead-worm"motif, and the "veined-leaf', but these tend to be more common than previously and become more formularised. This is particularly so in the case of the "fleshy-scroll",which is reduced to two rounded leaves with a long tongue-like leaf extending between them, to stop behind the rounded leaves of the next sequence. Apparently new motifs include a band of circles with central dots ("frog-spawn band", motif KL.40). The diagnostic "ear-muff"pattern of the preceding group is largely replaced by simple dot incisions, usually placed in a line, and rarely linked by an incised line, which when it does occur may be S-shaped (e.g. Pope 1938: pl. 723c). Kashan Lustre-paintedGroup Ten (KLP1O):Motifs commonly found in Group Eight are never found in this group, while new developments include the "bulge-vein"leaf motif (KL.41) and other derivative versions of earlier motifs such as the "line-leaf' (see Fig. 5). Kashan Lustre-paintedwares:dating. Iranian lustrepainted wares are often blessed by having their dates of manufacture inscribed on them. This lends considerable aid to constructing a chronology for these wares in particular, and also for testing the viability of the methodolgy applied in this study generally (see Mason 1994, in press a and b, and forthcoming). However, the restriction of the period of lustrepainted ware in Iran to the range of inscribed dates is not to be assumed in this study. What is considered to be the earliest Lustre-ware group produced in Iran, Group One, has general designs, motifs and forms derived from earlier Egyptian Lustre painted wares, particularly Fustate Lustre Group Two (c. 1025-75). When this decorative and formal data is coupled with data concerning the technological relatedness of the two groups, this study comes to the conclusion that this derivation is due to potters moving from Egypt to found the potteries of Iran, but that is not of direct relevance to the present question of dating. The formal features which link the Iranian Group One to the earlier Egyptian wares include the flattened "camel" rim, the short square-profiled ring foot, the internal ridge, and the taller slightly splayed foot of the bowls (see Mason 1994, in press a). The internal ridge and short ring-foot have parallels in Egyptian Group One (975-1025), and so dating much earlier in the eleventh century might be entertained. However,

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many of these characteristics may also be noted in Egyptian Group Two, while the taller slightly splayed foot of the smaller bowls could only be from Egyptian Group Two (1025-1075). Hence it must be concluded that the Iranian wares are derived from Egyptian Group Two practice. The end of Egyptian Group Two is put at about 1075; however, it may be useful to estimate what error there may be in that date. By stretching the Egyptian data to its limits, it might be possible to push the date to 1100, but the evidence would not allow it to be pushed further. In the other direction it is also poss-ible that the characteristics that influence the Iranian models may date to the middle of the period of Egyptian Group Two production, rather than to the end, but the Egyptian prototype would have to be considerably advanced from the well-dated Egyptian pieces of the c. 1010s (Mason 1994, in press a). Hence we have a maximum time range of between c. 1050 and 1100. Given this range it may simplify matters to consider the point where the Egyptian tradition moves to become, or influences, the Iranian tradition, to be in about 1975, but the margin of possible error should be kept in mind. However, the Egyptian evidence would seem to insist that the date of the Egyptian influence could not be significantly later than 1100. If the first production of Iranian wares is caused by a movement of potters from Egypt, then it may be desirable to suggest a small interval of time between departure and arrival. In the cases of the IraqiEgyptian and Egyptian-Syriantransitions (see Mason 1994, in press a and b) it is in a few cases impossible on stylistic grounds to differentiate a product of one country from another, suggesting that production was practically continuous. For the Egyptian-Iranian transition there is a discernible difference between the first Iranian products and the Egyptian products of the nearest tradition, indicating a possible gap in production. Syrian production is also considered to have been the result of a direct movement of potters with stonepaste and lustre technology and Egyptian potting traditions from Egypt to Syria. The first Syrian forms and technology indicate a relationship to practices of a transitional nature between Egyptian Groups Two and Three, put at 1075 by the Egyptian chronology. Some circumstantial archaeological evidence would support a commencement of production of these first Syrian wares by 1100 (Mason in press b). Hence it may have been in Syria that the lustre potters had their sojourn before moving on to Iran; certainly, some forms and motifs in the first Syrian group form an effective link between Egypt and Iran. This delay in transmission would therefore put the commencement of Iranian Lustrepainted wares in about 1100. This dating is obviously tenuous in its detail, but the data would collectively

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indicate that the link between Egyptian and Iranian wares was certainly very much closer to c. 1075 than to c. 1175, which is the most widely-cited date for the movement of potters from Fustat to Iran. The earliest Iranian lustre-wares with dates inscribed on them are of Group Four, the "chequertree" style. These range from 1179 to 1193, with the subsequent group having an earliest date of 1199 (a sherd of the "spiral-incised"supergroup but which may not be assigned to a specific group). If it is suggested that this style was associated with the concept of dating from the beginning (a large but not entirely baseless leap of logic), this may suggest a time-range for Group Four of about twenty-fiveyears (1175-1200). As the earlier groups would appear to represent a chronologically sequential arrangement, it is possible to attribute similar periods of production to each (Group One 1100-25, Group Two 1125-50, Group Three 1150-75). As usual with such attributions, there may be some overlap, and an equal possibility that there are gaps between groups, while the time-ranges probably also differ for each group. For instance, if change were constant, Group One would appear to be the shortest lived, but then again change never is constant. Although there appears to be no published archaeological evidence that can be applied to this problem, the Iranian wares are closely paralleled in form and motifs by the Syrian stonepaste-bodied wares, and here there is some limited archaeological evidence that may be used to support the above chronology (see Mason in press b). Theoretically, Group Five and Group Six would appear contemporary with each other, with Group Seven following later. Consideration of the available dating evidence, which consists of those which have been published with clear and usable illustrations, lends some support to this. The Group Five "bird and leaf" style has inscribed dates between 1207 (Watson 1985: pl. E) and 1219, at least three of which had been signed by Abu Zaid. Of Group Six, the "fish and frond" style, there are dated pieces of 1210 (Watson 1985: pls. 63, 66). Of the "bird and fish" group there are examples of 1214 (Bahrami 1949: 129-30) and 1219. Hence it would seem that there is certainly some overlap between all three groups, but both the "bird and leaf" and the "fish and frond" groups appear to have earlier origins than the "bird and fish" group. Of course, what this may mean is that Group Seven represents the bulk of products at the time, while Groups Five and Six represent the products of particular potters or their workshops. The "spiral-incised" supergroup that Kashan Lustre-painted Groups Five, Six and Seven collectively form can be seen to have a number of dates (see Tables 1 and 2), but these dates tail off quite quickly in about 1220. The next major spate of dated pieces

is in the 1260s with the Group Eight wares, which leaves a gap of about forty years (see Table 3). Although there is some continuity of motifs and forms, overall it must be considered to be a major change between the last of Group Seven and the first pieces of Group Eight, including new forms, new motifs, and particularly a fundamental change in the way of incising the lustre-painted field, from the spiral-incised to the dots and "ear-muffs".Without the aid of the dates, it might be assumed on the volume of material that that there was a rapid transition between the two groups. However, the dated vessels suggest that very few pieces are being produced in this intervening period, and these are hence making a limited impact on both excavated assemblages and museum collections. Hence between Groups Seven and Eight there must be a missing group: Group "x". As stated above, of the few dated Group "x" pieces, one of 1227 (Pope 1938: pl. 722D) and another of 1261 (Mansour 1979) continue the "spiralincised" field, with a rudimentary lobed-frond, scrolling foliage with a kidney-shaped palmette, and a decayed "bracket-line"motif (see Fig 5). This would suggest that these do indeed form a cohesive group. Consideration of the available material appears to indicate that this Group "x"is not only rarely found with dates on them, but is indeed rare itself. Group Eight is inscribed with a series of dates from 1262 (Watson 1985: pl. K) to 1279 (P1.XXc) suggesting a time-range of about 1260-85. Although a number of vessels have been attributed to Group Nine, only tiles have dates, ranging from 1286 (P1.XXd) to 1310 (Watson 1985: pl. 119). Dates inscribed on Group Ten objects, entirely represented by tiles notably including a group published by Ettinghausen (1936, figs. 15-21), range from 1312 (Watson 1985: pl. 124) to 1338 (Watson 1985: pl. 122). In summation the suggested dates for the various Iranian lustre groups are: Group One 1100-25, Group Two 1125-50, Group Three 1150-75, Group Four 1175-1200, Group Five 1200-20, Group Six 1200-20, Group Seven 1210-30, Group "x"1225-60, Group Eight 1260-85, Group Nine 1285-1310, Group Ten 1310-40. wares:Incised,Carvedand Monochrome Relief-decorated Moulded This is a varied group, due to a long time-range and also due to probable production in a number of centres. Collectively, all members of this group have stonepaste bodies with decoration applied by the creation of relief by incision or excision (carving) of the surface, or from moulding of the vessel. The glaze is generally monochrome, and may have tinopacified opaque alkali-lead glazes or transparent alkali glazes. These have prototypes in the Mono-

MEDIAEVAL IRANIAN LUSTRE-PAINTED AND ASSOCIATED WARES: TYPOLOGY IN A MULTIDISCIPLINARY STUDY

chrome-incised wares of Egypt, equivalent in date to Egyptian Lustre Group Two (c. 1025-75), and so the type was probably also introduced by potters from Egypt. Unlike the Egyptian models, which are often in different forms from the lustre-painted wares, the Iranian examples more closely follow contemporary Lustre-painted forms. By comparison with the chronology suggested for Lustre-painted wares, it is possible to suggest dating for the Monochrome incised wares. For example, sample no. SRJ.20 (Fig. 2) can be equated with the dish form of Iranian Lustre Group Two (compare to ASH.64 and ASH.13, Fig. 6). Rather roughlyexecuted wares of this type appear to rapidly become the chief second-quality pottery at sites such as Ghubeyra, Rayy and Gurgan (see Figs. 2 and 3), where they largely supplanted the clay-bodied and lead-glazed wares by the end of the twelfth century. In some pieces the incised or carved decoration was worked through the body, creating holes in the vessel wall which subsequently filled with glaze. This "fenestrated"ware was possibly made to emulate the translucency of Chinese porcelain imported at this time. Again, it is sometimes possible to suggest dating for individual pieces based on comparison of form to that of the Lustre-painted wares, for instance the biconical bowls common to the first half of the thirteenth century (compare Fig. 3: ROM.19 and Fig. 8). However, in other cases the forms do not match those of the Lustre-wares, which would suggest different sites of manufacture, an hypothesis confirmed in at least one case by petrographic analysis. Moulded wares, by their specific nature, may vary considerably in form from those vessels which have been thrown, which is probably the case in most Lustre-ware forms. Of the few pieces carrying date inscriptions (Ettinghausen 1938), most appear to be quite late, including members of a large group of big jars (Pope 1938: pl. 759-764, including a dated piece of 1282). Overglaze-painted "Minai"style.Also called haft rang or seven-colour ware, pieces in this group have a stonepaste body, generally a white opaque glaze and decoration applied as different coloured over-glaze pigments. Common general layouts include figural designs often suggested as being reminiscent of contemporary manuscript and wall painting (e.g. Pope 1938: pls. 688, 689), although more geometric designs are also known (e.g. Mota 1988: 82-83). It has traditionally been considered that the pigments required lower firing temperatures than the glaze, and had a number of subsequent firings at temperatures suitable to the pigments being applied. This has never, however, been proven, and preliminary research by

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the author indicates that the paints would have possibly required a higher temperature to achieve maturation than the main glaze. All petrographic analyses of these wares have resulted in attribution to the Kashan (?) Petrofabric. Forms in this style (see Fig. 10) are very close, indeed identical, to those used in lustre-wares, and so comparison of form provides a useful aid to dating the "Minai"wares. These forms include rather evolved cono-segmental bowl forms, equal to later versions found in the Lustre-painted wares (e.g. GUL.06, in Lustre Group Four). Other forms include distinctly carinate forms with slightly splayed bases (e.g. GUL.01), equivalent to those of Lustre Group Three (e.g. ASH.07); and more weakly carinated forms also with slightly splayed bases (GUL.07, GUL.14), equal to forms found in Lustre Groups Two to Five (e.g. ASH.12 in Group Two, GUL.03 in Group Three, and ROM.05 in Group Five). Most of these have a raised ridge slightly below the rim on the exterior, which is generally more a character of Lustre Groups Two to Four. Biconical forms are also found (MMA.06), but these appear to always be of the prototypical form (see Fig. 2) suitable to Lustre Group Three and probably Group Four. A vessel form that the current author has not come across in lustre is a small beaker (Lane 1947: pl. 70B; Mota 1988: 100); while amongst the varieties of closed vessels, a spouted pot with two opposing feline handles (Lane 1947: 70A) is paralleled exactly by a Lustre Group For example (Watson 1985: pl. 42), and less exactly by a "spiral-incised"supergroup (i.e. either Group Five, Six or Seven) example (Bahrami 1949: pl. 47). The very high status and detailed painting appear to have caused some confusion in the motif assemblages when compared with the lustre-wares. Motifs which would be paralleled by the "script-back"and "circle-lkm"of Lustre Groups One and Two are found on the same vessel as cross-hatched patterns akin to the "pineapple" of Group Four and the "raydot" palmette of Group Five (e.g. Mota 1988: 82-83). Presumably the amount of time and effort required for producing these wares, coupled with the high status indicated by the high cost of production, has made the painter incorporate both archaic and innovative decorative motifs in his repertoire. In these cases the "general impression" produced by a motif, or what it is "reminiscent" of will not be considered. Only precise parallels between lustre and "Minai"motifs will be used. Such motifs include a large number exactly paralleling Lustre-painted Group Four motifs. These include the "sproutfrond" (Lane 1947: pl. 68B, 69A; Bahrami 1949: 31; Mota 1988: 94-95); very close parallels with the "pineapple" motif, including the flanking birds (Lane 1947: pl. 70A); a "chequer-tree" (Pope 1938:

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pl. 688); and a "knot-lkm"rim motif (Pope 1938: pl. 1938). It is also possible to find a "lobe-frond"of Group Five, although this should probably be considered ancestral (Mota 1988: 90-81); and at least one "Minai" piece has an epigraphically-inscribed lustre band, mostly associated with Groups Five and later, although the piece also has typical Group Four "sprout-frond"motifs (Watson 1985: pl. 57). Collectively, the forms and motifs of the "Minai" style world suggest a strong temporal relationship with the Lustre Group Four (c. 1175-1200). Published "Minai" pieces with dates on them include three examples of 1187 (Pope 1938: pls. 686, 688, 689), one of which is signed by the potter Abu Zaid, while Ettinghausen (1938) mentions one dated 1186 and Watson (1985: 70) mentions another. Ettinghausen (1938) also describes inscribed pieces of 1219-20 (Pope 1938: 692) and 1242 (Pope 1939: 662, Lane 1947: pl. 72A). The figures of this latter piece do not appear entirely happy this late, and although the opaque turquoise glaze and arabesque network would be suitable to the "Lajvardina"style, which was current in this period, it must be suggested that the reading is in error. "Lajvardina"style: This group generally has an opaque coloured glaze, often of a dark cobalt-blue colour, and the overglaze decoration is applied in more abstract geometric arrangements, commonly in white and red, often with a heavy use of gilding. If "Minai"is trying to appear as a manuscript miniature painting, "Lajvardina"is probably more evocative of carved and bejewelled precious stones. Forms for this group range from weakly carinate bowls, perhaps suitable to Groups Three to Five or Seven, more likely the latter (Mota 1988: 76); to a much larger group of Yian-inspired bowls and dishes (e.g. Lane 1947: pls. 74B, 75A) as used in Lustre-painted Groups of Eight to Ten (1275-1340). Underglaze-painted As stated above, the focus of research has been Lustre-painted wares, and only a limited incorporation of underglaze-painted wares into this study has been attempted. From a review of available material and published objects, it has been possible to develop a preliminary typology, which will be the basis of my future research on these wares. The limited amount of analytical work that has been done on the underglaze-painted work appears to produce two main conclusions. One is that these wares are often made at sites other than Kashan, although they are cer-tainly also known from Kashan. The second is that when compared to Syrian technology, Iranian underglaze-painted wares appear considerably less advanced. Not only the early "Silhouette" wares but also more obviously "painted" wares that might be

put in the twelfth century (e.g. ASH.58, Fig. 3) all have their pigment applied as "slip"paint, although befitting the stonepaste body the "slip" is actually crushed quartz rather than clay. Contemporary Syrian wares are "true" underglaze-painted wares, having the pigment applied alone. No Iranian underglaze pigment-painted wares (e.g. ASH.60, Fig. 3) may be positively put earlier than 1200, which gives Syria a precedence of two to three generations. "Silhouette" style:This group has the greater part of the stonepaste vessel covered in a black pigment comprising chromium-oxides in a medium crushed quartz, which is then carved away to create the decoration. Vessels include a number of pieces of the conosegmental bowl forms (e.g. ROM.10, Fig. 10), and at least one example of the small beaker (Lane 1947: pl. 51B) paralleled by "Minai" forms (see above), hence it could be suggested that some pieces were made at the same centre as produced Lustre-painted wares. General decorative schemes include a number with a central figure surrounded by scrolling foliage, derivative of Iranian Lustre Groups One and Two, or possibly of Egyptian prototypes (Lane 1947: pls. 48, 49A, 51A; see also Fig. 3). In many cases this decoration, although striking, appears rather clumsy, while the varieties of vessel forms would indicate production for some examples at centres other than those making Lustre-painted wares. Other decorative schemes include broad vertical bands of pigment (Lane 1947: pls. 50B, 51B, C), which although not paralleled by a lustre-painted motif, is generally found on those pieces with similar forms. A number of pieces have a black band with an inscription inscribed through it, as became very common in lustre-paint in the first half of the thirteenth century. This last parallel may, however, be misleading, as the bulk of comparative evidence suggests a dating for this material through the twelfth century. Conceivably the type developed in centres that were competitors with Kashan in the early twelfth century, being able to emulate (or steal) the stonepaste body technology but not the lustre-pigment technology. "Willow-scroll" style:This group may be the earliest of the wares decorated with foliage which may be referred to as the "willow-weed"motif, here comprising a continuous rolling scroll (Fig. 1:ASH.52, Fig. 2: ROM.06; also Lane 1947: pl. 86). There appears to be no firm dating evidence for these wares, but continued research on forms should allow correlation to the lustre-ware sequence. One sample of this type has been found to be of the Kashan (?) Petrofabric (Fig. 2: ROM.06-see Appendix). This particular piece has a hammer-rim profile which is closer to early thirteenth examples (see Fig. 8: MMA.67 for a Kashan Lustre Group Seven example) than it is to late twelfth century versions (e.g. Fig. 7 ASH.19).

MEDIAEVAL IRANIAN LUSTRE-PAINTED AND ASSOCIATED WARES: TYPOLOGY IN A MULTIDISCIPLINARY STUDY

"Pin-wheel" style:This group is characterised by a circular or lozenge-shaped motif, constructed of black pin-shaped structures arranged with their points pointing to the centre, or in the case of the lozenges arranged in a "herring-bone"manner (e.g. Pope 1938: pl. 734). The whole area of this motif is coloured blue. Other motifs include epigraphicallyinscribed bands, either radially arranged, or as a circular band below the rim on the exterior, or mid-way down the interior; small "fleur-de-lys"type motifs, derived from some silhouette style motifs; areas filled with small crosses ("cross-field" motif): and restrained "willow-reed"patterns. Forms are predominantly weakly carinated bowls, perhaps equal to Group Five, and biconical bowls (see Fig. 10). Of two published dated pieces, one has a date of 1211 (Pope 1938: pl. 735), the other of 1214 (Pope 1938: pl. 734); while the "cross-field"motif is used on lustre vessels with dates of 1210 (Bahrami 1949: pl. 54) and 1214 (Watson 1985: pl. 74). Pope (1937) has published a wasters of Underglaze-painted wares of the "Pinwheel" style from Kashan. style:This appears to be generally "Willow-panel" found in biconical bowls, with exterior decoration divided into panels, with vertical willow-weed motifs between (Fig. 3: ASH.51; Fig. 10: MMA.54 and MMA.61 are also of this group). Other motifs include the "spotty-leaf'motif paralleled in lustre pieces with dates in the 1260s (Watson 1985: pl. 110, pl. K) but which is used as early as 1211 (Pope 1938: pl. 722B), and the "cross-field"motif with dates of 1210 and 1214 (see above). Petrographic analysis of one example of this group has attributed the piece to the "Rayy3" Petrofabric, a large and important group first defined from analysis of pottery from Rayy, but of unknown origins as yet (Fig. 3). A closely related group with identical motifs on the interior of vessels has a scrolling leafy stem on the exterior (Fig. 3: ASH.60; Fig. 10: MMA.45 is also of this group), and this has also been attributed to the "Rayy 3" Petrofabric. Correlating closely with the motifs, the forms of these wares are related to those of lustrewares of the first half of the thirteenth century. style:This group is decorated by broad "Blue-stripe" blue lines contrasting with the white ground of the transparent glaze over the white body. On bowls these stripes are arranged radially, while on closed vessels they consist of vertical lines. Dating for this group may be made by comparison with forms of Lustre-painted vessels. For example, biconical bowls (Bahrami 1949: pl. 13) are predominantly associated with the first half of the thirteenth century. Although the forms are commonly closely paralleled by Kashan products, the only piece sampled of this type is of the "Rayy3" Petrofabric (ZZZ.01;see Appendix), while a related piece is of the petrofabric attributed to Gurgan (see Fig. 3: ASH.58).

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CONCLUSION The conclusions of this study will be broken down into observations regarding the utility of the methodology, and the general significance of the findings. Methodology As stated above, this study was envisaged as a multidisciplinary study integrating the typology with the results of analytical research on provenance and technology. The strength of this approach is clearly indicated by the findings. The basis of the classification is technology. Glaze chemistry, body technology and decorative technique are what define the distinct types of Islamic pottery, and providing further data on these attributes has strengthened the typology. Input from the provenance study has allowed the distinction of different traditions of forming and decorative practices in different centres. This has allowed the resolution of a sequence of ceramic production attributed to Kashan, apparently the most important centre in Iran at the time. Products of other centres may thereby be omitted, which may otherwise sufficiently complicate the picture so as to make sequencing impossible. Hopefully, similar sequences may be developed for other Iranian centres in the future, although it is already clear that products of Kashan set the trend. In turn the chronology developed for the ceramics, or at least the sequence if not the absolute dating, has enabled the technological findings to be put in order. Hence whereas other studies of the technology of Islamic pottery may average two centuries of development, it has been possible here to gain some understanding of that development. The strength of the provenance study has been aided by the ability to sample a stylistically varied selection of pieces. this is particularly true of the ability to attribute all Lustre-painted and Enamelpainted wares to Kashan. Had certain styles been omitted, it might have been possible to speculate that these styles were in fact made at other centres. The approach of breaking the ceramics down into a number of attributes, primarily motifs and forms, and subjecting these attributes to seriation, appears to have been highly effective. The absolute dating is at times based on rather flimsy evidence, but the sequence and interrelationships between regions is as sound as the evidence allows. Further, the absolute chronology does provide a framework which may be tested in future work. The detailed study of ceramic forms by accurate measured drawings and by presentation of these drawings in figures of the same scale is a standard approach in archaeology. This enables subtle but significant differences to be brought out that would

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otherwise be ignored. That this approach has not been applied commonly in the study of arthistorically significant pottery is an omission which must be rectified. The overwhelming majority of the pottery studied here was wheel-thrown, and then subsequently turned. To recognise significant change in form it is necessary to recognise significant change in the motor habit pattern of the potter. Potters of the status we are dealing with here tend to be innovatory, but they will alwaysbe constrained by their motor habit patterns. Apparently major differences in forms may be less significant than they seem. In order to assess the significance of the change it is necessary to re-create the process of construction in one's mind and determine what was a major change in the actions of the potter. The breaking-down of designs into structural elements, or motifs as they have been called in this study, is also an element of archaeological study of ceramics. These must be classified strictly, and be as regular as a signature. What it being characterised is again the motor habit pattern of the painter. These motifs will be painted in the same way, wherever they are put on the pot. Change in motifs may reflect small differences in the movements of the painter which accumulate into significant visual change. Different sectors of the decorated surface of the vessel appear to receive different degrees of innovation. In particular, the decoration on the reverse tends to be highly standardised for each typological group. Rim motifs, particularly for flattened rims such as the "camel"rims or later Syrian flat-rimmed bowls, also tend to be highly standardised. Motifs in these areas appear to be particularly useful for defining groups. A further conclusion of relevance to the typological study is the significance of provenance. To create a typological sequence, it is necessary to ensure that one is in fact studying a single continuing tradition, usually in the same place. Hence the pottery from one centre will not necessarily fit into the typological sequence of another. Despite this, the impact of traded wares and regional imitation appears to produce synchronic formal uniformity across the region. Technologyand innovationwith chronology Arnold (1985: 202-28) relates technological change to a progressive movement towards greater production due to increased efficiency. This does not appear to have been a factor with the highest status Islamic wares. Innovations such as stonepaste and decorative techniques such as lustre-paint that require secondary firings, clearly make the potter less productive. The potters that made the higher-status wares

studied here are clearly well-disposed towards technological innovation. Potters are often considered to be a highly conservative in their approach to technology and other aspects of manufacture, including decoration. This is justifiably based on a number ethnographic studies illustrating the point. In studies of other fields, there seems to be a strong case for varying levels of innovation at different levels of craftsmanship (Homans 1961; Silver 1981). This may be thought of as a threefold division. Craftsmen at the bottom of the hierarchy, who have just entered the craft and have no reputation, are inclined towards innovation through desperation. The overwhelming majority of established artisans, who have regular markets and steady trade, do not innovate. The very highest calibre of craftsman does innovate, in order to maintain the prestige accorded his rank. Many of the potters that made the lustrewares, "Minai",underglaze-painted and other wares studied here clearly fit into this third category. In each period the potters with the highest status would innovate to attract the custom of the most statusconscious buyer. This innovation is underlined in the rapid changes observed in the elite glazed wares, where each style may be seen to have a longevity of as little as twenty years. This issue has relevance to the interpretation of ceramic typology generally. Generalsignificanceto ceramicstudies A significant question for ceramic studies generally are the phenomena that induce a change in the archaeologically-perceived ceramic record: specifically, why does pottery form stylistic groups? As stated above, the pottery considered in the wider study (Mason 1994, in press a and b, and forthcoming; see also Mason et al. 1996) has been divided into a hierarchial typological system, consisting of ceramic classes, types and styles. Many types defined in this study, such as lustre-painted wares, are divided into stylistic groups which appear to reflect a linear chronological arrangement, with an earlier group leading on to the next later group, although contemporary groups also exist. Each style group consists of a number of typical examples, often easily distinguished from other style groups, and a smaller number of "transitional"pieces, less easily distinguished from the groups they are considered transitional towards or from. In some cases the transition from one group to another appears abrupt, with major changes in forming, painting and technology. At other times the transition is less marked, perhaps with less major differences between the groups in question. The hypothetical significance of the differences between each group is worth considering. They

MEDIAEVAL IRANIAN LUSTRE-PAINTED AND ASSOCIATED WARES: TYPOLOGY IN A MULTIDISCIPLINARY STUDY

could represent wares made by different people or different workshops; alternatively, they could mark the march of time and change of fashion in a single workshop. Although the answer in any single case may be complex, there are three cases which may throw some light on this amongst the dated and signed wares of Iran. The first of these relates to the work of the Kashani potter Abu Zaid, whose dated and signed pieces ranged from 1186 to 1219. This bridged a major division between two different styles in lustre production in Iran, although Abu Zaid's work was clearly of the very highest quality of the period for whatever style he worked in. This suggests, in this case at least, that fashion was a major driving force. How the fashion was set is unclear, it may have been Abu Zaid and perhaps one or two other master potters (such as the Abu Tahir family) who dictated the style, setting the trend for the period and producing designs which were then copied by their apprentices and lesser co-workers (see discussion of innovation, above). This same period reveals a second observation regarding the nature of the difference between groups. This relates to the transition from the Iranian Lustre-painted Group Four style to the succeeding "Spiral-incised"supergroup. The last dated

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Group Four piece carried a date of 1193, while the earliest dated "Spiral-incised"piece carried a date of 1199 (see Tables 1 and 2). Although the forms do not seem to change that radically at the transition between the two groups, the decorative scheme represents a major change. Hence it may be inferred that in this case at least, the change between groups represented a short burst of innovation, between longer periods of more gradual innovation. However, a third observation may be made which is contrary to the concept of rapid change between groups. It may be noted that Group "x", made between c. 1225 and 1260, would have been considered to represent a number of transitional pieces connection Group Seven and Group Eight, were it not for the dated pieces. The reality of the situation appears to be that the bulk of the "Spiral-incised" super-group, being Groups Five, Six and Seven, were made between c. 1200 and 1225, while for the remainder of the half century production shrank considerably. Hence although the "spiral-incised" super-group may be said to have been produced between 1200 1260, the style would have been defined by the largest number of products, i.e. those made before 1220. Group "x"lustre-waresare made over as long a period of time, but their scarcity in the archaeological record distorts this reality.

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KashanLustre-paintedGroupOne: "Egyptianized"

ASH.64

ASH.13

MMA.19

MMA.47

ASH.54

MMA.07

KashanLustre-paintedGroupTwo: "Script-back"

--

----om

ASH.06

ASH.48

MMA.49

MMA.11 ASH.05 ASH.15

ASH.03

ASH.20

..ASH.08

ASH.12

Fig. 6. Formtypology for KashanLustrepaintedGroupsOne and Two.

ASH.16

MEDIAEVAL IRANIAN LUSTRE-PAINTED AND ASSOCIATED WARES: TYPOLOGY IN A MULTIDISCIPLINARY STUDY

123

KashanLustre-paintedGroupThree:"Knot-group"

ROM.11

ASH.01

MMA.02

ASH.07

ASH.43

MMA.12

GUL.933

ASH.i02

KashanLustre-paintedGroupFour:"Chequer-tree"

loom

ASH.46 ASH.19

ASH.63

ASH.47

GUL.06 MMA.41

MMA.33

for KashanLustre-paintedGroupsThreeand Four (GUL. nos. afterMota 1988). Fig. 7. Formtypology

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MMA.44

ASH. 10

V&A.10 ROM.05

MMA.67 MMA.32 10cm

MMA.13

ASH.44

BRM.12

ASH.17

MMA.15 V&A.09

MMA.60

MMA.43

for Iranian Lustre-paintedGroups5, 6 and 7 (V&A nos. afterWatson1985). Fig. 8. Formtypology

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MEDIAEVAL IRANIAN LUSTRE-PAINTED AND ASSOCIATED WARES: TYPOLOGY IN A MULTIDISCIPLINARY STUDY

KashanLustre-paintedGroupEight::"Ear-muff'

ASH.45ASH.21

GUL.10

MMA01

ASH.04

ASH.62 ROM.23 MMA.31

KashanLustre-paintedGroupNine: "Dot-incised"

MMA.23 ASH.14 HASH.241__

\ ASH.22

GUL.11

GUL.15

IMMA.03

for KashanLustre-paintedGroupsEight and Nine (GUL. nos. afterMOTA 1988). Fig. 9. Formtypology

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Minai

ROM.22 ROM.12

GUL.14

.M

..ROM.21

ROM.07

MMA.42

MMA.53 MMA.5MMA.52

ROM.20

GUL.01

GUL.02

MMA.14 MMA.06

Underglaze-painted

ROM..10 MMA.61

ASH.60

MMA.54

MMA.45

GUL.09

GUL.08

forms of varioustypes(GULnos. afterMota 1988). Fig. 10. Selected

MEDIAEVAL IRANIAN LUSTRE-PAINTED AND ASSOCIATED WARES: TYPOLOGY IN A MULTIDISCIPLINARY STUDY

127

Table 1:Incidenceof motifand form:KashanLustre-painted IDate (AD)-signed motif (seeFigure 5)

Sample no.

I

ceramictype

vesseltype

I

11 3 1 5 1 7 19 11 113 1151 17119121 123 1251 2 41 6 8 10112 114 116 18 20 22 124 126

Kashan Lustre-paintedGroup One * - * - ASH.13 Lustre 1 dish 1 * - - * ASH.64 Lustre 1 dish 1 * - * - *LVR.01 Lustre1 bowlI * - * * *- - -.- - - - - KHA.01 Lustre1 bowl2 AT . . * - - * *-Lustre1 MMA.07 bowl1 .. KashanLustre-paintedGroup Two * - - * - - - * - - - - - - - - - MMA.49 Lustre1/2 dish 2 - - - ASH.15 - - - - - - Lustre2 bowl 1 ASH.48 Lustre2 * - * * dish2 --- - - * - * * ASH.06 - - - - - - - Lustre2 bowl 2 ASH.03 - - -* * - *Lustre2 bowl2 ASH.08 Lustre2 - - * - * bowl 2 - - - * * - - * MMA.16 Lustre2 dish2 *- - ASH.20 Lustre2 bowlI ASH.16 Lustre2 bowl 2 -*---* - * * Kashan Lustre-paintedGroup Three ASH.07 Lustre3 * * -carinated - - - --- -ASH.05 - * -Lustre3 bowl 1 ASH.01 Lustre3 --------* bowl 1 *--- -----------ASH.02 *Lustre3 carinated --ROM.11 . - .. Lustre3 . . * *- * bowl1 - *.. ASH.43 ---Lustre3 ------ -------*-- carinated * --- - - ----- - - - - -GUL.13 Lustre3 *bicon - - - - - - * - * - MMA.02 Lustre3 bowl 1 - -* - *- - - - - MMA.12 Lustre3 carinatedLustre3/4 .. MMA. 34 carinated ----------------* - * * Kashan Lustre-paintedGroupFour ASH.46 - -* - -- - *- *. - - Lustre3/4 carinatedBRM.04 --* - - - - Lustre4 - - - * bottle 1179 BRM.06 Minai bowl 1187 ------------* BAH.01 Lustre4 - * bottle 1191-AZ-* - - - - - - - - - * - - - * * * ASH.63 Lustre4 dish 3 CHC.01 Lustre4 dish ------------1191 - ---* KHA.02 Lustre4 dish 1193 ---------------------* * GUL.06 Lustre4 *- - -* - * -* -* - - bowl 1 ASH.47 Lustre4 .dish 3 ------*---- **........ - * - *- *- *- - - * ASH.19 Lustre4 hammer -. . MMA.33 Lustre4 * * carinated -------------------* MMA. 41 Lustre4 *----* * carinated ---* Kashan Lustre-paintedGroupsFive & Six - - - - - - --Lustre5 or 6 MIK.01 - -- bottle 1199 Lustre5 BIP.01 dish * * - - - - - - - - - - - - - - 1199 - - - - - - - - - - - - MMA.44 * Lustre5 * * .. * * * V&A.07 Lustre5 ------------------* 1207 plate BOS.01 Lustre5 star 1208-AZ - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - * * * MMA.18 * * - - * - * Lustre6 bowl 1210-SD - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - -- - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - * * - * * * Lustre6 1210 FRR.01 plate * ASH.44 * Lustre6 * * . bicon----------. . .. -. IBM.02 Lustre5 - - - - - - - - bowl 1211-MA - - - -- * * * * - - - * BOS.02 * * * Lustre5 star 1211-AZ - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - -Motifs:KL1: crescent-rim;KL2: knob-stem;KL3:knob-palmette; KL6: calligraphy-rim; K4IA:circle-lam;KL5:calligraphy-back; KL7: solid-palmette;KL8: big-eye;KL9:pseudo-calligraphy back;KL10:knot;KL11:pineapple;KL12: chequertree;KL13: sprout-frond;KL14: knot-lam;KLl5: saw-toothrim;KL16:bracket-line; KL17:ray-dotcircle;KL18: inscribedband;KL19: spiral-incisedfield;KL20: ray-dotpalmette;KL21: ray-dotbird;KL22:ray-dotfish;KL23: curledgrass 1:KL24: simplelobed frond;KL25: crossed-rays;KL26: cross-field.Signatures:AT - Abu TahiribnMuhammadHamzaibn al-Hasan;AZ - Abu Zaid; Shams al-Din al-Hasani;MA - Muhammadibn al-Hasan;MN - Muhammadibn Abi Nasr ibn al-Husaini.

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Table2: Incidenceof motifandform:KashanLustre-painted Date (ad) motif vesseltype | 16 118 120 22 I24 26 \ 28 30 32 34 36 38 140 I ceramictype I 117 19 21 123 25 127 29 31 133 135 37 139 141 Kashan Lustre-paintedGroupSeven --------- *-----MMA.32 Lustre7 carinated * ZZZ.07 Lustre7 odd 1214-MN - - * * * * * - * * * - - * * V&A.08 Lustre7 bicon ----* 1217 - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - * * * * * KNM.01 Lustre7 odd 1218 HAA.01 Lustre7 bowl 1219-AZ - - * * * * * - - * - *-----MMA. 13 Lustre7 bicon *-------- - - * * * - - * * V&A.09 Lustre7 bicon MM - - - - - - - - - - - - - Lustre7 ASH.10 dish 3 * - - - * Kashan Lustre-paintedGroup "x" - - - -- - Lustre"x" star KEV.01 1227 - - - - - - - - - - - - - - * * *- * ROM.08 Lustre"x" bicon ZZZ.09 Lustre"x" 1261 * - * * jug *--* *-------MMA. 23 Lustre"x" hammer Kashan Lustre-paintedGroupEight -------------* * - *-----------ASH.45 Lustre8 dish 3 - - - - * - - * - * - - - - * V&A.02 Lustre8 star 1262 ----Lustre8 GUL.10 stem * **--------------* * - - * - * m---------------------* Lustre8 LVR.02 star 1266-7 - - - - - - - - - - - - V&A.04 * - * - * Lustre8 mihrab 1266 - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - -* * ASH.04 Lustre8 stem *------*---ASH.62 Lustre8 * - bowl4 - - - - - - - - - - -* * * * * - - DVD.01 Lustre8 dish 4 1268 - - - - - - - - - - -- - - * - - - - - * IBM.01 Lustre8 mihrab 1268-71 - - - - - - - - - - - - - - * * - - * BRM.11 Lustre8 1270-1 jug - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - * - * - * Lustre8 frieze (1270-5) V&A.03 - - - - - - - ----* * - * * ASH.21 Lustre8 dish 3 * - - - - - - - - - - - - -* - * - - V&A.05 Lustre8 frieze (1270-5) ----- * -----------* * ROM.16 Lustre8 star 1279 -* - -------------------*-GUL.15 Lustre8 dish 4 * - - -----------MMA.01 Lustre8 bowl m*-Kashan Lustre-paintedGroupNine - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - * * - - * - - - * - Lustre9 MMA.31 yuanbowl - *-------------------------------* Lustre 9 dish GUL.11 yuan - * * --ASH.23 Lustre9 --------------------------------* dish yuan ROM.17 Lustre9 star 1286--------------------* - - V&A.01 Lustre9 frieze 1308 ----------------- -------------------* - * BOS.03 Lustre9 star 1310 --- - - - - - - - - - - - * - * * - ASH.14 Lustre9 yuan bowl * - - - * * - - -- - - - - - - ASH.24 Lustre9 yuan bowl Kashan Lustre-paintedGroup Ten -- Lustre 10 * MMA.03 -* ---* *-------yuandish - -----------------* SVR.01 Lustre 10 tile -----* 1312 - - - - -- - * - - - * -------------------BRM.01 Lustre 10 tile 1329 -------BRM.02 Lustre 10 tile 1329-------------------------* ---BRM.03 Lustre 10 star 1338 -*----------------MotifKL16: bracket-line;KL17: ray-dotcircle;KL18:inscribedband;KL19:spiral-incisedfield;KL20: ray-dotpalmette;KL21: ray-dotbird;KL22: ray-dotfish;KL23: curledgrass 1:KL24:simplelobedfrond;KL25:crossed-rays;KL26: cross-field;KL27: spotted-leaf;KL28: curledgrass2; KL29: spiral-leaf;KL30: big-dotfrond;KL31:lollipop-flower;KL32: ear-muffincisedfield; KL33: medallion-back;KL34:dot-lineflower,KL35: frog-spawnleaf;KL36:thick-line;KL37: vein-leaf,KL38: fleshy-leaf scroll;KL39: petal-back;KL4A0: 1: bulge-veinleaf SignaturesAZ - Abu Zaid;MN - MuhammadibnAbi frog-spawnband;KL4A Nasr ibn al-Husaini;MM - Muhammadibn Muhammadal-Nishapuri sample no.

,---

Groupx iGroup

GroupOne GroupTwo GroupThree GroupFour i-Five- ceven Seven --

"Knot-back"i"Chequertree" "Egyptianized""Calligraphyback"

0

n

"Spiral-incised"supergroup S

0

I .a

a

.o

1

1

IIII

00

SAbu:Tahi_-_ibnMuhammad *

_

_

_

B

lls

1;

_

uh BuuaTahir Husain

,

___

a.

..R..o

1'

al Muhaunad m ibn Abi Tahir

GroupT

,

,@ME

-1LL _

GroupNine

11

1a+a-sh I....-.-.

__: _

Eight:

i

L

Mdf Ali ibn Muhammad

-

I

Yusuf ibn Al

5A Hamzaibn al-Hasan

Abu Zaid ibn MuhammadibnAbi Zaid al-Naqqash

All ibn hmadibn Ali al-H

MuhammadibmAbi al-Husanal-Muqri

UstadJamalN

CL

al-Hasanil~nArabshahal-Naqqash

Abu Muhammadal-

MuhammadibnAbi Mansural-Kashi

0

Muhammadibi Abi Nasr ibn al-Husaini Shamsal-Dinal-Husani Muhammadibn Muhammadal:Nishapuri

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JOURNAL OF PERSIAN STUDIES

Acknowledgements I would like to thank the following for permitting the sampling and study of their collections for the research reported in this paper: James Allan (Ashmolean Museum), Esin Atil (Ani pottery), Sheila Canby (British Museum), Renata Holod (Rayy pottery) and Jean Soustiel (Kiefer and personal collection). Thanks are also due to M. S. Tite and E. J. Keall for discussions regarding various aspects of this study. Certain aspects of the general study were supported in part by grants from the British School of Archaeology in Iraq and the Social Sciences and Humanities Research Council of Canada. IA series of papers for Achaeometryis envisaged for the SEM study

(e.g. Mason and Tite 1994). 2The suggestion of earlier use of stonepaste in Iran (Morgan 1994) is based on two stonepaste vessels which predate the traditional chronology and some textual evidence. The two vessels, one a monochrome moulded piece of a date equivalent to 1139 the second an underglaze-painted piece equivalent to 1166, are easily included in the chronology proposed in this study, which puts introduction of stonepaste into Iran at about 1100. Of the textual evidence, one is considered to be of about 950, although is preserved as part of a compilation written by YXaqilt(11791225), and refers to opaque glass made in Fars. No archaeological evidence is provided to support the existence of this material or for its development into stonepaste. The second reference is by Birfini in a text written in Ghazna and dedicated in c. 1041-50, in which he states that "here" it is possible to make "Chinese pottery" from quartz and clay. As usual, it is possible to debate the meanings of terms, for instance "here"is used in the context of China-could it mean "here" in Ghazna or "here" in the Da-ral-Islim? Birfini's further reference to this technology as being "half-bred,impure Nabateans" may even refer to an origin in Basra. As this is a nebulous account and considerably later than the prototypical practices being used in Iraq, particularly a protostonepaste piece at Raqqa of c. 800 (Mason and Keall in press), and even later than the more common protostonepaste vessels of Egypt (c. 975-1025, Mason and Tite 1994). Given the archaeologically demonstrated continuity of progress from Iraqi practice to full Egyptian development, and the total lack of evidence for earlier stonepaste in Iran, the case for introduction is considered to best fit the evidence. Use of the recently published drawings of the Khalili collection (Grube 1995) is prevented by the realisation that some, at least, are self-evidently inaccurate. The otherwise minor point that they have been published at too small a scale is surmountable, but if some are self-evidently wrong, then what of the rest? 4The biconical bowl (Fig. 5) is thought by some to be derived from metal shapes, but consideration of the sequence of production of elite ceramics in Egypt, Syria and Iran shows a line of continuity from simple conical forms, through the "protobiconical" form, to the later true biconical bowls. This can be particularly noted in the Syrian wares (see Mason forthcoming c). Bibliography Adams, R. McC., 1970, "Tell Abu Serifa: A Sassanian Islamic Ceramic Sequence from South Central Iraq", AO VIII, pp. 87119. Allan,J. W., 1971, MedievalMiddleEasternPottery,Oxford. 1973, "Abu3l-Qasim's Treatise on Ceramics," Iran XI, pp. 111-20.

-

1981, "Islamic Ceramics", in EasternCeramicsand OtherWorks from the Collection of Gerald Reitlinger, Ashmolean Museum, Oxford. Arnold, D. E., 1985, Ceramic Theory and Cultural Process, Cambridge. Bahrami, M., 1949, GurganFaiences, Le Scribe Egyptien, Cairo. Dimand, M. S., 1949, "Recent Additions to the Near Eastern Collections", BMMA,VII,January: 136-45. Ettinghausen, R., 1936, "Evidence for the Identification of Kashan Pottery,"Ars Islamica,V. 3, pp. 44-76. 1939, "Dated Faience", in Pope 1939. XXII, Grube, E. J., 1965, "The Art of Islamic Pottery", BMMAIA, pp. 209-28. 1994, Cobaltand Lustre: The First Centuriesof Islamic Pottery, Nour Foundation, Oxford. Hodges, R. and Whitehouse, D. 1982. Mohammed,Charlemagneand the OriginsofEurope.Gloucester: Duckworth. Homans, G. C., 1961, Social Behaviour: Its ElementaryForms, Harcourt Brace and World, New York. Jenkins, M., 1977, OrientalCeramics:The World'sGreatCollectionsvol. 12 MetropolitanMuseum of Art, New York(Islamic Section), Kodansha, Tokyo. 1983, Islamic Art in the Kuwait National Museum, Sotheby's London. Lane, A., 1947, EarlyIslamicPottery,Faber and Faber, London. Mansour Gallery 1979, Exhibitionof IslamicArt:Iranian Lustrewareof the ThirteenthCentury(catalogue) 13-29 June 1979, Mansour Gallery, London. Mason, R. B., 1991, "Petrography of Islamic Ceramics", in Recent Developmentsin Ceramic Petrology,A. Middleton and I. C. Freestone, editors, British Museum Occasional Paper No. 81, London, pp 185-209. 1994, IslamicGlazedPottery700-1250, D.Phil. diss., University of Oxford. 1995a, "New Looks at Old Pots: Results of Recent Multidisciplinary Studies of Pottery from the Islamic World", MuqarnasXII, 1-10. 1995b, "Criteria for the Petrographic Characterization of XXXVII 307-22. Stonepaste Ceramics", Archaeometry 1996, "The Response I: Petrography and Provenance of Timurid Ceramics, "in L. Golombek, R. B. Mason and G. Bailey, Tamerlane's Tableware: A NewApproachto the ChinoiserieCeramicsof Fifteenth and Sixteenth Century Iran, Mazda Press and Royal Ontario Museum. in press a, "Medieval Lustre-Painted and Associated Wares from Egypt:Typology in a Multidisciplinary Study,"Journalof the AmericanResearchCentrein Egypt. in press b, "Medieval Lustre-Painted and Associated Wares from Syria:Typology in a Multidisciplinary Study."Levant. forthcoming, "EarlyMedieval Lustre-Painted and Associated Wares from Iraq: Typology in a Multidisciplinary Study". Iraq. Mason, R. B., Bailey, G., and Golombek, L., 1996, "StylisticGroups and Their Production Centres" in L. Golombek, R. B. Mason and G. Bailey, Tamerlane'sTableware:A New Approach to the ChinoiserieCeramicsof Fifteenthand SixteenthCenturyIran, Mazda Press and Royal Ontario Museum. Mason, R. B. and E. J. Keall, in press, "Between Basra and Samarra: Petrographic Analysis of Tall Aswad pottery," in arRaqqa I. Die Keramikvom Tall Aswad by P. A. Miglus et al. Deutsches Archiaologisches Institut Damaskus. Mason, R. B. and M. S. Tite, 1994, "The Beginnings of Islamic 36: 77-91. Stonepaste Technology", Archaeometry Mayor, A. H., 1957, "The Gifts that Made the Museum", BMMA, XVI, November: 97. Migeon, G., 1907, Manuel d'artmusulman,Paris. A Studyof CeramicVariability Miller, D., 1985, Artefactsas Categories: in CentralIndia, Cambridge. Morgan, P., 1995, "Iranian Stone-Paste Pottery of the Saljuq Period. Types and Techniques," in E.J. Grube, Cobaltand Lustre:

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MEDIAEVAL IRANIAN LUSTRE-PAINTED AND ASSOCIATED WARES: TYPOLOGY IN A MULTIDISCIPLINARY STUDY The First Centuriesof Islamic pottery,Nour Foundation Oxford: 155-69. Mota, M. M., 1988, Loucasseljucidas,Lisbon. Peacock, D. B. S., 1982, Pottery in the Roman World: An Ethnoarchaeological Approach,London: Longman. Pope, A. U., 1937, "New Findings in Persian Ceramics of the Islamic Period," BAIIAAV, no. 2, pp. 149-69. 1938, A Surveyof PersianArt, vol. V, Oxford University Press. Rice, P. R., 1987, PotteryAnalysis-A Sourcebook. Chicago: University of Chicago Press. H. Silver, R., 1981, "Calculating Risks: The Socioeconomic Foundations of Aesthetic Innovation in an Ashanti Carving Community," EthnologyXX, pp. 101-14. Sotheby's, London 1993 lot 60. Watson, 0., 1985, PersianLustreWare,Faber and Faber, London.

Appendix:Catalogueof objectsstudied. The following is a catalogue of all pottery of Iranian origin used towards this study, although material from some very recently studied sites are omitted. Each site or collection is provided with a three-letter designation, and the samples are ordered in the alphabetical order of these designations so as to enable easy cross-referencing with the text and figures. Together with the numeric sequence for each designation this constitutes the catalogue number of each piece. In the column headings "Other Numbers"

includes museum accession numbers, field numbers and similar designators. "Class/Type" refers to the typology as developed in this study, and includes Class (AL = alkali-lime glaze, OG = opaque-glaze), Type (Lustre-painted, Underglaze-painted etc), and style (Groups 1 to 10). Colourants other than those specific to the typology are also provided (Cr-b = cromium black, Cu-g = copper green, Cu-t = copper-turquoise, Fe-y = iron yellow, Fe-b = iron brown, Fe-r = iron red, Sb-y = antimony yellow, Mn-b = manganese black, Mn-p = manganese for coloured the colourant precedes glazes purple), the glaze (e.g. Cu-t AL is a turquoise alkali-lime glaze). Colourants are not included for every sample, but every illustrated sample certainly includes this data. (W) after the description signifies that the sample is a waster. "Petrofabric"is defined by Mason, (1994, 1995). Under "Illustration" are columns signifying which illustrative figure in this paper contains the sample, "Full" signifying a full drawing or photograph (Roman numerals) while "Profile"signifies a profile drawing alone. Publication of the sample previously is in the next column, while the last column cites reporting of the results of SEM analysis of the samples.

Catalogue Other Number Number Class/Type Ani excavations ANI: (courtesy Esin Atil) ANI.02 Lustre ANI.04 Lustre 2 ANI.05 UGP ANI.07 Lustre 2 ANI.10 Lustre ASH: Ashmolean collection

Illustration Petrofabric Full Profile Date Kashan(?) Kashan(? "Rayy3" Kashan(?) Kashan(?)

IV IV IV IV IV

-

-

-

-

-

-

-

ASH.01 ASH.02 ASH.03 ASH.04 ASH.05 ASH.06 ASH.07 ASH.08 ASH.10 ASH.11 ASH.12 ASH.13 ASH.14 ASH.15 ASH.16

x3060 x3064 x3065 x3066 x3119 x3122 x3127 x3128 x3443 343 1956.28 1956.51 1956.68 1956.108 1956.118

Lustre3 Lustre3 Lustre2 Lustre8 Lustre3 Lustre2 Lustre3 Lustre3 Lustre5-6 Lustre Lustre2 Lustre1 Lustre9 Lustre2 Lustre2

-

-

7

-

-

-

-

7

-

VI

6

-

-

9

-

-

8

-

-

6

7 6 8

ASH.17 ASH.19 ASH.20 ASH.21 ASH.22 ASH.23 ASH.24 ASH.43 ASH.44 ASH.45 ASH.46

1956.169 1956.172 1962.118 1964.62 1978.1667 1978.1669 1978.1682 1978.2258 1978.2263 1978.2268 1978.2304

Lustre Lustre 4 Lustre 2 Lustre 8 "Sultanabad" Lustre 9 Lustre 9 Lustre 3 Lustre 5-6 Lustre 8 Lustre 3

-

-

-

-

-

-

-

Published illustration

SEM study

-

Mason 1994

-

-

-

-

-

Kashan(?) -

-

6

-

V XI

6 9

-

-

6

-

-

6

-

-

8

-

-

7

-

-

6

-

-

9

"Rayy" -

-

9 9

-

-

9

-

-

-

-

-

-

8 9 7

-

Mason 1994: Pl. 5a Allan 1971: pl. 32

-

-

Mason 1994: P. 5c

-

-

-

-

-

Allan 1981: No 320

-

-

-

-

132

JOURNAL OF PERSIAN STUDIES

Catalogue Other Number Number ASH.47 ASH.48 ASH.49 ASH.51 ASH.52 ASH. 54 ASH.57 ASH.58 ASH.59 ASH.60 ASH.61 ASH.62 ASH.63 ASH.64 ASH.65

1978.2308 1978.2317 1978.2320 1978.2338 1978.2346 1978.2370 1978.2422 1978.2425 1978.2497r 1978.2498r 1978.2498b 1992.75 1992.81 1992.82 1992.99

Class/Type Lustre 4 Lustre 2 Iran AL UGP Cr-b, Co-b AL UGP CR-b, Co-b Lustre 1 AL "Silhouette" Cr-b AL UGP Cr-b, Co-b AL UGP Cr-b, Co-b AL UGP Cr-b, Co-b AL UGP Cr-b, Co-b Lustre 8 Lustre 4 Lustre 1 Cu-t AL "Silhouette" Cr-b

Published illustration

Illustration Profile Date Petrofabric Full 7 -

Kashan(?) "Rayy3" Kashan(?) Gurgan(?) Gurgan(?) "Rayy3" "Rayy3" Gurgan(?) Kashan(?) Kashan(?) Kashan(?)

BAH: Bahrami collection (source: publication) Lustre 4 BAH.01 BIP: British Institute of Persian Studies (source: publication) BIP.01 Lustre 5-6 BOS: Boston (source: publication) Lustre 5-6 BOS.01 07.6705 07.9036 Lustre 5-6 BOS.02 BOS.03 Lustre 9 31.729

-

3 3 3 3 3 -

10 6 10 10 10 10 9 7 6

-

-

-

BRM: British Museum BRM.01 Lustre 9 1907 6.10 2 BRM.02 Lustre 9 BRM.03 Lustre 9 OA+1123 BRM.04 Lustre 4 1920 2-26 1 BRM.06 1945 10-17 261 Minai BRM.11 Lustre 8 G.1983.242 Lustre 7 BRM.12 1928 4-21,1 BRM.14 UGP 1952 2-14 2 CHC: Art Museum of Chicago (source: publication) Lustre 4 CHC.01 DVD: David Collection, Copenhagen (source: publication) DVD.01 ISL.96 Lustre 8 FRR: Freer Gallery of Art, Smithsonian Institution (source: publication) FRR.01 41.11 Lustre 5-6 GHB: Ghubeyra excavations (source: publication) GHB.01 973.16.41 Lustre Kashan(?) 973.16.60 GHB.02 Kashan(?) Mn-p AL Mono GHB.03 973.16.74 Lustre Kashan(?) GHB.04 973.16.75 Lustre Kashan(?) GHB.05 973.16.77 Cu-t AL Mono Kashan(?) 2 GHB.06 973.16.85a Cu-t OG Mono Kashan(?) -GHB.07 973.16.85e 1 Kashan(?) 2 Mn-p AL Mono GHB.08 973.16.85e 2 Cu-t AL Mono Kashan(?) 2 GHB.09 973.16.85e 3 Co-b AL Mono Kashan(?) 2 973.16.85e 4 GHB.10 Kashan(?) Mn-p AL Mono 973.16.85e 5 Mono GHB.11 Kashan(?) 973.16.85e 6 Mono GHB.12 Kashan(?) GHB.13 Cu-t AL Mono 973.16.85e 7 Kashan(?) GHB.14 973.16.85e 8 Kashan(?) Cu-t/g AL Mono GHB.15 973.16.115 Mn-p AL Mono Kashan(?) -.. GRG: Gurgan excavations (Ashmolean Museum) Cu-t AL Mono P9542 GRG.10 Kashan(?) GRG.11 P9543 Cu-t AL Mono Kashan(?) -.-.. P9544 Cu-tAL Mono GRG.12 Gurgan(?) 3 GRG.13 P9545 Cu-tAL Mono Kashan(?) 2 GRG.14 P9546 Cu-t AL Mono GRG.15 P9547 Cu-t AL Mono Kashan(?) -.. GUL: Gulbenkian collection (source: publication) Minai GUL.01O 135 Minai 300 GUL.02

-

-

--

-

-

SEM study Mason 1994 -

-

Mason 1994 P1. 5x Mason 1994 P1.5x -

-

-

-

Mason 1994 Mason 1994 Mason 1994 Mason 1994 Mason 1994 Mason 1994 Mason 1994

-

Mason 1994

587/1191

Bahrami 1949: P1.9b

-

-

595/1199

Watson 1985: P1.55

-

-

607/1210 608/1211 710/1310

Watson 1985: P1. 107 Watson 1985: P1. 106 Watson 1985: P1. 119

-

8 -

729/1329 729/1329 739/1338 575/1179 583/1187 669/1270-1

Pope 1938: P1. 723D Pope 1938: P1.723C Watson 1985: P1. 122 Watson 1985: P1.37 Pope 1938: P1. 688 Pope 1938: P1. 718.B

-

-

-

-

-

-

-

610/1213-4

Pope 1938: P1.734

-

587/1191

Pope 1938: P1.638

-

667/1268

Watson 1985: P1.89a

-

-

607/1210

Watson 1985: P1.63

-

-

-

-

-

-

-

-

-

-

-

-

-

-

-

-

-

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-

-

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Mason 1994

10 10

-

Mota 1988: No. 16 Mota 1988: No. 17

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MEDIAEVAL IRANIAN LUSTRE-PAINTED AND ASSOCIATED WARES: TYPOLOGY IN A MULTIDISCIPLINARY STUDY

133

Catalogue Other Number Number GUL.03 301 GUL.04 302 GUL.06 893 GUL.07 897 GUL.08 901 GUL.09 902 906 GUL.10 923 GUL.11 GUL.12 932 GUL.13 933 GUL.14 938 947 GUL.15

Class/Type Lustre 3 Lajvardina Lustre 4 Minai UGP UGP Lustre 8 Lustre 9 Minai Lustre 3 Minai Lustre 8

Petrofabric -

Illustration Full Profile 7 10 7 10 10 10 9 9 10 7 10 9

Date -

Mota 1988: No. Mota 1988: No. Mota 1988: No. Mota 1988: No. Mota 1988: No. Mota 1988: No. Mota 1988: No. Mota 1988: No. Mota 1988: No. Mota 1988: No. Mota 1988: No. Mota 1988: No.

HAA: Haag HAA.01 OC(1)55-1932

Luster 5-6

-

-

-

616/12197

Watson 1985: P1. 67

-

-

-

-

Watson 1985: P1. 113

-

Watson 1985: P1.F

-

IBM: Bastam Museum, Tehran (source: publication) 3289 Lustre 8 IBM.01

Published illustration

SEM study 2 18

-

1

-

19 33 34 3 4 21 8 25 9

-

-

-

-

-

-

667-70/ 1268-71 608/1211

KEV:Kiev Museum (source: publication) Lustre "x" KEV.01 Pope.722D

-

-

-

624/1227

Pope 1938: Pl. 722D

-

KHA: Khalili collection (source: publication) KHA.01 Lustre 1 -9 KHA.02 Lustre 4

-

-

-

590/1193

Watson 1985: P1. 16 Watson 1985: P1. 39

-

KNM: Kuwait National Museum KNM.01 LNS 210C Lustre 5-6

-

-

-

-

Jenkins 1983: 54

LVR: Louvre, Paris (source: publication) LVR.01 MAO 485 Lustre 1 6319 Lustre 8 LVR.02

-

-

-

Watson 1985: Pl. 20 Watson 1985: Pl. 110

-

-

664-5/ 1266-7

-

IBM.02

82248

Lustre 5-6

MIK: Museum fur Islamische Kunst, Berlin (source: publication) MIK.01 Lustre 5-6 1 46/70

-

-

595/1199

Watson 1985: Pl. 54

-

MMA:Metropolitan Museum of Art OG Lustre 8 igl Co-b, Cu-t MMA.01 09.22.1 MMA.02 10.44.3 AL Lustre 3 MMA.03 10.44.4 OG Lustre 10 MMA.06 12.206.1 OG Minai MMA.07 16.87 OG Lustre 1 MMA.08 19.105.2 AL (Co-b rev) Lustre 2 MMA.11 20.120.54 Co-b OG Lustre 1/2 OG Lustre 3 MMA.12 20.120.79 MMA.13 20.120.89 OG Lustre 7 MMA.14 21.49.1 Cu-t OG Minai MMA.15 27.13.9 OG Lustre 7 igl Co-b MMA.16 35.52.3 OG Lustre 2 MMA.18 41.119.1 Lustre 5-6 MMA.19 41.139 OG Lustre 1 OG Lustre 8 MMA.23 41.199.3 MMA.31 48.113.20 OG Lustre 8 MMA.32 48.113.21 OG Lustre 7 MMA.33 48.113.22 OG Lustre 4 MMA.34 48.113.23 OG Lustre 3/4 MMA.41 56.185.13 OG Lustre 4 MMA.42 57.36.2 OG Minai

-

9 7 9 10 6 6 6 7 8 10 8 6 6 9 9 8 7 7 7 10

-

Jenkins 1977: Fig. 84

-

MMA.43 MMA.44 MMA.45

61.40 62.226 63.16.1

OG Lustre 7 OG Lustre 5? (B&L) Cu-t AL Co-b, Cr-b UGP

{Kashan} IKashan) {Kashan} (Kashan} {Kashan) IKashan} {Kashan} {Kashan} {Kashan} (Kashan} {Kashan} IKashan} IKashan) {Kashan} (Kashan) (Kashan) {Kashan} {Kashan} {Kashan} {Kashan} {Kashan} {Kashan} {Kashan} -

-

MMA.47 MMA.49

63.158.1 64.60.3

OG Lustre 2 {Kashan} OG (Co-b AL rev) Lustre 2 (Kashan}

-

8 8 10

-

-

607/1210 -

-

-

-

Migeon 1907: Fig. 210 Pope 1939: P1. 720A -

Lane 1947: P1.58b Watson 1985 Mayor 1957: p. 97 -

Mayor 1957: p. 97 -

-

Jenkins 1977 Pope 1939: P1.672

-

-

-

-

-

6 6

-

MMA.51

64.178.1

OG Minai

(Kashan}

-

-

-

64.178.2 64.178.2

OG Minai OG Minai

{Kashan} {Kashan}

-

10 10

-

MMA.54 MMA.58

64.256 64.301

Iran AL Co-b, CR-b UGP Kashan OG Lustre

-

-

10 9

-

-

-

MMA.52 MMA.53

IKashan}

-

Grube 1965: Fig. 29

Grube 1965: Fig. 20 Grube 1965: Fig. 21

-

-

-

Grube 1965: Fig. 30

-

-

Pope 1939: P1. 686 Pope 1939: P1. 686 Jenkins 1977: Fig. 87

-

-

-

-

134 Catalogue Other Number Number MMA.60 68.215.10 MMA.61 69.186 MMA.67 1979.462.1

JOURNAL OF PERSIAN STUDIES

Class/Type Kashan OG Lustre 7 Iran AL Co-b, Cr-b UGP Kashan OG Lustre 7

ROM: Royal Ontario Museum collection ROM.05 946.66.10 Lustre 5-7 ROM.06 "Willow-scroll" 946.66.22e ROM.07 951.1.1 Minai ROM.08 956.169 Lustre "x" ROM.10 959.187.39 UGP ROM.11 959.187.40 Lustre 3 ROM.12 Minai 959.187.46 ROM.16 Lustre 8 961x167.1 ROM.17 Lustre 9 961x167.3 ROM.19 "Fenestrated" L985.13.2 Minai ROM.20 925.13.81 946.66.9 Minai ROM.21 959.187.17 Minai ROM.22 Lustre 8 ROM.23 972.339

Illustration Petrofabric Full Profile 8 {Kashan) 10 8 {Kashan} Kashan(?) Kashan(?) -

RYY:Rayy excavations Lustre RYY.6 RB1022/5? Kashan(?) Lustre RYY.7 RB1136/1 Kashan(?) RG3360 Lustre RYY.8 Kashan(?) Lustre RD2200 RYY.9 Kashan(?) Lustre Kashan(?) RYY.10 Lustre RG8243 RYY.11 Kashan(?) RYY.12 Cu-t AL Mono Cu-t AL Mono RYY.13 FV1032/9 Kashan(?) Cu-t AL Mono RYY.14 RB1135/? "Rayy4" AL Mono RG8526 RYY.19 "Rayy3" RG7888 Minai Kashan(?) RYY.25 Minai RYY.26 RCH1232/2 Kashan(?) Minai Kashan(?) RYY.27 Minai RYY.28 RG8352/2 Kashan(?) Minai RYY.29 RCH584/17 Kashan(?) RD3068 Minai Kashan(?) RYY.30 Cu-t OG Mono RF3228 Kashan(?) RYY.39 RYY.48 Lajvardina? Rayy Cu-t AL Mono (W) RYY.49 Rayy SMK: Samarqand: Institute of Archaeology and Samarqand Museum SMK.13 A108.5 Lustre Kashan(?) SMK 14 A108.9 Lustre Kashan(?) SRF: Siraf excavations (Royal Ontario Museum) SRF.18 Lustre Kashan(?) 986.407.620 SRF.19 Lustre 986.407.850 Kashan(?) and excavations (Ashmolean Museum) SRJ: Sirjan survey 1 (35-1) AL Mono Co-b splashed Kashan(?) SRJ.15 50.1 Mono Kashan(?) SRJ.16 Mono 50.2 Kashan(?) SRJ.17 50.4 Mono SRJ.18 Maybud WS.1 Cu-t AL Mono Kashan(?) SRJ.19 Cu-t Mono WS.2 Kashan(?) SRJ.20 STL: Soustiel collection (including Kiefer collection) rim Minai STL.02 Kashan(?) STL.03 Minai Kashan(?) appliq STL.04 lion Minai Kashan(?) STL.05 base Minai Kashan(?) SVR: Sevres SVR.01 Lustre 9 22688 V8cA:Victoria and Albert Museum V&A.01 1495-1876 Lustre 9 V&A.02 1837-1876 Lustre 8 V&A.03 1841-1876 Lustre 8 V&A.04 Lustre 8 469-1888 V&A.05 541-1900 Lustre 8

-

-

-

-

10

-

-

-

SEM study

-

-

8 -

Kashan(?) "Rayy3" -

Published illustration

Date -

-

VII IX X 3 VIII

10 7 10 10 10 10 9

-

-

I I I/2 I/2 I I/2 II 3 II II III III III III III III II III 3

-

-

-

-

-

-

-

-

-

-

678/1279 685/1286-7 -

-

-

Mason 1994 Mason 1994 Mason 1994 Mason 1994

-

Mason 1994

-

-

-

-

-

-

-

-

-

-

-

-

-

-

-

-

-

-

-

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Mason 1994

-

Mason 1994

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-

-

-

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-

-

-

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-

-

-

--

-

-

-

-

-

-

-

-

-

-

-

--

-

-

-

2

-

-

-

---

-

-

-

2

-

-

-

-.. -.. -.. -

-

711/1312

Watson 1985: P1. 124

-

-

-

707/1308 661/1262 1270-5 665/1266 1270-5

Watson 1985: P1. 116 Watson 1985: P1.K Watson 1985: P1.La Watson 1985: P1. 111 Watson 1985: P1.Lb

-

135

MEDIAEVAL IRANIAN LUSTRE-PAINTED AND ASSOCIATED WARES: TYPOLOGY IN A MULTIDISCIPLINARY STUDY Catalogue Other Number Number Class/Type V&A.07 C51-1952 Lustre 5-6 V&A.08 C160-1977 Lustre 5-6 V&A.09 C162-197710 Lustre 5-7 C163-1977 Lustre 5-7 V&A.10 ZZZ:Miscellaneous private collections "Blue-line" ZZZ.01 ZZZ.02 CALT 2 Lustre ZZZ.04 Ades Colln Lustre 5-6 ZZZ.05 Minai ZZZ.06 Lustre 5-6 Etchecopar ZZZ.08 Mansour Lustre "x" ZZZ.09 Lustre 5-6 Tilinger

Petrofabric -

illustration Full Profile 9 9

"Rayy3" Kashan(?) -

NOTES 5. Signed by Abu Zaid. 6. Signed by Abu Zaid. 7. Abu Zaid. 8. Signed Muhammad ibn Abi al-Husain. 9. Signed Abu Tahir ibn Muhammad Hamza ibn al-Hasan. 10. Inscribed by Muhammad ibn Muhammad al-Nishapuri.

-

-

Date 604/1207 614/1217 -

Published illustration Watson 1985: Pl. E Watson 1985: Pl. 70 Watson 1985: Pl. G Watson 1985: Fig. 4

SEM study -

-

Sotheby's 1993: lot 60 -

611/1214 660/1261 607/1210

Watson 1985: Pl. 78 Pope 1938: Pl. 689 Watson 1985: Pl. 74a Mansour 1979 Bahrami 1949: Pl. 61

-

-

ARCHAEOLOGICALNEWS FROM IRAN ByVesta Sarkhosh Curtis and St John Simpson Reports on surveys, and rescue and research excavations are regularly published by the Iranian Cultural Heritage Organisation (Mirdth-iFarhangi) and the Iran University Press (Markaz-i nashr-i danashgdhi). A number of important discoveries have been made over the past few years. The following short reports were compiled from the excavators' published reports.

Ardabil An octagonal Safavid building was discovered in August 1374 (1995) to the west of the mausoleum of Shaikh Safi of Ardabil. It dates to the beginning of the tenth century Hijra and was constructed of square mudbricks (21 x 21 X 6 cm). A group of Safavid graves was found to the south-east of this

250

2v•ttItes

S.

s

Ardbi

400oo.Kilometres

TU RKMENISTAN

Mu'ana .rmia

Bandiyan

I

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Sultaniyeh

~mTEHRAN .r

SHamadan

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Fig. 1. Rescueand researchexcavationsin Iran.

137

138

JOURNAL

OF PERSIAN

STUDIES

Fig. 2. Sasanian stuccoesat Bandiyan. AfterMirath-i Farhangi 14 (1374/1996), p.83.

complex. Pottery of the eighth-thirteenth centuries Hijra metalwork, and Ilkhanid and Safavid coins were also found. Mahmud Musavi 1374/1996 "Kivush dar majmficeh-yiShaikh Safi-yi Ardabili [Explorations in the complex belonging to Shaikh Safi of Ardabil] ". Mirdth-iFarhangi 14 (Winter), 81-82. Bandiyan This primarily Sasanian site is situated in northeast Iran, north of the main ridges of the Kopet Dagh and close to the modern town of Dar-i Gaz and prominent Chalcolithic-Bronze Age mound of Yarim Tepe (see P.L. Kohl and D.L. Heskel 1980, "Archaeological reconnaissance in the Darreh Gaz plain", Iran XVIII, 160-69). There have been two seasons of excavations at Bandiyvn, commencing in 1373 (1994/95). Four levels of occupation have been identified, the earliest being attributed to the Parthian period. The excavated building includes a substantial hall measuring 10.25 X 8.60 m, orientated north-east/ south-west, the interior being decorated throughout with Sasanian stuccoes (Fig. 2). In the north-west part was a large niche measuring 2.80 x 1.70 m across (described as a "mihrdb").The north-east side of the hall was flanked by a courtyard whereas the south-west side was connected to a 3 m wide corridor via a wide doorway 1.25 m across. A further room lay

in the south-east part. The main hall was originally roofed judging by the discovery of four column bases constructed of stone and plaster, each with a triple stepped base. The floors themselves were plastered. Several bullae impressed with seals showing cows, griffins, an antelope and a human figure were found on the floor, one seal being inscribed with the name "Rfiz-Beh"in Middle Persian. The interior of the hall was decorated with figural scenes survivingto a maximum height of 0.65-0.70 m; the stucco itself was between 2-4 cm thick. The columns were decorated with stuccoes surviving up to a metre in height and showing palmette and cross designs. The mural scheme comprised seven scenes. The first of these shows a hunting scene with a pair of horsemen firing their bows at fleeing gazelles. The second shows ajousting scene between two individuals, identified as a Sasanian and a "foreign" ruler, with at least five dead figures lying below the hooves. The third scene shows the victorious aftermath of the battle. The fourth scene is a religious scene showing Anahita standing next to an ivan with gathered curtains and in the act of pouring water onto the ground; three bunches of narcissi or lilies are shown behind her head. The fifth scene shows a number of religious and political figures, including five figures in a niche ("mihrab")engaged in different actions, each of whom is accompanied by a Middle Persian inscription. The walls opposite this niche show a building-interpreted as a temple-

ARCHAEOLOGICAL NEWS FROM IRAN

constructed on a platform with a pair of columns either side and flanked by a standing figure holding a barsom and a portable fire altar. The sixth scene is a scene with four standing figures wearing rich robes; one figure has a diadem tie behind its head, another is thought to represent Anahita standing next to a two-handled amphora. The seventh and final scene is on the western wall. This decoration is less well preserved but shows two figures standing next to two seated figures, one squatting and the other reclining against a cushion. It is interpreted as a funeral scene. At some point in the Sasanian period the building lost its original function and it underwent some minor alterations. The floor in part of the building was raisedwith an earth filling covered with a layerof bricks. Mehdi Rahbar 1374/1996 "Kashf-igachburiha-yi jadid-i dowreh-yi sasoni dar Bandiyan-i Khurisan [The discovery of new plaster decoration of the Sasanian period at Bandiyan in Khurasan] ". Mirdth-i Farhangi 14 (Winter), 82-85.

139

residents since the early nineteenth century. Unfortunately, a large portion was recently destroyed as the area was turned into a national park. In the process a number of ossuaries containing bones were discovered. These included reused "torpedo jars" with pointed bases, measuring up to 0.87 m in height and 0.14 m across at the mouth. These were dated by the excavator to the Parthian period. Similar ossuaries were found in Mehdi Rahbar's excavations in the Galalak district of Shushtar. Plain carved stone ossuaries measuring 0.50 m long, 0.30 m across and 0.25 m high were also found; these were thought to post-date the jar ossuaries and were attributed to the second century AD. Rock-cut ustuddnsat the nearby site of Rayshahr are believed to date to the Sasanian period. Seyyed Ali Asghar Mir Fattah 1374/1996 "Giirast5n-iShuqib carzeh d~shtan dar havay-i aizd va dafn beh shiveh-yi [The necropolis of Shuqab: practices ustukha-nda.n of exposure with ossuaries]". Athar25, 41-61.

Bushihr An extensive ancient cemetery is situated next to the Persian Gulf shoreline south of the city centre of Bushihr, in the direction of the unexcavated site of the Sasanian port of Rayshahr. This cemetery has attracted the attention of travellers and early

Hamadan The first season of archaeological work commenced at this site in 1362 (1983/84), followed by six further seasons. Different areasof the mound have now been explored and two stretches of city wall exposed,

Fig. 3. Building complexat Hamadan. FromArg-i Bam 11 (1374/1995-96), p.839.

140

JOURNAL OF PERSIAN STUDIES

revealing heavy squarish exterior bastions. The fortifications were constructed with fired brick foundations and measured 3.5 m across, and standing up to 5 m in height. An area totalling 1000 m2 has been excavated nearby revealing part of a series of large and regularly planned mudbrick complexes. Further squares were excavated and the overall plan can be reconstructed (Fig. 3). This suggests the layout of identical standardised house-sized units arranged in regular parallel rows and separated by straight streets. This striking plan indicates strong central planning but its date is unclear. Median, Achaemenid, Seleucid, Parthian, Sasanian and Islamic material has been reported from the excavations. Muhammad Rahim Sarraf1374/1996, "Now-yfftehha-yi macmari va shahrsatzidar tappeh Hagmataneh (Hamadan) [New discoveries concerning the urban architecture of Ecbatana (Hamadan) ]". Tdrikh-i macmad va shahrsdzi-yiIrdn, Arg-i Bam II, 812-40 [Sdzamdn-i Mirdth-i Farhangi 46]; 1374/1996 "Kashfiyat-ijadid az shahr-i batstftni-yiHagmataneh [New discoveries from the ancient city of Ecbatana] ". Mirdth-i Farhangi 14 (Winter), 77-79. Izeh In 1366 (1987/88) Isma'il Yaghama'i inspected the carved stone relief at Izeh that was accidentally discovered during pipeline works 30 kilometres east of the town The rectangular limestone slab measures 1.25 x 0.45 x 0.40 m and shows four reclining figures, each holding a bowl in their left hand. Three of these appear to be male, with short hair, moustaches and beards and are similar to figures on late second-early third century AD reliefs from Bard-i Nichandeh and Masjid-i Sulaiman. Elymaian inscriptions accompany the figures. According to Rassul Bashshash, one of these refers to Kamnashkires II (81-82 BC) and his consort Anzaze. Rassul Bashshash 1373/1994, "Katibeh-yielima'iyi naqsh-i barjasteh-yi Izeh [The Elymaian inscription on the relief at Izeh] ". Mirdth-i Farhangi 12 (Spring-Summer), 59-63. Kangavar Extensive area excavations have been conducted at Kangavar since 1347 (1968-69), now published in a final report with chapters on the architecture, stratigraphy,graves and finds. Graffitidtamgas pecked into ashlar blocks are tabulated. To the north of the temple terrace, a series of graves were excavated by Isma'il Yaghama'i on Tappeh Qaleh Burj, Tappeh Manbac-yi fib-i Kangavar and Tappeh Juhildha. These graves comprised oval pottery coffins, pithos burials and cists covered with rows of capstones. These date to the Elymaian/Parthian period judging

by the associated finds. The finds illustrated in the report mostly derive from the temple area, including a trilobate socketed arrowhead, a pilgrim flask, Parthian coins, Sasanian plainwares, Sasanian seals and a bulla, Early Islamic glass bottles, Early Islamic barbotine and chip-carved wares, and later Islamic glazed wares. A final section deals with the Parthianearly Sasanian arched building at Tagh-i Girra. The Sayfollah Kambakhsh-Fard 1373/1995/96, Anahita TempleKangavar. ArchaeologicalExcavations and Surveys: The Reconstruction and Architectural Restoration of the Nahid Temple and Taghe-Gera. Tehran: Iranian Cultural Heritage Organisation 23. Lakh-Mazar In May 1371 (1992), during a survey of the Birjand region, an important group of rock graffiti (previously commented on by W.B. Henning 1953. "A new Parthian inscription", JRAS, 132-136) were recorded in a cave site near the village of Kuch, 20 km south-east of Birjand. These include human and animal representations (Fig. 4), floral patterns, symbols, possible pictographs, a number of other designs, 81 Parthian and Middle Persian inscriptions, 34 Arabic inscriptions and 8 Persian inscriptions. All of these were copied by members of the Archaeological Service and a selection of the published graffiti are reproduced in this report. Rajab-AliLabbaf-Khanaghi and Rasul BashshashKanzagh 1372/1994, "Sang-nagar-i Litkh MazatrBirjand [Rock Carvings of Lakh-Mazar, Birjand]". Mirdth-i Fdrhangf; Series of Research Articles 1 (Summer). Ray (QalehGabri) Square mudbrick fortifications enclosed a two hectare site. Limited excavations yielded Early Islamic splash glazed pottery and glassware, illustrated in this preliminary report. YayhaKowsari 1374/1996, "Pazhfiheshidar Qaleh Gabri-yi Ray-yi baistani [Investigations at Qaleh Gabri, ancient Ray]". Tdrikh-imacmbriva shahrsdzi-yi Irdn, Arg-i Bam III, 452-94 [Sdzamdn-i Mirdth-i Farhangi 46]. Shahdad New excavations have been conducted since 1373 (1994) at the settlement located approximately one kilometre north-west of the well-known Bronze Age cemetery. Large mudbrick and chinehhouses consisting of interconnected residential and rectangular storage rooms arranged around courtyards were excavated (Fig. 5). Clay storage bins were found in the corners of rooms and a fine rectangular bread

ARCHAEOLOGICAL NEWS FROM IRAN

141

D-3

C-3

,/

zLI

D-'

sk s

0

2

OCO

Fig. 4. Rockgraffitiat Lakh-Mazar,nearBirjand.FromMirdthi-i Farhangi 1(1373/1994), pp.95-97.

142

JOURNAL OF PERSIAN STUDIES

Fig. 5. Mudbrickbuildingsat Shahdad.AfterArg-i Bam 111(1375/1996-97), p.114.

oven was excavated in one house courtyard. Finds are not discussed or illustrated. Mir-Abadin Kabuli 1374/1996 "Masakan-i mardum-i Shahdad va muqatyaseh-yian ba sukuinatgaha-yi jufnfb-i sharqi-yiIran dar chahairhizareh [The settlements of the peoples of Shahdad and comparison with settlements in South-east Iran over four millennia] ".Tarikh-imacmarfva shahrsdzi-yiIrdn, Arg-i Bam III, 111-20 [Sdzamdn-iMfrdth-iFarhangT46]. ShirinauMuvri A new Elymaian rock carving was discovered at

this site in 1368 (1990). The site is located near Masjid-i Sulaiman and on a migratory route used by the Zardeh, a Bakhtiyari tribe. This relief measures 2.00 m across and 1.45 m high and shows three figures. The scene comprises, on the left, a main figure seated on a backless throne raised up on a low platform. He holds a lance in his right hand whereas his left arm is folded across his chest. Two further figures dressed in long tunics are shown standing in a frontal pose on the right. One of these raises one arm towards the seated figure whereas the third figure has folded arms. This scene is similar to the socalled "banquet scene" at Tang-i SarvakII.

ARCHAEOLOGICAL NEWS FROM IRAN

143

Jacfar Mehrkiyan 1375/1995, "Nagirkand-i nowyafteh-yi elimai'-yi Shirinau [The newly discovered Elymaian rock carving of Shirinau Muvri]". Mirdth-i Farhangz15, 54-59. Sultaniyeh The aim of this excavation was to determine the limits of the citadel and its relation with the city. Eighty per cent of one tower and part of the ramparts have been cleared and followed by restoration. Previously known accounts and illustrations refer to a gate on the northern side of the citadel but these new excavationshave demonstrated the existence of an additionalgate on the southern side. Within the citadel, evidence of housing was found next to the bazaar and a four-ivdn courtyard was discovered in front of the main eastern entrance of the royal mausoleum. Asghar Mir-Fattah, 1374/1995 "Sultaniyeh [Excavations outside the citadel of Sultaniyeh]". Farhangi 13 (Summer), 14-25. Mirdtth-i

Fig. 6. Mitannian cylinderseal impressionfrom Tappeh

AfterMirath-iFarhangi13 (1373/1995),p. 75. Macmurin. closely paralleled from the site of Alalakh, near the mouth of the Orontes (D. Collon 1982, TheAlalakh CylinderSeals,Oxford, 84, no. 60) whereas Mitannian seals do occur regularly at Early Iron Age sites in Iran, notably Marlik Tepe and Hasanlu (E. O. Negahban 1996, Marlik, The CompleteExcavation Report, Philadelphia, I, 205-II, pls. 95-97; M. I. Marcus 1996, Emblemsof Identityand Prestige:TheSeals and SealingsfromHasanlu, Iran, Philadelphia).

Susa Excavations were resumed in 1374 (1995) in the western part of the Apadana with the aim of excavating post-Achaemenid remains in order to complete the plan prior to restoration. Excavations revealed Parthian jar burials and sarcophagi, a Seljuk pottery kiln and a seventh-eighth century Hijra cemetery. Excavated objects included a fragmentary black stone sculpture showing a hand, inscribed with three lines of Old Persian. Achaemenid bricks are recorded as measuring 38 cm square x 8.5 cm thick. Mir Abadin Kabuli 1373/1994 "Shilshva mirath-i baistini-yiDasht-i Shilshan [Susa and the ancient heritage of the Shushan valley]". Mirdth-iFarhangi 12 (Summer-Autumn), 119-37. TappehMacmurin This Early Iron Age site was discovered during roadworks associated with the new Imam Khomeini airport near Tehran. The first season was conducted in 1370 (1992) after an initial survey two years previously. Each dwelling consisted of two interconnected rooms, sometimes linked by a step. The walls were constructed of mudbrick (measuring between 32 x 27/28 x 8 and 24 X 18 x 8 cm) and plastered with up to 20 layers of white plaster; traces of wooden roof-beams were also found. Large Grey Ware pithoi were found standing on a raised platform and are thought to have been used for keeping water or wine. The remains of pottery kilns are also reported. Finds included Grey Ware pottery, moulds for casting weapons, a Mitannian cylinder seal (Fig. 6) and a cylinder seal impressed sherd (Fig. 7). The seal is

Fig. 7. Impressedsherdfrom TappehMacmurin.AfterMirath-i

Farhangi13 (1373/1995),p. 75.

Jacfar Mehrkiyan 1374/1995 "Ufuq-i nuvin dar pazhuhashha-yi farhangi-yi sufal-i khakastari [A new horizon in the search for the Grey Ware culture". Mirdth-i Farhangz 13 (Summer), 74-75; 1375/ 1996-97 "Pazhfihashdar macmari-yinow-shanakhtehyi farhang-i sufal-i khatkastari [Discoveries of the recently recognised architecture of the Grey Ware va shahrsdzi-yiIrdn, Arg-i culture] ". Tdrikh-i macmdriMirdth-i Bam III, 345-56 [ Sdzamdn-i Farhangi46]. Mu 'ana A smooth granite stela with Assyrian and Urartian cuneiform inscriptions was accidentally discovered by a student in 1374 (1995) near the village of Mu'ana, 40 km north-west of Urmia. This stela measures 2.75 m in length X 0.75 m across X 0.35 m thick and is inscribed on all four sides with a

144

JOURNAL OF PERSIAN STUDIES

bilingual 64-line inscription written in Akkadian and Urartian. The inscription specifies that the stela was set up for the Urartian god Haldi by king Rusa I (719-713 BC), son of Sarduri II (743 BC), and refers to the city of Ardini and a temple at Urzana. The stela is currently displayed in Urmia Museum. Rasul Bashshash Kanzaq 1375/1996, "Qaracat-i katibeh-yi sang-i yadbfid-i taizehyTb-iriistay-i Mu'ana ya sarzamin-i Arda va asheh (Urmia) [Reading the newly discovered stele from Mu'ana in the land of Arda va Asheh (Urmia)]". Mirdth-i Farhangf 15 (Summer), 102-109. Ziwiyeh Excavations were commenced in 1373/74 (1994-96) after an interval of sixteen years. A number of rooms were cleared on the Central Platform. Finds from recent and earlier Iranian excavations are illustrated in these reports, including ivory inlays decorated with birds, a fragmentary lapis lazuli lamp with a griffin's head handle (similar to one found at Assur: A. Haller, 1954, Die Graberund Gri•fte von Assur, Berlin, 173, pl. 41a-d), and a wall-painting showing a standing figure. Nusratullah Muctamadi 1375/1996-97 "Ziwiyeh, kavushha-yi sal-i 1374 [Ziwiyeh, Excavations in 1374] ".Mirdth-iFarhangz16 (Autumn-Winter), 32-37; 1374/1995-96 "Ziwiyeh, qal'eh-yi mfina-yi, madi [Ziwiyeh, the Mannaean-Median fortress]"; Tarikh-i macmar va shahrsazi-yiIrdn, Arg-i Bam I, 320-57 [Sdzaman-iMir~th-i Farhangi 46].

Pl. Ia. Aerial view of the ancient city of Merv from the east (1992): the citadel, Erk Kala at the right, Gyaur Kala in the centreand Sultan Kala at rear. View to the west.

Pl. lb. Aerial view of mediaeval Merv, Sultan Kala (1992). Shahriyar Ark in the bottom rightforeground with the ruins of the central palace and keshk visible. The mausoleum of Sultan Sanjar can be seen in the centre of the city. View to the south-west.

P1.Ha. GyaurKala Area 4: Furnace2, half-sectioned,showingceramictuyere at base; 1 m. scale, lookingnorth-east.

P1.IIc. GyaurKala Area 4: Furnace3 (left)with mudbrickwall collapsedinsidepit; Furnace4 with tuyere (right);2 m. scale, lookingnorth.

P1. IIb. GyaurKala Area 4: Furnace4, showingt

P1.lId. GyaurKala Area 4: generalview with excav way"in foreground,looki

P1. IIIc. Shahriyar Ark: exterior of west wall, detail of arrow-slits; 1 m. scale, looking east.

P1. IlIa. Sultan Kala: oblique aerial view of thejunction of the southern wall of Shahriyar Ark with the eastern city wall, looking south-west.

P1. IIId. ShahriyarArk: exterior of tower on the east wall periods of construction; 2 m. scale, lo

P1. IlIb. Shahriyar Ark: exterior of west wall with bastion 2 m. scale, looking east.

P1.IVb. ShahriyarArk:MSK 1, excavatedovenoutsidebuilding; 1 m. scale, lookingeast. P1.Na. ShahriyarArk:interiorof staircaseinside the northwall; 1 m. scale.

P1.IVc. ShahriyarArk:MSK 1, RoomB andfoundation cut for buildingin foreground;2 m. scale, lookingwest.

pottery P1.IVd. Sultan Kala Area2: excavatedpost-Seljuk kiln,firing chamberat rear,stokeholeinforeground; 2 m. scale, lookingeast.

P1. Va. Princelycourt(f la).

Pl. Vb. Illuminatedheading,Khusrawu

P1. VIa. Al and theinfidel

(f.26a).

P1. VIb. Theyouth and thesage

P1. VIIa. Khusraw and Shirnn in the hunting-field

(f.40a).

P1. VIIb. Khusraw spies Shirin bath

Pl. VIII. Fete champetre (f 86b).

Pl. IX. Outdoor court scene (ff 87b, 88a).

P1. Xa. Suicideof Shinn (f 84b).

Pl. Xb. LayldrejectsIbn Saldm (f

P1.XIa. Indian princeand attendants riding (f 118b).

Pl. XIc. Iskandarcapturesafoeman

(f 137b).

PI. XIb. Iskandarin battle(f 129a).

Pl. XMd.BahramGuir'smaster-shots (f1 75b).

byLayldin thewilderness(f 108b). P1. XII. Majnun comforted

Pl. XIIIa, b. Kazakl'iyatkanAreaIII, StageII. Mudbrickwall and impressed"tamgas"on bricks.

P1. XIVa,b. Therockcarvingof Shaivand,Izeh.

paddedbreeches,embroidered P1.XVa, b, c. Wrestler's with leatherbindings,acquiredbytheSouthKensington Museum,London,in 1986, inv. no. 841-1876 courtesyof the Victoriaand AlbertMuseum). (photographs:

b. Back of the breeches.

on theleftthigh. c. Detail of theembroidery

membersof theZilrkhanaKamdl,Isfahan, beginthe Pl. XVIb. Legsoutstretched, P. Baker). sessionin theoctagonal-pitwith "press-ups" (photograph:

Pl. XVIa. Thecalam of thezfirkh~tnain Qazvin P. Baker). (photograph:

P1.XVIc. Thestonelion situatedon thesouth bank,KhwajuBridge,Isfahan, bearingrepresentations of mils (on thefront legs), twosang boards,and the P. Baker). kabfida (photograph:

Pl. XVId. Thekaboda exercise,with woodenmils visible,lowerleft. Themurshid is seatedwithhis drum undertheostrichplumes,topleft(ZftrkhanaKamal, Isfahan;photograph:P. Baker).

P1. XVIIa. The QdailMosque,Machhiwara.

Pl. XVIIb. Inscriptionon the Qdil Mosque.

P1. XVIIIa. Lustre-paintedpotteryfrom Rayy:(all plates readfrom top left to bottomright)RYY.08, RYY.07, RYY.1O,RYY.09, RYY.06.

P1. XVIIId. Potteryfrom Ani: ANI.02, ANI.07, AN

potteryfrom Rayy:RYY. P1. XVIIIb. Monochrome RYY.39, RYY.14.

ANI.01, ANI.04, ANI.06, ANI.09,

P1. XVIIIc.Enamel-paintedpotteryfrom Rayy:RYY.25, RYY.27, RYY.29, RYY.28, RYY.26, RYY.48, RYY.30.

P1. XIXa. KashanLustre-paintedGroupOne:ASH.13. (AshmoleanMuseum, Oxford)

Pl. XIXc. Kashan Lustre-paintedGroupTwo:ASH.03.

Pl. XIXb. KashanLustre-paintedGroupTwo:ASH.03. (AshmoleanMuseum, Oxford)

Pl. XIXd. KashanLustre-paintedGroupThree:ROM.11.

Pl. XIXe. KashanLustre-paintedGroupThree:ROM.11.

P1. XXa. KashanLustre-paintedGroupEight:ROM.23.

P1. XXb. KashanLustrepaintedGroupEight:ROM.23.

P1. XXc. KashanLustre-paintedGroupEight:ROM.16. P1. XXd. KashanLustrepaintedGroupNine: ROM.17.

P1. XXf KashanLustre-paintedGroupNine: ASH.14. (AshmoleanMuseum, Oxford) P1. XXe. KashanLustre-paintedGroupNine: ASH.14. (AshmoleanMuseum, Oxford)

NOTES ON TRANSLITERATIONFOR CONTRIBUTORS TO IRAN I.

OLD AND MIDDLE PERSIAN

It is recognised that no rigid lines can be laid down here, but it is suggested that the Old Persian syllabaryshould be transliteratedaccording to the table in Kent, OldPersian.Grammar,Texts,Lexicon, p. 12; that for Manichaean Middle Persian and Parthian, the transliteration system given in AndreasManichaica,vol. III, p. 66, should be used; whilst for Pahlavi, the table of Henning, Mitteliranische alphabets given in Nyberg, A Manual of Pahlavi, new edition, p. 129, may be used as a reference for transcription. II.

ISLAMICAND MODERN PERSIAN

The systemused for the Cambridge HistoryofIslamshould be used here as far as possible. Consonants

(a) Arabic

E

c t

S ' b t Sth j

h

J z s j,e sh s d j

.t

kh

dh

,,h

'

d ? r

q !J k 3 1 m n

t.

w

y

; -a (in constructstate:

gh f

-at)

(b) Persian additional and variantforms. The variantforms should generally be used for Iranian names and for Arabicwords used in Persian. z Sp , zh s . , ch (c) The Persian "silenth" should be transliterateda, e.g. nama. Vowels Arabicor Persian Short: a a Long: I or u ii

" g

v

Doubled "'- iyy (final form i) Dipthongs

"' au

ai NOTES 1. The iidfa should be represented by -i, or after long vowels, by -yi, e.g. umard-yijdnki. 2. The Arabic definite article should be written as al- or 1-,even before the so-called "sunletters", e.g. 'Abd al-Malik,Abu 'l-Nasr. 3. The macrons of Abfi and Dhfi (Z7i) should be omitted before the definite article, e.g. Abu 'l-Abbas(but Abfi 'Ubaida). It is obvious that for the rendering of linguistic and dialectical material, and possibly also for contemporary literary and spoken Persian, this rigorous system of transliteration is inappropriate; contributorsshould use their discretion here. III.

GENERALPOINTS

1. Names of persons should be rigorouslytransliterated. 2. Conventional English equivalents (without macrons or diacritics) should be used for the names of countries, provinces or large towns, e.g. Khurasan, Shiraz. Otherwise, all place-names should be rigorouslytransliterated.Archaeologists are asked to be especially careful in representing the names of little-knownplaces at or near sites. 3. Modern Turkish names and words should be written in the current romanized Turkish orthography. 4. Where classical Greek and Latin renderings of Old and Middle Persian names exist, these familiarforms should be used for preference. 145

ABBREVIATIONS AARP AASOR AfO AJ AJA AJSL AK AMI ANET AO Arch Anz ArO AS BA Besch BASOR Belleten BGA Bib Or BMMA BSA BSOAS CAH CDAFI CHIr CIA CII EI' EI2 EIr EW IA IIJ IJMES ILN Isl JA JAOS JCS JFA JHS JNES JRAI JRAS JRCAS JSS KF LAAA MAOG MDAFA MDAI MDOG MDP MJ NC OIC OIP PZ RA REI SAA SAOC Sov Arkh SS St Ir Survey WdO WVDOG ZA ZDMG

Art and Archaeology Research Papers Annual of American Schools of Oriental Research Archiv ffir Orientforschung Antiquaries' Journal AmericanJournal of Archaeology American Journal of Semitic Languages and Literatures Antike Kunst Archaeologische Mitteilungen aus Iran Pritchard, Ancient Near Eastern Texts Ars Orientalis Archaologischer Anzeiger Archiv Orientilni Anatolian Studies Bulletin van de Vereeniging ... de Antieke Beschaving, The Hague Bulletin of American Schools of Oriental Research Tfirk Tarih Kurumu: Belleten Bibliotheca Geographorum Arabicorum Bibliotheca Orientalis Bulletin of the Metropolitan Museum of Art Annual of the British School at Athens Bulletin of the School of Oriental and African Studies Cambridge Ancient History Cahiers de la D)l1gation Archeologique Francaise en Iran Cambridge History of Iran Corpus Inscriptionum Arabicarum Corpus Inscriptionum Iranicarum Encyclopaedia of Islam, 1st Edition Encyclopaedia of Islam, 2nd Edition Encyclopaedia Iranica East and West, New Series Iranica Antiqua Indo-lranian Journal International Journal of Middle East Studies Illustrated London News Der Islam Journal Asiatique Journal of the American Oriental Society Journal of Cuneiform Studies Journal of Field Archaeology Journal of Hellenic Studies Journal of Near Eastern Studies Journal of the Royal Anthropological Institute Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society Journal of the Royal Central Asian Society Journal of Semitic Studies Kleinasiatische Forschungen Annals of Archaeology and Anthropology, Liverpool Mitteilungen der Altorientalischen Gesellschaft Memoires de la Delgation Archeologique FranCaiseen Afghanistan M6moires de la Delgation Archeologique en Iran Mitteilungen der Deutschen Orientgesellschaft Memoires de la Mission Archbologique de Perse MuseumJournal, Philadelphia Numismatic Chronicle Oriental Institute, Chicago, Communications Oriental Institute, Chicago, Publications Praehistorische Zeitschrift Revue d'Assyriologie Revue des Etudes Islamiques Soviet Anthropology and Archaeology Oriental Institute, Studies in Ancient Oriental Civilisation SovietskayaArkheologiya Schmidt, H., Heinrich Schliemanns Sammlung trojanischer Altertiimer Studia Iranica A Survey of Persian Art from Prehistoric Times to the Present, ed. A. U. Pope, Oxford, 1938 Die Welt des Orients Wissenschaftliche Ver6iffentlichungen der Deutschen Orientgesellschaft Zeitschrift frirAssyriologie Zeitschrift der Deutschen Gesellschaft Morgenltndischen

146

NOTES FOR THE CONTRIBUTORS Iran is a refereed journal with a board of editorial advisers. The editors are Professor C. E. Bosworth and Dr. Vesta Curtis and the editorial advisers are Dr. P. R. S. Moorey, ProfessorJ. M. Rogers and Professor David Stronach. In addition, articles are sent to other scholars as appropriate. Articles for Iran should be typewritten on one side of A4 paper or the nearest North American equivalent size with double spacing and generous margins or, preferably, they should be submitted on disk together with a hard copy. Carbon copies or photocopies of typescript are not acceptable. Notes should be numbered consecutively and placed at the end of the article. Photographs for reproduction should be, as far as possible, in the form of bright and sharp glossy black and white prints, and should be original photographs. In case of reproductions, permission by the author or publisher must be obtained before hand. Whenever possible, contributors should submit original line drawings rather than photographic or other reproductions. Authors of articles will receive 25 offprints free and may order additional ones, at reasonable prices, in multiples of 25. The Editors should be informed of any extra offprint orders when the first proofs of articles are returned. Authors of contributions in the ShorterNotices will receive 15 copies of the complete ShorterNotices section.

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