Iran. Journal of the British Institute of Persian Studies

IRAN Journal of the British Institute of Persian Studies 2004

XLII VOLUME CONTENTS Page

Council . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Governing . . . . .. .. Reportof theCouncil . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Obituary . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . ... . . . . . . . . . . . . Location,Location,Location:A Pilot Survey of the TehranPlain in 2003, by R.A.E Coningham,H. Fazeli,R.L.YoungandR.E.Donahue............. Cheshmeh-AliRevisited: Towards an Absolute Dating of the Late Neolithic and Chalcolithicof Iran'sTehranPlain,by H. Fazeli,R.A.E.ConinghamandC.M.Batt

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Kushk-eHezar:A Mushki/JariPeriodSite in the KurRiverBasin,Fars,Iran,by JohnR. Alden, Kamyar Abdi, Ahmed Azadi, Fereidoun Biglari and Saman Heydari . . .

A New Look at the PrehistoricMetallurgyof SoutheasternIran,by C.P. Thorntonand C.C. Lamberg-Karlovsky ....................... CopperandComplexity:IranandMesopotamiain the FourthMillenniumB.C., by Roger Matthewsand HassanFazeli....................... The Banesh-Kaftari Interface: The ViewfromOperation H5, Malyan,by NaomiF. Millerand WilliamM. Sumner............................

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Cyrusandthe Achaemenids,by MattWaters ................... The Lan Ceremony and Other Ritual Ceremonies in the AchaemenidPeriod: The . PersepolisFortificationTablets,by ShahrokhRazmjou........... underthe Samanids(Accordingto the Dataof Numismatics),by MichaelFedorov Farghana The Mongolsin Iran:A Reappraisal,by David Morgan...............

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The Masjid-iMalikin Kirman,by AlirezaAnisi ..................

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Beg Turkman's Pilgrimageto Makkaand Returnto Gujarat:A SixteenthCentury BayazTd Simon Narrative, by Digby ........................ A in Bushire'sHinterland, Rural Market Town Borazjan, by WillemFloor .. .....

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A Persian Sufi in British India: The Travels of MTrzaHasan Safi 'All Shah (1251/1835-1316/1899), by Nile Green................. AhmadKasravi'sCriticismsof EdwardGranvilleBrowne,by LloydRidgeon. of BasilGray,by EdmundGray ................ Centenary Bibliography Archaeological Report ...................

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STATEMENTOF AIMS AND ACTIVITIES in Tehranat whichBritishscholars,menandwomenof learningversedin the 1. TheInstitutehas anestablishment arts,friendsof Iran,may reside and meet theirIraniancolleaguesin orderto discusswith them subjectsof commoninterest:the arts,archaeology,history,literature, linguistics,religion,philosophyandcognatesubjects. 2. TheInstituteprovidesaccommodation forseniorscholarsandforteachersfromBritishUniversitiesin orderthat themselves at source of knowledgefromwhichtheirteachingderives.The sameserviceis refresh the theymay beingrenderedto youngerstudentswho showpromiseof developinginterestsin Persianstudies. 3. TheInstitute,whilstconcernedwithPersianculturein thewidestsense,is particularly concernedwiththe'develof of and seeks the Iranian scholars and studentsin applying opment archaeologicaltechniques, co-operation currentmethodsto the resolutionof archaeological andhistoricalproblems. 4. Archaeologicalexcavationusingmodemscientifictechniquesas ancillaryaids is one of the Institute'sprimary tasks.Theseactivities,whichentaila freshappraisalof previousdiscoveries,havealreadyyieldednew historiandarchaeologicalevidencewhichis addingto ourknowledgeof the pastandof its bearing cal, architectural, on the modemworld. 5. Inpursuitof all theactivitiesmentionedin theprecedingparagraphs theInstituteis graduallyaddingto its library, is collectinglearnedperiodicals,andis publishinga journal,Iran,whichappearsannually. scholars 6. TheInstitutearrangesoccasionalseminars,lecturesandconferencesandenliststhehelpof distinguished for this purpose.It also arrangessmallexhibitionswith the objectof demonstrating the importanceof Persian cultureandits attractionforthe worldof scholarship. 7. The Instituteendeavoursto collaboratewithuniversitiesandeducationalinstitutionsin Iranby all the meansat its disposaland,when consulted,assistsIranianscholarswith technicaladvicefor directingthemtowardsthe academicinstitutionsin Britishuniversities. appropriate

MEMBERSHIP OF THEINSTITUTE c/o TheBritishAcademy,10 Carlton Secretary, Anyonewishingtojoin the Instituteshouldwriteto theMembership rates(1st January-31stDecember)areas follows: HouseTerrace,LondonSW1Y5AH.The annualsubscription Fullmembership(U.K. only) ?25 Membernot receivingjournal ?8.00 Fullmembership(Overseas) ?30 or US$60 Studentmembership ?7.50 COPIES OF IRAN Full members of the Institutereceive a post free copy of the currentissue of the journal Iran each year. Copies of Iran may be obtained from the Publications Secretary(address as above) at the following prices: ?30 or US$60 each plus ?5/US$8 per Currentissue - single copies purchasedby non members copy for postage and packing (surface mail outside Europe) Back numbers- please see publications list inside back cover Those orderingfrom overseas may pay in US dollars or by sterling draftdrawn in London or by internationalmoney order.

IRAN VolumeXLII 2004 CONTENTS Page

Council ................................... Governing Reportof theCouncil . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

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Location,Location,Location:A PilotSurveyof the TehranPlainin 2003, by R.A.EConingham,H. Fazeli, R.L.YoungandR.E.Donahue ............................

1 Cheshmeh-AliRevisited:Towardsan AbsoluteDatingof the LateNeolithic and Chalcolithicof Iran's TehranPlain,by H. Fazeli, R.A.E. Coninghamand C.M. Batt ............... 13 Kushk-eHezar:A Mushki/Jari PeriodSite in the KurRiverBasin,Fars,Iran,by JohnR. Alden,Kamyar Abdi, AhmedAzadi,FereidounBiglariand SamanHeydari ................ 25 A New LookatthePrehistoric of Southeastern andC.C.Lamberg-Karlovsky 47 Iran,by C.P.Thornton Metallurgy CopperandComplexity:IranandMesopotamiain the FourthMillenniumB.C., by RogerMatthewsand HassanFazeli . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .. . . . . . . .. .

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TheBanesh-Kaftari Interface: TheViewfromOperation H5,Malyan,byNaomiE MillerandWilliamM. Sumner Cyrusandthe Achaemenids,by MattWaters ................... ....

77 91

The Lan Ceremony and Other Ritual Ceremonies in the Achaemenid Period: The Persepolis FortificationTablets,by ShahrokhRazmjou ................... .. Farghanaunderthe Samanids(Accordingto the Dataof Numismatics),by MichaelFedorov . . . .

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The Mongolsin Iran:A Reappraisal,by DavidMorgan ....................

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TheMasjid-iMalikin Kirman,by AlirezaAnisi .................. ..... to MakkaandReturnto Gujarat: A SixteenthCentury BayazIdBeg Turkman's Pilgrimage Narrative, by Simon . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .... Digby

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A RuralMarketTownin Bushire'sHinterland, by WillemFloor ............... Boraizjan, A PersianSufiin BritishIndia:TheTravelsof MtrzaHasanSafi 'AlTShah(1251/1835-1316/1899), by Nile Green .......................................

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of EdwardGranvilleBrowne,by LloydRidgeon. ............. AhmadKasravT's Criticisms

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of BasilGray,by EdmundGray ................... Centenary Bibliography Archaeological Report ....

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BRITISHINSTITUTEOF PERSIAN STUDIES (A RegisteredCharity) GOVERNINGCOUNCIL President *ProfessorJAMES ALLAN, M.A., D.Phil. Vice-President *ProfessorROBERTHILLENBRAND,M.A., D.Phil., F.R.S.E. Honorary Vice-Presidents ProfessorC.E. Bosworth, M.A., Ph.D., F.B.A. ProfessorA.K.S. LAMBTON, O.B.E, Ph.D., D.Lit., F.B.A. ProfessorD.B. STRONACH,O.B.E, M.A., F.S.A. Sir DENIS WRIGHT,G.C.M.G.,M.A. HonorarySecretary LUKE TREADWELL,B.A., M.A., D.Phil. Honorary Treasurer *PETERKNAPTON, B.Phil., M.A., M.B.A., F.C.C.A. HonoraryLibrarian tROBERT GLEAVE,B.A., M.A., Ph.D. Chairmanof Research Sub-Committee *CHARLESMELVILLE,M.A., Ph.D. Members PAUL BERGNE *SHEILACANBY, M.A., Ph.D. JOHN CURTIS,B.A., Ph.D., F.S.A., F.B.A. FARHADDAFTARY,M.A., Ph.D. NARGUESS FARZAD,B.A. *PAULLUFT, M.A., Ph.D. TVANESSAMARTIN,M.A., Ph.D. Joint Editors tProfessor C.E. BOSWORTH,M.A., Ph.D., F.B.A. tVESTA SARKHOSHCURTIS,M.A., Ph.D. Secretary VESTA SARKHOSHCURTIS,M.A., Ph.D. HonoraryMembershipSecretary PETERDAVIES,M.A. Auditors PRIDIEBREWSTER,29-39 London Road, Twickenham,Middlesex TW1 3SZ.

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REPORTOF THE COUNCIL The past twelve months have seen a markedgrowth in activity in BIPS Tehrandue to the increasedgrantawarded by the BritishAcademy and the presence of Mr Peter Morgan,the Directorof BIPS and the DarabgirdProject.BIPS Tehranhas made good progress in its goals: to widen access to the collections of excavated materials in its stores; to encourage collaboration with Iranian colleagues; and to set up opportunities for Iranian archaeologists to familiarise themselves with recent advances in archaeological methods and practices. A major conference on "Science in Archaeology"is plannedto be held in Tehranin March2004. Peter Morganhas also begun work on the Darabgirdsurvey project in collaborationwith the IranianCulturalHeritage Organisationand will present a report on the first year's achievements in the AGM lecture in November 2003. BIPS Tehranhas seen an encouragingrise in visitor numbersthis year, including studentson researchand study trips as well as senior academics. Fifteen of the annual grants allocated by BIPS included offers of free accommodation at the Tehranhostel, a sign that research in Iran is flourishing and that the hostel is playing an importantrole in supportingit. The libraryis now open five days a week and serves the local academic community as well as foreign visitors. The preparationof an electronic catalogue of the library'sholdings is still in progress. Substantialinvestment has been made in new acquisitions in orderto provide the library,with the reference works and scholarlyjournals needed to ensure that it remains one of the leading research librariesin ancient history and archaeologyin Iran.Several public lectureswere given in the TehranInstituteby visitors, including ProfessorDavid Stronach,Dr Sheila Canby,who was invited to Iranas the guest of the Iraniangovernmentin May 2003, Dr Neguin Yavariof Columbia University,Dr Vanessa Martinand Mr Amin Mahdavi. BIPS has maintained a good record of publications at all levels this year. The bi-annual Newsletter offers an opportunityfor all our membersto keep in touch with the Institute'swork in the UK and Iran,while thejournalIran continues to publish academic papers on all aspects of Iranianhistory and culture to a consistently high standard. Volume 42 includes field reports from excavations directed by Iranianarchaeologists.A major new initiative was launched this year with the inaugurationof the BIPS Occasional Series published by Routledge Curzon under the editorship of Dr Vanessa Martin. Two monographs by leading historians of modem Iran have appeared, H. Katouzian'sIranian History and Politics and S. Cronin's The Making of Modern Iran. These books and future titles in the series - two are planned for 2004 - will help to raise the BIPS's profile in the UK and abroad,and demonstrateto the historical community at large that historiansof Iranand neighbouringcountrieshave a vital role to play in illuminatingand explaining the region's history at a time when impartialand clear-headedanalysis is at a premium.Another notable publication which appearedthis year was The MonumentsofMerv. A Scanned Archive ofPhotographs and Plans ofMerv (London,2002), by GeorginaHerrmannet al. This collection of annotatedimages forms an accessible illustratedguide to some of the majormonumentsof the city of Merv, in southernTurkmenistan, where a joint British-Turkmenteam led by Professor Herrmanndug for nearly a decade in the 1990s. At the FortiethAGM on 26 November 2002, ProfessorEdmundBosworth, Dr John Curtis,Dr Sheila Canby and Dr Paul Luft were elected to the Governing Council. Dr Robert Gleave stepped down as HonorarySecretaryand was replaced by Dr Luke Treadwell. Dr Gleave is continuing as the HonoraryLibrarian.Mr Chris Rundell retired from the Council in orderto concentratehis energies on writing after many years of active involvement with BIPS. Dr Treadwell gave the AGM lecture entitled "The Samanids: between Persia and Islam", and in June 2003 Dr Vanessa Martingave the well-attended Summer Lecture on the subject of"Slavery and Black Slaves in Iranin the 19th Century". The Fifth BIPS workshop, convened by Professor Robert Hillenbrand,was held in Edinburghon 25-26 April 2003. Fifteen speakers gave papers during the two-day meeting, including the Director, BIPS grant recipients and members and two Iranianscholars, on subjects as diverse as the pre-Mongol Islamic architectureof Turkmenistan and the growing significance of Persian archives and documents as a source for the constructionof an indigenous historicalnarrativeof Iran.As in previous years the workshop provided an opportunityfor scholars and studentsto meet and exchange ideas and informationin an informal and friendly atmosphere. BIPS continues to rely heavily on the dedicated assistance of a handful of hardworking officers whose contributionsare vital to its operations.Our sincere gratitudegoes as always to the staff of BIPS Tehran,in particular Houman Kordmahini;to Peter Davies for his work as the HonoraryMembershipand PublicationsSecretary;to the

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Treasurer PeterKnapton;to ourSecretary, VestaSarkhoshCurtis,who shoulderstheresponsibility forproducingthe journalIran andthe Newsletterin additionto runningthe office in CarltonTerracewith the help of Dr Gabriele is also madeto the BritishAcademywhich continuesto providefinancial Puschnigg.Gratefulacknowledgment for our activities and to the staff of the IranianEmbassyin Londonandthe BritishEmbassyin Tehranwho support havefacilitatedarrangements forreciprocalvisitsby invitedguestsunderthe Institute'saegis. JamesAllan President

LukeTreadwell HonorarySecretary

LOCATION,LOCATION,LOCATION: A PILOTSURVEYOF THE TEHRANPLAIN IN 2003 By R.A.E.Coningham,H. Fazeli,R.L.YoungandR.E. Donahue Universityof Bradford, Universityof Tehranand Universityof Leicester

conditionsand plainproper,withsemi-aridgeographical anelevationof between1200and800m. abovesealevel A pilot surveyof the plainof Tehran,markingthe 1996;Fazeli2001). Coveredwith (Tehrani-Mogaddam it research alluviumsediments, containssome rockyridgesand beginningof the secondphaseof collaborative between the Universityof Bradford,Universityof saltylakes.Althoughit hasa markedseasonalpatternof andrainfall,muchof the plainis intensiveof Iran temperature Tehranandthe CulturalHeritageOrganisation in the SpringandAutumnusingwaterfrom cultivated was The in 2003. conducted was ly pilot August (CHOI), its three majorrivers,the qanat system and modem launchedwith two main aims. Firstly,to pilot the settlementinthisareahastakenthe collectionof dataregardingthe frequency,distribution, pumps.Traditionally walled compoundwith a single density and condition of sites from the terminal form of a rectangular Palaeolithicc. 8000 B.C., and then throughthe Late gatewayand watchtowers,with residenceslining the insideof the walls (Fazeli2001). All the plain'smajor Chalcolithicc. 3000 B.C. to the present.Secondly,to historical for detailed select sites which to a basis from centres,such as Ray andTehran,are located provide within this fertile belt. The final belt marks the survey and test excavationin orderto enhancethe absolutechronologyof the Tehranplain. Both aims beginningof the desertor kavir,whichmakesup much were achievedduringthe durationof the pilot season of Iran'sCentralPlateau.Standingat 1000m. abovesea and we recordeda total of 27 archaeologicalsites, level, it is characterised by mountainridges,fans and mud and salt.Its lack of water,swift basins of Chalcolithic unknown four marshy large including previously sites,anda further25 modemsites,whicharehelping evaporation and temperature extremes make it us to model potentiallanduse strategies.Finally,our unsuitableforcultivationandit is sparselyoccupied. In view of thesedistinctenvironmental culturalresource divisions,it pilotindicatedthatthisnon-renewable that the reasonable and from is undersubstantial majorityof archaeoappearsquite farming,building pressure illicit excavationsas over 90% of sites recordedhad logical researchhas been conductedin the middle, cultivated belt of the Tehranplain. Close to the sustainedrecentdamage. country'scapital,Tehran,archaeologistsfirstbeganto studytheplain'sprehistoryatthetell siteof CheshmehINTRODUCTION Ali, a 7 m. high tell abuttinga rockyridgeat the edge of the Islamiccity of Ray.It was firstexcavatedby De The Tehranplain is locatedin the semi-aridgeoMorganin 1912andagainin 1924by Dayet,a French of the Alburz to the south diplomat.They were followed in 1934 by Erich F. graphical conditions mountainsandcanbe dividedintothreemajorenviron- Schmidt,who opened over 600 sq. m. of the site mentalsectors,the southernflanksof the Alburz,the (Schmidt1935:79). Schmidtsuccessfullyidentifiedthe the of two historicperiods,IslamicandParthian, these The first of and the desert. presence encompasses plain mountainousrange encirclingthe Caspian Sea and and two major prehistoriclevels, Chalcolithicand possessesa numberof peaks above 3000 m. (Fisher Neolithic,butwas killedin a planecrashin 1964before Followinghis death,interestin 1968). Its perennialmelt-watersources, containing his reportwas prepared. numerousrawmaterialssuchas copperand lead, feed the site andthe archaeologyof the Tehranplain,with theriversof theplainbelow(Oberlander 1968).Itsharsh the exceptionof a limitednumberof rescue excavawinterclimatehas led many communitiesto adopta tions, lapsed.The importanceof Schmidt'sfindings, transhumant way of life, migratingdownto the lower however, was recognised and his partly published of sequencewas usedin all subsequentreconstructions slopes and returningin the spring.To its southis the ABSTRACT

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the archaeologicalsequenceof the centralplateauof Iran(Fazeli2001). This lapse in field activity coincided with the economic transformation of Iran and the growthof Tehranintobotha metropolisof some20 millionpeople andtheproduction centreof halfthe country'smanufacturedgoods.Indeed,archaeological sites of all periods within the plain are facing destructionby increasing cultivapopulation,housing,industryandmanufacture, tion,pollutionandillegalexcavations.Motivatedby the destructionof archaeologicalsites within the Tehran plain,the Universitiesof TehranandBradford,andthe CHOI, developed a spatial and temporalstudy of settlement,within a block of 1500 km.2, from the beginningof the Holoceneto the present.Focusingon the transformation of simple,egalitarian Neolithiccommunitiesinto more hierarchicalChalcolithicones, we are studyingthe dynamicsof craftspecialisationand standardisation. Initialanalysisof lithic and ceramic materialsfromthesesourceshas allowedus to beginto modelthe growthof craftspecialisation, productstanandnetworksof exchange(Fazeli2001).For dardisation example,ceramicchemicalcompositionsuggeststhat duringthe Late Neolithic (c. 6200-5500 B.C.) and Chalcolithic(c. 5500-4700B.C.),commuTransitional nities accessed separatesources, but by the Early Chalcolithic(c. 4700-4000 B.C.) sharedsourceswere being utilised (Fazeli et al. 2001). This patternis differentfromthe sourcingof lithicmaterial,wherea pervasiveregionaldivisionhasbeenidentified(Fazeliet al. 2002).

Beforesuchmodelsmay be furtherdeveloped,our temporaland spatialframeworkneeds to be enlarged.

STUDIES

Thus,our first step was the excavationof a trenchat CheshmehAli in 1997,in orderto providean absolute chronologyfor the plain's Late Neolithic to Early Chalcolithicsequence(c. 6200-4000 B.C.).Following initialanalysiswe identifiedthreemainculturallevels at the site,LateNeolithic,Transitional Chalcolithicand Chalcolithic and Early provided the absolute frameworkby concentrating on the sequenceof nine dates from trenchH7. As a result,we have defined ranges of between c. 5300 and 4600 B.C. for the Transitional Chalcolithicandhave designeda rangeof betweenc. 4600 B.C. and the beginningof the fifth millenniumB.C. for the EarlyChalcolithic.The date rangeforthe LateNeolithicis estimatedto be between c. 5300B.C.to the seventhmillenniumB.C.on account of the ceramicand stratigraphic evidence.The second step, a settlementsurvey,was conductedin 1998 and identified44 sites, includingseven new Chalcolithic sites, but it was recognisedthata morerobustsurvey strategywas necessary. METHODOLOGY As notedabove,we wishedto pilotthe collectionof dataregardingthe frequency,distribution, densityand conditionof sitesfromtheterminalPalaeolithic, c. 8000 the Late c. 3000 B.C.,through Chalcolithic, B.C.,to the present.Secondly,we wishedto providea basis from whichto selectsitesfor detailedsurveyandfurthertest excavation,in orderto recoveradditionalradiocarbon As we alsowished datesfortheendof the Chalcolithic. to test the assumptionthatprehistoricoccupationwas

Fig. 1. General view of the plain southeast of Pishva, incorporating mountains, plain and desert.

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mainlyrestrictedto themiddlebeltof theplainandthat the desertandmontainezoneswerenotutilised,as well as whethergreaternumbersof archaeologicalsites couldbe identifiedthroughtheuse of intensivewalking survey,we testedthe plain'sthreemainenvironmental blocks of mountain,plain and desertfor signs of prehistoricuse. Threemainsurveystrategieswereadopted, randomtransectsurvey,non-random surveyandquanat in a portionof the transectsurvey.Wealsoconcentrated plainto the south-eastof Pishvawhererockyoutcrops, cultivatedplainsanddesertwere all availablewithina relativelysmallarea(Fig. 1). Ourfirstrandomtransect (TI) was startedsouth-eastof Pishvaand ran 15 km. froma rockyoutcrop,throughcultivatedfieldsandthen outintothe desertto the south.Thetransectwas 100m. wide and was walked by five archaeologists,15 m. abreast.Topography,vegetation,water sources and culturalfeatureswere recorded.Sites, defined by a

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structure, feature,lithicfindspot,or ceramicscattersof 5 sherdsormorepersq.m., werelocatedby GPS,photographed,measuredand sketched (Fig. 2). Major chronologicalindicatorswere noted and samplesof ceramic sherds and lithics collected, bagged and returnedto the field laboratoryat Tepe Mil for processing, labelling and cataloguing. A second transectof 7 km. (T2) was surveyedrunningin a southerlydirectionalong the easternpiedmontof a rockyridgewith peaksup to 1113m. abovesea level. At the end of the ridge,T2 continuedintothe desertto the south. In addition to the transect survey, we continuedFazeli's 1998 non-randomsurvey of tepe sites on the plain.Finally,as we had notedthatthere were EarlyNeolithicor earliersites in the plain,we were concernedthattheseearlylevels mightbe buried too farbelow the presentlandsurfaceto be identified. Therefore,we decidedto triala new strategyin which

Fig. 2. The 2003 transect survey in progress - recording a site.

Fig. 3. The 2003 Qanat survey in progress.

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archaeologistsfollowedqanatlines (irrigationtunnels with access shafts)and examinedthe excavatedspoil eachshaft(Fig. 3). surrounding

STUDIES

proximityof deposition.Of particularinterestwere some microlithicflake and blade cores derivedfrom two qanats(sitesA75 andA101) whichshowaffinities to the local"Mesolithic".

RESULTS Chalcolithic ceramic sites

We recordeda total of 54 sites of humanactivity duringourpilot surveyseason.Of these,27 sites were identifiedas representing Prehistoric, Chalcolithic,Iron Age andSasanian/Islamic occupationandrangedfrom to tell site single objects (Table1). The remaining27 includedtwo ruinedlandlordvillages and 25 modem scattersof pottery,brickand slag (Table2). Of the 27 sitesencountered, tenwereidentifiedby archaeological randomtransectsTi and T2. Non-randomsurvey, conductedfroma vehicle,recordeda furthernine sites within the sample region and, following 5 km. of sites. qanats,we identifieda furtherfive archaeological In addition,threefindsof lithicmaterialswererecorded by teammemberstravellingbetweenthe vehiclesand the beginningsandendsof transects. Lithic sites

Werecordedlithicmaterialsfrom11locationsalong ourtransects(A24, A26, A28, A39, A61, A75, A101, A102, A103, A104 andAll0). Theseincludedworked cores, flakes and blades,rangingminimallyfromthe endof theUpperPalaeolithic(c. 10,000BP) to the Late Chalcolithic(Fig. 4); these were various fine grain silicatesused in the manufacture of the artefacts,much of it of apparently localorigin.Mostof thoserecovered fromthe qanatspoil were unworn,suggestinga close

Site All114, a qanat, produced ceramics of Chalcolithicage, and we also recordedfive sites with scattersof Chalcolithicceramics,two on ourtransects in the samplezone (A03 andA114),two fromourcontinuationof Fazeli's 1998 survey(A20 and A50) and one followinga reportfromMrN. Pazoukiof theCHOI (A06). Site A03 was a ploughed-outtell, Chaleh Khakestary,with a scatterof ceramicsdatingto the Middle Chalcolithic;All114was broadlydatedto the Chalcolithic; Deh Mohsen (A20) to the Middle Chalcolithic;Tepe Daoudabad(A50) to the Early Chalcolithic; and Tepe Pardis (A06) from the Transitional to the Late Chalcolithic.Chronologically, the site of ChalehKhakestaryis comparablewith the MiddleChalcolithicsite of ChakmakTepe,south-west of Tehran,as bothsiteswere only occupiedduringthe Middle Chalcolithicperiod. Sherds recoveredfrom ChalehKhakestary includedsimpleevertedrimbowls, base vessels and fast-wheelthrownreddish trumpet yellow, very pale brown, yellowish red to light yellowish brownceramics.Ceramicswere decorated with large geometric and naturalisticmotifs, for examples, spiral plants (Fig. 5). However, ceramic variationat ChakmakTepe is more apparentas a numberof its ceramiccategories,utilisingstring-cut base techniquesand red ware ceramicswith wheel drawnbases and coiled bodies,were mass produced.

Fig.4. Chalcolithicflakes recoveredfrom Fakrabadduringthe 2003 survey.

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TABLE1. Archaeological sites identifiedduring 2003 survey of the TehranPlain. Site No A02

Site name

Finds, features

Preservation

Setting

Tepe Neisar

Tell with glazed ceramics

Ploughededges and

Plain

looting

A03

Chaleh

Chalcolithicsherds

Ploughed out

Plain

Glazedceramics

Ploughed out and

Plain

Khakestary

A04

Mahmudabad

looting

A05

Khave

Glazedceramics

Buildings

A06

Tepe Pardis

Tell with Chalcolithic

Quarryencroaching

Plain Plain

Plain

encroaching sherds

A08

Mostafabad

Tell with glazed ceramics

Ploughed edges and

A10 All

KharkhanePar 1 KharkhanePar2

Tell with glazed ceramics Tell with glazed ceramics

Ploughed and looting Ploughed edges

Plain Plain

A20

Deh Mohsen

Tell with Chalcolithic, Iron Age and glazed ceramics

Ploughed edges

Plain

A24 A26 A27 A28 A39 A50

No name No name No name No name No name Tepe

Struckflake Workedflake? Glazedceramics Workedcore Workedcore Tell with Chalcolithicand

Surfacefind Surfacefind Surfacescatter Surfacefind Surfacefind Ploughed edges and

Piedmont/desert Piedmont/desert Piedmont/desert Desert Piedmont/desert Plain

A61

Davoudabad No name

Iron Age ceramics Core and 2 flakes

looting Qanat spoil

Plain

All0 A 112 A114

No name No name No name No name No name No name No name No name

2 flakes Flake Blade Worn flake Flake Blade Glazedceramics Chalcolithicand glazed

Qanatspoil Qanatspoil Surfacefind Surfacefind Surfacefind Qanatspoil Surfacefind Qanatspoil

Plain Plain Plain Plain Plain Plain Plain Plain

All5 A 116

No name Rezaiabad

Glazedceramics Tell with glazed ceramics

Plain Plain

A 117

No name

Tell with glazed ceramics

Surfacefind Ploughed edges and looting Ploughed edges and looting

looting

A75 A101 A 102 A103 A104

ceramics

Plain

Please note that the GPS co-ordinates have not been provided here as many of these sites have been subject to systematic looting.

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TABLE2. Modern sites identifiedduring 2003 survey of the TehranPlain. Site No A07 A14 A16 A 17 A21 A22 A25

Finds, features

Setting

Slope

Landlordvillage Sherdscatter,single vessel uneroded Sherdscatter,uneroded Brickfrags,bitumenand tar * Sherdscatter,eroded and uneroded Sherdsscatter,single vessel, uneroded Animaldung, artificialdepression, scrub

Plain Desert scrub Desert scrub Desert scrub Desert scrub Desert scrub Base of alluvialfan

<2 degrees 3 degrees 5 degrees 15 degrees <2 degrees <2 degrees 20 degrees

Alluvialfan and wash, piedmont Nearbase of fan, piedmont Top of alluvialfan, piedmont Shelteredby fan,piedmont Shelteredby fan, piedmont

15 degrees 20 degrees 20 degrees 20 degrees 20 degrees

Shelteredby fan, piedmont

20 degrees

Entirelyshelteredby fan, piedmont Towardsbase of fan, piedmont Towardsbase of fan, piedmont Towardsbase of fan, piedmont Towardsbase of fan, piedmont Top of alluvialfan, piedmont

20 degrees 20 degrees 20 degrees 209degrees 20 degrees 5 degrees

Shelteredby fans, piedmont Towardsbase of fan, piedmont Towardsbase of fan, piedmont

5 degrees 5 degrees 5 degrees

Towardsbase of fan, piedmont Base of alluvialfan, piedmont Plain Plain,fallowfield Plain,ploughed field

5 degrees 5 degrees <2 degrees <2 degrees <2 degrees

barrier

A29 A32 A33 A34 A35

Brokenbrickfireplaceand rope frags Stone (3) fireplaceand charcoal Circularpit, no culturalmaterial Stone (11) fireplace,unburnttwigs Circularstone hearth,4 bricks,stone cairn 5m north

A36

3 pits, piles of rivercobbles, concentration of animal dung

A37 A38 A40 A41 A42 A43

Pit,pile of stones Pit Stone hearth Pit Pit Pit with plastic cups and blackplastic bags full of rubbish(?)

A44 A45 A46

Scatterof slag and furnacewall Stone hearth,charcoal,3 batteries Threeuprightwooden posts, one fallen post, fragment of cloth and metal bar

A47 A 48 A 49 Alll A 113

Stone hearth,charcoal,dung scatter Stone hearthwith charcoal Landlordvillage Sherds,single vessel, uneroded Slag scatter

* possibly washed down from factory noted upstream on hillside NB: all "fans" are alluvial in nature. Such examples were notably absent from Chaleh Khakestary, but very apparent at Tepe Pardis. This apparentsite variabilitymay be due to the high degree of disturbanceat Chaleh Khakestary,or it may indicate that there was a degree of differentiationbetween sites. Importantly, these techniques of mass ceramic production have been reported in a number of early urban sites in south-west Iranand Mesopotamia during the Uruk period.

Tepe Pardis (A06) was the most important site recorded during the survey, as it is one of the few sites within the Tehranplain which possesses all phases of the Chalcolithic period (c. 5300-3000 B.C.) (Fig. 6). Most of the surfaceceramicsrecoveredat Pardisbelong to the TransitionalChalcolithic period. They are from very fine ware vessels and may be compared with the TransitionalChalcolithic ceramic assemble from our two trenches at Cheshmeh-Ali (Fazeli 2001). Indeed,

LOCATION,

LOCATION,

LOCATION:

A PILOT SURVEY

Fig. 5. MiddleChalcolithicceramicsfrom Chaleh Khakestary(A03).

the ceramicdecorationsof the two sites are highly similarand the sherds belong to concave, flat and mediumsized bowls. They are handmadeandusually producedwith a very fine inorganictemper.Tepe Pardis' Early Chalcolithicceramics are also very similarto thosefromCheshmeh-Ali(Fig.7). Although,

OF THE TEHRAN

PLAIN IN 2003

7

Fig. 7. Transitional and Early Chalcolithic ceramics from Tepe Pardis.

few MiddleChalcolithicceramicswere foundon the surfaceof Pardis,Buff ware sherds,diagnosticof the lateChalcolithic, werealsorecovered- demonstrating the deep sequenceof this importantsite. These later types may be comparedwiththe ceramicassemblages from the site of Maymonabadand comprisesimple

Fig. 6. General view of Tepe Pardis (A06).

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OF PERSIAN

largeredjars, largesimplepaintedbuff ware vessels, small elaboratecups and string cut base vessels. A single find of simple red ware was recoveredfrom butits rimcompleted Pardis,its basewas wheel-thrown the coil by technique.

STUDIES

Islamicsiteson ourtransects,comprising two tells (AO1 andA08) andfourscattersof sherds(A27,All112, A114 andA115),in additionto sevensiteson ourwidersurvey (A04,A05, A10, All, A20, A116,A117)(Fig.9). Modern sites

Iron Age sites

No Iron Age sites were identified within our transects,but withinthe wider surveywe recordtwo scatters(A20 and A50). largetells with characteristic Both of these sites also yielded evidence of earlier Chalcolithicoccupation(Fig. 8). Sasanian/Islamicsites

Intheabsenceof a Sasanianceramicexpert,we were unableto differentiatesuch sites, but we recordedsix

As noted above,the Tehranplainmay be broadly dividedinto threemainenvironmental zones, and one of ourmainaimswas to determinewhetherprehistoric occupationhas alwaysoccurredwithinmiddle,fertile belt, whetherthere was occupationin the two other zones, or contactbetweenthem.A numberof themes relatingto the developmentof socialcomplexitywithin the Tehranplain also relateto land use, subsistence strategiesand mobility patterns.Indeed, increasing complexityis often exploredthroughthe analysisof artefacts,such as pottery,but recentregionalstudies demonstratethat understanding the wider landscape

Fig. 8. Generalview ofDeh Mohsen (A20).

Fig. 9. Generalview of Mostafabad

LOCATION,

LOCATION,

LOCATION:

A PILOT SURVEY

and the way it is exploitedmay also informus of in changeswithina region(Weber1999).Unfortunately of subsistencedatahas beenlargely Iran,consideration limitedto presence/absence analysis(Mashkouret al. or the search for domesticates 1999) early (Hole 1996), a by-productof culture-historical to archaeapproaches ological interpretations(Mathews 2003; Niknami 2000),nowheremoreclearlythanthe indexheadingsof Hole's volume on the archaeologyof WesternIran of the (1987:325). We wouldarguethatconsideration how it is and subsistence used, landscape, specific strategiesapparentwithin it are crucial to placing individualsites (and even artefactgroups)within a meaningfultemporaland spatialmatrix.In this light, the resultsof our 2003 surveyare importantas they demonstratethe potential for furtherstudying the dynamicsof landuse and social organisation. Among the 54 sites identifiedduringsurvey,we identified25 modemsites on the basis of potteryscattersandother artefacts.Webelievethatthey representthe activityof mobile groupsassociatedwith pastoralism,based on the presenceof concentrated quantitiesof animaldung (sheep and goat), areas of hollowed out ground surrounded by low scrubfenceswhichsuggestpenning areas,andthepotteryscatterswhicharefrequentlyfrom single vessels, often unweathered,and therefore recentlydeposited(Fig. 10). Thelocationof thesesites of pastoralactivityshowsthatthey arealmostentirely foundwithinthepiedmontzonebetweenmountainand plain,andwithindesertscrub,two zones perceivedas marginalby most archaeologistsworkingwithin the CentralPlateau.

OF THE TEHRAN

PLAIN IN 2003

9

In additionto challengingsuch preconceptions, workwill also be of furthersurveyand ethnographic greatvaluein consideringextantmodelsof pastoraland transhumant developmentalongsidemajorurbanareas. researchers Many suggestthatmobilitywas a response to populationovercrowdingandcompetitionfor fertile land(Greenfield1999:31), increasingurbanspecialisation forcing dispossessedpeoples out into marginal areas,as a responseto climatechange(Hole 1996:273), or as a resultof the SecondaryProductsRevolution (Sherratt1981).Others(ShafferandLichtenstein1995) havearguedthatpastoralism is a responseto expanding urbanismandmay even be a growingspecialistgroup itself. Recent researchin northernPakistan(Young 2003) has shownthatmobilepastoralgroups,transhumantgroupsandsedentary groups(bothurbanandrural) exist withinthe same environmental zones, and that in issues are involved the choice of subsistence many further this With model could be testedin data, strategy. the Tehranplain,withnecessarylocalmodifications and In orderto developthesenew andchalconsiderations. lengingtheoriesaboutlanduse in the Tehranplain,we need, as Cribb(1991) has donefor nomadicgroupsin the TaurusandZagrosmountains,to interviewmodem pastoralistsin orderto model their movementsand materialremainswith a view to reconstructing their and the within wider visibility; secondly, archaeological surveyandexcavationaspectsof theproject,to use this informationto identify and understandthe role of pastoralandmobilegroupsin prehistoryin the Tehran between plain.We may then considerthe relationship these groupsandthe settledoccupationsites,andmost

Fig. 10. Detail of modern site A35.

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OF PERSIAN

importantly,consider changes in this relationshipover time as social complexity increases.

CONCLUSION In conclusion, we met all our objectives and demonstratedthat there are archaeological sites within both montaine and desert zones and that greater densities of sites can be identified through the use of foot survey, including the recovery of single stone tools. Having successfully achieved our aims for the pilot season, we have also agreed a three-fold strategy for the next season in 2004. Firstly, we shall continue our random survey and investigate new areas of the plain with which to compare our findings from 2003. Our team will be expanded to include Sasanian and Islamic specialists from the University of Tehran in order to provide more detail, in the field, on sites of these periods. Secondly, we will also include a geomorphologist from the UK and geologists from the University of Tehranin order to understandbetter the deposition history of the plain, and to test whether the apparent lack of Early Neolithic sites and earlier Prehistoricsites is because they are buried beneath the alluvium. Thirdly, we will concentrate on understanding the sequence of one of the sites identified during the 2003 survey and will cut a stepped trench down the northern side of Tepe Pardis before it is entirely destroyed. This site, with its sequence from Transitional to Late Chalcolithic, will allow us to recover carbon samples for the construction of an absolute chronology. Moreover, as it overlaps with the Late Neolithic to Early Chalcolithic sequence at Cheshmeh Ali we will be able to provide the first full

STUDIES

absolute chronology for the plain of Tehran between the Late Neolithic and the end of the Chalcolithic period. Finally, the timeliness of our collaborative fieldwork in the Tehran plain is underlined by the condition and preservation of each of the sites identified within the survey. Of the 27 archaeological sites, just over half were ceramic or lithic scatters within scrub or cultivated fields. Of the remaining 12 sites standing above ground level, all had been damaged by neighbouring cultivators through ploughing and all but one had been subject to illegal excavations (Fig. 11). The most badly damaged sites were KharkhanePar 1 (A10), Tepe Davoudabad(A50) and Tepe Pardis (A06). Site A10, a 9 m. high tell, had been cut right through the centre by a mechanical digger and Site A50, a site covering some 350 by 150 m., had been subject to a combination of agricultural encroachment,and road enroachmentand illegal excavations. The third site, Tepe Pardis, had been partially cut on the east by a modem road, on the south and west by a track and on the north very badly by a quarry.A topographic survey and drawing of the exposed north section of Tepe Pardis have been prepared as this importantsite is clearly in grave danger (Fig. 12).

Acknowledgements We would like to acknowledgethe supportfrom the following organisations: the Cultural Heritage Organisationof Iran,the CulturalHeritageOrganisation of Iran (Tehran Province), the British Academy, the University of Tehran,the Institute of Archaeology of the University of Tehran, The British Institute of Persian Studies and the University of Bradford. We

Fig. 11. Viewof robber pits at Tepe Davoudabad (A50).

MAP OF

TOPOGRAPH!C

PARDIS

590

SCALE

:250

.

580O

570

240

I

6

1

80

90

10

1

120

130

140

160

Stitute

-

50EC.2003

40

-7o

_1_r-4_g

,-_

Fig. 12. Topographical survey of TepePardis.

-of

1

12

JOURNAL OF PERSIAN STUDIES

would also like to acknowledge the kind support and assistance of the following individuals: Dr Masoud Azamoush, Mr Naser Pazouki, Dr Hayedeh Laleh, Dr Vesta SarkhoshCurtis and Dr John Curtis.We are particularly gratefulto Mr Pazouki for allowing the survey team to be based in the CHOI's compound at Tepe Mil. Finally we would like to acknowledge the excellent help in the field provided by Mr Hassan Rezvani and Mr RahmatAbbas Neghad.

Bibliography Cribb, R. 1991. Nomads in archaeology. Cambridge:

Cambridge UniversityPress. Fazeli, H. 2001. Social complexityand craft specialisation in the Late Neolithic and Early Chalcolithicperiod in the Central Plateau of Iran. UnpublishedPhD Dissertation.

Universityof Bradford. , Coningham,R.A.E.and Pollard,A.M. 2001. "Chemical characterization of lateNeolithicandChalcolithic pottery fromtheTehranplain,Iran",Iran39: 55-71. R.A.E.2002. "Stonetool , Donahue,R.E.andConingham, distribution anduse duringthe lateNeolithic production, andChalcolithic on theTehran plain,Iran",Iran40: 1-14. Fisher,W.B. 1968. "PhysicalGeography",in CHIrl: TheLand of lran, 3-11. Gilbert,A.S. 1983. "Onthe originsof specialisednomadicpastoralism in western Iran", World Archaeology 15,1:

105-19. H.J.1999."Theadventoftranshumant Greenfield, pastoralism in the temperate southeast Europe: a zooarchaeological perspectivefrom the CentralBalkans",in L. Bartosiewicz and H.J. Greenfield,TranshumantPastoralism in Southern Europe, 15-36. Budapest.

Hole, F. (ed.) 1987. The Archaeology of Western Iran. Settlement and Society from Prehistory to the Islamic Conquest.Washington. - 1996. "The context of carpine domestication",in D.R. Harris (ed.), The Origins and Spread of Agricultureand Pastoralism in Eurasia, 263-81. London. Mashkour, M., Fontugue, M.and Hatte, C. 1999. "Investigations on the evolution of the Subsistence economy in the Qazvin Plain (Iran) from the Neolithic to the IronAge", Antiquity73: 65-76. Matthews, R. 2003. The Archaeology of Mesopotamia. Theoriesand Approaches.London. Niknami, K.A. 2000. Methodological Aspects of Iranian Archaeology:Past and Present.Oxford,BAR International 852.

in CHIrl:TheLandof T.M.1968."Hydrography", Oberlander, Iran, 264-79. Schmidt, E.F. 1935. "The Persian expedition",Bulletin of the UniversityMusem4(5): 41-49. Shaffer, J.G. and Lichtenstein, D. 1995. "The concepts of 'cultural tradition' and 'palaeoethnicity' in South Asian archaeology", in G. Erdosy (ed.), The Indo-Aryans of Ancient South Asia. Language, Material Culture and Ethnicity, 126-54. Berlin. Sherratt,A.G. 1981. "Plough and pastoralism:aspects of the SecondaryproductsRevolution",in I. Hodder,G. Isaac and N. Hammond (eds), Pattern of the past, 261-306. Cambridge. Tehrani-Mogaddam, A. 1996. The First Millennium BC cemeteryat Pishva. Tehran. Weber,S. 1999. "Seeds of Urbanism:Palaeoethnobotanyand the Indus Civilisation",Antiquity73: 813-26. Young, R. 2003. Agriculture and Pastoralism in the Late Bronze and Iron Age, North West Frontier Province,

Pakistan.Oxford,BARInternational 1124.

CHESHMEH-ALIREVISITED:TOWARDSAN ABSOLUTE DATING OF THE LATENEOLITHICAND CHALCOLITHIC OF IRAN'S TEHRANPLAIN By H. Fazeli,R.A.E.ConinghamandC.M.Batt Universityof Tehranand Universityof Bradford

view of the encroachmentof Cheshmeh-Ali, an enhancedappreciationof the positionof archaeology In line with the recent revival of archaeological in Iran and the sheer lack of absolute chronology activityin Iran(Roustaeiet al. 2002), a collaborative withinthe prehistoricperiodsof the centralplateauof Anglo-Iranian projectwas launchedin 1997 to focus Iran,fieldworkat Cheshmeh-Aliwas againproposed aftera breakof 61 years.An excavationwas conducted on the prehistoricsequenceof the Tehranplain. As therewere no radiocarbondates for this area,unlike in 1997 by a collaborativeteam from the Cultural those reportedfrom the Qazvin plain to the west Heritage Organisationof Iran, the Departmentof our initial work was centred on et al. 1999), (Mashkour Archaeology of the University of Tehranand the the excavation of the well known tell site of Department of Archaeological Sciences of the Cheshmeh-Ali is a Cheshmeh-Ali(Fig. 1). 7-metre Universityof Bradford,and this paperpresentsour new absolutedatingforthis importantsite. high moundabuttinga rockyridgeat the edge of the Islamic city of Ray. Locatedbeside a spring,which providesthe site with its name,it once coveredan area of over3.5 hectares,butis todayhemmedin by houses CHESHMEH-ALI 1997 (Fig. 2). Cheshmeh-Alihas been a focus of archaeoFieldworkat Cheshmeh-Alibegan by removing logicalinterestsincethe 1920s,dueto its visibilityand relativeproximityto Tehran,capitalsince 1784A.D. It domesticwaste,andbetweenMay piles of accumulated was first excavated in 1912 by De Morgan, the and July 1997 the teamexcavatedtwo trenches,E4-5 Directorof the Frencharchaeologicalmissionat Susa, on thewesternsideof thetell andH7 ontheeasternside andagainin 1924 by Dayet,a Frenchdiplomatbased (Figs.3 and4). As thetwo trenchesweredesignedwith in Tehran(VandenBerghe 1959: 121). Despite these the aim of providinga secure verticalsequencefor one, both early,andsomewhatinconclusive,soundingsit was not radiocarbonsamplesratherthana structural until 1934 that a more systematic campaign was measured5 by 2 metres.Commencingatthe summitof directedat the site under the guidanceof Erich F. the mound,naturalsoil was encounteredat a depthof Schmidtwith sponsorshipfromthe ChicagoOriental 10 metres.Itwas immediatelynotedfromtherecovered Institute.Excavatingbetween 1934 and 1936, he ceramics that the two deep sequencesprovidedan unbroken sequence of occupation from the Late opened over 600 squaremetres of the site with a workforce of 200 workmen (Schmidt 1936: 79). Neolithicthroughto the EarlyChalcothic,with a total this time he identified the During successfully presence of 68 contextsrecordedin H7 anda further71 in E4-5 of two historicperiods,IslamicandParthian,andtwo (Figs. 5 and6). Whilstthe latteryieldedlittleevidence Chalcolithic and Neolithic, of structural detail, a very clear Transitional majorprehistoriclevels, but was unfortunately killed in a planecrashin 1964 Chalcolithichouse floor with associatedoven and before his reportwas written.Following his death, intramural burialwas identifiedin the former(Fig. 7). interestlapsedand urbanencroachmentsubstantially A total of 10 radiocarbonsampleswere selected for reducedthe tell. However,the elegant black on red datingpurposesfromthe excavations,one fromtrench Chalcolithic pottery unearthed by Schmidt has E4-5 anda further9 fromH7. Unfortunately, theupper remaineda key markerforrelativechronologiesforthe and lowerpartsof the sequencedid not yield suitable materialforAMS dating. prehistoryof Iran'scentralplateau(Dyson 1991). In ABSTRACT

13

JOURNAL OF PERSIAN STUDIES

14

-Aiborz

MountainM

SaltPlain

5

'

00

Cheshmeh-0i2410

*Mehdkhani "Mehdikhanitai 5Mafin00

5

ad

A20d

a"deghabadi 1,River

P e-ak

Fig. . Map of the TehranPlain showing the location of Cheshmeh Ali and other Chalcolithic sites.

CHESHMEH-ALI

REVISITED

15

Fig. 2. General view of Cheshmeh-Aliin 1997 (photo: Coningham).

CHRONOLOGIESFOR THE TEHRAN PLAIN As noted above, the chronology of the Tehranplain and the dating of the "Cheshmeh Ali" style has been based entirely on a series of relative ceramic chronologies, thus one of the main aims of the excavation was to generate an absolute chronology for Cheshmeh-Ali. It is also clear that the date ranges and nomenclatureof relative chronologies for this region differ substantially from one another.For example, existing chronological frameworks have been based on the results of individual excavations and utilise a range of site type names and phases, such as "Zagheh Archaic", "Cheshmeh Ali", "Sialk 111-5" or "Late Plateau" (Majidzadeh 1981; Malek 1995) (Table 1). These conventions, based upon local and site types names, have not been utilised in the present study as we have adopted Neolithic and Chalcolithic terminology for

Fig. 3. Viewof Cheshmeh-AlitrenchE4-5 (photo: Coningham).

Fig. 4. Viewof Cheshmeh-AlitrenchH7 (photo: Coningham).

JOURNAL OF PERSIAN STUDIES

16

2

-

30 9

1

3

17 .... ... --'----,.,....

?1-,,-

~--

g .

"-

-- -'•

..

6

t...

222 16

.

20

29?

22

17

-

.. -

--

-- -

-

--------

14

393

646 -24

27

.!.

49 49

52

26

43

7

-

45

55 •

61 63

55 -51

55

g6 I

64

r--51

51

8

z.

6

68

10 71

+4

vuosoil

Virgin

soil l

trenchE4-5. Fig. 5. Westfacing sectionof Cheshmeh-Ali

trenchH7. Fig. 6. Eastfacing sectionof Cheshmeh-Ali

ease of applicationandexpansionoutsidethe plain.As no single site withinthe Tehranplainspansall aspects of the Neolithicand Chalcolithicperiods,it has been necessaryto link sites with each otheras well as with stratigraphicinformationfrom relatedsites, such as Sialk (Ghirshman1938), Zagheh (Malek 1995) and Ghabristan(Majidzadeh1976).Although15 radiocarbon dates were recently generatedfrom materials

originally excavated in the 1970s at Zagheh and Ghabristanand published in Antiquity(Mashkouret al.

1999), their stratigraphicrelationshipsare far from clear. As a result, we first constructeda relative sequenceof ceramicsand artefactsfrom CheshmehAli andidentifiedthreemainprehistoricperiods:Late Neolithic, Transitional Chalcolithic and Early Chalcolithic.

CHESHMEH-ALI

REVISITED

17

contexts11-56 in trenchE4-5 and 19-65 in trenchH7, this traditionwas distinct from that of the Late Neolithic,althoughthe two firstoccurredside by side withouta break.Thisperiodof continuityandchangeis the primary reason for our use of the term andwas not restrictedto ceramicstyle "Transitional", but includedgradualtransformations withinlithicand ceramicproduction, inter-siteandintra-sitepatternsand long distancecontact(Fazeli2001; Fazeliet al. 2001; Fazeli et al. 2002). Transitional Chalcolithicceramics aretypifiedby the use of elaboratedecorationandhigh technicalquality.The generalformsincludecup-bowls with narrowconcavebases,spoutedbowls,hemispherical and closed bowls, shallow or deep bowls on pedestalfeet, baskethandlepots and concave sided cups (Fig. 8). Ceramicswere still handmadebut their surfacecoveredwitha redslip.A furtherdifferentiation is the fine natureof the vessels,theirthinwalls andthe use of temperof bothorganicandinorganicmaterials. A high percentagehave black on red decorations, including naturalisticand stylised animals motifs, geometric designs, parallel bands, vertical strips, chevrons,dots and dashes,floralor tree patterns(Fig. 7. View Chalcolithic house 9). The homogeneityin materials,shapes,decoration, Fig. of exposedTransitional colourof the surfaceand core suggestsan increasing floor (photo:Coningham). standardisation of ceramicproduction.Althoughwe recoveredno metalfromthese contextsat CheshmehIt will be immediatelyapparentthat we have Ali, copper alloy objects are associatedwith this introduceda new period, that of the Transitional "Cheshmeh Ali"ceramictraditionatthe site of Zagheh Chalcolithic,in contrastwith earlier periodisations (Malek 1977). A furtherdevelopmentwas apparent withinCheshmeh-AlitrenchE4-5 contexts1-10 and (Mashkour et al. 1999). We differentiate the TransitionalChalcolithictraditionon accountof the trenchH7 contexts 1-18. This comprisesa gradual cleardistinctionbetweenits ceramicsandthose of the changein ceramicdecorationfromblackon red to an Late Neolithic. For Late Neolithic extensiveuse of red and other colourrangingfrom proceeding example, ceramicswererecoveredfromtrenchE4-5 in contexts brown,yellowish red, pale brownto reddishyellow. 57 to 71 andH7 in contexts65-68 (Figs5 and6). They Representingour Early Chalcolithicperiod, vessels were handmade,usuallycoatedwith a thick slip, and belongto threebasictypes.The firsttype was derived haveanorganictemper.Theclaywasnotfullytrampled fromthe Transitional Chalcolithictradition; the second andinclusionsnotuniform.Generally,bothinteriorand utilised new kilns, techniques (coil and wheel exterior were decorated with geometric designs, throwing),forms and designs;and the thirdincluded including basketry, simple horizontal and vertical largestoragejars(Fig. 10). motifs,hatched,panelsof thinhorizontallinesbordered by largesolidtrianglesandnet designs(Fig. 8). There is also a notablevariationin core,marginand surface AN ABSOLUTECHRONOLOGY colourof ceramic,reflectingvariablefiringconditions. No metalobjectswere recoveredfromthese contexts. Having first defined our relativeperiodisationat The presence of a new ceramic traditionbecame Cheshmeh-Ali,we then utilised our 10 radiocarbon determinations to providean absoluteframeworkfor apparentwhilststudyingthe ceramicmaterialfromthe laterpartsof the sequence.Increasinglypresentwithin the site (Table 2). The AMS radiocarbonmeasure-

JOURNAL OF PERSIAN STUDIES

18

TABLE1.-Relative chronologyfor the later prehistory of the Central Plateau of Iran (after Majidzadeh 1981: 142)

Sites

Morteza- Ghabristanand & Zagheh gerd Cheshmeh

Tepe Tepe Hissar Sialk

Periods

Qara Tepe

Qumm Tepe MahRegion moudieh (Qara

Ali

Late

B

Plateau

A

GrayWare

IC

gap

GhabristanIV 3-1

III 6-7b

GhabristanIV 6-4

gap

gap

GhabristanIII 8-7

B

III 4-5

1A

III 2-3

Tepe)

GhabristanII C

Middle

B

X

10-9

Cheshmeh GhabristanI 13-11 Ali 1 Plum

Plateau

A

Ware

Plum A

Ware

B A

16-14

B

II

A

I

Plum

Plum

A Ware

Ware

Ware

X

X

Cheshmeh Late Cheshmeh Ali

Plateau

Plum

Ware 19-17

Archaic

X?

IB1 III 1 Plum

Early

C

Ali

Upper IA Cheshmeh EarlyCheshmeh Ali Ali Lower IA ZaghehWare

Plateau mentswere all carriedout on charcoalby the Oxford Research Laboratory for Art History and Archaeology.In additionto the radiocarbondetermirecordsfrom which nations,therewere stratigraphic the relationships between the contexts and their assortedradiocarbonsamples could be determined. Initial calibrationof the radiocarbondeterminations was carriedout using OxCal V2.18 (BronkRamsey 1995), basedon the internationally agreedcalibration curveof StuiverandReimer(1993) andthe radiocarbon ages are shown in Table2. Whenlookingat the initialprobabilitydistributionsof the calibrateddates fromCheshmeh-Ali,a numberof effectswereevident

X

Neolithicbelt (Fig. 11). The dateswere earlierthanthe radiocarbon in somecasesthe radiocarbon calibradeterminations; tion resultedin multiplerangesat the two and,more commonly, the one standarddeviation confidence levels; and the age range was increased.In orderto utilise the radiocarbondeterminationsto their full extent,use was made of the calibrationand analysis programOxCal(BronkRamsey 1995). The radiocarbon determinations for Cheshmeh-Aliwere interpreted using OxCal,takinginto accountthe stratigraphic informationavailable;namely that contexts were in orderandthatmaterialused in the simplestratigraphic radiocarbondeterminations was securelyfromwithin

CHESHMEH-ALI

REVISITED

19

Fig. 8. Late Neolithic ceramics Transitional Chalcolithic ceramicsfrom the 1997 excavations at Cheshmeh-Ali.

Fig. 9. TransitionalChalcolithic ceramics from the 1997 excavations at Cheshmeh-Ali.

Fig. 10. Early Chalcolithic ceramics from the 1997 excavations at Cheshmeh-Ali.

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TABLE2: Radiocarbon determinationsfrom the 1997 excavations at Cheshmeh-Ali.

H7 CHESHMEH-ALI: Context No.

Date Reference

C14 Determination Calibrated date (95% confidence)

56 55 50 33 32 16 15 15 14

OxA-9996 OxA-9995 OxA-9994 OxA-9957 OxA-9956 OxA-9955 OxA-9954 OxA-9937 OxA-9905

6155?45 BP 6160?40 BP 6175?45 BP 5875?45 BP 5965?45 BP 5815?45 BP 5865?45 BP 5940?55 BP 5885?40 BP

5260BC-4940BC 5260BC-4950BC 5290BC-4990BC 4850BC-4600BC 4950BC-4720BC 4790BC-4540BC 4850BC-4610BC 4950BC-4690BC 4850BC-4590BC

Calibrated date using stratigraphic information (95% confidence) 5260BC-5000BC 5210BC-4980BC 5150BC-4940BC 4910BC-4740BC 4950BC-4770BC 4810BC-4720BC 4785BC-4690BC 4795BC-4690BC 4770BC-4610BC

E4-5 CHESHMEH-ALI: Context No.

Date Reference

C14 Determination Calibrated date (95% confidence)

50

OxA-9855

6075?70BP

but could the phasesto whichthe datesare attributed, be from any date or sequencewithinthatphase.The archaeologicalevidence supportedthis interpretation, being recovered from sealed contexts with little The probabilitydistributions evidenceof bioturbation. which are generatedwhen taking into account the chronologicalmodel are shown in Fig. 12. It can be seen that the stratigraphicinformationserves to constrainthe calibrateddatesto muchnarrowerranges. The percentagesarean indexof how well the chronologicalmodelagreeswiththe datingevidence;in some cases the agreementis betterthan expected and is greaterthan 100%,in othercases it is poorer.We are able,therefore,to suggestan end of the LateNeolithic and a beginningto the TransitionalChalcolithicat c. Chalcolithic 5300 B.C. and an end to the Transitional and a beginningof EarlyChalcolithicat c. 4600 B.C. due to a lack of suitablematerial,our Unfortunately, sequencedoes not extendbeforethe LateNeolithicor afterthe EarlyChalcolithic.We areunableto propose definite boundaries based upon our data from Cheshmeh-Ali, but our working chronology is identifiedwithinTable3.

5210BC-4780BC

Calibrated date using stratigraphic information (98% confidence)

NA

CONCLUSION Ourfirststepstowardsan absolutechronologyfor Tehranplain have been supportedby 10 radiocarbon datesfrom new excavationsat Zaghehin the neighbouringQazvinplain.Thoseexcavations,conductedby the Universityof Tehran'sInstituteof Archaeology, haveconfirmedthepresenceof a related"Transitional" periodwith "CheshmehAli" type ceramicsdatedto betweenc. 5300 and 4300 B.C. (Fazeli and Jamali, personal communication).This new information overturnsthe chronologyproposedby Mashkouret al. thatZaghehhas no Late 1999,as it now demonstrates Neolithicphase.We planto expandthe applicationof our absolutechronologywithinthe Tehranplain and, duringa pilot field survey in 2003, identifiedTepe Pardisforexcavationin 2004, as it overlapsCheshmehAli's sequence by stretchingfrom the Transitional Chalcolithicto the Late Chalcolithic.In additionto buildinga foundationforthe absolutedatingof the later prehistoryof the Tehranplain and integratingit with otherkey siteswithinIran'scentralplain,we havealso soughtto studytheplain'ssettlementpatterns.Building

CHESHMEH-ALI REVISITED

21

Siv.tr cta (199M)Oad~v3.35 BmakRamwy (200; cob r4 sdl12pib upedwjml keSrom Atmophla - dona I IrF I1 I

-Sequen e

Bounday_Bound - Sequ e Cheshmeh-Al 56 6155?45BP 55 6

60:40BP 50 6175?45BP SPase

33 5875?45BP 32 5965?45BP

16 5 15?45BP

_..

SPlase

14 5 65:45BP Bound SBoundaly I

I

a

I

I

- I

I

,I ,

i

,

I

1

i

1

4500CaIBC

5000CalBC

5500CalBC

6000CalBC

I

I

date Calibrated Fig. 11. Initial probability distributions of the calibrated dates from Cheshmeh-Ali. ~ up4c afrom Sivcrd atL(1998);OzCdlv3.5 Brak Rmaey (2o0o);cubz4 s&Z prob

Abnosphaicd

r Sequence {A= 85.9%(A'c=60.0%)} Boundar, Bound

ceCheshmeh-Ali Seque

I

56 108%.8%

5510.5% 50

_

7:.8%80

Phase 33 81.9% 32 105.6% S 16 6T.3%

S

Ph se

15 22.9% 15 98.1% 14 10 .1% Bounda I

I

l

Bound

l

6000BC

I

I

I

.

,

I

5500BC

III

5000BC

I

I

4500BC

Calendardate Fig. 12. Radiocarbon determinationsfrom Cheshmeh-Ali using OxCal.

.I

JOURNAL

22

OF PERSIAN

STUDIES

TABLE3: Revised absolute chronology for the later prehistory of the Tehranand Qazvin Plains.

Periods

Tehran plain

atsites) (present

atsites) (present

Late Chalcolithic

Ozbaki

GhabristanIV

c 3700-3000BC

Maymonabad Mehdikani Mafinabad Chouqali

[LatePlateau] III Ghabristan (GrayWare) Ismailabad (Qazvin)

Sadeghabadi Ozbaki

GhabristanII

Middle Chalcolithic

c. 4000-3700BC

Early Chalcolithic

c. 4300-4000BC

Mehdikani Mafinabad Sadeghabadi Chouqali Mortezagerd ChakhmakTepe Mortezagerd

Ismailabad (nearKaraj) Ozbaki KaraTepe(Sharyar) Cheshmeh-Ali Mehdikani Mafinabad Sadeghabadi Chouqali Fakrabad Poeinak

Parandak Transitional Chalcolithic KaraTepe (Sharyar)

a 5300-4300BC

Late Neolithic

Qazvin plain

[MiddlePlateau] III Ghabristan (GrayWare)

GhabristanI

(PlumWare) [MiddlePlateau]

ZaghehI-XII

[ArchaicandEarly Ismailabad (nearKaraj) Plateau] Cheshmeh-Ali Cheshm-Bolbol Mehdikani Kamal-Abad Mafinabad Sadeghabadi Chouqali Poeinak Parandak Cheshmeh-Ali

c. Late 7thmillennium- mi 6th millenniumBC Sadeghabadi

CHESHMEH-ALI REVISITED

on Fazeli's 1988 survey (Fazeli 2001), a field team from the Universities of Bradford,Tehranand Leicester have now located 72 archaeological sites ranging from prehistorictimes to the Islamic period (Coninghamet al. in press). We are studying lithic and ceramic materials from these sites in orderto furthermodel the diachronic development of craft specialisationand standardisation (Fazeli et al. 2001; Fazeli et al. 2002). Whilst our study of the emergence of complex prehistoric societies within the Tehranplain is in its infancy, it is clear that furtherwork is urgentlyrequiredin advance of Tehran's urbanand industrialexpansion, which threatensthe unsurveyed parts of the plain. The second phase of our survey begins in 2004 with excavation and further survey. Finally, it should be noted that Cheshmeh-Ali, previously used by surroundinghouseholds as a rubbish tip, has now been integratedinto the adjacentmunicipal garden as feature, guaranteeing its survival as a valuable asset for its neighbouringcommunity.

23

Coningham, R.A.E., Fazeli, H., Young, R.L. and Donahue,

R.E.in press."Location,location,location:a pilotsurvey of the Tehranplain in 2003", Iran 42. Dyson, R.H.J. 1991. "TheNeolithic periodthroughthe Bronze Age in North-Easternand North-CentralPersia", in E. Yarshater(ed.), EncyclopaediaIranica 5(3): 265-75. Fazeli, H. 2001. Social complexityand craft specialisation in the Late Neolithic and Early Chalcolithicperiod in the central plateau of Iran. Unpublished Ph.D. Dissertation, Universityof Bradford.

Fazeli, H., Coningham,R.A.E. and Pollard,A.M. 2001. "Chemical characterisation of Late Neolithic and Chalcolithic Pottery from the Tehran Plain", Iran 39: 55-71.

Fazeli, H., Donahue,R.E. and Coningham,R.A.E. 2002. "Stonetool production,distributionand use duringthe late Neolithic and Chalcolithicon the TehranPlain",Iran 40: 1-14. Ghirshman,R. 1938. Fouilles de Sialk, Volume1. Paris:Paul

Geuthner. Acknowledgements The authorsare gratefulto the following bodies who sponsored and supported the fieldwork and postexcavation analysis:the IranianMinistry of Cultureand Higher Education; the University of Tehran; the Cultural Heritage Organisation of Iran; the British Academy; the University of Bradford; the British Institute of Persian Studies; and the Natural Environmental Research Council ICP Facility, Departmentof Geology, University of London. We are indebted to Dr Mohammad Rahim Sarraf for his cooperation during the excavation at Cheshmeh-Ali as well as to Dr Masoud Azarnoush, Mr Naser Pazouki, Dr Hassan Karimian, Dr Hayedeh Laleh, Mr Hassan Rezvani, Mr Rahmat Abbas Neghad, Dr Vesta SarhkoshCurtisand Dr John Curtis.Finally, we should acknowledge the excellent support from the many members of the CulturalHeritage Organisationof Iran and undergraduateand postgraduatestudents from the Departmentof Archaeology, University of Tehranwho worked at the Cheshmeh-Ali in 1997.

Bibliography BronkRamsey,C. 1995."Radiocarbon calibration andanalysisof theOxCalprogram", Radiocarbon 37:425-30. stratigraphy:

Majidzadeh, Y. 1976. The early prehistoric cultures of the Central Plateau of Iran. an archaeological history of its development during the fifth and fourth millennia BC. UnpublishedPh.D. Dissertation,Universityof Chicago. Majidzadeh,Y 1981. "Sialk III and the pottery sequence at Tepe Ghabristan:the coherence of the cultures of the IranianCentralPlateau",Iran 19: 141-46. Malek, S.M. 1977. TepeZagheh.:a sixthmillenniumBC village in the Qazvin Plain of the Central Plateau of Iran. Unpublished Ph.D. Dissertation, University of Pennsylvania. Malek, S.M. 1995. "The relative chronology of the Central Plateau of Iran: from the Neolithic to the beginning of urbanisation",Journal of Archaeology and History 9(2): 2-18 (in Persian). Mashkour, M., Fontugne, M. and Hatte, C. 1999. "Investigations on the evolution of the subsistence economy in the Qazvin Plain (Iran)from the Neolithic to the Iron Age", Antiquity73: 65-76. Roustaei,K., Biglari,F., Eydari,S. and Vahdatinasab,H. 2002. "New research on the Palaeolithic of Lurestan, West CentralIran",Antiquity76: 19-20.

Schmidt,E.R. 1936."Researchat Ray 1935",Bulletinof the UniversityMuseum6(3): 79-87. Stuiver,M. and Reimer,P. 1993. "Extended14Cdatabase and revised Calib 3.0 14C age calibration programme", Radiocarbon35: 215-30. Vanden Berghe, L. 1959. Archdologie de l'Iran ancien. Leiden.

KUSHK-E HEZAR: A MUSHKI/JARI PERIOD SITE IN THE KUR RIVER BASIN, FARS, IRAN By JohnR. Alden, KamyarAbdi,AhmedAzadi, FereidounBiglari and SamanHeydari Universityof Michigan,DartmouthUniversity,ICHO-Yasuj,NationalMuseumof lran, Centrefor PaleolithicResearch

it necessary to survey the damage, in orderto preparea request to the regional office of the Iranian Cultural Heritage Organization (ICHO), to prevent further destructive activity at the site. As the ceramics on the surface of the exposed deposits showed an interesting combination of Mushki and Jari characteristics, we decided to map the site and take a series of systematic and purposive surface collections from the surface that had been exposed by the bulldozing.

INTRODUCTION In May 2003, during an archaeological reconnaissance of the south-westernedge of the Kur River Basin, the Fars Archaeology Project team visited the small Mushki/Jari-periodsite of Kushk-e Hezar (Fig. 1). The site, location 6064-8479 in the Kur River Basin Site Gazetteer(Sumner,n.d.), had recently had a metre or so of materialscrapedoff its top by a bulldozer and we felt

N

KuKushk-e

D

Mountains SRivers

The KurRiverBasin Fars, Iran

0

km 10

Fig. 1. Mapof theKurRiverBasin,showingsites mentionedin thispaper

25

26

JOURNAL OF PERSIAN STUDIES

MUSHKIAND JARI: THEARCHAEOLOGICAL HISTORY The Mushkiand Jariperiods,which witnessedthe earliest appearanceof ceramics, the beginnings of agriculture,and the developmentof small farming villagesin theKurRiverBasinof highlandFars,arenot well knownarchaeologically. Writingin 1941, Donald McCown was not aware of any ceramicsfrom this regionearlierthanthe unpaintedmaterialfromBakun B-1 (McCown 1942: 23); that material,today called Shamsabadware,is now datedto the timebetweenthe end of the Jariperiodandthe beginningof the Bakun (Voigt& Dyson 1992:137). LouisVandenBerghewas the firstarchaeologistto recognise Mushki and Jari style ceramics (Vanden Berghe 1952: 212-14 and figs. 28 and 29). He spent partsof two summers,in 1951and1952,doinga reconnaissancesurveyof the centralportionof the KurRiver his surveywith a seriesof test Basin.He supplemented excavationsin selected sites to determinethe stratigraphicpositionsof the potterytypes identifiedin his surveys(VandenBerghe 1953-54: 394). The sites he testedincludedTal-eJariB (whichhe calledTalliDjarii B), whichis one of two adjacentmoundswithJari-style ceramicsin theirsurfacematerial,andTal-eMushki,a low mound about half a kilometrefrom Jari.These soundingsapparentlyyieldedgood samplesof pottery andchippedstone,buttheydid notpenetratestratathat of the allowedhimto identifythesequentialrelationship two styles of ceramics.With only the most general stylistic parallels to guide him, Vanden Berghe mistakenlydecidedthat Jaripotterywas earlierthan Mushki(VandenBerghe1952:212-13; 1959:41-42). In 1959 the Tokyo University Iraq-Iran ArchaeologicalExpedition,directedby Namio Egami, openednew excavationsin the "B"moundof Tal-eJari (whichtheycalledbothTapeDjariandTal-iJarri).They excavatedin the"A"moundof Jariin 1961andagainin 1971, andin 1965workedat Mushki.A finalreporton the Mushkiexcavationshasbeenpublished(Fukaiet al. 1973),butbecauseof theuntimelydeathof the director of the Jari excavations, Professor Tatsuo Satoh, only preliminaryreports are available for the excavations at Jari(Egami 1969; Egami et al. 1977; Maeda 1986; Hori 1988-89). The Tokyo University excavations, like those of Vanden Berghe before them, did not locate an area where Mushki and Jari ceramics were unambiguously

However,onthebasisof theiranalysisof superimposed. the strataatMushki,theexcavatorsof thatsitearguethat MushkistyleceramicsareearlierthanJari(Fukaiet al. 1973:77). Sumneragreeswiththatconclusion,bothbecausehe finds the stratigraphicargumentsconvincing (1977: 299; n.d.:Ch. 2), andalso becauseof the site distribution dataacquiredin his surveyof the KurRiverBasin. These data(Sumnern.d.) show thatsites with Mushki ceramics(eight sites, 5.9 hectarestotalarea)aremuch less commonthansiteswithJariceramics(52 sites,42.2 hectarestotal). In addition,"Mushkisites are almost invariablylocatednearlargesprings",while "Jarisites occurin a numberof placeswhichcouldnotbe watered by springs"(Sumner1977:300). The Jarisettlements, therefore,would requirethe constructionof irrigation systemsfor successfulagricultural production.Both of these observationssupportthe idea that the earliest inhabitants of theKurRiverBasinmade pottery-making andusedMushki-styleceramics. On thebasisof interregional ceramicparallels,Voigt and Dyson (1992: 135-37) concurwith the argument that Mushki is earlierthan Jari. They suggest that with Sialk1-3,whilenoting Mushkiis contemporaneous thatfor Jari,"althoughthe numberof sharedmotifsis not large,some areunusualandclusterin Sialk1-4..." "Giventhe artifactcomparisonspresentedhere",they conclude,"it seems likely that the Mushki and Jari periodsfollowedone anotherclosely in time andwere of shortduration".It shouldbe noted, however,that three uncalibratedradiocarbondates, one from Tal-e Mushki(8640 +/- 120 B.P.)and two fromShamsabad (BakunBi) strataatTal-eBakun(5590 +/- 81 and6264 +/- 70 B.P.),indicatethatMushkiandJariceramicsmay havebeenin use in the KurRiverBasinfor as muchas 1500 years (Sumner1977: 299). In the most recent statement on Mushki/Jari/Shamsabad chronology, Nishiaki(2003: fig. 3) provisionallydatesthe Mushki Periodto 6000 to 5400 B.C., Jarito 5400 to 4900 B.C., and Shamsabadto 4900 to 4600 B.C. His provisional hereon the left side of Fig. 2. chronologyis reproduced

MUSHKI/JARICERAMICS Three sets of excavated Mushki/Jariceramics, from the sites of Mushki (Fukai et al. 1973), JariA (Egami et al. 1977), and Jari B (Maeda 1986), have been illustratedand describedin the archaeologicalliterature.

KUSHK-E

HEZAR: A MUSHKI/JARI

PERIOD

Nishiaki ProvisionalChronology Approximate Archaeological Dates Periods (YearsBC)

Mushki

JariB

SITE IN THE KUR RIVER BASIN

27

Alden et al. ProvisionalChronology

JariA

Approximate Archaeological Dates (YearsBC) Peiods

4000

Mushki

JariB

JariA

Kushk-e Hezar

4000

Bakun Bakun Stratum 1 Level I Strata2-6

Shamsabad

Shamsabad

Level II

5000 --

5000 Strata Jari

1-8

Stratum 7

C/A/D/W

Strata Jari

TMBPit

-

-

Later Occupation Level III

TMBPit

Earlier Mushki

Occupation

Levels

I-V Mushki

6000 -

6000 -

Levels I-V

Fig. 2. Provisional Chronologyof the Mushki/JariPeriods.

Mushki/Jariceramics from surface survey in the Kur River Basin have been illustrated and described by Sumner(1972), who has also describedthese wares in a survey of early village settlements in Fars (Sumner 1977) and in a gazetteer of sites in the Kur River Basin (Sumner n.d.). In 2003, the Fars Archeology Project team began excavations at the site of Tal-e Bashi, a large Jari-period site in the western half of the Kur River Basin. At this time, however, only preliminarydata are available on the results of those excavations (Abdi et al. 2003). Descriptions of Mushki/Jariceramics based on the published sources are presentedbelow, followed by a descriptionof the materialcollected at Kushk-e Hezar. We quote from these descriptions at some length, both because they provide the basis for the chronological arrangement presented in Fig. 2 and because, in combination with our own observations, they support the notion that a distinctive technique of ceramic manufacture was practiced in the Kur River Basin region for several thousand years. A discussion of that technique is presented later, in our description of the ceramics from Kushk-e Hezar.

Fukai et al. (1973: 22-34) describethree varieties of Mushki ceramics:a coarseware, a red-slippedware, and a buff ware. The coarse ware "contains considerable amount of chaff and the surface is retouched by smoothing with a palm. It is a method known as wetsmooth. Thereforethe wall of the pottery is porous and is not tight."A beaker-likeform, with a straightrim and no carination, "seems to be the most prevalent form among the coarse pottery at Mushki". Mushki red-slippedware is also strawtempered,and "even when the surfaceis beautifullypolished as if there were no temper in the paste, the paste contains some temper".The colour of the slip "ranges aroundreddish brown from pinkish brown through brown", and "it is usual that the surface is burnishedsometimes to such an extent that the surface shines, though there are some examples with red slip which may possibly have not been burnished". Red-slipped ware is decorated with geometric designs painted in black paint. Vessels are most commonly carinated (which Fukai et al. call "keeled"), and in such forms the designs were only applied to the portionof the vessel above the carination.

28

JOURNAL OF PERSIAN STUDIES

Finally,"whenthe paintedpatternsareappliedoverthe theportionwasnever portionred-slippedandburnished, after the burnished applying paintedpatterns". Mushki buff-slippedware is straw-tempered and covered with a buff-colouredslip, but "burnished examplesare few". Sometimesbothred andbuff slips are used on a single vessel, but when this occurs"the portionscoveredby the red slip areburnishedandthe portionscoveredby the buff slip are not burnished". Buff-slippedvessels are also decoratedwith geometric patternspainted in black paint, and, with limited exceptions,one set of patternsis appliedto red-slipped vessels (or the red-slippedportion of bi-coloured vessels)while anotherset of patternsis usedto decorate buff-slippedvessels. Finally,even whenthe exteriorof a vessel is buff slipped,the inside is red slippedand burnished"exceptfor a few examples". Fukaiet al. (1973:22) alsonotethatfracture patterns theyobservedin Mushkipottery"suggestthatthepottery andobservethat,"because weremadeby coilingmethod", sucha brokenface is oftenseen at the keel portion...it mightsuggestthatthecoilswerejoinedatthekeel". In summary, the Mushki ceramic corpus is dominatedby potterywithblackpainteddesignsovera burnishedred slip. The most prevalentform is a carinatedbowl or jar. Mushkiceramicsare decorated witha wide varietyof patterns(29 differentdesignsare definedfor the red-slippedpotteryand 18 for the buffslipped)and, with limitedexceptions,each patternis only found on one type of slip. Finally, although of Jari-stylepotteryfromthe "B"sounding photographs TMB (the pit) at Tal-eMushkiareshownon pls. XXIII and XXIV of the Mushkireport,that materialis not discussedin the text. Missionexcavationsat TheJapaneseArchaeological Jari A encounteredthree levels of occupation.The uppermostLevel I is characterised by Bakunpainted Shamsabad Level IIby ceramics,andLevelIIIby ware, theJariceramicassemblage(Egamiet al. 1977:2-3 and is pl. V). Jaripottery,"soft,friableandstraw-tempered", dividedinto two wares:an unpaintedstraw-tempered coarse ware, and painted ware, which is decoratedwith geometric designs painted in flaky black or darkbrown paint. In the eyes of the excavators, those designs recalled twined or coil basketry. The excavators also note that "the straw-tempered coarse pottery is impressed inside with coil basketryused as a mould in the modeling process, while the fabric of pottery indicates the usage of the ring-method technique"

(Egamiet al. 1977:3). PlatesIV andV in theirreport illustrateexamplesof sherdswithbasketryimpressions on theirinteriorsfromboth Level II (Shamsabad)and LevelIII(Jari)contexts. The excavationsat JariB, in contrastto thoseat the neighbouringJari A mound, encounteredonly Jari ceramics. Maeda (1986: 55) describes the Jari B materialas "madeof clay mixedwith strawandcoated witha thicklayerof fineclay.Thedesignsarepaintedin black or blackishbrownon a white slip", and, says Maeda,can be dividedinto 13 types. She was able to seriateten of thosetypes,D-a throughD-j, using stratigraphicanalysis,with D-a being the earlieststyle of decorationandD-j the latest. Maeda publishedfour pages of drawingsof the ceramicsfromJariB (Maeda1986:figs. 3-7) and one page of drawingsof potteryfromthe MushkiTMBpit (fig. 8). She also reportedcountsof the variouspainted patternsfromindividualexcavationstrata(tables2-6) and a summarytable 1 showing how the stratain excavationsquaresC, A, D andW relateto each other Forthe convenienceof readers,Fig. 4 chronologically. in this paperreproducesdrawingsof the sherdsMaeda designatedas typicalof patternsD-a throughD-j, along withfourdrawingsof sherdsfromherfig. 8, illustrating materialfromthe MushkiTMBpit. To summarise, the excavated assemblages of Mushki,Jari,and Shamsabadceramicsare readilydifferentiatedon the basis of theirtypicalshapes,surface treatment,and decoration.Mushkiware is red slipped and burnished,decorated with geometric patterns paintedin blackpaintand frequentlyhavingcarinated forms.JariA Level III ceramicsare buff slippedand unburnished,and decoratedwith geometricpatterns drawn with flaky black to dark brown paint. Jari ceramicsfromthe JariB excavationsarewhite slipped and decoratedwith finely drawngeometricpatterns formsarequiterarein allJari paintedin black.Carinated assemblages,wherethe mostcommonshapesarehighsidedbowls or beakers,with verticalto slightlyflaring sides. Shamsabad(Jari A Level II) ceramics are unpainted,but in terms of shape and fabricthey are similar to Jariperiod material. Sumner's initial descriptions of Mushki and Jari ceramics (Sumner 1972: 36-37), which are based on his examination of surface material from the entire Kur River Basin, contain some importantadditional detail. In particular, he notes that Mushki ware has "a burnishedred surface which has a tendency to flake off

KUSHK-E HEZAR: A MUSHKI/JARI PERIOD SITE IN THE KUR RIVER BASIN

29

temper".Similarly, materialat the later end of the Jari period because revealingthepatternof theburnt-out the surfaceof Jariware"isoftencrackledandmayflake Maeda'sstratigraphic sequenceends with potterywith of the the the cracks,revealing off, following pattern very simplepainteddesignsand shapesvery similarto that while the the shapesof Shamsabad core". In he Periodceramics.Theceramics inner addition, says grey surfacesof Jarisherdsaregenerallybrownor buff,the from Level III of JariA (Egami et al. 1977: pl. V) painteddecorationon Jariware is sometimesapplied includeexamplesof Maeda'stypesD-h,D-e, andD-d as over "a very thin white slip".His drawingsof sherds well as an interlockedzigzag line patternsimilarto her fromtheseperiods,pls. IIIandIV,showseveralvariants type D-a (D-a representsthe older end of Maeda's of painted decoration that are not reported from sequence,while D-j is hermostrecenttype).However, excavatedcontexts and include drawingsof a few the illustratedcorpusfromJariA LevelIIIalso includes sherdsfromsiteslocatedoutsideof theKurRiverBasin. numerousexamplesof the "railroad track"or "ladder" of these is Tal-e most sites Kutahi which common in is the TMB pit (three (site pattern (The important 35 in Gotch1968:169),a sitethathas sincedisappeared examplesof which are redrawnhere in Fig. 4), but beneaththe vastlyexpandedcity of Shiraz.) absentfromMaeda'sC/A/D/Wsequenceat JariB. Given these parallels,we have positionedJariA Sumner(1977: 293-99) laterpublishedadditional with III overlappingboth the earlyend of the JariB Mushki/Jari Level of ceramics, drawings descripalong tions and drawingsof ceramicwares of the same era sequenceandthe materialfromthe TMBpit, while the fromthe ShirazandFasa/Darab Basins.Here,he noted TMBpit,whichappearsto lackMushkiburnishedware thatwhile "thepaste, surfacetreatment,and formsof and where the "ladder" style of decoration is Kutahiwarearealmostidenticalto thoseof Jariware", predominant,is placed in the early part of the Jari "thepaintedpatterns[on Kutahiware] are distinctive period. We delineatethe beginningand end of the andratherunusualin theway theyareapplied".Mushki excavated sequences with dashed lines to indicate ware,he adds,is also foundat the site of Kutahi. uncertaintyabout the chronologicalextent of these Wewouldalso emphasisetheuncertainties Although the general Mushki-Jari-Shamsabad occupations. is the in the absolute clear, sequence specificchronological relationship chronologyshown in Fig. 3. Because of the varioussets of excavatedand surfacematerialis almostno radiocarbon dateshavebeen runon material uncertain.Nishiaki(2003:fig. 3) presentsa provisional from Kur River Basin contexts during those early chronologyshowingthe JariB materialas contempora- periods, the dates shown here are based on loose neouswiththeLevelIII(Stratum7) materialfromJariA ceramicparallelsbetween the Kur River Basin and andplacingthe Jaristyleceramicsfromthe TMBpit in regions where radiocarbon dates are available. theearlypartof theJariperiod(seeFig.3). However,this Fortunately, a suiteof radiocarbon datesfromthe 2003 has three arrangement problems.First,it presumesthat excavationsat Tal-eBashi (Pollock& Bembeck,pers. the excavated strata representunbrokenoccupation comm.), which should soon be available,should do sequencesspanningentirechronologicalperiods.His muchto resolvethisproblem. forexample,showsno breakbetweenthe reconstruction, latestMushkistratumat Mushkiand the Jarimaterial fromthe TMB pit, and it equatesthe lowest material KUSHK-EHEZAR fromthe JariA excavationswith the entiresequenceof stratafromJariB. Second,it placestheTMBpitmaterial We firstvisitedKushk-eHezarduringa surveyof attheverybeginningof theJariperiod.Finally,it makes previouslyrecordedsitesin theKurRiverBasinin early theMushkiPeriodas longor longerthantheJariPeriod. May of 2003. The top of the site had been scrapedoff Whileall of thosedecisionsmaybe correct,ourown with earthmovingequipmentat some time duringthe preferenceis to emphasise the gaps in the known stratigraphicsequences, to shortenthe presumedlength of the Mushki period (mainly because so few sites with Mushki sherds have been identified), and to expand the lengths of both the Jari and Bakun periods (to account for the variabilityshown within and between the various excavated sequences). Like Nishiaki, we put the Jari B

previous year or two, exposing several concentrationsof ashy soil and numerous examples of relatively unweatheredJariand Mushki style pottery.During that visit we made two general collections of selected sherds and artifactsfrom the disturbedsurface of the site- a "Northern"collection from the north-western half of the site, and a "Southern"collection from the south-

JOURNAL OF PERSIAN STUDIES

30

easternhalfof the sherdscatter.Whenwe cleanedthese collectionswe foundthey containeda mix of standard Jariblack-on-buffpaintedpatterns,black-on-buffware with unusualpaintedpatterns,carinatedblack-on-buff warebowls,andburnishedredwarepaintedin patterns thathadnotpreviouslybeenreported. us Theunusualnatureof thesecollectionspersuaded andon thatKushk-eHezarmeritedfurtherinvestigation, 21 May 2003 we returnedto the site andmadea series of nine systematicand four purposivecollectionsof surface material.Five of the systematiccollections (Fields 1, 2, 3, 6 and 9) wereplacedon concentrations of ash or ceramics,while the otherfourwere scattered in a way thatwe hopedwouldrevealthe extentof the prehistoricoccupationat the site. These systematic

collectionsweremadeby pickingup all visiblearchaeologicalmaterialwithina circlewitha two metreradius, a technique called "dogleash sampling"in North Americanarchaeology. Afterthe systematiccollections hadbeencompletedwe dividedthe site intopie-shaped quadrantsorientedtowardthe cardinalpoints of the compass- East,South,West,andNorthQuadrantsandpickedup any distinctivesherdsor archaeological materialwe foundwhile walkingover each quadrant. Several days later we returnedto the site with a theodoliteand stadiarod, which we used to make a contourmapof the moundandrecordthe locationsof the systematicsurfacecollections(Fig.3). After washing the collections we counted and weighed the chippedstone, bone, and ceramicsfrom

O /i-

Kushk-eHezar

areaof occupation contourinterval0.5 meters

0

A

collection unit

meters

50

(VerticalScale Exaggerated) dashed line shows estimated profile of site before leveling

500

Fig. 3. Contour map of Kushk-eHezar showing area with cultural material and locations of systematic and general surface collections.

KUSHK-E HEZAR: A MUSHKI/JARI PERIOD SITE IN THE KUR RIVER BASIN

31

each (see Table 1). The decoratedpotteryand small CERAMICS with a 3.34 megapixeldigital findswerephotographed camera.Drawingsand descriptionsof the rims,bases and decoratedbody sherdsfrom the nine systematic Description collections were made in Iran, along with drawings and descriptionsof all small finds (see Figs. 5 and 8). The ceramicsfromKushk-eHezarcan be divided Decoratedceramicsfrom the four quadrantand two into two generaltypes:Buff Wareand BurnishedRed generalsurfacecollections(Figs. 6 and7) were drawn PaintedWare.Thesetwo waresaremostreadilydistinin profile in the field, but the painteddecorationwas guishedby theirsurfacetreatments, buttechnicallythey drawnlaterfromdigitalphotographs. All largesherds also seem to have been made in markedlydifferent with distinctive patterns of painting that were ways. The bodiesof Buff Warevessels appearto have recoveredin our surfacecollectionsare illustratedin beenbuiltin stages,by firstforminga vessel corefrom this report. pastecontaininga heavydensityof coarsechafftemper, and then coatingthe interiorand exteriorof this core with a thick layer of untemperedclay. In contrast, AND ANALYSISOF THE DESCRIPTION BurnishedRedPaintedWarevesselswerebuiltby hand in a single step, out of clay temperedwith a medium SURFACEFINDS densityof fine chaffandmedium-sizedgrit. Table1 summarises thematerialfoundin the systematic Buff Wareceramics,which comprise90 to 95%of surfacecollectionsfromKushk-eHezar.Collectionunits the potteryfromthe Kushk-eHezarsurfacecollections, 1, 2, 3, 6 and9 werelocatedon ashyareas(units1 and are buff to reddishbuff in colour,both interiorand of ceramics(units3, 6 and9) and, exterior.Examplesof this warerangefromhighlyfired 2) oron concentrations not surprisingly, theseunitsyieldedmorematerialthan andfully oxidisedsherdswithmoderatelyhardbodies, the other sample units. The large numbersof bone to sherdsthatare so poorlyfiredthatthey breakapart noticeable. aftera thoroughsoaking.Whethera sherdis highlyor fragmentsfromtheashyareasareparticularly Unit 6 was locatedon a concentration of grit-tempered poorlyfired,however,the firingis uniform,andsherds wheel-madeceramics,whichwe believecame froman typicallydo not show fire clouding.The paste of the intrusivepost-Achaemenidburial that was exposed vessel coreshasa heavyto veryheavydensityof coarse whenthe sitewas bulldozed.Countsandweightsof the chafftemper(impressionsof chafffragmentsas muchas grit-temperedsherds from this collection are not 1 to 2 mm.wide and3 to 10 mm.long oftencompletely includedin Table1, but the two vessels reconstructed coverexposedportionsof the vessel core,as shownin fromthatmaterialare illustratedin Fig. 7. Unit 5 was Fig. 8: 11 and 8: 12); these chaff-tempered cores are locatedoutsidethe areaof observedculturalmaterial, thencoated,insideandout,witha layerof untempered andyieldedno archaeological remains. clay as muchas 2 mm.thick. TABLE1. Counts and weights of materialfrom systematic surface collections. ChippedStone

CollectionUnit

Bone

Mushki/JariCeramics

Count Weight Ave. wt Count Weight Ave. wt Count Weight Ave. wt (grams)

(grams)

(grams)

1 2

17 4

6.8 4.8

0.4 1.2

70 110

53.1 97.6

0.76 0.89

36 44

232 380

6.44 8.64

3 4 5

2 3 0

1.9 2.4 -

0.8 0.8

21 19 0

18.1 23.3 -

0.86 1.23

67 26 0

402 151

6 5.81

6

2

0.8

0.4

18

16.6

0.92

3

16

5.33

7 8

3 2

42.6 47.7

14.2 23.8

0 2

1.1

0.55

10 9

96 79

9.6 8.78

9

2

1.4

0.7

6

16.4

2.73

50

412

8.24

-

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32

Type D-a

Type D-b Type D-c

Type D-e Type D-d

Type D-f Type D-f

Type D-g

TypeD-j

Type D-h

Type D-i

JariBType Sequence

0

cm

10

Fig 8:9 and Pl XXlll-2:2 Fig 8:14 and PIXXIV-2:3

Fig 8:5811 Fig. 4. Maeda ceramics, Jari B and Mushki TMBpit.

and PI XXIV-2:5

KUSHK-E HEZAR: A MUSHKI/JARI PERIOD SITE IN THE KUR RIVER BASIN

1. Field1 redon buff

2. Field2 burnisheddarkred

3. Field2 red on buff

43. k2

on buff

Fldfblack

3 9. Field blackon buff

Field red on buff

blackon buff

blackon white

blackon buff

on buff 10. Field3 black 11. Field7 blackon buff

14. Field4 blackon white

16. Field9 blackon buff

12. Field8 blackon buff

15. Field9 blackon buff

blackon buff018.

33

Field3 red on buff

17. Field3 blackon white

19. Field2 unpainted buff

20. Field2 burnished red on orange

21. Field2 burnishedred on orange

22. Field 1 red on buff

0

cm

10

Fig. 5. CeramicsFrom SystematicSurface Collections.

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1. Southern Half red on buff

2. Southern Half 2.black Half Southern on buff

4. Southern Half bblack

8. South Q black on buff

3. South Q black on buff

South Q on buff, onred base

bblack

10. NorthernHalf blackon buff 9. South Q

7. NorthernHalf

buff

11. South Q black on buff

12. NorthernHalf

black on where

black on buff

on buff

redblack black on white

Half 16.HSorthnal red on buff 15. Northern

redonbuff on buff,red base redred 18. West Q

Northern Half

22.15.

(flaking)buff

on white

••NorthernHblack West Q 2.18.

Southern Half black on white

1.NNHorthern red on buff

Half black on white

0

Fig. 6. Ceramics From General Surface Collections.

cm

10

KUSHK-E

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SITE IN THE KUR RIVER BASIN

I

I <--J

1. South Quadrant burnished red slip and paint

35

V

2. NorthernHalf blackon white

3. South Quadrant blackon buff

4. Southern Half black on buff

0

cm

10

5. Field6 wheel turned,burnished blackslip 6. Field6 wheel turned, unsmoothed thin red slip

Fig. 7. Vesselswith ReconstructableProfiles.

36

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Surfaces of Buff Ware sherds are smoothed or lightly burnished,and frequently (50-75% of all examples) the exterior is decoratedwith carefully applied black (80-90%) or red (10-20%) paint in geometricpatterns.Sometimes(10-20%) the paint is fugitiveor very flaky,butin mostcases it adhereswell to the surface of the vessel. Painting is generally confinedto theupperandmiddleportionsof thevessel, and it frequentlyconsistsof horizontallines bordering bands of crosshatchedor diagonallines or fields of interlockingnet patterns.Steppedhorizontallines (Fig. 5: 1, 4; Fig. 6: 15, 16, 23) are anothercommon decorativemotiffoundin this collection. The most commonrim formis taperedandslightly outcurving(Fig. 5: 18 and 5: 22), but straighttapered rims (Fig. 7: 2) and simpleroundrims (Fig. 5: 9) are also common.These lips are often decoratedwith a bandof paint5 to 8 mm.wide. Sherdswithredslipped exteriorsareoccasionallyfound(10%),andmorerarely white-slippedsherdsareencountered(2-5%).Bothred and white slips are unburnishedand chalky in appearance;at Kushk-e Hezar the red slip is never paintedbut white slipped sherds are almost always decoratedwith black or, less frequently,red painted designs. Buff Warevessel bodiesareusuallya centimetreor more thick, although finer examples are not uncommon.The predominantformsat Kushk-eHezar are straight-sided or incurvingbeakersand high-sided bowls, but carinatedbowls andwide-mouthed jars are alsopresent.Basesareeitherconcave("dimpled") (Fig. 5: 3) or flat (Fig. 7: 4) andvessel profilesaregenerally smoothlycurved.No tightlyclosed forms(i.e. necked or small-mouthed jars)were foundin ourcollections. In contrastto the BuffWare,BurnishedRedPainted Ware is highly burnished.It has a cream, buff, or reddishbuff surfaceand is decoratedon both exterior and interiorsurfaceswith designs in light red to red paint.BurnishedRed PaintedWareis temperedwith a mixtureof fine chaff (pieces of 1 by 3 mm. in size or smaller)andmedium-sized(less than 1 mm.) grit,and sherdsof this ware are both thinnerand more highly

bowls (Fig. 5: 20 and 21), and three small incurving beakerswitha unique"swoosh"paintedpattern(Fig. 8: 8-10) on both the interiorand exteriorof the vessel. Althoughthere are several generalparallelsbetween ourBurnishedRedPaintedWareandMushkiceramics the very burnishedsurface,the presence (in particular, of painteddecorationon both interiorand exterior surfaces, and the semi-carinatedshape of the small bowl in Fig. 7: 1),we cannotdismissthepossibilitythat the examplesof BurnishedRed PaintedWare from Kushk-eHezarare importedfrom some otherregion ratherthan being an element of the local ceramic tradition.

fired than typical Buff Ware pottery. Both interior and exterior surfaces of these ceramics are burnished, and in several instances inclusions of specular hematite were noted in the red paint. Sherds from six different Burnished Red Painted Warevessels were found in the Kushk-e Hezar surface collections- a small carinated bowl (Fig. 7: 1), two straight-sided beakers or small

shared by all three of these early ceramic cultures and not just characteristicof the Buff Ware pottery from Kushk-e Hezar, we think it worthwhile to speculate on how this chaff-cored pottery was being made. We suggest that these vessels were constructed in three steps. First, a layer of wet clay filled with chaff temper was applied to either the inside or outside of a

Buff WareCeramic Manufacture

The most distinctive feature of the Buff Ware ceramicsfromKushk-eHezaris thattheyhave a core of clay filled with coarse chaff temperthat has been covered, interior and exterior, with a layer of untemperedclay as much as one to two millimetres thick. Fig. 8: 11 and 8: 12 are exteriorviews of two unpaintedBuff Waresherds,showinghow this surface layer tends to break away from the chaff-tempered core;signsof smoothingor scrapingarealso visible on the surface of item 12. The relevantfeatures- a thicklyappliedcoatof cleanclay overa chaff-tempered core - are more clearly evident on the illustrated sherdsthan on finer examplesof Buff Waresherds, wherethe appliedlayeris moretightlybondedto the coreandthe chafftemperof the coreis finer;nevertheless, all theBuffWarefromthissite seemsto havebeen madein the samegeneralway. It is clearfromthe descriptionsof Mushki,Jariand Shamsabadpotterycited previously,as well as from examinationsof surfacematerialsfrom other sites in the KurRiverBasin,thatthispatternof manufacture is a consistentfeatureof potteryfromtheseperiods.Other observershavenot, however,commentedon whatthis impliesabouthow theseearlyceramicsweremanufactured.Becausethis technologyis a distinctivefeature

KUSHK-E

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PERIOD

flexible woven basket. After this chaff-tempered clay had solidified, a thick layer of moist untempered clay was smeared across the exposed surface of the chafftempered vessel core. The basketry mould was then removed from the inside of the vessel (or the vessel was removed from the inside of the mould) and the untreated surface of the vessel core covered with untempered clay. After additional drying, slip or paint was sometimes applied and the exterior surface painted before the vessel was fired. This process would explain how a chaff-tempered core could be formed and a thick layer of untempered clay applied to both the interior and exterior of the vessel. It would account for the basketry impressions observed on the interiors of sherds of Jari A and Shamsabad coarse ware vessels, explain why the surface of Mushki and Jari ceramics tends to crack and flake away from the core, and account for the sharp interface between the layers of chaff-tempered and clean clay that can be observed on many sherds in the relevant ceramic corpuses. It would also explain the peculiar absence of jars with narrowmouths in Mushki, Jari,and Shamsabadpottery- a flexible basketryform could be pulled inward and removed from a widemouthed jar or incurving beaker, but not from a smallmouthed jar. Finally, if the chaff-tempered cores of Mushki carinated vessels were moulded in upper and lower halves and then joined at the carination,it would account for the observation by Fukai et al. (1973: 22) that "a broken face is often seen at the keel portion"(i.e. the carination)of Mushki vessels. Might the vessels' chaff-temperedcores be formed by coil or slab construction ratherthan moulding? We suspect that such techniques would result in a smoother transition between the core and the applied surface layer than is observed in the actual pottery. It is also difficult to understandhow a thin chaff tempered core, like those found in finer examples of the painted Mushki and Jari pottery, could retain its shape during the applicationof the clean clay surface layers unless it were supportedon some type of form. We do, of course, regard this proposed account of how these ceramics were produced as speculative. Still, focusing on the way thatpottery from these early periods seems to have been manufactureddoes emphasise the degree of technological continuity uniting the Mushki, Jari and Shamsabad periods. Focusing on ceramic surface treatment and styles of painted decoration would disguise this patternof continuity.

SITE IN THE KUR RIVER BASIN

37

Surface Treatment Six styles of surface treatmentare distinguished in the ceramics from Kushk-e Hezar, five on Buff Ware and one on Burnished Red Painted Ware. The most common decorative style is Black on Buff, where black painted designs are applied over a thick, unburnished but smoothed, buff slip. In this style, the paint colour ranges from black to dark brown and the paint itself ranges from well-adhered and solid through flaky to fugitive. Red on Buff decoration has red paint rather than black, with the paint colour ranging from reddish purple to brick red and the paint texture ranging from solid and well-adhered to fugitive. Black on White has dark black designs painted over a thin chalky to matte white slip. Black on Buff with Red Slip has black painted designs on buff-slipped sections of the pottery (typically on the upperportion of the vessel) with areas of unpainted red slip (typically on the vessel's lower portion) adjacentto the buff painted section. This style appears to be uncommon in our collections, but it may seem scarcer than it is because only a small proportion of the sherds from vessels with this kind of decoration would evidence both types of surface treatment.Matte Red Slip pottery has an unburnishedred slip and no painted decoration;this type may well be nothing more than sherds from the red-slipped portion of Black on Buff with Red Slip vessels, but it may also be a distinctive style of surface treatment.Finally, Burnished Red Painted Ware has red painted patterns over slips ranging from creamy to reddish buff, and the entire surface of the sherd, including the paint, is very well burnished. (It should be noted that this is unlike the surface treatmentfound on Mushki Red Slipped Ware, where, as noted previously, the surface is burnished before the paint is applied.) Table 2 shows the distribution of each style of surface treatmentin the Kushk-e Hezar collection units. We have chosen to use presence/absence indicators in this table rather than counts because our sherd samples are small and they often include multiple sherds from a single vessel. The distributiondatain Table2 and ceramicparallels listed in Table 3 indicate that there were probably two separate Jari period occupations at Kushk-e Hezar. Burnished Red Painted Ware, a type with good general parallelsto Mushki ceramics, only appearson the southhalf of the site, while Black on White Slip sherds eastemrn (a late Jaritype) only appearin the north-westernareaof the surface sherd scatter. Ladder decoration, which

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TABLE2. Ceramic typesfrom systematic and quadrantsurface collections.

Collection Unit 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 East Q South Q West Q North Q

CeramicSurfaceTreatments OtherCeramicFeatures Blackon Redon Blackon Blackon Buff MatteRed Bum.Red WheelTurned Buff X X X

Buff X X X

White

w/ Red Slip

Slip X X

Painted X X

Ceramic

Carinations X

X X X

X X X X X X

X X X

X X

X X

appearsto havebeenthe dominantstylein theTMBpit andJariA LevelIIIstrata,is rareatKushk-eHezar,with onlytwo sherdswiththisstyleof painting(Figs.6: 7 and a fragmentary examplein 5: 16) foundon the site.This leads us to suspecttherewas a hiatusin the Kushk-e Hezaroccupationbetweenthe time of the Mushki/Jari transition(markedby BurnishedRedPaintedWare)and the laterpartof the Jariperiodwhen Black on White Slipwarewas predominant. Ceramic Parallels

Many of the ceramicsfrom Kushk-eHezarhave good parallelswith sherdsthathavebeen illustratedin otherreports.Table3 lists specific parallelswe have observed,as well as some of the moregeneralsimilarities betweenthe potteryillustratedhere and thatfrom othersitesor surveys.In general,thematerialpublished herehasnumerousparallelswithJariceramicsfromthe Kur River Basin and no explicitparallelswith either Mushkior Shamsabadmaterial.It does,however,have one good parallelwith surfacematerialfrom Tal-e KutahinearShiraz.In addition,severalgeneralfeatures presentin theKushk-eHezarcorpus,suchas carinations and surfaceburnishing,are only evidenced,withinthe KurRiverBasin,in Mushkiceramics.Parallelsbetween the Kushk-eHezarceramicsand materialfrom more distantsites andregionsaremoregeneral,andwe have chosennotto examinethemin thisreport.

X X

X X

X

X X

CHIPPEDSTONE Forty-seven blades or blade fragments were recovered in our surface collections, 16 from the systematicsamplesand 31 from the purposivepickups. Ten of these (generally the larger or more distinctiveitems)are illustratedin Fig. 8, alongwith 3 largerpieces of utilisedchertor flint - a boreron a thick flake, a retouchedcortexflake and a flake core. One of the bladefragmentswas obsidian,while all the otherswere chert/flint.Table4 lists some of the most important technological attributes of the blade segmentsfromKushk-eHezar. The most notablefeatureof this corpusis thatno whole blades were recovered in our surface collections. In every case, one or both ends of the originalblade had been brokenoff. In addition,we found no lunates or microbladecores at Kushk-e Hezar(althoughthe bladefragmentshownin Fig. 8: 8 is, for the purposesof the analysis presentedhere, classified as a trapeze).Indeed, we recoveredvery little that would be classified as chipped stone productiondebris on the site, althoughwe made a deliberateeffort to collect all sorts of chippedstone andnotjust tools. It is importantto be cautiouswhen interpretingsurface collections, but the scarcity of cores, the absenceof core preparationand rejuvenation flakes, and the lack of any whole blades in our surfacecollections all seem to imply that little flint workingtook place at Kushk-eHezar.

KUSHK-E

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SITE IN THE KUR RIVER BASIN

TABLE3. Ceramicparallels. Kushk-e Hezar Pottery Style Figure burnishedred 5:02 red on buff 5:22 black on buff 6: 3 & 4

Reference Fukai XXI 3: 9 Fukai XIX 6 Sumner'77 4:e

PotteryFrom Other Sites Nature of Parallel Site/Period same design Mushki similardesign Mushki similardesign Mushkibuff

6: 5 & 6

black/buff,red slip

Fukai XIX: 3

Mushki

design element

6:14

black/buff,red slip

7:03

black on buff

7:04 5:05

black on buff black on buff

5:13 5:16

black on buff black on buff

6:07

black on buff

6:08

black on buff

6:11 5:12 6:10 6:12 7:02

black on buff black on buff black on buff black on buff black on white

5:11 5:15 5:17 5:18 6:09 6:15 6:17 6:18 6:19 6:21

black on buff black on buff black on white red on buff black on white black on white black on white black on white red on buff black on white

Fukai XX: 2 Fukai L: P32, P33 Fukai XVI: 4, 5a Fukai XIX: 3 Fukai XXIII 2:2 Sumner '77 4:d Sumner '72 III-F FukaiXXI, 3: 7 Fukai XXIII, 2: 5 Maeda 8: 12 Egami V: 19 Maeda 8: 12 Fukai XXIV Egami V: 1 Fukai XXIII, 2: 9 Egami V: 3 Fukai XXIII, 1:2, 6 Maeda 8: 4, 8: 6 Egami V: 1 Egami V: 2 Egami V: 6 Sumner '72 IV-E Maeda 7: 10 Sumner '77 4: a Maeda 5: 2, 5: 3 Maeda 4: 12, 6: 1 Maeda 6: 4. 6: 5 Maeda 7: 10 Maeda 5: 2, 6: 1 Maeda 6: 4, 7: 1 Maeda 5: 5 Maeda 6: 3 Maeda 4: 12, 6: 1

Mushki Mushki Mushki Mushki Mushki TMB Mushkibuff Kutahi Mushki TMB Mushki TMB Mushki TMB JariA III Mushki TMB Mushki TMB JariA III Mushki TMB JariA III Mushki TMB Mushki TMB JariA III JariA III JariA III Jari JariB Type D-a Jari JariB JariB Type D-f JariB JariB Type D-a JariB Type D-e JariB Type D-d JariB JariB JariB Type D-f

design element design vessel shape design element design element similardesign same design same design same design same design same design element design element same same mirrorimage same design element same very close same same design element same same same same design same design design element same same same design same

39

JOURNAL OF PERSIAN STUDIES

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TABLE4. Attributesof blades and blade segmentsfrom Kushk-eHezar Field No. 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 14 15 16 17 18 19 20 21 22 23 24 25 26 27 28 29 30 31 32 33 34 35 36 37 38 39 40 41 42 43 44 45 46 47

1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 2 2 2 3 3 6 9 9 East Q East Q South Q South Q South Q South Q South Q South Q South Q South Q South Q South Q South Q South Q West Q West Q West Q West Q South half South half Southhalf Southhalf Southhalf South half Southhalf Southhalf Southhalf Southhalf Southhalf South half South half

Fig. 10 3 2 9 1 6 4 8 7 5

Part Med Med Med Med Prox Med Med Med Med Med Med Med Prox Dist Dist Med Dist Prox Med Prox Dist Med Med Med Med Dist Med Med Med Prox Prox Dist Dist Prox Med Prox Prox Prox Med Prox Dist Med Med Med Med Px Px

L 1.73 1.29 1.16 1.74 1.94 1.54 0.7 0.86 1.77 2.47 1.78 1.35 2.46 2.49 2.31 1.37 7.97 2.72 4.31 4.07 5.27 2.03 1.42 0.97 1.21 3.61 3.33 2.15 1.43 2.59 2.59 1.17 4.08 2.12 2.21 5.21 4.58 3.15 2.42 3.01 2.33 2.18 3.06 2.91 2.15 1.97 2.12

W 0.91 1.26 1.11 0.78 0.8 0.59 1.17 0.61 1.01 1.27 1.19 0.85 1.89 1.11 1.35 1.06 1.5 1.14 1.29 1.42 1.88 0.96 1.58 1.36 1.03 1.29 1.54 1.48 1.03 1.16 2.13 1.01 1.73 1.96 1.1 1.5 1.14 1.15 1.88 0.98 1.53 0.94 1 0.91 1.09 0.88 0.83

Th 0.21 0.2 0.19 0.26 0.24 0.18 0.21 0.17 0.31 0.29 0.22 0.23 0.38 0.31 0.13 0.26 0.48 0.32 0.29 0.41 0.61 0.26 0.27 0.23 0.28 0.24 0.29 0.32 0.27 0.29 0.41 0.22 0.61 0.4 0.24 0.37 0.3 0.3 0.51 0.32 0.3 0.38 0.26 0.21 0.3 0.21 0.18

Scars 3 3 3 3 3 3 3 2 3 3 3 2 3 3 3 3 3 3 3 3 3 3 3 3 3 3 3 3 3 3 2 3 2 3 3 3 3 2 3 3 4 4 3 3 3 5 3

Usage (Sheen/Retouch) Irr.Lt. Rt

Irr.Lt. Rt Irr.Lt. Rt Fine Rt Fine Rt Irr.Lt. Rt Notch

Irr.Lt. Rt Irr.Lt. Rt Ds. Shn Irr.Lt. Rt Lt. Shn/ Irr.Lt.Rt Irr.Lt. Rt Irr.Lt. Rt Lt. Rt Notch Fine Rt Ds. Rt Irr.Lt. Rt Irr.Lt. Rt Irr.Lt. Rt Irr.Lt. Rt Irr.Lt. Rt Lt. Shn/ Inv. Rt Lt. Shn/Inv. Rt/Ds. Rt Irr.Lt. Rt Irr.Lt. Rt Irr.Lt. Rt Irr.Lt. Rt/ Obsidian

KUSHK-E

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SITE IN THE KUR RIVER BASIN

41

Fig. 8. Flint Blades and Tools. 1. distal end of blade withfine retouchat end, semi-translucenttan chert. 2. proximal end of retouchedblade with thermal damage on bothfaces, mediumdarkgrey chert. 3. bladefragment with use retouchon lateral edges, semi-translucentlight tan chert. 4. proximal end of blade with shortfine retouch,light olive chert. 5. proximal end of blade, obsidian. 6. proximal end of blade, light olive matte chert. 7. end scraper on blade with inverse retouchand gloss along left edge, darkgrey matte chert. 8. bladefragment with use retouchon ventralface, bluishgrey matte chert. 9. distal end of blade with gloss at distal end, lightpinkish chert withfine texture,somewhatglossy, opaque. 10. distal end of blade, semi-translucentlight tan chert. 11. boreron thickflake, red chert withfine texture,somewhatglossy, opaque. 12. corticalflake with some retouch,reddishbrownmattechert with smooth light orange cortex. 13.flake core, mediumgrey chert, somewhatglossy, opaque.

JOURNAL OF PERSIAN STUDIES

42

Even thoughthe variouscollectionswere acquired and categorisedin differentways, it is instructiveto comparethe compositionof the collectionof chipped stone from Kushk-e Hezar with the collections recoveredfromtheexcavationsatJariB (Hori1988-89) andMushki(Fukaiet al. 1973:37-50 andtables5-10; Furuyama1983). FromJari,Horireportstotalsof 10 geometrics(all trapezes),16 reamingor piercingtools,65 sickleblades (8 full blades,28 proximalends,20 middlefragments, and9 distalends),24 endscrapers,359 cutting-scraping tools (retouched,notched,or usedbladesandflakes),4 bladesor miscellaneoustools, 250 plain(unretouched) bladefragments,312 pieces of chippingdebris,and38 bladeor flakecores- a totalof 1078piecesof chipped stone.Despitethe largenumberof fragments,however, no obsidianat all was found in this collection(Hori 1988-89:22). The illustrationsin the Mushkireportconvey the impressionthatthe site was full of microbladecores, lunateand trapezoidalmicroliths,borersand scrapers (pls.XXVIII-XXXV;LIIandLIII).Thecountslistedin tables5-10 of thatreport,however,presenta different picture.Themainpointof confusionis thatthe illustrations include chippedstone artifactsfrom the entire excavation,whilethetablesatthe endof thereportonly presentdataon the chippedstone from SquareK-11. in Table5 at the Fromthis limitedarea,as summarised end of the report,the excavatorsreporta totalof 2951 piecesof chippedstone,of which12piecesareobsidian. The K-11 collectionincludes1,716bladesandworked blades,71 geometriclunatesor trapezes,59 toolsmade on blades, 100 cores or core fragments,999 simpleor retouchedflakes,andsix flakescrapers. The corpusesof chippedstone from both Mushki andJariB are clearlymorediversethanthe collection recoveredfromKushk-eHezar.Giventhe relativesizes of thevariouscollections,however,the differencesmay be more apparentthan real. Nevertheless,Table 5 identifies four patterns that we believe may be significant.First, there is no obsidianin the Jari B

material,whichmay indicatea hiatusduringwhichthe people of the Kur River Basin lackedaccess to this material.Second,the dearthof flakesat Kushk-eHezar may indicatethat chippedstone was not commonly workedat thissite.Third,no lunatesarefoundin either the Kushk-eHezaror JariB collections.Finally,the of geometrics(lunatesandtrapezes)madeon proportion bladesegmentsis highestat Mushki(theearliestof the andlowestatJariB (whichwe would threeoccupations) suggest is laterthan the main stage of occupationat Kushk-eHezar).This patternmay reflecta changein subsistencepatternsfrom Mushkito Jaritimes, with at Jarisites huntingandcollectingbeing less important than it was at Mushki.We emphasise,however,that these patternsneed to be confirmedwith data from excavationsbeforetheyaretakenas anythingmorethan suggestive. SMALLFINDS We found seven small objects or fragmentsof objectson the surfaceof Kushk-eHezar:two fragments of stone bowls, two pieces of spatula-shaped objects with holes drilledin their centre,a bitumenlump, a tooth-shapedceramicmodel or pendantand a ceramic disk.Theseobjectsareillustratedin Fig. 9. The two stone bowl fragments are probably travertineor calcite,althoughthe opaqueexamplemay possibly be marble. Item 9: 1 is made of banded translucent stone,whilethe stoneof item9: 2 is opaque andgrainywhite.Neitherfragmentwas largeenoughto indicatethe diameterof the vessel it came from, and neitherhadanyremainsof a rimor a base. Althoughboth of the spatula-shapedobjects are incomplete,they appearto be similarin shapeandsize andwe presumethey servedthe samefunction.Item9: 4 is madeof bone andweighs3.6 gm. It has a rounded base andtaperingsides,with a small(5.6 mm. interior diameter)hole drilled throughthe centrelineof the object.Theareasbetweenthetic markson thelowerend

TABLE5. Counts andfrequencies of selected chipped stone types.

MushkiSquareK-11 Kushk-eHezar JariB

Count

Obsidian

Flakes

Geometrics

2951 50 1078

12 (0.4%) 1 (2%) 0 (0%)

999 (34%) 0 (0%) 312 (29%)

71 (2.4%) 1 (2%) 10 (0.9%)

KUSHK-E

HEZAR: A MUSHKI/JARI

PERIOD

SITE IN THE KUR RIVER BASIN

43

2.

1.

VesselFragment

VCalcite Frlit Calcite Vessel Fragment South

Field 9

Quadrant

3. BitumenLump with FabricImpression SouthernHalf

5. CeramicPendant?,SouthernHalf

4. DrilledBone Implement SouthernHalf

Front Side

7. CeramicDisk,South Quadrant 6. DrilledPearlShellImplement,SouthernHalf 0

cm

5

8.

Swoosh Pattern BurnishedRedon Cream South Quadrant

BuffWareSherds with thickslip and chafftempered core Swoosh Pattern,South Quadrant 12.

10. Swoosh Pattern

South Quadrant Fig. 9. Small Finds and Selected Objects.

44

JOURNAL OF PERSIAN STUDIES

of thisobjecthavebeengroundsmooth,andthe areaon the backof the objectto the rightof the dashedline has been erodedaway.Item9: 6 is madefroma largepiece of pearloystershell;it is splitintothreethinpiecesthat togetherweigh 3.7 gm. The hole drilledthroughthis objecthas an interiordiameterof 3.2 mm. and,like the itemhas evidenceof boneexample,themother-of-pearl Three its lower similarspatulagrindingalong edge. made of bone were found atTal-iMushki shapedobjects (Fukaiet al. 1973:pls. XXXVI:3andLV:58-60),andat Kushk-eHezarseverallargepieces of unworkedpearl oystershell(one 10 x 8 x 0.8 cm. andweighing65 gm.; the other7 x 6 x 1.2 cm. andweighing53 gm.) were found in the same area as the two spatula-shaped objects. Thespatula-shaped objectsfromKushk-eHezarand Mushkiare so similarto each otherthat they clearly represent an implement or ornamentthat was in commonuse duringthe MushkiandJariperiodsin the Kur River Basin. Their function is uncertain,but becauseone of the Kushk-eHezarexamplesis madeof - which had to have come fromthe mother-of-pearl PersianGulf,morethan200 km.to the south-west- it seems likelythatthesewere ornaments(or implements with an ornamentalaspect)ratherthan some sort of everydaytool. We suggestthatthey mighthave been toggles for holding a cape, skirt,or bag closed. The togglewouldbe attachedto one side of the garmentor containerby threadinga cordthroughthe centralhole and then tying a knot in the cord; it would then be slippedthrougha cordloop attachedto the otherside of the garmentor bag,thusholdingthe two sidestogether. Becausesuch toggles wouldbe prominentlyvisible, it wouldnot be surprisingif theyweremadeof attractive or exoticmaterials.It maybe significant,therefore,that a similarlyshapeditem made of attractivelybanded stonewas alsounearthed duringtheMushkiexcavations et 1973: item7). al. XL:2, (Fukai pl. The presenceof a fabricimpressionon one face of the bitumenlump(Fig. 9: 3) showsthatthe inhabitants of Kushk-eHezarhadaccessto, andpresumably made, textiles.Second,becausewe knowof no localsourcefor bitumen, the presence of this lump indicates that the people of Kushk-e Hezar had access to raw materials from considerabledistances away. The tooth-shaped model or pendant (Fig. 9: 5) is grey, and made of fired clay with no visible temper.It is carefully made, but its function, if any, is uncertain. The ceramic disk (Fig. 9: 7) is a rather battered

exampleof a class of objectsthatare quitecommonat Mushki and Jari period sites. The Kushk-e Hezar example is carefullymade of clean light-brownclay with a fine grit temper,and it has been colouredwith thin red paint on the smallerdiameterface (the face shownin thephotograph) andin the annulargroove.Its dimensions,in cm., are: back diameter2.62; front diameter2.3?; groove diameter2.23; edge thickness 0.93; centrethickness0.73. These objectshave been variouslydescribedas cosmetic dishes, ear or nose plugs, gamingpieces, and counters,but in fact their functionremainsenigmatic(Fukaiet al. 1973:57-63; Hole 1987:53; Hori 1988-89:36-37; Bernbeck2004). Theyare,however,foundin earlyvillageerasitesacross much of highlandIran, from Jeitun in present-day Turkmenia,throughSang-iChaqmakand Sialk to the Kur River Basin, the Susiana,and Deh Luran.The Kushk-eHezar ceramicdisk would be classified as Fukai et al.'s CategoryD ("the most common form encounteredat Tal-iMushki"),examplesof which are illustratedon theirpl. LIV:44-55(Fukaiet al. 1973:46 andpl. LIV).Accordingto the excavators,itemLVI:44 fromMushkiis partiallystainedwithredochre,making it particularly similarto the ceramicdisk fromKushk-e Hezar.

CONCLUSIONS Surfacecollectionsare no substitutefor material recovered through carefully controlled excavation. Nevertheless,the materialfrom Kushk-e Hezar has of ceramicvariation, helped refineour understanding both chronologicallyand geographically,duringJari periodtimes in Iran'sKurRiverBasin. It has offered insightsintoseveraltechnologicalandsocialaspectsof Jariera society,in areasthatincludeceramicmanufacturing, long-distance exchange, dress, subsistence It is alwaysdistressing patternsandflinttoolproduction. to discovera sitebeingdamagedby modemactivity;the opportunityto salvagesomethingfrom an episodeof offerssomeconsolation. unwittingdestruction ACKNOWLEDGMENTS The FarsArchaeology Projectcarriedout the surface survey at Kushk-e Hezar under a joint agreement between the Iranian Cultural Heritage Organisation

KUSHK-E HEZAR: A MUSHKI/JARI PERIOD SITE IN THE KUR RIVER BASIN

(ICHO) and DartmouthCollege, with financial support from the National Geographic Society, Dartmouth College and ICHO. We are grateful to Seyyed Mohammad Beheshti, the Director of ICHO, Jalil Golshan, ICHO Deputy for Research, and Dr Masoud Azarnoush, Director of ICHO's Centre for Archaeological Research, for their supportof our work. Dr William Sumnerassisted us immeasurablyduringthe preparation of this report, sharing access to his unpublished survey data, copies of difficult-to-obtain publications, and his first-hand knowledge of the ceramics and settlement patterns of the Mushki, Jari, and Shamsabadperiods. Elisabeth Paymal offered her time and expertise in the preparationof illustrations.Drs Reinhard Bembeck, Robert Dyson Jr., Susan Pollock, and William Sumner read and commented on portions of this reportwhile it was in preparation;their insightful comments, criticisms, and suggestions are gratefully acknowledged.

45

Gotch, P. 1968. "A Survey of the Persepolis Plain and Shiraz Area",Iran 6: 168-70.

of theVillagePeriod",in F. Hole Hole,E 1987"Archaeology (ed.), The Archaeology of WesternIran: Settlement and Society from Prehistory to the Islamic Conquest, WashingtonD. C.: 29-78.

StoneArtifactsfromTapeDjariB, Hori,A. 1988-89."Chipped Iran",Bulletin of the Ancient OrientalMuseum 10: 21-46. Maeda, A. 1986 "A Study on the Painted Pottery from Tape Djari B", Bulletin of the Ancient Oriental Museum 8: 55-86. Nishiaki, Y. 2003. Material Reports No. 51, University Museum, Universityof Tokyo.Catalogue ofArchaeological Materials in the Department of Archaeology of Western Asia, Part 6.: Prehistoric Pottery from the Mary Dasht Plain, Iran, Tokyo. McCown, D.E. 1942. Studies in Ancient Oriental Civilization No. 23. The Comparative Stratigraphy of Early Iran, Chicago.

Sumner,W.M.1972."Cultural Developmentin the KurRiver

Bibliography Abdi, K., Pollock, S. and Bernbeck, R. 2003. "Fars ArchaeologyProject2003: Excavationsat Toll-eBashi", Iran41: 339-44. in IranPutsPerceptionsin Bernbeck,R. 2004. "Archaeology 2004:8. Place",TheDailyStar,21 January N. 1969. at "Excavations two PrehistoricSites:Tepe Egami, A B in the Marv-Dasht Basin",in Survey,vol. Djari and XIV:2936-2939,Shiraz. Egami,N., Masuda,S. andGotoh,T. 1977."Tal-IJarriA: A in MaryDasht,1961 Preliminary Reportof theExcavations and 1971",Orient13: 1-15. T. 1973.Marv-Dasht III Fukai,S., Horiuchi,K. andMatsutani, TheExcavationat Tall-I-Mushki, 1965,Tokyo. Furuyama,M. 1983. "ChippedStone Tool Types at Tal-I Mushki,Iran",Bulletinof theAncientOrientalMuseum5: 109-19.

-

-

Basin, Iran: An Archaeological Analysis of Settlement Patterns",Ph.D. Dissertation,Departmentof Anthropology, University of Pennsylvania,Philadelphia. 1977. "Early Settlements in Fars Province, Iran",in L.D. Levine and T.C. Young Jr. (eds.), Bibliotheca Mesopotamica Volume7. MountainsandLowlands:Essays in the Archaeology of Greater Mesopotamia, Malibu California:291-305. n.d. SettlementHistory of theKurRiverBasin, Iran, and An

Archaeological Gazetteer,Unpublishedmanuscript. VandenBerghe, L. 1952. "ArchaeologischeOpzoekingenin de Marv Dasht Vlakte (Iran)",JaarberichtEx OrienteLux 12: 211-20. - 1953-54. "ArchaeologischeNavorsingen in de Omstreken van Persepolis",JaarberichtEx OrienteLux 13: 394-408. - 1959. Archdologiede l'Irin Ancien, Leiden. Voigt, M.M. and R.H. Dyson Jr.1992. "TheChronologyof Iran, ca. 8000-2000 B.C.", in R.W. Ehrich(ed.), Chronologiesin Old WorldArchaeology,ThirdEdition,Chicago: 122-78.

A NEW LOOK AT THE PREHISTORIC METALLURGY OF SOUTHEASTERN IRAN By C.P. Thorntonand C.C. Lamberg-Karlovsky Universityof Pennsylvaniaand Harvard University

to Iranianprehistoricarchaeology,we havereturnedto Heskel's data armedwith the last twenty years of The 1981 dissertationof DennisL. Heskel (1982) archaeologicalreinterpretationand importantnew on the developmentof metaltechnologyin Iranandhis findingsfroma numberof sites. and relatedpublications(Heskel Lamberg-Karlovsky Although Heskel's metallographicresearch is 1980, 1986), are still three of the most influential exemplary,it suffersfromtwo unavoidableproblems. of TepeYahya,a small(4 ha) site treatiseson Iranianmetallurgyandthe socialdynamics First,the stratigraphy of metallurgydespitetwo decadesof continuedwork. in the SoghunValley -220 km. southof Kermanthat Basedon his metallographic andchemicalanalysesof a was the centrepieceof Heskel'sstudydue to its long and ores from C'4-datedchronologicalspan,hadnot been interpreted large corpusof copper-baseartefacts ChalcolithicandBronzeAge levels at Shahr-iSokhta, fully by the time he finishedhis dissertation.Thus, TepeHissar,Susa,andTepeYahya,Heskelarguedcon- many of the artefacts'contextswere misconstrued. vincinglyagainstthe Marxistmodelsfor the develop- Second,the spectrographic analysisof his sampleswas ment of metallurgythatrely on an inevitableprogres- only semi-quantitative, mostnotablyin the detectionof sion of technological"stages"(e.g. Childe 1944); arsenic (see Heskel 1982: 284-85). Indeed, recent modelsthat,unfortunately, stillexertgreatinfluenceon analysesof the Yahyacollectionusing an inductivelyarchaeometallurgical thought.Heskel, following the coupled plasma mass spectrometer(ICP-MS) and seminalworkof CyrilStanleySmith(1965), was also electronmicroprobeshave shown that the levels of one of the firstscholarsto note the importanceof the arseniche reportedareconsistentlytoo low by a factor of the Anarak-Talmessi arsenide copper deposits region of 1-3wt%(see Thornton2001: 72-74). Despite the in the earlyappearance of arsenicalcopperin Iranand problems,Heskel'sworkshouldnotbe ignoredandwill to attemptto demonstratethis connectionthrough here,once again,serveas the foundationfor a paperon technicalanalysisof theartefactsthemselves(see Pigott the development of metallurgy in prehistoric 1999a:112-13). Althoughno archaeologicalnor geoIranas seen fromTepeYahya. Southeastern chemical research has yet provided indisputable evidence for the exploitationof this importantore THENEOLITHIC it is a hypothesisthathasremained AND CHALCOLITHIC regionin prehistory, PERIODS largelyunchallenged. Heskel's most significantcontribution,however, the washis use of metallographic analysisto understand Althougha few copper-basemetal artefactswere in the earliestoccupationlevelsatTepeYahya(c. and his of found of metalworkers integration techniques early thesedataintoa largersocio-cultural context.Although late sixthmillenniumB.C.), the oldestexamplesfrom the classictechniquesof materialscience(e.g. optical SoutheasternIran that have been analysedmetallomicroscopy)haveplayeda minorrolein archaeological graphicallyare a pin (XC.73.3)anda tack(D.73.7.43) from YahyaPeriodVIIB (c. 4800 B.C.).' The pin is explorationsof Iransince Mlle. Halm analyseda few metalartefactsfromTepeGiyanandTepeSialkin the made of native copper that has been heavily cold 1930s(see HeskelandLamberg-Karlovsky 1986:207), workedto shapewithoutheattreatment(Heskel1982: Heskelwas the firstto applythese methodsto a large 75). Althoughunclearfromhis report,thepresenceof a sampleset (-100 metalobjectsand ~50pieces of ore) V-shapedcavitymay indicatethatthe copperwas first cross section, and make these datathe focus of his archaeological beateninto a rod of roughlyrectangular research.In recognitionof this importantcontribution andthenthe two shortersidesof the crosssectionwere INTRODUCTION

47

48

JOURNAL

OF PERSIAN

STUDIES

workedin oppositedirections(i.e. one clockwiseand andcrimpedin orderto achieve one counter-clockwise) the circularsection- a techniquewitnessedat Yahya as late as the earlysecondmillenniumB.C. A detailed analysis of the tack has been presentedelsewhere hereto (Thorntonet al. 2002: 1456),butit is important reiteratethatthe small size of the objectsuggeststhat toolswereskilfullyusedto work intricatemetalworking the two pieces of native copperthat compriseit. If a level of sophisnothingelse, this piece demonstrates ticationin earlynativecopperworkingthatis, as-of-yet, unparalleled. Heather Lechtman has recently analysed two artefacts,made of high-puritycopperfromTal-iIblis (PeriodsI-II), a site located 170 km. north/northwest of Yahya,whichprobablydateto the mid-to-latefifth millenniumB.C.2 (Pigott and Lechtman2003). The earlierof the two artefactsis a pin (Iblis#99) with a circularcross sectionthathas been cast or smelted(as indicatedby the presenceof cuprousoxide (Cu20) inclusions) and then hammered and annealed, especiallyalong the edges (ibid.:302-4). The second objectis a tack (Iblis#295) that,unlikeits parallelat Yahya,was hammeredand annealedto shapefrom a single piece of high-puritycopper(ibid.:304-6). The lack of inclusionsin the coppermatrix(besidesa few coppersulphide(Cu2S)particles)may suggestthatit is madefromnativecopper. to the single TheIblistackis roughlycontemporary metal artefactfrom Yahya Period VIA, which is a pin/awl(D.68.4.2) with the earliestrectangularcross section(othersarecircular)andthe earliestpresenceof significantimpuritiesat Yahya(with 1.43wt%As and tracesof Pb, Sb, and Ag; see Thorntonet al. 2002). Although this object has been metallographically analysedonly cursorily,relativelylargeand equiaxed Thismaysuggestthatthis grainswerereadilyapparent. artefact has not been significantly worked and, therefore,thatthe objectwas originallycast as a bar transversesection.It is probablynot with a rectangular coincidentalthat this artefact,which was most likely with the increasedcontact imported,is contemporary

Iblis(Beale1973:138).Forthisreason,thepresenceof a castarsenicalcopperimportis notsurprising giventhe overwhelmingevidence for early "cottageindustry" cruciblesmelting(c. 4500 B.C.)of copperoxideoresat Iblis (Caldwell1968; Pigott 1999b:74-77), and the presenceof copperarsenateoresfromIblisPeriodII (c. 4000-3500 B.C.) identifiedby Heskel(1982:421-22). What is surprising,however, is that these new techniques(i.e. smelting,castingandalloying)arenot immediatelyembracedat Yahya,as shownby the early fourthmillenniumpinfromPeriodVC (C.69.7.15)that, hasbeencoldworkedto like its PeriodVIIpredecessor, shapefromnativecopperin suchas way as to leave a cavitywherethetwo sidesarenotjoined(Heskel1982: 76). In fact,it was only in the lateChalcolithicphaseat Yahya, Periods VB-VA (3600-3200 B.C.), that complex metallurgicaltechniques such as casting, annealing,and possibly alloying (with arsenic)were at the site. Eventhen, finallyadoptedby metalworkers to be used at Yahyawell continued high-puritycopper intotheBronzeAge, whichmaysuggestthatunalloyed copperwas valuedfor aestheticpropertiessuch as its colour (a la Hosler 1994) or that alloyingmaterials were scarce (perhaps limited to one source, as suggestedby Heskelfor arsenic). Although10 artefactsfrom this late Chalcolithic phaseat Yahyahavebeenanalysedmetallographically, the transition to a more complex metallurgical technology is epitomisedby the knob-headedpin (XC.71.8b.40)with 3.17wt%As fromPeriodVB that was cast and then hammeredand annealedto shape with the (Heskel1982:77). This shiftis contemporary adoptionof Black-on-Buffwares at Tepe Yahya, a ceramicwith typologicalaffinitiesto Tal-i Bakunin and FarsandSusaA in Khuzistan(Lamberg-Karlovsky Beale 1986:266). Like its predecessorsat Yahya,the circularsection of this pin is not original,but was createdthroughextensiveworkingandannealingof a section.Unlikethe PeriodVII tack, rod of rectangular however,theheadof thispinhasbeenworkedfromthe shaft itself like the Iblis tack, which may signify the adoptionof a new "technologicalstyle", althougha

between Tepe Yahya and sites to the west as evidenced at Yahya by three late Ubaid sherds and Lapui ware from Fars (Lamberg-Karlovskyand Beale 1986: 266). It is interestingto note that Period VIA at Yahya is also markedby a decrease in the use of local chloritefor bead productionand a significant increase in the use of turquoise, the closest source of which lies near Tal-i

larger sample size is needed before any such conclusions can be made. "Technological style", as it is used here, refers to Lechtman's (1977, 1996) conception of a culturallyspecific way of making an object that is structuredby the ideological "world-view" (Durkheim's "collective conscience") of the artisanwithin his or her society. In

A NEW LOOK AT THE PREHISTORIC

DATE(BCE) Mesopotamia 5 500

METALLURGY

Fars

Khuzistan.

Soghun Tepe Yahya 7

(Jaffarabad)

IRAN

OF SOUTHEASTERN

KopetDagh

Sistan

Kerman ...........

Middle jet Djeitun

t•.srIs~ ..... i?R:::fr::::iii~i~ . .................i

. ....

VII

5000

Tal-i lb/is

?f?I?~?~?.-;;... .:

:::~:~::'.;::~.z?':?~?~~?'??s~::r

Ubaid?

7r

.

+?.

~.

. ?s~. .-. =

.

4. (0)

(ChoghaMish) 4500

....

Md.

(Bakun)..

... ..

49

.

.........

1I

Late Djeitun

.........

_______ _________VI

Uruk

'2'';'';'

?i?:tS Maya .;t2.~?Tal-e..r?;. ??';i.;.i?i.4ii.:

II Susa

Late

Early....

??;, I~~~:: ~ ?::;.s''?:.~~: L...~:r.r?;:.,,.:;.:~::.: ....-.I .,:::.~ S:..,.:.:,:..~~~~:~:: ~iiii:??X: :.-.:'I?-?2.

AnauIA

....

4000

VC Middle

(Lapui)

:-:.:

(Mundigak1)

NarnazgaI

(Mundigak I)

NamazgaII

iIV

3500 Late

Malyan Tal-e.

I.I Jemdet Nasr

VB-VA v-w

Banesh.?

3000

IVC

III

EarlyDynastic

I ...II

I . ...... .......

Namazga

III

? . IV Namazga

IV Old Elamite

III

2500

? Z,

Akkadian

Akkadian ..._Shahdad

Shimashki Sukkalmah

-..,

Isin-Larsa

Namazga V IV

UrIll

Ur Ill

2000

IVB .

Kaftari

.........

IVA

Khinaman

NamazgaVI

7 Old

Babylonian

MidElamite

...-............

1500 _:_X___'X''.___

Fig. 1. Timetable of themajorareasdiscussed;basedon VoigtandDyson1992.

otherwords,she arguesthatthe combinationof unconsciousactionsandconsciouschoices,madeby artisans within a particularsocio-culturalcontext duringthe productionanduse of materialculture(whatLemonnier 1986 calls a "technicalsystem"),is an expressionof their sharedor divergentcognitiveframeworks.The

chaines operatoire or chaines dcisionelles that truly

define the technologicalstyle of Tepe Yahyametalworkersfromthe lateChalcolithicuntilat leastthe end of the BronzeAge (PeriodIVA),arethe two methods (discussedabove)thatwereusedto createpins,needles and awls with circularcross sectionsfromcast blanks

JOURNAL OF PERSIAN STUDIES

50

METHOD1

METHOD2

Fig. 2. The two methods of circular-sectionpin manufacturefrom rectangularcross section pre-forms utilised by Yahyametalworkers. The arrows representthe direction of hammering.

with rectangularsections- i.e. eitherby hammering the cornersorby workingthetwo shortersidesof a rod arounduntil they meet therebyforminga V-shaped cavity(Fig.2). Therectangular pre-formof theseartefactssuggests thatrodswereeithercut fromblocksof copper,suchas the bar shaped "ingot"(XCE.73.T1.5)from Yahya and Beale 1986: PeriodVA (see Lamberg-Karlovsky thick sheetsof metal from as cut or strips 206), possibly (>0.5cm.)orthinsheetmetalstock(i.e.,sheet"ingots") and then either worked or cast into shape. This techniqueof cuttingstripsof metalfromsheetstockis known from early fourth millennium(NamazgaI) contextsin CentralAsia (Terekhova1981: 316), late thirdmillenniumBaneshcontextsat Tal-e fourth/early in Malyan(Pigottet al. 2003a:154),andbestillustrated latethirdmillenniumcontextsatthe siteof Ra'sal-Jinz in easternOman(see CleuziouandTosi2000: 55). It is withthistechniquein mindthatwe suggesta reclassificationof the "axe"(XC.70.T1.7)from YahyaPeriod IVC,whichis madeof high-puritycopperandwas not (Heskel1982:79), as a thinsheetmetal edge-hardened "ingot"(Fig. 3). Althoughthis previouslyunrecognisedpatternof transformingrectangularsections to circularcross sections may lead us to a better understandingof whence,and in what form,Yahyaimportedits metal, thereis perhapssomethingmoreto say aboutthis style, whichcanbe seen in the comparisonof two awls from Yahyaand one fromIblis, all datedto the end of the

fourthmillenniumB.C. The earlierof the two Yahya awls (XCE.73.T2.3)is made from a piece of lowarsenicalcopper(1.1wt%As) that,accordingto Heskel rodandthenjust (1982:78), was castintoa rectangular the workingend was hammeredand annealedinto a circularcrosssection.Thisprocesswasreplicatedin the makingof a slightlylaterawl fromYahya(C.68.T6.9) analysedby Tylecoteand McKerrell(1971; 1986). In awl (#51) fromthe Aliabad contrast,a contemporary phaseof Tal-iIblis (PeriodIV) was cast as a rod with circularcrosssectionandthenjustthenon-workingend was hammeredand annealedinto a rectangularshape (PigottandLechtman2003: 301-2). At bothsites, the resultingawls are visually similar- i.e. circularin in sectionat sectionatthepunchingendandrectangular

Fig. 3. Drawing of the "axe" thin sheet metal ingot 70. (XC. T1.7)from YahyaPeriod IVC. The ingot is 7.7 cm. x 3.5 cm. x 0.1 cm. (fromHeskel 1982: 176).

A NEW LOOK AT THE PREHISTORIC

METALLURGY

the haftingend- butthe meansto achievethis result different. werefundamentally This stylisticdivide,althoughbasedon only a few artefactsandthereforetentativelyproposed,is reminiscentof RitaWright's(1984) discussionof BronzeAge borderlands, Black-on-Greywaresof the Indo-Iranian in in whichshe arguesfor a distinct"socialboundary" vessel formsanddecorativestylesbetweenthe eastern and westernvariantsof this ceramictype, despite a similaroveralltechnologicalstyle. This notion of a social boundary(a la Wright2002)- i.e. a stylistic and/ortechnologicaldifferencebetween two entities withinthe same interactivespherethatrepresentsthe divisions materialmanifestation of largersocio-cultural has little class or remained (e.g. ethnicity)explored in archaeologicalinvestigations(see Stark1998), but may eventuallyserve as a powerfultheoryfor underrecord. standingcomplexpatternsin the archaeological THEBRONZEAGE Although"BronzeAge" metalworkingtechniques (e.g. intentionalalloying)are known at Iraniansites beforethethirdmillenniumB.C.,3 it is the expansionof Proto-Elamitecultureonto the IranianPlateaufrom Khuzistanin the late fourth/early thirdmillenniaB.C., thatsignalsthebeginningof thearchaeological "Bronze Age" in SoutheasternIran at YahyaPeriodIVC (c. 3100-2900 B.C.; see Lamberg-Karlovsky and Potts Two artefacts from these levels that deserve 2001). mention are the pin (XBE.73.T2.2.29-30)with the groovedhead that contains4.8wt%As and the tack (XC.71.T2.2.5)that contains0.72wt%As as its only impurity(Heskel 1982: 93 and 79-80, respectively). Thesetwo objectsaresimilarin formto earlierartefacts atYahya(discussedabove),yet theydifferin theirmanufacturein that both were cast to shape and then finishedby onlylightworkingandannealing.Thesame can be said of the awl (BW.69.T5.5)fromPeriodIVB in crosssection (c. 2400-2000 B.C.)thatis rectangular exceptfor the workingend, which is circular(Heskel 1982: 84-85). Unlike the nearly identical artefacts discussed above from Yahya V and Iblis IV, this awl remains in its as-cast state with evidence for only a superficialfinal working and annealing.This new technological style, with its emphasis on casting to shape over the more labour-intensiveworking and annealing process, may indicate a decline in the "value" (qua

OF SOUTHEASTERN

IRAN

51

reflectionof the amountof labourinvestedin anobject) of copper-basecommoditiesat Yahyathatlaststhrough the IVB andIVAperiods. The cause of this potentialdecline in the socioeconomicandperhapssocio-culturalvalue of copperbasemetalartefactsin thethirdmillenniumis probably (althoughnotnecessarily)related,by the simpleruleof supplyanddemand,to the increasein metalproduction and metalworkingat sites acrossthe IranianPlateau (see Pigott 1999a,b). One such site is Tal-eMalyan ("Anshan")in Fars, where evidence for small-scale metal productionand processingwas found during excavations in ABC and TUV areas of the site (Nicholas1990;Sumner2003). Recentmetallographic work by RogersandNash (in Pigottet al. 2003a) on metalartefactsandmetallurgical by-products(e.g. ores and prills) from the Banesh period of the site (c. 3400-2600 B.C.), has identifiedexamplesof copper alloyedwith arsenic,lead, and, in one case, 28.2wt% antimony.Followingthe earlierdiscussionon stylesof awl production,it is interestingto note that the majorityof finished"trinket"artefactsfrom Malyan are made in one of two ways: either a rod with a circularsection was "hot flattened"(i.e. heated and pressed)or hot-workedinto a die to createa rectangular section,or a stripwas cut from a thick sheet bar section(ibid.: ingotto producea rodwitha rectangular 149-56).

Shahr-iSokhtain Sistanis anotherBronzeAge site whose flourishingmetallurgical technologyundoubtedinfluenced the "devaluation" of metalatYahyaPeriod ly IVC.A recentre-analysisof theoresandslagsfromthis siteby Hauptmann et al. (2003)hasconfirmedHeskel's (1982:30-31) observationthatoxide andsulphideores werebeingutilisedfromthe earliestlevels (PeriodI: c. 3200-2800B.C.)andwithgreatabundance in PeriodII 2700-2500 most in crucible-based co(c. B.C.), likely One of the most new dissmeltingoperations. intriguing coveriesfromthissiteis a singleexampleof speiss(with 41wt%Fe, 18wt%As, 0.5wt%Sb,0.15wt%Cu),which the authorsdescribeas the productof the "erroneous heat treatmentof an odd piece of arsenopyrite" (Hauptmannet al. 2003: 201). However, there are other possibilities: this material may be the accidental byproduct of an over-heated co-smelting operation between copper oxide ores (e.g. malachite) and arsenopyrite(FeAsS), or it may have been intentionally created by dead-roasting arsenopyrite to remove the sulphur. This would have been useful for the simple

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reasonthatarseniccan be sublimatedfromspeiss into copperin a closed crucible(see RostokerandDvorak 1991:11-13),therebycreatingarsenicalcopper. Some of the most interestinginformationto come fromHeskel's(1982:106-8) metallographic analysisof II artefacts from Period at Shahr-i Sokhta, copper-base concernsthe productionof whatcouldbe calledthick sheetbaringots.Theseartefactsaresmaller(averaging 5 x 3 x 1.5 cm.) than most of the otherbar ingots mentionedabove,thus many of them may be simply scrapmetal.However,a numberof the morerectangularpiecesof thicksheetmetalshowevidenceof having been smelted from copper matte and then lightly workedto shape,which may suggestthat they were intentionally-shaped "ingots".Evenmoreinterestingis the fact that the few "trinkets"with circularcross sectionsanalysedby Heskel(1982:109-14)weremade by the two metalworkingtechniquesseen at Yahya:a barwithits cornersworkedround,or a recrectangular rod tangular beatenon the shortersidesuntilthey met and were crimped.This technologicalstyle may have come to Shahr-iSokhtafrom SouthernTurkmenistan where, as mentioned above, these techniques are presentin the earlyfourthmillenniumB.C. (Terekhova 1981),4 or from Yahya, or it may be an entirely indigenousdevelopment.Only futuremetallographic work on this collectionand those from surrounding siteswill be ableto shedlighton thisintriguingpattern. Althoughthere are many stylisticparallelsin the "trinket" manufacturing processesof YahyaandShahri Sokhta,thereis a completelackof sulphideinclusions in thenineartefactsthathavebeenanalysedby electron microprobefrom Yahya Period IVB contexts. This wouldseemto dismissthepossibilityof Shahr-iSokhta beingYahya'smaincoppersupplierin the secondhalf of the thirdmillennium,becausethe formersite was definitely utilising sulphide ores (Hauptmann& et al. 2003) andmanyof Weisgerber1980;Hauptmann the metal objectscontainsulphideinclusions(Heskel 1982). Furthermore,many of the diagnosticmetal artefactsfromYahya,such as the shaft-holeaxe from YahyaPeriodIVB (Fig.4), haveno stylisticparallelsat Shahr-iSokhta,Indeed,this artefactis closest in form to axes from Damin, Shahdad and Susa (see LambergKarlovsky and Potts 2001: 115). The other significant difference between the metal being utilised at these two sites is the presence of significant amounts of tin (0.38-0.75wt% Sn) in four artefacts from one area of Yahya IVB (i.e. "B" and

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Fig. 4. Photograph of the shaft-hole axe (A.75.9.2) found in the "Persian Gulf" room complex of YahyaPeriod IVB. The axe is 14.6 cm. long and the -11 cm. blade is (left to right) 6-10 cm. wide and 1.0-0.2 cm. thick (from Lamberg-Karlovskyand Potts 2001: 143).

"BW" contexts) includingthe piece of "splash"or casting spillage (BW.69.T5.4)analysed by Heskel (1982:93-94).5Thiscontrastssharplywiththeartefacts fromShahr-iSokhtawhich,despitethe site'sproximity to the cassiterite sources of Afghanistanand the site presenceof earlytinbronzeatthe culturally-related of Mundigak (Cleuziou and Berthoud 1982), are et al. 2003). It is entirelydevoid of tin (Hauptmann interestingto note thatone of the tin-bearingartefacts fromYahya- i.e., the ring(BW.69.T5.5)analysedby Heskel (1982: 89-90) - was made from a rod of circularcrosssectionthatshowsno signof havingbeen workedoriginallyfroma barof rectangular transverse section.Thisringanda needlefoundnextto it arethe only two artefactsfrom Tepe Yahyaknown to have been made fromcircularcross sectionpre-formrods, whichmay suggestthatthey were importedto the site as finishingproducts.Thismightsuggestby extension thatthe tin-bearingartefactsfromthisperiodwerealso importedto the site as finishedproductsandnot as raw material. et al. inpress) Wehavearguedpreviously(Thornton thatthepresenceof tin in artefactsfromPeriodIVB and the expansionof alloytypesto includetin bronze(CuSn),leadedtin bronze(Cu-Pb-Sn),"proto-pewter" (Pbin and brass the Period IVA Sn), (Cu-Zn) (c. following 1900-1700 B.C.), are undoubtedlyrelated to the increasinginflux of CentralAsian materialcultureto TepeYahyathroughoutthe thirdmillennium.Besides

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the substantialevidencefor a Turkmenian presenceat the foundinglevels of Shahr-iSokhta,contactbetween CentralAsia and SoutheasternIranis attestedin the earlythirdmilleniumB.C. by the unanalysedcompartmentedstampseal6andtwo pins with elaborateheads from YahyaIVC (see Lamberg-Karlovsky and Potts 2001:36, 47, 64), andby the compartmented seal from BampurIV made, perhapsnot coincidentally,of tinbronze(de Cardi1970:328). In PeriodIVAat Yahya, contact with Central Asia increases dramatically following the expansion of the Bactrian-Margiana ArchaeologicalComplex (BMAC) onto the Iranian Plateau(see Hiebertand Lamberg-Karlovsky 1992; Hiebert1998).Thisculturalinfluxis markedin themetallurgicalcollection of Period IVA by the sudden of the new alloysmentionedabove,almost appearance all of which are found in one area of the site that contains predominantly BMAC material culture (Thorntonet al. in press).It is undoubtedlysignificant thatthe only arsenicalcopperartefactsthatwere found in this area contain minor amounts of tin (0.5-1.25wt%).7

It hasbeensuggestedpreviouslyby Ruzanov(1999) that the BMAC of the Namazga VI period (c. 2000-1700 B.C.) is notedfor a significantincreasein the use of tin-bronze (>50% of the artefacts he analysed),relativeto the earlierNamazgaV culturesof SouthernTurkmenistan andSoutheastern Iran8in which of 8-12% artefacts he contained tin.This only analysed trendmayreflectthe firstexploitationof thetin-bearing oresof Kamab(Uzbekistan) andMushiston(Tajikistan) by the "Andronovo"culture in the early second millennium(see Boroffkaet al. 2002; Weisgerberand 2002; Parzingerand Boroffka2003). Indeed, Ciemrny recentarchaeologicalwork in the MurghabDelta of Turkmenistan(Gubaev et al. 1998) has provided evidencefor culturalinteractionin, and simultaneous occupationof, the regionby boththe urbanisedBMAC cultureand the steppe-nomadic "Andronovo" culture, which is notedfor using tin-bronze(c. 3-10% Sn) in more than 90% of its metal objects(Chemrnykh 1992: 213). The possibility of an "Andronovo"-BMACSoutheasternIranianconnection in the use of tin-bronze is a topic that demandsfurtherresearch. It is with this patternin mind thatwe suggest thatthe three tin-bronze artefacts(two pins and a bangle) from Tepe Yahya Period IVA that were not found in close association to the exotic alloy types mentioned above may also be imports. This claim is supportedboth by

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the presenceof high levels of tin (7.62-8.66wt%Sn) andby relativelysignificanttracesof ironandsulphur (-0.2wt%Fe and0.1-0.19wt%S; see Thornton2001). These two elements,which are usually indicativeof sulphide ore utilisation in the copper production process,were not detectedby microprobeanalysis9in anyof theubiquitousarsenicalcoppertrinketsfromthis site.Intriguingly thesetwo elementsareprevalentin the metalartefactsfromMargianaanalysedby Hiebertand Killick(1993) and in most of the tin-bearingartefacts fromYahyaIVA. Oneof themostimportant of thetin-bronzeartefacts

Fig. 5. Drawing of the pin with thefluted, globular head (XBE.73.TI1.1),which was designed to look as if the head is separatefrom the shaft even though the entire artefact was actually cast as one piece (fromHeskel 1982.170).

from Yahyais the pin with a fluted, globularhead (XBE.73.T1.1)that is stylisticallycomparableto two pins from the BMAC-relatedcemeteryat Khinaman (see Curtis1988:110)(Fig.5). Thisartefactis especially significantto thispaperbecauseit was castto shapelike thegroove-headed pinandthetackfromPeriodIVC,yet differentin thatthe head is madeto look as if it is a separatepiece of metal fromthe centralpost (Heskel 1982: 96-97). This may indicateeitheran attemptto emulatethe lapis-headedpins foundin Mesopotamia, SusaandMehi (as suggestedby Heskel)or, following the discussionof PeriodIVC above,an attemptto add socio-economic"value"to this object by making it appearmoreworkintensivethanit actuallywas. It is probablynotcoincidental thatminoramountsof tin (0.26-0.78wt%)werealso foundin two of the three brasspiecesfromthisperiodthathavebeendiscussedin depth elsewhere (Thorntonet al. 2002: 1457-59; Thorntonand Ehlers2003). The full metallographic analysesof the two brassbraceletfragments,whichare braceletsfrom stylisticallyverysimilarto contemporary Margiana(Hiebertand Killick 1993: 189-90) and Khinaman(Curtis1988:110),will notbe repeatedhere, butit is interesting to notethatbothweremanufactured

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Fig. 6. Photomicrographof one-quarterof the transverse section of the brass bracelet (ANW1.71.3.4) showing clusters of small grains at the edge. These clusters were caused by substantial working along the surface of the object,particularly at the corners of a rectangular-section rod, in order to create the desired circular cross section. 50x mag. Etched.:alcoholic ferric chloride.

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Fig. 7. Photomicrographof the as-polished transverse section of the brassfragment (AW70.8-9) showing the Vshaped cavity on the left-handside. Thisfeature and the flow of sulphide inclusions towards the cavity indicate that the circular cross section was formed by working the two shorter sides of a rectangular rod towards each other before crimping. 17x mag.

KaftariWarefound in YahyaPeriodIVA. This may suggestthe presenceof a "middleman" throughwhich from rods of rectangularsection and that one was these metalworkingtechniquesandtin-bearingmetals workedandannealedat the comersto createa semicir- mayhavespread.Whileno evidenceof contactwiththe cularsection(Fig. 6), while the other'scircularsection BMAC has ever been notedat Malyanitself, the tinwas createdby hammeringand annealinga rod on its bearingcopperartefactsfrom nearbyTal-i Nokhodi, shortersidesuntiltheymetata V-shapedcavity(Fig.7). analysedby CyrilStanleySmith(in Goff 1964),were While the chemical composition of these objects foundin associationwitha shaft-holeaxe-hammer that relatedto the"ceremonial" axesfrom (notablythe presenceof sulphideinclusions)suggests is unquestionably thatthe brassitselfwas producedelsewhere- perhaps Margiana(see Sarianidi2002: 103)andShahdad. in CentralAsiao10 or in the Caucasus(see Gak 2004; Althoughthe expansionof theBMACto theIranian in the early second millenniumundoubtedly the Plateau Thornton, forthcoming) metalworking techniques in the of manufacture these bracelets a performed played partin the increaseof tin-bronzeusageat Susa the two of the exemplify components stereotypically VB (Malfoyand Menu 1987), Kaftari-period Malyan "Yahya" technologicalstylediscussedabove(Fig.2). (Pigott et al. 2003b) and Yahya IVA (Thorntonet al. It shouldbe noted,however,that five of the eight 2002), it seems unlikelythatthe base metalfor these tin-bearingartefacts(0.36-16.8wt%Sn) from Kaftari stylisticartefactscould have come from CentralAsia levels at Tal-eMalyan(c. 2200-1600 B.C.) were also itself given the dearthof BMAC sites with areasof manufacturedvia the two "Yahya-style" besidesthe singlecopperoxide techniques actualmetalproduction et al. 2003b: crucible their techsmelt uncovered at Dashly-3(Sarianidiet al. (see Pigott 170-73). Although in are Dan Potts a contender for the sourceof nological styles metallurgy similar, 1977). Instead, strong metalsin Southeastern Iranis the complex (1980:579-80) hasnotedthatthereis littleevidenceof copper-base contactbetweenMalyanand Southeastern Iranexcept of metallurgicalworkshopsat Shahdad(Khabis)(see for a single paintedbuff ware sherdwith parallelsto Hakemi1992;HakemiandSajjadi1997;Pigott1999b:

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89-90), whichremainspoorlyunderstoodbotharchae- Yahya,demonstratesthe socio-culturaleffect of this Whatis clear,however, transitionby the fact that it has been made to look ologicallyandmetallurgically. is that from the mid third millenniumto the early labour-intensiveeven though it was simply cast to secondmillenniumB.C., Shahdadwas a majorurban shape. centre with convincingevidence for the large-scale In addition,it is undoubtedly significantthatthetwo and manufacture of and semithat metal,pottery production majormetalworking techniques wereusedatYahya stones as well as precious (Asthana1984), significant to createthe circularcross sectionsof these "trinkets" contactwith the culturesof CentralAsia (Lamberg- remainedunchangedfromthe fifthmillenniumB.C. (if not earlier)to the earlysecondmillenniumB.C. (if not KarlovskyandHiebert1992). the collection of metal artefacts remains Although later).It is importantto considerthe presenceof this Abdolrasool Vatandoust's distinct mostly unexplored, (1999) "Yahyastyle" in the manufactureof metal of sixteen artefacts from Shahdad has revealed in analysis objects lightof theverydifferenttechnologicalstyles thepresenceof minoramountsof tin(0.12-0.54wt%)in expressedin the creationof visually-similarartefacts over two-thirdsof the corpus.Withthis in mind,it is from Yahya VB-IVB, Tal-i Iblis I-II, and Banesh probably safe to suggest that by the late third periodTal-eMalyan,andtheverysimilartechnological millennium,Shahdadwas supplyingmetalto manyof stylesexpressedin the creationof visually-comparable thesitesin Southeastern IranincludingTepeYahyaand, copper-basetrinketsfromYahyaIV, Shahr-iSokhtaII, andKaftariphasesatMalyan.Thisshiftmayreflectthe probably,Jiroft, where classic Shahdad-stylepins, metallicvessels and a metal"basin"'1 with a repousse rise of the widespreadcognitiveframeworkof interactive and encompassingtrade networks and socioeagle havebeen found(see Majidzadeh2003: 208-9). Moretenuousis the suggestionthatShahdadservedas politicalsystems so indicativeof the IranianBronze the conduitthroughwhich CentralAsian cultureand Age as notedby Lamberg-Karlovsky and Tosi (1973) such as the of use tin-bronze and the BMAC and elaboratedupon in Lamberg-Karlovsky styles, (1975). materialfound throughoutthe region, reachedsmall Futureresearchwill hopefullyprovidemuch-needed sites such as Yahyaand the cemeteryof Khinaman. answerson the shiftingsocial dynamicsbetweensites in SoutheasternIranand betweenthis region and its Only futurestudiesof the ShahdadcollectionandcollectionsfromCentralAsiansiteswill be ableto answer neighboursbotharchaeologically andmetallurgically. what role the BMAC played in the adoptionof tinIn this review of the developmentof prehistoric bronzeacrossthe IranianPlateauin the early second metallurgyin Southeastern Iran,we have attemptedto millenniumB.C. heedthe call of the greatpioneerin archaeometallurgy, Cyril Stanley Smith (1971, 1978, 1981), who was adamantaboutthe need to move beyondthe material, CONCLUDING REMARKS chemicalandvisualcharacteristics of objectsin orderto gain an understandingof the people and societies The synthesis provided here of the numerous involvedin the largertechnologicalsystem.Following scientific studies of prehistoricmetal artefactsfrom the seminalwork of DennisHeskel,we have brought SoutheasternIranis, unfortunately, of material only preliminary, this sort of anthropological interpretation butwe haveattempted to look forlargerdiachronicand scienceto bearuponthe metallographic and chemical synchronicpatternsrelated to Tepe Yahya, which analysesthathave beenperformedon artefactsrelated remainsthe sitewiththebeststudiedcollectionof metal to the copper-basemetallurgyof this regionover the artefactsin the region.Forexample,the threedifferent pasttwo decades.It is ourcontentionthatthe futureof manufacturing stylesforproducingtacksandpin-heads scientific researchon metallurgicalcollectionsfrom documented from Periods VII (extensive working of two native copperpieces), VB (extensive working from a single cast piece) and IV (casting to shape), is a clear indication of the changing attitudetowards these types of "trinkets"from "valuable"commodities to utilitarian objects. The bronze pin with the fluted, globular head from Period IVA, although probably importedto Tepe

sites in Iranand beyond lies in the various anthropological models for socio-technic interaction. Notable among these are Lechtman's (1977) theory of "technological style", Lemmonier's (1986) conception of "technicalsystems", and Wright's(2002) discussion of "social boundaries"within a sharedtechnological interaction sphere. Only by framing our interpretationsof

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scientific data within such anthropologicaltheories can we begin to understandthe all-importanthuman aspect of the development of ancient metallurgy.

Notes 1 A completereviewof the copper-base artefactcollection from TepeYahyahas been presentedin a recentpaper et al. 2002) andwill not be repeatedhere.We (Thomrnton havechosento use the fieldcontextsto labelthe artefacts we discussforthe sakeof continuityin integrating Heskel (1982)andThomrnton (2001). 2 FollowingVoigtandDyson(1992: 143-45),althoughthe exactchronologyof Iblisandits intercultural comparanda arenotentirelyclear. 3 E.g. the fourthmillenniumartefactsfromSusawithup to 19wt%Pb,8wt%As, and5.3wt%Sn analysedby Thierry Berthoud(1979). 4 It is important to notethatby the NamazgaIIIperiod(c. 3100-2700 B.C., followingHiebertand Dyson 2002), of Terekhova(1981: 317) claimsthatthe metalworkers rods with a Turkmenistan had shifted to "circular Southemrn singlethickenedend"as theircastblanksforawls. 5 This artefactwas incorrectlylabelledas PeriodIII in et al. 2002. Thomrnton 6 This artefact, although stylistically part of the late third/earlysecondmillenniumcorpusof compartmented stamp seals found throughout Central Asia and Iran(see Baghestani1997),was foundin an Southeastemrn incontrovertible earlythirdmillenniumcontextinside a JemdetNasr pot from the Period IVC Proto-Elamite 1984). This buildingcomplex(see Lamberg-Karlovsky find forcesus to questioneitherthe datingof the ProtoIranorthetrueorigins Elamite"colonies"in Southeastemrn of thesecompartmented stampseals. 7 Heskel (1982: 96) reportsfinding2.4wt%Sn and not 1.25wt%Sn in thepin fromB.69.2.1,whichmayindicate additionalproblemswith his spectrographicanalysis besidesthe loss of arsenicmentionedaboveormayreflect of thetin in differentpartsof theartefact. segregation 8 E.g. Shahr-iSokhta,wheretinhasnot evenbeendetected as a significanttraceelement(Hauptmannet al. 2003: 208). 9 Due to isobaricinterferencewith the argoncarriergas used in the ICP-MS analysis of the Yahya collection, sulphur and iron were not detectableexcept in those artefactsalso analysedby electronmicroprobeanalysis (see Thomtonet al. 2002). 10 Copper-zincalloys areoccasionallyreportedfromNamazga

11

V (i.e. late thirdmillennium)contexts,includinga seal Zn)anda needle(24.7wt%/o Zn)fromunstratified (14.8wt%/o contextsatNamazga-depe (see Egor'kov2001:87), a ring Zn,10wt%/o Zn,5wt%Pb, Ni) anda pin(15-18wt%/o (25wt%/o 3wt% Sn) from Dal'verzin(Bogdanova-Berezovskaja Zn,12wt%/o Pb,6.6wt%/o 1962),anda bladefragment (16wt%/o Sn, 2.2wto As, 1.6wt%/o Fe) fromAltyn-depe(Egor'kov 2001). Of course,the spectralanalysesperformedin the 1950s and 1960s on the Namazga-depe and Dal'verzin materialmustremainsuspect,andan analysisof the same bladefragment Altyn-depe by a secondlaboratory reported lessthan6wt%Zn,butonlyfutureanalysesof Central Asian materials will confuirm ordenythepresenceof brassinthird millennium contexts. The only excavatedexamplesof these"plates"(pot lid?) withraisedreliefanimals,whichhavebeendiscussedin a numberof publications (see Moorey1993;Hakemi2000; Bellelli 2002), are from Hissar (1) and Shahdad(5), of thistypeof object althoughanearlypossibleproto-type is the ceramic"potlid"with a repoussestag fromearly in Georgia(see thirdmillenniumLevelC at Kvatskhelebi 1984: 39, fig. 105-226.Al). Sagona

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Periods, AmericanSchool of PrehistoricResearchBulletin 38, Cambridge,HarvardUniversityPress. C.C. and F.T.Hiebert.1992. "Therelation Lamberg-Karlovsky, of the finds from Shahdadto those of sites in CentralAsia", TheJournalofthe AncientNear EasternSociety21: 135-40. Lamberg-Karlovsky, C.C. and D.T. Potts (eds). 2001. Excavations at Tepe Yahya,Iran 1967-1975: The third millennium, American School of Prehistoric Research Bulletin 45, Cambridge,HarvardUniversityPress. Lamberg-Karlovsky,C.C. and M. Tosi. 1973. "Shahr-iSokhta and Tepe Yahya: Tracks on the earliest history of the IranianPlateau",East and West23: 21-58. Lechtman, H. 1977. "Style in technology: some early thoughts",in H. LechtmanandR.S. Merrill(eds), Material Culture: Styles, Organization, and Dynamics of Technology,St. Paul, West PublishingCo.: 3-20. Lechtman, H. 1996. "Cloth and Metal: The Culture of Technology" in E.H. Boone (ed.), Andean Art at Dumbarton Oaks, Washington DC, Dumbarton Oaks ResearchLibraryand Collection:33-43. Lemonnier, P. 1986. "The study of material culture today: Towardsan anthropologyof technicalsystems",Journal of AnthropologicalArchaeology 5:147-86. Majidzadeh,Y. 2003. Jiroft: TheEarliest OrientalCivilization, Tehran,Ministryof Cultureand Islamic Guidance. Malfoy, J.M. and M. Menu. 1987. "Lametallurgiedu cuivre a Suse aux IVe et IIIe millenaires:analyses en laboratorie", in F. Tallon(ed.), MetallurgiesusienneI. de lafondation de Suse au XVIIIeavant J-C., Paris,Ministbrede la cultureet de la communication:355-73. Moorey, P.R.S. 1993. "High relief decoration on ancient Iranian metal vessels: development and influence", Bulletin of the Asia Institute7:131-39. Nicholas, I.M. 1990. The Proto-ElamiteSettlementat TUV, Malyan Excavation Reports 1, University Museum Monograph 69, Philadelphia, University Museum of Archaeology and Anthropology. Parzinger,H. and N. Boroffka.2003. Das Zinn der Bronzezeit in Mittelasien I, Archiologie in Iran und Turan, Bd. 5, Mainz am Rhein, VerlagPhilpvon Zaubem. Pigott, V.C. 1999a. "A heartland of metallurgy. Neolithic/ Chalcolithicmetallurgicalorigins on the IranianPlateau", in A. Hauptmann,E. Pemicka, Th. Rehren and U1.Yalgin (eds), The Beginnings of Metallurgy,Der Anschnitt,b. 9, Bochum, Deutsches Bergbau-Museum:109-22. Pigott, V.C. 1999b. "The developmentof metal productionon the IranianPlateau:an archaeometallurgicalperspective", in V.C. Pigott (ed.), The Archaeometallurgyof the Asian Old World,University Museum Symposium Series, v. 7,

Philadelphia, University of Pennsylvania Museum: 73-106. Pigott,V.C. and H. Lechtman.2003. "Chalcolithiccopper-base metallurgy on the Iranian plateau: a new look at old evidence fromTal-iIblis",in T. Potts,M. Roaf andD. Stein (eds), Culture Through Objects: Ancient Near Eastern Studies in Honour of PR.S. Moorey, Oxford, Griffith Institute:291-312. Pigott, V.C., H.C. Rogers and S.K. Nash. 2003a. investigationsat Tal-e Malyan:The "Archaeometallurgical Banesh Period",in W.M. Sumner(ed.), Early UrbanLife in the Land ofAnshan: Excavationsat Tal-eMalyan in the Highlands of Iran, University Museum Monograph 117, Philadelphia, University of Pennsylvania Museum of Archaeologyand Anthropology:94-102, 149-59. Pigott, V.C., H.C. Rogers and S.K. Nash. 2003b. investigationsat Tal-e Malyan:The "Archaeometallurgical evidence for tin-bronzein the Kaftariphase",in N.F. Miller and K. Abdi (eds), YekiBud, YekiNabud: Essays on the Archaeology of Iran in Honor of WilliamM Sumner, Philadelphia,Universityof PennsylvaniaMuseum: 161-75. Potts, D.T. 1980. Traditionand Transformation:Tepe Yahya and the IranianPlateau duringthe ThirdMillenniumB.C., Ph.D. Dissertation, Dept. of Anthropology, Harvard University. Rostoker,W. andJ. Dvorak. 1991. "Some experimentswith cosmeltingto copperalloys",Archaeomaterials5: 5-20. Ruzanov,V.D. 1999. "ZumfruhenAuftretender Zinnbronzein Th. Rehrenand Mittelasien",in A. Hauptmann,E. Pemrnicka, U. Yalcin(eds),TheBeginningsofMetallurgy,DerAnschnitt, b. 9, Bochum,DeutschesBergbau-Museum:103-6. Sagona,A.G. 1984. TheCaucasianRegion in the Early Bronze Series 214. Age, Oxford,BAR Intemrnational Ancient OrientalKingdomin the V. 2002. Sarianidi, Margush: the Delta Old Murghab River, Ashgabat, of Turkmendowlethabarlary. Sarianidi,V.I., N.N. Terekhovaand E.N. Chernykh.1977. "O rannej metallurgii i metalloobrabotkedrevnej Baktrii", SovetskafaArkheologija2: 35-42. Smith, C.S. 1965. "Metallographicstudy of early artifacts made from native copper", Actes du XIe Congres Internationald'Histoiresdes Sciences 6, Warsaw:237-43. Smith, C.S. 1971. "A post-symposium note: science in the service of history", in R.H. Brill (ed.), Science and Archaeology,Cambridge,MIT Press: 53-54. Smith, C.S. 1978. "Structuralhierarchy in science, art, and history", in J. Wechsler (ed.), On Aesthetics in Science, Cambridge,MIT Press:9-54. Smith, C.S. 1981. "On art,invention,and technology",in C.S.

A NEW LOOK AT THE PREHISTORIC METALLURGY OF SOUTHEASTERN IRAN

Smith(ed.), A Searchfor Structure,Cambridge,MIT Press: 325-31. Stark,M.T. (ed.). 1998. TheArchaeologyofSocial Boundaries, WashingtonDC, SmithsonianInstitutionPress. Sumner, W.M. (ed.). 2003. Early Urban Life in the Land of Anshan: Excavations at Tal-eMalyan in the Highlands of Iran, University Museum Monograph 117, Philadelphia, University of PennsylvaniaMuseum of Archaeology and Anthropology. Terekhova, N.N. 1981. "The history of metalworking productionamong the ancient agriculturalistsof Southern Turkmenia", in P.L. Kohl (ed.), The Bronze Age Civilization of Central Asia: Recent Soviet Discoveries, Armonk,NY, M.E. Sharpe,Inc.: 313-24. C.P. 2001. Tepe YahyaRevisited.:A reassessmentof Thomrnton, the metallurgicalsequence of the Iranian Plateaufrom the Chalcolithicto the Iron Age throughchemical and metallographic analyses of a "trinket"technology, AB Thesis, HarvardUniversity. C.P.forthcoming."Of brassandbronzein the greater Thomrnton, Near East".Paperto be presentedat the "Metallurgy- a touchstone for cross-culturalinteraction",conference in honourof Dr.PaulT. Craddock,BritishMusem,April2005. C.P.and C. Ehlers.2003. "Earlybrass in the ancient Thomrnton, Near East",InstituteofArchaeo-metallurgicalStudies 23: 3-8. C.P., C.C. Lamberg-Karlovsky,M. Liezers and Thomrnton, S.M.M. Young. 2002. "On pins and needles: tracing the evolution of copper-basealloying at Tepe Yahya,Iran,via ICP-MS analysis of common-place items", Journal of Archaeological Science 29(12): 1451-60. C.P., C.C. Lamberg-Karlovsky,M. Liezers and Thomrnton, S.M.M.Young.in press. "Stech and Pigott Revisited:New evidence for the origin of tin bronze in light of chemical

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and metallographicanalyses of the metal artifacts from Tepe Yahya, Iran", Proceedings of the 33rd Intemrnational Archaeometry Symposium. Geoarchaeological and Bioarchaeological Studies, Vrije Universiteit,Amsterdam. Tylecote, R.F. and H. McKerrell. 1971. "Examination of copper alloy tools from Tal y Yahya, Iran",Bulletin of the Historical MetallurgyGroup5: 37-38. Tylecote, R.F. and H. McKerrell. 1986. "Examination of copper alloy tools from Tepe Yahya", in C.C. LambergKarlovskyand T. Beale (eds), Excavations at Tepe Yahya, Iran.:The Early Periods, American School of Prehistoric Research Bulletin 38, Cambridge, Harvard University Press:213-14. Vatandoust,A. 1999. "A view on prehistoricIranianmetalworking: elemental analysis and metallographicexaminations", in A. Hauptmann,E. Pemicka, Th. Rehren and U. Yalgin(eds), TheBeginnings of Metallurgy,Der Anschnitt, b. 9, Bochum, Deutsches Bergbau-Museum:121-40. Voigt, M.M. and R.H. Dyson Jr. 1992. "The Chronology of Iran, ca. 8000-2000", in R.W. Ehrich(ed.), Chronologies in Old WorldArchaeology,Chicago, Universityof Chicago Press: 122-78. Weisgerber, G. and J. Cierny. 2002. "Tin for ancient Anatolia?", in U. Yalqin (ed.), Anatolian Metal II, Der Anschnitt, b. 15, Bochum, Deutsches Bergbau-Museum: 179-87. Wright, R.P. 1984. Technology,style and craft specialization: Spheres of interaction and exchange in the Indo-Iranian Borderlands, third millennium B.C., Ph.D. Dissertation, Dept. of Anthropology,HarvardUniversity. Wright, R.P. 2002. "Revisiting interactionspheres- social boundaries and technologies on inner and outermost frontiers",Iranica Antiqua37: 403-18.

COPPERAND COMPLEXITY:IRAN AND MESOPOTAMIA IN THE FOURTHMILLENNIUMB.C. By RogerMatthewsandHassanFazeli InstituteofArchaeology, UniversityCollege London and Instituteof Archaeology, Universityof Tehran

Generationsof Mesopotamianarchaeologists, lookingat Iranas if throughthe wrongend of a thedeveloped and telescope,havetendedto contrast centresof theirearlyriverinecivilizations urbanized withwhattheyassumed werethesparsely populated resourceareasof highlandIran. andundeveloped (Beale1973:133)

Recent excavationsat Tell Brak in north-eastSyria, andelsewhere,revealthe highlevel andscaleof social complexityattainedby at least some communitiesof this region by the middle of the fourthmillennium B.C., with evidence for craft specialisation and monumental,perhapsdefensive,wall construction,as well as indicationsthat the most Mesopotamianof artifacts,the cylinderseal, may have appearedin the northof Mesopotamiabefore the south (Felli 2003). INTRODUCTION Furthernorth,alongthe Euphratesandinto south-east Anatolia,richanddetailedevidencefromsites suchas The fourthmillenniumB.C. was a time of signifi- Hacinebi Tepe (Stein 2002) and Arslantepe cant change and developmentfor human societies (Frangipane2002) vividly indicates the degree to acrossWesternAsia. which local communitieshad attainedlevels of social The level plains of LowerMesopotamiahosted a complexityin the centuriesbefore any indicationof successionof increasinglysophisticatedcommunities stimulusfromLowerMesopotamia. The materialevidencefromIran,particularly in its throughthe Urukphasesof the Chalcolithic,living in largevillagesandfarmingthe landthroughthepractice highlandzones, has been too rarelyconsideredin the of artificial irrigation. In these societies people lightof contemporary developmentsin theChalcolithic in detailed and the of Western Asia. The employed knowledge expertise purpose of this paper is, and of a use of commodities production range therefore,to introducesome of the Iranianevidence including wheel-thrownpottery,tools of flint and into the debateon the natureof regionalinteractions ground stone, as well as centuriesof accumulated and communicationsin this fundamentalepisode of humanhistory.WashighlandIrana passiverecipientof experiencein the basicsandintricaciesof farmingthe landandtendingtheirflocks of domesticatedanimals. culturalinnovationfrom its western neighbour,an Regionaluniformitiesin theirmaterialculture,particu- equalpartnerin socialdevelopment,or an initiatorand larlywithregardto the formsandstylesof pottery,hint instigatorof changeanddevelopmentin its own right? at intimate and resilient modes of communication In this paperwe aim to underlinethat, as with other across time and space. By the later centuriesof the regions of WesternAsia, the humancommunitiesof develChalcolithic, large-scale urban communities had highlandIranwere experiencingautochthonous evolved in LowerMesopotamiaandthe earlieststeps opmenttowardscomplexityat a significantlevel of in literatebureaucracywere underway,as typifiedby intensity,even if they were doubtless affected by the materialremainsfromUruk-Warka contactswith theircontemporaries. Wethusarguethat (Nissen2002). In Upper Mesopotamiathe Middle Chalcolithic the relationship between Iran and Mesopotamia saw a paceof developmentcomparablewiththatof the through the dramatic centuries of the fourth millennium B.C. was one of shifting checks and south,with chiefdomsattestedin the evidencefroma of excavated such as Gawra sites, (Stein balancesbetweentwo sophisticatedand highly fluid range Tepe of the the Late Ubaid 1994). Following collapse politicalentities,each with somethingto offer and to traditionaround4000 B.C.,thethreadof complexityin gain frommutualinteraction,ratherthanone thatcan as core-periphery. Upper Mesopotamiabecomes less easy to discern. be characterised 61

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* GHABRESTAN

kANARAK VEHOVH GODIN

SIALK DASHT- I KABIR OISFAHAN

SUS DASHT-I NCAo

N~*

LUT

KERMAN

URUK 1ILIS

*

INDIGENOUS SITES

WITH

URUK

MATERIALS

* OTHER SITES o MODERN CITY COPPER

O

DEPOSITSYA

500

km

Fig. 1. Map of copper-bearing deposits in Iran and adjacent regions. After Algaze 1993, fig. 35.

Ouremphasiswill be upontheroleandsignificance of one rawmaterial,copper,includingtheprocessesof its procurement,extraction, and production,as a drivingforce for societal developmentin the fourth millenniumB.C. It is a truismto statethatthe landsof ancientWesternAsia were characterised by a sharply asymmetricaldistributionof raw materials, with certainregionsfavouredwith rich and variedsources of metals, stones and timberin additionto animal, vegetalandhumanbounty,while otherregionslacked all but the most basic of resources.The complexand ever-shiftinginterplaybetween these differentially blessed regions structuresthe entire span of the prehistoryandhistoryof WesternAsia,just as it has a highlysignificantpartto playin the geo-politicsof our world.Whenwe considerthe potential contemporary of significance copperin relationsbetweenIranand Mesopotamiain the fourth millennium B.C., our startingpointmustbe the factthatIranis favouredwith extensivenaturaloccurrencesof copperand copperbearingores (Fig. 1) (Harrison1968:501-5; Berthoud et al. 1982; Algaze 1993: 71, fig. 35), while

Mesopotamiais totallylackingin suchresources.If we arguethatcopperplays an importantrole in the structuring,both of Mesopotamiansocieties of the later

fourthmillenniumB.C. andof relationsbetweenthose societies and their contemporariesof the Iranian highlands, then our question must be: by what mechanisms- social, economic, political- was Iraniancopperacquiredand processedfor consumption by the communities of Late Chalcolithic Mesopotamia? The focus on copperin this paperis underlainby our belief that the desire to acquirecopper,and to processit intoobjectssuchas weapons,tools anditems of adornment,was an importantfeatureof the early complexsocietiesof WesternAsia. The associationof craftspecialisation withtheriseof complexsocietiesis well established,and elite-drivendesire for valued commoditiesand productsis widely recognisedas stratified importantin the developmentof hierarchical, societies. Although we do not necessarily align ourselveswithAlgaze'saverredbeliefin tradebetween resource-richand resource-poorareasas "thecharacteristicconditionfor the rise of civilization"(Algaze 2001a:78; see discussionin Postgate2003), we accept Moorey's(1988: 30) emphasison the importanceof metals,particularly copper,"inthe serviceof temples and palaces" of Mesopotamia in the centuries following3500 B.C. In this paper,we aim to suggest

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Fig. 2. Zagheh, view of the Painted Building under shelter

thatthe dynamicsof socialandtechnologicalchangein thehighlandzonewereas mucha stimulustowardsthe evolutionof earlysocial complexityas were developmentsin the, hithertobetterknown,lowlandsocieties. Whatcanthe Iranianevidencetell us aboutcopper and complexityin the fourthmillenniumB.C.? We shallbeginwith a considerationof evidencefromsites on the Qazvinplain,west of Tehran,whereexcavations old andnew have providedmuch information,before broadeningthe scopeto includeevidencefromfurther highlandIraniansites of the Chalcolithic.Wewill then examinerelevantinformationfromexcavatedsites in otherhighlandzones of WesternAsia.

Ghabristan,covering almost the entire span of the Chalcolithicperiod,areespeciallysignificant. Zagheh was extensively excavated during the 1970s (Mellaart 1975: 194; Negahban 1977; Shahmirzadi 1980) and has more recently been

subjectedto selective reinvestigation(Fazeli 2001). RecentlyobtainedC14 dates attestan occupationat Zaghehspanningthe periodfrom5500 to 4600 B.C., equatingto the earliest phases of the Chalcolithic period.The site itself comprisesa low circularmound, at its highestonly 0.5 m. abovethe surrounding plain, and extendingover at least 4 hectares.Excavations thatsome6 m. of intactoccupation clearlydemonstrate been buried by modem alluvial have deposits deposition.Dominatingthe settlementat Zaghehis a THEQAZVINPLAIN largeandwell-appointed"PaintedBuilding"(although coveredwitha shelter,the excavatedbuildingitselfhas The plain of Qazvin is a geographicallywellnot survivedintactsinceits excavationin unfortunately boundedregionlocatedsome 150 km. west of Tehran the 1970s; Fig. 2). Internalfeaturessuch as a large in centralnorth Iran. It receives an averageannual circularhearthand paintedpanels of wall plaster,as rainfall of more than 300 mm. (Majidzadeh1976: well as associatedburialswith red ochre and grave 10-12). To the northlie the Alburzmountainsandthe goodsin the formof ceramics,beadsandornamentsof and the runs a commajor turquoise,agate,and lapis lazuli,andtools of copper, Caspiansea, through region of thisbuildingas having municationroute connectingthe westernand eastern all supportthe interpretation segmentsof northernIran,itself an importantsection a non-domesticnature.Otherstructuresandburialsat of therouteultimatelylinkingthehighlandsof Iranand Zaghehareof a less ostentatiouscharacter, arguingfor of social at this via the mountain with the a marked earlystage Afghanistan, Zagros passes, degree hierarchy lowland plains of Mesopotamia(Henrickson1994: in the settlementof the Iranianhighlands.Additionally, 86). The regionis richin coppersources(Majidzadeh evidenceforlarge-scaleproductionof potteryhasbeen 1979: 85). Excavationsat severalsites in the Qazvin recoveredin recentyears from trenchK at Zagheh, plainhave provideda chronologicaldepthandwealth includingdeeply stratifiedash deposits,remainsof of detail that no other region of highlandIran can potterykilns,piles of preparedclay andcrushedstone match, and thus the region constitutesa uniquely (for temper),lumpsof red ochre,andproductiontools valuablecase-studyfor the developmentof societal (Fazeli n.d.). Hundredsof spindlewhorls indicatea complexityin highlandIran (Fazeli 2001). For our highly developedtextile industryand the presenceof By the purposes, excavations at the sites of Zagheh and tokensmay suggesta form of administration.

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Fig. 3. Ghabristan, view of excavated area.

start of the Chalcolithic,then, the evidence from Zagheh, hopefully to be expandedin futureyears, indicates a developed degree of social complexity, attestedin the form of highly differentiated architecture,variabilityin richnessof burials,craftspecialisation in potteryproductionbeyond a purely domestic mode, and, perhapsmost strikingly,access by its inhabitants to a broadrangeof rawmaterialsfromnear and far, includingturquoise,lapis lazuli, agate and copper. Chronologicallysucceeding Zagheh, the nearby site of Ghabristanhas yielded a wealth of pertinent information(Fig. 3). Excavationswere conductedat Ghabristanin the 1970s (Majidzadeh1976; 1977; 1979;Negahban1977) and, like Zagheh,the site has also been investigatedmore recently (Fazeli n.d.). Occupationat Ghabristan spans4200 to 3000 B.C. As atZaghehmuchof the settlementis todayburiedunder several metres of modem alluvium, Recent test trenchinghas establishedits extentas about2 hectares. The site has sufferedbadlyfromextensivedisturbance by farmersremovingearthfor fertiliserand fromthe illicit diggingof tombsof IronAge date.Convincing evidence for an early coppersmith'sworkshopwas excavatedin level II at Ghabristan,which can be chronologicallylinked,via ceramicsimilarities,with Sialk III 4-5 and Hissar IB, and dated to the late with fifth/earlyfourthmillenniumB.C., contemporary Late Ubaid in Mesopotamia(Majidzadeh1979: 86). The copperworkshopcomprisesa suiteof two rooms, their doorway later blocked, situated amongst a complex of potters' workshopsand other buildings (Fig. 4). The largerof the two roomshas a rangeof

featuresindicativeof copperoreprocessing,including two smallhearths,completeandfragmentedcrucibles, baked bricks for supportingthe cruciblesover the hearths,mouldsfor the productionof copperobjects includingbaringots,a ceramicpipeusedforbloomery, a largebowl containing20 kg. of copperore in small pieces, and water storagefacilities.Duringthe 2002 excavationsat Ghabristanpieces of copperore (raw material)were recoveredin the southernpartof the site, suggestingthatmetalworkshopactivitywas not restrictedto the centralareaof the site. In additionto the evidencefor a copperworkshop,a rangeof copper objects,includingdaggers,axes,chisels,awls,needles, pins and bracelets,was recoveredfrom level II at Ghabristanin the 1970s: their similarityto artifacts from contemporarylevels at Sialk and Hissar is striking(Majidzadeh1979: 86; Moorey 1982: 85). It has been suggestedthatthe Ghabristanevidencecan moreprobablybe interpreted as theremainsof melting andcastingin mouldsof nativecopper,ratherthanthe smeltingof copperore(Muhly1980-83:352; 1988:7), but this reinterpretation does not accountfor the large of ore quantities copper foundat the site, both in the 1970sandin morerecentexcavations. In additionto this exceptionallyvivid evidencefor craftspecialisation in coppersmeltingandcastingfrom it is clearthatthe Ghabristan, earlyfourth-millennium of was also undertaken in an production pottery intensiveand highlyorganisedmannerby the Middle Chalcolithiccommunityliving at the site (Majidzadeh 1976; Fazeli 2001). Indeed,given the site's relatively smallarealextent,andthe majorevidencefor pottery and copper processingand production,it could be

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IN THE FOURTH MILLENNIUM

B.C.

65

suggesta violentand suddenend to settlementat the site (Negahban1977:37). The Qazvin plain, then, hosts considerable evidenceforChalcolithicsocialcomplexityin the form of architecture, burial,artifactsandmodes andmeans of productionof pottery and copper items. These attributes,and others,have been arguedas indicating thatby theMiddleChalcolithicperiodatthe latest,"the majorsettlementsof the Iraniancentralhighlandhad alreadyreachedthe thresholdof urbancivilisation,to a degreethatone could considerthemas smallcities or towns ratherthan simple village areas"(Majidzadeh 1976: 159).

OTHERHIGHLANDIRANIANSITES It has been long recognisedthat the history of coppermetallurgyis highly distinguishedwithin the contextof ancientIran(Holzer& Momenzadeh1971; Beale 1973;Berthoudet al. 1982;Moorey1982;Stech & Pigott 1986). Outsidethe areaof the Qazvinplain, Fig. 4. Ghabristan, plan of structures, including copperevidenceforearlycoppermetallurgyhasbeenfoundat smith's workshop. After Majidzadeh 1979, fig, 1. a range of highland sites, which we now briefly examine. To the south of Tehran,excavationsin 1997 at arguedthatthe site constitutesa workers'settlement, largelydevotedto specialistcraftactivity(Fazelin.d.), Cheshmeh-Ali(Fazeli 2001) recoveredone piece of crucible.A layerof slag andtracesof copperadhered althoughfurtherexcavationsareneededto clarifythis A in so-called "Main level II has been to the insideof the claypiece,andit is probablethatthe point. Building" as a residence for the ruler of the settlement or cruciblehadbeen used for the smeltingof ore. It was posited a communal structure for public gatherings foundin an upperlayerof the domesticpartof the site, (Majidzadeh1976: 128). datingto 4600-4000 B.C. later at in level IV The site of TepeSialkis locatedalongthe western Ghabristan, During occupation dated to the late fourthmillenniumB.C., sherds of fringes of the central Iranianplateau,close to the about50 bevelled-rimbowls were found(Majidzadeh modern town of Kashan, and also not far from 1977:61). Thepossiblemeansby whichthesevessels extensive deposits of copper ores (Holzer & reached,or were made at, Ghabristanare numerous, Momenzadeh1971).A richtraditionof copperuse and but they undeniably connect the site, however workingis attestedat Sialk, startingin level I, of the tenuously,with the worldof LateUrukMesopotamia. sixth millenniumB.C., when cold-hammeredcopper Interestof the lowlandersin access to nearbycopper pins, awls and needles are found. Similar objects continueintoSialkII (Ghirshman1938:pl. LII:46-57). sources,or ratherto means of exchangewith longestablishedlocal communitieswho controlledcopper In the MiddleChalcolithiclevels of SialkIII,contemextraction,smeltingand casting,may well be materi- porary with Late Ubaid in Mesopotamia, there is alised in some way in the form of the recovered evidence for a range of technological innovations, bevelled-rimbowls. Occupationat Ghabristanis dra- including the casting of copper artifactsin moulds, the maticallybroughtto an end at around3000 B.C. with production of wheel-made pottery, and the evidence for extensive burning, including a burnt employment of stamp seals within a system of adminhuman skeleton on a floor, clay sling shots, and istration: all appear in highland Iran before being complete but broken pottery in situ, all of which widely attested in Mesopotamia (Mellaart 1975: 193).

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crucibleswithcopperstainingon the interiorappearto As mentioned, copper artifacts from Sialk III, and including daggers, axes, chisels, awls, pins and havebeenused for smeltingand,as at Ghabristan bracelets,compareclosely with those discussedabove Arisman,the presenceof bevelled-rimbowls indicates a connectionof some sortwith lowlandMesopotamia fromGhabristan, as well as with objectsfromHissarI in the laterfourthmillenniumB.C. OtherUruk-related B-C (Moorey1982:85). SialkIV 1 hostsevidencefor contactswith LateUrukMesopotamiain the formof a pottery forms in Iblis IV include four-luggedjars well-built structure,situated at the summit of the (Algaze 1993: 70) and low coarse-ware trays southernmound(Ghirshman1938:58-59), whichhas (Henrickson1994: 95). However, as at the other as indicatinga controlpointor outpost Iranianplateausites, evidenceat Iblis for significant beeninterpreted of deliberateUrukfoundation(Algaze1993:55). Uruk- amounts of copper processing appears in levels related artifacts include bevelled-rimbowls, other predatingthe LateChalcolithic(Majidzadeh1979:88), lowlandpotteryforms,cylinderseals,sealimpressions, thatis beforeany suggestionof lowlandcontactin the and numericaltablets (Algaze 1993: 55). Copper local material evidence. As with the Ghabristan artifactsfrom Sialk IV includebladesand largepins evidence,the materialfromIblis has been reinterpreted as indicativeof meltingandcastingof nativecopper (Ghirshman1938:pl. XXIX). Ongoingresearchat Arisman,only 60 km. south- ratherthansmeltingof copperores (Muhly1980-83: east of Sialk and within 100 km. of the Veshnoveh 352; 1988:7). Thissuggestiondoesnot,however,agree showingthatthe coppersources,is significantlyenhancingour picture withthe resultsof analysisapparently crucibleshadbeenheatedto 700-800' C, sufficientto of earlycopperexploitationon thewesternlimitsof the smeltores,butsignificantlyshortof the 1083' C needed Iranianplateau(Chegini et al. 2000). Here there is extensive evidence for a long-lastingand sizeable to melt copper(Caldwell& Shahmirzadi1966: 12). settlement,spanningthe fourthandmuchof the third Furthermore, spectro-chemicalanalyses of the clear stains on the innersurfacesof two fragmentsof millenniaB.C., equivalentto periods III and IV at copper Sialk. The materialremains,includingpotterykilns, crucibles,belongingto Iblis I and II, convincingly stone tools, cruciblefragments,moulds,furnacesand indicate that the copper metal producingthe stain massive quantitiesof copper slag, all point to the originatedfromcopperore.The staincontainedsignifsettlement'sprincipal function as a major copper icantly higher concentrations of cobalt, nickel, processing centre, where the smelting of ore and phosphorusandtin. Since these impuritieswould not have been presentin such amountsin a nativecopper casting of artifactsin moulds was taking place. A been located and the sample,the sourceof the copperstainingmust have possible copperworkshophas been an ore (Dougherty& Caldwell1967: 18). More presenceof buildingsand pithosburialsindicatesthe large recent analysis of cruciblesand objects from Iblis permanencyof the settlementhere.A particularly of slag heapwith associatedfurnacesis datedto the Late (Pigott& Lechtman2003) supportsaninterpretation ore smeltingratherthannativecoppermelting. Chalcolithicby the presence of bevelled-rimbowls limits of the Iranianplateau At the north-eastern (Cheginiet al. 2000: 297). At Arisman,then,we have for in further evidence for evidence early copper working is well large-scalespecialisation unequivocal at III attested with Sialk the processingof copper,contemporary Tepe Hissar, where copper artifactsare found from the earliest levels onwards, with a IV. 6-7, IV 1 andGhabristan richnessanddiversityin HissarIII(Schmidt Moving westwardsto the ranges of the Zagros particular 1937:56, 119, 201-8). CopperartifactsfromHissarI mountainsin west centralIran,significantevidencefor B-C, dating to the mid-fourthmillennium B.C., copperworkinghas been recoveredfrom the site of to thosefrom Seh Gabi, including crucible fragmentsand ingot comparecloselyin styleandmanufacture moulds (Moorey 1982: 83). These items can be dated to the Godin VII period, predating any ceramic evidence for lowland contact. On the southern limits of the Iranianplateau near Kerman and again close to copper sources, the site of Tal-i Iblis has yielded much pertinentevidence on early copper working (Caldwell & Shahmirzadi1966). Clay

contemporary levels at Ghabristan and Sialk (Majidzadeh 1979: 86; Moorey 1982: 85), underlining the sophisticateddevelopment of a purely local copper metallurgy by this time. Analysis of metal tools from Hissar has revealed the presence of impurities, suggesting that copper ores were used for the manufacture of the tools (Pigott 1982).

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EVIDENCEFROMOTHERHIGHLANDZONES OF WESTERNASIA The material evidence from highland Iran for copperore smeltingandfor the productionof a broad rangeof copperartifactspriorto andby the mid-fourth millenniumB.C. is thus extensive and convincing. Whatof otherhighlandregionsof WesternAsia at this time?Wenow brieflyexamineevidencefromselected Chalcolithic sites of the upland zone bordering to thenorthandnorth-west.Recentyears Mesopotamia have seen a blossoming of field researchin these regions of Syria and Turkey,at least partly as a response to ambitious civil engineering projects involving dam construction and the consequent flooding of large tracts of the landscapeand their archaeologicalsites. We now have much detailed informationon local societies of the upland zone, enablingus to situatetheirsocialandculturaldevelopment more accuratelyin relation to that of their lowlandMesopotamian contemporaries. At the very borderof the Mesopotamianlowlands andthe Anatolianhighlands,the site of Hacminebi Tepe on the Euphratesriver has providedmuch relevant evidence on developments through the fourth millenniumB.C. (Stein1999;2002). Occupationatthe site includesboththe pre-contactChalcolithicperiod, as well as the episodeof lowlandcontacttowardsthe end of the Late Chalcolithic.In the decadesbefore lowlandcontactthereis full evidencefor the statusof Hacinebias a "provincialindustrialcenterwithin a web of complextradenetworks"(Ozbalet al. 1999: 60), with emphasisuponthe processingof copperand the productionof copper artifacts,as attested by furnaces,crucibles,slag, ores, smelting implements andartifactandingotmoulds(Stein 1999: 130;Ozbal et al. 1999). Copperprocessedat Hacminebi appears likelyto have originatedin the ErganiMadensources, some 200 km. northof the site (Stein 1999: 130). The site thereforeserved as a collection and processing point, convertinga highly valued raw materialinto transportableforms (ingots) and finished products (artifacts) for consumption and use by communities both near and, perhaps, far, substantially before contacts with lowland Mesopotamia are attested in shared pottery forms and other aspects of material culture. Further upstream along the Euphrates, the great mound of Arslantepe has also yielded considerable

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relevantinformation.Here againthereis unequivocal evidencefor a developedcoppermetallurgyduringthe Chalcolithic period preceding any evidence for lowland contact,includingfinishedartifactsand ore pieces from level VII (Frangipane1993: 147). It is duringthe episodeof lowlandcontactat the end of the Late Chalcolithic,however,thatcoppermetallurgyat Arslantepe increases in scope and intensity 2001: 341). (Frangipane Additional evidence for a developed copper metallurgyin the Upper Euphratesregion of the highlandzone by the mid-fourthmillenniumB.C. is providedby materialfromexcavationsat a few sites in the Altminova region,includingTepecik(Esin1975:47), and Tillintepe, Norguntepe(Hauptmann1982:29-30), where, as at Arslantepe,a major intensificationof copperprocessingaccompaniesevidencefor lowland contacts(Ozbalet al. 1999:59). Closerto Arslantepe, coppermetallurgyis by 4000 B.C. well developedat Degirmentepe,as attestedby draft furnaces,slags, copper ores, crucibles, and smelting implements (Ozbal et al. 1999: 59).

COPPERAND COMPLEXITY: IN THE HIGHLAND/LOWLAND INTERACTIONS FOURTHMILLENNIUM B.C. We have presentedabove the evidence for the involvementof highlandcommunities,both of the Iranianplateauand of adjacentuplandzones, in the processingof copperoresandtheproductionof copper artifactsin the Chalcolithicperiod. There is little doubtingthe employmentby local highlandcommunities of the technologicalproceduresnecessaryfor the smelting,meltingandcastingof copperfromoresinto finishedproducts,occasionallyon a largeandsophisticated scale. It remainsfor us to addressthe possible relationshipbetweenthe LateChalcolithicsocietiesof the uplandsandtheircontemporaries of the lowlands, and to considerthe role of copperand its processing withinthatrelationship.In so doing,we returnto our initial question: by what mechanisms social, economic, political - was Iraniancopper acquiredand processed for consumptionby the communities of Late Chalcolithic Mesopotamia? Such a review may most usefully be conducted by addressing in turn the sequential stages of processing and manufacturewith which copper metallurgy may be involved, at each

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point evaluatinghow lowland-uplandrelationsmay havebeenenmeshedin thesephysicalprocedures. Stage 1 - ore procurementat source

developed sophisticatedand large-scale modes of operation.Initially,this appearsto have happened withoutexternalstimulusbut, duringthe laterpartof the fourthmillenniumB.C., these communitiesmay of production havebeen led towardsan intensification indirect however at leastpartlystimulatedby contacts, andtenuous,with increasinglycomplexlowlandcommunities. There is no convincing evidence for the colonial establishmentby lowland communitiesof outpostsat copperore sources.

The evidence from ongoingwork at Arisman,in makesit clearthatminingof copperores at particular, source was a large-scale operation,conductedby peopleliving (anddying)in permanentsettlements,of some size andduration,in proximityto those sources. Theirmaterialcultureidentifiesthemas local communitiesof the Iranianplateau,makingandusingthe full Stage 2- smelting of ores to obtain copper artifacts attested and other containers of ceramic range As we have seen above, there is considerable,if sitesof thehighlands.The atmanyothercontemporary presenceof numbersof bevelled-rimbowlsatArisman contested,evidencefor the smeltingof copperores at connects the site in some way with lowland several Iranianhighlandsites, as well as at sites in Mesopotamia, but need not testify to any great Anatolia.The traditionalview is that smeltingwas intimacyordirectnessof contact.Muchfurthermineral carried out by heating lumps of sulphide ore in of analysisworkis neededon the claysused in bevelled- cruciblesor bowls in furnacesup to temperatures 800' C (Caldwell & Shahmirzadi 1966: 12). rimbowls andthe rangesof associationof those clays evidencecomesin the formof smelting with identifiedsources,in both uplandand lowland Archaeological crucible of Late Chalcolithic the entire across furnaces, fragmentswith copperore staining, region regions, WesternAsia. There are, however, many potential and lumps of unprocessedcopper ore, as variously recoveredatGhabristan, Sialk,ArismanandTal-iIblis. waysby whichbevelled-rimbowlsmightappearin the sitesof limitednumbersof at these archaeologicalrecord at a particularsite. Physical Again,thepresence bevelled-rim bowls, with occasional other Urukpresence of Uruk Mesopotamiansat sites such as Arismanis highlyunlikely(thoughnot inconceivable), related items, coincides with an intensificationof a form of trickleor down-the-lineexchangebeing a processingduringthe lastcenturiesof the Chalcolithic, of bevelledoccurrence for the scenario moreprobable precededby a longperiodof purelylocaldevelopment. rim bowls at the site. In any case the copper ore Muhly's(1980-83: 352; 1988:7) argument,thatmuch of the evidencefromthe highlandIraniansites attests extraction process at Arisman was clearly well meltingof nativecopperratherthansmeltingof ores, developedpriorto anyevidenceforlowlandcontact.It is notable,however,thatthepresenceof vastquantities may be counteredby fourobjections.Firstly,analysis indicatesthat the Iblis crucibleshad been heatedto withthe of copperslag atArismanis contemporaneous thus of bevelled-rim bowls, arguably only 700-800' C, not high enough to melt native appearance and extraction of processing copper. Secondly, as mentioned above, spectroattestingan intensification chemicalanalysisof copperstainingon the interiorof towardsthe end of the Chalcolithic. Furthereast,ancientcopperminesat Sheikh-i-'Ali, cruciblefragmentsfrom Iblis suggest ore smelting. near Tepe Yahya,have been investigatedby French Thirdly,the presenceof 20 kg. of lumpsof copperore at Ghabristan,if correctlyidentifiedas ore, suggests geologists and archaeologists.Sherdscomparableto use of smelting,whetherconductedin cruciblesor the were those from YahyaIVC, datingto c. 3000 B.C., found in some of these mines (Berthoudet al. 1979). As regardsthis primarystage in copper processing, then, the so far limited evidence, from Arisman and also from Veshnoveh, where a complete vessel of Sialk IV type was found in copper mine shafts (Holzer & Momenzadeh 1971: 7), suggests that ore mining was conducted by local highland communities who

in bowls directly over furnaces (as at Hacmebi Ozbal et al. 1999: 62). Finally, the relative scarcity of native copper in the Old World(Muhly 1988: 8) argues strongly against large-scale use of native copper in areas known to be rich in copper ores. As with copper ore procurement,the process of ore smelting appears to have been conducted exclusively

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by local communitiesin the highlandzone. Giventhe avoidable impracticalities in transporting large quantitiesof copperore over any greatdistance,it is not at all surprisingthat smeltingshouldhave taken placewithinthe generalvicinityof copperore sources, as was also the normwith copperprocessingin Oman et al. 1988).Thatthis practicecontinued (Hauptmann into historicaltimes is suggestedby the scarcityof finds of copper ore, and ore processingequipment, fromMesopotamiansites (Moorey1994:242). There is thus no evidence for lowland control over, or involvementin, the practiceof ore smelting in the highlands,even if thereis stillroomfordebateoverthe extent to which native copper may have been employedin fourth-millennium highlandIran. Stage 3-

casting of copper in moulds

Once extractedfrom an ore, or if found in a relativelypure native state, coppercan be cast into variousformsby heatingto 1083' C andpouringinto moulds.Castingintomouldsfor finishedartifactswill produceobjectsthatthemselvesare the desiderataof exchangeand/orconsumption,while still capableof being re-formedby the consumerthroughheat and castingintoothershapesandtypes.Weconsiderbelow, in stage 5, what we might learnfrom the forms and types of artifactscast in copperand recoveredfrom Chalcolithicsites. Casting into moulds for ingots, by contrast, producesan interimstage of objectification,the ingot containingwithinitselfthepotentialfordeconstruction (melting)and reconstitution(casting)as an objector objects whose end form is not yet determined.The conversionof copperinto ingots allows for a greater rangeof modes of consumptionby involvedparties. Ingotsmaybe createdat siteswhereore is smeltedand to sitesfurtherafieldbefore coppermeltedfortransport conversionto finalartifact.Suchdestinationsites may be within tens, hundreds, or even thousands of kilometresof the ingot-castinglocation. Casting as ingots also allows the consumer to dictate the precise form of the finished artifact,provided they have access to the requisite basic technology (furnaces, moulds). Ingots are a more versatile medium for copper transport and exchange, and we can postulate that large-scale long-distance trade in copper would almost certainly involve the movement of significant

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quantitiesof ingots,perhapsin additionto somedegree of movementof cherishedfinishedartifacts. If we look for a momentat the case of the Late Bronze Age, the evidence clearly demonstratesthat movementof coppertook place principallyin bulk quantitiesof ingots, as vividly attestedby the 350 ingots,weighingten tons in total,recoveredfromthe Uluburunshipwreckof the fourteenthcenturyB.C. (Bass 1995).In the LateBronzeAge copperwas principallyused in alloy with tin as an elementof bronze, andthereforeingotswouldhave been all but essential for large-scaledistribution andproduction,butthereis good evidence for the use of ingots even in the Chalcolithic,beforethe use of bronze.At Seh Gabi, close to GodinTepe in the east centralZagros,ingot moulds are attested, dating to the earlier fourth millennium(Moorey 1982: 83). Most notably,a bar ingot mould from Ghabristan(Majidzadeh1979: fig. 2:3) indicatesthe use of ingotsby highlandcommunities in the late fifth/earlyfourthmillenniaB.C. These shredsof evidence allow us to postulatethat copper was being smelted,meltedand cast into ingot format highland settlements for transportto destinations where choice could be exercisedas to the type and form of the finishedartifact.The existenceof copper ingot moulds at least allows the feasibilityof longdistance trade between highland source zones and lowlandconsumercommunities.

Stage 4transport of ingots or artifacts from to lowlands highlands

A majorconcernin anysuchtradeis thequestionof In this regardwe need to addressthe transportation. issuesof routes,securityandmodesof transport. There areseveralpossibleroutes,by landand/orby sea, from the Iranianhighlandsto the Mesopotamianlowlands, but in the currentcontextthe most significantis that which came later to be called the Great Khorasan Road,the westernpartof the Silk Road (Henrickson 1994:86-87). Thisroutewas a majorchannelof communication and trade in historic times, connecting the plateau of Iran through the Zagros highlands of Luristanwith the plains of Mesopotamia. The presence of significant numbers of settlements of fourthmillennium date along the Zagros valleys of Mahidasht and Kangavar,suggests the importanceof this route to highland-lowland interactions at this time. Many of

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thesesiteshaveyielded,fromtheirsurfacesif not from excavations,substantialevidence of lowland Uruk influence,in the formof bevelled-rimbowls andother Uruktypes (Henrickson1994: 88). Most notably,the site of Godin Tepe in the Kangavarvalley hosts an intrusivelowlandcommunity, whetherfrom apparently Susa or Sumer,within a largerlocal setting(Badler 2002). Apartfromthe lowlandceramicelements,the potteryof this regionin the fourthmillenniumshows manypointsof similaritywithassemblagesat contemporary highland sites (Levine & Young 1987; Henrickson1994;Young2004). Onthewesternsideof the centralZagros,furthermore, the presenceat Tell Rubeidhehin the Hamrinvalley of potterytypicalof both highlandand lowlandzones (Levine & Young 1987: 40) strengthensthe notion that significant contactswere passing along this route between east andwest duringthe laterfourthmillenniumat least. Regulartransportof valuedcommoditiesover substantialdistancesis dependenton good securityalong traderoutes.Duringthe MiddleBronzeAge, to takea laterexample,thetradebetweenA'ur on theTigrisand the centralAnatolianregioncentredon Kiltepe-Kane' is characterised by a concern,frequentlyexpressedin cuneiformtexts,overthe securityof caravanstravelling along often difficultroutes(Veenhof1995:866). Any tradein copper,orothervalued postulatedlong-distance commodities,betweenlowlandMesopotamiaand the highlandzone in the fourthmillenniumB.C. would certainlyhave facedpersistentconcernsover security. Surveyin the valleysof the Zagrosregionhasrevealed the presenceof Uruk-relatedmaterialson sites with strategiclocations,largesettlementscontrollingplains and associated route-ways(Henrickson1994: 88). GodinTepeitself is very muchpartof this networkof deliberatelysited settlements,andthe fortificationsof the Uruk-related phaseat Godinreinforcethe message that security was paramount.The distributionand sites in the Zagrosvalleyshas locationof Uruk-period alreadybeen associatedwith a desireon the partof Uruklowlandersto acquirecopperfromthe highland zone (Henrickson1994:95).

suggestionthatthese animalswerenot being eaten,at the late fourth-millennium site of Tell Rubeidhehon the westernfringesof the Zagros(Payne 1988: 104) adds credenceto the suggestionthat heavily-laden donkeycaravansmay havebeentraversingthe Zagros passesby this time.A recentlyfoundsherdfromFars with possible depictionof a pack donkey,datingto 5000 B.C., addsto the body of earlyevidence(Potts 2003). Evenin the absenceof packanimalswe should notunderestimate theabilityof humanporters(perhaps as depictedon sealingsfromearlyfourth-millennium TepeGawra- Tobler1950:pl. CLXIV:93)to convey heavycommoditiesoververylargedistances(Malville 2001). In sum,thereis a convincingbodyof evidencefrom the centralZagrosregionto makethe casethata major intensificationof contacts between highlands and lowlandshad occurredby the late fourthmillennium, foundedin persistentandregularmovementsof people and commodities along routes of communication protectedby carefullylocated settlementsalong key valleys. It remainsto be consideredto what extent coppermayhavebeen one of thosecommodities.

Briefly to consider the issue of modes of transport, it is no doubt significant that pack animals, in the form of donkeys or other equids, become available for probably the first time in the fourth millennium B.C., thus allowing the large-scale movement of bulk commodities on a regular basis. Recovery of bones probably from domestic donkeys, coupled with the

of sites). We shall look firstly at consumptionof copper within the context of local highland communities before broadening the scope to examine consumption in the lowland zone. Local consumption comprises the use of copper artifacts at sites proximate to the locations of primary processing in the highland zone. As we have seen,

Stage 5 - consumption

In lookingat consumption,we are concernedwith the end-useof copper,the artifactsinto which it was formedandthe uses to whichthoseartifactsmayhave beenput. We are constrainedfirstlyby the limitations of the archaeologicalrecord,by the fact that copper artifactsareproneto recyclingin antiquityso thatfew originalartifactssurviveto informus on modesof consumptionin the fourthmillenniumB.C. The types of archaeologicalcontextwhere significantquantitiesof intact valuable artifactsmay be recoveredare few. Theyincludeshipwrecks(noneknownfromthe fourth millennium),high-statusbuildingssubjectto rapidand dramaticdestruction preferablyby fire(few candidates from the fourthmillennium),and tombs with rich gravegoods (someknown,but froma limitednumber

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there is considerable evidence from or close to productionsites for the use of copper artifacts.In burials of the Early Chalcolithicat Zagheh on the Qazvinplain,tools of copperare found,indicatingat thisearlydatethe associationof copperwithascription of status,of some sort,to particularindividualswithin mouldsfound highlandsociety.At nearbyGhabristan, in the copperworkshopof level II show manufacture of picks, double and single-headed and adzes. Additionally,artifactsfrom the same level include axes, awls and chisels, all implementssuitable for workingwood and relativelysoft materials.Daggers andaxesmayfurtherfinduse as weaponsof defenseor aggression,while needles, pins and braceletsmay relate to productionand processingof textiles and hides, and/or adornmentof the human body. The assemblagesof castcopperartifactsfromSialkIIIand HissarI B-C, as we haveseen,suggesta closelysimilar rangeof consumptionpracticesby highlandcommunities acrossthe plateau.Themodesof copperconsumption at highlandsites canthusbe summarisedas tools, weaponsandadornment. Turningto non-localconsumption,we are much moreat the mercyof the archaeologicalrecordandits so far ratherrandominvestigationand subsequent selectivepublication.EarlyconnectionsbetweenIran and Mesopotamiaare indicatedby finds of materials suchas turquoiseandcopperbeadsat Tell es-Sawwan in centralMesopotamia,datingto the sixthmillennium B.C. (Mellaart1975: 190). The northMesopotamian evidenceis restrictedto a few trinketsfromsites such as Arpachiyah,Hassuna,and Sotto (Stech & Pigott 1986:42; Moorey 1994:255). Only at YarimTepeis there some suggestionthat smeltingmay have been carriedout on site (Muhly1980-83:351). On the bordersbetween lowland and highland, certainkey sites appearto have benefitedfrom their locationas gatewaycommunitiesforthetransshipment of materialsbetweenthe two zones, fromat least the fifthmillenniumonwards.Sucha positionis suggested at Tepe Gawra,where stamp seals closely resemble those from the Zagrosand Anatolia,and also where highlandcommoditiessuch as lapis lazuli, gold and electrumoccur (Tobler1950: 88-91). Similarly,the site of GraiResh,southof the Sinjarmountains,shows extensive evidence for interregionalcontacts in the early fourth millennium,including carnelian,lapis lazuli, gold, bitumenand sea-shells(Kepinski2003). These sites can be viewed within the context of

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interactions increasingevidencefor highland-lowland in the first half of the fourthmillenniumB.C., for examplein the form of significantquantitiesof lapis lazuli(Moorey1994:88). Later fifth millenniumcopper finds outside the highlandzone includethe seriesof 55 copperaxes or hoes and eleven copperdisks foundin gravesat Susa in south-westIran(Hole 1992:30; Moorey1994:256), datingto the LateUbaidperiod,a time when Susa is highlandin its materialcultureorientations(Amiet 1993). Analysisof the copperobjectsfrom Susa has provisionallysuggestedthe origin of their copperas being the Anarakmines, 100 km. east of Sialkon the plateau(Moorey1994:256). The lack so farof significant copperfinds from lowlandMesopotamiansites priorto 3500 B.C., may suggestthathighlandcopper was reachingSusa but not furtherinto the lowland zone (Amiet 1993: 24), as copperartifactshave not been found in contemporarycemeteriesof the lower plains at Eriduand Ur. In the lowlandzone priorto 3500 B.C.,then,it seemsthatcopper"wasneithervital for subsistencenor valued as a prestigecommodity" (Moorey1994:256). Forthe secondhalf of the fourthmillenniumB.C., information on copper finds from lowland Mesopotamiansitesremainspatchy,butthereareclear indicationsof an increasedsignificanceof copperto the rapidlydevelopingurbansocietiesof the plains.A wide varietyof copperitemshas beenrecoveredfrom Uruk itself, while at Susa cast copper tools are relativelyabundant(Moorey 1994: 257). The almost totallackof burialsfromUruk-period Mesopotamiais doubtlessa highly importantfactorin the dearthof evidence for copperartifactsfrom the region in this period.Withoutthe Susa I burials,for example,there wouldbe littleevidencefor copperat Susain the Late Ubaidperiod. In sum, the distribution,contexts, and natureof copperartifactsfoundin the lowlandzone suggest a steadilyincreasingsignificancefor copperin the interactionsbetweenhighlandandlowlandcommunitiesof the fifth and fourthmillenniaB.C. This development can be seen as part of a broader trend of increasing intercourse attested in the movement of many other materials and items, including lapis lazuli, carnelian, gold and silver. The, so far, limited evidence hints at the use by lowland communities of copper artifacts as emblems of prestige, as best attested in the deposition of 55 axes in graves at Susa in the late fifth millennium.

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of interaction wherebyeven largeregionalcentresmay be by-passedin a direct exchange of commodities betweendistantregions,possiblyinvolvingthe use of centresen route.Suchtradesees a still transshipment increasedconcernover transport,routesand security, andmay be affectedby a broadeningrangeof factors, economicandpolitical.How includingenvironmental, Beale's four-fold systemapplyto tradein copper might in the fourthmillenniumB.C.? Duringthe latefifthandearlyfourthmillenniaB.C. the copper-workingcommunities of the Iranian highlandsprocuredandprocessedsignificantvolumes of readilyavailablecopperforconsumption principally and also themselves neighbours, by contemporary by perhapsespeciallyon the Susianaplain.WithinBeale's framework,much of this interactionwas doubtless trickletrade,involvinglow-level, routineintercourse betweenproximatehighlandcommunities.Weapons, tools andornamentsmayhavechangedhandsas items in dowries,as elementsof gift-exchangebetweenlocal dignitaries,or as spoils of conflict.We may also see

stantialdistancesacrossthe plateauin exchangefor otherspecific commodities,but the evidencefor this level of trade is hard to identify in the available evidence from the early fourth millennium. The proximityof all the excavatedcentralplateausites Ghabristan,Sialk, Tal-i Iblis, Hissar- to natural sources of coppermay suggest that there was little need for significantquantitiesof copperto move large distancesover the plateau,but theremay have been a demandfor,andthereforetradein, regionally-specific finishedcopperartifacts.The consistentuniformityat all these sites of copperartifacts,and their apparent productionprocedurescouldargueeitherforor against the ideathatfinishedcopperartifactswerea significant elementin regionalorganisedtrade. Nevertheless,archaeologicalevidence for copper productionat these sites- Ghabristan,Sialk, Tal-i Iblis, Hissar- is divergent,a fact whichmay have a bearing on the organisation of production and mechanismsof trade.Were specialistsattachedto a higher-levelinstitutionof some kind or were they of independentstatus, operatingat a purely domestic level? At Iblis productionappearsto have been large scale but within domesticcontexts.The evidence at Hissar suggests that the organisationof production may have been beyond a domestic mode. At Ghabristanthere is a large separateworkshop,and industrialactivityherecoversthe threemainphasesof the Early(c. 4400-4000 B.C.), Middle(c. 4000-3500 B.C.) and Late (c. 3500-3000 B.C.) Chalcolithic period. The apparentcentralisationof copper and ceramic productionat Ghabristan,as well as the existence of a large building,supportsthe idea that craftactivitymay have takenplace withinthe context chiefdoms.Elite of, or underthe controlof, paramount have thus directly supported craft groups may as well as overseeingredistriand production artisans, of their and local bution, products.Controlin regional, this way over craftproductionanddistributionis seen as a classicfactorin theriseof primarystatesin Southwest Iranby the mid-fourthmillenniumB.C. (Wright & Johnson1975) and may have similarsignificance

traces of local redistributivetrade in the evidence for large-scale copper processing at Arisman and Ghabristan,where a specific commodity is processed at a centre before being distributedamongst neighbouring communities. Regional organised trade may have been taking place, with the movement of copper items over sub-

within the context of the Iranianplateau. It remainsto consider long-distanceorganisedtrade, and here the already mentioned imbalance in resource distributionbetween highlandand lowland zones comes increasingly to the fore. We have already stressed the importanceof security along communicationroutes for the satisfactory operation of long-distance trade.

The structureof trade in thefourth millenniumB.C.

of tradein thefourth What,then,wasthe framework millenniumwithinwhichtheprocessingandmovement of coppercanbe situated?Muchhasbeenwrittenabout tradein ancientWesternAsia,butherewe wishto focus on Beale's (1973) four-foldtypology,based on his studyof tradeat TepeYahya.At the mostbasiclevel is trickletrade,the regularexchangeof items between local communitiesin an atmosphereof "balancedreciprocity".Secondly,Beale definedlocal redistributive tradeas themovementof commoditiesto a centrefrom whichtheywereredistributed, perhapsin alteredform, to local communities. Regional organised trade occurs

wherea centreby-passessmallercommunitiesin order to deal directlywith otherregionalcentrescontrolling specific resources.Here the tradecan be focused on singlecommodities,andcantakeplaceoversubstantial distances,thusincreasingtheconcernwithsuitabilityof routes,meansof transportand security.Finally,longdistance organised trade sees an "internationalisation"

COPPER AND COMPLEXITY: IRAN AND MESOPOTAMIA IN THE FOURTH MILLENNIUM B.C.

Establishmentof such securitywill have involved a politicalcommitmentto controlover traderoutesand perhapsover sourceareastoo, where possible(Beale 1973:143).Fortsandgarrisonsmay forma networkof enforcedcontrolthroughunsettledregions,and it is probablethatthe fortof GodinTepeis to be seenin this light.Giventhatbothhighlandandlowlandcommunities arelikelyto havebenefitedfromthisinternationalisationof tradein copperandothercommodities,it may be thatboth groupsof communitiescooperatedin the maintenance of militarysecurityalongtraderoutes.This mayhelpto explainthepresenceof an implantedUrukrelatedfortwithina purelylocal communityat Godin Tepe, as well as an apparentlysimilar scenarioat Tepeon the Euphrates. Hacminebi Muchhasbeenmadein recentyearsof theabilityof the LateChalcolithicandEarlyBronzeAge societiesof the LowerMesopotamian alluviumto producesignificantlevels of agricultural surplusfromthe irrigatedsoil of their fertile plains, the so-called "Mesopotamian advantage"(Algaze 2001b). Postgate (2003) has recentlyexaminedUruk-periodtrade in the light of later, historical, instances of trade in the region, concludingthatthe developmentof foreigntradewas secondaryto the efficient managementof internal domestic production. Postgate argues from the historicaldatathatmerchantsfulfilledthe functionof suchas templesorpalaces, relievingstateorganisations, of domesticsurplusesin commoditiessuch as cereals, fish, flourandwool, andthenutilisingthatsurplusas capitalfor the supportof foreigntrade,carriedout by those samemerchants.In this light,international trade is viewed as "logicallyand perhapschronologicallya secondary development, a crucial component of civilizationbutan effectandnota cause Mesopotamian of morecomplexsocialstructures" (Postgate2003:24). Such a view chimes well with ideas put forwardby Kohl (1975) sometime ago, to the effectthatrelations between Mesopotamiaand Iran during the Early Bronze Age, at least, were shapedby the need of Mesopotamianurbansocieties to export,or "dump", surplusdomesticproduceon adjacentcommunities. These views on relations between Mesopotamia and Iran take as granted the primacy of the communities of Lower Mesopotamia in the stimulus towards the development of bilateral relations. Mesopotamia is seen as the engine-room for change, increasing social and political complexity brought about there by the need to develop new ways of ordering, managing and

73

disposingof massivesurplusesin domesticproduction. Iran and other uplandzones are seen as essentially in Beale'squoteattheheadof passive(as characterised this article)broughtintotherelationshiponlywhenthe societiesof the lowlandsrequirea dumpinggroundfor surplusstaples.The presencein the uplandzone of materialsand commoditiesdesirableto lowlandcommunitiesat the same time is seen as stimulatingan intensificationof interactionand foreigntraderapidly evolves,withlowlandurbancommunitiesstill shaping the natureandscopeof the intercourse. Theaimof this paperhas been to suggestthatthe developmentof the highland-lowland relationshipin the LateChalcolithic is likely to have been stimulatedas muchby developments in the highlandzone as by those in Lower Mesopotamia.We have seen thatthe societies of the Iranianuplands were in control of a sophisticated large-scalecopperproductionindustryin the centuries long before3500 B.C., andthatthe probableproducts of that industrywere integratedwithin the social structureof sophisticatedneighbouringlowlandcommunities,suchas Susain the LateUbaidperiod.From the highlandperspective,it mayhavebeenthedesireof uplandcommunitiesto expend surplusquantitiesof readilyavailablecopper,theirown domesticsurpluses, thatencouragedandshapedthe initiationanddevelopment of productiverelationswith the lowlandsin the LateChalcolithicandbeyond. Note:this articleis an expandedversionof a paper delivered by the authorsat the First International Conferenceon the AncientCulturalRelationsbetween Iranand WestAsia, Tehran16-18 August2003. We aregratefulto the organisersof the conferencefortheir assistance,hospitality,andtheirpermissionto publish the articlein thisjournal.We arealso gratefulto BIPS for assistancein conductingthis research.

Bibliography Algaze,G. 1993. The UrukWorldSystem.TheDynamicsof Expansion of Early Mesopotamian Civilization,Chicago: Universityof Chicago Press. - 2001a. "The prehistoryof imperialism:the case of Uruk period Mesopotamia", in M.S. Rothman (ed.), Uruk Mesopotamia and its Neighbors. Cross-Cultural

Interactionsin the Era of State Formation,SantaFe, School of AmericanResearchPress:27-83.

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Asia.The - 200lb. "Initialsocialcomplexityin Southwestern Mesopotamian advantage", Current Anthropology 42:

199-233. contacts Amiet,P. 1993."Theperiodof Irano-Mesopotamian 3500-1600 B.C.",in J. Curtis(ed.),Early Mesopotamia and Iran. Contact and Conflict c. 3500-1600 B.C.,

London:23-30. of Urukartifacts fromGodin Badler,V.R.2002."Achronology forthe interTepein centralwesternIranandimplications betweenthe local and foreigncultures",in relationships J.N. Postgate (ed.), Artefacts of Complexity:Trackingthe Uruk in the Near East, Warminster,British School of

Archaeologyin Iraq:79-109. Bass,G.F.1995."Seaandrivercraftin theancientNearEast", in J.M. Sasson (ed.), Civilizationsofthe AncientNear East,

New York:1421-31. Beale,T.W.1973."Earlytradein highlandIran:a view froma source area",WorldArchaeology5: 133-48.

Berthoud, T.,Besenval,R.,Cesbron,F.,Cleuziou,S., Pechouz, J. 1979. "Theearly M., Francaix,J. and Liszak-Hours, Iranianmetallurgy:analyticalstudyof copperores from Iran",in Proceedings of the 18th InternationalSymposium on Archaeometryand Archaeological Prospection, Bonn:

Felli,C. 2003. "Developingcomplexity.Earlyto mid fourthmillenniuminvestigations:the NorthernMiddle Uruk Period",in R. Matthews(ed.), Excavationsat TellBrak Vol. 4: Exploring an Upper MesopotamianRegional Centre,

1994-1996, Cambridge, McDonald Institute for Archaeological Research and British School of Archaeologyin Iraq:53-95. M. 1993."Localcomponentsin the development Frangipane, of centralized societiesin Syro-Anatolian regions",in M. H. M. P. Matthiaeand Liverani, Frangipane, Hauptmann, M. Mellink (eds.), Between the Rivers and Over the

Mountains,Rome, Universitadi Roma "La Sapienza": 133-61. - 2001. "Centralization processesin GreaterMesopotamia: Uruk'expansion'as the climaxof systemicinteractions region",inM.S. amongareasof theGreater Mesopotamian Rothman (ed.), Uruk Mesopotamia and its Neighbors. Cross-CulturalInteractionsin the Era of State Formation,

SantaFe:307-47. - 2002 "'Non-Uruk' andUruk-linked features developments in J.N. on the northern bordersof greaterMesopotamia", Postgate (ed.), Artefactsof Complexity:Trackingthe Uruk

in the Near East, Warminster,British School of 68-74. Archaeologyin Iraq:123-48. Ghirshman,R. 1938. Fouilles de Sialkpres de Kashan 1933, Berthoud,T., Cleuziou, S., Hurtel, L.P., Menu, M. and en 1982. "Cuivres et C. 1934, 1937. VolumeI, Paris. Iran, alliages Volfovsky, in W.B. Fisher(ed.), The au des IVe et Oman cours Afghanistan, III millenaires", Harrison,J.V. 1968. "Minerals", Palhorient8:2: 39-54.

S.M. 1966. Tal-i-Iblis.The Caldwell,J.R. and Shahmirzadi, Kerman Range and the Beginnings of Smelting,

IllinoisStateMuseum. Springfield, H., Pernicka,E., M., Parzinger, Chegini,N.N., Momenzadeh, St6llner,T., Vatandoust,R. and Weisgerber,G. 2000. investigations "Preliminary reporton archaeometallurgical aroundthe prehistoricsite of Arismannear Kashan, westernCentralIran",AMIT32:281-318. Dougherty,R.C andCaldwell,J.R. 1967."Evidenceof early in the KermanRange in Iran",in J.R. pyrometallurgy Caldwell (ed.), Investigations at Tal-i-Iblis, Springfield,

CambridgeHistory of Iran. Volume1 The Land of Iran,

489-516. Cambridge: G. and Bachmann,H.G. 1988. A., Weisgerber, Hauptmann, "Earlycoppermetallurgyin Oman",in R. Maddin(ed.), TheBeginningof the Use ofMetals andAlloys, Cambridge:

34-51. H. 1982."Norguntepe Kazilan,1974",in Keban Hauptmann, Project 1974-1975 Activities, Ankara, Middle East

TechnicalUniversity:15-40. Henrickson,E.F. 1994. "The outer limits: settlementand economicstrategiesin thecentralZagroshighlandsduring the Uruk era",in G. Stein and M.S. Rothman(eds),

IllinoisStateMuseum:17-20. Esin,U. 1975."Tepecik1974",AS25: 46-49. in andCraftSpecialisation Fazeli,H. 2001."SocialComplexity

Chiefdoms and Early States in the Near East. The Organizational Dynamics of Complexity, Madison:

the Late Neolithic and Early Chalcolithic Period in the Central Plateau of Iran",University of Bradford,unpublished Ph.D. dissertation. n.d. "Ceramicspecialisationduringthe Late Neolithic and Chalcolithic periods in the Qazvin and Tehran plains

Hole, F. 1992. "The cemetery of Susa: an interpretation",in P.O. Harper,J. Aruz and F.Tallon(eds), TheRoyal City of Susa, New York,The MetropolitanMuseumof Art:26-31. Holzer, H.F. and Momenzadeh, M. 1971. "Ancient copper mines in the Veshnoveh area, Kuhestan-E-Qom,WestCentralIran",ArchaeologiaAustriaca49: 1-22.

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Kepinski, C. 2003. "New data from Grai Resh (2001-02) in relationto the deep soundingat Nineveh", Paperdelivered at the 49e Rencontre Assyriologique Internationale, London 7-11 July 2003. Kohl, P.L. 1975. "The archaeology of trade", Dialectical Anthropology1: 43-50. Levine, L.D. and Young Jr., T.C. 1987. "A summary of the ceramic assemblages of the central western Zagros from the middle Neolithic to the late thirdmillenniumB.C.", in Prihistoire de la Mesopotamie,Paris: 15-53. Majidzadeh,Y. 1976. "The Early PrehistoricCultures of the Central Plateau of Iran:an Archaeological History of its Development duringthe Fifth and FourthMillenniaB.C.", Unpublished Ph.D. thesis, University of Chicago, Departmentof Near Eastemrn Languagesand Civilizations. - 1977. "Excavationin Tepe Qabrestan.The firsttwo seasons, 1970 and 1971", Marlik (Journal of the Institute and Departmentof Archaeology,TehranUniversity)2: 45-61. - 1979. "An early prehistoriccoppersmithworkshop at Tepe Ghabristan",in Aktendes VII.InternationalenKongresses jfir Iranische Kunst und Archdologie Miinchen 7-10. September1976, Berlin:82-92. Malville, N.J. 2001. "Long-distancetransportof bulk goods in the pre-Hispanic American Southwest", Journal of AnthropologicalArchaeology20: 230-43. Mellaart,J. 1975. TheNeolithic of the Near East, London. Moorey,P.R.S. 1982. "Archaeologyand pre-Achaemenidmetalworking in Iran: a fifteen year retrospective",Iran 20: 81-101. - 1988. "Earlymetallurgy in Mesopotamia",in R. Maddin (ed.), The Beginning of the Use of Metals and Alloys, Cambridge:28-33. - 1994. AncientMesopotamianMaterialsand Industries.The ArchaeologicalEvidence, Oxford. Muhly, J.D. 1980-83. "Kupfer. Archiiologisch", in D.O. Edzard (ed.), Reallexikon der Assyriologie und Vorderasiatische Archdologie,Berlin:348-64. 1988. "The beginnings of metallurgyin the Old World",in R. Maddin (ed.), The Beginning of the Use of Metals and Alloys, Cambridge:2-20. Negahban, E.O. 1977. "Preliminary report of Qazvin expedition: excavations at Zaghe, Qabrestan and Sogzabad",Marlik(Joumalof the Instituteand Department of Archaeology,TehranUniversity)2: 26-44. Nissen, H.J. 2002. "Uruk:key site of the periodand key site of the problem", in J.N. Postgate (ed.), Artefacts of Complexity: Tracking the Uruk in the Near East, Warminster,British School of Archaeology in Iraq:1-16.

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Ozbal, H., Adriaens, A. and Earl, B. 1999. "Hacmebi metal productionand exchange",Paljorient 25/1: 57-65. Payne, S. 1988. "Animal bones", in R.G. Killick (ed.), Tell Rubeidheh. An Uruk Village in the Jebel Hamrin, Warminster:98-135. Pigott, V.C. 1982. "Archaeo-metallurgicalinvestigations at Bronze Age Tepe Hissar", in R.H. Dyson Jr. and S.M. Howard(eds), TepeHissar. Reportsof the RestudyProject 1976, Florence:25-34. Pigott,V.C. and Lechtman,H. 2003. "Chalcolithiccopper-base metallurgy on the Iranian plateau: a new look at old evidence fromTal-iIblis",in T. Potts,M. Roaf andD. Stein (eds), Culture through Objects. Ancient Near Eastern Studies in Honour of PR.S. Moorey, Oxford:291-312. the lessons of the future:trade Postgate, J.N. 2003. "Leamrning in prehistorythrough a historian's lens", BibOr 60/1-2: 5-26. Schmidt, E.F. 1937. Excavations at Tepe Hissar, Damghan, Philadelphia. Shahmirzadi,S.M. 1980. "TepeZagheh andthe problemof the fugitive paintedpottery",Surveyand Excavation (Journal of the Institute and Departmentof Archaeology, Tehran University)3:13-21. Stech, T. andPigott,V.C. 1986. "Themetalstradein Southwest Asia in the thirdmillenniumB.C.",Iraq 48: 39-64. Stein, G.J. 1994. "Economy, ritual, and power in 'Ubaid Mesopotamia", in G.J. Stein and M.S. Rothman (eds.), Chiefdoms and Early States in the Near East. The OrganizationalDynamics of Complexity,Madison:35-46. Stein, G.J. 1999. Rethinking World-Systems.Diasporas, Colonies, and Interactionin UrukMesopotamia,Tuscon. - 2002. "The Uruk expansion in Anatolia: a Mesopotamian colony and its indigenous host community at Hacmebi, Turkey",in J.N. Postgate (ed.), Artefacts of Complexity: Trackingthe Uruk in the Near East, Warminster,British School of Archaeology in Iraq:149-71. Tobler, A.J. 1950. Excavations at Tepe Gawra VolumeII, Philadelphia. Veenhof, K.R. 1995. "Kanesh: an Assyrian colony in Anatolia",in J.M. Sasson (ed.), Civilizationsof theAncient Near East, New York:859-71. Wright,H. and Johnson, G. 1975. "Population,exchange and early state formation in South Western Iran",American Anthropologist77: 267-91. Young, T.C., Jr.2004. "The Kangavarsurvey - periods VI to IV", in A. Sagona (ed.), A Viewfrom the Highlands. Archaeological Studies in Honour of Charles Burney, Leuven: 645-60.

THE BANESH-KAFTARIINTERFACE: THE VIEW FROM OPERATIONH5, MALYAN* (Correctedversion)

By Naomi F. Miller and William M. Sumner Universityof PennsylvaniaMuseumand Columbus,Ohio

* Kaftari occupation representsa replacement The Kur River Basin (KRB) in Fars was the heartland of Elamite civilisation during the late population,with little continuitywith the past, there was Earlier second millennia B.C. still, represented locallyby the Baneshtradition. third/early * in the late Kaftari a significant Proto-Elamitepresence occupationis just a continuation, perhaps with somenew influences,of the earlierBanesh fourth/earlythirdmillennia.Malyan(ancientAnshan), tradition. which was the urbancentreof ElamiteFars,had been timesas the mostimportantsettlementin Proto-Elamite Malyan,one of the few sites with bothBaneshand well (Sumner 1974, 1976, 1988). The ceramic Kaftariperioddeposits,is a goodplaceto lookfortransitionalceramicformsor a transitional artifactassemblage assemblages associated with these two periods KaftarifortheElamiteandBaneshfortheProto-Elamite thatwouldsupportthe ideathatthe Kaftaritradition was an outgrowth ratherthana replacement of theBanesh. periods- aredistinctive. The areaof habitationat Malyanwas no morethan Archaeologicalsurveyand excavationsuggestthat 130 ha.Theremainsof a 20 m widemud-brickcitywall, much of the third millennium, during permanent in Fars.Theoriginand still extantin severalplaces,dateto the Baneshperiod settlementsvirtuallydisappeared hiatusin the KRB is not and may have enclosed an area as large as 200 ha. natureof the Banesh/Kaftari clear.Givenits greatagricultural disproductivityin earlier (Sumner1985, 1988).Thereis a clearstratigraphic times, abandonmentmay have been due to climatic continuity between the Banesh and Kaftari-period factorsand resultingcrisis in the subsistencesystem. depositsin some excavationareas. Banesh levels in Alternatively,it may have been a consequenceof OperationABC were separatedfrom the laterKaftari politicalprocesses;for example,the regionmighthave strata by an erosional episode of unknown, but servedas a no man'slandbetweencompetingstatesor apparentlycenturies-long,duration.Similar erosion tribalgroups.At leastthreescenarioscanbe proposed: surfacesmay also be presentbetweenLateBaneshand * The KRB was indeedabandonedby all but the Kaftari strata in the trench across the city wall mostoccasionalpasserby. (OperationBY8). The TUV moundwas not occupied * Settled occupation in the KRB ceased, but aftertheBaneshperiod,whichleavesthedeepsounding nomadicpastoralistspassed throughin spring in the north-eastcornerof OperationGHI,presentedin andfall, or usedthe areafor summerpasture.To this report,as the only sourceof informationthatcan this day, Qashqa'i pastoral nomads have a addressthe questionof continuitybetweenthe Banesh significanteffect on the politics, land use and andKaftariperiods(Figs. 1, 2). in the region(see Beck 2003). environment * The KRB was largely, but not completely, abandoned TheH5 Soundingin OperationGHI1 by settledpeopleandpassingnomads. it wouldbe difficultto distinguishthe Archaeologically, three scenarios,since the discoveryof any mid-third OperationGHI is situatedon a low hill about2 m millenniumremainswould supportall of them. If, above its immediatesurroundings. It was excavatedin we and trace the cultural of the an effort can to find that however, identify origin buildings mightbe a sourceof the Kaftaristyle,it wouldbe helpful.Twopropositions related extensiveKaftaritrashdepositfoundin theupperlayers to this issue concern the apparentdiscontinuityin of Operation ABC located60 m to the south-south-east settlement andceramicsatMalyananditsre-establishment of GHI.Theupper3 m of the depositwere a sequence of four substantialQaleh and Kaftariperiodbuilding as theprimarysettlement of theKRBin Kaftaritimes: 77

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EAST

NORTH 2

37B7b1 26

A

) ,;,•::::,•

B

S m/ -o .S m Z7> -----, B

•..........

Bt

- -- - -

-

5.50m

Bon,

..........

D.

3333

37

1

boundary Majorstratigraphic --

- *

Stratum boundary

Brick/Bricky

S0S (1

< B

Indistinctstratumboundary Asexcavated Charcoal Depositswithcharcoal/ash Rock Rodent/nsectburrows

R

Sherd Bone

W OR Y R

Whiteashy O-ange Yellow Red Dark Brown

GCreenishClay

Fig. 1 H5, northandeast sections. levels. Within one of the rooms in Operation H5, we excavated a small sounding. Only 1.6 x 1.5 m at the top, it stepped down to 0.7 x 0.5 m about 6 m below the lowest floor of Building Level 3, the earliest building reachedin H5. The goal of the deep sounding in H5 was to look for a stratigraphic connection between the Banesh and Kaftariperiods.

StratigraphicAnalysis of the H5 Sounding For the most part, excavation under the supervision of Miller and Linda Jacobs proceeded by arbitrary levels. Consequently, many lots, coded in the field as "mixed,"may contain materialfrom several depositional episodes or strataobservable in the section. Deposits

THE BANESH-KAFTARI INTERFACE: THE VIEW FROM OPERATION H5, MALYAN

79

WEST

SOUTH

23a)a

a

BA B

11

. . a.2. 26a, ...........

/',.

excavated

steps : •.j9

" . ',,

B'0 4 •z

cB .j

"

/postBOt/

B

27b'i*

V

.....

-

-

~(27\

26b/

__

- - - - - - ........ - - - - - - 29a ,.•I............-"

8a

i

;•

(i---9-

' ?28a

....... . ...8

4.50m

......

.... ,

o4...1. .36

... ....I i

'372

3 /----

-- --

Fig. 2. H5, south and west sections.

distinguishablein the section may be groupedinto broaderstratigraphic units, so many lots which fall between stratamay neverthelessbe includedin the analysis. This summaryexplains how the deposits, from earliestto laterlevels, canbe groupedintomajorstratigraphicunits,E, D, C, B, A (Table1).2 No walls were encountered duringexcavationandnonewerevisiblein the sections; surfaces,too, were few. The brickiest depositswere in the lowestunit (E), which is also the unit with variousgravel and pebble layers (over an admittedlytiny area).Above E, the depositstendto be trashy,with lensesof charcoalandash not uncommon;

it is probablyno coincidencethat thereis little brick materialandthatno expansesof clearlydefinedsurfaces werefound.Theceramicsarediscussedseparately. StratigraphicUnit E (strata37 to 33a) The oldest majorstratigraphic unit excavatedwas Unit E: thickness: 2.06 m; area at bottom c. 0.6 m2, at top c. 1.4 m2. The matrix consisted primarily of

yellowishbrickysediments.The excavatedareais so smallandthe characterof the surrounding sedimentsis so consistentthat there is no reasonto treatthe two gravel layersand one pebble lens as stratigraphically significant.

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TABLE1. Description of the major stratigraphic units and strata depicted in the section drawing (Internal horizontal lines indicate relatively clear separation between strata).

A

22

soft,whiteashyandcharcoalfilledpit/thicklens soft whitish 23a, b, c 24 reddish,bricky 25 greyashy;pit?

B

26a 26b/c 27a 27b 27c

overlyingpit 26b/c,butbasicallylike 27 pit, cut into27b reddishsoil reddishandgreyishsoil reddishsoil

C

28a 28b 30 29a 29b

charcoalandash lenses,partlyunclearboundarywith27c trashy whiteashydeposit thinlayerof fine-grained compactorangesoil trashy,overorangeline

D

31a 3 lb 32

trashyyellowishsediments,withjarburial149 trashyyellowishsediments,with sometrash ephemeralsurface

E

33a 33b 34 35 36 37

includespebblelayervisiblein southsection yellowishbrickysoil gravellayer,> 2 cm thick yellowishbrickysoil gravellayer,c. 2 cm thick yellowishbrickysoil

units: of majorstratigraphic Generalcharacterisation lenses A: greyishandreddishsoft trashydepositswithseveralthickcharcoal/ash B: soft reddishtrashydeposits C: soft trashydepositswithmanythickcharcoal/ash deposits D: trashydeposits E: yellowishbrickydeposits 119/149).Thejar,most of whichwas in the baulk,did not appearto be on a surfaceor cut into a pre-existing deposit.An arbitrarydivision of this stratumassigns 3 l b to the lower half into which the jar presumably D 32 to Unit (strata 31a) Stratigraphic An ephemeral surface (stratum 32) separates was set, and31a to the burialitself anddepositabove Units E andD. In general,stratumD has a somewhat it. The burial, thought to be of a child or young mixed character- ashy trash deposit, fairly soft adolescent,may have been disturbedin antiquity- a reddishand greenishdeposits, brick fragments.The skull was found first, over the jar. The flexed skullareaat the top is about3.7 m2. Unit D is about 1.6 m less skeletonwas within. In additionto the burialassignedto stratum31a, thick, with no obvious stratigraphicdiscontinuities. Halfway up, however, was a jar burial (featureno. severalsignificantfinds were unearthedin strata31b The few artifactsincludeda praiseblade(mf 9372) anda jasperflake(mf 9599).

THE BANESH-KAFTARI

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H5, MALYAN

81

Fig. 3. Sherdsfrom stratigraphic Unit D. The Black designs in Fig. 3a represent black paint; the grey bands represent a lighter maroon. colour, probably

and 31a: wall cone fragment(mf 8811), the highest densityof sealingclay andsome sherddisks. StratigraphicUnit C (strata30/29b to 28a) Unit C is about70 cm thickandabout4.3 m2at the top. SeparatingUnit D from C is a thin orangelayer (about2 cm thick)that appearsin the southand east sections.Over this, strata29b, 29a, 30, 28b and 28a comprisea groupof poorlydefinedashy trashylenses

matrix.The deposit and a pit withinthe surrounding 29b, directlyabove the orangelayer,is similarto the trashysedimentsof stratum31a. It does seem to be roughly contemporarywith the less distinct orange layersof 29a, and so has been placedin StratumC. A depression(stratum30) filled with white ashy soil appearsto be cut intoUnit D: 3l1a,butalso may be cut into29b.A trashylayer,28b,lies directlyover29b;there is not a clearstratigraphic break,but in the field it was

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TABLE2. Ceramicsfrom the H5 sounding.

unit Majorstratigraphic Volume (m3)

Bevelledrimbowl Baneshstrawtempered tray pedestalgobletbase pedestalgobletrim other Baneshstrawtempered,sum Baneshstrawtempered density(sherds/m3) Baneshgrittempered,sum Baneshsherds,total Baneshsherds, densityof total(sherds/m3) Kaftarisherds,total Kaftarisherds,density (sherds/m3)

A

A/B

B

C

C/D

D

E

2.78

5.02

5.69

1.56

2.37

3.07

1.91

0

3

3

0

1

1

3

1 0 1 1 3

1 1 4 0 9

2 2 6 10 23

0 0 1 0 1

1 0 7 2 11

4 0 7 6 18

6 1 18 7 35

1.1 7 10

1.8 8 17

4.0 24 47

0.6 5 6

4.6 54 65

5.9 29 47

18.3 9 44

3.6

3.4

8.3

3.9

27.4

15.3

23.0

119

81

113

33

100

127

0

42.8

16.1

19.9

21.2

42.2

41.4

0

somewhatdifferentin color and texture.A series of charcoalandashlensesoverlying29ahasbeenassigned to stratum28a, eventhoughon thewest sectionit seems to becomesimilarin characterto 28b (a less ashy,but still softtrashydeposit). Artifactsof interestincludea big lump of sealing clay (mf 9024), a bone awl (mf 8600), a flint drill(mf 9024), a limestonebowl rim(mf 8878) of a type found in Baneshlevels came froma mixedC/D lot (Fig. 3e), andmanysherddisks.

Overlying27b and26b,stratum26a is a reddish,slightly brickydeposit.In the southsection,its interfacewith 27b is unclear. Artifactsof interestincludemanysherddisks,some possiblesealingclay,andsomecopper/bronze.

StratigraphicUnit A (strata25 to 22) the separationof UnitB fromUnit Stratigraphically, A is somewhatarbitrary. UnitA is about0.4 to 1.1 m deep, and the areaexcavatedis about8.3 m2. A grey ashypit (stratum25) cutsinto27a andoverlies26b and 26a. A harder,reddish,bricky deposit (stratum24) B Unit to 27c (strata 26a) Stratigraphic Unit B is of variablethickness,about0.6 to 1.6 m, overliesthatpit. Not distinguishedduringexcavation, coveringan areaof about7.3 m2. The maindistinction thicklensesof charcoalandashareassignedto stratum betweenthesoft,trashydepositsof UnitC:28bandUnit 23. Stratum22 seemsto representa seriesof ashy,trash B: 27c, b, a, and26a, is thatthoseof B tendto be a bit deposits,whichdistinguishesit fromstratum23. This deposit produced a large Sumeriantablet reddishin colour.In all foursections,B lies overtheash and charcoal-filleddeposits of stratum28a. A pit writtenin Old Babylonianscript(mf 7950), a small (featureno. 105),visiblein northandwestsections,was amountof sealingclay,andan obsidianflake(mf 7785) not stratigraphically excavated.A smallbit of charcoal- fromnearLakeSevan(Blackman1984:48, MA0037). filled depositis piled againstits east side (26c), butthe A bonepin (mf 7893) camefroma mixedUnitA/B lot fieldnotessuggestthatthe bulkof thepit fill (26b)had (Fig. 6F). Based on the pottery,strata22 and 23 lower concentrations of charcoaland was harderthan representa Kaftarioccupation(see below). Stratum22 the materialinto which it was cut (27b and/or27c). was sealedby theBuildingLevel3 floorof H5.

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pt = paintthickening

A

paint drip

Fig. 4 Sherdsfrom stratigraphicUnitD.

useful as an indicationof changes in the ceramic assemblageoras anindicationof siteformation processes Thegeneralcharacteristics of theceramicassemblage thattransported sherdsfromlowerto higherdeposits. fromthe H5 deepsoundingareoutlinedin Table2. The Baneshstrawtemperedcountshavebeencheckedby one StratigraphicUnit E of us (Sumner),buttheBaneshgrittemperedandKaftari The earliestdeposit in the H5 sounding,Unit E, countsarefieldcountsmadeby differentindividuals who produced an assemblage of typical Banesh straw to identifydiagnostic temperedware: three bevelled rim bowls (hereafter may haveused differentattributes sherds.The following discussionrelies more on the BRB), six trays, one pedestal goblet base, eighteen thanon the raw pedestalgobletrims (for illustrationof these formssee sherdspresentedin detailandillustrated countsin Table2. Nevertheless,the changingdensity Sumner1974:figs. 4b, c, d, f and5f, i), andsevenmisof strawtemperedBaneshsherdsis cellaneousstraw temperedsherds.None of the nine pattern(sherds/m3) Ceramicsfrom the H5 Sounding

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Fig. 5. Sherdsfrom stratigraphic Unit C.

5.9 sherds/m3.Late Baneshgrit temperedsherdswith blackand maroonpaintappliedover a thin white slip unit. Other also are found in this majorstratigraphic Baneshgrittemperedformsincludesmallandmedium paintedclosed forms(Fig. 3b, d) a largeplum slipped storagejar with a club rim and finger impressed shoulderridge(Fig. 3c), a darkred shallowring base plate(Fig. 3f), anda varietyof paintedmotifsincorpoD Unit ratingfestoons,diamonds,and multiplezig-zag bands Stratigraphic of an standard Unit D also produced assemblage (Fig. 4a-f). Similarformsand motifs are knownfrom Banesh levels at OperationABC, TUV, BY8, and a strawtemperedBaneshtypes,butat a lowerdensity

Banesh grit temperedsherds were large enough to producea profile,but severalsherdshadmaroonpaint, a LateBaneshattribute,or blackpainton red slip. The density of Banesh strawtemperedsherdsin Unit E, comparedto theirdensityin UnitA, togetherwith the absenceof Kaftarisherdsin UnitE, is takenas evidence thatUnitE canbe datedto the Baneshperiod.

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recent sounding in the north-eastcomer of the city wall (Sumner 1985, 2003; Nicholas 1990; Abdi 2001). Burial 149 was in a Banesh red slipped vessel with grey grit temperedbody decoratedwith three rope relief bands around the shoulder and a single rope band forming the base. There was a hole in the centre of the base that was made before the vessel was fired.3Relief rope motifs on heavy grit tempered sherds and coarse cooking ware sherds are found in both Kaftari (Nickerson 1983: fig. 41) and Banesh (Sumner 1976: fig. 3) levels. Rough sherd disks, common in Kaftari levels, but rare or missing in Banesh levels, first appear in Unit D. The diagnostic ceramics from Unit D also include three unusual items. The first of these is a small carinated pot with a flame motif not seen before at Malyan (Fig. 3a). The flame motif is painted in black on a light bricky red matte surface below an assortmentof bands, meanders, vertical stripes, and an hour glass painted in either black or maroon. This pot is very similar to a group of Late Banesh carinated vessels found in the city wall (Sumner 1985: fig. 3J-M; see also Abdi 2001: fig. 22:7). Similar carinatedpainted vessels are known from Susa IVA (Carter 1980: fig. 28:1, 2, 7; see also Steve and Gasche 1971: pl. 16:7), and Godin III6, 5 (Henrickson 1986: figs. 4:3, 4; 10:10).4 An unusual rim sherd has black painted stripes across the top of the rim and brown bands on the edge of the rim and below the rim inside and out (Fig. 4). The paste is orange with a grey core and fine straw temper; the rim is thickened at three places between the rim and shoulder.Strongparallels for this sherd are unknown in eitherBanesh or Kaftariassemblages. The otherunusual find in StratumD is a small incised grey burnishedgrit temperedsherd. Stratigraphic Units C-B Major stratigraphicunits B and C together with several sherds from mixed C/D lots produceda ceramic assemblage that has both Kaftariand Banesh elements. The general pattern presented by this combined assemblage is shown in Table 2. The density patternin both Units B and C meet our general expectation in that Banesh density is lower than in Units D and E and higher than in A. This patternimplies that the Banesh to Kaftaritransitionor replacement,whichever it may have been, happened somewhere in the time between the dates of Units D andA in the H5 sounding. It is possible that the typical Banesh straw temperedforms continued

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to be producedand used in Units C and B, but it seems more likely that their presence in these layers is a result of site formation processes that bring sherds up from earlier layers. Variants of the grit tempered open and restricted forms with roundedor expandedrims (Figs. 5a, b, 6a, b) are found in all Banesh deposits excavated to date (Nicholas 1990: pls. 20, 21; Sumner 1985: fig. 4; 2003: figs. 24, 25). Comparableforms are quite rarein Kaftari deposits. Close parallels seem to be rare in other assemblages, but some general similarities appear at Susa III/IV (Carter1980: figs. 10:3, 13:6, 15:11, 25:7). The group of three small pots decoratedwith bands (Fig. 5c, d, e) have straw temper, with some fine grit temper as well. Small pots of this type are common in the Kaftari assemblage, but the great majority have painted decoration covering most of the vessel (see Sumner 1974: fig. 6f-h). Parallels for these small pots are not common, but are found in Susa IVA (Carter 1980: fig. 24:3), in Godin III5 (Henrickson 1986: fig. 10:2) and at Tal-e Zohak in Fars (Miroschedji,personal communication). A small pot with the painted rim is made of a grit tempered red buff paste that is common in Banesh but rare in Kaftari. Other painted wares include several Late Banesh sherds with maroon paint on a white wash or red slip, including a closed form with a shoulder ridge, and two sherds of unknown affinity with a unique linear geometric painted design (Fig. 6g, h). Other ceramic finds include Kaftari sherd disks. Stratigraphic Unit A UnitA produceda varietyof typicalKaftariceramics: a red slipped tripod vessel leg (mf 9390, Fig. 7e), a burnishedred slipped carinatedbowl from a mixed A/B lot (Fig. 6d), a black on red slipped bowl (Fig. 7c), a small red slipped storage jar rim (Fig. 7b), and a miniature buff ware bowl (mf 7845, Fig. 6e) from a mixed A/B lot. Otherdiagnostic Kaftarisherds included streakybrown slip, bichromebuff, and red slippedsherds with bitumenrepairs.The small bowl with black painton red slip (Fig. 6c) from a mixed A/B lot is also typical Kaftari.It has been shown that red slipped sherds make up about 40% and buff sherds make up about 60% in early Kaftarilevels; red slipped sherds then decrease in relative frequency through time. By this measure, Building Level 4 in GHI, roughly contemporarywith Unit A in the H5 sounding,is the earliestKaftaribuilding excavatedto date (Nickerson 1983: table 19).

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Fig. 6. Sherds and objects from stratigraphic Unit B and A/B.

The most unusualsherdfrom Unit A is a unique variantof the Kaftarileft facingbirdmotif (Fig. 7a). This sherddepictsthreebirdsswimmingto the left in associationwith several floral motifs. Like typical Kaftaribirds,thesebirdsarefat,butthegeneralshapeof thebodyis quitedifferent,therenderingof theheadand beak is different,and the tails turnup, unlike other Kaftaribirds(Sumner1974:fig. 7; 1999: fig. 4). The floralmotifin thebandabovethebirdsoccurson many Kaftaripots,butthe leavesarein all othercasesfilledin solid ratherthandrawnin outline.Birdsfacingleft that are comparablein style to Kaftaribirdsoccurin very low frequencyonly in Susa IVA (Ville Royale I:9) (Carter1980:figs. 28:14;29: 9) andfirstappearin the Godin sequencein Level III5 (Henrickson1986: fig. 8:2, 3).

Thesmallspoutedvesselpaintedblackon redslipon red grit temperedware (Fig. 7f) probablyshouldbe classified as transitionalor Late Banesh. The small carinatedbowl (Fig. 7d) with dark brown paint on orangebuff grit temperedware is close to Kaftariin shape,but the row of connectedpaintedballs is not otherwiseknownin the Kaftariassemblage. UnitA alsoproducedseveralsherdsof Baneshstraw temperedware (Table 2) and several grit tempered Baneshsherdsincludinga nose lug and a sherdwith maroonpaintappliedovera thinwhitewash. TheH5 soundingproducedrelativelyfew sherdsand otherfinds.Severalpebblysurfacesweredetectedin the soundingthatcouldrepresenterosionalepisodessimilar to the interfacebetweenBaneshandKaftaridepositsin ABC. However,the stylisticprogressionbetweenH5

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Fig. 7. Sherdsfrom stratigraphic Unit A.

UnitD, witha typicalLateBaneshassemblage,andUnit A, with a typicalearlyKaftariassemblage,impliesat leastsomedegreeof continuityof occupationatMalyan throughthe thirdmillennium.This view is not contradictedby the mixtureof BaneshandKaftariattributes, andthe presenceof ceramictypespreviouslyunknown at Malyanin UnitsC andB. AND THE THEBANESH-KAFTARI TRANSITION THIRDMILLENNIUM HIATUS Argumentshavepreviouslybeenadvancedin favour of a mid-third millennium hiatus in sedentary occupationof centralFars- fromabout2800 to 2200 B.C. (Sumner1986, 1989).Ceramicparallelsin SusaIV and GodinIII6/5for the small ceramicassemblagein UnitsB throughD of theH5 soundingsuggestthatLate Banesh does not end before the middle of the third of the millennium,c. 2400-2500 B.C.A reconsideration Susa and Godin parallels for the Late Banesh

assemblagefromOperationBY8 in the city wall leads to the sameconclusion. It now seemspossible,althoughnotestablishedwith completeclarity,thatthe earlieststagesin the evolution of theKaftariceramicstyleareseenin UnitsB andC of theH5 deepsounding.If so, thereis no reasonto believe thatthisdevelopmentdidnot continuethroughthethird Kaftaristyle was millenniumuntilthe fully articulated establishedin the Shimashkiperiod,c. 2200-1900 B.C. The evidence,however,is still strongfor a radical decline in the sedentarypopulation of the valley beginningin theLateBaneshperiod,perhapsas earlyas 2800 and lastinguntilabout2300 B.C. This evidence, presentedin detailelsewhere(Sumner2003), is based on the extreme rarity of Late Banesh diagnostic ceramicsin Alden'svery largesurfacecollectionsor in soundingsconductedby VandenBerghe in some 25 sites in the region (Alden 1979: tables 38 and 47; VandenBerghe 1952, 1953-54). The existenceof the proposedhiatusis also supportedby the smallnumber of sites thatwere inhabitedin bothBaneshandKaftari

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times and by the radiocarbon chronology (Voigt and Dyson 1992). During this period Malyan and perhapsseveral other sites may have been occupied by a small seden-tary population with a ceramic tradition that eventually evolved into the mature Kaftari style found at Malyan late in the third millennium. Although there is no evidence for anything but a very small sedentarypopulation in the Kur River Basin during the mid-third millennium, the presence of a pastoral nomadic population is possible. The Jalyancemeteryprovides circumstantialevidence in supportof this notion. This tentative conclusion accords well with the broaderview recently expressed by Miroschedji: The resemblancesbetweenthe paintedwaresfound in cemeteriesof western and easternLurestan,in contemporarytombsat Musiyanandat Susa and in the graves of the Jalyancemeteryin easternFars (Carter1984: fig. 9; Miroschedji1974) suggestthe existence,towardthe middleof thethirdmillennium B.C.E., of strong cultural affinities between the centraland southernZagros range, from southern Kurdestanto eastern Fars, resulting presumably from similarities in ways of life and seasonal movementsof nomads.This basic unity shapedthe foundationfor the forthcomingrise of the Elamite kingdoms of Awan, Shimashki, and Anshan. (Miroschedji2003: 24) In the light of these correspondences, we may perhapsenvisage the rise of the Kaftaripolity occurring in a context of ongoing interactions among mobile pastoralgroups and sparse settled populations.

Acknowledgments The illustrations were prepared at MASCA from original field drawingsunderthe supervisionof StuartJ. Fleming (Figs. 1 and 2 by Michael Sheehan from N.F. Miller's section drawing;Figs. 3-7 by Lindsay Shafer; the sherds in Figs. 4a-f and 6g, h were drawn by N.F. Miller from a photographictransparency.N. F. Miller would also like to thank Michael Danti for helpful discussions about the section drawings.

Notes *

This is a correctedversion of an articlewhich appearedin

volumeXLI(2003)pp. 7-19. 1

GHI is the abbreviateddesignationfor four contiguous 10 x 10 m operationsindividuallydesignatedH5, G5, H7 and G7. At Malyan,"lot"refersto the minimumunit of excavation.

Registered objectswereassignedMalyanfindnumbers (mf). 2 Thenumbering of stratahere(22 to 37) closelyfollowsthat of the 1978 post-excavationsummary;there have been a

few minoradjustments. Forthis report,materialfromthe unitscomesfromthefollowingH5 lots: majorstratigraphic A: lots 152-160,221;A/B:lots 160-170;B: lots 171-179; B/C: lots 180, 186;C: lots 181-183, 185;C/D: lots 184; 187-192;D: lots 193-203,210, 220: D/E:lot 204; E: lots 205-209,211-219. 3 Thisvessel,mf 9743,was recoveredlatein the seasonand was never reconstructed,photographed,or drawn;it is in

theNationalMuseumof Iran(IranBastan)in Tehran. 4 A previousdiscussion(Sumner1985)of LateBaneshcited parallelsin Susa III;Sumnernow believes Susa IV parallels

aremoreconvincing.

Bibliography Abdi,K. 2001."Malyan1999",Iran39, 73-98. in Banesh Alden,J.R.1979."RegionalEconomicOrganization PeriodIran".Ph.D. Dissertation,Department of Anthropology,Universityof Michigan,AnnArbor. NomadicPastoralists andTheirUse Beck,L. 2003. "Qashqa'i of Land", in Yeki bud, yeki nabud, Essays on the Archaeology of Iran in Honor of WilliamM. Sumner,N.F.

MillerandK.Abdi(eds.),LosAngeles,289-304. Studiesof Middle Blackman,M. James.1984. "Provenance Eastern Obsidian from Sites in Highland Iran", in ACS Advances in ChemistrySeries, No. 205. Archaeological

III,JosephB. Lambert(ed.),19-50. Chemistry in Ville RoyaleI at Susa:The Carter,E. 1980. "Excavations ThirdMillenniumB.C. Occupation",CDAFI 11, 11-134. S1984. "Archaeology",in Elam: SurveysofPolitical History

and Archaeology,E. Carterand M.W.Stolper,Berkeley, California,103-313. Henrickson,R. C. 1986. "A Regional Perspectiveon Godin III: CulturalDevelopment in CentralWestern Iran",Iran 24, 1-55.

THE BANESH-KAFTARI INTERFACE: THE VIEW FROM OPERATION H5, MALYAN

Miroschedji,P. de. 1974. "Tep6 Jalyan,une n6cropole du IIe millenaireav. J.-C. au Fars oriental(Iran)",ArtsAsiatiques 30, 19-64. 2003. "Susaand the Highlands:MajorTrendsin the History of ElamiteCivilization",in Yekibud,yeki nabud,Essays on the Archaeology of Iran in Honor of WilliamM. Sumner, N.F. Miller and K. Abdi (eds.), Los Angeles, 17-38. Nicholas, I. M. 1990. Malyan Excavation Reports. Vol.I. The Proto-ElamiteSettlementat TUV,Philadelphia. Nickerson, J. L. 1983. "IntrasiteVariabilityduringthe Kaftari Periodat Tal-e Malyan (Anshan),Iran".Ph.D. Dissertation, Departmentof Anthropology,The Ohio State University, Columbus. Ste"ve,M.-J. and Gasche, H. 1971. "L'Acropole de Suse", MDP 46. Sumner,W.M. 1974. "Excavationsat Tall-iMalyan, 1971-72", Iran 12, 155-80. - 1976. "Excavationsat Tall-i Malyan (Anshan) 1974", Iran 14, 103-15. - 1985. "The Proto-ElamiteCity Wall at Tal-e Malyan",Iran 23, 153-61. - 1986. "Proto-ElamiteCivilization in Fars", in Gamdat Nasr: Period or Regional Style?, U. Finkbeiner and W.

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R61lig (eds.), Beiheft zum Tiibinger Atlas des Vorderen Orients,Reihe B, Nr. 26, Wiesbaden, 199-211. - 1988. "Maljan,Tall-e(Ansan)",ReallexikonderAssyriologie und Vorderasiatischen Archdologie,Band 7(3/4), 306-20. - 1989. "Anshanin the KaftariPhase: Patternsof Settlement and Land Use", in Archaeologia Iranica et Orientalis. Miscellanea in Honorem Louis VandenBerghe, L. De Meyer and E. Haerinck(eds.), Gent, 135-61. - 1999. "TheBirds ofAnshan", in TheIranian World.Essays on Iranian Art and Archaeology Presented to Ezat O. Negahban, A. Alizadeh, Y. Majidzadeh, and S.M. Shahmirzadi(eds.), Tehran,85-100. - 2003. MalyanExcavationReports, Volume Early Urban III. Life in the Land ofAnshan: Excavationsat Tal-eMalyan in the Highlands of lran, Philadelphia. VandenBerghe, L. 1952. "ArchaeologischeOpzoekingenin de Mary Dasht Vlakte (Iran)".Jaarberichtex OrienteLux 12, 211-20, pls. XLVIII-LIV. S1953-54. "ArchaeologischeNavorsingen in de Omstreken van Persepolis".Jaarbericht ex OrienteLux 13, 394-408, pls. LXXXV-LXXXIX. Voigt, M.M. and Dyson, R. H. Jr. 1992. "The Chronology of Iran,ca. 8000-2000 B.C.", in Chronologies in Old World Archaeology,R.W. Ehrich(ed.), Chicago, 122-78.

CYRUS AND THE ACHAEMENIDS* By MattWaters Universityof Wisconsin-EauClaire

Understandingof early Achaemenidhistory has undergonesignificantchanges in recent scholarship. Recentresearchhas emphasisedthe familialdistinction between Cyrus the Great and Darius I, and it has become difficultto give credenceto the traditional, of Darius'kinshipclaims that modem reconstruction impliesa dualdescentfromAchaemenesvia Teispes: one line to Cyrusandthe otherto Darius.WithCyrus' inscriptionsat Pasargadaedemonstratedas spurious, and the "Achaemenid dynasty" demonstratedas Darius' creationex nihilo, the relationshipbetween Dariusandhis predecessors requiresa new assessment. Darius has been viewed as an unabashedliar, despitethe consistentantipathytowardthe Lie (Old Persiandrauga)emphasisedin his royal inscriptions. As typical of the genre of royal apologia,the truth thereinreflectsthe truthas the sovereignportrayedit, with historicalaccuracy,as we would define it, not a priority.It was certainlynot beyondDariusto fabricate a connectionto his royal predecessorswhere none existed. But, to put it somewhatparadoxically,is Putanotherway, Darius'mendacityso straightforward? may anyof Darius'genealogicalclaimsbe salvagedby carefulconsideration of his imperialrhetoricandother ancientsources? This articlesupposesa negativeanswerto the first questionanda positiveoneto the second.Tofinda link betweenthelinesof CyrusandDariusoneneedlookno furtherthanCassandane, wife of Cyrusanddaughterof the Achaemenid (Hdt.III.2).Acceptanceof Pharnaspes Herodotus'account of the marriageof Cyrus and Cassandane,the evidencefor which will be discussed below, serves as the foundation of this article's assertions.' of In orderto appreciatethe historicalramifications the dynastic this union,one mustnot only differentiate linesof CyrusandDariusbutalsoexaminethe ideological importof Darius'use of the label "Achaemenid". Dariusplacedgreatemphasison beinganAchaemenid, i.e., descended from his eponymous ancestor, Achaemenes.Achaemenesis first mentionedin the Bisitun Inscription,wherein Dariustracedhis lineage to

91

him through four generations: "Darius the king proclaims:My father is Hystaspes, the father of Hystaspes is Arsames, the father of Arsames was the fatherof Ariaramnes was Teispes,the Ariaramnes, fatherof Teispeswas Achaemenes.Dariusthe king proclaims: For this reason we are called 'Achaemenids'.'"2This lineal descent, in subsequent becamesimply"Achaemenid" (i.e., minus inscriptions, the full genealogicalprogression),used as a dynastic marker.This Achaemenidemphasis is consistently reflectedin Darius'titulary,for example,"I am Darius theGreatKing,Kingof Kings,Kingof manycountries, son of Hystaspes,an Achaemenid"(DPe ?1 - with minorvariationsin severalotherinscriptions).3 does The nameAchaemenesor title "Achaemenid" the not occur in Cyrus'inscriptions(notwithstanding Pasargadaeinscriptions,in fact commissionedand placed by Darius).4Cyrus tracedhis lineage to his Teispes,who, basedon thetestimony great-grandfather of the CyrusCylinder,foundedCyrus'royalline.5By tracinghis descent to AchaemenesthroughTeispes, Dariusthus establishedthe basis for the traditional(in modemscholarship) dualAchaemenidline andDarius' and Cyrus' sharedroyal pedigree.The Achaemenid dynastywas a constructof Darius,onewayby whichhe rationalisedhis claim to the throne.6That Darius' a significantbreakwithhis predaccessionrepresented ecessors(even if one retainsthe shareddescentwith CyrusfromAchaemenes)has beenrecognised,butthe full magnitudeof thisbreakhasyet to be explored. If Cyruswas not an Achaemenid,whatthen?And what was the relationshipbetween Cyrus and the Achaemenids?Answersto these questions,as best as they may be consideredwith the limitedevidence,are of importantbothwith regardto Cyrus'establishment the empireandDarius'victoryin the crisisof 522 B.C. Thisarticle'sassessmentof thesequestionsreliesupon a varietyof sources,and these are discussedsubsequently(roughlyin order)basedon whetherCyrusor Dariusis the focus.Theargumentrestsuponthe identificationof Cassandane as a wife of Cyrus,as a member of the Achaemenid clan, and as the mother of

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Cambyses(and Bardiya).Cassandane'sidentification as such stems primarilyfrom Herodotus,but it is by analysisof ancient directlyandindirectly, supported, NearEasternevidence.It mustbe emphasisedthatthe incompleteand sporadic source materialprecludes definitive conclusions and necessitatesqualification even of provisionalones; the attendantanalysismust thusbe consideredprovisional. CYRUSAND CASSANDANE The marriageof CyrusandCassandaneprovidesa the relationshipbetweenCyrus key to understanding andthe Achaemenids.Thatnoted,it mustbe acknowledged that there are differenttraditionsregarding Cyrus'marriages.HerodotusrecountedthatCambyses the daughterof was the son of CyrusandCassandane, was the son an Achaemenid: "...Cambyses Pharnaspes, of of Cassandane, the daughter Pharnaspes, an Achaemenid, and certainly not of any Egyptian woman"(III.2,see also II.1discussedbelow).7Ktesias, conversely, reported that Cyrus married Amytis, daughterof Astyages(Persika?2). Withregardto the Persianroyal marriagesit may not be necessaryto accept one classical accountand reject another.The practiceof polygamyamongsubsequentPersiankings is well-attested,andit wouldbe no surpriseto learnthat Cyrusengagedin it as well.8 The traditionswherein Cyrusis linkedto the Medianroyalhouseby marriage to linkhimselfto may reflectCyrus'own propaganda the Mediandynasty;thusCyruswouldhaveportrayed himselfas a legitimateMedianking.9 The Near Easternevidence supportsHerodotus' Herodotus' accountof Cyrus'marriageto Cassandane. accountof Cassandane'sdeathechoes the Nabonidus Chronicle.HerodotusnotedthatCyrusgreatlylamented Cassandane'sdeath and that he insisted on public mourningfor her (II.1): "When Cyrus was dead, Cambysesinheritedthe kingdom.He was the son of and the daughterof Phamrnaspes, CyrusandCassandane, Cassandanehad diedbeforeCyrushimself;Cyrushad mourned greatly for her and instructedall his subjects to do likewise. Cambyses, then, was a son of this woman and Cyrus."'0 An entry in the Nabonidus Chronicle provides an exact parallel, which lends credence to (and may have indirectly served as the source of) Herodotus' account. The Chronicle related that Cyrus' wife (whose name is not given) died within

a few monthsafterhis conquestof Babylonand that therewas anofficialmourningperiod:"Inthemonth[x] the wife of the king died.Fromthe twenty-seventhof the monthAdarto the thirdof the monthNisan [there was] (an official)mourningin Akkad.All the people betweenthese Thecorrespondence baredtheirheads."'1 two accountsis too close to be coincidental.It is acceptedhere that Herodotus,having followed the NabonidusChronicle'saccount,correctlyrelatedthe nameof Cyrus'wife as well as her clan affiliation.A marriagealliancethat affordedCyrussupportfrom a powerful group of Persian nobles (i.e., the Achaemenids)wouldhave gone far in Cyrus'unification of Iranandthe discrete,thoughculturally-similar, tribes therein. I interpretCyrus' marriageto the asjust suchan alliance. AchaemenidCassandane CYRUS'EARLYCONQUESTS One of the great conundrumsof Cyrus' rise to poweris how a seeminglyobscurePersianfromFars challengedthe might of the Median, Lydian, and Babylonianempiresin the courseofjust overa decade. involveshow and A significantpartof this conundrum and easternIranfell underCyrus' when north-eastern power.Therapidexpansionof the empireunderCyrus was unlikelyto have been accidentalor incidental.In orderto effect this expansionCyrus,as the king of Anshan(Tall-iMalyan,in modem Fars),must have made allianceswith severalotherPersianand Iranian familiesor groups,theAchaemenids(by way of Cyrus' foremostamongthem. marriageto Cassandane) For Cyrusthe Great'searly history,a varietyof sourcesmay be considered,the vast majoritywritten well after Cyrus' lifetime. Before Cyrus' defeat of Astyages(datedbetween550-549 B.C.), the political relationshipbetweenMedes and Persiansis obscure, confounded by contradictoryclassical accounts. Herodotusnarrateda legend of Cyrus'early life and struggleagainstthe Medes(I.107-30),one of fourthat he claimedto know (I.95). Herodotus'admissionof several stories currentin his day is authenticatedin the variationsfound in otherclassical authors.12Babylonian sources disclose only sporadic details of Cyrus' early reign. The Nabonidus Chronicle reports that Astyages marchedagainstCyrus,was betrayedby a revolt among his troops, and was delivered to Cyrus. Cyrus then marched upon Ecbatana and took its plunder back to

CYRUS

AND THE ACHAEMENIDS

Anshan.13 The Nabonidus Chronicle confirms

Herodotus'accountof Mediantreachery,but it offers no detailsto elucidatethattradition. Extantsourcesdo notpreservethe courseof Cyrus' progressionfromking of Anshanto the conquerorof Media. Classical authors' confusion disallows an authoritative account,andNearEasternsourcesreveal little,andnothingexplicitly,aboutCyrus'reignas king beforethe Medianconquest.Nothingin the historical recordsuggeststhatCyrusheld dominionbeyondthe territoryroughlyequivalentto modemFarsbeforehis conquest of the Medes. The combined forces of Elamites and Persians in Fars may have made a formidableforce,but is one to assumethatthey were NearEastern ableto challengewhatbothcontemporary sourcesandlaterGreektraditionrepresentas a leading power of the late seventhand early sixth centuries? Internaltroublesin Media contributedto Astyages' downfall,as indicatedby his troops'revolt,but such disaffectedMedianelementswould not have linked theirfortuneswithCyrusunlesshe hadsomethingsignificantto offer.Did Cyrushavemoreresourcesat his disposalthanthoseof the kingdomof Anshanalone? According to Herodotus (I.214), Cyrus ruled twenty-nineyears (559-530 B.C.). Thereare serious chronologicalproblemsandgaps in ourknowledgeof Cyrus' reign. The first few years (at least five) are almost a completeblank in the historicalrecord.It seems reasonable to place Cyrus' marriage to Cassandaneand the birthof Cambysesin this period (i.e.,the 550s),if notbefore.Cyruscertainlyspentthese earlyyears consolidatinghis power,presumablywith an eye towardexpansion. By 539, CyrushadconqueredMedia(c. 550-549), Lydia(c. 540s),14 and Babylon(539). Of these three, only the conquestof Babylonmay be datedwith any precision: Cyrus enteredthe city on October 29, 539.15

The chronology of Cyrus' activity in the east is uncertain. No NearEasternsourceprovidesanyexplicit of easternIranintothe information on the incorporation The extent of Median empire. powerand influenceis alsounknown,andthisconvolutesthe issue.Xenophon (Cyro. 1.1.4) implied that the Hyrcanians accepted Cyrus' rule after he overthrewAstyages, while Ktesias claimed thatthey hadjoined Cyrusbeforehand(Persika ?9). After the conquest of Lydia, Herodotus (1.177) noted that Harpagus devastated "lower Asia" (x?duw jt; 'AoUlng)while Cyrus himself destroyed "upper" (fivw) Asia, subduing all people (rav 'iOvog).

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Herodotusemphasisedthe great importanceof the campaignsagainstBabylon,Egypt (which ultimately fell to Cambyses),the Bactrians,andthe Saka(I.153), as opposed to the conquest of lonia, which was entrustedto Harpagus.Ktesias(Persika?2) reported that Bactriaand other easternregions submittedto Cyrusshortlyafterhe defeatedAstyages.16 Thereare scatteredand contradictory referencesin laterclassicalsourcesto Cyruscampaigningin what becamethe provincesof Carmania,Drangiana,Areia, Arachosia,and Gandhara- the regions of modem AfghanistanandBaluchistan- betweenhis conquests of LydiaandBabylonia,but the chronologyand even sequence of these episodes are uncertain.Whether Cyrusaddedthe territoryof easternIranbetweenthe conquestsof MediaandLydiaorbetweentheconquests of Lydiaand Babylonia,whetherin one campaignor overthe courseof several(perhapsin combination with cannot be determined. Ktesias diplomaticmarriages), in his (Persika?8) labelledBardiya,calledTanyoxarkes account,as the lord(6o•6Trlg) of Bactria.If accurate, Cyrus' assignmentof one of his sons to this post demonstratesits importance.That Cyrus died campaigningin the extremenorth-eastsuggeststhat the regionsbeyondtheOxusRiverwerenotsecure,orwere attractivetargets,even at the end of his reign.17 Extantevidencefor easternIranin the Achaemenid periodis considerablyless thanthat for westernIran and Mesopotamia.Relations between the various groups of early Iranians before and during the Achaemenidperiodarepoorlydocumented,if at all. A great deal of archaeologicalwork bearing on the Achaemenidperiodhas been done in easternIranand Central Asia, but without supplementarytextual sources it is difficult to posit the course of those regions'politicalhistorybeforeCyrus'conquestsand, in manycases,evenduringthe succeedingAchaemenid period.18For some scholars,Cyrus' rapid conquests presupposesome sort of political framework,if not establishedkingdoms,in at leastsome of theseregions (e.g., Bactria).19 CYRUS' TITULARY The CyrusCylinderlists Cyrusthe Great'sforebears through three generations (Cyrus being the fourth) as kings of Anshan. Anshan, modem Tall-i Malyan, is located approximately 50 km. north-by-north-west

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from Persepolisand approximately75 km. west-byA Cyrus "king of south-westfrom Pasaragadae.20 Persia"(Parsumas)appearsin the Assyrian annals paying tribute to Ashurbanipalafter the Assyrian campaignsagainst Elam in the 640s. A sealing of Cyrus, son of Teispes, the Anshanite- generally - has acknowledgedas Cyrusthe Great'sgrandfather been found on Elamite texts from the Persepolis of archive.If one acceptstheidentification Fortification this Cyrus, son of Teispes, with the Cyrus of Ashurbanipal'sannals, this pushes back Cyrus the Great'slinein FarsintotheearlyseventhcenturyB.C.21 It is assumedhereinthatby themid-seventhcentury the toponyms Parsuash/Parsumash(in Fars) and Anshan have become roughly synonymousfor the same geographicregion,that was later called Parsa The only reference (OldPersian)andPersis (Greek).22 that explicitlydifferentiatesParsuashand Anshan,to my knowledge, is Sennacherib'sdescriptionof the forcesof Huban-menanu arrayedat Halulein 691.23It seems clear that both refer to regions in Fars. Subsequently,Assyriansourcestypicallyreferto the region as Parsuashor Parsumash(the orthographic variationhas no significance).Anshanoccursin extant textsagainonly in the (Elamite)inscriptionon the seal of Cyrus son of Teispes, in some Neo-Babylonian documents,and in Cyrus'royalinscriptions(all noted below). The choice of toponymmay have had (and,I argue,frequentlydidhave)ideologicalsignificancebut did not have geographicalsignificanceby the midseventhcentury.Anshanoccurs only in texts of, or referringto, Cyrusthe Great;it does not occurin conjunction with, or in the titularyof, any subsequent Persianking. It is useful in this context to list the instancesof Cyrus'titularyas a referencepoint. annals,editionH2 II' 7'-13':24 1) Ashurbanipal's "Cyrus,kingof Persia" mku-ra-dcLUGAL KURpar-su-ma-a?

Seal *93:25 2) Impressionsof PersepolisFortification son Anshan of ('theAnshanite'), of Teispes" "Cyrus [vk]u-raihan-za-an-x-ra DUMU?e-iT-be-i?-na 3) SipparCylinder of Nabonidus (i 29):26 "Cyrusking of Anshan" mku-ra-dJLUGAL KURan-za-an 4) Cyrus Cylinder (see note 5): "Cyrusking of Anshan"(line 12) mku-ra-d?LUGAL URUan-Ja-an "I am Cyrus king of the world, great king, strong

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king,kingof Babylon,kingof SumerandAkkad,king of the fourquarters" (line20) a-na-ku mku-ra-dcLUGAL kiW-?atLUGAL GAL

LUGALKURSuLUGALdan-nuLUGALTIN.TIRKI me-ri iUak-ka-di-iLUGAL kib-ra-a-ti er-bd-et-tim

CambysesI, CyrusI, andTeispeseachnamed"great king,kingof Anshan"(line21) ...LUGAL GAL LUGAL URUan-sa-an

5) BrickfromUruk:27 "I am Cyrus,builderof Esagil and Ezida, son of Cambyses,strongking" mku-ra-aSba-ni-i[m] E.[SAG].IL u E.ZI.DA A mkam-bu-zi-ya[LUGAL] dan-nu a-na-ku 6) BrickfromUr:28

"Cyrus,king of the world,king of Anshan,son of Cambyses,kingof Anshan..." mku-ra-dS LUGAL SAR LUGAL KURa?-?a-an DUMU mkam-bu-zi-yaLUGAL KURas-a-an...

7) NabonidusChronicle:29 "Cyruskingof Anshan"(ii 1) mku-ra?LUGAL an-?d-an

"Cyruskingof Persia"(ii 15) mku-ras LUGAL KURpar-su

8) VerseAccountof Nabonidus:30 "Cyruskingof the world" mku-ra-dSLUGAL ki?-?at

9) Miscellaneouseconomicdocuments:31 Cyrus "king of Babylon, king of lands" (and variants) 10) TheDynasticProphecy:32 "kingof Elam"(ii 17), a referenceto Cyrusthe Great LUGAL KURNIM.MAKI

The inscriptionsof Pasargadae(labelledCMa and CMc) arenot includedhere,as they have been establishedas lateradditionscommissionedby Darius(see n. 4). That Cyrus'only extantroyal inscriptionsare fromBabyloniamustserveas a caveatforanyanalysis involvingthem.CyrusI specificallyreferredto himself referredto as the"Anshanite" (no.2), yet Ashurbanipal or even earlierthanthis the regioncontemporaneously, CyrustheAnshanite,as Persia(i.e., Parsumal,no.1)almost a century before Cyrus the Great came to power. Cyrus' contemporary, Nabonidus, king of Babylon, also labelled Cyrus the "king of Anshan", so there is external (i.e., non-Cyrus) evidence for its use. That Cyrus maintained the simple title "king of Anshan" in his own inscriptions (e.g., no. 6) is

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AND THE ACHAEMENIDS

noteworthy,especially after his kingdom encompassed much largertracts of the ancient Near East. Even if the title "kingof Anshan"was, originallyand simply, a designationof the geographicplace that Cyrus the Great and his predecessors ruled, its continued use by Cyrushimself, as the conquerorof Media, Lydia,and then Babylonia, is significant. From a historiographic perspective the title underscores the impact of the Elamite traditionon Cyrus, especially in contrastwith Darius' shift to a Persian and Iranian ideology (see below). That this historiographic perspective reflects somethingof the historicalrealityseems beyond dispute, even if clarity on the issue remains elusive. Adoption of royal titulary involves a conscious choice: to maintainor to change a traditionalone, or to create a new one altogether.The use of the title "king of Anshan" supplied legitimacy to a Persian dynasty that had been victorious over indigenous Elamites. Whether it was original or taken from an Elamite dynast whom Teispes overthrew(and this is purely hypothetical),i.e., if the title was not original to Cyrus' line, is not importantin this context.33The use of the title "king of Anshan"by a Persiangoes beyond that of a simple geographical marker; Persian domination of an Elamite area represented,by use of this title, an arrogationof an Elamite tradition.With the decline of Elam by the late 650s and 640s, the legitimately-claimed title "king of Anshan",an Elamite centreof greatantiquity,may have carried great weight in a milieu of mixed Elamite and Persianpopulations,wherein Persianswere the relative newcomers. Only with the Cyrus Cylinder may we trace the progression from "king of Anshan" to an expanded titulary of the newly-victorious ruler of Babylonia and most of the ancient Near East (no. 4). Elamite influence on the Persians was pervasive.34 For example, a very fragmentary passage of the Nabonidus Chronicle reveals that Cyrus, during Cambyses' investiture ceremony, visited the Nabfi temple in east Babylon dressed in Elamite garb.35The incident cannotbe fully reconstructed,but, if accurately interpreted,it does show that Cyrus (or is it possible to assume Cambyses?) wore Elamite accoutrementseven in an age-old Babylonianceremony- an event notable enough for mention in the chronicle. This harmonises with Cyrus' perpetuationof an Elamite-styledtitulary. In the early seventh century B.C., the Neo-Elamite king Huban-menanustill had political influence in (if not sovereignty over) Fars, as evinced by the participation of troops, including Persians, from that region in

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the Battleof Halule(691).36Elamitepoliticalinfluence was dissipated over the subsequentfive decades. Sometimeafterthe sackof Susa(datedto 647 or 646), Ashurbanipalreceived tribute from Cyrus, king of Parsumash(i.e., in modermFars).By the mid-seventh century,at least partsof Fars were no longer under Elamitepoliticaldomination. WhileCyrus'titularyreflectshis Elamiteorientation, it provideslittleinformation withregardto his statusas a Persianking,i.e.,hisrelationswiththosePersianswho providedthe base of his support.With Darius,we encountera shiftin royaltitulary:a consciousexclusion of Cyrus'"kingof Anshan",whichwas supplanted by a focus on "Achaemenid" descentand, in some inscriptions,on PersianandIranianethnicity(see below).37In the BisitunInscription, Dariusemphasisedthathe was "anAchaemenid" and"kingof Persia".Notably,evenin those numerousinscriptionsDariuscommissionedat neveroccurs; PersepolisandNaqsh-iRustam,"Anshan" it has disappearedfrom the titulary. The same geographicregionwasmeant,i.e.,Persiaas Anshan,but the nomenclature hadchanged. Despitethis shiftin titulary,Dariusactivelysought to identify himself with Cyrus in other ways. The of Pasargadae, inscriptions ostensiblycommissionedby in left Cyrusbut, fact, by Darius(see n. 4), explicitly labelCyrusas anAchaemenid.ThislabellinkedCyrus to Darius'line in orderto bolsterDarius'legitimacy. Darius' marriagesto Cyrus' daughters(Hdt. III.88) this link in realityfor Darius'successors, strengthened andthey couldclaimlegitimacybothas Achaemenids and as descendantsof Cyrus.38

WhenCyrusis takenout of the Achaemenidline, the dynamicsof the earlyPersianempireandthe crisis of 522 change.The accessionof Dariuswas not the reassertionof the Achaemeniddynastybutthe creation of thatdynasty,with a royallineagedefinedby Darius afterhe tookpower.Darius'familyline or (in thewider sense) clan, the Achaemenids, was one of great influenceandimportin Persia,but it was not on a par with Cyrus'royalline untilDariusmadeit so- and incorporatedCyrus' line in the process.

HERODOTUS AND THE ACHAEMENIDS For Herodotus, the term "Achaemenid"was a clan designation. This is in apparentopposition to the sense in which Darius used the term throughouthis inscrip-

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tions,as a dynasticmarkerindicativeof directdescent from Achaemenes.This oppositionis not, however, irreconcilable. Dariusemphasiseddirectdescentfrom an eponymousancestor,while Herodotusconsidered the term in its wider, clan sense (I.125): the Achaemenid clan ((PQpirg) was one clan of the tribe(y"vog).39 Pasargadae The term "Achaemenid"occurs infrequentlyin Herodotus'History.It is used primarilyto distinguish individualas a memberof theAchaemenid a particular clan.40Achaemenes,the eponymousfounderof the clan is mentionedtwice (III.75and VII.11),and the clan designation itself, used to refer not to an individualbut to the clan or its membersin a general sense, occurs twice as well (1.125 and III.65). The Persiankingswho appearin the workarenot explicitly identifiedas "Achaemenid",but the implicationis clearat, amongotherplaces,Xerxes' rehearsalof his lineagein VII.11:"MayI be no son of Darius,son of Hystaspes,son of Arsames,son of Ariaramnes,son of Teispes, son of Cyrus, son of Cambyses, son of Teispes,son of Achaemenes..."41 Cyrusis alsoimplicitlyidentifiedas anAchaemenid by Prexaspes' tracing of Cyrus' family "from Achaemenesdownward"(III.75),as he confesseshis murderof the real Smerdis(i.e., Bardiya).Herodotus createda dramaticscene hereto enlivenhis narrative, but he was consistentthroughouton this matter.The reportthatthe Persiankings came fromthe foremost clan,thatis the Achaemenidclan(I.125),indicatesthat HerodotusviewedallthePersiankingsas Achaemenids - as membersof the clan so-named.If Herodotusfelt that therewas any ambiguityin this regard,it is not obvious. Dariusassertedthathis ancestorswere kings (DB ?3), butthe evidencearguesagainstthis claim.Xerxes divulgedthatDariusbecamekingeventhoughbothhis Arsames Hystaspesand great-grandfather grandfather were yet alive (XPf ?3). The spuriousinscriptionsof Ariaramnesand Arsameswere attemptsto legitimise Darius'line by claimsof royaldescent,a furtherpropagation of the dynastic principle established by Darius.42Even if Arsames was too advanced in age to claim the kingship, Hystaspes was certainly still capable. The Bisitun Inscriptionrelays that Hystaspes dwelt (Akkadianafabu) in Parthiaand that some of the people there revolted (Akkadian alcikulapani) against him. This passage indicates that Hystaspes held an importantpost (i.e., satrap)there, awardedor authorised

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by Cyrusand/orCambyses,and that Hystaspeswas active in puttingdown rebellionsagainstDarius(DB ?35-36).43 Herodotusdid not adoptDarius'claimthathe and his forebearshadbeen kings.Herodotusindicatedthat Hystapesheld a positionof importanceunderCyrus, althoughhe confusedhis role,callinghimthe governor of Persia(III.70).Further,Dariuswas "not (iwoc;xog) a man of yet greataccount"beforehe tookthekingship - Herodotus'negativeexaggerationof Darius'place as a "spear-bearer" of Cambyses.44 It is (6oQv(p6Qog) obviousfromthe place of Gobryason the sculptureof Darius'tomb at Naqsh-i Rustam,where Gobryasis given the same title -

arftibara in Old Persian-

that

thispositionwas one of highhonour,butit didnotmark an heirto the throne.45 Accordingto Herodotus,it was Otaneswho was the in the plot movingforceamongthe sevenconspirators to overthrowthe false Smerdis.Darius was a late It is difficulttojudgethe sigadditionto theconspiracy. nificanceof Otanesas the main figurehere and the rationale of his withdrawalfrom the contest for kingship.It may reflecta pro-Otanessource,one that emphasises his standing (evident elsewhere in Herodotus,e.g., III.68)and at the same time explains whyhe was notking.46Elsewhere,Herodotusdescribed this Otanesas a son of Phamaspes(II1.68).By this account,Otanesand Cassandanewere siblings,both theAchaemenid.However,with childrenof Phamrnaspes to of the identity Otanes'father,it is possibleto regard Herodotus check againstDB ?68, where Otanes is namedson of Thukhra,a Persian.In mattersof Darius' cohortsandtheirlineage,the BisitunInscriptionmust, of course, take precedenceover Herodotus.Otanes' father's name Thukhra is irreconcilable with Herodotus'Phamrnaspes. Further,if Cassandanewere truly the sister of Otanes,one of the Seven,the evidencefromtheBisitun Inscriptionprecludes Pharnaspesbeing her father. EitherHerodotusconfusedCassandaneand Otanes' relationshipor he confusedthe name of one of their fathers. It is more likely, because of the numerous, homonymous Otanes in Herodotus, that Herodotus erred in naming that Otanes of the Seven to be the son of Phamaspes. Since he also noted that Darius married Phaidyme, who was a daughter of Otanes and previously wed to Cambyses and to Bardiya (III.68 and III.88), Herodotus may have carriedthis link between Otanes and the Persian kings back one generation.47

CYRUS AND THE ACHAEMENIDS

This is just the type of tangledgenealogythata Greek source, though informedof Persianpolitics and the successionlegends,may easilyhaveconflated. CAMBYSESTHEACHAEMENID The marriage of Cyrus and the Achaemenid alsolendsa measureof credenceto Darius' Cassandane genealogical claims in the Bisitun Inscription.As demonstrated by his own inscriptions,Cyrusdid not view himself as an Achaemenidbut ratherplaced emphasison his lineage as king of Anshan,son of Cambyses, descended from Teispes. But, although Cyrus was not born one, he became linked to the Achaemenidsby marriage.Dariusdid not hesitateto exaggeratethislink,evenif, in thetruestsense,a shared descent from Achaemenesdid not exist. Cyrusmay have profited immensely (both politically and militarily)fromhis marriageto anAchaemenidwoman, buthe didnot needit for legitimacy. Cambyses,as the legitimateson of Cyrus,had an Achaemenidmother,so Darius'claim that Cambyses was of his family(amaxam taumaya,DB ?10) may be defensible.This assumesa readingof the Old Persian term taum5-in a wider sense of "clan"or the like.48 Understoodin that wider sense, amaxam taumaya intimates that Cambyses was descended from Achaemenes- whetherof directlinealdescentor not would not have been of primaryconcernto Darius. While Cyruswas linkedto the Achaemenidsonly by marriage,Cambyseswas linkedby blood, courtesyof his mother.Cassandane's with Darius, kin-relationship if therewas one,is nowhereelucidated.Evenif shewas a distant cousin, however, her descent from Achaemeneswouldhavebeengood enoughforDarius. It is uponthis relationship thatDariusstakedhis claim to kinship with Cambysesand, by extension,with Cyrus. Withoutbetterknowledgeof ancientPersiankinship and social organisation,it is admittedlydifficult to assess the formal significance (if any) in Darius' kinship implication, i.e., that Cambyses was an Achaemenid by matrilinealdescent. Perhapsthere is no need to seek any such significance; once Darius had prevailed on the battlefield, he simply exaggerated, or even created, the significance - based on a real, if to formalise or extended, kinship relationship legitimise his claim. A link to Cyrus and Cambyses was

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important,anda familialone (by way of Cassandane), howeverstretched,may haveprovidedthis legitimacy. ThatDariusliterallyclaimedCambyses,notCyrus,as a memberof his tauma-in DB ?10 is tellingforthisinterpretation.Modemscholarship(withfew exceptions)no longer maintains that Cyrus was of Achaemenid descent.Cambysesis anothermatter. Themarriageof CyrusandCassandane, then,serves as a backdropto Darius' and his fatherHystaspes' positionsof prominenceunderCyrusand Cambyses. Hystaspesreceivedan importantposition in Parthia. of Cambysesmay Darius'positionas a spear-bearer also be attributed to thisvinculum.OtherAchaemenids receivedimportant presumably postsas well. Whenthe crisisoccurredin 522, this Achaemenidsupport,given to Cyrus(by way of his marriageto Cassandane)and subsequentlyto Cambyses,revertedto Darius,and it was crucialto Darius'success.

DARIUSTHEKING Dariusrelatedin his BisitunInscription thatin 522. in still faced a revolt in his own Cambyses, Egypt, a whom Darius named Gaumata. countryby magus Accordingto Darius,this Gaumatawas an impostorof Cambyses'truebrotherBardiya,who had been killed by Cambyses sometime before (DB ?10-14). Herodotusfollowedthis accountin outlineandin some of the particulars(III.61-79). With the help of six cohorts,all identifiedas "Persian",(DB ?68), Darius claimedthathe slew the magusGaumataandclaimed the kingship.In reality,Dariusslew Cambyses'true brotherBardiyato take the throne.Numerousrevolts thenthrewmuchof the empireintochaos. Darius'BisitunInscriptionis a victory-monument to the numerousbattleshe and his supportersfought against a myriad of enemies. Darius included the names, lineages (i.e., "son of' x), and ethnic backgroundsof many of his supportersand enemies.Of Darius' six supporters,Intaphemes,Hydames and Gobryasarenamedin the BisitunInscriptionas active participantsin quelling the revolts: Intaphemesagainst a Babylonian revolt (?50); Hydames against rebellious Medes (?25); and Gobryas against an Elamite revolt (?71).49

Neither the Bisitun Inscription,nor Greek

tradition,records where Intaphernesor Hydarnesdwelt or in what regions they held power and influence. Gobryas is identified as a Pateischorian by the

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Babylonianversionof DB ?68 andalsoin thetrilingual as DNc; Strabo(XV.III.1)identifiedthe Pateischorians one of the tribesof Persia. The BisitunInscriptiondoes not relatethe specific contributionsof the other three, although Greek traditionpreservesmuchinformationregardingall six andtheirsubsequentfates.Intaphernes co-conspirators soon fell out of favourandwas apparently replacedby Aspathines,who is prominentatNaqsh-iRustambutis not namedin the BisitunInscription.50 Beyondthe six andthoseindividualsalreadyin power co-conspirators under Cambysesand Cyrus (Hystaspes,Vivana and Dadarshi;see below),the namesof severalothermen, who led armies against various rebel forces, are provided.These individuals'political backgrounds, like those of the six conspirators,are unknown whetherthey were officialsandgeneralsappointedby Cyrus and Cambyseswho came over to Darius, or were"newmen"selectedby Darius. Only Darius' father Hystaspes and the satraps Vivana and Dadarshiapparentlyheld their political positionsbeforeDariusbecameking. Vivanawas the satrapof Arachosia,activeagainsttherebelVahyazdata in Arachosia(?45). Hystaspesdwelt in Parthiaand, was satrapthere.5'Dadarshiwas the satrap presumably, of Bactria,active againstthe rebelFradain Margiana (?38).52 All threeare identifiedethnicallyas Persians. Thus, beyond the six co-conspirators,Darius had additionalsupporterswho held importantpositions basedin thenorth(Parthia),east(Arachosia)andnortheast (Bactria),from a compasspoint based in Persis. Thisindicatesa significant,if notbroad,baseforDarius andeasternIran.Dariusreliedupon in central,northern, them to quell troubleon the Iranianplateauand in easternIran,whilehe andothersaddressedthe farmore significantand expansivetroubleat the core of the empire: Persis itself, Elam, Media and Babylonia. These regionswere the mainstaysof Cyrus'family's power,and it is probablynot a coincidencethatthey gave Dariusso muchdifficulty. DARIUS' TITULARY There are no extant royal inscriptionsof Cyrus the Great's sons Cambyses and Bardiya from Mesopotamia, Elam or Persia, so it is uncertainif the title "king of Anshan" was still in use after Cyrus' death. If so, its use would have been strictlytraditional,

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in lightof theextentof thePersianEmpireevenearlyin Cyrus' reign. With the accession of Darius I, material, conversely,thereis a wealthof inscriptional andthechangein focusis plain.Darius'earliesttitulary reads"GreatKing,Kingof Kings,Kingof Persia,King of countries"(DB ?1 and DBa ?1) and emphasises descent from Achaemenes(DB ?2-3), but nowhere does he namehimselfor anyof his predecessors"king of Anshan".This title is not even used in the Elamite versionof the BisitunInscription. After Dariuswas firmlyestablished,he presented additional,new elementsin some inscriptions.Darius wasnotonlykingof PersiaandanAchaemenidbutalso the son of a Persian(an ethnicdesignation,not a royal also an ethnicdesigone) andof Aryan(i.e., "Iranian", The on nation)lineage. emphasis Persianand Aryan ethnicitydoes not occurin the BisitunInscriptionbut finds expressionin subsequentdedicatoryinscriptions of Dariusat Naqsh-iRustam(DNa ?2) andSusa(DSe ?2) andof Xerxesat Persepolis(XPh?2).53 This emphasison Persianand Iranianethnicityin Darius'titularymay be consideredin oppositionto the emphasison Anshan(highlightingan Elamiteorientation) in Cyrus'. Darius, exhibitinghis Persianand his broaderbaseamong Iranianheritage,acknowledged exclusionof theElamite Iranianpeoplesto theapparent - at least in his titulary.Dariusinaugurateda new Persianand Iranianroyal ideology, reflectedin the creationof an Old Persianscript,his inscriptions,his architectureand his art.54The disappearanceof fromthetitularyis just one resultof thisnew "Anshan" emphasis. Darius' identificationof himself as an "Iranian" of reflectsan easternorientation,an acknowledgement Iraniansupporters.55 of his non-Persian, the importance This acknowledgement probablyreflectedthe base of Darius'power,the Iraniansin a wider sense thanthe morerestrictive(at this time) sense of "Persia"in the geographicalsense, i.e., Fars. This was an acknowledgementbasedupona politicalrealitythatCyrus(to judgefromthe extantrecord)didnot make. In considerationof Darius'easternorientation,one recalls the question of the connection between the early Persian kings and the Zoroastrianreligion, or, as more commonly termed now in reference to the Achaemenid period: "Mazdaism". This question has occupied pages of scholarly discussion, but a few remarksmust suffice in this context.56Ahura-Mazdais ubiquitous in Darius' inscriptions, anotherindicatorof

CYRUS AND THE ACHAEMENIDS

his Iranian sensibilities. The Elamite scribe(s) of the Bisitun Inscription differentiated Ahura-Mazda as "the god of the Aryans" (DB ?62). The gloss in the Elamite version, even though omitted in the subsequent Old Persian and Babylonian versions, suggests (as does the entire inscriptional corpus) that Ahura-Mazdamay have been a relatively recent introduction to western Iran, at least among its non-Iranian (i.e., Elamite) inhabitants. This is not to imply that Ahura-Mazda was unknown there before Darius' reign. Cyrus' personal views on religion are unknown, though it was not beyond him to manipulate religion for his political purposes (e.g., the Cyrus Cylinder's Mesopotamian religious elements). Defining Mazdaism as it existed in the sixth century B.C., or for that matter how it was practiced by the Achaemenid kings, is currently impossible. It is uncertainwhether Cyrus may be considered Mazdaean or to what extent he may have been sympathetic to a correlativebelief system. Regardless of Cyrus' attitude, political sensibilities (reflected in continued use of the title "king of Anshan") may have precluded the prominence of a non-traditional,i.e., a non-Elamite, deity. On the other hand, Cyrus may simply not have felt any desire or compulsion to acknowledge Ahura Mazda. The names of some prominent individuals at this time also reflect Mazdaean and eastern Iranian influence. Darius' father Vishtaspa (Greek Hystaspes) had the same name as Zoroaster'spatron.The name of Cyrus' daughter Atossa is usually interpreted as of Mazdaean and eastern Iranian origin.57 Zoroaster's homeland was located in eastern Iran, and later Zoroastrian tradition points to eastern Iran as the ancestral homeland of the Iranians.58Other parallels may be cited, but the preceding are generally acknowledged if not wholly accepted. Darius and the Achaemenids' links to the Mazdaean tradition and eastern Iran should not strike one as coincidences, as Mazdaean and eastern Iranian elements indisputably came to the fore in Darius' reign. In light of the fact that Cyrus' family had been entrenched in Fars and immersed in Elamite traditionfor at least four generations, when we find eastern Iranian and Mazdaean elements during Cyrus' time it may be productive to look to Cassandane and the increasing prominence of the Achaemenids as the source.

99

Notes *

2

3

Thispaperis a modifiedandexpandedversionof presentationsmade at the AmericanPhilologicalAssociation DC and at the meetingin December1998, Washington, American Oriental Society meeting in April 2003, Nashville,Tenn.Grantsfromthe Officeof Researchand SponsoredProgramsof the Universityof Wisconsinand EauClaireallowedtravelforresearch.I acknowledge thanktheIranreferee,AmdlieKuhrt,PierreBriant,David comments Stronach,andMattStolperfor sometrenchant on variousdraftsof this article.It shouldnot be assumed for thattheyagreewiththe analysisherein.Responsibility remainsmy own. errorsandshortcomings

in Herodotus", in SNote theremarksof D. Lewis,"Persians P.J. Rhodes(ed.), SelectedPapers in Greekand Near EasternHistory(Cambridge, 1997),withwhomI agreein "The has assumption to be that Herodotusis principle: when he canbe shownto be wrong"(p. 345). right,except I would qualify this statementto include also those instanceswhereHerodotus'testimonyis contradictory to ourknowledgeof ancientPersia. DB ?2-3 (Old Persian version): Oatiy Darayavau? pita Ar•fama xsayaOiyamanapitaFVitispa ViWtaspahya pita AriyzramnaAriyaramnahya pita CirpiS Ar•famahya Cigpaiipitai HaxamaniSOatiyDarayavauSxdayaOiya avahyaradiyvayam Haxamaniiyd Oahydmahy.Old Persiantexts andtranslations hereinare afterR.G. Kent, Old Persian: Lexicon (New Haven, Grammar,Texts, for the Bisitun 1953); Inscription,see also R. Schmitt, Bisitun:OldPersianText(London,1991). DPe ?1 (Old Persian version): adam Darayavau? x.ayaOiya vazraka xAyaOiya xSayaOiydndmxSayaOiya

4

dahyfnam tyaigim parunam Vigtaspahydpuqa Thesignificanceof Darius'titularywill be Haxamanifiya. takenupagainlaterin thepaper. For the inscriptions,see H. Schaudig,Die Inschriften NabonidsvonBabylonundKyros'de Groj3en, AOAT256 for D. discussion see 557-61; Stronach, 2001), (Mtinster, A NeglectedSourcefortheHistory "Dariusat Pasargadae: of EarlyPersia",Topoi:Orient-Occident, Suppl.1 (Lyons, of the Pasargadae 1997),351-63; "Onthe Interpretation in UltraTerminum Inscriptions", Vagari:Scrittiin onoredi CarlNylander(Rome, 1997),323-29; and"Anshanand Parsa:EarlyAchaemenid on History,Art,andArchitecture the IranianPlateau",in Mesopotamiaand Iran in the

100

JOURNALOF PERSIAN STUDIES

Persian Period: Conquestand Imperialism539-331 B.C.

(London,1997),35-53. 5 Line 21 of the Cyrus Cylinder;see Schaudig,Die translation in, Inschrifien,550-56 andA.L. Oppenheim's 315-16. 3rd edition ANET, (Princeton,1969), 6 See, for example, Stronach,"Dariusat Pasargadae",

12

13

360-62; A. Kuhrt,TheAncientNear East c. 3000-330 BC,

VolII (London,1995),664-65;andP.Briant,FromCyrus to Alexander: A History of the Persian Empire (Winona

Lake,2002), 111 and 138 - (hereafter, HPE).Note in discussion of R. the detailed Rollinger,"Der particular oderdie Stammbaum des achaimenidischen K6nigshauses derHerrschaft des Dareios",AMIT Frageder Legitimitdit see F.Vallat, 30 (1998),155-209.Foranotherperspective, in 423-34. "Cyrusl'usurpateur,"Topoi,Suppl.1, 7

8

14

15 Grayon,Chronicles,109f., iii 12-23. 16

&Ft Hdt. III.2: ... &6

KcLocav&Lvri;g Tfig )aQv6omrw &XX' 'AXCLIuv(bem, W~Nr6ig1v gJ &v6•6g Kca3btoirlg, fromHerodotus herein oix ex fig A'LymnTjg. Translations

17

Herodotus areafterD. Green,TheHistory.: (Chicago,1987). Brosius, Womenin Ancient Persia, 559-331 BC (Oxford,

"Notessurla parent6 1996),35-38. See C. Herrenschmidt, in H. chez les Persesau d6butde l'Empireach6m6nide", and A. Kuhrt(eds.), Achaemenid Sancisi-Weerdenburg

187-89 and Briant,HPE, 49-50. The latestBabylonian text datedby Cyrusis 12 August530 and administrative the first by Cambyses is 31 August 530; see M.

Briant,HPE,24 fora generaloverviewof Persiandynastic marriages. 9 Notetheremarksof P.Briant,"LaPerseavantl'empire(un 6tat de la question),"IA 19 (1984), 74-75, echoed by

Dandamaev, A Political History of the Achaemenid

Empire,translatedby W.J. Vogelsang(Leiden, 1989), 70-71. Detailsof Cyrus'activitiesbetweenthe years539 and 530, the conquestof Babylonand his deathin the arelacking. north-east,

Brosius, Women in Ancient Persia, 42-43, regarding

Reign ofNabonidus, King of Babylon 556-539 B.C. (New

Haven,1989),171-72,206-7, and214-16. ' 10 Hdt. II.1: K, ov t EakaPErilv &6 Tek•veTroovTog v Kap4htoft g, K'oov 'dwov Jt;ag xat BacuLkqlz Kaoocav60vd;gTfigQ(UoLv03R 0VyaTQ6gTfig2TpOJTo1 vfTog'Motlouroxoai IfavouomgKiQoga "6gTEt7ya atka JT rolot kkoLo joe7LjutE (EvAf0og nooTi0 aJt T(Ov QX n Kc KCox 'i rlT; caX'g tfigyvvtxbg Ehbv xot f6o31g. 11 A.K. Grayson,Assyrianand BabylonianChronicles,Texts from CuneiformSources,Vol. 5 (LocustValley,New York, 1975), 110-11, iii 22-24: ina IT[I x] Fa??atl?arri mitatat ultu XXVII ?a IAddari adi UD III id"INisannibi-ki-tum ina Akkad4[KI?aknatatni]?iMES gab-bi qaqqad-su-nu Cassandane died in March, 538. For ipat.tarfi(du8)M1. parallel passages, see Brosius, Womenin Ancient Persia, Chapter3.

See Briant,HPE, 33-34 and 882 for discussionof these traditions. Herodotusrelatedthat Cyrusmet his deathbattlingthe Massagataein the extremenorth-east(1.201-14).Most otherversionsof Cyrus'deathpointto thissamearea,even if the detailsdiverge;see W.J.Vogelsang,TheRise and Organisationof the AchaemenidEmpire (Leiden, 1992),

History II: The GreekSources (Leiden, 1987), 53-67 and

Ktesias' account as a "Medianversion" of Cyrus' conquest.For a translationof the Verse Account of Nabonidus,see Schaudig,Inschriften,563-78; ANET, 312-15; and note the discussionof P.A. Beaulieu,The

Fora summaryof thevariantversionsof Cyrus'originsin see B. Jacobs,"Kyrosder Grosseals classicalliterature, IA 31 (1996), 85-100 Geiselam medischenK6nigshof", andBriant,HPE, 14-16. Grayson,Chronicles,106,ii 1-4. Theprecedingsectionof thechronicleis broken,so thiseventmayonlybe datedin or beforethe sixth year of Nabonidus(i.e., 553 to 549 B.C.); the SipparCylinderof Nabonidusindicatesthat Astyages'defeatoccurredin 553. See Briant,HPE,31-32 fordiscussion. Forthe problemswithdatingthe Lydianconquest,see J. Cargill,"TheNabonidusChronicleandtheFallof Lydia", AJAH2 (1977),97-116 andBriant,HPE,34-35.

18 Vogelsang, Rise and Organisation,especially Chapters 1

evidence and6, containsdiscussionsof the archaeological andreferences;see also Briant,HPE, 38-40, 76-79, and 753-54. 19 For discussionand references,see Vogelsang,Rise and Organisation,58-68; Briant,HPE, 76, 892-93, and 1026-27; and Briant, Bulletin d'histoire achemenide II, 20

PersikaI (Paris,2001), 162-65. Distancesgaugedfrommap94 of theBarringtonAtlas of the Greek and Roman World,ed. R. Talbert(Princeton,

in determining settlement 2000).Forthedifficulties patternms in mid-firstmillenniumB.C.E. Fars, see W. Sumner, measuresof culturalcontinuityand the "Archaeological arrivalsof the Persiansin Fars",in H. Sancisi-Weerdenburg, A. Kuhrt,and M.C. Root (eds.), AchaemenidHistory VIII: Continuityand Change (Leiden, 1994), 97-105. 21

Some historiansdo not view this Cyrusas Cyrusthe Great'sgrandfather,because of the necessity of assigning the reigns of Cyrus I and Cambyses I to span the period between 646 and 559; e.g., Briant,HPE, 17-18 and 878.

CYRUS AND THE ACHAEMENIDS

22

See my "The EarliestPersiansin SouthwesternIran:The Textual Evidence", Iranian Studies 32 (1999), 99-107. Compare P. de Miroschedji's discussion in "La fin du royaume d'An'sanet de Suse et la naissance de l'Empire perse",ZA 75 (1985), 265-306. 23 D.D. Luckenbill, The Annals of Sennacherib, OIP 2 (Chicago, 1924), 43 1.43-44 (both precededby the determinative KUR). 24 R. Borger, Beitriige zum InschriftenwerkAshurbanipals (Wiesbaden, 1996), 191-92. 25 For this sealing, see M.B. Garrison and M.C. Root, AchaemenidHistory Persepolis Seal Studies (Leiden, IX. 1996), 6-7 and fig. 2a-c. 26 See Schaudig, Inschriften, 409-40 and Beaulieu, Nabonidus, 108. 27 O.E. Hagan, "Keilschrifturkundenzur Geschichte des K6nigs Cyrus",Beitriigezur Assyriologie 2 (1894), 257 for the text and 214-15 for the transliteration;Schaudig, Inschriften,548. 28 C.J. Gadd et al., Ur Excavation Texts(London, 1927), Vol. I - Plates,pl. 194 for the text and Vol. I - Texts,p. 58 for the transliteration;Schaudig,Inschriften,549. 29 Grayson,Chronicles,106-7. The alteration"kingof Anshan" and "kingof Persia"does not appearto be historicallysignif428. icant;compareF. Vallat,"Cyrusl'usurpateur", 30 S. Smith,BabylonianHistorical Texts(Chicago, 1924), 85, v 4 and plate VIII and Schaudig,Inschriften,569. 31 Usually the conjunctive title "king of Babylon, king of lands"was used, but sometimes one or the other appears alone; see Dandamaev, Political History, 55 n. 9. Regardingthe evolutionof this titulary,see A. Kuhrtand S. Sherwin-White, "Xerxes' Destruction of Babylonian Temples",in AchaemenidHistoryII, 72-73 and F.Joannes, "La titulature de Xerxbs", Nouvelles assyriologiques bre'veset utilitaires 1989 no. 2, p. 25 32 A.K. Grayson, Babylonian Historical Literary Texts (Toronto,1975), 25 and 32-33. 33 The dynamics of the Persian-Elamitesynthesis in Fars is a topic beyond the scope of this article.Is it possible thatthe title "king of Anshan"was used consciously as a variation of the traditionalElamitetitle "king of Anshan and Susa"? At the least, it would have recalleda key componentof the traditional title that in itself encapsulated a glorious, Elamitepast. For a brief discussion of Elamitetitulary,see F. Malbran-Labat, Les Inscriptions royales de Suse: Briques de l'dpoquepaldo-dlamitea l'Empirendo-dlamite (Paris, 1995), 176-79. 34 See, among others, D. Stronach, Pasargadae (Oxford, 1978), 52-54; Miroschedji,"Lafin du royaume",299-300;

101

and E. Carter,"Bridgingthe gap between the Elamitesand the Persians in Southeastern Khuzistan", Achaemenid

HistoryVIII,65-95. 35

36 37

38 39 40

41

Grayson,Chronicles, 111, iii 24-28. This passagehas been understood in various ways (e.g., Dandamaev, Political History, 56-57 and references). The interpretationhere reflects A.R. George's collations and discussion, "Studies in Cultic Topography and Ideology", BiOr 53 (1996), 379-80. See also A. Kuhrt,"Some Thoughtson P. Briant, Histoire de l'empireperse", Topoi,Suppl. 1 (1997), 300-2. The temple was the E.GIDAR.KALAM.MA.SUM.MA "House which Bestows the Sceptre of the Land" (A.R. George, House Most High: The Temples of Ancient Mesopotamia [WinonaLake, 1993], 132-33.) See also p. 4 and n. 22. There are no extant Mesopotamian or Elamite royal inscriptions,and thus no knowledge of formal titulary,of Cambyses (r. 530-522). The Akkadian version of the Bisitun Inscription(line 12, DB ?10) identifies Cambyses as "king of Persia, king of lands" (as is typical in Babylonian economic texts dating to Cambyses' reign): LUGAL parl-su LUGAL KUR.KUR. The Old Persian and Elamite versions note only that "he was king here" (DB, Old Persian,i 29: hauvamid05xsyaOiya aha) and that "he held the kingship" (DB, Elamite, i 23: SUNKI-me marris). Egyptiantexts name Cambyses "King of Upper and Lower Egypt"and "son of Re" (both as expected) as well as "The Great King of All Foreign Lands";see, for example, G. Posener, La Premiere dominationperse en Egypte (Cairo, 1936), 7, 28, and 36. Note also the discussion of A.B. Lloyd, "The Inscription of Udjahorresnet: A Collaborator's Testament", JEA 68 (1982), 166-80. See Briant,HPE, 132-33. See Briant,HPE, 18-19 and 111. Non-royal individuals whom Herodotus labelled as "Achaemenid"are Hystaspes (1.209), Phamrnaspes (III.2), Sataspes (IV.43), Megabates(V.32), Tigranes(VII.62) and Artachaees(VII.117). Hdt.VII.11:~[il A oM y6T1{lTV'x AaelPov Yor&orrEoogTO0 ToP

42

TOP

To9 KV'oV 'AtoL•tdvveo TotTe'•roog o0 Kac[l4owmroi Te'oPYeog roi 'Axcuotgvrogyryovtog Darius is the first of nine kings in Xerxes' ... Notably, a recitation, direct echo of DB ?4 and DBa, wherein Darius claimed to be the ninth king in succession; see Rollinger, "Der Stammbaum",189-99 and especially pp. 193ff. For the inscriptions of Ariaramnes and Arsames, see Briant,HPE, 16 and 877; compareVallat,"Cyrusl'usurpa'Apodeog

JOURNAL OF PERSIAN STUDIES

102

teur" and P. Lecoq, Les inscriptions de la Perse

53

ache"menide (France,1997),126(withqualification). 43

44

45

DB ?35 (Old Persian): hauv ParOavaiyaha avam kara avaharda hamigiya abava. Elamite: vMiltafpa vu vattata hPartumaS Jarir hupiri vta?Jup ir maztemala beptip. asibma uqu Akkadian: mUstaspi AD-u-a ina KURPartfi ittalku. lapanifu ana mParmartiN Hdt. III.139:xai k6yov oixbpv6 Xco try6kov. Plato stated

xsfayaOiyadahyunam vispazananmmxSfyaOiya ahydya bfmiya vazrakaya dfiraiapiy Vigtaspahy5 puga Haxamanifiya Parsa Pirsahy5 puga Ariya Ariya ciga "I

outrightthatDariuswasnotthesonof a king(Laws695c). Forfurtherdiscussion,see Briant,HPE,108-12.Notealso thatAelian, VariaHistoriaXII.43identifiedDariusas a forCyrus. "quiver-bearer" (qpaQrQoq6Qov) Forthe Bisitunrelief,see Schmitt,Bisitun,pl. 5. ForDNc

Persian,son of a Persian,an Aryan,having Aryanlineage"; Kent, Old Persian, 138 and 142 and Schmitt,Old Persian Inscriptions,25 and 30 (DNa ?2). See, for example, the seminal treatmentof M. Cool Root, The King and Kingship in Achaemenid Art (Leiden,

am Dariusthe Great King, King of Kings, King of countriescontainingall kindsof men, King in this great earthfar andwide, son of Hystaspes,an Achaemenid,a

54

1979) and HPE, Chapters5-6 (with references).Note thatthereis notunanimityon the questionof thecreation of theOldPersianscript,see, forexample,Vallat,"Cyrus

(Naqsh-i Rustam) see R. Schmitt, The Old Persian Inscriptions of Naqsh-i Rustam and Persepolis (London, 46 47

2000),45 andplate22. See Briant'sdiscussion,HPE, 107-12.

l'usurpateur" and P. Lecoq, Les inscriptions, 77 and

85-87.

See Briant,HPE, 132-35 and Brosius, Womenin Ancient

of the Seven Persia,53-54. If theOtanes,sonof Thukhra, wouldoffermore was an Achaemenid,this identification intriguing possibilitiesof the linksbetweenCyrus'family the Achaemenids. and However, Otanes is nowhere likethe othersix helpersof identifiedas an Achaemenid; Darius,he is identifiedin the Bisitun Inscriptiononly as a Persian. This, though, does not preclude a link to the

55 For some of the broaderimplicationsof the "Aryan"

(Iranian)characterof Achaemenidideology,a complex issue, see G. Gnoli, The Idea of Iran: An Essay on Its 56

49

andeasternIranianetymologieshave 1982),41. Mazdaean beenproposedforothernames,butmanyareof dubiousor uncertainvalue (e.g., Cambyses).See the discussionof

Note W. Brandensteinand M. Mayrhofer'sdefinition of tauma-, Handbuch des Altpersischen(Wiesbaden, 1964),

50

51

52

Vogelsang,Rise and Organisation,306 for possible eastern

145: "Geschlecht,Sippe, Familie,Nachkommenschaft". Comparethe Akkadiansa zdriya"of my line (literally 'seed')"and the ElamiteNUMUN.mesnukami"of our 183-86. line".See Rollinger,"DerStammbaum", of the that another records Herodotus Seven,Otanes,was active in the conquest of Samos (III.141-49); see Briant, HPE, 122.

is stillnamedin the BisitunInscription, SinceIntaphemrnes his fall from grace (Hdt. III.118-19) presumablyoccurred after 519. See Briant, HPE, 128-37 for a discussion of Darius' six co-conspirators. See p. 6 and n. 43.

This Dadarshiwas differentthan the homonymous individual,an Armenian,who was sent againstrebelsin Armenia(DB ?26).

Origin(Roma,1989),Chapters1-3. See G. Gnoli,Zoroasterin History (New York,2000) for discussionandreferences.

57 M. Boyce, A History of Zoroastrianism,Vol. II (Leiden,

clan. Achaemenid 48

DNa ?2 and DSe ?2 (Old Persian version): adam DarayavauSxSayaOiyavazraka xSayaahyaxSfyaOiyanam

connectionsof the Achaemenidsin generaland note J. "TheRise of the OldPersianEmpire- Cyrus Harmatta,

58

the Great", Acta Antiqua Academiae Scientiarum Hungaricae 19 (1971), 1-15. Dandamaev,Political History, 36-37 contains summary

homelandin andreferencesforthe locationof Zoroaster's Drangiana; compare G Gnoli, Zoroaster' Time and Homeland A Study on the Origins of Mazdeism and RelatedProblems(Naples, 1980). See also the remarksof T. CuylerYoung,"EarlyIronAge IranRevisited:Preliminary Suggestionsfor the Re-analysisof Old Constructs",in J.L. Huot et al. (eds), De l'Indus aux Balkans: Recueil a la MAmoirede Jean Deshayes (Paris, 1985), 369 and Gnoli, Zoroasterin History,50 and 84 n. 42.

THE LAN CEREMONYAND OTHERRITUAL CEREMONIES IN THE ACHAEMENIDPERIOD: THE PERSEPOLISFORTIFICATIONTABLETS* By ShahrokhRazmjou National Museumof lran, Tehran

DuringErnstHerzfeld'sexcavationson behalfof the OrientalInstituteChicago at Persepolisin 1933-34, about30,000 tabletsandclay fragments,most of them inscribed in Elamite script and language,I were discoveredin thefortifications in thenortheastern corner of theplatform.A numberof thesetabletsarepublished

Among the FortificationTabletsthere are many Ritual Payment texts in which commodities are allocatedfor Lan, writtenas la-an in Elamite.This seemsto be a ritualceremony.Beforethe Achaemenid period,Lan is used in Elamitetexts with a different witha varietyof meaningandit appearsin combination in Persepolis Fortification Tablets. The texts showed words.6Theexactmeaningof Lanin Achaemenidtexts that these tablets were in fact payments,invoices, is not very clear,but apparentlythis ceremonyhas an receiptsand financialand accountancyreportsdating Elamiteorigin.EarlierElamitetexts, like those from betweenthe 13th year and the 28thyear of Dariusthe HaftTappeh,mentiona similarceremony7 whichis not Great.Theregionsin questionarefromeastof Neirizin calledLan.Lanis probablyanElamitewordbecauseof Farsprovinceto the borderof Khuzistanprovince.2 the lackof "L"in Old Persianandthe existenceof the The discoveryof sucha largecollectionof texts at la rootin the Elamitelanguage.It seemsthatLanwas a Persepolisgave hope thatmanyAchaemenidpuzzles ritualceremonyperformedon its own or for a god. andhistoricalandpoliticalproblemsmightbe solved, Hallockbelievedthatthe wordLanis derivedfromthe but contraryto expectationsthis did not happen. Elamiterootla- which in AchaemenidElamitemeans Researchon thesetexts has mainlyproducednew and "tosendforth"and"toissue".8Perhaps,althoughthisis interestingquestions,and from the beginningthey uncertain,Lanmay also mean"offeringsomethingfor revealedthe advancedadministrativesystem during holymatters". Theredoesnotseemto be a wordforLan Darius'reignandthe Achaemenidinterestin adminis- in Iraniansources.On the otherhand,Lankelli,which trativeorganisation, as indicatedin the OldTestament.3 appearsin the Fortificationtexts, is the name of the Oneof the subjectsdealtwithby the archivesis regular eighthmonthin the Elamitecalendar9, butthereis no and specifiedpaymentsreceivedby workers.4These information aboutits meaningor its relationto theLan workerswere sometimesbroughtfromnearor distant ceremony. towns or they were employedfromothercountries.A The word lansiti is used in MiddleElamitetexts, smallercollectionof about750 tablets,found in the especially from Chogha Zanbil. The Akkadian relates to salaries and of workers or Treasury, wages equivalentis hurasu, which means "gold" (Steve, other people who were employedat Persepolisand 1967:T.Z.2,p. 122). In the sametexts lania seems to settlements. the Fortification mean"silver".In Akkadianthe ideogramusedto write nearby Among Persepolis Tablets(PFT), a numberof texts deal with religious lnu meaning"body","figure"and"appearance" is the ceremonies, gods and priests in the Achaemenid same as thatfor salmumeaning"statue"(CAD 1973, period. The Fortificationtablets were divided into "L",p. 78). Perhapsa Lan ceremonywas connected differentcategoriesfrom A to W. The religiousand with a statue,but it is more likely thatit came to the ritualsubjectsare placedmainlyin categoriesE, K1, Persiansvia the Elamitesratherthanthe Babylonians, K2, K3.Thereare also relatedentriesin the categories as Elamites and Persianshad a closer relationship V (Journals),D, G, H, M and T.5Thereare 76 texts In PF (ParsaDaneshmand,personalcommunication). mentionedin thispaper,mostlyfromcategoriesK, and 772 (K1) the text describes performingthe Lan K3.Hereafterall texts with a religiousthemewill be ceremonyat elevenlankul(la-an-ku-el)(Hallock1969, referredto as "RitualPayments". p. 229, buthe readsthiswordas lankuEL).Thisword,

103

JOURNAL OF PERSIAN STUDIES

104

a combinationof lan with anotherunknownword, is not Old Persian.It mightbe a place thatwas used for performing a ritual ceremony of Lan with food offerings(Hinz and Koch 1987, p. 803) It is possible that lankulmay have survivedwith a slight change. New Persianlangar,anchor,couldbe relatedto lankul. An archaicmeaningof langaris a monasteryor ritual place of Sufis, where food was distributedamongst people, especiallythose who were poor (Dehkhoda, Logat-niama, 1330/1951, s.v. langar, p. 301; Tabrizi

1357/1978,p. 1908),but moreevidenceis neededfor sucha link. The only Fortification text in whichLan is not used as an independentformbut as a ceremonyfor a god, refersto the Elamitegod Humban(PF-NN2202: 35). forIraniangods, TheLanceremonywas notperformed oranyothergod,butonlyHumban,whichcanbe seenas evidencefor its Elamiteconnection.Lan was an independentceremony,butat timesit appearsin connection with othergods, which indicatesa link betweenLan, godsandsacredplacesthatreceivedrations.Theunpublishedtext PF-NN2202:36(V:Ki)states:"12 BAR of Zautril,Manu'areceivedfor grain,suppliedby (kurmin) dausam(libation/offering) of Lan (ceremony),for the god Humban ... (the city of) Tukra', 20th year (of

zaoOra,also meaninglibation,butwith one difference: zaoOrais a liquidoffering(water,milk,juice of plants and so forth),while mayazdis a non-liquidoffering (bread,fruit and other foods).12 In the case of Lan ceremonies,the worddauliyamis used for bothliquid andnon-liquidofferings. As alreadymentionedabove,Lan is usuallywritten on its own,butin textsaboutRitualPaymentsit appears with divinenames.It is interesting thatherethe names of thevariousgodsarewrittenalongwitheachother.For is namedwith Humban,13 and example,Ahuramazda andMithraappeartogetherwith Simut.14 Ahuramazda This shows the flexible nature of religion in the Achaemenid periodandsuggeststhattherewasreligious freedomduringthis period.In othertextsLan appears with Humban,15Mithra(Mi'ebaka),the Sun god16, Nariyosang(Nari'anka)1andthemountainAriyaramna = Aryaramnes).18 (h. KUR.lgHarriyaramna IN PERSEPOLIS OTHERRITUALCEREMONIES TABLETS FORTIFICATION Lan is only one of the ceremoniesdescribedin the tablets,butcomparedwithotherceremonies,it is much morecommon.BesidesLan,the followingceremonies

Darius)".Thisis the onlyexampleof theLanceremony in allthe fora god,theElamitegodHumban; performed are mentioned: Sip, Akrii, Nah, Nua?, Pumazzi' and andseparate othertextsLanis anindependent ceremony. Dausika. After Lan, Sip is the most frequently The worddausam,whichhas been writtenin different mentionedceremony.The statisticalbreakdownof forms, daula, dauliyam and tamsiyam, seems to be a these ceremoniesis shownin Table1. loanwordderiving from the Iranian(Old Persian) In the seven texts aboutSip therearetwo interestdauga.10Tamsiyam,is an Elamitisedform of dausiyam, ing points. First, the Sip ceremonyin one case is meaning libation or offering for gods and ritual performedfor a god namedZizkurra(PF-NN654: E). TheAvestanformof thiswordis knownas ceremonies11. Secondly,in PF-NN 1665:T,afterperformingthe Sip TABLE1. Ceremonies and rations. Name of NameofLan ceremony

of Number examined

ip

Akri?

76

7

2

smallcattle grainbarley winebeer fig dateflour

smallcattle malesheep grainwine flour killedduck

grain

Nah

Nua?

1

1

1 mutual withSip

grain

smallcattle

texts

Rations

grain

Pumazzi'

Dausika

wine

THE LAN CEREMONY

AND OTHER RITUAL

CEREMONIES

Sip ceremony, the ration of about 21.2 small cattle is consumed by 212 men (one small cattle for 10 men). In other texts the ration has been used for the Sip ceremony itself, probably consumed by workers as well. Akril is referredto in two texts. In both cases the Akri? ceremony is performed for an unidentified god. For Nah and Nua&only the word libation, dausiyam, is used, libation of Nah19and libation of Nua?20,but the lattermay have been a scribal error.

ADMINISTRATIVEPROCESS FOR PERFORMINGA LAN CEREMONY Those responsible for providing rations at a Lan ceremony were individualswith the administrativedesignation of kurmin (supplier).21The ration seems to have been supervised by individuals who were appointed as dama(na) (assigner) and &arama(na) (apportioner).They probably had lists and diagrams with recorded wages and rations for each person or group. They were also responsible for travel and ritual rations. Sometimes the King himself assigned the rations. PF 753 (K1), which is about Ritual Payments, shows that for performing a Lan ceremony at Harbu', "12 marri&of wine ... is assigned as rationby the King" (Hallock 1969, p. 226). The Lan ceremonywas therefore also of interestto the Persian kings. The sealed rations were either delivered by the suppliers or this was done by individuals with the title/designation ullir(a) (delivery man), but under the supervision of the suppliers. The recipients were individuals with administrative or religious designations or both. The texts show that the recipients, who used these rations for ritual ceremonies,22 were personally present at the ceremonies. They could be a performeror a supervisor when the rations were consumed. They received the sealed commodity from the supplier, ullir(a), and supervised the use of the assigned rations. But sometimes the receiver did not have a designation, either religious or administrative.

IN THE ACHAEMENID

PERIOD

When Lan ceremonies were performed on a daily basis, or the ration for one region was distributed in different places, the person receiving the ration would not be able to performhis administrativeduties as well as his daily ritual duty. For example, the rations were distributedat various temples, mountains and rivers. It would be impossible for one and the same person to be present at every ceremony at the same time. It is possible that the recipient had colleagues, subordinates or assistants,who did not necessarily share his beliefs, but they stepped in and took parton his behalf. Perhaps one could suggest the following: the priest delivered an assigned ration for a ritual ceremony. A ration for each god was given to the priests of that particularreligion and they would then be able to participatein their own religious ceremony. As Lan was a ceremony sharedby Iraniansand Elamites, they could both participatein the ceremony.

COMMODITY AND RATION SPECIES Commodities assigned and delivered as rations for the Lan ceremony consisted of small cattle, grain, flour, wine beer, tarmu (barley),23figs and dates (see Table 2 for statistics). Wine, followed by flour, was the most popular commodity at Lan ceremonies.24We do not have texts from a single place that has different rations for the same ceremony. This could mean that at the same time and place only one kind of commodity was delivered as a ration.

The amount of ration There is no fixed amount of ration for Lan ceremonies in the texts, as the rations are usually different.At the same time, specific and equal amounts are repeatedthe following year. Every region seems to have had a specific ration and amount for consump-

TABLE2. Rations for the Lan ceremony. Commodity Numberof texts

small cattle 2

grain

flour

wine

18

19

28

105

beer 5

barley (tarmu) 2

figs

dates

1

1

total 76

JOURNAL OF PERSIAN STUDIES

106

tion. The difference among the regions may have depended on the population or the numberof sites. For example, PF 743 mentions the Lan ceremonies for a period of 12 months in the 22nd year of Darius at Kaupirri' (modem Kamfiruz). The assigned ration consisted of 12 BAR of flour. In PF 746, on the other hand, 36 BAR of flour were delivered for the same period and the same time, to an unknown place. In PF 753, 12 marri? of wine were delivered in the 23rd year of Darius for a period of 12 months at Harbu', and for the same period and the same year, 30 marri' of wine were delivered at Ankarakkanaccording to PF 759. In some cases, a specific period is mentioned, as for example from the 22nd until the 24th year of Darius, 4 BAR of flour were regularly delivered each month to Mattezzi'25.The amount of wine delivered to this city was one-and-a-half marri? for each month, from the first to the eleventh month of the 23rdyear.26Likewise, at Harbu' 12 marri' of wine were delivered in both the 22nd and the 23rdyear of Darius.27This shows that each month Mattezzi' received half a marrismore wine than Harbu'. Also of interest are two unpublished texts about the sacrifice of small cattle for the Lan ceremony. PF-NN2259: 7-8 (K1) mentions that 30 small cattle were delivered to Pasargadaeas offerings for a Lan ceremony for a period of one month. According to the text, this ceremony was performedat a store-house, balum 28, at Pasargadae.In lines 5-6, it is recordedthat 118 small cattle were delivered for one month (the name is not mentioned) for performing six Lan ceremonies. The number 118 cannot be equally divided by 6 and we can therefore assume that rations at each of these six Lan ceremonies were different,but they were all added up in the text. It seems that small cattle were sacrificed at Lan ceremonies and the meat was then divided up amongst certainindividuals. Texts about Ahuramazda and the god Mildu'i(') mention that after the ceremony the workmen, kurtal,

consumed the offering rations.29It seems that the ration was only noted when it was consumed by workmen, but not if regularconsumers were involved. With regardto sacrificesperformedby the magi, we find a depictionof such a scene on one of the Daskyleion reliefs from western Asia Minor.30The magi are shown holding barsombundlesin theirhandswhile performing a ritual ceremony at a sacred place (Fig. 1). In front of the two men are the heads of a sacrificedbull and lamb which are placed on a heap which resembles a bundle of twigs. It is not clear whether the heads were actually burntwith the twigs or whetherthe men refrainedfrom pollutingthe sacredfire with the offering,as for example in the later Sasanian period. There are also sacrificial scenes on Achaemenid seals and seal impressions. (Moorey 1976, fig. 3b). Among the pre-Achaemenid Elamitereliefs of King Hannifrom Kul-e Farrahthere is a depiction of a sacrifice scene with an Elamite priest, which shows the background of a similar tradition amongst the Elamites.31

GEOGRAPHICALEXPANSION The seal impressions on the Fortification tablets suggest four categories, I-IV32for all the tablets. These correspond to four geographical regions. Table 3 shows the geographical distribution of the Lan ceremony according to the four geographical groups. Most Lan ceremonies took place in Region I, that is the region of Persepolis, which comprises an area from the north of Pasargadaeto Shiraz-Neirizin the south. It is interestingto note that some regions seem to have had more Elamite than Iranian inhabitants, unexpectedly resultingin infrequentperformancesof Lan ceremonies, e.g. Region III. This does not mean that there were no Elamites in the Persepolis region, but it indicates that most inhabitants of Fahlian were Elamites. This

TABLE3: Regions where Lan ceremonies were performed. Region I

Region II

Region III

Region IV

Region

Persepolis region

Kamfirouz region

Fahlian region

Numberof

28

5

1

Northof Persepolis and Kamfirouz region 11

texts

IIIII

unknown

without geographical name

total

5

26

76

THE LAN CEREMONYAND OTHERRITUALCEREMONIESIN THE ACHAEMENIDPERIOD

107

TABLE4. Geographical distribution of other ceremonies. Name of the

ip

Akri'

Nah

ceremony Nameof the city

Batrakata? 2 (Pasargadae)

Batrakata?2 texts

Nua?

Kaupirri? 1 0 text

Pumazzi?

Batrakata?1 text

Dausika

0

texts

Pumu I text

Igkema 1 text Tikranug 1 text

Appistapdan1 text

assumptionis confirmedby the following: the presence of importantmonuments in this region, as for example Kurangan, and the probable location of Hidali, the capitalof the Elamitesand the last Elamitedefence point

afterthe fall of SusaandMadaktuto the Assyrianarmy in 646 BC. Accordingto tablets led by Ashurbanipal fromthe Fahlianregion,the monthnamesrecordedin the texts were writtenmostlyin Elamite.This is clear fromthe PersepolisFortification texts.Closerto Susa, monthnamesarein Elamite(Hallock1969,p. 75). This couldbe an indicationof moreElamitepresence,particmodemDezhularlyin theareabetweenHidali(perhaps Espid, near Nur-abad?) and the Behbahan area (Achaemenid Da'er?). the Among cities of the Persepolisregion(Region I), Matezzi' has the highest numbers of Lan ceremonies.33 Thesearementionedin 13 texts andthe rationsincludeflourandwine (PF761, PF 762, PF-NN 250, PF 763, PF 764, PF 741, PF-NN 1141, PF-NN 1140, PF-NN 1138, PF 760, PF-NN 1601, PF-NN 1602,Fort3126). Twoof thesetextsarewithouta geographicalnamebutotherdatafromthetabletsconfirms the connectionwith Matezzi'. This is followed by Pasargadaewith two texts, where in each case the deliveredrationconsists of a large numberof small cattle(see above).ThenthereareTukra'(PF-NN2202, PF 2073),Narezzag,modemNeiriz( PE-NN 1262,PF 769), Karinu' (PF-NN 1836, PF-NN 2243) and Marsaskas( PF 2036, PF 757) each withtwo texts. In RegionII (modemKamfiruzregion),Harbu'has two texts,andin RegionIV,Ra'numatti',therearealsotwo texts showingthe highestnumberof Lan ceremonies.

Unfortunately, there are 26 tablets about ritual payments for the Lan ceremony which do not have a

geographicalname.34The geographicaldistributionof otherceremoniesis presentedin Table4. PRIESTS,THEIRRANKSAND DESIGNATIONS InRitualPayments,andespeciallyinLantexts,the designations and ranks of the recipients are sometimes

recorded.In RitualPaymenttexts, the recipientsnot only have an administrativedesignation but they are also the participants,performersand priests in the ritual ceremonies. In category E texts ("utilisation"),we have

a recordof theuse of rationsby therecipients.35 Perhaps they had a duty to supervise the use of rations. In fact, the designation of the recipient is both religious and administrative.The first and most familiar designation is maku? ( magus). Lan texts and all Ritual Payments mention individuals with the designation makus, when receiving a rationand using it for the libation of Lan or the gods. It is interesting that the Iranianmagi are in charge of performing Lan, a ceremony of Elamite origin. It should be pointed out that in Achaemenid-

Elamitetexts, the names and ceremoniesof Iranian origin are used in their original form without being translated into Elamite, e.g. dau'iyam. Lan, which is

well-knownamongstIranians,is used in its original Elamite form without being translated.This is an indicationof mixtureof religions. In PF 1953:1-2 (KI) thereare two recipients:one with an Iranian designation, haturmakia

(dtzarvaxs)36

108

JOURNAL OF PERSIAN STUDIES

andtheotherwithanElamitedesignation, iatin (priest). Both priests,who representtwo completelydifferent religions,seemto havereceivedrationsforperforming one andthe sameritualceremony,namelyLan.In PFNN 2211:4-5 (V:Ki)a maguswiththenameUgdamma received19 BAR of grainas rationfora Lanceremony, as well as for the (earth) goddess Spenta-Armaiti and the god Mithra (here: d. (Ispandaramattis)37 Text PF-NN 2337: 1-2 (V:K3),which is Mi''ebaka). similarto the formertext, mentionsa satin with the Iranianname Bakabadda(Baypador Bavpad),who received 30 irtiba38 of grain as rations for a Lan ceremonyand also for the same deities:the goddess I'pandaramatti'(Spenta-Armaiti)and for the god Mithra(here: d. Mi'ebaka).How could an Iranian magus performa Lan ceremonyand how could an Elamite?atinperformceremoniesforIraniansandnonElamitegods?The Elamitescribesseem to have been awareof the differencebetweenmagusand?atin39.For example,magushas minorranksand levels, but &atin does not. Also, neitherdesignationwas everused as a logogramor a generalterm for priests.This is made clearin textPF 1953:1-2(V), wheretwo individualsare responsiblefor giving out rationsfor a Lan ceremony. Onehasthe designationhaturmakia,a rankamongthe magi,andthe otheris a ?atin, an Elamitepriest. of the desigIn orderto gain a betterunderstanding nations,it is necessaryto put themintocategories.We of certainindividcanfollowchangesin thedesignations uals by the information aboutthe degreesandranksof each designationin the RitualPaymenttablets.For example,a personby the nameof Yaidaat Matezzi',is one of the recipientsof a Lanrationfromthe beginning of the 23rdyear to the beginningof the 24th year of Darius.He has the religious-administrative designation Thedesignation canalsobe haturmakAain eighttexts.40 as accordingto somenon-religious texts administrative, andcategories,the bearerof this titleis responsiblefor is activities.The designationhaturmak?a administrative in in the because Fort. an important 3126, designation 23rdyearof Darius,Ya'dais describedas the Matezzi'

Lanperformer) fortwo years43, andin the thirdyearhe Lan lirira.44Many texts mentionthe magi became maku& as maku?withouta referenceto theirLan performing

Lan was a specialism, ability.It seemsthatperforming whichanIranian couldgainbeforebeingpromoted to the positionof a magus.This would addto his status.As someindividuals receivedrationsfortheLanceremony withonlya magusdesignation andwithoutthe suffixof Lanlirira,we canassumethatthedesignation makugLan liririawas used for the supervisorof Lan-performing ceremonies.It seemsthatLanlirirawas a separateskill whicha maguscouldgain.Butwe havebeenunableto finda satinwiththe specialdesignationof Lanlirirain any Lan texts andotherRitualPayments.Perhapsthis was an ordinaryskill andpartof the responsibility of a satin.It was thereforenotnecessaryto refereto theLan liriradesignation. Withregardto a magus,on the other hand,thiswas a specialabilityaddedto his duties.It is notclearwhetherperforming a Lanceremonywasoneof the stages for attainingthe positionof a magus, or whetherit was an acquiredspecialismwhichwas not relatedto beinga magus. Anotherdesignation,which is referredto twice in the Lan texts, is pirramasda45 (once written as pirramadda).The tabletsdo not revealany information aboutthe gradesand duties of this designation. But other ritual texts show that this designation follows the magus designation, i.e. maku? pirramasda.46We do not know if this is an administrativepositionor a rankin the priestlyhierarchy.The wordpirramasdais Iranianbecauseof its form, and becausein PF 773 the nameof the holderof this designationis Nariganka(Nariyosang),an Iranianname of an Avestandeity. The designations mentionedin the Lantextscanbe althoughtherearesomedesapproximately categorised, ignationsknownfromothertexts, for examplemaku& which show thattwo designationswere haturmakia,47 usedforone personat the sametime.Moreresearchon ranks in designations and religious-administrative connectionwithRitualPaymenttextsis necessary.

haturmakia, that is the haturmakia of the city of Matezzil, which would be an importantposition. From

the secondmonthof the 24th yearuntilthe beginningof

PLACE OF A LAN CEREMONY

the tenthmonthwe have no texts abouthim, but suddenly

in the tenthmonthof the 24th year41we findhimwitha new designation maku&Lan lirira42 (Lan performer example,Allika is a recipientwhose magus).Ina further is mentioned. He was a Lan lirira (a not area working

There is not much information about where this sacred ceremony was performed. There are a few references to specific places for performing a Lan as lankul, but no temple names are given.

THE LAN CEREMONY

AND OTHER RITUAL CEREMONIES

One of texts,PF-NN2259:7-8:(V:Ki),refersto an a unusualplace,a storageplace(balum),forperforming Lan ceremony.More examplesof performingritual ceremoniesin storehousescanbe foundin a few other RitualPaymenttexts.In the sametext, lines 13-14, 11 smallcattlearegivento 11 storehousesas offeringsfor a god called Karbaisya.48 Here, lines 15-16, and in PFa2: E, there are two referencesto small cattle as offerings:in one case theyaregivento 16 storehouses atkulukum, whichcouldbe a shrineora sacredplace,as the offeringhereis "forthe gods".Thiscanbe regarded as evidencefor the close connectionbetweenkusukum that andthestorehouses.Inthesecondcaseit is reported eight small cattlehave been given to storehouses as offerings for two gods in two places, includinga kugukum. In PF-NN2259:9-10 (V: K)1offeringsfor a called Minaumaremadein a "winestorehouse"at god Pasargadae.It is possiblethat therewas a close link betweenstorehouses and sacredplaces, whereritual ceremonieslike Lan were performed.Thenthereis a partetas at Pasargadaewhereritualceremonieswere performed.Thiscouldbe the Iranianwordpara-daesa In the or a walledgarden( the laterword"paradise"). Achaemenidperioda parteta?had variousfunctions, butit is interestingthateachgardenhada sacredplace and that some of the gardensthemselves could be sacred. We know from Assyrian sources that the Elamites had sacred forests and, like the Iranians, showed respect for such spaces. We may therefore suggest that some gardens had shrines for ritual purposes. As alreadymentionedabove,lankulalso appearsas a place for performingLan ceremonies;it may simply be a Lanperformingplace. TERMSFORRATIONRECEIVEDFORTHELAN CEREMONY The way rationsare receivedis mentionedin two ways: 1. as rations(Elamitegal) for ritualuse, and2. as dauliyam (dausam, dausa, tamriyam),which can be translatedas libation or offering. There is only one text where both terms occur together but have different meanings: PF-NN 2372: 1-2 (V:Ki) mentions: "... as ration(gal) of libation (daula) for the god Humbanand Lan (ceremony)." It is interestingthat the word Lan is never mentioned together with the word bakadauliya (libation for a god), which we know from other texts.

IN THE ACHAEMENID

PERIOD

109

Thiswordis the sameas daufiyawiththe prefixbaka, thatis baga (god). GODSAND THELANCEREMONY Lantextsalso give informationaboutthe namesof gods andsacredplacesto whichofferingsweremade. These were the gods Mithra (Mi'ebaka), Marira', Humbanand Nariyosang(Nari'anka).These tablets mention the Lan ceremony in connection with a varietyof gods, which indicatesthat worshippersof Iranianand Elamitedeities were associatedwith Lan performances.49 LAN TIMESOF PERFORMING TheLanrationsareregulatedduringcertainmonths of theyear.Somerationshavemonthlydatesandatthe end of sometextsthe rationdeliveredfor a wholeyear is divided proportionallybetween each month. For example, PF 758 mentions, "12 marri' of wine, the Lan performermagus,receivedas Irdakur-raddug, offering, daulam, for Lan (ceremony), 19thyear, 1st to 12thmonth,totaling12 months".The followinginformationis addedat the end "foreachmonthhe receives one marrig".

Many texts indicate that rations were counted monthlyand not annually.Few texts mentiondaily rationsfortheLanperformances. Accordingto PF 748, the recipient"has received3 marri? for one month, daily 1 QA".50In PF 1953: 1-2 (K1)the rationpaidin the sixthmonthis fora periodof ninedays.Thisshows thatnine days were assignedto the Lan ceremony.In PF-NN 2259: 5-9 (V:K1)six Lan (ceremonies)are performedwithina month.Therefore,we can see that Lanwas performeddailyandmonthly,andfor specific periods on unidentifiedoccasions (e.g. a nine-day period for six Lan within a month). It was not performedata specificor fixedtime,butmostLantexts date to the 23rd and 22nd year of Darius (see Table 5).

METHOD OF PERFORMINGA LAN CEREMONY As Lan texts are basically financial reports,they do not explain how the ceremony was performedand few details about the performances are provided. Other

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STUDIES

TABLE5. Randomselection of Lanperformances duringyears 14-28. Number of texts

1

2

1

2

5

2

6

5

12

17

9

7

-

1

6

Year

14

15

16

17

18

19

20

21

22

23

24

25

26

27

28

took the allocatedamountof offeringas Lan rationto theplacewherethe ceremonywas performed.Thenthe rationwas perhapsplacedon an altarandonly a small amount was presentedas an offering. During the ceremony,whensingingof religioushymnswas usual, dama(na) or sarama(na). 2. A person with the desigthe ration was consecrated.Not all prayers and nationkurminor supplierprovidedtherationsfromthe religioushymnswerethe sameandin the case of Lan storagehousesor othercentresandwas in chargeof a He delivered the particularcommodity51. commodity each priest could sing the sacredhymns of his own to otherindividuals,who were in chargeof receiving religion in his own ceremony. Afterwards, the these rations.This was done on a monthlybasis or offeringsweredistributed amongspecialindividualsas a sacred ration or food. With regardto smallcattle,we duringspecific periodsand had to be used for ritual that one or a few small cattlewere ceremonies.Therecipientsoftenhada religiousdesig- may suggest only nation which could also be an administrativerank. sacrificedat the ceremony,and not all of them. The Thesepeople,who havea religioustitle,canbe divided headwas thenplacedin a specialplace, as shownon therelieffromDaskyleion(Fig. 1).Afterthe ceremony, into two groups- magus and &atin.There is no the live smallcattle,by now consecrated,weredivided evidencefor anotherkindof priest.Therecipientused between individuals.As describedabove, in one the rationfor ritualpurposesor distributedthe ration up case 118 small cattle were delivered for six Lan amongstpriests,templesandothersacredplaces.If the ceremonies.It is unlikelythat all these animalswere recipientdid not use it himself,thenhe would offerit as a presentat a ceremony.He mayhavehadadminis- sacrificedin six Lanceremonies. Informationaboutsacrificialceremoniesamongst trativecontrolover the way the rationwas used. In the Iranianpeople is best foundin the Avesta.In the othertextsthe wordbakadauliya(libationto a god) is Yasht,particularlyAbanYashtand T7rYasht,sacrifices oftenused in connectionwith gods,but in Lantexts it for divinebeings,especiallyin the formof horses,bulls is not mentionedor specificallyused for the Lan It seems as if this tradition ceremony.It may be thatLan was a kind of blessing andsheep,aredescribed.52 the ancient Iranianpeopleandthe was current to the An which did not have involve amongst ceremony gods. this tradition. Achaemenids have followed here is the Humban may god (see above).Perhaps exception he [the Herodotus mentions such a "When this is the reasonwhy the worddau'iya is mentioned practice: cut has the animal and cooked it, he withoutbakain theLantexts.It is possiblethatpriests, worshipper] up a of makes little the softest stuff he can find, who were responsiblefor the ceremony,deliveredthe heap green receivedrationto a special place and used it there. preferablyclover,and lays all the meat upon it. This Sometimesthe amountof commodityis so muchthat done, a magus (a memberof this caste is always it couldnothaveall beenusedup at once.It is unlikely presentat sacrifices)uttersan incantationover it in a thatsuchamountsof rationswereofferedto one place form of wordswhichis supposedto recountthe birth only and that the participantsin the ceremonywere of the gods. Thenaftera shortintervalthe worshipper able to use such rationsthemselves.Here the Ritual removesthe flesh anddoes whathe pleaseswith it."53 Paymenttexts of Ahuramazdaand the god Marirag Herodotuscould not have been a witness to such a cometo ourhelp.Textsrelatedto rationsforthesetwo ceremonyhimself,butperhapsthesedetailsweregiven to him by Iraniansin Asia Minor.The scene on the gods mention at the end that "... then workers consumed".This meansthatthe workerswerethe last Daskyleionrelief ( Fig.1) can be comparedwith the to consumethe gods' rations.It is possiblethatpriests abovestatementandconfirmsthe traditionof sacrifice of the lowerrankswent througha specialprocessand by the magi. The RitualPaymenttexts show thatthe RitualPaymenttexts are moreuseful and allow us to suggesta possibleprocedure. 1. Rationsfor the ceremonywere regulatedfor a limited period by, perhaps, authorisedindividuals,

THE LAN CEREMONY

AND OTHER RITUAL

CEREMONIES

IN THE ACHAEMENID

PERIOD

111

Fig. 1. Daskyleionrelief detail of sacrifice. Achaemenids had an independentreligion, which was of ancient Iranian origin, although influenced by Median magi and their beliefs.54 Some names in the tablets correspondto names in the Avesta, for example Spenta-Armaiti,Nariyosang and others, but there is are no references to Zarathushtraand the Avesta. The beliefs of the Achaemenids and their religious ceremonies, as seen through the Persepolis tablets and royal inscriptions,were related to the Yashtsbut not to other parts of the Avesta.

POSSIBLE EVIDENCE FOR THE LAN CEREMONY There is no reference to any other ceremony as popularas Lan. There may be still undiscoveredreliefs showing this ceremony. Perhapsthe name Lan and the ceremony itself were changed at a later time and continued in another form. As already mentioned above, we have to take into account that, according to the tablets, most Lan ceremonies were performedin the city of Matezzi,55 which was located near Persepolis. Many Fortification Ritual texts mention the name Matezzi' togetherwith Parsa(Persepolis);this suggests that these two places were closely connected.56Is it possible to suggest that a ceremony with such a wide distributionand influence was continuously performed near Persepolis, but was not currentat Persepolis itself? Unfortunately,there are no documents relating to Lan

being performedat Persepolis.If this ceremonywas performedat Persepolis,thenthereshouldbe evidence of such performanceson the reliefs. The only case where it could be shown is the so-called"servant" reliefs,57sometimesknownas "giftor tribute-bearers" reliefs.Thebest examplesof thesereliefsat Persepolis werefoundin the TacharaandHadishpalaces(Figs.2, 4), PalacesG (Fig. 3), H and the TripylonGate.The people shown on the reliefs carry objects that are differentfromwhat is carriedby the particular"giftbearers"on the reliefs of the Apadanapalace. Even their clothes differ,as all of them wear Persianand Mediandresses only and their headdresscovers the head,chinandneckcompletely.Thistypeof headdress is differentto thatshownon the Apadanareliefs.Also, thosewearingPersiandresson the so-called"servant" reliefshavethis sortof headdress(Fig.4). It is familiar to us fromotherreliefs,as for exampleat Daskyleion (Ghirshman1964,p. 347, pl. 440). This type of head covering,as seen on Persepolisseals58or the Oxus is typicalof priests.Thedesignationservant Treasure59, maythereforenotbe correct.Justbecausethesepeople were carrying large leather containers, carefullycoveredvessels and,most importantof all, live goats andlambsto the palaces,did not meanthattheywere servantswho were carryingfood for the King. In addition,thematerialshownon thesereliefsis farmore thancouldhave been used by the King andthe Royal Family.It is unlikelythatthe slaughtering, preparation androastingof livestockwouldactuallytakeplacein an

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Fig. 2. Persepolis. Westernstairway of Hadish palace.

Fig. 4. Persepolis. Westernstairway ofHadish palace.

Fig. 3. Persepolis. Palace G.

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Fig. 5. Seal impressionfrom Persepolis. After Shahbazi 1978.

official area of the palace and in frontof the King, since there is no evidence of any kitchen inside the palace. It is more likely that these goats and lambs were taken away to be sacrificed at a ritual ceremony. The large leather containers must have contained wine prepared for libation and offerings at the ceremony, although there is no evidence of the exact content. Perhapsthey contained the above-named rations for ritual libation, which occur in ritual texts. The Lan texts record for each Lan only one commodity,but it is possible that the ration for a royal Lan was larger. On the other hand, there is no evidence to suggest that this was necessarily a Lan ceremony, but just a ritual ceremony. According to documents found during the excavations at the site, there was in addition to ceremonies such as Sip and others, another ceremony performed at Persepolis, which was differentto Lan.60During the excavations in the northernpart of the TreasuryPalace at Persepolis and especially in Hall No. 38, many mortars, pestles and vessels made of a green stone were discovered. These had inscriptionsin Aramaic scriptwhich referred to the performanceof a ritual ceremony. These objects are recorded in the Treasury archive.61 The date assigned and the number of these mortars,pestles and vessels show that the ceremonies took place several

times a year. The objects were returnedto the Treasury after they had been used and were never used again. Scenes of such a ceremony appearon seal impressions from Persepolis (Fig. 5). This ceremony was performed before an altarand a mortarand pestle were placed on a table. The Aramaic inscriptionson these stone objects from the Treasuryand the function of the objects in the ceremony, have promptedsome to suggest that it was a Haoma-crushing ceremony (Bowman 1970, pp. 6-8), but this is doubtful.This is an old and authenticIranian ceremony62. We also have the depiction of another ceremony on Achaemenid seals, similar to the relief of the King before a fire altar at the top of Achaemenid tombs at Naqsh-i Rustam and Persepolis. This ceremony was performed only in front of an altar and fire.63In contrast to a Haoma-crushingceremony, the Lan ceremony was performed continuously.In the socalled Haoma-crushingceremony there is often a priest or magus standing alone and there are no libation rations and commodities for gods. The priest performingthe ceremony sometimes holds a barsom in his hand and wears a headdress in the Median fashion. Such as scene in the presence of a priest or a barsomholding person can be seen on another relief from Daskylion in the Archaeological Museum, Istanbul.

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Here, the figure holding a barsom is standingin frontof a temple. Below the Persepolisplatform,nearthe northwestern corner, there are the ruins of an Achaemenid temple and a temple of the post-Achaemenid period, belonging to the kings of Persis of the Frataraka Dynasty (Schmidt, 1953, fig. 17A). With regardto the reliefs at Persepolis, it is betterto refer to the participants in this ceremony not as "servants,attendants,gift-bearersor food-carriers"but as "carriers of religious offerings", "priests carrying libations" or "priests" and magi. The figure moving ahead always wears a Persian dress, and there is no barsom, and there are no mortars,pestles or flat vessels as found at the Treasury.There is no doubtthat in some palaces of Persepolis ritualceremonieswere performed, and perhaps one of these was the Lan ceremony. It is still unclear at what time and where the Lan ceremony was performed, or until what date, and whether it survived until a later date under a different name. Perhaps the libation which is mentioned by the Sasanianking Shapur(A.D. 241-272) in his inscription at the Ka'ba-ye Zartusht,is the continuationof the Lan ceremony: "For the happiness of our soul is assigned daily one lamb, one grTwand 5 hofan half-loaves and 4 pas of wine should be given ... for the happiness of the soul of the Lord Sasan and King Papakand King Sapur son of Papak and King of Kings Arda'ir..."64

CONCLUSION It is not clear whether the Lan ceremony survived under another form or name. According to tablets and other references and testimonies mentioned, we may suggest that a libation ceremony existed among the ancientIraniantribes.After the migrationof the Persians to the south to the neighbourhoodof the Elamites, they may have been influenced by the local culture,civilisation, ceremonies and traditionswhich graduallybecame their own. Later,when the Elamites became weak and the Persians conqueredAnshan, it was the turn of the Elamites to be influenced by the Persians. For this reason, Persians and Elamites share many similarities. The libation ceremony which was common to both peoples, was known by its Elamitename. The Elamites had many ritual ceremonies, but we do not have much informationaboutthese. Gold and silver statuesfound at Susa65from the Middle Elamite period, the reliefs at Kul-e Farah,66and Elamite seal impressions from

Susa67,all show libation ceremonies in Elam. But we have to remember that the newcomers had little knowledge of the Elamite administrativesystem. At the beginning,they used Elamitescribeswho had an ancient traditionof writingand administration,which went back almosttwo and a half millennia.It was only laterthatthe Persians introduced their own writing. The tablets mention how Persian servants were copying tablets.68 Some of these scribes had Persian names. Before this, Elamite scribeshad recordedsimilarIranianceremonies as their own ceremony, but with growing Persian influence in administrative, religious and tribunal matters, Persian words replaced Elamite words in the texts. CertainElamite words remained in use until the end of the Achaemenidperiod. One of these loanwords is Lan, which refers to Persian and Elamite ritual ceremonies,but the exact purposeof such a ceremony is not known. If a Lan ceremony was not performedfor a god, then perhaps it was a request for a blessing and peace, or for the survivalof the identityof the people of the Achaemenid empire, a requestfor good health, or it may have been an offering for the souls of the dead and ancestors.We cannottalk aboutthe real purpose of Lan withoutmore documentation,even though it was one of the most importantand popular religious traditionsof the time. Perhaps the discovery of new finds and the translation of the remainder of the Persepolis FortificationTablets will shed more light on the Lan ceremony. At present, this once popular ceremony in ancientIranremainsunknownand mysterious.

Notes * Thispaperis the resultof collectingall the so-calledLan thepublished textsandtextsaboutotherritualceremonies, textsof R.T. Fortification Texts,PF,aswell asunpublished Hallock.I tried to find as many translatedPersepolis Fortification Tabletsas possible,but of the unpublished textstranslated (Fort.)onlya fewwere by GeorgeCameron textsis Fortification available.Thecorpusof unpublished not very large and more completeconclusionswill be possibleonly if moretexts aretranslatedandpublished. ThePersianversionof thispaperwaspublishedin 1998in Dr BaharMemorialVolume (Yad-eBahar),Tehran.This is a revisededitionandwiththe additionof somerecently re-readFortificationTablets.I am gratefulto Wouter fortheircomments, Henkelmann andParsaDaneshmand and to FrangoisVallatfor his help. I would also like

THE LAN CEREMONY AND OTHER RITUAL CEREMONIES IN THE ACHAEMENID PERIOD

to thank Dr. A. Sh. Shahbazi for allowing me to publish the drawing of a seal impression from Persepolis 1

2 3 4

5

6

7 8

9 10 11 12 13

14 15

(Fig. 5). Some of these have no inscriptions,othershave only a seal impression, and there are those without even a seal impression. Hallock 1969, p. 1. The Book of Esther6:1-2. Professionaland non-professionalsalariedworkers. Hallock's categories are as follows: Category D: General Receipts; Category E: Utilisation; Category G: Providing provisions; Category H: Receipts by Officials; Category Ki: Rations for individuals with religious functions; Category K2: Regular monthly rations for named and qualifiedpeople; CategoryK3:Regularmonthlyrationsfor named but unqualified people; Category M: Special See Rations; Category T: Letters; Category V: Joumrnals. also Hallock 1969, pp. 18ff. Texts with the PF designation are published texts, unpublished transliteratedtexts are writtenwith PF-NN and the letterof their category. For some examples in Susa texts, see lanini and lan(-)sitini in MDP XI , no. XCIX (Frag. C. pl.12 n.3), 1:6: la-an (-) sitini 1.8: la-ni-i-ni; q: la-an si-ti-i-ni; also MDP IX, no. 281; 23 la-an ma-ra ma-d[a-a]k.See also Hinz and Koch, 1987, pp. 802-804. Reiner 1973, pp. 87-102. Hallock 1969, p. 719. Hallock 1969, p. 74. For the meaning and different forms of dausam, see Hallock 1969, p. 681. Cameron 1948, p. 7. Ushidari 1371 (1992), 446. PF 339 and the unpublishedtext PF-NN-379:E.

PF338.

Also in the unpublishedtext PF-NN 2372: 1-2 (V: K1). Texts: PF 1956: 1-2 (Ki), PF-NN 2211: 4-5 (V: K1), PFNN 2337:1-2 (V: K3),PF-NN 2265:1-4 (V: K1),PF 1955: 1-3 (Ki), PF-NN 2040: 2-3 (V: K1). 17 PF 1960: 3-4 (Ki). 18 PF 1955: 1-3 (K1). 19 PF 1802 (Ki). 20 PF 766 (Ki). 21 "Supplier" is a description of kurmin, for kurmin see Hallock, 1969, pp. 10-12. 22 The "utilisation"of ration in E texts is explained by the word huttaS (and its various forms) in E texts with the meaning "to utilise",Hallock 1969, p. 18. 23 Tarmuis probablybarley,because it was used for making beer. 16

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This conclusion is based on the available translatedtexts. PF 763 and PF 764 do not mention the name directly;PF 761, PF 762, PF-NN 250 (Ki), PF-NN 1601 (K1), PF-NN 1602 (K1). 26 PF-NN 1141 (K1), PF-NN 1140 (K1), PF-NN 1138 (K1), PF 760. 27 PF-NN 556 (K1),PF 753. 28 Hallock 1969, p. 674. 29 Cf. texts PF 336, PF 337, and unpublishedtexts PF-NN 336 (E), PF-NN 978 (E), PF-NN 613 (E), E 679, PF-NN 679 (E), PF-NN 1679 (E). 30 Ghirshman 1964, p. 347. 31 Amiet 1966, p. 558, pl. 425. 32 This division is presentedin Hallock 1978, p. 109. 33 Matezzis is the city which in Old Persian texts is called in Uvadacaya; Babyloniantexts it is called Humddeiu,see Hallock 1969, p. 728, underMatezzi'; also Stolper 1984, p. 307, n.31. 34 These resultsarebased on the Lan texts in the publishedPF and unpublishedtexts of R.T. Hallock. It is possible that untranslatedtexts may give betteror differentresults. 35 For some examples, see PF 336, PF 337, PF-NN 978 (E). 36 Haturmakia is a designationwhich in its Iranianform is known as atra-vaxs, the same as the laterwords atarvaxd and azarvax&.This is a designation of some individuals who were attendantsat some part of Zoroastrianreligious ceremonies. In V texts haturmakSahas a completely administrative,ratherthanreligious,meaning.But in E and K1texts it seems to imply religious duties, even thoughthe designation had more an administrative, rather than religious role, see Hallock, 1969, p. 695. see Razmjou2001, pp. 7-15. 37, For I'pandaramattis, 38 One irtiba= 3 BAR, see also Hallock 1969, pp. 72, 31,705. 39 The great care the scribes took in recordingdetails of the texts could possibly show the accuracyof this subject. 40 Cf. PF-NN 1141 (K1),PF-NN 1140 (K1),PF 761, PF 762, PF-NN 250 (K1),PF 760, PF-NN 1601 (K1). 41 PF-NN 1602 (K1). 42 The wordlirirawiththe is derivedfrom meaning"performer" liri with the meaning 'to perform",but in othertexts, except FortificationTexts, e.g. Malyan texts, this has a different, unknownmeaning.Forthewordlirisee Hallock1969,p. 721; also Stolper1984,"TextsfromTall-iMalyan",p. 56. 43 PF-NN 1115 (Ki), PF 768. 44 PF-NN 598 (K1). 45 PF-NN 2040: 2-3 (V: K1). 46 For example, see PF 1957: 1. 47 Cf. PF-NN 2200: 1-5 (V: Ki). 48 For the god Karbailya and its relationwith the name of a

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monthintheAchaemenid see Razmjou2004,pp. calendar, 15-34). 49 Thereis stillno evidenceforLan in thenameof performed the Babyloniangod Adad(transliteration: d.IM.lg.,Hadin otherRitual mentioned His name is, however, da-ud-da). Payments. 50soEach10QAis 1 marri' andeach1 QAis almost0.92litres. Forweightsandmeasures,see Hallock,1969,pp.72-74. 51 Eachof the kurminswas in chargeof wine or beeror dry commoditieslikeflour,grainorbarley. 52 Forsacrificein the Avesta,see PourDavoud1356 (1977) Vol.1, footnoteon p. 243. Forsacrificein TirYasht Yashts, see 16:58, p. 369, andinAbbnYashtsee:25, pp. 107-08. 53 TheHistories, I. 132. Herodotus, 54 TheMedian beliefs. magihadalsopre-Zoroastrian 55 This conclusionhas been drawnfromthe texts currently Therearestillmanytextsawaitingtranslation. translated. 56 PF 1786,PF-NN1392(S3), inthesecitiesevenkurmins are thesame. 57 For 1964,pp. 196, 197,210. example,see Ghirshman 58 Forexample,see Schmidt 1957,pl. 7, seal20. 59 For the Oxus Treasure,see Dalton 1964. See also Ghirshman 1964,pp. 84, 91-93. 60

It is possible that ceremonies such as Sip, akri, dausika

butwe donothaveanyevidenceforthese. wereperformed, 61 See Bowman 1970,pp.6-15. 62 Boyce 1975,pp.156-66. 63 See Parrot 1961,pls. 256, 258, 260. 64 See Back 1978,pp.337, 338. 65 See Porada 1965,p. 65, pl. 12. 66 Calmeyer1976,p. 148,fig. 8. 67 Forsome samplesof Susaseals,seePorada1965,pp.46,47. 68 PF 871,PF 1137.

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M., 1998,"TheLanritualinthePersepolis Handley-Schachler, Fortification Texts",Achaemenid HistoryXI:pp. 195-208. Herodotus.1964. The Histories,Translatedby Aubreyde London. Selincourt, Hinz, W. and Koch, H. 1987. Elamisches Warterbuch,2 vols., Berlin.

Kawasae,T. 1984."Femaleworkerspasap in the Persepolis royal economy,"ASJ 6, pp. 19-31. Mayrhofer,M. 1973. OnomasticaPersepolitana.Altiranisches Namengutder Persepolis-Tdfelchen,Vienna.

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6, pp.218-28. Erginzungsband Parrot,A. 1961. TheArts ofAssyria, New York. Porada,E. 1965. TheArt ofAncientIran:pre-IslamicCultures, New York. PourDavoud 1356/1977. YashthI(Yashts)I, ed. B. Farahvashi,

Tehran. Razmjou, S. 2004. "Unidentifiedgods in Achaemenid Calendar"(in Persian),in Nimeh-ye Irdn-e bastan, 3, no.1,

Amiet, P. 1966. Elam, Aubois-sur-Oise. Back, M. 1978. "BibliothbquePahlavi",AIr 18. Badi', A.M. 1364/1985. "Younanidno Barbarha"(Greeks and

Translatedinto Persianby AhmadAram, Barbarians)". Vol. 1,2, Nashr-e ParvazPublications,2nd edition,Tehran. Black, J. and Green, A. 1992. Gods, Demons and Symbols of Mesopotamia.An IllustratedDictionary,London. Bowman, R.A. 1970. Aramaic Ritual Textsfrom Persepolis, OIC XCI. Boyce, M. 1375/1996. Thrikh-eKish-e Zartosht,Hakhaimaneshian (A History of Zoroastrianism,Achaemenians) II. Translatedinto Persianby H. SanatiZadeh, Tehran.

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SpringandSummer,Markaz-eNashr-eDaneshgahi(Iran pp. 15-34. UniversityPress),Tehran, 2001."Destracesde la ddesseSpenta-Armaiti itPersepolis lecture d'un une nouvelle et proposition logogramme pour

&lamite",StIr 30, pp. 7-15. 1997. "Lan ceremony and other ritual ceremonies in the Achaemenid period based on Persepolis Fortification Tablets",Yad-eBahr TheMemorial Volumefor the Late Dr MehrdaidBahar, Nashr-e Agah, Tehran. Reiner,E. 1973. "Inscriptionfrom a royal Elamitetomb",AfO XXIV, pp. 87-102. Scheil, V. 1907. MDP IX, Paris.

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- 1911. MDP XI, Paris. Schmidt,E.F. 1957. Persepolis II: Contentsof the Treasuryand OtherDiscoveries, OIC LXIX. Shahbazi, S.A. 1357/1978. Sharh-e Mosavvar-e Naqsh-e Rostam, Shiraz. Steve, M.J. 1967. Tchoga-Zanbil (Dur-Untash), III: Textes elamites et accadiens de Tchoga-Zanbil,MDP XLI, Paris. Stolper, M.W. 1984. Texts From Tall-i Malyan, I, Elamite AdministrativeTexts (1972-1974), OccasionalPublication of the BabylonianFund6, Philadelphia. 1984. "The new Babylonian texts from the Persepolis Fortification",JNES 43, pp. 299-310.

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Tabrizi, M.H.Kh. 1357/1978. Borhau-e qata', Amir Kabir Publications,Tehran. Ushidari,J. 1371/1992. Daneshnime-ye Mazdeyasni, Tehran. Vallat, F. 2000. "Le 'clerge' dlamite", in Studi sul Vicino Oriente antico, II, ed. S. Graziani, InstitutoUniversitario Orientale,Naples, 1065-1074. - 1985. "Elements de geographie 6lamite (Resume)", Palhorientvol. II/2, pp. 49-54. - 1993, "Les noms gdographiques des sources suso&lamites", Repertoire geographique des textes cuneiformes,TAVO, 11, Wiesbaden.

FARGHANAUNDER THE SAMANIDS (ACCORDINGTO THE DATA OF NUMISMATICS) By MichaelFedorov Ilmenau

army against the native ruler of Farghana,whose capitalwas Kasan.As a resultof this campaign,the rulersof FarghanaandUsrushana(a provincebetween Samanidcoins are an importantsource for the history of Farghanaunder the Samanids, adding Soghd and Farghana)were subjugated.The governor importantinformationto the data of the chronicles. of KhurasanGhitrifb. 'Ata'(792-93) senthis general 'Amrb. Jamilto driveout of Farghanathe armyof the There were two differentperiods in the history of the first under the Samanids. period QarluqYabghu(this being a title, not a name),who During Farghana (till 916), Farghanawas an independent,hereditary was summonedby the rulerof Farghanato help him dominion ruled by the Farghananbranch of the against the Arabs. Al-Ma'min, while residing in b. Asad.His sons Khurasan(809-18), sent an army to subjugatethe Samanids.It was foundedby A1hmad and grandsons (NtIh, Ahmad and Farghananswho had fallen away from Islam again (Asad, Islh•atq) of Asad, and Muhammad,son of sons Muhammad, (Bartold 1963: 243-44, Bartold 1965: 529-31, The Samanids Negmatov1977: 18-24). Ishaq)alsoruledFarghana(orpartof it). The historyof the Samanidsbegins in the time of in Farghanamintedas independentrulersandonly the the caliphal-Ma'mun(198-218/813-33). Theirgrandsixth of them, Muhammadb. Asad, mentionedthe head of the dynastyon his coins (in 915-16). The father,Saman-khudat (ownerof a villagecalledSaman Samanidsof Farghanaseveraltimes rebelledagainst nearBalkh)convertedto Islamand servedthe Arabs. the central government.During the second period His son Asadfatheredin turnNth, Ahmad,Yahyaand (924-91), Farghanawas a provinceof the Samanid Ilyas. They also servedthe Arabs and distinguished themselvesin 806-10, quenchingthe revoltof Rafi b. state,wheregovernorsofnon-Samanidoriginruledthe towns (or all of Farghana),grantedto them by the Laith. In 204/819-20 the governor of Khurasan SamanidAmirsas appanagesfortheirservice.Mostof Ghassanb. 'Abbad,implementingthe commandof althese governorswere Turkishgeneralswho rose to (died in 842) ruler of Ma'muin,appointed Nah. from the rank and file of in the Ahmad(died 864) rulerof Farghana; power ghulams(slave Samarqand; soldiers)of the PalaceGuardin the capital. Ilyas (died in 856) rulerof Herat;andYahya(died in 855) rulerof ShashandUsrushana.But if Yalhyawas The conquestof Farghanaby the Arabsbegan in rulerof Usrushana,it was ratherin namethanreality 94/712-13 with the invasion of the governor of because at that time, and later, there existed in b. Muslim. But it took the Arabs Usrushanaa native ruling dynasty of the Afshins Khurasan,Qutaiba about 100 years to finally subjugatethe country (Bartold1963:267-69). In 821 al-Ma'man appointed Tahir b. Husain (excludingsome remote fringes).In 96/715 Qutaiba rebelledagainstthe caliph and was murderedby his governorof Khurasan.Tahir was a descendantof own troops. V.V. Bartoldconsideredthat, after the Ruzaiq, an Iranianaristocratfrom the Heratregion, death of Qutaiba, the Arabs were ousted from who, like Saman-khudat,converted to Islam and Farghana,becausein 103/722therewas a nativeruler served the Arabs. Tahir was the first governorof in Farghanawho offeredSoghdiansfleeing from the Khurasanof Iranian origin. He led a policy of Arabsa refugebutthenbetrayedthemto the Arabs.In autonomywhichresultedeventuallyin creationof the 121/739 Nasr b. Sayyar,the governorof Khurasan, Tahiridstate.Tahirleft Ntih,Ahmad, andIlyas Yah.ya the a to at their and sent suited him better pacified country governor Farghana. posts. Being Iranians,they Sometimelater,however,the Arabswereagainousted thanArabs.Whenthe Tahiriddominionwas constitutfromthere.In c. 160/777the caliphal-Mahdisent an ed, the Samanidswere left to rule Samarqand,Shash, ABSTRACT

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Farghanaand Heratas the Tahirids'vassals (Bartold 1963:266). In this way Ahmad b. Asad became the first Samanidrulerof Farghana.But shortlyafterhe was appointedthere,he hadto flee fromFarghana.Fa;llb. Kawas, the son of the native ruler of Usrushana, rebelledin 205/820-21 and summonedthe Turksto helphimagainsttheArabs.TheArabgeneralAhmadb. Abi Khalidwas sentby thecaliphto suppresstherevolt. In 207/822 he invadedUsrushana.Fadl fled with the convertedto Islamandwas Turks,buthis fatherKavwas left to rule Usrushana.The dynastyof Afshins ruled there till 279/892-93, but was then ended by the Samanids.TheultimateAfshinmintedhis lastcoins in 279/892-93, and in 280/893-94 coins were minted alreadyin Usrushanain the name of Isma'ilSamanI. From Usrushana,Ahmad b. Abi Khalid went to Farghana,pacifiedit andrestoredto it Ahmadb. Asad (Bartold1963:269). andwas headof the Nuthb. AsadruledSamarqand in He died 227/842. Ahmadb. Asadbecame dynasty. head of the dynasty.The Tahirid'AbdAllah b. Tahir appointedbothAhmadandYahyato rule Samarqand. But between842 and 844 Ahmadb. Asad persuaded 'Abd Allah to appoint his son Nasr as ruler of It was an importantdiplomaticvictoryfor Samarqand. b. Asad. The Farghananbranch of the Ahmad Samanidshad become considerablystronger.But the first fulis of Nasr so far known were minted in Samarqand much later, in 244/858-59 and 245/859-60, afterYahyab. Asad had died. On these fults Nasr mentionedAhmadb. Asad as head of the dynasty.But dirhamsminted by Samanidswere as usual coins of the Arabcaliphateand mentionedthe caliph, or the caliph and the heir, to the throne.No Samanidwas citedon dirhamstill well afterthe fall of the Tahirids.The earliestdirhamof Nasr was minted in Samarqandin 887. Yahya b. Asad died in 241/855-56 andthe FarghananSamanidsspreadtheir powerover Shashas well. In 253-54/867-68 in Shash weremintedfulas citingNasrb. Ahmadas headof the dynasty.But laterhis brotherYa'qibb. Ahmadminted

his thronein Shash,afterthe victory of Isma'ilover Nasrin 275/888. Ahmadb. Asad died in 250/864 andNasrbecame head of the dynasty.He residedat Samarqand. Thus became dominions of Shash and Farghana, Samarqand Asad'sfamily.Afterthe fall of the Tahirids(873),Nasr senthis brotherIsma'Ilto incorporate Bukharaintothe Samanid state. Isma'il capturedBukharaand was appointeda deputygovernortherein 874. Henceall of Mawarannahr came underthe sway of the Samanids. In 875 the caliphal-Mu'tamid recognisedNasras ruler of Mawarannahr and senthim an investiturediploma. his positionin Bukhara,Isma'il Havingstrengthened refusedto sendNasr the taxes collectedthere.A war brokeout betweenthe brothers.In 888 Nasr and his allieswereroutedandNasrtakenprisoner.But Isma'il neverthelessleft him as nominal head of the state (recognisedby the caliph)on the conditionthatNasr would makehim the heir apparent.In 892 Nasr died. Isma-'ilascendedthe throne,andin 893 the caliphsent Isma'il a diplomaas rulerof Mawarannahr (Bartold 1963:281-82). Starting with Ahmad b. Asad, the Farghanan branchof the Samanidscontinuedthe policy of the earlierArabgovernors,strivingto subjugatedifferent partsof Farghana(involvingnow mainlyits fringes). Nasr b. Ahmadwas born in Khailam(the capitalof Miyan-Rudan).This means that the northeastern fringesof Farghanaalreadybelongedto the Samanids by that time. Ahmad'sbrother,Isma'il,was born in 234/849. Judgingby the fact that'AbdAllahb. Tahir appointed Nasr as ruler of Samarqandbetween 227-30/842-44, Nasr must have been at least twenty years older than Isma'il. It means that c. 214/829 Miyan-Ridan was already in the hands of the Samanids.V.V. Bartoldwrote that, accordingto alNuihb. Asad accomplishedthe subjugation Baladhurt, of Farghana(sc. KasanandUrest)underthe caliphalMuntasir(247-48/861-62), buthe doubtedthis report because by that time Nuihb. Asad was long dead was in factright,but (Bartold1963:269).Al-Baladhuri he meantNlh IIb. Asad(grandsonof Ahmadb. Asad),

coins in Shash (in 265/878-79) as an independent ruler. At the request of Nasr in 272/885, Ya'qub came with an army to help Nasr against their rebellious brother Isma'il (Iakubovskii 1946: 103-12, Dobrovol'skii and Kochnev 1982: 190-97, Istoriia Samarkanda 1969: 115, Davidovich 1977: 118). A subsequent effect of this was that Ya'qubprobably lost

the existence of this Samanid not being known in the time of Bartold.The first fals of NulihII b. Asad, minted in Khojend in 274/887-88, was found and published by the present writer (Fedorov 1988: 61-62). But even after (or at least around) the time of the conquest of Kasan and Urest there were regions in Farghanawhere native rulerssurvived. Ibn Khurradadbih(c. 886) wrote

FARGHANA

UNDER THE SAMANIDS

that Uzgend was "the town of Khar-tegin" (Bartold 1963: 213), who, judging by his name, was a Turk. The last acquisition of Samanids, Haftdih (on the northeastern frontier of Farghana), was made in the fourth/tenthcentury.The Arab original of al-Istakhri's geography (930-33) does not mention Haftdih. The Persian version does, however, mention it as the frontierwith the Turks and adds that the Muslims had conquered Haftdih "in our age". Ibn Hauqal (967) wrote that Haftdih was conquered "in our time" (Materialy po istorii 1973: 20, 31; Betger 1957: 26; Krachkovskii 1957: 196-98, 210-18). The Samanids not only completely added Farghana to the lands of Islam but also contributed to its development. Thus Ahmad b. Asad had built for his son Nasr a town in Miyan-Ruidanand named it Nasrabad (Bartold 1963: 220). Furtherinformationis provided by coins minted by the Farghanan Samanids (Davidovich 1977: 122; Fedorov 1988: 61-62; Kochnev 1996: 180-91; Atakhodzhaev 1998: 15-19; Kalinin 2000: 95-99; Molchanov 2001: 6; Khudiakov 2001: 56): 1. Ahmad I b. Asad. No mint name (Farghana): 207/822-23. Akhsiket (Khshikat):250/364-65. 2. Asad b. Ahmad I b. Asad. Akhsiket: 250/364-65, 264/877-78, 268/881-82, 269/882-83, 270/883-84. 3. Ahmad b. al-Hasan b. Nasr (grandsonof Nasr I b. Ahmad). Khojend:270 (260?)/883-84 (873-74?). 4. Nuh II b. Asad b. Ahmad. Khojend: 274/887-88, 279/892-93. 5. Ahmad II b. Asad b. Ahmad.Akhsiket:277/890-91. 6. Ishaq b. Ah)madI b. Asad. Akhsiket. 278/891-92, 284/897, 290/902-3. 7. Muhammad b. Ishaq b. Ahmad. Akhsiket. 294/906-7, 299/911-12. 8. Muhammad b. Asad b. Ahmad. Akhsiket. 303/915-16. 9. Ahmad b. Asad. Farghana.337/948-49. No. 3 was the descendant ofNasr I b. Ahmad. Nos. 4-9 were descendants of Ahmad b. Asad. None of 2,

121

them (excluding Muhammad b. Asad and Ahmad b. Asad) mentioned on their fults any head of the dynasty and minted as independent rulers. Two more sons of Ishaq are known, sc. Ilyas and Mansar. The earliest Samanid fulis of Farghana were minted in 207/822-23 (Khudiakov2001:56). Although there was no mint name on the coins they were, without any doubt, minted in Farghana. The coins mention the Samanid governor of Farghana,Ahmad I b. Asad, and his Tahirid suzerain, Tahir b. Husain. Tahir died in Jumada II (the sixth month) of AH 207. So this coin was minted in the first half of this year. In 250/864-65 there were minted fulhs at Khshikat (Akhsiket) mentioning Ahmad I b. Asad (suzerain)and his son and vassal, Asad b. Ahmad. By that time Ahmad I b. Asad was the head of the dynasty and resided in Samarqand,whither he came after the death (in 227/842) of his senior brother,N-GhI b. Asad. Asad b. Ahmad minted fulis at Khshikat (Akhsiket) in 269/882-83 and 264/877-78, 268/881-82, 270/883-84 (Kochnev 1996: 180-84). After the death of Ahmad I b. Asad (250/865), his second son, Nasr, stayed in Samarqandand was recognised by the caliph as ruler of Mawarannahr.Farghanawas the dominion of Asad, where he minted fulis as an independentruler not citing Nasr as his suzerain. But when the war between Nasr and Isma'il broke out and Nasr summoned Asad, the latter came with an army to help Nasr. The fourth brother,Ishaq b. Ahmad, who did not have an appanage,joined Isma'il in the hope of getting an appanage after Isma'il's victory. The battle of 275/888 was won by Isma'il, who assumed power but left Nasr as nominal ruler. After the battle was lost, Asad b. Ahmad fled and his fate is not known. E.A. Davidovich (1956: 21-22) wrote that Isma'il granted Farghanato Ishaq "in the same year 275/888". Later, (1977:119) she renounced her former opinion, since a fals had been found minted in Akhsiket in 277/890-91 by Ahmad b. Asad, whom she identified as a son of Asad b. Ahmad. "If not the whole of Farghana",she wrote, "thenat least Akhsiket in 277/890-91 was in the

Ahmad b. Asad

SI

I

Asad

I I Nunh A~hmad MuhammadI

Ishaq

.A1mad

I

Ilyas

I Mu~hammad Man~sar Ilyas

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handsof Ahmadb. Asad".Thetransferof Akhsiketto Ishaq(accordingto his earliestfals)tookplacelater,in 278/891-92 (Bykov 1971:72-73). In 294/906-7 fulfis of Muhammadb. Ishaqwere mintedatAkhsiket.Davidovichidentifiedhimas a son of Ishaqb. Ahmad.At the end of 294 Isma'il was seriouslyill, anddied on 15 Safar(the secondmonth) 295/25 November 907. It looks as if Ishaq left Akhsiketto Muhammadand startedpreparationsfor making a bid for the throne.Isma'il succeededhis brotherNasr.Ishaqfelt himselfentitledto succeedhis but he endedup in prison,consigned brotherIsma~'il, He was set free only in thereby AhmadII b. Isma'Il1. andAndijan 298/910-11 andwas grantedSamarqand the throne). he claim to after renounced his (probably The next known coin of Akhsiket was minted in 299/911-12 by Muhammadb. Ishaq. Davidovich (1977:119-22) wrote that during AH 294-99 He was the independent rulerof Farghana. Muhammad cited on his coins neitherhis fathernor Isma'ilnor Ahmadb. Isma'il.In 301/914 Ahmadb. Isma'ilwas killed and his eight-year-oldson Nasr placed on the throne.Ishaqrebelledagainsthim in Samarqandand Mansur,son of Ishaq,revoltedin Nishapur.In a battle with Nasr's general,HIjamuwayh, Ishaqwas defeated andtakenprisoner.His son Ilyasneverthelessescaped andfled to Farghana.AboutthattimeMansurb. Ishaq died in Nishapur(Narshakhi1966:82-83;Davidovich 1956:18; Dobrovol'skii1963:88-89), and after that Farghanawas takenfromthe familyof Ishaq. In 303/915-16 a certain Muhammadb. Asad mintedfulis at Akhsiket.Bartoldidentifiedhim with the Muhammadb. Asad who in 310/922 suppressed the revoltof Ilyas b. Ishaq.For the firsttime in forty years(AH 264-303) thereis mentionedon the coinsof b. Asad Farghanathe headof the dynasty,Muhammad to do this. the Samanids first of the Farghana being ThusFarghanawas restoredby NasrII to the familyof Asadb. Ahmad,whohadlostit to Ishaqb. Ahmadafter Isma'ilcameto power.But Farghanadidnot staylong in the handsof Muhammadb. Asad; in 304/916-17 coins in Akhsiketwere mintedin the nameof NasrII

semi-independentSamanidrulers of Farghana,who werea sourceof troubleandpotentialor realthreatsas contestantsof the throne.Five out of the six of them mintedcoins as independentrulersin Farghana,and the family of Ishaqb. Ah)madthricerebelledagainst the centralgovernment. After303/916-17the Samanid to havein Farghana amirspreferred governorswho did not belongto the Farghanan branchof the dynasty. the fact that he was deprivedof Notwithstanding b. Asad stayedloyal to Nasr II Muhammad Akhsiket, andin 310/922-23 suppressedthe outbreakof Ilyasb. Ishaq.He had good reasonto do this, since therewas an ancient feud which had arisen between their families after Ishaq had taken Farghanafrom the familyof Asadb. Ahmad. In this connection,I wouldlike to mentionfulasof Bukharamintedin AH 302-4 and307. Onthesecoins, apartfromNasrII, a certainMuhammadis mentioned. I am convincedthat this was Muhammadb. Asad. Duringthe periodAH 302-89, therewere thirty-four instanceswhen coins of Bukharacited some other person apart from the supreme ruler: some high official, or general,or (once) an heir to the throne (Atakhodzhaev1997:35). Thiswas a kindof a feudal grant in return for service. The grantee had the privilege of his name being cited on the coins of Bukharaand receivedpartof taxes collectedthere.It was naturalthat,when Ishaqand his familyrebelled against Nasr II, Muhammadb. Asad, their sworn enemy,shouldtakethe side of NasrII andbe rewarded by this grant. In AH 303 he was also awarded Akhsiket,but later Nasr II thought better of this, althoughthe grantof Bukharawas still not apparently in 307 (it withdrawnin 304. Itbelongedto Muhammad hadbeen possiblyin his handsall the time duringthe periodAH 304-7). Evenif it was withdrawnin 305-6, was rewardedwitha grantof Binkath,the Muhammad A fals of Binkathfrom AH 306 of Shash. capital V. of Koshevar,Bishkek,KirghizRepublic) (collection cites Nasr II (reversefield and circularlegend) and Muhammad(obverseunderthe Kalima). Here I would like to mentionthe contemporary

b. Ahmad only (Bartold 1966:348, Davidovich 1977:120-21). Thus ended a hundred-year-long (AH 204-303) chapter in the history of Farghana under Samanids, involving the Farghananbranch of the dynasty,part of this history being written on fulus minted in Farghana. The Samanid central government had had its fill of

fulus of Khojend. There are fulus of Khojend minted in AH 2(60?) and 270/883-84 (Kalinin 2000:95-99) by Ahmad b. al-Hasan b. Nasr. The coins with the date "260" are in a bad state of preservationand one cannot be totally sure of the date. But the date "270" is quite distinct. Nasr I b. Ahmad had the kunya of Abu 'IHasan, so no doubt is left that Alhmadb. al-Hasan b.

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THE SAMANIDS

123

Nasrwas the grandsonof NasrI b. Ahmad.The coins in question show that in 2[60?] and 270/883-84 Khojendwas an appanageof Ahmadb. al-Hasanb. Nasr,grandsonof Nasr I b. Ahmad.He mintedcoins there as an independentruler, not mentioningany suzerain.But not later than 274/887-88 there was alreadya new holderof anappanagein Khojend, II Nao. b. Asadb. Ahmad,a grandsonof the firstSamanid ruler of Farghana,Ahmad b. Asad. He still possessed Khojend in 279/892-93 (Fedorov 1988: 61-62; Kalinin2000: 96). He also mintedat Khojendas an independentruler. Hence not later than 312/924-95 a new chapter beganin the historyof Farghanaunderthe Samanids, involvinggovernorsof non-Samanid origin.InAH 312 fulis of Uzqend (sic) cite Nasr II (reversefield and circularlegend)and his deputyMalik(obverseunder the Kalima).Fulis of AH 320 fromAkhsiketmention Malikin the same place. V. Tiesenhausenconsidered that "Malik"was a title of Nasr II repeateda second time, but the obversewas, as it were, the "inferior" place where a vassal or sub-vassalwas cited. On the coins of 330-32/941-44, 337/948-49, 339/950 and 342/953-54, the name Malik follows the mint name Farghana("Inthe nameof Allah,theremintedthis fals in FarghanaMalik",etc.). Some scholarsread it as Malik"("theKing's Farghana")but R. "Farghana-yi Vasmerrightlyheld that"Malik"was the nameof the governorof Farghana (Kochnev1984:196-99, Vasmer There exists a fals mentioningthe supreme 1924:322). rulerof the Samanidrealm,Nasrb. Ahmad(914-43), andanappanagegovernor,Ahmadb. Asad.Thecoinis dated337 AH, i.e. 948-49, andwas struckin Farghana. In Kochnev'sopinion,the issuerof this fals was a representativeof a collateralbranch of the Samanid family,who ruledover a certaindistrictsomewherein the Farghanavalley (Molchanov2001:6). The coin seems to be mintedfrom mismatcheddies. I believe thattheAhmadb. Asadcitedon thiscoinwas a brother of Muhammadb. Asad,who mintedfuloisin Akhsiket in 303/915-16. In 335-43/946-55 at NasrAbad and in 344/955-56

thathe was a son of someTurkishprince.Sincehe first appeared in Uzgend, which in the time of Ibn Khurradadbih (c. 886) belongedto a Turkishprince, Khar(orChar)-tegin,it is naturalto assumethatMalik b. S.k.r-tegincamefromthe samefamily.He startedas a governorof Uzgend(probablythe principalityof his ancestors) and finally became the governor of Farghanawith the high titles of AmirandMauli Amir al-Mu'minin(titles that were used by the Samanids themselves). Davidovich(1956a:107-13) wrotean articleabout the appanagerulersof Nasrabad.Sheusedfulis minted in Nasrabadin AH 336-43 anda fals of AH 344 (mint name effaced). The fulus of Nasrabadwere quite differentfrom other Samanidfulos. They reflecteda complicatedmulti-stagefeudalhierarchyand had on the obversetwo circularlegendsinsteadof one. Four personsare cited on the coins: the supremesuzerain NOhb. Nasr (331-43/943-54); Malik b. S.k.r-tegin

at a town, the name of which has not survived, a certain Amir Malik b. S.k.r-tegin Maula Amir al-Mu'minin is mentioned on fults in the reverse circular legend. Kochnev (1984:199) considered that it was the same Malik who in AH 312 was a governor of Uzgend, then in 320 of Akhsiket and then in 330-32, 337, 339, 342 of Farghana.His full name, Malik b. S.k.r-tegin, shows

and attempted to turn Nasrabad into an independent principality "having erased ... the very reminder as to how it (i.e. Nasrabad M. F.) was obtained" 1956a: i.e. as an appanage granted (Davidovich 113), she to his son Bakr (as considered) by the Samanids. Davidovich has made the same mistake here, for which she has so eloquently criticised the present

with the titles Amir and Maulh Amir al-Mu'minin;

Bakrb. Malik;andHusainb. Yaman,the officialof the mint,underwhose supervision( u ) the fulus S•this Bakr wereminted.Davidovichidentified b. Malik on the coinsof Nasrabadwiththehigh-bornFarghanan who served Turk,AbuSa'IdBakrb. Malikal-Farghani, the Samanidsand occupiedvariousprominentposts. She considered that Bakr b. Malik, having been grantedNasrabadas an appanagefor his service, passed it to his father.In her opinion,Bakr was the appanageholderand vassal of Ntih while Malikwas the vassalof his son. The AH 343 Nasrabadfulos and the AH 344 fals of unknownmintdo notmentionBakr b. Malik,andthe AH 344 fals cites NOhb. Nasrwho died in 343/954. She attributed the AH 344 fals to the mintof Nasrabad.She wrotethatthe omisssionon the AH 34344 fults of the name of Bakr,a legitimate appanageholderof Nasrabad,(by thattime Bakrwas absentfromNasrabad,being a governorin Khurasan) as well as the citingof the late NIh b. Nasr on those coins, reflectedMalik'spolicy. She held thatMalikb. S.k.r-teginrefusedto recognisethenew SamanidAmir 'Abd al-Malikb. N h (343-50/954-61) as suzerain

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In 341/952-53thenewmintin Quba,a townsecond only in importanceto Akhsiket,the then capitalof Farghana, beganworking.Fulusof AH 341 fromQuba mentionNalhb. Nasr alone,indicatingthatQubawas underthe jurisdictionof the centralgovernment.In 349/960, however,it was given as an appanageto Hisnameappearsinthereverse Ash'athb. Muhammad. titles Amir and MaulI Amir al-Mu'minin, which, which circular after the formula 41Al [ herself to 1972:132) (Davidovich belonged legend, according showsthathe was the holderof powerin the town,by to the Samanidsorto rulersof vastprovinceswho were vassalsof the Samanids(oftenin nameonly).Kochnev whose orderfulasweremintedthere.'Abdal-Malikb. (1984:200) was correctin writingthatit was Malikb. Nah is mentionedin the reversefield as the supreme suzerain(Davidovich1960:254).Ash'athcould be a S.k.r-tegin,governorof Farghanain 330-42/941-54, son of Muhammadb. Asad, that same Farghanan who passedon Nasrabadto his sonBakr.As to the AH Samanidwho mintedfulusin AH 303 at Akhsiket. 344 fals, which Davidovichattributedto Nasrabad,it It is not clearhow longAsh'athstayedin Quba,but was certainlynot mintedthere.I acquireda genuine AH 344 fals of Nasrabad,which is of quite another in 353/964 it was grantedto anotherappanageholder. type. Malikb. S.k.r-teginis not citedon this coin, and On the AH 353 Quba fals three persons are mentioned:the SamanidMansarb. Nah (suzerain, Bakrb. Malikis for the firsttime cited with the high reverse field); the hajib Mansir b. Baiqard(vassal, title Maula Amir al-Mu'minin. In AH 343, shortlybeforehis death,Nah b. Nasr reversecircularlegend);andAhmad(sub-vassalwho ruledQubaas a deputyof the Mansor,obverse appointedBakrb. Malikgovernorof Khurasan(one of h.jib the highestposts in the Samanidstate).'Abdal-Malik, underthe Kalima).Fulusof this type were mintedin havingascendedthe throne,ratifiedthis appointment Quba also in 356/966-67 (Davidovich 1960:255, andBakrb. Malikcontinuedto servethe Samanids.So Mayer1998:62-63). it looksvery strangethaton the AH 344 Nasrabadfals Mansirb. Judgingby his title haijib(chamberlain) and the minted"bythe order"(4 La) of Bakrb. Malik, Baiqarawas a highofficial, judgingby nameof 9,J the late NOihb. Nasr is cited (andnot 'Abd al-Malik). his father,a Turk.Under the Samanidsthere were The sameappliesto a fals of AH 344 mintedby Malik manyhighofficialsandgeneralswhoroseto highposts fromthe rankandfile Turkishghulams,slave soldiers, b. S.k.r-teginin some other town. Anyway, if this reflectsdeliberatepolicy,it wasthepolicyof Malikand such as Alp-tegin,Sebuk-tegin,Fa'iq,Bek TiGzfnand not thatof Bakrb. Malik,who was at the time serving others.Aba Nasr Mansorb. Baiqarawas apparently one of them.He madea splendidcareerforhimselfat the Samanidsin Bukharaand Khurasan.Could it be thatMalikreallytriedto turnFarghanainto an inde- the courtsof 'Abdal-Malikb. Niah(AH 343-50) and pendentdominion,refusingto recognisethe authority Manstr b. Niah(AH 350-66). Al-Maqdisicalls him of 'Abdal-Malik?Couldit be therealreasonwhy Bakr "theFirst (Bartold1963:310). On a H.ajib" fals of 354/965 with the mint name of was killedat Bukharain 345/956?Theofficialversion was thatBakr"treatedthepalaceguardswithcontempt "Farghana",Mansar b. Nah (reverse field) and a certain Bughra (obverse above Kalima) are and arousedtheir hatred".The commanderof the guardskilledhim at the gate of palace,probablywith mentioned(Mayer 1998: 18). It thus appearsthat 'Abd al-Malik'sconnivance(Bartold 1963:309-10). Akhsiket(capitalof Farghana)was in AH 354 the Themurderof Bakrb. Malikwas accompaniedby the appanageof anotherhigh official of Turkishorigin, fall of the high officials of state.The old vizier was Bughraiby name. But since he was cited on the writer: "being captivatedby spontaneously-arising Fedorov'squeezes'into them ideas or considerations, the data of original sources,probablysincerelynot realisingthatthey do not fit there"(Davidovich1985: 101). So she was "probablysincerelynot realising" thatthe sub-vassal(as she considered)Malikhad the

deposed, and a new vizier and a new governor of Khurasanwere appointed. It is naturalto expect that the former governor of Farghana was also deposed (especially so, bearing in mind that 'Abd al-Malik was not mentioned on the AH 344 coins of Farghana).At all events, after 344/955-56 the name of Malik b. S.k.rtegin disappearsfrom the coins of Farghana.

obverse (and not in the reverse circular legend after

the formula

L.A ), he must have been on a

lower step of the .pUlhierarchy. Albeit not mentioned in the written sources, he is well-known from coins; he is mentioned on dirhams of Bukhara from AH either as Bughra or Bughra-bek 351-56 (Atakhodzhaev 1997:35).

FARGHANA UNDER THE SAMANIDS

In 355/965-66 Akhsiketwas grantedto the haijib Mansir b. Baiqaraand his deputyAhmadb. 'All (or simplyAhmad)who ruledthe town and probablyall of the province(Davidovich1972: 125 ). Hence we have here a three-stage hierarchy: the Samanid Mansir b. Nah (reverse field); al-Amir Mansarb. (reverse circularlegend after the Baiqara formulaal-H.ajib 4. j1t L. ); andAhmadb. 'Ali (obverse underthe Kalima).Suchwas the dispositionof names on fulfisof AH 356. In AH 357 therewerechanges:al(reversecircularlegendafterthe Amir...Q•l'ch al-H.ajib I L" ). In the reversefield of one fals, formula ,4. "Manstr / b. instead of there is "Mansar/ Ntah'.' 'Ali b. is not cited on AH 357 fultisas Ahmad Q'lfch". he is, incidentally,on some AH 355-56 fultusof Akhsiket(Davidovich1969:124-25). Hence in AH 357 Akhsiketwas eithergrantedto some officialQlilchal-Ha-ajib, or else "QYlchal-Hajib" was a new, moreimposingtitle of Mans&r b. Baiqara. It is not excludedthat "Qyl'ch"could be the Turkish nameof Mansorb. Baiqara.In AH 358 therebeganthe mintingof fulis withthe mintname"Farghana". They wereundoubtedlymintedin Akhsiket,the thencapital of Farghana,but the name of the provinceplacedon the coins signifiedthatall Farghanawas grantedas an appanage.One fals (Mayer 1998: 19) mentionsthe SamanidAmirtwice:"Mansorb. (reversefield) and "al-Amir Manstr b. NahNah'.' Maula Amir alMu'minin"(reversecircularlegend afterthe formula y L ). On all othercoins,insteadof Mansarb. 41j& NOhin the reversecircularlegend afterthe formula 4..l la., there is mentionedAhmad b. Mansir. On the obversethreemen are cited: "Qflich al-H.ajib wa (and) Khalifa(governor,deputy)Ahmad b. 'Ali (or simply Ahmad)"(outercircularlegend), and the mint official (innercircularlegend afterthe formula ). The official's name was either 'Abd 5.. •k or Allah 'Abfi 'Abd Allah with a nisba, which Davidovichcould not read. Kochnevread it as "alSulami"andconnectedit with the familyof the vizier and Muhammadal-Sulami,killed in 946 (Ernazarova Kochnev1977: 147-48). On one fals the nameof mint official was Aba Nasr and the word ("he who mints") was added (Davidovich"al-D.arrab" 1969: 124-26). The circular legend citing Man~sorb. Ntlh on a fals of AH 358 known to Davidovich (1969: 132), was partly effaced and the name of Man~str'sfather was missing. But she was quite sure that it was Man~stirb. Baiqara and even wrote that Man~surb. Baiqara was made the

125

governorof all Farghanaand thatthis appanagewas grantedto him"notso muchforhis serviceas hajibbut for his serviceas governorof all Farghana.This was why Mansir b. Baiqaraacceptedthe high title Maula Amir al-Mu'mininwhich the Samanidsthemselves held." The question of "Q'l*fchal-Hajib"is not clear. Davidovich(1969:137-39)believedthat"Q'lich"was eithera nameor partof a title.In the firstof thesetwo cases,we wouldhavea four-stagehierarchy:1. Nah b. at first Manstr;2. his vassalandgovernorof Farghana: Mansirb. Baiqard(whichhe neverwas - M.F.),then Ahmadb. Manstir;3. the QIlich;and4. Ahmad b. 'Ali, khalifa(deputy)of H.ajib QYlichIHajib.If "Qflfch" was partof the governor'stitlewe wouldhavea threeDavidovich stagehierarchy.As for Ahmadb. Mans&r, consideredthat he might be a son of Mansiarb. Baiqara,and that, if so, then there was a hereditary firstMansUrb. Baiqaraand governorshipin Farghana: thenhis son Ahmad.But Ahmadb. Manstircouldbe a son of the SamanidMans&r b. NOhas well, in which case therewouldbe four-stagehierarchy.If Ahmadb. Mansir was not a son of Manstrb. Nah andhad the title of "Q*lichIHajib" it was a three-stagehierarchy. In 359/969-70 Farghanamintedseveraltypes of fultis(Davidovich1969:117-20, 126-27, Mayer1998: 20). TypeNo. 1. Mansirb. Ntah(reversefield);Ahmad b. Mansir (reversecircularlegend afterthe formula 44 yA L. ); Qilhch al-HIajiband Ahmad b. 'Ali (obversesquarelegend,afterthe Kalima).TypeNo. 2. Reverseas No. 1. Obverse:squarelegendas No. 1, but in the field withina squarecartouchethe mintofficial b. Anasis citedafterthe formula % k. Masrar(?) withinthe TypeNo. 3. This differsfromNo. 2 in thatS.. cartouchethe word Qilich is repeated four times crosswise (thus strengtheningthe interpretation that is the name of a and not an addition to person Qili'ch the title al-Hajib).All the otherlegendsof No. 3 are like those of No. 2. TypeNo. 4. The obversedoes not mention Qlhch and Ahmad b. 'Ali, but al-H.ajib mentionsin the inner circularlegendthe mintofficial Aba Nasr al-Darrab.The reverse of this type was minted with an old die of the Quba fals mentioning Ash'ath b. Muhammad (the possessor of Quba in AH 349) and the Samanid 'Abd al-Malik (AH 343-50). and Type No. 5. The obverse cites Qilich al-H.1jib Ahmad. The reverse of this type was minted with an old die of Nasrabad mentioning Malik b. S.k.r-tegin and the Samanid Nth b. Nasr (AH 331-43).

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Davidovich(1969: 118-20, 133) believedthat,when themintsof NasrabadandQubawerecloseddown,old dies fromthemwere broughtto the mintof Farghana andused there.Incidentally,I myself acquiredan AH 358 fals of Farghanawith the reversemintedwith an old die of NasrabadmentioningMalikb. S.k.r-tegin and the SamanidNOhb. Nasr.On the obverseof this coin QYlfchal-Hajib,KhalifaAhmad(outer circular legend) and the mint official 'Abd Allah al-Darrab (innercircularlegend)arementioned. Therewas thenan intervalof six years.Davidovich (1969: 133) considered that the Samanids took FarghanafromAhmadb. Mansar,andfromothers,or reducedtheir rights, includingthat of placing their names on fulas of Farghana.But when AmirNah b. Manstir(AH 366-87) cameto power,he restoredthat rightto Ahmadb. Mansur.ShebelievedthatAhmadb. of Farghanaunder Mansarwas "possessor-governor" two SamanidsbetweenAH 358-67 "thoughprobably not forall theyearswiththe samerightsandprivileges, andpossiblywith intervalin AH 359-66". On a fults of 366/976-77 fromFarghanathereare mentioned:Nah b. Mansor(reversefield);Ahmadb. Mansir (reverse circular legend after the formula andal- KhalifaAhmadb. 4. yl 0 ); Tashal-HIajib 'Ali (obverse outer circularlegend); and the mint officialal-Muhsin(obverseinnerlegend).Tash is is mentionedin the same way as QIlich al-H.ajib al-H.ajib This mentionedon fulasof AH 358-59 fromFarghana. was a personandit was not meansthatQilich al-H.ajib b. Manstir, andthatAhmadb. the specialtitleof Ahmad Mansurwas not a highofficialbutratherthe son of the SamanidManstirb. NfihThehajibTashis well-known fromliterarysources.HavingrisenfromTurkishslave statusto the highestposts in the state underNaihb. Mansur,he becamesipahsalar(commander-in-chief) andgovernorof Khurasan(Davidovich1969:136).On the AH 367 fulas of Farghanathe same personsare mentioned, but on some coins Tash al-Hajib is mentionedin thereversefieldbeneaththenameof NOh b. Mansir(Davidovich1969:126). The careerof Ahmadb. 'All, as tracedby A. Kh.

Bukharaandwas awardedin 384/994by a feudalgrant of certainrights(and part of the taxes collected) in Bukhara, including the right of his name being mentionedon fults of Bukhara.Atakhodzhaev didnot AH a of the AH 362 and 378 give description Farghana Uzgend fulaisor referencesas to where those coins have been publishedor in what collectionsthey are kept, so that one may only guess at who else was mentionedon thosecoins apartfromAhmadb. 'Ali. It is also strangethathe omittedAH 358 and AH 366 fuluasof Farghana,where Ahmad b. 'Ali is also mentioned.So thatpartof Ahmadb. 'Ali'scareerspent in Farghanatook up at least twenty-fouryears (AH 355-78), and fulas of Bukharaallow us to tracehis careerovera periodof thirtyyears. The last page of Farghana'shistory under the Samanidsis writtenon fulis of Uzgend (Kochnev 1988: 191-92). On the reverse of a 372/982-93 Uzgendfalstherearementionedthe SamanidNah IIb. Mansutr(in the field) and the Amir Bilga-teginb. afterthe formula4y1.& ). ThusUzgendwas an appanagebestowed for service on Bilga-tegin,who judgingby his name was a Turkand most probably belonged to the group of high officials and commanderswho rose fromthe ranksof the ghulims at the Samanidcourt. On an AH 377 fals of Uzgendtherearementioned: Nuh II (reversefield); 'Abd al-Malik,son of NuihII (obversecircularlegendafterthemintnameandwords 2 ); al-Amir...tegin(reverse circularlegend after . the formula4 Lu.A); A.y.j ( .%1) 'Abbas 1• (obverse above /under the Kalima); and/al-H.ajib (reverse field under the name of Nuth II). B. D. Kochnev(1988: 192-95) wrotethat in AH 377 'Abd al-Malik "was not even ten years old" and, being appointedgovernorof Uzgend(ratherof all Farghana - M. F.),stayedin Bukhara.Next was al-Amir...tegin, a vassalwho possessedUzgendas an appanageandby whose order(44 4 I "~ ) fulis were minted.Then followedthe sub-vassal, and a certain ( .I)of bearthe title 'Abbas.Sincehe did not al-H.ajib hajibhe was

Atakhodzhaev(1997: 35, 37) is interesting.On fulus of AH 355-57 Akhsiket; AH 359, 362, 367 Farghana; "probably" AH 356 Quba and AH 378 Uzgend, Ahmad b. 'AlI (mostly with the title al-khalifa) is mentioned as a deputy of higher appanageholders and as de facto ruler of Farghanaor some part of it; after Farghana was lost to the Qarakhanidshe retired to

lower in rank than A.y.j and occupied the lowest step in the hierarchy.'Abbas was khalifa, resided in Uzgend and governed it (or all of Farghana), while his served superiors (al-Amir...tegin and A.y.j al-H.ajib) II in All Mansur Bukhara or elsewhere. those b. Noh cited on the coin were entitled to get part of taxes collected from Uzgend (or from all Farghana).

Toghrul Maula Amir al-Mu'minin (in a circularlegend

FARGHANA

UNDER

THE SAMANIDS

127

The next fals of Uzgend has been describedby Kochnev(1988: 192) as dating to 378/988-89 or 380/990-91. But since it reflectsthe same situationas the AH 380 fals of Uzgend,alsopublishedby him,and since I have discovereda AH 378 fals of Uzgend whichreflectsquiteanothersituation,the fals datedby Kochnevas "AH378 or 380"was mintedratherin AH 380. So faras I know,theAH 378 fals of Uzgendhasnot beenyet published,so I give herethe description: Uzgend.378/988-89. Diameter26 mm. Collection of A. Kamyshev(Bishkek). Obverse.In the fieldwithina beadedcircle:

connectedwith the fall of Samanids.In 382/992 Bek theQarakhanid BoghraKhanto attack TAiznpersuaded the Samanids.NOlhII sentan armyunderthe command of A.y.j againstBoghraKhan,but the Samanidarmy wasroutedandA.y.jtakenprisoner( Bartold1963:320, Kochnev1988:192-95). In 381 the mint of "Farghana" minted the first coins. Almostcertainlythey were minted Qarakhanid in Uzgend,which underthe Qarakhanids becamethe of were in minted the nameof capital Farghana.They Khan Harin and his Arslan Boghra khalifa Teginb. Ulugh Tegin (Ishankhanov and Kochnev 1979: 142-43,146-48). These dirhamsopen up a new, this I 2 A A l e e time, Qarakhanid chapterin the historyof Farghana. orua /I •2. . Outercircular To sum there were in the historyof Farghana legend: up, * " under the Samanidstwo differentperiods.Duringthe 41P . 'Ju.I 4 oft4 -. I)S. •,0i.W ?... Innercircularlegend: first period (till 916), Farghanawas an independent Z 1 41 618Z branchof yI a i wxc hereditarydominionruledby the Farghanan 41 5 Reverse.Inthe fieldwithina solid-linecircle: the Samanids.Its founder,Ahmadb. Asad, was first .*// ... the 'Abbasidand then the Tahiridgovernorand later il / ,41Jp J / /4. J,•" Circularlegend: the first Samanidruler of Farghana.His two sons . l l ? l ... 9 y a l.a • ! . ... . ..• lI . • ... . (Asad and Ishaq)and four grandsons(Naolb. Asad, .o Herewe havethefour-stagefeudalhierarchy: Ahmadb. Asad,Muhammadb. AsadandMuhammad NuihII b. Mansor;'Abdal-Malik,sonof NilhIIandgovernorof b. Ishaq) continuedto rule Farghana.Five of them his vassalBek Tizun;and minted fulis in Farghanaas independentrulers,not Uzgend(andall Farghana); al-Khalifa(hisnameis effaced),a deputyof Bek Tizaun, citingthe headof the dynastyon thesecoins.Onlythe defacto rulerof Uzgend.The darrab'Umar,the mint sixth of them,Muhammadb. Asad, mentionedon his coinsof 915-16 theheadof thedynastyas his suzerain. official,is alsomentioned. Bek TAiznwas a warlordwho laterplayeda treach- A certainAhmadb. Asadalsomintedin 337/948-49 in erousrole in the fall of Samanids.He belongedto the Farghanafulis mentioningthe head of the dynasty;I of Turkish who rose from the ranks of believethathe was a brotherof Muhammad b. Asad. group generals the ghulims. Afterthe fall of the Samanidshe served Duringthe secondperiod(924-91) Farghanawas a the Qarakhanidsand held from them appanagesin provinceof the Samanidstatewheregovernorsof nonvarioustowns. The latestof his coins was mintedin Samanidoriginruledthe towns (or all of Farghana) 415/ 1024-25 in Khojend(Kochnev1989: 156-59). grantedto themby the Samanidsas feudalappanages The name of "al-Khalifa" is not known. for theirservice.Most of themwere generalsor high Atakhodzhaev has mentioned AH a 378 fals officials of Turkishoriginwho hadrisento high posts (1997:37) of Uzgendwiththenameof Ahmadb. 'Ali, buthasnot out of the Amirs' Palace Guards. The coins of given a descriptionof this fals or referenceto any Farghanaminted duringthat period reflect a multisource.Couldit be a fals of the sametypeas thatin the stage feudal hierarchy: Samanid Amir; vassal; collection of A. Kamyshev?If so, the name of this sometimes sub-vassal;and sometimeskhalifa, who should be Ahmad b. ruled the appanagewhilethe actualappanageholderor khalifa 'Ali.

Su04

In 380/990-91 the last Samanid fulos were minted in al-Uzgend, reflecting a three-stage feudal hierarchy: NulhII b. Mansur(reverse field); 'Abd al-Malik b. Nath (reverse circularlegend afterthe formula 4. ytI LA); vassal A.y.j who rose to the higher (third)step al-H.jib, of the hierarchy (reversefield underthe name ofNilh II). A.y.j was a general who also participatedin the events

holders served the Samanids in Bukhara or in other places. Sometimes on the coins the (mint d.arrab official) is also mentioned. Shortly before Farghana was conquered by the Qarakhanids,the Samanid governor of Uzgend (and most probably of all Farghana)was appointed.He was II b. Man~sir,but being still 'Abd al-Malik, son of N.h

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JOURNALOF PERSIAN STUDIES

a child, he was governor in name only and stayed in Bukhara. The vassal, sometimes sub-vassal (both generals of Turkish origin), as well as his (or their) khalifa, were also cited on the fulis of Uzgend minted in 377-80/987-91. In 381/991-92 coins in Uzgend began to be minted by the Qarakhanids.

Notes

1 Thisnameis readas *Aytakhin Barthold(1928:259).

Abbreviations EV Epigrafika Vostoka. IANTadjSSRVIF IzvestiiaAkademiiNauk TadjikskoiSSR . Seriia: Vostokovedenie, Istoriia,Filosoflia Istoriia material'noikul'turyUzbekistana IMKU IzvestiiaRossiiskoiAkademiiistorii mate IRAIMK rial'noi kul'tury Kratkiesoobshcheniiao dokladakhi KSIIMK polevykh issledovaniiakhInstitutaistorii material'noikul'tury OrientalNumismaticSociety ONS ONU Obshchesvennyenaykiv Uzbekistane PPVE Pis'mennyepamiatnikiVostoka. TSAGUASA

Ezhegodnik TrudySredneaziatskogogosudarstvengo universiteta.ArkheologiiaSredneiAzii

fel's",EVXX. Bykov,A.A. 1971."Redkiisamanidskii Davidovich,E.A. 1956. "FerganskieSamanidypo numizmaticheskim EV,XI. dannym", - 1956 a. "VladeteliNasrabada(po numizmaticheskim 61. KSIIMK, dannym)", 1960."Samanidskie monetyKuby",SA,2. - 1972."MonetyFerganykakistochnikdliakharakteristiki institutafeodal'nykhpozhalovaniiza sluzhbuv Srednei Azii X v.",PPVE1969,Moscow. - 1977. "Novye dannye po istorii Samanidov (Klad in Sredniaia mednykhmonetIX-X vv. iz Samarkanda)", Aziia v drevnostii srednevekov'e,Moscow.

-

1985."Ometodeinterpretatsii M. N. Fedorovym rukopisi EV XXIII. numizmaticheskikh istochnikov", nykh fel's Ishaqab. Dobrovol'skii,I.G. 1963. "Samarkandskii XV. EV Ahmada", Sand Kochnev,B.D. 1982. "Monetys imenemSamanida Iahiib. Asada",IMKU17. k istorii T.S.andKochnev,B.D. 1977."Materialy Emazarova, i obrashcheniia. torgovli denezlmhnogo v IX-X vw.",IMKU13. Samarkanda Fedorov,M.N. 1988."Khodjendskii pravitel'Nuhb. AsadII (887-888)", IANTadjSSRVIF4 (12).

Iakubovskii,A. Iu.1946. "Ob odnom rannesamanidskom XII. fel'se",KSIIMK and S. Kochnev, B. 1979. "Drevneishie Ishankhanov, karakhanidskie monety",IMKU15. Istoriia Samarkanda.1969. Vol. 1, Tashkent.

Kalinin, V.A. 2000. "Samanidskiichekan Khodzhenda", Arkheologiia, numizmatika i epigrafika srednevekovoi SredneiAzii..., Samarqand.

G. A. 2001."Novyedannyeo monetnomchekane Khudiakov, rannikh Samanidov", Numizmatika Tsentral'noi Azii, Bibliography

istorii Atakhodzhaev,A.Kh. 1997. "K numizmaticheskoi X 9-10-11. Bukhary veka",ONU, 1998. Tsentral'noaziatskiemednye monety VIII-Xvv. kak istoricheskiiistochnik,Avtoreferatdissertatsiina soiskanie Ist. Nauk., Samarqand. uchenoi stepeni Kand. v epokhu mongol'kogo nashV.V. 1963. Turkestan Bartold, Vol. in estviia, Sochineniia, 1, Moscow. 1965. "Fergana",in Sochineniia,Vol. 3, Moscow. 1966. "Iz mints-kabineta pri S.-Peterburgskom Universitete",in Sochineniia,Vol. 4, Moscow. Barthold,W. 1928. Turkestandown to the Mongol Invasion, GMS, London. Betger, E.K. 1957. "Izvlechenieiz knigi 'Puti i strany'Abu-1Qasima ibn Hauqalia",TrSAGUASA,IV, Tashkent. -

Tashkent. Kochnev,B. D. 1984. "Zametkipo srednevekovoinumizmatike SredneiAzii. Chast' 6 (ranneesrednevekov'e, Karakhanidy)", Samanidy, IMKU,19. - 1988. "Zametkipo srednevekovoi numizmatikeSrednei Azii. Chast'9. (Samanidy, Karakhanidy, Anushteginidy)", IMKU22. -

1989. "Biograflia na monetakh", in Vekhi vremen,

Tashkent. -

1996. "Rannesamanidskie udel'nye fel'sy Fergany", Monety i medali (Sbornikstatei po materialam kollektsii otdela numizmatiki) Pushkin Museum Publications, Moscow. Krachkovskii, I.Iu. 1957. "Arabskaia geograficheskaia literatura", Izbrannye sochineniia, Vol. 4, MoscowLeningrad.

FARGHANA UNDER THE SAMANIDS

Materialypo istorii kirgizovi Kirgizii. 1973. vyp. 1, Moscow. Mayer,T. 1998.SyllogeNumorumArabicorumTiibingen.Nordund OstzentralasienXVb MittelasienII, Ttibingen-Berlin. Molchanov,A.A. 2001. "The latest issue of Proceedings of the State Historical Museum,issue 14", ONS Newsletter 168,

Summer.

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Narshakhi, Muhammadb. Ja'far. 1966. Bukhoro Tarikhi,A.

Rasulevniki Tashkent. tarzhima, Negmatov,N.N. 1977. GosudarstvoSamanidov,Dushanbe.

Ermitazhav oblasti Vasmer,R. 1924. "Novyepriobreteniia Vol. kufucheskoi numizmatiki", IRAIMK, 3.

THE MONGOLSIN IRAN: A REAPPRAISAL By DavidMorgan Universityof Wisconsin-Madison

The lectureon whichthispaperis basedwas given to markthe 90th birthday,which had occurredon 8 February2002, of ProfessorAnnK.S. Lambton,one of theBritishInstituteof PersianStudies'HonoraryVicePresidents.Thiswas an eventsingularlyworthyof celebration.When one considersPersianStudiesof the Islamic period in Britainin the 20th century,it is ProfessorLambton'scareerwhich is clearlywithout parallelin termsboth of its length- her first book, ThreePersianDialects,was publishedin 1938- and of its distinction.She is indisputablythe majorfigure in the field since the deathof E.G. Brownein 1926. She has workedin manyareas,especiallylandtenure andagriculture, politicalthought,historyandlanguage most notable (the exceptionbeingliterarystudies).She has published ten books and countless scholarly articles. In the areaof language,herPersianGrammarand Persian Vocabulary have been very widely used, and formedfor many years the basis of the elementary languagecourse which, with ProfessorT.O. Gandjei andMrA.A. Haidari,she taughtat SOAS.She was an exceedinglyexactingandeffective,if no doubtby 21stcenturystandardsold-fashioned,teacherof language: andherrequirements werethe sameregardlessof who the studentsmightbe. They oftenincluded,as well as and graduatestudents,people fromthe undergraduate Office(in my yearone of ForeignandCommonwealth these,thefutureSirNicholasBrowne,wasultimatelyto to Iranin the 1990s).I hope becomeHM ambassador neverto have to work so hardagain.Anotherformer student,the late andmuchmissedDr MichaelBurrell, once suggestedthatthereshouldbe a LambtonPersian CourseSurvivors'Club.It wouldhave a club tie, the motif being Lambton'sPersian Grammar,with blood drippingfrom it. It would certainlytake a surgical operationto removea knowledgeof basicPersianfrom the head of anyone who had successfullytaken the course.An anecdote(datingfrom the Second World War)in the memoirsof GeneralHasanArfa gives us some indicationof her remarkablelinguistic- and other -

abilities:

131

Ann Lambtonhas writtenan excellentgrammarof

the Persianlanguagewhichshe knowsthoroughly but she also knowsmany Iraniandialectsincluding Kashan. Raiji,the dialectof the regionsurrounding

Onedaywhenshewasvisitingus I calleduponeof ourmen fromthatpartof the worldto talkwithher. They conversedtogetherfor some time withoutour a wordandthe followingdaythisman understanding said:"Thelady who was here yesterdaymust have been a relativeof our Khan'sbecauseshe knew all

aboutus.1 As a teacher,beyondthe Persianlanguage,she particularlyexcelled,as I andmanyotherscantestifyfrom personalexperience,as a researchsupervisor. ProfessorLambton'scontribution to the writingof the historyof Iranmay be seen as also encompassing muchof herworkon landtenureandpoliticalthought. She has workedmostly in two areas:the medieval centuries,especiallythe Seljukperiod(Seljukinstitutionswerethe subjectof herPh.D.thesisof 1939),and more recenttimes, notablythe Qajarepoch. When I becamea studentof hersin 1970,she was engagedin writinga three-volume historyof the Qajars.It appears that having to concernherself with the Mongols, in orderto superviseme, reawakenedher interestin the MiddleAges;andas a resultthe Qajarbooksnevergot written.Not everyonehas been disposedto thankme for this, but I remainwholly unrepentant. One major resultof this changeof directionon her partwas my own favouriteof all herbooks,Continuity and Change in Medieval Persia. Aspects of Administrative, EconomicandSocialHistory,5/11thto 8/14thCentury, publishedin 1987,whichanyonewithan interestin the Seljukand Mongol periodswill continueto need to consultformanyyearsto come.Thatsaid,scholarship, in any field of study, is bound to be superseded eventually,andno scholarworthhis or her salt would wish whatthey have writtento be "thelast word"on any subject.Thatwould simply be evidencethat the fieldwas dead.As ProfessorEricHobsbawmremarked in his BritishAcademy obituaryof E.P. Thompson,

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OF PERSIAN

"Theresearchcontributions of eventhefinesthistorians havea restrictedshelf-life.Theirworkhasobsolescence builtintoit".YetProfessorLambtonis a rareexception to this inexorablerule.Hermost celebratedand influential book, Landlord and Peasant in Persia, first

STUDIES

more limitedfronts:for a conspectusof this kind of work,threevolumesof conferenceproceedingsshould be mentioned:J. Raby and T. Fitzherbert(eds), The Court of the Ilkhans 1290-1340 (Oxford, 1996), D. Aigle (ed.), Iranface a la dominationmongole (Tehran,

publishedin 1953,will alwaysbe read.Someof part1 of thebookhasindeedbeensuperseded, in largepartby ProfessorLambtonherselfin laterwork(forwhichsee her35-pagePrefaceto the reprintof 1991).Butpart2, on the Persia of Reza Shah, which can never be revisitedand seen as ProfessorLambtonsaw it and studiedit, is in realitymuch more a primarythan a secondarysource.Its significanceis permanent,irrespectiveof whateverworkon the periodmay be done by otherscholarsin the future. ProfessorLambtonretiredfrom her chair at the Universityof Londonin 1979;but she did not retire fromteaching.Herstudentsnow (in additionto herold pupils,who are still learningfromher) are congregations in Northumberland villagechurches.Nor has she retiredfromscholarship:offprintsof articlesfromher pen still reachme in my remoteAmericanfastness. Longmay she continueto enlightenus all. Since I have admittedto, indeed claimed, some responsibilityfor diverting Professor Lambton so fruitfullybackto the studyof Persianmedievalhistory, it is perhapsappropriatethat I should devote the remainder of thispaperto a consideration of thepresent stateof knowledgeof it, in the wordsI wishedto (but on herwise instructionsdid not) use as the title of my Ph.D. thesis:the Mongol impact Lambton-supervised on Persia.A greatdeal has changed,duringthe past twentyor so years,in ourperceptionandunderstanding of the Mongol Empire in general, and its Persian This may be component,the Ilkhanate,in particular. seen vividly illustratedin ProfessorPeter Jackson's article, "The state of research:the Mongol Empire 1986-1999".2Indeed,I doubtif any similarperiodhas beenso productive.Theavailablegeneralsurveysof the historyof Mongol Iranare now ratherold. They are Bertold Spuler's Die Mongolen in Iran,3 a compendium,the text of which is essentiallythat of

muchof whichis concernedwiththe Ilkhanate. The sourcebasison whichworkon the Ilkhanateis based has not, I think,changedvery much,thoughI maywell notbe entirelyupto dateon relevanttextsthat have been publishedin Iranin recentyears.Professor WheelerThackstonhas put us all enormouslyin his debt by translatinginto Englishthe first volume, the Mongol history part, of our most importantsingle source,the Jami' al-tawarikhof Rashidal-Din.5One mightwish to quibbleover some of the detailsin the butit is a tremendous translation, boon,atleastforthose of us who stilldo notreadfourteenth centuryPersianas as easily twenty-firstcenturyEnglish,to be ableto go rightthroughthe bookandto gaina senseof whatit is as a whole.Wehavein factlost whatwe once thought was a majorsource,the lettersof thatsameRashidalDin. MrA.H. Mortonhas shown,to my entiresatisfaction and thatof almosteveryoneelse, thatthey are a forgery,probablyof the Timuridperiod.6This is no doubta pity,butsuchis life. Thequestionof whoforged the letters,andwhy,stillremainsto be answered,andis of considerable interest.Whatwe do nowhavefromthe pen- literally- of Rashidal-Dinis the waqf-nama, the deed of endowment,for the quarterhe built in Tabriz.This has been availablein both facsimileand printedtext formsfor some years,but only now is it beginningto be studiedseriously,most notablyby Dr BirgittHoffman.7As she shows, it is provingto be a most illuminating document. But if the Persiansourceshaveremainedmuchthe same with that exception,an importantchange has been the increasinguse of Arabicmaterialoriginating fromtheMamluksultanate,notjust in connectionwith Mamluk-Mongolrelationsbut to shed valuablenew lighton the Ilkhanateitself.Notableherehavebeenthe

1939, which remainsuseful though it was never exactly a stimulating book to read, and the relevant parts, especially the chapters by J.A. Boyle and I.P. Petrushevsky, of The Cambridge History of Iran, volume 5, which with volume 1 inaugurated the Cambridge History in 1968.4 There is nothing more recent than these, but there has been good progress on

contributions of Professor Reuven Amitai, a Mamlukist who, fortunatelyfor us all, has strayedpermanently into Mongol territory, and Dr Charles Melville - to take one example among many, his study of the conversion of Ghazan Khan to Islam, in which he shows that contrary to what we had previously supposed, Ghazan was following other

1997), and R. Amitai-Preissand D.O. Morgan(eds), The Mongol Empire and its Legacy (Leiden, 1999),

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Mongols of the Ilkhanate, not leading them, in decidingto convertto Islam.8 A changeof greatsignificancein the way historians havewrittenabouttheMongolsin recentyearshasbeen a markedshift away fromwhat had alwaysbeen the dominantthemeof deathanddestrucoverwhelmingly tion. A particularlystrikingexampleof this is a very recentone:Dr GeorgeLane'sbookEarlyMongolRule in Thirteenth-CenturyIran. A Persian Renaissance

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of Ghazan in 1295 was incompetent,corruptand oppressive.Butwhatwe needto rememberis thathe is presentingus with a self-servingcontrastwith the reforming,andnewly Muslim,GhazanKhan,the hero of the Jami' al-tawarikhto whom Rashidal-Dinwas notonly"official"historianbutalsojointchiefminister. It was CharlesMelvillewho pointedout9thatwhatever Rashid al-Din might have thought, or might have wishedhis readersto think,of Ghazan,fortheMongols of the Ilkhanatehe was probablyseennot so muchas a herobutas therulerwho had,mostregrettably, brought the GoodOldDays to an end. I have myself argued that there is more than sufficientevidenceto leadus to the conclusionthatwe havebadlyunderestimated theMongols,whenit comes to consideringthem as active participantsin the governmentof theirempireandits variousparts.Thisis a matteron which I have felt obligedto changemy mind fairly radically.In 1982, asking the question, "Whoranthe MongolEmpire?",'0 I concludedthatthe answerwas prettywell everyone- Uighurs,Khitans, PersianandChinesebureaucrats- excepttheMongols

(London,2003), in which, drawingon a very wide rangeof sources,includingmanynon-Persianones,he arguesthatthe firstIlkhanshavebeengrosslymisrepresented:thatthey were in fact vastlymoreenlightened rulersthananyonehadpreviouslyimagined.Dr Lane's bookis basedon a LondonPh.D.thesis,theresearchfor much of which I supervisedbefore my move to the USA. I confessthat,in discussionwithDrLanein those days,I tendedto be a littlesceptical.I stillthinkit could be suggestedthathis argumentmay be put acrosswith moreenthusiasmthancaution:I was, andam, not one hundredper cent convinced that Htilegil and his immediatesuccessorswere quitesuchparagonsof the virtuesas theyaremadeto appear.Butstill,Lanemakes a persuasivecase,basedon realevidence;andwhether or not we can accompanyhim quiteas faras he would likeus to go, his approachis undeniablyat one withthe current grain of Mongol historical studies. Art historians,it should in fairnessbe pointedout, have longknown,andsaid,thattheIlkhanidperiodwas from theirpointof view a constructiveandfertileone, once theinitialdestruction was over.This,however,is hardly an areaon whichI am well qualifiedto comment.The restof us, the merehistorians,have,I am afraid,tended untilrecentlyto follow the contemporary chroniclers' interestin campaigns,battles,massacres,courtintrigues andfactionalstruggles:thatis, in whatmadenewsatthe time. Wehavealsobeeninclinedto forgetthatthe sources whichtell us thatthosewerethe mattersthatinterested the Mongols,who (theywouldhaveus believe)largely left the actualrunningof the countryto PersianbureauOf crats,werealmostall writtenby Persianbureaucrats.

1206, which runs to thirtypages in UrgungeOnon's recentEnglishtranslation,12 suggeststhatthe Mongols, far frombeingunconcernedwith administration, were obsessed its detail: and this was before the positively by Mongols began their imperialexpansion.An overall examinationof thosewho held the highestadministrative position,thatof sahib-diwanor wazir,duringthe civilianoffices, Ilkhanate,as well as of otherimportant showsthatthese individualswereby no meansalways Persians:they were often Mongols. This shouldnot really come as much of a surprise.It is, surely, inherentlyunlikelythat the Mongols could have not only conqueredbutalso heldon to, exploitedandruled

these, Juwayni is of course of great importancefor the early period of Mongol rule and for the origins of the Ilkhanate;and Wassaf from the point at which Juwayni stops. But for most of the Ilkhanate'seighty years, it is the shadow of Rashid al-Din that is pervasive. It is he who has persuadedus, until George Lane came along to tell us differently,thatIlkhanidrule before the accession

so large an empire for so long if they had been wholly unconcerned with government and administration.A furtherpoint to bear in mind is the strikingly atypical evolution of the Mongol Empire. A common scenario for a nomad steppe-based empire is that of rapid expansion, followed by speedy collapse after the death of the charismatic founder. At best, such empires can

themselves. By 199611 I had come to the conclusion that

this was almostcertainlywrong:not thatthe Uighurs and so on were insignificant;but thattherewas good reason for supposingthat the Mongols were also heavilyinvolved,not at all the "handsoff' rulersI (and manyothers)had imagined.For example,the account in the Secret History of the Mongols of the quriltai of

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MongolEurasia(Cambridge,2001), he paintedon a much broadercanvas, demonstratingthe Mongols' activerolenotjust in havingcreatedsomekindof "Pax Mongolica",butin termsof theirdirectinvolvementin culturaltransmissionacross Eurasiain many fields: historiography,geographyand cartography,agriculture, cuisine, medicine, astronomy, and printing

at the Ilkhanid years the GreatKhan'srepresentative court.In my judgementthis is far and awaythe most significantbook on the MongolEmpirethathas been publishedfor a very long time.Allsen is ableto break so much new groundbecausehe is equallyfamiliar with the Persian and the Chinese sources, and is thereforeable to use themto shed light on each other - a furtherrespectin whichourIlkhanidsource-base can usefully be extended,though it does of course involvea willingness(andtheability)on thehistorian's partto learnChinese.PeterJacksonrightlyobserved, at the endof his articleon the currentstateof research, thatif a worthwhilegeneralsurveyof thehistoryof the Mongol Empireis to be writtento supersedewhat is stillthe mostrecentone (my own of 1986),thenit will need to drawon linguisticcompetencemuch greater than mine was (and is), in fact competenceof the Allsen kind. Otherwise it will fail to represent adequatelywherethe subjectnow is. The Mongol conquests,in their first phase, were undeniablybrutaland destructiveon a scale rarely matchedbeforethe twentiethcentury.I findrevisionist WhatI attemptsto deny this entirelyunconvincing.13 therewas am suggestingis that,afterthatfirstirruption, a greatdealmoreto Mongolrulein Iranthanvariations on thethemeof theMongoltrooper'sjackboot,andthat we needto be morepositivein ourassessment.But if there are groundsfor arguingthis case, it is only reasonableto ask why the Mongol regime in Iran collapsed,andindeedwhy it collapsedearliertherethan in the otherconstituentpartsof the Mongol Empire. This remains somethingof a puzzle. One of the principalproblems,andonewhichis unlikelyeverto be adequatelyremedied,is a lack of good sources.The greatIlkhanidhistorians,Juwayni,Rashidal-Din,even Wassafif we can forgivehis prosestyle,had all gone, andnoneof theirsuccessorswas of remotelythe same quality. Themostinterestingrecentworkon thisperiodand itsproblemshasbeenby DrCharlesMelville,in a short, thoughtightly-packed, book14anda numberof articles. I do seem myselfto have performeda usefulfunction

(Allsen does not discuss the most obvious of such areas, that of art).Much of this transmissiontook place between the Ilkhanateand Yilan China, both of which, of course, were ruled by members of the Toluid branch of the Mongol royal house; and the two most conspicuous individuals in Allsen's book are Rashid al-Din and Bolad Chingsang, the Mongol who was for many

here, that of providingMelville with a convenient Aunt Sally: "[T]he Ilkhanate can hardly be said to have survivedthe death of Abu Sa'id, and it may reasonably be suggested... that it fell without in any real sense having previously declined."15 My view was that historians tend to be mesmerised by what I term Gibbon's Law (empires may not fall without having

hardly hope to do much more than to emulate Tamerlane's:that is, steady contractionunder the founder'ssuccessors.But the historyof the Mongol Empirehas littlein commonwiththispatternof develChinggisKhandiedin 1227, opmentanddegeneration. but his empirecontinuedto expandfor a furtherhalf century:by 1280 it musthave been roughlytwice the size at whichit hadbeen left by Chinggis.This surely hardworkhad suggeststhata gooddealof institutional beengoing on, andnotjust on the partof non-Mongol officialsfrom amongthe conqueredpopulations.The MongolEmpire,it wouldseem,was fromthe startbuilt to last. In recentyears the most significantnew light on Mongolinvolvementin non-militarymattershas been shed by ProfessorThomasAllsen, in threebooks as well as a considerablenumberof articles.His earliest book,MongolImperialism(BerkeleyandLos Angeles, 1987), which was centredon the reign of the Great KhanMingke (1251-59), underwhomIranwas definitively incorporatedinto the Mongol Empireby his brotherHulegu,showedhow the militaryexpansionof the 1250s in both the Middle East and China was linked to administrativereforms and the effective mobilisationof resources.This was a very valuable but it was perhapsa fairlyconventional contribution, book when comparedwith its two latersuccessors.In the first of these, Commodity and Exchange in the

MongolEmpire(Cambridge,1997),Allsenconsidered the evidenceespeciallyfor whathappenedto Muslim textileworkerswho were capturedduringthe Mongol campaignsof conquestand who were then sent east, being much valued for their technicalexpertise,to serve the Mongols' insatiable appetite for gold brocade. In the second, Culture and Conquest in

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previouslyexperienceda periodof decline),whereasin fact empiresoftenseem to declinewithoutfalling,and to fall withoutdeclining;andthatthe Ilkhanate,which appearsto have been flourishingunder Abu Sa'id (1316-35) was an exampleof the latter.Melvillewill havenoneof this;andin his bookandarticleshe depicts in detail the political crises, revolts and factional strugglesof Abu Sa'id'sreign,and sees therea steady decline.Theperiodhas neverbeforebeen subjectedto so close an examination,and Melville's arguments merit careful consideration.Without in the least attemptingto disputethatthingshappenedas Melville recounts,I am not myself entirelyconvincedthatthe reignwas in thoserespectsmuchdifferentfromthoseof some of the earlierIlkhans(underwhomthe statedid notdeclineor collapse),andI wonderif the factthatwe can talk aboutothermatterswhen we discuss those earlierreignsis not largelybecausewe havegood contemporarysourceswhich permitus to do so. Thatis, while it is indeedtruethatwhatwe mainlylearnabout theAbuSa'idperiodarethedismaleventsunearthed by Melville,couldit be thatthishas somethingto do with the factthatthesewerethe issuesthat,to the exclusion of prettywell everythingelse, interestedthe not very good chroniclerson whomhe hasperforceto rely?For whateverreasons,the Ilkhanatedid collapse shortly afterthe deathof Abu Sa'id in 1335; and my view reasonwas that remainsthattheprincipaldemonstrable the last of the directline of Hfilegilleft no generally acceptableheir. Inevitablythe kingdombecame the preyof the contendingfactionsthathadformed,even if at the timekeptin check,duringthe reignthathadjust ended. Whatwas the Ilkhanidlegacyto Iran?At one time the answer would have been: the devastationand permanent impoverishment of previously fertile provinceslike KhurasanandSistan.In the wordsof the late Ilkhanidhistorianand geographerHamd Allah MustawfiQazwini,"thereis no doubtthatthe destruction whichhappenedon the emergenceof the Mongol stateandthe generalmassacrethatoccurredatthattime will notbe repairedin a thousandyears,evenif no other

thatthe Mongollegacywas in fact a positive argued17 one;andthis in severalrespects.Indeed,he goes so far as to suggestthattheMongollegacywas in factmodern Iranwhich,he says, is an Ilkhanidcreationin termsof not havingbeenmuchusedsince nomenclature ("Iran" pre-Islamictimes),language(the finaltriumphof New Persian over Arabic), geographicalboundariesand political geography(the definitionof Iran's eastern of Tabriz),andthe frontieron the Oxus;the importance and ethnic compositionof the country(a population influx of Turks under Mongol auspices;the large continued importanceof the tribal population as comparedwithotherpartsof theMiddleEast).Muchof this is perhapscontentious,and I am not sure I am myselfentirelyconvinced- forexample,I suspectthe geographicalboundariesof modernIranhave moreto do withthe battlesthatShahIsma'ilI won againstthe Uzbeksin 1510 andlost againstthe Ottomansin 1514 thantheyhave withthe Ilkhanidstate.But all of these pointsarewell worththinkingabout. I supposethatwhat,fortyyearsago, firstseizedmy attentionabout the Mongol phenomenonwas the military achievement- looking at a map and wonderingat the sheer dimensionsof the Mongols' conquests;theircreationof an empireperhapslarger than any other contiguous land empire known to history.Thatvast achievement,as well as the destruction and miseryit broughtwith it, are still there.But now we arebeginningto see thattherewas a greatdeal moreto Mongolrule,whetherin Iranor elsewherein the Eurasianlandmass,thancan be accuratelyencompassed by such popular perceptionsas that some politicianis "totherightof GenghisKhan",oreventhat theMongolswereresponsiblefornothingmorethan,in thetitleof a BBC/NHKdocumentary seriesof a decade ago, a "Stormfromthe East."

calamity happens; and the world will not returnto the condition in which it was before that event".16 No doubt the Mongols, particularly during Chinggis Khan's invasion, made their contribution;but there are plenty of other plausible candidates for responsibility for the devastation of Khurasan Tamerlane, the UzbekSafawid wars, and so on. Professor Bert Fragner has

3

JournalofMedievalHistory26/2 (2000),189-210. 4thedition,Leiden,1985.

4

Cambridge,1968.

Notes

1 H. Arfa,UnderFiveShahs(London,1964),328. 2

5 RashiduddinFazlullah'sJami'u't-tawarikh: Compendium of Chronicles, Sources of Oriental Languages and

Literatures 45, CentralAsianSourcesIV,3 vols, Harvard University Department of Near Eastern Languages and

Civilizations,1998-99.

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6

7

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A.H. Morton,"The Lettersof Rashid al-Din: Ilkhanidfact or Timurid fiction?", in Amitai-Preiss and Morgan, The Mongol Empire and its Legacy, 155-99. Dr A. Soudavar, in an article "In defense of Rasid-od-dinand his Letters", SI 32 (2003), 77-122, dissents from Morton'sjudgement, at times in markedly inappropriatelanguage. He raises some points of interest,but in my opinion does not come seriouslyto gripswith the main argumentsin Morton'scase againstthe letters' authenticity. See her "The gates of piety and charity.Ra'id al-Din Fadl Allah as founderof pious endowments,"in Aigle, L 'Iran, 189-202, and Waqfim mongolischen Iran: Rafiduddins Sorge um Nachrumund Seelenheil (Stuttgart,2000). As well as his book, Mamluksand Mongols (Cambridge, 1995), Amitai has published many relevant articles, e.g. "New materialfrom the Mamluksourcesfor the biography of Rashid al-Din", in Raby and Fitzherbert,The Court of the Ilkhans, 23-37. Melville's revealing study of Ghazan, "Padshah-i Islam: the conversion of Sultan Mahmud

Ghazan Khan", is in Melville (ed.), PembrokePapers I: Persian and Islamic Studies in Honour of P W Avery (Cambridge,1990), 159-77. 9 In his articlein Aigle, L'Iran, 115. o10JRAS(1982), 124-36. 11 "Mongol or Persian: the government of Ilkhanid Iran", HarvardMiddleEasternand Islamic Review 3 (1996), 1/2, 62-76. 12 The Secret History of the Mongols. TheLife and Timesof 13

14

2001), 190-220. ChinggisKhan(Richmond, Forsomesensiblerecentremarkson this issue,see Hugh Kennedy,Mongols,Huns and Vikings(London,2002), 138. TheFall ofAmir Chupanand the Decline of the Ilkhanate,

1327-37(Bloomington, 1999). 15 16

17

Morgan,MedievalPersia 1040-1797 (London, 1988), 78. Nuzhat al-qulub, ed. G. Le Strange(LeidenandLondon, 1915), 27. In his contributionto Aigle, L'Iran, "Iranunder Ilkhanid rule in a world-historyperspective",121-31.

THE MASJID-I MALIK IN KIRMAN By Alireza Anisi Universityof Edinburgh

DESCRIPTION

centredpointedarchwithina rectangular frame,andis 7.68 m. wide and 14.38 m. deep.8 Two engaged columnsin bakedbrickmarkthe innernorth-westand south-eastcornersof this iwan. These columns are about4 m. highand,unlikethe case in otherbuildings, they extendto just below the two historicalinscription bands in this iwan, perhapsin an attemptto stress them.9Accordingto one of theseinscriptions, thisiwan was built in the fourthquarterof the 5th/IIth century (see below). A domechamberis situatedbehindthe qiblaiwan. Khanikoffdescribesthis masjidas being ruinedand

This article aims to introducethe little-known Masjid-iMalikin thecityof Kirman,stressingits architecturalevolution.This mosqueis the oldest and also the largestmosque in Kirmanand is located in the south-eastof thecity in one of theoldestareas,whichis knownas the Shah'Adilquarter.1 According to the Tadhkira-yiSafaviyya-yi

Kirmmn, this areawas redevelopedby orderof Ganj'Ali Khan in the Safavidperiod.2The findingof many Safavid sherds around this mosque proves this story.3A survivinghammdm(publicbath)close to the mosque to the north-east,and a historictakiyyaon the north side of the Masjid-iMalik,both belong to the Qajar period,4andshowthatthe areaaroundthe mosquewas a populardistrictfor building.An aerialphotograph takenin the 1330s/1950s,5beforethe erectionof the presentImdmKhumainiStreeton the north-westside of the mosque,showsthatthis mosquewas situatedin a congestedareaandthatthe mainthoroughfare which it is on the north-west side of the mosque. passes The Masjid-iMalikunderwentsustaineddevelopmentandchangeoverthe centuriesandthe exactdate of its foundationis not clear.Owingto these multiple changes,physicalevidenceas to its originalfeaturesis not easy to decipher.It seemsthatin its originalform, this mosque compriseda small masjid (or namaz khana) andlatera lofty iwan anda riwaq (arcade)were addedarounda largecentralcourtyard. The presentmosquecontainsfouriwansandsome coveredareasarounda centralcourtyard(Fig. 1). The buildinghas three entrances;these are on the southwest, north-west and north-east sides. The main entranceto the mosqueis now to the north-west;it was redecoratedrecently.6The earliestentrance7is located to the south-westandthe latest,which was erectedin the 20th century,is on the north-eastside of the mosque. A lofty iwan dominatesthe south-westside of the courtyard,thanksin partto the dome behindit, and serves as the qibla iwa-n(Fig. 2). It containsa four-

under reconstructionin 1275/1859.10 According to the

historicalsources,this mosque was repairedby the orderof Shihabal-Dawla,the governorof Kirman,in 1285-86/1868-70.1 It seems that it was at this latter date that this masjid was redecorated.A Qur'anic inscriptionband inside the dome chamber,dated 1286/1869-70,supportsthistheory.Threepassagesare placedto the south-eastandanotherthreeto the northwest of the dome chamber.The centralone on each side is widerthanthe flankingone.Twoidentical,wide openingsaresituatedabovethesecentralpassages,one on each side. Anotherpointed-arched openingof the same size is set above the mihraband beneaththe transitionzone.A furtherwindowis placedin thiswall abovethe entranceto the domechamber.At rooflevel, the exteriorelevationof this domechamber,noticeably separatedfrom the w-an, featuresthe wide central arched opening already mentioned,with the qibla domeaboveit, andto eitherside, a tall loweropening with a segmentalarchplus a smallerpointed-arched openingaboveit (Fig. 3). Eric Schroeder'sdrawing12 suggeststhatthereare two rowsof massivepierswhichtakeup the south-east andnorth-westsidesof the domechamber.Theserows are not piers,however;they are merelyopeningsin a continuouswall. The erectionof the dome called, it seems,fora pairof pierson eachsideof thatcontinuous wall of the iwanso as to supportthatwall (Fig.4). The north-eastern wall of the domechamberis not bonded into the originalwall of the iwan, although

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Fig. 1. Kirman,Masjid-iMalik:groundplan (afterA Surveyof PersianArt,p. 1034).

Schroeder'splanrecordsthis as an unbrokenmass of brickwork.A fragmentof decoration,painted on plaster,which seems to be of Safaviddate,13can be seen betweenthis wall andthe Saljuqwall of the iwan 5 m. in the southerncorner ata heightof approximately of the iwan(Fig. 5). Thissuggeststhatthiswall,which is not bonded into the earlierwall with its Saljuq decoration,was erectedlater,probablycontemporaneously with the dome.This domechamberis rectangu-

lar in groundplan. The upshotof all this is that the dome was addedto the originaliwan in the courseof of the mosquein the Qajarera. the reconstruction Two staircasessurvivein the south-eastandnorthof westpartsof thewallsof theqiblaiwan.Examination thesestaircasesshowsclearlythattheywerebuiltatthe sametime as the mainKwan.Theuse of the samestyle materialandsize of bricksatteststo this of construction, It is more likelythatthese belongto the two theory.14

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Fig. 2. Masjid-i Malik: qibla iwanfagade.

Fig. 3. Structure separate from the Iwan at roof level.

Fig. 4. Axonometric cutaway view of the qibla iwan and two flanking shabistans (after Mubashshir).

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Fig. 5. Fragmentofpaintedplaster decoration.

minaretsthatwere probablyonce placedon the top of the wann.15 Thereis no clue as to the originalformand of height any minaretsto whichthese staircasesmight haveled,unlessindeedtheyservedsimplyforaccessto the roof of the iwan.16Contraryto the otherfagadesof the courtyard, the two bays flankingthe mainiwanare

STUDIES

two-storeyed,probablyin orderto act as structural supportforthe iwan.Thewall of the mainiwanis 2.13 m. wide. Fromthe structural this extraordistandpoint, narythickness,like the doublestoreysof the flanking bays,17was intendedto supportthe extraweightof the hugeiwanandthatof the assumedportalminarets. The domeis low andis builtof bakedbrick.There arefoursquinches,whichareadornedwith muqarnas. This dome has two sections. The upperpart of the dome,whichis of saucerprofile,is placeddirectlyon a karbandi(Fig.6). Thekarbandicomprisesa seriesof arches in differentsizes and forms, which serve to convertthe squarelower dome chamberto a round has baseforerectinga domeor a vault.18 Thisktarbandi to transfer the of this a structural role, namely weight partof the dome.19Insidethe domechambera mihrab is set in the qiblawall;this was addedin the courseof the reconstructionof the building.20Two pointedarched doorways,which led to two badgirs (wind catchers),areplacedon each side of the mihrcb (Fig. 7).21 Thesebadgirs havenow vanishedandthereis no traceof theiroriginalformon the roof. Thereare threeotheriwans aroundthe courtyard; all of themcanbe attributed to the Qajarera,22butthey were decoratedin the last 30 years(Figs. 8-9). There is no historicalinscriptionin theseiwdns.23Thenorthin the 20th century.24 This east one was reconstructed is the one and its is adorned most elaborate fagade fwan with muqarnasandtiles, plus two decorativeengaged columnswhich can be seen on both exteriorsides of the iwan (Fig. 8). Unlikethe otheriwans,this one was roofedwith a domicalvault. Afterthe earthquakeof

Fig. 6. Karbandibeneaththe dome.

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Fig. 7. Mihrab in the qibla wall inside the dome chamber

Fig. 8.North-east Iwanfagade to the courtyard.

Fig. 9. South-eastIwdnfagadeto the courtyard.

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)

Fig. 10. Shabistdn-i Im

.Hasan:

IIIn

(a) ground plan; (b) section E-E (after Mubashshir).

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Fig. 11.A part of the original enclosingwall of the Shabistan-i ImamHasan. 1360/1981, a wide doorway was installed on the east side of this iwin, which now acts as an entrance. Two shabistans flank the main dome chamber to the north-west and the south-east. Both of them have been attributedto the Qajarperiod. It is likely that they were added to the mosque when it was reconstructedin the 19th century.25The intercolumniationand vaulting of each shabistan is different,however which suggests that they were not built at the same time. A shabistan in the extreme south-south-western corner of the mosque is locally known as Shabistan-i Imam Hasan.26The local people believe that the Imam Hasan (the second Shi'ite Imam) visited this city after its conquestandprayedin this place (c. 21-23/641-43).27 To commemorate this event a building was erected later, probably as a small masjid (or namaz-khana), formerly separatefrom the mosque and thus technically a shabistan. It is now a part of the Masjid-i Malik. This shabistan is three bays deep and three bays wide (Fig. 10). It is built of baked bricks, measuring 23.5 x 23.5 x 4 cm. or 24 x 24 x 4 cm., and is roofed with low domical vaults. The height of this shabistan is the lowest of all the rooms in the mosque. It is likely that this building was originally covered by a timber roof. In the course of the restorationthat was carriedout by the Mirath-i FarhangT8office in Kirman in the 1980s, two piers of mud brick were found inside the wall of the north-west side of this shabistan. The remains of other original piers were found inside this shabistan. A part of the enclosing wall, which is about 1 m. thick,

was also found in the north-east side of the shabistdn (Fig. 11). According to the supervisorof the restoration carried out by the local office, the mud bricks found here measure 33 x 33 x 10 cm. and all sides of each pier were coated with plaster.29 This suggests that the original building was constructed in mud brick and later was rebuilt (or probably reinforced) with baked brick to erect the upper floor. In the course of restoration a mihrab was found inside this shabistan in 1360/1981.30A doorway stands opposite this mihrdb, on the east side. This doorway has a pointed arch and is 80 cm. wide; the opening is now blocked (Fig. 12). A corridorof three bays is found on the south side of this shabistan. The remains of an old pier are to be seen in this corridor;this pier contains some courses of mud brick, measuring 30 x 30 x 8 cm.31The different style of construction,the different size of the bricks and the greater height of this part all suggest that it was of a later date, perhaps of the same time as the reconstruction of the shabistin. Upstairs, directly above the Shabistan-i Imam Hasan and its mihrab,three mihrabs which are similar in style of construction and decoration are set in the qibla wall. The remains of part of a wall and some original columns of the building can be seen (Fig. 13). Each pier rests on a quadrilobatebase with a central groove between each pair of lobes and a square base (Fig. 14a, b). This quadrilobatebase is 80 cm. high, and measures about 90 x 90 cm. It is made of baked bricks measuring 24 x 24 x 3-4 cm. In addition, four

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Fig. 12. Blocked doorway on the east side of the Shabistan-i Imnm Hasan.

Fig. 13. A survivingpillar on the roof of the Shabistdn-i Imam Hasan.

Fig. 14. Building above the Shabistan-i Imam Hasan: (a) Plan of the pier with a quadrilobate base. (b) Axonometric drawing of the same.

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Fig. 15. Base of a pier found beneath the paving of the roof Photo: Javad Nazariya.

Fig. 16. Proposed plan of the original form of the building above the Shabistan-i Imam IHasan.

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survivingcolumnbasescan be seen in the wall. In the courseof restorationin the 1360s/1980sthe remainsof threeotherbases of pillarswere found.Fig. 15 shows one of these.32All of this showsthatanotherbuilding, three bays wide, existed, and three bays can be detected on the roof of this shabistan.This richly decoratedbuilding(see below for a discussionof the decoration)was perhapserectedas a privatemosque (or namaz khana). It is not clearwhetherthis building was originallyenclosed,thoughthis is likely owingto its locationon the roof; it was designedas a summer mosque and was open on three sides (Fig. 16). The nine-bay type of mosque in Iran should also be mentioned,suchas thatin Balkh(perhapslate 3rd/9th century).33 The coveredareaaroundthe courtyardis attributed to the Qajarperiod.However,the irregularintercolumniationsand also the varied style of constructionin these coveredareassuggestthatthey were erectedat differenttimes. On the south side of the courtyardis

STUDIES

placeda coveredareasix bayswide andone bay deep. It is possiblethatthisrepresentstheremainsof a riwa-q whichoriginallyencircledthe courtyard. A minaretstandsat the northernexteriorcornerof the mosque. This minaretis cylindrical,3.48 m. in diameter,andis builtof bakedbrick.It is about6.50 m. high; its upperparthas vanished.It projectsfromthe enclosingwall of the buildingandis not bondedto the walls of the mosque(Fig. 17). This implies that the minaretwas originallybuilt to be free-standingand was onlylatercombinedwiththemosque.34 Itmayalso that the second on the north and north-east bay, suggest sides of the masjid,was added later.The surviving decorativelozengebrickpatternsresemblethoseonthe minaretat Nigar.35A decorativebrick band, which recursin themainiwanof thebuilding,runsaroundthe shaft of the minaret.The use of identicalbrick sizes suggeststhatthisminaretwas builtat aroundthe same time as the iwcn.36 waterchannel) Therewas apayab(anunderground below the centre of the courtyard;it was used for ablutionsand two staircasesled down to it.37It was filled up aboutforty-fiveyearsago anda (water h.aud tank)has replacedit. DECORATION In the courseof the restorationcarriedout in the 1360s/1980s,two inscriptionbandsandthe remainsof other decorationwere found in the south-eastiwan. These remainsshow that the walls of the iwin were originallydecoratedwithdoubledstretcherscoveredin plaster.Thebakedbricksheremeasurefrom23.5 to 24 x 4 cm. Twoinscriptionbandsrunat a heightof some 4 m. aboveground,beneaththe springingof the iwan arch.A decorativebandin relief,about30 cm. high,is placed over this inscriptionband. This band has a singlemotifwhichis repeatedseveraltimes,namelyan extendedspindleshapewithina frame,andis repeated as a framefor a furtherpanel in the archof the iwan (Fig. 18). The remainsof a KuficQur'anicinscription

Fig. 17. Minaretat the northernexteriorof the mosque.

band are placed inside this frame. Vegetal decorative patterns in carved stucco are placed inside the qibla Twanover the two inscriptionbands (Fig. 19).38 In the dado of the south-easternand south-western wall of the qibla Kwancan be seen six rows of bluewhite tiles (Fig. 20), which are very similar to the tiles of the Ganj 'Ali Khan bath (c. 1020/1631). They can

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Fig. 18 Decorative pattern over the inscription band.

Fig. 19. Vegetal decorative patterns inside the qibla iwan.

Fig. 20. Blue and white tiles inside the qibla iwan of the mosque.

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also be seen in the qibla fagadeof the Fridaymosque of Kirman,whichwas restoredin the Safavidperiod.39 Furtherdecorationwas foundat a heightof some 5 m. in the southerncomerof themainiwan,comprising paintedplasterin white andred;this suggeststhatthe mainiwan was redecoratedin the Safavidperiodand thatits originaldecoration(executedin the Saljuqera) was coveredat thattime.40 Inside the dome chamber,a circulargeometrical patterncoversthe innersurfaceof the dome(Fig. 21). This decorationis of blue glazedbrick.The composition of glazed brick and unglazedbrickis known as mu'aqqaliin Persian.Thenamesof Allah,Muhammad and'Ali canbe read.Themihrabof the domechamber is decoratedwith muqarnas,as is the upperpartof the Thedado squinches,whicharejoinedby a squinch-net. of the entiredome chamberis coatedwith turquoisecolouredtiles.All thisdecorationin the domechamber is of Qajardate. As mentionedearlier,a largemihraib,3.49 m. wide and3.85 m. high,is foundinsidethe Shabistan-iImam Hasan.A four-centredarchedniche,which is 1.60 m. wide and 30 cm. deep, occupies the centre of the mihrab.A rectangularframe,measuring1.80 m. high and70 cm. wide, surroundsthis niche.A furtherfourcentredpointedblind archis locatedinsidethe larger

arch.Thisinnerarchis set on two smallcolumns.The remainsof an inscriptionband in plasteron a blue backgroundcan be seen in the extrados of the innermostniche of the mihrab.This band is 15 cm. wide, and is inscribedin naskh(Fig. 22). Arabesque patternsadornthe spandrelsof the niche.Thisnicheis placed within a decorativerectangularframe,which adjoinsits columns.The outerframeof the mihrabis 49 cm. wide andis decoratedwithfloralandarabesque patternsin high-reliefcarvedstucco,featuringbi-lobed and tri-lobedleaves springingfrom a centralstem of ovals andtrefoils(Fig. 23). All theseforms alternating are filledwith denselycarvedsecondarypatterns.The maincharacteristic of thisornamentis theuse of strong three-dimensionalrounded vegetal forms. Parallels with the ornamentin the doorway of the Chihil Dukhtaran tombtowerat Damghan,or withthe stucco in theniche-hoodof the mihrabat the DavazdahImam in Yazd, suggestthemselves.The outermostframing bandof this mihrcb is 24 cm. wide andcontainsmuch flattervegetalpatternsbasedon affrontedleavesalternatingwithaddorsedleavesof the samekind(Fig.24). It was originally painted and the remains of red pigment can be seen in the outer band. The inner framingbandhas a designof flattenedinterlockingSmotifs(Fig.25).41 It is likelythatthis mihrabwas built

Fig. 21. Circulargeometricalpatternon the innersurfaceof the dome.

Fig. 22. Shabistin-iImamIHasan(SIH):Fragmentof the naskh inscriptionin the mihrab.

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Fig. 23. SIH: (a, b) Decorative pattern in the outer band of the mihrab.

Fig. 24. SIH: Vegetalpatterns in the outermost band of the mihrdb.

Fig. 25. SIH. Interlocking S motifs.

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Fig. 26. First mihrdb on the roof of the Shabistan-i Imam Hasan. (a) General view. (b) Niche of the mihrab. (c) Elaborated Kufic inscription band.

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Fig. 27. Secondmihrabon the roofof the Shabistan-iImamIHasan. (a) Generalview.(b) Detail of the inscriptionbands.

at the sametime as the qiblaiwan andthusit couldbe earlierthanthe threeothersupstairs. The remainsof threehighlydecoratedmihrabsare placedbesideeachotheron the roof of the Shabistan-i ImamHasan.42 Theyaresimilarin decoration,style of which impliesthatthey were all and size, epigraphy built at the same time. Unfortunately, they are badly the of two of them have damaged; upper parts vanished. The first mihrab,to the viewer's left, is 2.22 m. wide and 2.50 m. high. It containsa centralniche inside a narrowepigraphicrectangularframeand the whole is set insidea broadouterband,also epigraphic (Fig.26, a). Thenicheis 17 cm. deepandits archrests on two projectingcolumnscoveredwith a geometric networkbased on stars,with polygonalcapitals(Fig. 26, b). The remainsof a carvedstuccoKufic inscription in reliefcanbe seen in the tympanumof the arch. Arabesquesfill the spacebetweenthe letters.A panel with a geometricalpatternof overlappingcircles and lozengesis locatedbeneaththe tympanum.An inscription bandin Kuficrunsalongthe extradosof the arch of theniche.Theremainsof anelaboratenaskhinscription bandcanbe seen in the innerframingbandof the mihrdb,while the outer framingband has a lightly floriatedKufic inscription(Fig. 26, c). Two narrow plasterbandsof floralornamentframethe mihrab. The secondandcentralmihrabis 2.41 m. wide and was originally2.40 m. high. Its upperparthas disappeared(Fig. 27, a). Two survivingcolumnsand the

remainsof decorationin highreliefsuggestthata fourcentred pointed arched originally dominated this mihrijb.A secondrectangularniche, 12 cm. deep, is locatedinsidethemainniche,andcontainsa blindarch with two short round columns. Its inner borderis adornedwith a carved stucco inscriptionin knotted Kufic.A damagedbandin Kuficis placedin the panel abovethisrectangular niche,andservesas the base for thetympanumof the mainarch.An inscriptionbandin cursivescriptwitha fadedbluebackground constitutes the outerbandof the mihrab(Fig. 27, b). Thethirdmihrabis 2.13 m. wide andwas originally 2.25 m. highwith an archednicheoccupyingits centre (Fig. 28, a). Two projectingcolumns with globular capitalsof openworkdecorationflankthe niche. An inscriptionin Kufic, standingproud of a scrolling background,surroundsthe innermostrecess of the mihrab.Theblindarchof the mihrabhas an outerrectangularframe.An arabesquepatternin carvedplaster occupies the tympanumof the arch of the mihrdb. Thereare similarpatternsto be seen in othermihrabs in the FridayMosquein Ardistan(555/1160)andthe mausoleumof Pir-i Hamza Sabz-Ptishin Abarkuh (510/1116).43 One line of naskhis situatedbelow this tympanum.A decorativepanel with a geometrical patternof interlockingpolygonsis situatedbeneaththis

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Fig. 28. Thirdmilhrabon the roof of the Shabistan-iImam Hasan. (a) General view. (b) Detail of inscription bands.

tympanum. A further naskh inscription band runs along the extrados of the arch. The remains of a third elaborate inscription band can be seen in the outer border of the mihrab (Fig. 28, b). This inscription has certain similaritiesto the parallelKufic band in the first mihrab. The closest parallel to these bands is the inscription band in the Masjid-i Haydariyya in Qazvin (early 6th/12th century).44The remains of red, blue and green paint can be seen in this mihrab, which suggests that perhaps all these mihrabs were originally richly coloured. This mihrab is well preserved in comparison to the two others. The remains of carved plaster decoration of a type very similar to the patterns of these mihribs can be seen beside them on the wall of the building (Fig. 29), which shows that the inside of the building was originally richly decorated. It is likely that these mihrabs were erected soon after the erection of the iwan, in the later years of the 5th/llth century or the early years of the 6th/12th century,and are thus of the Saljuqperiod. The existing naskh inscriptions in them imply that this script was Fig. 29. Remainsof carvedplaster decoration.

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probably first used for architecturalepigraphy in this area in the second half of the Sth/11th century. The courtyard fagade and also the outside of the mosque have been decoratedwith tilework in different patternsand colours in the last twenty years.

ARCHITECTURALINSCRIPTIONS As mentioned, three inscription bands were found in the south-west iwin of the mosque in the course of restorationin 1361/1982: (A) a historical inscription band in Kufic in the north-west wall of the iwain(Fig. 30); (B) a historical inscription band in the south-east wall of the iwin, opposite the previous one (Fig. 31); (C) part of a Qur'anic inscriptionband in Kufic on both sides of the springing of the arch of the iwan.

153

Text:

(A) [41t1IA[ (B) J. ,a,.1" 55:1,2., (C) Qur'an

,J

[I

[.

J Ia11

I 1 j.,I

Translation: The blessed 'Ala' al-Dawla wa 'I-DinTiiranShah. The son of QaraArslan,strengthenerof the Commander of the Faithful. Basmala. The Beneficent. It is He who has taughtthe Qur'an. The first band mentions the name of Turan Shah, the Saljuq governor in Kirman from 477/1084 to 490/1098.45According to a local historian,Aba .Uamid

Fig. 30. First historical inscription band in the north-west wall of the qibla iwan.

Fig. 31a,b. Details of the second historical inscription band in the south-east wall of the qibla iwan.

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Shah was a fair ruler and he ordered Kirmani, TuGran this mosque to be bfiilt as a Jdmi' along with other buildings in the suburbs (rabad) of the city.46These inscription bands were originally executed in baked terracottaset in plaster. Part of a Qur'anic inscription band, set within a frame of adjoining elongated spindle-like motifs, is located in the intradosof the arch of the qibla twan. It contains the two opening verses of Suiratal-Rahmanin the Qur'an (55:1, 2); the rest of the inscription is fragmented but probably contains more of this sfira once inscribedinside the frame. In the courtyardfaqade of the qibla is a which once had a wman placed frame, small part of a Kufic inscription band in terracotta within it.47However, this was illegible.48 An inscription band in nasta 'liq is placed inside the dome chamber, beneath the transition zone of the dome. This band contains StiratJuma' (Qur'an 62) in haft rangi tile-work, and is dated 1286/1869-70 (Fig. 32). The numerousinscriptionsof the mihrabs, and their epigraphic styles, offer rich material for future research, but it has not been possible to undertakethis work in the context of the present article. It appears, however, that all of these inscriptions are Qur'anic.49

MATERIAL Baked bricks of 23.5 x 23.5 x 4 cm. and 24 x 24 x 4 cm., laid in plaster mortar, in the main iwan, in the Shabistan-i Imam IHasan,the staircase and in the shaft

STUDIES

of the minaret. Baked bricks of 24 x 24 x 3 cm. and 24 x 24 x 4 cm. in columns, mud brick 24 x 24 x 3 and 24 x 24 x 4 cm. in the remains of the wall behind the three mihrdbs upstairs. Mud brick of 33 x 33 x 10 cm. and 30 x 30 x 8 cm. in the Shabistan-i Imam Hasan.

DATING As already mentioned, this mosque was built over various periods. It seems that the original building of the Shabistan-i Imam Hasan is the earliest surviving part of the mosque. The location of the later Saljuq iwan close to it, but not adjoining it- that came later - may indicate that the site for the iwan was chosen on account of its proximity to a holy place. In addition, the reconstruction of this shabistan, installation of a decorative mihrcb within it, and also the erection of an additionalfloor above it with three decorative mihrcbs, shows its importance.The large size of the mud bricks in the surviving columns of this shabistan is notable. The closest parallel is the Friday Mosque at Fahraj. The ground plan of this shabistan - three bays wide and three bays deepreminds one of the various nine-bay mosques in the Iranianworld. The date of the construction of this shabistan is not clear, but one can attributeit to the 3rd-4th /10th-1 Ith centuries. The exact date of its constructionis also not entirely clear, but considering the name of Thran Shah is mentioned in the inscription band in the south-east iwan, it seems likely that the i~wanwas originally built in 477-90/1084-98. It was reconstructed,and a dome

Fig. 32. Beginningof the Qur'anicinscription bandinsidethe domechamber

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chamber was added to it, in the middle of the 19th century.

2

3

CONCLUSION 4

The Masjid-i Malik in Kirman is a significant building on several counts. Architecturally,it displays a type of mosque new to Iran at this time. A lofty and deep iwin, stressing the qibla, sets a new style in the architectural history of mosques in Iran, probably predating the qibla iwan of the Friday Mosque of Isfahan. The appearanceof this style earlier in Kirman as a major city, and at a time when it was underthe rule of a powerful governor, gives a more plausible context for such an innovationthan is available, for example, at the Friday Mosque at NIriz.50 The partly Saljuq Masjid-i Jami' at the Arg of Bam is perhapsthe closest parallel to the Masjid-i Malik.51 The Masjid-i Malik, with its recently discovered historical inscription band, has the best claim to be considered as the earliest survivor of this new style of mosque with a huge qibla iwan. In addition, the placing of two minaretsat the sides of the iwan was an innovation, which was applied in the following centuries as a landmarkto emphasise the qibla iwan.

155

Mir MuhammadSa'Id Mashizi, Tadhkira-yi .Safaviyya-yi Kirman, ed. M.I. Bstfani PairizI(Tehran, 1369/1990), p. 276. L. Golombek,"The Safavid CeramicIndustryat Kirman", Iran XLI (2003), p. 264, fig. 17, and p. 267.

of Thishammamis situatedabout10 m. to the north-east the Masjid-iMalik and is locally known as Hammam

Notes

Shaikh al-Islim. The takiyya is on the north side of the masjid and is known as Takiyya-yiMudiral-Mulk. In the 1360s/1980s many historic houses were demolished around the Masjid-i Malik and this area was gradually abandoned. 5 Sazman-i Naqsh-i BardarI-yiIran,photo no. 565165 (017). 6 The original small doorway was replaced with a new wooden door,which is dated 1413/1992. 7 According to the local people, this entranceis the oldest one and the others were erected later.Its presentaspect is plain;perhapsit was built in the Qajarperiod. 8 The main iwan of the Friday Mosque at Niriz has dimensions close to those of this iwa-n:7.52 m. wide and 18.3 m. deep. 9 In contrast to earlier and later monuments, such as the Chihil Dukhtirantomb tower (446/1054-55) in Damghan, and the FridayMosque of Yazd (largely 8th/14thcentury), these engaged columns are stumpyand do not extendto the of the Friday base of the arch. In the qibla iwan facade in 7th/13th Gunabad (early century), these Mosque to the springing are and extended columns higher engaged the of the archat the height of inscriptions. 10 N. Khanikoff,Memoiresur la partie meridionalede l 'Asie centrale (Paris, 1864), p. 156. 11 Ahmad 'Ali Khan VazIri, Thrikh-iKirman, updated by Agha Khan, in Thrikh-iS5lariyya, ed. M.I. Bastani P~arizi (Tehran,1340/1961) p. 407. 12 Survey,vol. III,p. 1034 and fig. 367. 13 Paintingon plaster can be seen in the Masjid-i Ganj 'All Khan in Kirman. It is also to be found in the Safavid monuments in Isfahan such as the Chihil Sutun. Unfortunately,there is only a small fragment of this decorationon the wall and finding an exact parallelis not

I

14

Acknowledgements I am very grateful to Professor Robert Hillenbrand for his advice and help in the writing of this paper. I should like to thank Mr JavadNazariya, the supervisor of the restorationof the mosque, for his valuable information, Mr FakurPas, the directorof the ICHO office in Kirman, for his support, and Ms M. Mubashshir, who provided me with some drawings from her unpublished dissertation.

Sh~h'~dil was thetitleof Tran Shah,the Saljuqrulerof Kirman. See Afdal al-Din Abti HIamid-iKirmani, Saljiiqiydnva Ghuzz dar Kirman, ed. M.I. Bast~nIP~rizIl (Tehran,1373/1994),p. 360. Thisareawas stillknownby this name in the early 20th century(P.M. Sykes, Ten Thousand Milesin Persiaor EightYearsin Iran[London, 1902], pl. facing p. 188).

'5

easy. Each stair is about 51-55 cm. wide and is made of baked brickin double stretchers.Each brickmeasures23.5 x 23.5 x 4 cm. and 24 x 24 x 4 cm. The closest parallelin the Saljuq era (6th/12th century)is the portal of a building which is locally known as the Masjid-i Imam Hasan in Ardistan (Godard, "Ardistanet Zavareh",Athcdr-e Irin I [Paris, 1936], p. 299 and fig. 196),

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andis alsoto be foundin theportalof theMadrasa-yi Du Dtr in Tabas(6th/12thcentury).Theremainsof the shafts (orperhapsportal)of twominaretscanbe seenon theroof of the north-easterniwan in the Friday Mosque of Gunabad. 16 Thedesigning of two separatestaircases insidethewallsof iwan to the In only for access the roofwas not standard. addition,the placingof two staircaseson eachside of an iwdnis notseenearlierthanthe6th/12thcentury. 17 It is morelikelythatthe original facadeof these double in was reconstructed later the storeys Qajarperiod. onthekirbandi-,seePrnimifa, "Gunbad 18isFormoreinformation darmimafri-yi Iran",AtharXX (1370/1992),pp.50-54. 19 Thisstyleof buildingcanbe seenin the Hamm?im-i Ganj 'AliKh~nandtheMasjid-iGanj'AliKhanin Kirman.Itis in Kinnrman, alsoa typicalstyleof domeconstruction as can be seenin theHammam-i Wakil(Qajarperiod). 20 Thereis no clueas to thenature of theoriginalmihrab. 21 The use of a landmark can be badgiras an architectural seenin otherbuildingsin Kirman,suchas the Madrasa-yi IbrWhim Khanandthe Karvansarai-yi Wakil,bothof the A. L. See Hutt and Harrow,Islamic Qajar period. Iran2 (London,1978),p. 151,pl. 127. Architecture: 22 The of the Masjid-iMalikis patronof the reconstruction not clear,but it can be attributed to Muhammad IsmW'Il Khan-iNuri, laterentitledWakilal-Daula,who was the pishk5r (majoragent) of the governorof Kirmanin 1282-85/1864-68(VazIn2, 7arikh-iKirman,p. 404). The of thismasjidcontinuedin Wakilal-Daula's reconstruction time, when he became the governor of Kirman (1277-83/1868-76). He also constructedthe Wakil complexin Kirmanand built or restoredseveralcaravansaraisin Kirmanprovince(VazIni, Thrikh-iKirman,pp. it seemsthatthe 405-6). Fromthearchitectural standpoint, planof the Fridaymosqueof Kirman(8th/14thcentury) was imitatedandtheselwanswereaddedto the masjidin the courseof its reconstruction. Fortheplanof thisFriday vol. see Mosque, Survey, III,p. 1101andfig. 395. 23 There are two undated Qur'anicinscriptionbands on tileworkin the courtyard fagadeof thenorth-westandthe south-eastiwans.Accordingto thelocalpeople,theywere 24 25

writtenin the 1350s/1970s. This Twanwas repairedin the 1320s/1940s. Theexact dateof the erectionof thecoveredareasaround the courtyardis not clear. These spaces are known by the name of the patronwho repairedthem;the shabistanon the north side of the courtyardis attributedto Shaikh .Hasan the Faqih, the Imam Jum'a of the Masjid-i Malik around middle of the 20th century.The south-westshabistainof the

26

27

to AghaMirzaIsma'ilVazirin the late masjidis attributed Qajarperiod.The south-eastshabistanis knownas the Shabistan-i Dilmaqnmi. E. Schroeder mentionsthisbuildingas anoldmosque;see Survey,vol. III,p. 994. Thereis no evidenceforthisevent,butthe localpeopleof Shushtar believethatthesameeventhappenedin theircity andthathe prayedin the Fridaymosqueof Shushtar. See Imam ShushtaI, Tarikh-ijughrafiyd-yi Khifzistan(Tehran,

28

29

30

31

32 33

Hasan 1331/1953),p. 131. The remainsof the Imamn tellthesamestory.TheMasjid-iJami'mosquein Ardistan iBazarin Nihavandis also knownas the Masjid-iImam Hasan. The IranianCulturalHeritageOrganisation (henceforth ICHO). Sincetwo of thesepierswereembeddedin the wall,their plasterfinish implies that the originalshabistanwas probablylarger. A fadedphotoshowsthismihrabin themiddleof the20th century,butthe outerbandof themihrabis notto be seen ed. SayyidMuhammad HashimI Kirma-n, (see Mazairat-i Kirmani[Tehran,1330/1952],p. 69). Accordingto the of the masjid,MrNazariya, supervisorof the restoration thismihrabwas coveredby a layerof plasterandtheouter bandof it washiddenby theflankingwalls.He alsosaysa nichewithkahgilrevetmentis placedbehindthispresent theoriginal mihrdbintheqiblawall.Thisnicheis probably ImamHasan. mihrabof the Shabistan-i It is likely thatthis corridorwas originallypartof the Shabistan-i ImamHasan. Thesepiershavebeencoveredagainandarenowunderthe pavingof theroof. For nine-baymosquetypes in Iran,see R. Hillenbrand, "AbbasidMosques in Iran",Rivista degli Studi Orientali

34

LIX(1985),pp.200-5. Thereis anotheroriginallyfree-standing Seljuqminaret adjacentto the Masjid-iPaManar,to thenorthsideof the Masjid-iMalik.Thisminaretstandsbesidetheentranceof the masjid.This entrancehas an inscriptionbanddated 793/1390 (D.N. Wilber,the Architectureof Islamic Iran:

The IlkhanidPeriod [Princeton,1955], p. 188). The minarethas an octagonalbase about2.5 m. high, on which the remainderof its cylindricalshaft rests. The staircaseof the minaret which led to the shaft was destroyed about twenty years ago. This minaret was restored in the 1370s/1990s. It seems thatthis minaretwas a shortminaret like the minaret beside the Masjid-i Malik. It also may suggest thatthe second bay in the northand north-eastside of the masjidwas added later.

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35

36

37

38

39 40

41

42

Hutt and Harrow,Islamic Architecture:Iran 1(London, 1977),p. 45, pl. 13. For more informationon this minaret,see A.M. Hutt, "ThreeMinaretsin theKirmanRegion",JRAS(1970),pp. 172-75. Survey,vol. III,p. 1034,fig. 367. bands abovetheinscription Theplacingof floraldecoration in theqiblalwanis seenin theFridayMosquein Ardistan. Golombek,op. cit.,p. 265. As earliermentioned,the areaaroundthe Masjid-iMalik was redeveloped by Ganj'Ali Kh5n;it is likelythemasjid was redecorated by his orderatthe sametime. A similarpatterncanbe seen in the mihrabof the Friday Mosqueat Fahraj.See Alfieri,"La MoscheaGami' di StudiIranici,Rome(1977),tav.XI, a,b. Fahrak", The closest parallelin Iranis the Masjid-iPminArat Zav5reh(see S.R. Peterson,"TheMasjid-iPa Min5rat ArtibusAsiaeXXXIX/1[1977],pp.60-90) and Zavareh", the IkhwatYusufmausoleumin Cairo.See also K.A.C. Creswell, The Muslim Architectureof Egypt I (repr.New

York, 1978),pl. 118a. 43

Survey,vol. VIII, pl. 391.

44

Survey,vol. VIII,pl. 314. C.E. Bosworth,The New Islamic Dynasties (Edinburgh, 1996),p. 186. KirmanimentionsthatTi7ranShahorderedthathis sara (house), and beside that the Masjid-iJami', madrasa, khanaqdh,bimaristan(hospital)and garmaba (public

45

46

47

48

49 50

51

157

bath),shouldbe built outsidethe rabadof the city in 478/1085-86, and endowed many things for them pp. 367-68). Thetextalso saysthat Saljfiqiydn, (Kirmani, of TiranShAhwaslocatednearthemosque themausoleum (Mashizi,p. 276).Atpresent,thereis no clueto thelocation of anyof thesebuildingsexcepttheMasjid-iMalik. There is no trace of this originalband. At present,a band(Qur'an62:1-8)in Kuficis to be Qur'anicinscription seen in this frame.This bandwas executedby the local office of the Mirath-i Farhangi in Kirman in 1380-81/2002-3. Accordingto thereportof theICHOofficein Kirman,and AbdullahGhuchani. alsopersonalcommunication A. Ghuchani. Personalcommunication GodardmentionsthattheFridayMosqueatNirizwasbuilt inthe4th/10thcentury(seeGodard,"LeMasdjid-e Djum'a de Niriz",Athar-eiranI (1936)pp. 163-72),butit is more likely thatits qibla iwanwas built later,in the 6th/12th century. in the 1370s/1990sin theArg Inthecourseof restorations of Bam,two columnswere foundin the northandsouth iwansof the Fridaymosque.More investigationby the local office of the ICHOin Bamrevealedthattherewas originallya riwdq(arcade),two bays deep, aroundthe witha loftyqiblaiwan.Thereportof thisinvescourtyard this mosque tigationis not yet published.Unfortunately, was completely destroyed by the earthquake in 1382/2003.

BAYAZID BEG TURKMAN'S PILGRIMAGETO MAKKA AND RETURN TO GUJARAT:A SIXTEENTHCENTURYNARRATIVE By Simon Digby Rozel, Jersey, C.I.

I. BAYAZID'SLIFEAND CAREER

operationsandwas assigneda taskof land-assessment in connectionwith Akbar's currentattemptsat the narrratives of travel from India settlementof revenue.His competencewas such that First-person Mughal arenot common,andthe narrativeherepresentedmay he was thenmadeDaroghaof the imperialtreasury;but be of interestto wider circles than those who work his heartwas evidentlynot in suchemploymentandhe solely on Mughal political history.' In particular, hadamassedpersonalsavings.WhenBayazidinitially becausethe accountoccursin an autobiography of a soughtleaveto go on pilgrimagein March1578he had second-rankMughal militarycommander,who was been morethanthirty-sixMuslimyearsin the service of the MughalemperorsHumayunandAkbar. engagedfor most of his activeyearsin campaignson theeasternandnorthernfrontiersof theMughalempire, Boththe outsetandthe returnof Bayazid's are it does not appearto have attractedthe attentionof set againstthe troubledbackgroundof the unconsolih.ajj historiansof the hajjto Arabia,the maritimeactivities datedholdof theMughalemperorAkbaruponGujarat, of the westernIndianOcean,of the functioningof the in the two decadesbetweenthe initialdispossessionof of the bandar-i mubarak the lastindependentSultanof Gujarat,MuzaffarIII,in great port Surat, ("blessed from which Indian and Transoxanian port") pilgrims 1572, and the latter's final captureand suicide in embarkedfor the Holy Places,or of the life of these December 1592. Popular historiography is still inclinedto see the expansionandconsolidationof the pilgrimsin Arabia.2Forstudentsof all thesetopicsthis accounthas itemsof information.3 Mughal empire under the emperorAkbar as a triOne may give thoughtto circumstanceswhich led umphalistprogress.One may moreproperlyregardit to Bayazlid'sresolveto go on hajj.He hadbehindhim as a consequenceof recurringfactorsof instabilityboth morethanthreedecadesof arduouscampaigning,and withinandbeyondthe Mughalfrontier.In this period, had attainedthe positionof chief confidantof the late the still-youthfulemperorAkbarwas strugglingwith first noble of the realm and commanderof Akbar's indifferentsuccess to establishhis authorityover an easternIndiancampaigns,Mun'imKhan.In October inherited"Chaghatayidelite", who - it has been 1575 Mun'imKhan,aged over eighty Muslimyears, argued perceived sovereignty as a shared diedof a plaguethathadbrokenoutin Bengal.Bayazid possession.6 himself took chargeof the funeralarrangements and A preconditionof the advanceof Akbar'sarmies of themajorfortresses provisionfor his widow and the settlementof claims intoGujaratwas the subjugation on his effects. Bayazid gave up his own post as of northernIndia, a process which had just been commandantof the fort of Chunarand went to the completed.The internaldisordersof the Sultanateof court at Sikri. the Turanian imperial Fathpur Among Gujaratthat had extendedthroughthe previoustwo elite of the IndianMughal court he was a man of decadesalso invitedoutsideintervention. An urgentreasonfor Akbar'simmediateintervenreputation,if not of greatrank.4His statusis conveyed tion in Gujaratwas the footholdthathis cousins"the by his inclusionas no. 299 in Abu '1 Fazl's list of "GreatOnesof the EternalRealm"(buzurgain-ijaived- Mirzas"were establishingthere. Fugitives from his dawlat).5 He was respected for his courage and own court, their Timurid dynastic claims were efficiency,but he was thoughtof as the confidential undeniablyappealingto membersof his warrior&lite.7 follower of a figure who had been declining in Younger than the emperor himself, they were influence.Mun'imKhanwas now dead,and BayazId beginningto show a skill in long-range"manoeuvre was ageingandlackeda patronamongthe factionsof warfare"thatrivalledhis own. They hadno difficulty the court.He was sent on a numberof minormilitary in recruitinghigh-classMughaltroopers,so long as 159

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they couldextortmaintenancefromthe countryside.A contemporaryin Gujaratdescribeswith wonderthe war-bandof one of these princes,1,000trooperseach providedwith two sparehigh-class"'Iraqi"mounts, "whodid not know the sunset"and couldtravelover vast distances(100 mi) in a day andnight.8Leaving aside other aspects of the annexatorycampaignsin Gujarat,we maynotethatAkbarinitiallydislodgedthe Mirzasonly by employingsimilartacticsat greatrisk to his own person. The Mughalemperoralso had majorproblemsin retainingcontrol of Gujarat,which eruptedin the formidablerebellionthatbrokeoutjustas Bayazidwas returningfrom hajj in 1583. Another factor that thwartedimperialMughalintentionsin Gujaratwas the presenceof the Portuguese.The Portuguesewere in controlof the enclaveof Damanandthe island-fortress of Diu acrossthe Bay of Cambay.They had a welldeveloped geo-politicalideology, derived from the reconquistaof their own Christianhomeland,which was stronglyopposed to any consolidationsof the power of Muslimstates;and they were consciousof the threatto the maritimeenclavesof the Estado da Indiafromthe expansionof the powerfulnorthIndian stateof the Mughalseven beforethe two powershad advancedto a commonfrontier.9 At the outset,the Mughalcourtwas ill-informed about the Portuguese. Their presence was more vexatious than dangerous,because it hinderedthe enjoymentof an anticipatedbenefitof the conquestof Gujaratand its ports,the easieraccessby the Mughal and CentralAsian 1eliteto the sea-borneroute of pilgrimageto the holy citiesof Arabia.ThePortuguese were in conflictwith Mughalauthorityon accountof the customsthatthey attemptedto levy on the tradeof the greatportof Suratthroughtheirtwo strongholdson either side of the sea-lane.Bayazidgives a detailed accountof the oppressiveoperationof these.Whatwas resentedby the emperorandMughalruling particularly class were the restrictionsthe Portugueseimposedon the passageof vessels carryingpilgrimsto the Hijaz. Abu '1 Fail, court-historian of the Mughalemperor Akbar, twice refers to the Portuguese - their local ofificials being identified as the "Amirsof the Islands of the Firangis"- as "a stumblingblock in the way of travellers to the Hijaz."''1 The Mughals came into the vicinity of the Portuguese as soon as they displaced Sultan Muzaffar and "the Mirzas" in 1572-73. Initial contacts were

STUDIES

amicable,butin 1580,at a timeverycloseto Bayazid's fromSuratto Makka,Akbarorderedanarmy departure "tocapturethe Portugueseports"in Gujarat."A battle latertookplace on landoutsideDamanin April 1582, in which the Mughal and Portuguesecommanders enteredinto hand-to-handcombat, and the Mughal forcewas defeated.12 In the end,sucha journeyto the Holy Placescould only be performedby Mughaldignitariesafternegotiating the price of the permissionof the Portuguese. GulbadanBegamandthe otherladiesof the imperial householdwere delayed for a year in Suratby the necessity of securing a laisser-passer from the Portuguese.Ultimately,throughthe agencyof a nonMuslim intermediaryof Cambaycalled KalyanRai, this was procuredfor them by Qilich Khan,who had beensentbackto his commandat Suratby the emperor for this purpose.13 TheMughalauthoritieshadto offer a considerableinducementforthe privilege. Only the Jesuit missionaryMonserratementions the inducement that had to be offered to the Portuguese,the assignmentof a jagir granted to GulbadanBegam at Bulsar on the bordersof the enclave at Daman -

"Butzaris[recte Bulsaris], which

had been given to the Portugueseby the aunt of Zalaldinus when she was staying at Surat and preparingforajourneyto Mecca.Herobjectin making the giftwas to ensurefriendlytreatmentin case she fell in with the Portuguesefleet on the voyage. However, on her returnfrom Mecca the old lady, no longer havingto be on good termswith the Portuguese,told the peopleat SuratthatButzarisshouldbe given back againtogetherwithits land."'14 Regardingthesenegotiations, Abu '1 Fazl as court-historian reports:"The Amirs of the islands of the Firang ...had become

submissiveandobedientandthe renownof thejustice andpiety of the world'sLordhad spreadfromQaf to Qaf.",15

Bayazidembarkedfrom Suratfor the Hijaz only two years later.Bayazid'snarrativeprovidesa vivid descriptionof the inconveniencesinflicted by the Portuguesepresenceon the coast. His accountof the behaviour of the Portuguese in collecting "the tithes of Diu" ('ashiir-i Div) from Mughal shipping is in stark contrast to Abu '1 Fazl's bland account of the subservience of the Firang. Qutb al-Din Khan and Qilich Khan, the commanders in Gujaratwho figure in this portion of Bayazid's narrative, were from the entourage of the

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youthfulemperorat the time of his accession.QutbalDin was one of the Atgah Khayl or "tribeof fosterkin".He was a brotherof Shamsal-Din AtgahKhan whose murderby AdhamKhanin 1562 hadled to the firstdecisivedisplayof authorityby the youngprince Akbar,then nearly fourteenyears old. Before this, BayazlidhimselflistsQutbal-Dinin Akbar'sentourage when his fatherHumaytinset out from Kabulon his reconquestof Dehla.16Thejafgirsof thisover-powerful from groupof foster-kinhadrecentlybeen transferred the Panjabto Malwa,adjacentto Gujarat.At the time of the initialcampaignhe was summonedfromMalwa. He playeda largepartin operationsandwas giventhe sarkar of Bharochas jagir for the maintenanceof forces in westernGujarat.Later,Qutbal-Dindirected operationsagainstthe Portuguesesettlementof Daman in 1580 and 1582.17Qutbal-DinKhanwas alsojointowner, with Qilich Khan, the other major Mughal commanderstationedclose to the Gulf of Cambay,of the vessel in whichBayazidtravelled.Qutbal-Dinlost his life in the rebellionof 1573-74, and the news reachedBayazid on a vessel off the South Arabian coastas he was travellingback. Qutb al-Din's partner in the ship-building enterprise,QilichKhanAndijani,was a descendantof the leadershipof the JavanQurbangroupof the old Turkishtribalnobilitywho had been incorporatedin Amir Temur'sconfederation,and his grandfather had beenin the serviceof SultanHusaynBayqara.is8 Onhis mother'sside, QilichKhanwas probablya nephewof the emperorAkbar'smotherHamidaBanu Begam, whichwouldaccountfor his promotionto high office. He was presentwhen Ban-'s brotherKhwaja H.amida Mu'azzamwas beaten to death before the young emperorfor murderinghis wife.19This wouldaccount forhis promotionto highoffice.His brothersappearto have remained in his following throughouttheir careers.In A.H. 980/1573, in the initialcampaignof the conquesthe was given commandof operations againstSurat,whencethe Mirzashadto be dislodged, and he was subsequentlyappointedgovernorof that city.20Like otherMughalcommanders,Qilich Khan

from hajj.He chose to remainthere,evidentlyunder QilichKhan'sprotection,thoughin extremepoverty.23 A considerable numberof IndianandTransoxanian in this decadeunderthe patronage who sailed pilgrims of theMughalemperorreceivedgenerousmaintenance from the public treasury,"so that at great public expense,with gold and goods and rich presents,the In emperorsent them on a pilgrimageto Makka."24 contrastto these,it seemsthatBayazidwas givenleave to undertakethejourney,at his own expense,andwith an enquiryinstitutedat the Mughal court into the sourceof his money. Bayazidhadto wait for two yearsat Surat,andto sufferthe enquiryintothe sourceof his wealth,before orderswere issued fromthe emperorat Fathpur-Sikri permitttinghim to depart. He embarked, at the roadsteadof Surat,and the ship Muhammadipassed intotheopenseabeyondDiu andDamansix dayslater, evidentlyon 18 March1580. Both the timingof this sailing,andthe factthattherewereno otherpilgrimsof distinctionor with assets on board,suggestfactorsof whichBayazidmusthave been awarebuthas omitted fromhis account.In February1580Qutbal-DinKhan hadbeenorderedby the emperorto getreadya forceto attackthe Portugueseenclaveat Daman.25 Accordingto his own account,Bayazidwas the only pilgrimon boardwith the meansto advancethe sum demandedby the Portugueseas customs.Thecircumstanceandthetimingof the sailingsuggestthatthe ship was filled with a hurriedassembly of poor pilgrimswaiting in the port for passage.Theremay have been a plan to put this ship owned by the two local Mughalcommandersout of range of possible Portuguesenavalattack.Bayazidwas a skilledarcher, andin his accountof the returnvoyagehe claimedthat his presenceon boardhadpreventedthe populationof the settlementsof Shihror Zufarfrom attemptingto board and take the vessel. However, he does not mentionthis possiblerole on the outwardvoyage,and possibly the defence would not have been of much availagainstthe lightcannonof Portuguesecraft. In contrastto the long delayson the returnjourney,

alternatedspells of time administeringhis local charge with periods of attendance at the Mughal court or on campaigns. As we have noted, he was in charge of the negotiations for the despatch of the royal ladies to Makka in 1576.21 Qilich Khan remained in charge of this great port for nearly two decades.22Bayazid went to Suratat the invitation of Qilich Khan after his return

Bayazid's outward voyage on the ship ammadi was swift and smooth. They were on the Muh. Arabian Sea out of sight of land for just a fortnight.The only event that he records is the exchange of messages outside Aden with the party of Mughal ladies who were returningfrom Makka. The messages were conveyed by two light sailing craft sent out from the harbour.

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fromthe port Bayaziddoes not reportany interference travellerscommunicatauthorityat groupsof "Indian" ing withone another.Themessageswereexchangedin the firstdaysof April 1580.AfterBayazidhadwritten them a letterwith his news, the royal ladies sent in reply a message that reachedhim in Makkaby an overlandroute(az rah-i khushki).Onewondersabout the informalpostal networkthat must have existed throughthe Yemen. Afterthis, Bayaz-idprovidesno accountof passage the at Jiddaor of arrival up Red Sea,of disembarkation at Makka.Bayazid'saccountof his sojournat Makka providesno evidenceof the effectivenessof Ottoman authorityoverthe holy city,or of the mannerin which this affectedvisitorsfrom Indiaand CentralAsia some rich andinfluential,andothersdestitute- who residedin the holy city for long periods.The gaps in regardingconditionsin the holy Bayazid'sinformation cities are notable,and may reflecta linguisticbarrier. By contrast,the narrativeof Ha`jjial-Dabir,referringto a periodof a littlemorethanfourdecadesearlier,shows that ordersissued from Cairoregardingan important Indianpartywere put into effect with alacrity.There was an instantsummons,with hearingandjudgement givenby a courtheld in the mosqueat the Babal-Safa, consistingof the Aminof the baytu 'l-mal(probably identicalwiththeAminof Jiddah),theEfendi(Ottoman representativein Makka)and the Chief Qa?i. This accountalso atteststo the largemeasureof authority held by the Sharif Abfi Numayy II b. Barakat(r. 1527-84), at any rate around 1537.26

After1573,Mughalcontrolof Gujaratincreasedthe desireamongindividualsin high Mughalcourtcircles to performthe hajji,which was previouslyoften the resortof the defeatedor those condemnedto exile. In the effort to consolidatehis still insecurerule, the emperorAkbarhimselfwas also constantlyexploring freshideologicalsourcesof authority.The subsidising of the andof a moreinfluentialIndianpresencein h.aji Makka appealedto Akbar,at least until his attention was turnedto his attemptat a newreligioussynthesisin the thedin-iilihi. He thengrewdisilllusioned regarding rapacity of the Meccans and of his own emissaries. There is evidence of the emperor's earlier intentions from a contemporary observer who served in the Gujaratcampaigns:27 Whenthe kingdomof Gujaratwas includedin the empire,the imperialresolve,whichis the emperorof

wasconfirmed thateveryyearoneof the resolutions, atttendants ofthethreshold shouldbeappointed tothe postof Mir

anda caravan(qcfila)shouldbe sent

.jif; likethe fromHindostan qfiias of EgyptandSyria.

The OttomanSultans, who, like their Mamluk predecessors,extendedtheir authorityover the holy citiesof Arabia,weresensitiveto the challengethatthe Mughal ruler's initiative presented,and they took measuresto counterit. A series of Ottomanfarmains andordersfromSultanMuradIII,or fromthe Ottoman governorof Egyptdirectedto the SharifAbfiNumayy, attemptsto limit the residenceof Indianmujdwirsat Makka, and also of the group of ladies from the Mughalimperialfamilywho weremakinga prolonged stayin the Holy City.28 Thenegativeevidenceof Bayazid'sstraightforward narrative- whichis devoidof signsof officialediting - suggeststhese directivesdespatchedfromIstanbul andCairomayhavehadlittleeffect.Perhaps,as in the followingcentury,Indianmoneytalkedto the shurafai and populationof the Holy City.29The two lettersof the OttomanSultanobjectingto the presenceof the Mughalladies at Makkahad only been issued a few weeks beforethe path of theirreturnvoyage crossed thatof Bayazid.The secondorderwouldprobablynot have arrived before they left Makka. The ladies themselves may also have not been displeasedto return,afteran absenceof fouryears,to the luxuriesof the Mughalcourtand theirextendedimperialfamily. Thereis no hintin Bayazid'saccountof theirmaltreatmentatthe handsof the Turkishgovernorof Aden,but this may have occurredlaterduringthe manymonths they had to pass at thatplace, when theirvessel was wreckedafterBayazidencountered them.Accordingto the official Mughal chronicle,the behaviourof the fromIstanbul.30 governorled to a reprimand We may turnto Bayazid'sown experiencein the Holy City.TheOttomanmissivessuggestedthatIndian pilgrims should be despatchedback with minimum delay afterperformingthe rites of the haji and not become mujiwirs aroundthe precinctof the Ka'ba. Having paid to be enrolled as a sweeper of the whom Bayazid himself was a type of Indian mujiwirh.aram, the directives sent from Istanbul were seeking to dislodge. Yet after the issue of the Ottoman orders Bayazid himself spent three years in Makka and Madina. He does not mention any trouble with the local authorities. There is no evidence in his account

BAYAZID BEG TURKMAN'S PILGRIMAGE TO MAKKA AND RETURN TO GUJARAT

thathe was molested,nor any mentionby him of the Ottomanpresencein Makka. A modem non-Muslimhistorianof the has h.ajj on "the notedthatfew mediaevalnarrationscomment Bayazidhad way the Meccansfleecedthe pilgrims."31 no complaint,having"achievedthe aim of distributing to the people of Makkathe Exaltedthe one lakh of rupees (Rs 100,000) in cash and goods that he had

broughtwithhim."32 Bayazid mentionsonly one Meccan recipientof these almsby name,the ShaykhMuhammad'AbdalIHayyShaybi, who had charge of the repair and cleaningof the pavementof the Ka'ba.By his name this recipientwas a memberof the clan of the Banui Shayba,descendantsof one of the Companionsof the Prophetand custodiansof the precinctof the Ka'ba, whose custodialrole is mentionedin earlieraccounts of the hajj,notablyby two pilgrimsof the eleventhand twelfth century, by Nasir-i Khusraw in 438 and 439/1046-47, andby IbnJubayrin 579/1183.33 Apartfromtheprivilegesof sweepingandrepairing the pavementof the precinct,"variouskindsof favour were displayedtowardsBayazidby the Sharifsand notablesof Makka."Bayazidthoughtof the dominant HasaniSharifs(shurafa)as a community,to whomhe madea substantialoffering.Thereis no mentionin his accountof AbtiNumayyas theirleader.On the other hand,his mentionof the "jewel-encrusted daggerfrom his waist" that he presented,perhapsindicateshis awarenessof sucha leaderamongtheshurafaf.34Of his totaldisbursement, to the shurafa' 9%was a "present" for land that he "hadtakenfor a tomb"in the most famousof Meccancemeteries,the Jannat-iMu'alla.In it he left the motherof his childrenandhis son Dhu 'lFiqar,who haddiedbetweenMakkaandMadina.35 Bayazidgives as the reasonsfor his returnto India the facts that his considerable funds were now exhausted,andthathe was worriedat whatmighthave befallenhis survivingsonsin the deteriorating political climatein Gujarat.Intheyear989/1581,afterthe death of his wife and of Dhu 'l-Fiqar,he had given his two surviving sons permission to leave Makka. News had later reached him that they had fallen into the hands of the Firangis at Daman. This would have been on the occasion of the unsuccessful attack of the Mughals on the Portuguese fortress in April 1582. The sons evidently did not long remain in captivity, as they wrote to Bayazid in Surat from the imperial court at Fathpurbefore the end of 992/January1585.36

163

Bayazidhas previouslystatedthathe passedthree years in Makka,but if he had departedfrom there beforethe end of 990 he would have spentless than two years. Bdyazidperformedhis final hajj in 990. This could only have taken place on the prescribed datesof the monthDhu 990/January1583.As 'l-H.ijja he stateslater,he was on boarda shipunableto sail to Indiafromthe coastof SouthArabia,whenthenews of SultanMuzaffar'srebellionin Gujaratreachedhim. Thisrevoltbeganin Muharram 991/February1583. His vessel was still off the SouthArabiancoast at the time of the zaytfinimonsoon or season, which occurs in May. He latermentions"theeight months that Bayazidwas on the ship."This from its context refersnot to the totaldurationof thejourneybutto the periodat the SouthArabianroadsteads,duringwhich Bayazidnever disembarkedfromthe ship. This time includedboth the 'Id in Ramazanand the 'Id of the Sacrifice,whichin A.H. 991 wouldhavefallenaround 18 Octoberand25 December1583respectively. Even if Bayazid's own resources had been exhaustedin Makka,he was in good standingwith NawwabQilichKhan,who, as evidencesuggests,may havehada sharein this shipalso. He wouldalso have beenwell-knownto otherprominentpassengerson the ship,whose nameshe mentionsin connectionwith an overland excursion which they made to visit a celebratedShaykhin the interiorof the Hadhramawt. Bayazidmay also, as he suggests,havebeen of use in the defenceof the vessel froman attackby the Arabs of the roadsteads.It mustbe assumedthatthese other passengersalso had the resourcesto inducethe local populationto bringsomeof the scantyfoodstuffsof the littoralto the vessel, which could have been supplemented by plentiful fish.37 It may be noted that members of the crew revealed their alternative professionas soldiers.Somehadtheirarmswiththem on boardshipandtheyexpressedtheirsympathieswith theGujaratipretender Muzaffar.TheMughalswerenot and these men are likely to have been seafarers, Muslims. Gujarati Bayazid was an old campaigner,inured to the hardshipsof deserts and high passes and the torrential downpour of eastern Indian monsoons. He makes no allusions to the discomfort of spending what appearsto be over a year on a vessel of a few hundredtons, riding on the surface of the waters of the Indian Ocean and buffeted by adverse winds. Instead, he provides an agreeable picture of sitting in the cuddy of the ship in

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thecompanyof a congenialfriend,takinganomen(/a/) fromtheDiwainof HIIafiz! The late dateat whichthe shipput intothe portof Goghain Kathiawaris establishedby a synchronism with the turbulenteventswhichhadtemporarily upset Thesecondand the advanceof Mughalrulein Gujarat. decisivedefeatof Muzaffarby Mirza'Abdal-Rahimin eastern Gujaratoccurredaround 1 March 1584.38 Muzaffarandhis forcesthenretreatedinto Saurashtra and Kathiawar.Among them were the rebellious Mughalsoldierswhom Bayazidnow encounteredas they were enteringthe town of Gogha.The dateof the returnlandfallof Bayazidon Indiansoil musttherefore havebeenin the secondor thirdweek of March1384. Amongthe factorsthathinderedthe consolidation in Gujarat,was the lack of of Mughaladministration reliability and rebellious feeling among both the commandersandthe Mughalsoldierystationedin the province.This was a problemthat in the previous decadehadconfrontedthe emperorAkbarin thetenure of his north-westernterritoriesand in his eastward expansionalso, but in each areathe resistanceto the consolidation of imperial authority took slightly differentforms. Early in the initial campaignof annexationof Gujarat,the young SultanMuzaffarhadbeen captured hidingin a cornfieldat the end of 1572.In accordance withMughalpractice,he hadbeensentintocaptivityin easternIndiaunderthe chargeof variousMughalcommandants- includingbrieflyBayazidhimself- in thefortressof Chunarandatthetimeof Mun'imKhan's deathin Bengal.39In 1578 Muzaffarescaped,returned to Gujaratandtookrefugein unsubduedregionsof the province.The socialcontactsmadeduringhis yearsof captivity had transformedthis timid boy into a formidableopponentof Mughalrule, and four years forhimto latertheygave riseto a singularopportunity recoverhis kingdom. In Gujarat,disaffectionamongthe Mughalsoldiers was ultimatelymoredangerousto the imperialcontrol of Gujaratthan the bouts of resistance of local zamindirs.This disaffectionwas largelyprovokedby

transferof the commanders withwhomtheyhadethnic links,andwith a furtherreductionin theirallowances of brandingregulations. throughtheenforcement Many deserted and offered their services to the local pretender.The rebellionwas initiallysuccessfuland occupied the provincialcapital of Ahmadabad,but ultimatelyit wasdefeatedby theemperor'sforcesunder the commandof a new youthfulcommander,'AbdalRahimMirzaKhan,who shortlyafterwardswas to be rewarded by the grant of his father's title of Khankhanan. Bayazid'spictureof the conditionsthat he found whenhe landedon Indiansoil is striking.Defeatedand lost rebelMughalsoldierscameintothe portof Gogha withoutarmouror clothes,and proceededto loot the goods of Mughalnotables(includingBayazidhimself) that were storedin the custom-house.These Mughal fugitives were in a vengeful frame of mind, and Bayazidthoughtthattheyintendedto kill him.Onecan malice and anger discernan elementof concentrated in their actions.40 the against emperor Six years of the Sultan's youth in honourable captivityin the careof Mughalofficershad evidently also createdthebondsthatledthe discontented Mughal soldieryto invitethe GujaratiSultanMuzaffarto lead themin theirrebellion.41 Bayazid also mentions his meeting with the retreatingSultanMuzaffar,with whom, as we have seen, he was previouslyacquainted.SultanMuzaffar gavehimpermissionto leaveandrejoinQilichKhanat Surat,whichis perhapsan indicationthathe felt no ill will towardshim fromthe dayswhenBayazidwas his keeper.

the emperor's attempts to reform the structure of command and increase the central administration's share of the revenue. Probably some men of the garrrisonsleft in the province had previously served in the bands of the Mirzas. Before the time of Bayazid's return from his pilgrimage, the Mughal garrisons stationedin Gujaratwere faced with the prospect of the

was at the instance of interestedpeople who had represented to the emperor [Akbar]that Bayazid was taking away with him much gold and /many/ jewels. The farman of high dignity [the imperial order]was issued to Nawwab Qilich Khan42and his brothersto investigate /Bayazid/'s goods and to detain him until a further orderwas received.

II. BAYAZID'SNARRATIVE In /the month of/ Muharram of the year 986/March-April1578 /Bayazid/receivedleave to go to the BlessedHouse[Makka],andwithhis sonshe set In accordance outfortheBlessedJourney[pilgrimage]. with the /imperial/command,he was in Surat./This

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Whenthey investigatedthe matterit becameclear that/Bayazid/hadcashandpurchasesworthonelakhof rupees [Rs. 100,000],which he had broughtinto the andhadladenon to theships.Whentheinventory port43 was submittedfor imperialperusalin Fathpur[-Sikri], His Majestypronounced: "It is nearlytwo generations[qarn]that/Bayazid/ has servedthis/imperial/line.44Now, how muchis one lakhof rupeesthathe is takingwith him to circumambulatetheHolyPlacesthatpeoplesay abouthimthathe is carryingmuchgold andjewels? Theironly purpose was thatwe shouldkeephimfromgoingon theBlessed Journey!" /However,/the emperorneglectedthe matterfor anotheryear,andseveraltimesfarmanswere issuedto Bayazid/to the effect/that: "Ifyou cannotcometo attenduponus, we give you as stipend(/gir) foryourselfandyoursonsanydistrict (mahall)in Gujaratthatyou choose. Whenyou have goodsenough,you will cometo the court." Later, it became evident to His Majesty that /Bayazid/hadno hiddenpurposeor deceitin going on the BlessedPilgrimage,anda freshorder(farman)was issued: "Ashe is determined(risikh),he may go!" On 24 Muharram, the year 988/12 March1580, I embarkeduponthe ship whichNawwab Muh.ammadi al-Din Khan and Nawwab Qutb QilichKhanhadbuilt in partnership. Untiltheendof themonthit remainedin the neighbourhood of the inlet(khfurband) of Daman,45 andthetax-farmers of theharbourof Damandemanded thecustomsof Diu.46Theycouldnotfix/the sumof/ the customsuntiltheyhadboardedthe shipandhadseenits hold ("belly").They demandedthat the elder son of Bayaz-id,who was calledSa'adatYar,shouldbe given to themas a pledge.Bayazidsaid: "He knowsthe Hindawiand Firangi[northIndian andPortuguese]languages.47 Whenyou comeon board the matterwill be delayed.Of my othertwo sons, one of whom is calledIftikharandthe otherDhu 'l-Fiqar, takewhicheverone you want." Finally,they chose Iftikhar.They were on board

the peoplein the shipthathe wouldreclaimit without incrementat Jiddah.s50 The 10,000 Mahmudisfor customs('ashfr), were entrustedto Tejpal(?),51 who was the Chaudhariof thatport,andwerecarriedoff the ship, /together/with an invoice (tadhkira)for Hasan Chanuwho was the Nakhuda(Superintendant?) of the Afterthe eveningprayerIftikharwas shipsof Surat.52 takenon boardthe ship. At daybreakof the firstday of the monthSafar/18 March,they raisedanchor.Althoughit was the end of the/sailing/seasontheyreachedlandwithina fortnight, andthehillsof Aden('Adan)withits fortresscameinto view.By mid-morning two raqchaS53 comingout from Adenweresightedby theNakhud5(Master,orCaptain) andthe Mu'allim(Pilot)54 andby thepeopleof the ship. Whenthey drewnear,it becameknownthatthey had been sentto bringthe news of who was on boardthe ship - and from what port they had set out- to Nawwab GulbadanBegam, the daughterof Firdaws MakaniBaburBadshah,55and SalimaSultanBegam, Mirza,grandsonof daughterof Nuiral-DinMuhammad SultanHusaynMirzaBayqard,56 and Gul'izarBegam, daughterof Nawwab Mirza Kamran,57with Hazrat of KhwajaAhirar.58 KhwajaYahyafromthedescendants Thoughtherewas a favourablewind/to sail intothe Red Sea,/ Bayazidtold the Nakhudaand the Pilot to lower the sails (awzar)of the ship, and he wrote an account('ar?adisht)for the Begams of all that had befallenthe shipandthe peoplein it. The Begamsand the Khwajaall praised God'sMercyupon him- forwritingwell/Bayazid/-whathadbefallenthe ship.The reply to Bayazid'sreportreached/him/ overlandat Makka the Exalted. May God bless the life and conditionof the emperor!For if/the emperor/hadnot forbiddenBayaz-dfrom settingout when he was at Surat,he would not have attainedthe felicity of the greaterPilgrimage/to bothMakkaandMadina/!Forin truth,/the emperor/betteredBayazid'slot when he madehimtarryin Surat! Inthecourseof thethreeyearsthatBayaziddweltin the Holy Place [Makka]he gained divers /spiritual/ benefits.59Withinthe Holy House [the H.aram of the

from early morning- when they arrivedon a Firangi - until the evening prayer. grab (ghurcab)48 Since their demandon behalf of customs from those

Ka'ba], some portionsof the floor were out of place [beShaybi told jci]. Shaykh Muhammad 'Abd al-H.ayy to remove these stones and to BayazId repair /the down fresh lime-plaster[chana]. In flooring/ by laying the course of this year, every time that the flooring was washed and cleansed and swept he assigned this /task/ to Bayazid.

on boardthe ship /amountedto/ 10,000 Mahmudis,49 and no-one had even a single for the merit of Mah.mndi, releasing Musalmans from Firangis, Bayazid gave the Mahmidis as a benevolent loan, on the undertakingof

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In the threeyearswhen Bayazidwas in Makkahe was alsoenrolledin the sweepers[of theHaram].Inthe stationof Ibrahim[Abraham]he was also given entry beforethe /usual/time of admissioninto the House,60 /This continued/ and people also saw fine dreams.61 to the until/Bayazid/achieved/his/ aim of distributing the lakh of the Exalted one rupeesin peopleof Makka cashandgoodsthathe hadbroughtwithhim. Duringthe return/fromMadina/,the youngestson of Bayazid,who was called Dhu 'l-Fiq~rjoined the precinctof God [died] at Bi'r Mastura["thehidden well"]- forthe Arabscall a well bi'r- on the return journeybetweenMakkathe ExaltedandHoly Madina. Leftas a pledge,/Dhu'l-Fiqar/cameintoMakkathe Exaltedon 10 Rab' I 989/15 April 1581, and on the twelfthof the samemonthhe enteredthe House/of the Ka'ba/.Themotherof /Bayazid's/childrenenteredthe of thatmonth.Onthefourteenth Houseon thethirteenth she fell ill, andon the twenty-firstshejoinedthemercy of God.In the Mu'alla,62 /Bayazid/hadtakenlandfora from the Sharifs(shurafa•),64and he tomb (gorkhaina)63

had sent 3,000 Ibrahimis,65which amountto 9,000 rupees,as a presentto the Sharifs.Beforethis he had presenteda jewel-encrusteddaggerfromhis waistand choice goods of Indiawhich were worthy/of them/. Variouskindsof favourwere displayedby the Sharifs andothernotablesof Makkato Bayazid.Themotherof /Bayazid/'schildrenwas left in thatground,anda grave was also dug/there/for/his son/ Dhu 'l-Fiqar./A man/ called Bahadur,who was a servantof Bayazid'sson Sa'adatYar,andis nowadaysin the serviceof Shaykh went to Bi'r Masturaand brought Farid [Bukhafri],66 backthe bonesof Dhu 'l-Fiqar.Thesewerealsoplaced beside those of his mother./Bayazid/ made ready anothergravefor himselffacingthatof the motherof his children.He also spentone or two gharis67inside thegrave/to observe/thatit wasnottoo shortornarrow. The graveis now in the earthof Mu'alla;/Bayazid's own/ hope is that God -

may He be exalted -

may

grantthathis bonesbe interredthere! In the sameyear,/Bayazid/gave his sons leave /to depart/for the service of His Majesty [Akbar].He himself had decided that he would pass the remainder of his life dwelling in Makkathe Exalted. Since his fate was otherwise, in the year 990 [January1582-January 1583] Bayazid performeda supererogatory ajj. News h.they had of his sons also reached him. /It was/ that fallen into the hands of the Firangis at Daman.68Since nothing remained from his provisions for the journey,

STUDIES

andatthetimeof his departure to MakkatheExaltedhe hadnot saidfarewellto his sonsandrelationswhowere in India,in thisyear[read991] he set out forIndia.69 As it was the end of the /sailing/season,the vessel remainedstrandedattheroadstead(s) (bandar)of Shihr and Zufar.70After four months it was the zaytfini monsoon.71The wind beganto blow and they raised anchorfromtheroadsteadof Mukalla,broughtthe ship forwardoppositeShihrandanchoredit there,so thatthe fromtheshipcouldreturn peoplewhohaddisembarked to it.72 At the same time a tavari [dhow?]73came from

Diu and broughtnews from Gujarat,which was that [Sultan] Muzaffar Gujarati had raised his head He haddefeatedShihabKh•n75andtaken [rebelled].74 Ahmadabad.76 /Muzaffar/thenconfrontedQutbal-Din Khanin Baroda.The Khan,since his luckhadturned, notwithstandingthe great wealth that had been bestowedon him by the fortuneof His Majesty[biat this time used to give his soldiers dawlat-haziat],77 millet and leeks /to eat/. The soldierssimultaneously showedtheirfaithlessnessby desertinghim andgoing overto Muzaffar.Whenthe Khanhadno othercourse /opento him,/he /wentto/ see Muzaffar./The latter's/ Amirswere all in agreementthathe shouldbe killed. He wasputto deathtogetherwiththe sonof his sister.78 The emperorhad appointedMirzaKhan, son of BayramKhan,79to deal with Muzaffar.After he had hadgoneoff in exactly defeatedShihabKhdn,Mu~affar whichis betweenBarodaand the way to Champaner, He had establishedhimself /there/,while Bharoch.80 Nawwab Mirza Khan had capturedAhmadabad.81 When/news of/ this commotionreachedthe ship and of the the harbourof the city,the governor(shiqqddr)82 harbourof Shihrwantedto withholdfromthepeopleof the shippermission/to depart/,andhe wishedto take possessionof the ship. As Bayazidhad been famousin Indiafor various kindsof services,/the shiqqdar/was unableto detain the people of the ship.83At the time of the midday prayerhe gave /them/permissionto leave. The tandel ("tindal",boatswain)andthe sailors(khalisiin) of the ship had been previously in the employ of and at the time when they got the newsM.uaffar, /of his successful rebellion/ they donned quilted jerkins[?]84 and swords85and the weapons of soldiers. Mirza Niir al-Din Mulhammad,was the son of the and is nowadays in the sister of Qasim Naishapilur service of Khankh~n~n ['Abd al-Rahgm].86He and BayazId kept one anothercompany in the cuddy of the

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And/the Sayyidpronounced: ship.Theyhadwiththema copyof theDiwanof Hafiz. It occurredto Bayazidthathe shouldopen /the book/ "Yesterdaynight a meeting occurred between /as foran omenregarding[theformerSultan]Muzaffar, Akbar,theemperor myselfandJalalal-DinMuhammad to/ whetherGod wanted or wanted not what those of India, and I have him in the shadow of my people wanted, who desired Muzaffar'ssuccess.87 protection."94 The groupthat I have mentionedabove repeated Whentheyopenedthebooka ghazalcameup,of which whatSayyidAbaBakrsaid.He gavea capto the son of this is a couplet: Mir Zakariya'/for him/ to wear,andhe madehim his own khalifa(deputy).95 bird[huma, thebird AndAllahknowsbest! fromtheimperial Seekdominion Fromthatport [Zufar]they raisedanchorandtwo anditsshadow,88 of Humayuin] monthslatercameto the portof Gova [Gogha],which In Forneithercrownorkitepossessthe royalfeather portalso formerlyhada connectionwithMuzaffar.96 thatportalso they got news that,just as Muzaffarhad of courage. [thelongwing-feather] beenputdownatAhmadabad, he hadbeenputdownat andmostof his men werescattered.The ThisclearindicationfromKhwajaHafizconvinced Champaner,97 all the people of the ship that Muzaffarcould not followingdaysomeof his defeatedAmirsarrived,such as Dawlat,who was fora whileHajkim succeed.Duringthe eightmonthsthatBayazidwas on (governorof the the ship,he /only/ cameup /on deck/twice - for the of Mir 'Abid and town) Kambayat (Cambay),98 prayersof the 'Id in Ramaan and/forthoseof/ the 'Id Samarqandi,whom he had given the title of of the Sacrifice.His being on boardthe ship had this Khankhanan,99and MuhammadSalih,who had been muchbenefit,thatif he hadnot been/on it/, the people the servantof ShihabKhan and for some years had of Shihrand Zufarwould have seized the ship and governedthe sarkir of Sarangpurin the pargana of and the son of Muhammad'Ali Qundfizi, plunderedthe goodsof the pilgrims.89 Katihar,?00 At the earliesttime whenthe shipwas anchoredat who on thejourneyto Iraq[westernPersia]hadbeenin that roadstead a groupset out to wait upon the service of HIIazrat JannatAshiyani [the emperor [Zuf-ar?] whom he had been given the title of by SayyidAbaBakr,who was the maintainer(ghawth)of Humayfin],11o Khan.102 his age and was residentin the Hadhramawt.90 /There were also/ about150 men who Zafar They also pressedBayazid/to accompanythem/. Bayazid had lost touch with Muzaffaron the battlefield,and said: whentheywere searchingfortheirown camp(basi)103 "Fromwhat I have heard,he is always occupied they cameto thisport. with God.Ourcompanywill be a vexationto him.91If in thisport.Some Bayazidhimselfhaddisembarked of his goodsstillremainedin the customhouse(furza). you manageto waituponhimyou canalso conveymy Thesemenhadsuffereda beating'04 andhadarrivedin supplications." Therewere/present/SayyidHamza,/who was/ the a stateof distressandhadnot evenbrought/withthem/ son of Zakariya'Multaniand was the Polestarof his the armour and clothes (juba-jatma) that they Age in Makka,92and MawlandSalih and Mawlana possessed.105 They plundered/my/ effects, leaving Farrukh who werebothfromHisarShadman.Theyhad aside[payingno regardto] theiracquaintance /withme/ lived in Makkafor years and had both studiedthe and their being Muslims.They also put into prison Mishk&twith Qt2i MuhammadMaliki; and Mirza Bayazid[myself]andMirzaNOir al-DinMuhammad,106 and KhwajaMalik Mulhammad /who was/ the elder Shahrukh,son of MirzaKhanAndkho'i.Most of the of Transoxania were murids brother of Malik royal princes (salJtin) Khwaja IHusaynthe Diwan of of m/rzai.93 this Nawwab and MirzaShahrukhwho was (disciples) QilichKhan, When this group was waiting upon Sayyid Aba Bakr, Bayazid had remained behind in the ship, and they wished to express his supplicationsas he intended. The Sayyid /Aba Bakr/ said to the group: "You are free to express the salutation of Bayazid who has stayed behind on the ship. I have been acquaintedwith him for a long while."

the son of Mirza KhanAndkho'i,o07and TardiKhan,the son of the brotherof the wife of Qilich Khan; and they seized the goods that they had broughtfrom Makkathe Exalted for the emperorand the people of India.'o8 Finally, they allowed the group /of people/ whom they had put into prison to depart, one by one after Bayazid. Theirpurpose in confining Bayazid was to kill

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him. God -

may He be exalted-

OF PERSIAN

as He is informedof

all the actionsof his servants,and since this Bayazid waswithoutfault,atjustthistimeGodbrought[Sultan] Muzaffarout fromthe jungle and led him to this port [Gogha].When Bayazidwas released,he took leave fromthe above-mentioned [SultanMuzaffar]09andset out forthe portof Surat.BayazidreachedSuratduring the time when the brotherof the wife of Sultan Muzaffarwas in the fort of Baroch (Bharoch),and were andTillakKhan111 QilichKhan,NawrangKhan110 him.112 besieging QilichKhangot news of this [Bayazid'sarrival]and he wroteto Bayazid: "As a meeting took place betweenyourself and Muzaffar,if you come herethe stateof Muzaffarand those Katiyani13who are with him will become known." As /QilichKhan/had besiegedthe fort of Baroch [Bharoch]for a monthand therewas no sign of the distressof the men of the fort [thebesieged],Bayazid went to Baroch to meet Qilich Khan. /But/ since NawwabQutbal-Din Khanhadjoined the mercy of God and they had performedmourning also for Bayazid,aftertakingleave of all, NawrangKhan,114 returnedto Surat,andhe remainedtherefor a full year, becausethe waterandthe air [theclimate]suitedhim, andhe hadno ties. As Bayazid'ssonsIftikharandDhu 'l-Fiqarwere in the serviceof the emperor,they wrote somethingfromthe court:115s "Theemperorhas heardof yourcomingto Surat.It is not suitablefor you to stay/any/ longerthanthis in Surat." III.CONCLUSION After this news, Bayazidset out for the imperial court,andthe episodeof his pilgrimagewas ended.It hadtakensix yearsof his life, muchof it spentin frusin the portof Surat.Bayazidwas tratingcircumstances now an ancientsurvivor.It is dueto his longevitythat we owe the composition and preservation of the narrative. After his return, B~yazid was apparently given a succession of supervisoryjobs at the Mughal court. One of these was as superintendant of the imperial kitchens [Bakgiwal-begi or Mir Bakiiwal]. Bayazid was grantedthe administrationof the pargana of Sunam in the Panjab. Later, at his request this was changed to a grantof three bigas of land near the fort at

STUDIES

Lahoreto builda haveli(mansion),nearwhichhe built or repaireda well, a bridgeanda coupleof mosques.A stoneinscriptionon one of thesedescribeshim as "The Ilajji of knowing heart....valiant in the work of God."ll6Afternearlyhalfa centuryof servicehe hadan audiencewiththe emperorAkbar,who allowedhimto sit downin his presence.117 As themilleniumof the eraof the hijraapproached, the emperorand his idealogues- Abu '1 Fazl the historianand the latter'sbrotherFayAdthe poet projects that would planned large historiographical and the support Mughaldynasty magnifyits charisma. It musthavebecomeapparentearlyon thattherewas a dearthof historicalmaterialsfromthe chequeredreign of Akbar'sfatherHumaytin.Thisresultedin an urgent searchfor living witnesseswho could providefirsthandreminiscencesof the eventsof thatreign."8Three long-livedsurvivorscompletedtheir accounts,which becameavailableas materialsfor the magnumopusof the historiographical enterprise,Abu '1 Fail's Akbaraccountsfromold three These autobiographical nctma. of Gulbadan were those survivors Begam;of Mughal Jawhar Aftabachi, ewer-bearer of the emperor andof Bayazidhimself. Humaytin; We may discount Bayazid's protestations of illiteracy,ll9but he was clearly a man of the sword ratherthanof the pen. Akbar'scourthistorianAbu '1 Fail sentup a scribe(katib)to waituponBayazid,at a stillsupervistimewhenthe oldwarriorwas apparently ing the imperial kitchen in spite of a stroke.120 "/Bayazid/talkedandthe scribeof the Shaykh/ Abu '1 ThisscriberecordedBayazid's Fail / wroteit down."'121 recollectionsof the events of fifty years with what appearsto be singularfidelity to his spokenwords. in a single thisrecordhas beentransmitted Fortunately idioms characretains the that "unimproved" recension, adminisof teristicof the Indo-Persian speech Mughal trativeandmilitarycircles.The resultis a writtentext that appearsto mirrorBayazid'sown speech and his individualpoint of view. The text of the princess tale has a similarfreshness,butwe arenot Gulbadan's so fortunatein the case of the rdcitof the ewer-bearer Jawhar, of which the limited number of manuscripts representrecensions of increasingelaboracy.122 Additional evidence of the concertedhistoriographical project that led to the production of Bayazid's memoirs is furnishedby a note at their end, presumably directed to the amanuensis.'23This gives instructions about the productionof nine copies of the manuscript,

BAYAZID

BEG TURKMAN'S

PILGRIMAGE

and the arrangementsfor their distribution.Two copies were to go to the historianAbu '1Fa2l, and anotherwas to be despatched to the imperial library, in which an earlier copy had previously been mislaid. One of the other copies was destined for the princess Gulbadan Begam, who had previously exchanged letters with Bayazid when both of them were on their pilgrimages to Arabia.

Notes SBayazid Biyat, Tadhkira-yiHumdyiin wa Akbar, ed. M.

HidayatHosain(Calcutta,1941),pp. 353-63. The author refersto himselfas Bayazidtoutcourt,a customthatwe sourcesknowhim as BayazId shallfollow.Contemporary Beg Turkman.The Beveridges(AnnetteS. and Henry) appearto have initiatedthe practiceof callinghim by his tribalappelation of Biyat.Thetextsurvivesin a singleMs. in the formerIndiaOfficeLibraryholding,Eth6223; see of an Storey,vol. I, ii, pp.537-38,no. 702.Themanuscript translationby almostcompleteearly nineteenth-century Library HenryErskineis in the BritishMuseum/British holding (Ms. Additional 26,610). Henry Beveridge publishedan abstractof the contents,"Thememoirsof Bayazid(Bajazet)Biyat",in JASBLXVII/1(1898), pp. 296-316.Beforethepublication of theeditedtext,excerpts were translatedby B.P. Saksenaas "Memoirsof Baizid [sic]", in Allahabad UniversityStudies VI/1 (1930), pp.

2

71-146, and in the HistorySectionof the same Studies is incomplete (1939),pp. 1-82. However,this translation andvirtuallyinaccessible(thesecondparthadnotreached and Storey),and it stands in need of re-examination revision. Bayazid'saccountdoesnotfigurein thetextsorbibliographiesof two recentstudieswhichhavechapterson "The Mughalsand the Hajj","The Sea Routes";"Mughal Relationswiththe Sharifsof Mecca"and"TheProblemof HajjTraffic;MughalResponseand OttomanReaction";

TO MAKKA AND RETURN

3

Relations (Delhi, 1989). Annette S. Beveridge cites from the IndiaOffice Ms. the evidence of Bayazid in connection with the difficulties encounteredby GulbadanBegam and the otherroyal Mughal ladies on their returnfrom Makka; Gulbadan Begam, The History of Humayiin (Humayiunnaima),tr. Beveridge (London, 1902), Introd.,p. 74, n. 2. Inthe presenttranslation,roundbracketsare used when the originalPersianterm,which has a technicalsignificance,is

169

reproduced. Squarebracketsenclosean elucidation,and slashes denotean expansionof the Englishtranslation whichclarifiesthenarrative. 4 After negotiationswith Mun'im Khan, Bayazid had broughtthe news to the young emperorAkbarof the surrender of the formeratdaliq BairamKhan.The young him had watched emperor playing cards,and he was knownandtrustedby someof theroyalladies. 5 Abu '1 Fazl,A tn-i Akbari,ed. H. Blochmann(Calcutta, 1872),pp.222, 229. 6 Innovatoryassessmentsof the political and military situationsof the first twenty-fiveyears of the emperor Akbar'sreign are found in I.A. Khan, The Political Biography of a Mughal Noble: Mun'im Khdn Khan-i

The Khanan,1497-1575(Aligarh,1973);D.E. Streusand, Formation of the Mughal Empire (Delhi, 1989); J.

7

8

Gommans,MughalWarfare (London,2002). Still of use for the chronologicalsequenceand the identification of narrativesourcesis A.L. Srivastava,Akbarthe Great, (Agra,1972),vol. I. Streusand, pp. 102-5. Ulughkhanli(Hajji al-Dabir), Zafar al-walih: An Arabic History of Gujarat, ed. E. Denison Ross (London,

1921-28),vol. II,p. 599. 9 Earlierhistorianshavepossiblypaidtoo littleattentionto the ideologyof the Portugueseexpansionand overseas empire, and plans to counterthe power of potential enemies. This defect is now being remediedby such studies as the collection of essays edited by S. Subrahmaniam,Sinners and Saints; the Successors of

Vascoda Gama(Delhi,1995),notablyin Subrahmaniam's own essay"TheViceroyas Assassin:the Portuguese, the and Deccan c. 162-203. Politics, 1600",pp. Mughals 10 Abu '1 Fazl, Akbar-nama,text, vol. III, pp. 145, 280; tr.,

vol. III,pp.205, 280. 11 Ibid.,text,vol. III,pp.280-81;tr.,vol. III,p. 410. 12 Ibid., vol. III,tr.,p. 410, notecitingDanvers,vol. II,p. 42; V. Smith,Akbarthe GreatMogul.:1542-1605 (repr.Delhi, 1958), pp. 145-46; A. Husain, Nobility underAkbar and

Jahangir(New Delhi,2002),p. 56.

M.N. Pearson,Pious Passengers: the Hajj in Earlier Times

(New Delhi, 1994); N.R. Farooqi, Mughal-Ottoman

TO GUJARAT

13

Akbar-nama,tr., vol. III, p. 246; Badayani,Muntakhabaltext, vol. II, pp. 242-43; tr., vol. II, p. 249. tawatrikh, Badayini, who mentions the name of Kalyan Ray in this connection, calls him a dallcl, but this may have been intended satirically,as he appears to have been a local landholder.As suggested by H. Beveridge, he is probably identical with the Kalyan Rawad (=Rawat or possibly Rao?)mentionedby the MirOt-iSikandariand the Mir iti Ahmadi;Akbar-nama,vol. III, tr., p. 613, n. 2. /Sayyid/

170

JOURNALOF PERSIAN STUDIES

narrative asHIkim of Dawlat,mentionedlaterin BayazId's Kambayat,is describedby these sourcesas Kalyan's servant.Rawat,Rao or Ray shouldindicatea local nonMuslimchieftain. 14

15

16

J.S. Hoyland and S.N. Banerjee, The Commentary of Father Monserrate, on his Journey to the Court of S.J.

21

22 23

Akbar(London,1922),p. 166;cf. Srivastava, vol. I, pp. 261-62. The grantof such a jagir on the bordersof the enclaveof Damanto theprincesscanonlyhave Portuguese been a manoeuvrein the negotiations for the issueof the

24

cartaz.

26

25

Akbar-nima,vol. III,p. 145;tr.,vol. III,p. 205;translation

by HenryBeveridgeslightlyamended.For the Mughal conceptionof the Firang[Franks]as inhabitantsof an islandor islandsin the circumfluent ocean,see S. Digby, the Ocean: of "Beyond Perceptions Overseasin IndoPersianSourcesof the MughalPeriod",Studiesin History 1999),pp.246-59. (NewDelhi),XV/2 (July-December BayazId,p. 184.ForQutbal-Din'spostingsin Malwaand Gujarat,where he had been assigned the sarkir of Bharoch, see A. Husain, The Nobility under Akbar and Jahangir: a Study of Family Groups (New Delhi, 1999),

favoured pp.53-54. Akbaratthisstageinthedevelopment of youngercommanders overtheheadsof theappointment theirseniorrelations.Qutbal-Din'snephewMirza'Aziz Koka was in commandin Gujarat.In an insightnot paralleledamongthe historiansat the Mughalcourt,Hajji al-DabircallsQutbal-DinKhanhis beglarbegiandataliq; 17

Zafaral-walih, vol. II, p. 600. Akbar-ndma,text, vol. III, pp. 280-81; tr., vol. III, pp.

409-10; Monserrate, pp. 166-71; Srivastava,vol. I, pp. 246, 260-61. 18

19 20

A 'in-i Akbari, vol. I, tr., pp. 380-81; Awrangabadi, vol. II, p. 534. Ma'athir al-umar', tr., BayazId,p. 252.

Forhis postingsin MalwaandGujarat, see AfzalHusain, Akbari,vol. I, tr.,pp.35 op. cit.pp.53-54. See alsoATin-i n. 2, 380-81; Ma Ithir al-umara, tr., vol. II, 534-39; F. text, ed. Mu'In al-Haqq Bhakkari,Dhakirat al-qawmnin,

(Karachi,1961),vol. I, pp. 172-75; tr. Z. Desai (Delhi, 1993), vol. I, 125-27; Ma41thiral-umar-', text vol. III, pp.

andfollowinghim 69-74;tr.,vol. II,pp.534-35.BhakkarI Ma'Jfthiral-umard' mention his brother Miram-Qilich. BayazIdcalls Miram-Qilich,Altun Qilich, and Jan Qilich "thebrothersJanaQurbani",pp. 193, 284, 371. It is likely thatthey were some of the "nearones" (nazddkan)recalled by Bayazid as having watched with him the beating of KhwajaMu'azam were Qilich Khan'sbrothers;Bayazid, p. 252. Otherdependantsof Qilich Khanwere on the vessel

27

fromMakka;see below. by whichBayazidreturned tr.Beveridge,vol. III,p. 276,n. 2; Badayuni, Akbar-nama, text,vol. II, pp. 242-43; tr.,vol. II, p. 249;Nizamal-Din Akbari,tr.,vol. II,p. 497. Ahmad,Tabaqat-i Mal'thiral-umarcitr.,vol. II,p. 535. BayazId,pp.363,272, darkamal-ibe-biza'atl. Badayoni,text,vol. II,p. 214;tr.,vol. II,p. 217. Akbar-nama, tr.,vol. III,pp.271-72, 409-10;text,vol. III, pp. 192, 280-81; Tabaqdt-iAkbari,tr., vol. II, p. 492; vol. I, p. 246. Srivastava, Ulughkhani,7Zafaral-walih, vol. II, pp. 626-28, with a somewhatfreetranslation by the editoron pp. xxii-xxiv. The case was that of the wives and treasureof Sultan Bahadur of Gujarat, sentby theSultanto Makka,inthecare of Asaf Khan,in anticipationof his own conflictwith At the news of the deathof SultanBahadurin Humayfln. the 1536, partywas subjectto an orderto takethemand their propertyinto custody,issued by KhusrawPasha, Ottomangovernorof Egyptto theAminat Jiddaandthen Therealitiesof thesituationareconveyed countermanded. of thenarrator: the statement "Forthoughwe weresufby to ruler resist the of Makka ficientlystrong al-qibla = (.sh.ib the AbuiNumayy),certainlynottheAmin!"(Elsewhere authormentionsthat Asaf Khan was accompaniedto Makkaby morethana thousandsoldiersand the same numberof retainers; vol. I, p. 385.) Thechiefeunuchwas knives for the ladiesto kill themselves,and sharpening of a hundred therewasa hurried distribution traysof Indian alsweetsandpreservedfruits.Otherreferencesby HIajji Dabiralsoattesttheauthority thatthe SharifAbuNumayy enjoyed;op.cit.,vol. I, pp.288, 353, 385. AbuNumayyis referrred to as Sultanof theHijazaswell as ruler of (.shib) consort Makka.He is shownon anotheroccasionactingin withtheOttoman (Efendi)inMakkaandthe representative Amin of Jidda.There were 70,000 mithqils of gold remittedannuallyfromthe Sultanateof Gujaratfor the out of peopleof Makkaand Madina(ahl al-haramayn), of which 25,000 were the portionof the ruler (.sahib) all vol. 388. It is unfortunate that the informaMakka; I, p. tionthatHa*jji al-DabirprovidesaboutMakkaanditsSharif relatesto thetimewhenthewriterwas a boy therearound 1536, and not to the periodafterAkbar'sconquestof Gujarat(1574-76), when he retumedentrustedwith the fromwaqfsin Gujarat; remittances op. cit.,vol. I, p. vii. Nizamal-DinAAhmad, Tabaqctt-iAkbari,tr.,vol. II,p. 472. Akbar'sdeliberate use of thetermqcfilafortheenterprise had the curiouseffect that the term was subsequently employedforflotillasof shipsintheIndianOcean,notonly in Indo-Persian writersand sources,butalsoby Portuguese

BAYAZID BEG TURKMAN'S PILGRIMAGE TO MAKKA AND RETURN TO GUJARAT

by the English ambassadorSir Thomas Roe; see Delgado, Glossairioluso-asiatico (Lisbon, 1919), vol. 1, p. 169, s.v. 28

cafila. See N.R. Farooqi, "Six Ottoman documents on Mughal Ottomanrelationsduringthe reign of Akbar",in I.A. Khan (ed.), Akbar and his Age (New Delhi, 1999), pp. 209-22; idem, Mughal-Ottoman Relations (Delhi, 1989), pp. 18-19; R. Islam, A Calendar of Documents on IndoPersian relations (1500-1750) (Tehran and Karachi, 1970), vol. II, pp. 302-4.

29

Farooqi,Mughal-OttomanRelations,passim. Akbar-nama,tr.,vol. III,p. 570. 31 M.N. Pearson,Pious Pilgrims: the Hajj in Earlier Times (New Delhi, 1994), p. 5. However an exception to this occurs in the behaviour of the fiery A'zam Khan ('Aziz of Gujarat(and nephew of Qutb al-Din Koka), govemrnor in who 1593 left for Ifajj without imperial Khan), permission in discontentat Akbar's religious innovations, from Makka,where he but the following year he "retumrned had suffered much harm at the hands of the Sharifs, and throwing away the blessing that he had derived from the pilgrimage,joined immediatelythe/emperor's/din-i il&hi"; Badayuni,text, vol. II, p. 398; tr.,vol. II, p. 412. 32 In terms of exchange of a quarterof a century later,this would be equivalentto c. ?12,000 sterling, which would have been a great sum for an Europeannobleman of the 30

period. R.J.C.Broadhurst(tr.),The Travelsoflbn Jubayr(London, 1952) p. 77; Nasir-i Khusraw, Safar-nama, ed. DabirSiyaqi (Tehran, 1335sh./1957), pp. 99-100: "A tribe of Arabs who are called the Ban- Shaybahold the key of the House of the Ka'ba.They serve the House and have wages and robes from the Sultanof Egypt."Ibn Jubayrmentions their descent from a companion of the Prophet. In the fourteenthcentury,Ibn Battiitatwice mentions the gate of the Banu Shayba,but says nothing of its keepers;Rihla, tr. H.A.R. Gibb (Cambridgeand London, 1958-94), vol. 1,p. 206, vol. II,p. 356. The Banu Shaybahave survivedin their traditionalrole in Makka to the present day; cf. G.E. von Grunebaum,MuhammadanFestivals (London, 1958), p. 22. 34 On the other hand, it can also be regarded as a gesture indicatingthe totality of his gift. The youthful Mirza 'Abd al-Rabim,after his decisive victory over Sultan M.uaffar outside Ahmadabadin January 1584, gave away all the cash that he had to his followers. When nothing remained and more suppliantsappeared,he took off his person his jewelled inkwell as the last thing that he had to give. 35 There is some confusion in the narrativehere. Bayazid 33

171

gives the name of the son who died in Arabia as Dhu 'lFiqar and mentions that he was his youngest son, yet afterwardshe refers to Dhu 'l-Fiqar as one of his two surviving sons who were then in the emperor'sservice in Agra, who urged him to come to the court. The name of Sa'adatYar,who was with him at the Bayazid's first-bomrn outset of thejourney,is missing at Agra, and laterhe refers to him as deceased Bayazid,p. 373. 36 Bayazid,p. 363. (marh.imi); 37 Othertravellersmention cattle fed on fish. 38 Akbar-nama,tr.,vol. III,pp. 640, 19 Isfandrmnuz,"about1 March." H. Beveridge's calculation appears as exact as possible. The sun enteredAries on 11 March 1584, while the twelfth month Isfandarmuz(Pisces) has a normal durationof a small fractionover 30 days. 1 Marchwould be more probablethan 29 Februaryof this leap year; V.S. Bendrey, T7rikh-iIlahi (Aligarh, 1971), pp. 15, 26-27. Srivastava (vol. I, p. 323) gives 10 March, clearly a miscopying or misprint.Forthe locationof the battlesee n. 97 below. 39 Bayazid, pp. 342, 348. 40 The stateof mind of the Mughalsoldiersis also reflectedin theirdemandthatQutbal-Din Khanshouldbe putto death, to which Sultan Muzaffarunwillingly acceded. The death of his foster-kin would cause particular grief to the emperor.It is equally reflected by the bestowal on one of their numberof the title of Khankhnan, which was thatof the father of the commander despatchedby the emperor against them, 'Abd al-Ralhim(MirzaKhan).This seems to have preceded Akbar's own bestowal of the title on 'Abd al-Rahim. 41 Akbar's court-historian Abu '1 Fazl and otherscast doubts on SultanMuzaffar'spatemrnity but, as the translatorHenry an Englishman of an earlier and more Beveridgebellicose generation- remarked,"He fought like a man of good stock";Akbar-ndma,tr.H. Beveridge,vol. III,p. 608, n. 1. A subsequenthistorian of Gujaratcomments: "The last of the Ahmad Shahirulersmight, withjustice, claim to be a not unworthy successor of the great Sultans of the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries";M.S. Commissariat,A HistoryofGujarat, 2 vols. (Bombay,etc., 1938-57), vol. II, p. 27. 42 This is one of a number of references to Qilich Khan Andijani'sbrothers;see above. 43 Read dariin-ibandar for dar har bandar of the text? 44 The qarn is defined as a decade or multiple of decades. At this time, Bayazid would appear to have been about 36 Muslim years in the service of the Mughals. Later he credits the historian Khwaja Nizam al-Din Ahmad with

172

45

46

47

48

49

JOURNAL OF PERSIAN STUDIES

makingthe same statementabouthim, when he was allowedto remainseatedin thepresenceof theemperorin 54 AH 999/1590-91;Bayazid,p. 376. Bayazidwouldthen havebeenabout45 yearsin Mughalservice. Probablythe Gulf of Cambay,as the mouthof the river whichdividesthe two fortsof Damaneven in Bayaz?id's timewouldhavebeentoo shallowforocean-goingships. werein controlof the fortifiedenclaveat The Portuguese Damanandtheislandfortressof Diu,on eithersideof the 55 Gulf of Cambay. The sum was demandedby the fortheircartazor licenseto sailwithoutfurther Portuguese molestationon theirpart. Bayazid (Biyat) himself came from a prominent tribethathad contactswith the Turkman/Turki-speaking and Timurids, royalMughals Safavids.His own idiomatic Persianspeechis wellpreservedin hismemoirs(cf. below, 56 nn.91, 104),writtendownby amanuenses fromthe circle of Abu '1 Fa2l, and he was doubtlessfamiliarwith vernacular NorthIndianspeechfrommanyyearsof cammuch of it in BiharandOrissaagainstthe Indopaigning, Hindawi as a generictermfor Afghans. maybe understood the "modemIndo-Aryan vernaculars" (SirRalphTumrner), whichareto some extentmutuallyintelligibleandcanbe reduced to a lingua franca. Portuguesehad already assumedthe parallelfunctionas a lingoa geral of the IndianOceanlittoral.Bayazid'ssonshadpreviouslybeen Muhammad Hakimwhen captivesof Akbar'shalf-brother he himselfleftKabul;Bayaz2id, p. 271. 57 Ghurab,Ar."araven",usedfora galleyof Arabtype,with squareriggingandsharpprow,whichwas widelyusedin Indiancoast;cf. H. Yule shallowwaterson thethewestemrn s.v GRAB,pp.391-92, andA.C.Bumell,Hobson-Jobson, especiallythewesternIndiancitationsdatingfrom1343to 1820. werethecommercial silvercoinageof Gujarat, 58 Mahmifdis currentfrombeforetherecentMughalannexation, considthan the silver at this erablylighter Mughal rupee, period weighingc. 7.1 g.; see J.S.Deyell,"Thedevelopmentof of the Akbar'scurrencysystemandmonetaryintegration in J.F.Richards(ed.),TheImperial conquered kingdoms",

MonetarySystemof Mughal India (Delhi, 1987), p. 27. 5o The Islamic prohibition of usury is at times evaded by devices and Bayazid is disclaiming any such (h.yal), behaviour. 51 Text THP'L;Bayazid uses the term nakhudcain a different sense a few lines below. 52 Here niikhuddappearsto be used in a differentsense from the previous reference. 53 This term is not found in Steingass'sPersian Dictionary. It

is possiblya diminutive of zawraq,a kindof smallboat,a skiff. Thissenseof theArabicwordis anIndianOceanusage.In my youth,it survivedinthetitleof a manualavailablefrom andsuppliedto officersof theP & O Line ships'chandlers entitled The Malim Sahib's Hindustani, by C.T. Willson,

Bombay Pilot Service, (Glasgow, Brown, Son and Ferguson,TheNauticalPress,p. 1930). Oftheladiesof theMughalroyalfamily,Gulbadan Begam, of aunt of is the best Akbar, daughter Babur,patemrnal knownaswellasthefirstin Bayazid'slist.Hermemoir,the was compiledin similarcircumstances to Humayi?n-nama, of Bayazid;see below,Part the autobiographical narrative III,Conclusion.All sourcesgive precedenceto Gulbadan overtheladywhofollows,whowasmarried tothereigning mother of a son. and emperor SalimaSultanBegamis mentionedby all the sourcesas of the ladiesof theroyalparty.Her secondin prominence motherGulbargor GulrangBegamwas daughterof the in emperorBabur,andshehadbeenpromisedby Humayan to the Khan. After Khan's marriage AtaliqBayram Bayram demotionanddeath,SallmaSultanBegamwasmarriedto hercousintheemperorAkbar,andmotherof his thirdson ShahMurad.Onthecomplexitiesof herNaqshbandi patriand linealdescentandBarlaslineage,see thecommentary in The tree A.S. Beveridge(ed.), History of family Humayiin, s.v. Salima Sultan Begam Chaqaniani,pp. 276-81; Ma'5thiral-umard',tr.,vol. I, p. 371.

Mirza KAmr•nwas the constantlyrebelliousyounger brotherof Humayun. Gul'izar'ssisterGulrukh Begamwas Mirza and mother of marriedto Ibrahim Muzaffar Husayn Husayn Mirza, of the group of "the Mirzas"who challengedAkbar'sauthorityin Gujaratin the 1570s;see vol. I, pp. 138,237. Srivastava, a closeconnectionwith TheMughalemperors maintained the greatNaqshbandi andhis Shaykh'UbaydAllahAhrAr witha numberof maritallinks.KhwajaYahya descendants, mentionedby Bayazidis the Amir-iIfajj [leaderof the bytheemperorin successionto Sultan pilgrims],appointed the emperor'sfirstAmir-iIHajjwho KhwajaNaqshbandi, hadleftSuratatthesametimeas theimperialladies,butin

a second vessel. 59 Bayazid here repeatsthe statementthat he was three years in Makka;see also n. 69 below. 60 The Maqam Ibrahim indicates the place where Abraham is said to have stood when the enclosing walls of the Ka'ba had reached a certainheight; von Grunebaum,op. cit., p. 19. 61

at a sacred Is thisan allusionto the practiceof incubation

BAYAZID BEG TURKMAN'S PILGRIMAGE TO MAKKA AND RETURN TO GUJARAT

site, in the hope of receivingguidancein a nocturnal dream?Forthecurrencyof thispracticeintheNaqshbandi takyain theDeccanin thefollowingcentury,see S. Digby,

A 'in-iAkbari,vol. I, tr.,p. 18. The advantageto Ibralhimis;

Sufis and Soldiers in Awrangzeb' Deccan (New Delhi, 62

63

64

2000),pp. 144-45, 175. TheJannatal-Mu'allais thecemeteryin whichthemother of the Prophet,his wife Khadijaand many of his companionsare buried.It lies on one of the streets theKa'ba. approaching Thetermgor-khlna seemsto indicatea precinct(mazar) with a cryptwhich had space for cenotaphsof several membersof a family.ThiswaslargeenoughforBayazidto go downandlie insideit. TheSharifs(shurafja') werethelocaldominant community at Makka,of the descendantsof Hasanb. 'Ali. We have noted that no individualleader of the communityis mentionedby Bayazid,andthis is alsothe case in a letter despatchedby the emperorAkbarclose to this time in 1582,whichis addressedto "theSharifs February-March of Makka";see MansuraHaidar(tr.),with commentary, Mukitabat-i-Allimi (Insha'i Abu '1fail): Daftar I (New

66

67 68

69

Delhi,1998),p. 15,n. 1.Accordingto modemsources,the letter was intended for Sharif Aba Numayy II (fl7. 1534-84); Farooqi, Mughal-OttomanRelations, pp. 107, 65

117. mentionedin revenue Ibrahimisareone of the currrencies accounts of Gujaratimmediatelybefore the Mughal wheretheywouldhavehada higherexchange annexation, rate of Rs. 4.5; Sikandarb. Manjhu,Mir'-ft-iSikandari,tr.

F.L. Faridi(repr.Gurgaon,1990), p. 302, n. 1. This suggestsa smallgoldcoinsimilarto the southIndianhun, andthisis supported by an adjacentreferencein the same in general exchangingat Rs. 4.25. passage to hins Ibrdhimismay thereforemost probablybe identifiedas himnsissued by the moneyersof the Sultansof either Bijapuror Golkonda.Therewas a SultanIbrahimamong thesixteenth-century rulersof eachof thesestates.Likethe the descriptionof the coin may in GujaratiMahmmidas, have been limitedto issuesby a Sultanof that not practice name;see n. 49 above.Mughalgoldmuhrsweremintedat Ahmadabadin Gujaratfrom AH 980 onwards,but in see I. generalwerenotavailableforcommercial circulation; Habib, citing Pelsaertand Tavernier,in Richards,Imperial MonetarySystem,p. 155. Bayazid's evidence suggests that the port of Suratwas well within the field of circulationof the south Indian himns.By contrast,writing from the perspective of the imperialcourtin northernIndiaperhapstwo decades later,Abu '1Fazl could referto "theold himwhich is current in the Deccan", and he has no mention of

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70

a comparatively rich pilgrimlike Bayazidof changing silver rupees into gold huns, which could have been undertaken at the port,wouldlie in the savingof weight andbulk. a prominent Hindostani mansabddr, ShaykhFaridBukh•ari, a in who played largepart the events of the emperor accessionandlaterservedassfibadarof Gujarat. Jahangir's Sa'adatYarevidentlydiedafterBayazid'sreturnto India; cf. n. 35 above. Intervals of 24 minutes. Thisinformation hadgivenhis two suggeststhatBayaz-id thensurvivingsonsleaveto returnto Gujarat in thesailing seasonat the end of 1561 or beginningof 1582. They wouldthenhavebeentakenprisonerwhenthePortuguese defeateda MughalforceunderQutbal-DinKhanwhich attackedDamanon 5 April1582;Srivastava, vol. I, p. 261. The sons evidentlydid not long remainin captivity,as beforethe end of 992/January 1584they wrotefromthe to in court Surat; imperial Bayazid Bayazid,p. 363. has stated that he Bayazid previously passedthreeyearsin if but he had fromtherebeforetheendof Makka, departed 990 he wouldhavespentlessthantwo years.Moreover, if, ashe states,heperformed a finalhajjiin990,thiscouldonly havetakenplaceon theprescribed datesof themonthDhu 990 1583. As he statesbelow,he wason 'l-Hijja = January a shipunableto sailto Indiafromthecoastof southArabia, whenthenewsof SultanMuzaffar's rebellionreachedhim, and these eventstook place in Muharram 991/February 1583. TextZ.FAR.Bayazidspells the namewith zai',not .z&a.', G.R. Tibbetts,Arab Navigation in the Indian Ocean before the Coming of the Portuguese (London, 1981) vocalises Zafar;R.B. Serjeant,ThePortugueseoffthe SouthArabian

71

Coast (Cambridge,1963),Zufar.R. Guestnotes "Zufar (Zafar,Dhofar)"in his"Zufarin theMiddleAges",Islamic CultureIX (July1935),pp.402-10, atp. 402. ChinaSea".For Literally"themonsoonof Quangzhou/the see Ibn Quangzhou/Changchau/Chinchew/Zayton Batuta, tr. Defr mery and Sanguinetti,annotatedby S. Yerasimos,Voyages(Paris,1982),vol. III,p. 323 n.;SirH. Yule and H. Cordier, The Book of Ser Marco Polo (London, 1921), vol. II, pp. 234-42. By the time that Bayazid wrote, the term had been transferredto the first period of the SW monsoon in the Arabian Sea, around May; see Tibbetts,op. cit., pp. 226-27, 364-67 and 367, n. 400. In Bayazid's narrative, however, the term bandar should probably be understood as "roadstead".It was possible to sail from along the coast when the route from

JOURNALOF PERSIAN STUDIES

174

72

73

Aden and the Red Sea was closed.A straightwesterly wind sometimesblew fromZufar,and the Indianports werenotyet closedby themonsoon. Probablywe should understandthat the vessel was previouslyfirstanchoredat Mukalla,thenat al-Shihr,and as the patternof the windsworsenedit sailedeastwards alongthecoastto Dhofar. The formtava is used for suchvesselsby the fifteenthNikitin;R.H.Major(ed.),Indiain centuryRussiantraveller the FifteenthCentury(London, 1857), vol. III, p. 8.

74

75

was anenemyof theMughalstate,Bayazid's As Muzaffar accountdoesnotreferto himby thetitleof Sultan. A 'In-iAkbari,tr.Blochmann, 2nded.,vol. II,pp. 352-53; Ma ithir

76

77

78

al-umara',tr.,

vol. II, pp. 846-49. Shihabal-Din

82

83

84

Srivastava,vol. I, p. 322; Commissariat,History of Gujarat,vol. II,p. 22. term,whereone Shiqqddris a somewhatold-fashioned mightexpecthCikim. belowthatitwashispresence Bayazidrepeatstheassertion thatpreventedthe shipbeingseizedby the inhabitants of ShihrandZuf-ir. TextK.L.H-Ch.Q-HA. I havenotfoundthisterm.Kalahis andchiq susceptibleof the meaning"quilted", "quilting", Turki a stout of reeds tied represents chigh, variety together in hangings(whence the Anglo-Indian"chick"for a hanging-blindof reeds). Seventeenth-century Mughal Fort examplessurvivein the collectionof Mehrangadh Museum Jodhpur.Cf. also Steingass,chigha-zan,"a warrior". Readtalwarforshalwar of theprintedtext.

Khan was a Sayyid of Naishapurwho had joined 85 nurseserviceandheldhighrank.He was also Humayun's a relation of Akbar's MahamAnaga, and therefore 86 For Qasim MulhammadKhan of Naishapur,see Ma'lthir al-umard'tr.,vol. II,pp. 515-16. belongedto a factionin conflictwiththoseof the Atgah Khaylandof the AtaliqBayramKhan(bothrepresented 87 TheDiwdnof Hafizwas andis extensivelyusedfortaking suchomens. in Gujarat).He appearsas amongAkbar'scommanders 88 Theshadowof the humi [theChinesephoenix]conveyed MirShihabNaishapiriin Bayazid'slistof thosewhomhe as accompanying onhisreconquest remembered sovereigntyandvictory.Thereis an amphibologyin the Humayuin of Dehli;Bayazid,p. 178.Inthefirstyearof Akbar'sreign, interpretation, wherebythe "birdof fortune"meansthe he wasgovernorof Dehli.Whenin 1583ItimAdKh~nwas Mughalroyalhouse. 89 Bayazidhererepeatshis assertionof the role he the followersof Shihabalplayed. appointedgovernorof Gujarat, in Gujarat DinKhan,atthethreatof lossof maintenance Aboutfive years later,the JesuitMonserrate was taken on at Dofar(Zufar).He hadhis thetransferof theircommander, werethefirstto desertand prisonerby "theMusalmans" vol. materials him in written with II, pp. captivity.Thissuggeststhat join SultanMuzaffar; Ma'Ithir al-umard',tr., his capturewas not the resultof shipwrecknor seizurein 846-48; Akbar-nama,tr.,vol. III, pp. 607-11. in September thetown,butmorelikelyof a successfulboarding tookAhmadabad Muzaffar 1583;Srivastava, partyon the vessel. He was sent first to 'Aynaud(?)in the vol. I, p. 321. andthento theTurkish(Albanian) Hadhramawt, governor Bayaziduses thisphrasein the samesenseelsewhere.He in San'a'.He was evidentlywas not badlytreated,being makes the generalRaja Man Singh with regardto the allowedhis notes andwritingmaterials,and he had the Yusufzaiinsurrection:"And the others also who are leisurethereto completehisaccountof hisvisitto thecourt rebellious,by thegraceof HisMajesty(bi-dawlat-i ha2rat) of Akbar;Monserrrate, author'sIntrod.,p. xvii. Possibly I shallcontrolthem";Bayazid,p. 367. Monserrate'sCommentaryis the only Latin work to be Abu '1Fazlconfirmsthis accountof Qutbal-DinKh5n's madesomeinquiriesafterhis healthand death."Muzaffar composedin San'~'. no evidence It is unfortunate thatBayazidcontributes thenmadehimoverto theexecutioners"; text Akbar-nama, as to whereinthisperiodthesettlement vol. III,p. 422,tr.,vol. III,p. 629.Thedatewas 13Adhar/c. layupontheshore. 24 November1583."1584"in Beveridge'stranslation In MarcoPolo'stime"Dufar" was "agreatnobleandfine is city"evidentlyon theeasternedgeof theplainandwith"a evidently a misprint.

79 The referenceis to 'Abd al-Rahim,laterKhankhttnn.

8o Bayazid is using Champanerfor the region,not the fortress. In fact, Champanerlies to the north-eastof Baroda;but no greatdistancesare involved. 81 'Abd al-Rahimhad defeatedSultan Muzaffaroutside Ahmadabadon 25 January1584;Akbar-niima,tr.,vol. III, pp. 631-65; Tabaqdt-i Akbari, tr., vol. II, p. 572;

fine haven",but by the nineteenthcenturyit lay to the west; Yule and Cordier,TheBook of Ser Marco Polo, vol. II, pp. 444-45. It is unclear where the sixteenth-centuryurban settlementof Zufar stood, R. Guest's article "Zufarin the Middle Ages" (see above, n. 70) does not discuss the topic. Yet at this periodZufarpossessed a governorsent from alShihr, as well as an active urbanpopulation,who put to

BAYAZID BEG TURKMAN'S PILGRIMAGE TO MAKKA AND RETURN TO GUJARAT

in 1535beforeordersarrivedfrom deathsomePortuguese SultanBadr of al-Shihrto preventthem; Serjeant,The

95

Portuguese off the SouthArabian coast, pp. 72, 75. 90

91

92

93

Once more one cannotbe sure whetherBayazidwas writingof Shihror Zufar,butthe moreeasterlyroadstead titleto appearsthe morelikely.Ghawthis an alternative qutb(Polestar)for the supposedcurrenthead of a Sufi hierarchythatmaintainthe well-beingof the world;see below,n. 92. Bayazidusesthecolloquialdoublepluralof thefirstperson pronoun,mdyan.Perhapsthesenseis nearer"thecompany of peoplelikeus [likeme?]." Thisprobablyindicatesthathe wasa leadingdescendant of the thirteenth-century SuhrawardiShaykhBaha' al-Din of Multan.Theghawthor qutbis the summitof Zakariya' the invisiblehierarchy who guardthewelfareof theworld in the scheme expoundedby Hujweriin his Kashfalmahjfib,whichwas widelybelievedin Sufi circlesof the Indiansubcontinent. When one qutb departedfrom the worldhe was replacedby another.NumerouslivingSufi Shaykhswere competitorslocated at differentplaces. referenceto MirZakariya' HoweverBayazid'ssubsequent withinthefamily mayindicatethatthenamehadrecurred tree (shajara).The gift to a discipleof a cap to wear indicateda transmission of authorityin varyingdegrees, oftenthe simplerankof a discipleandpupil(murid). Bayazid'slist of thesenotableson boardthe Surat-based shipshowsthepartthispassagefromwesternIndiaacross the ArabianSea playedin the transport of CentralAsian pilgrims; see also Digby, Sufis and Soldiers in

' Deccan, pp. 58, 90, 160 and forthcoming Awrangzeb commentary.The pluralterm salatin, used here with in IndianMughal regardto themuridsof MirzaShWhrukh, to be appliedto thecollaterals of usagetendedincreasingly a rulinglineage,e.g. theMughaldynastyitself;cf. Azfari, MadrasOrientalSeries (Madras,n.d. Waqi'.t-i-Azfari, [1957]), pp. 39, 42 andpassim; Percival Spear,Twilightof

theMughals(Cambridge, 1951),pp. 39, 62-63. Onemay note the contrastbetweenthese distinguished passengers of the returnvoyageandthe impoverished pilgrimsupon the outwardvoyage,amongwhomonly Bayazidhimself could provide the money to pay the agents of the Portuguese. 94 The meeting was clearly in a dream or nocturnalvision. Probably"him"refers to Bayazid ratherthan the Mughal emperor.Numerous anecdotes refer to the protection of seafarersby Sufi shaykhs, but possibly what Blayazidwas afraidof was ratherthe emperor'sdisfavouron account of his long absence from service.

96

97

175

A khalifawas an appointedsuccessorof a Sufi Shaykh, withlicenseto represent andtransmit his spiritual authority and teachings.In laterperiods,as in this case, the Sufi Shaykhoften derivedhis authorityfrom a varietyof sources.Such a man wasjami' al-salasil"a gathererof lineages." The referenceis to the portof Goghain Kathiawar (not read Goa).Beveridge(or Erskinewhomhe summarises) thewordinthemanuscript as Goda,andsuggestsGodrion the othersideof the Gulfof Cambay,whichis unlikelyas this was a port with a custom-housewherethe vessel berthed.Themeaningof Bayazid'sstatement thattheport "hada connection"(ta'alluqdishta) with Muzaffaris probablythat Muzaffarwas knownto be the son of a womanfromKathiawar, andin his lateryearsof resistance he builtup a followingof Kath!tribesmen. Bayazidonce more mentionsChampaneras the place whereMuzaffarsufferedhis seconddefeat.As we have seen,thedefeatprobablyoccurredon 1 March1584;see n. 38 above.Muzaffarhadretreated to Nadot(Nandod).The settlementof thatnamelies a few kilometressouthof the butthe district(sarkir)extendsnorthacrossthe Narmada, river;A'in-iAkbari,tr.,vol. II,pp. 257, 259; I. Habib,An Atlas of the MughalEmpire(Delhi, 1992), Map 7A. Ni~zm

al-DinAhmad,leaderof the advanceguardin the battle, statesthatthe entireMughalforce had gone to Nadot. Muzaffarthen"retiredinto the hills."The Mughalforce wentforwardandgavebattle,withMuzaffar on a slopeof risinggroundto the east and a defileto the north.What Nizm al-DinAhmaddoesnot say is thatthe engagement tookplacenearthe settlement of Nadot;Tabaqat-i Akbari, vol. text, II, pp. 378-79; tr.,vol. II, pp. 575-76. Neither Abu'1FaAnorBadayuni mentionthesiteof thebattle.The authorof theMir'-t-iSikandaristatesthathe alsofoughtin the battle.He says thatMuzaffarwentto the kohistanof andthe JHANPH,insidethecountry(wildyat)of T.RWAR, battletookplacein JHANPH;Sikandar b. Manjhti, Mir'aiti Sikandari(Baroda,1961), p. 365; "hillytractsin the region of Rajpipla".Two manuscriptsof the work consultedby myself yield the variants,one reading JHATYHand JAN.H and RWAR,the other reading JHANPH consistently and Rajpipla in place of TRWAR. North of the Narmada, the district (sarkar) of Nadot/Nandodborderson that of Champaner;Habib, op. cit., Map 7A. Baroda,whence SultanMuzaffarretreatedto *Jhampa, also lies well north of the river Narmada. Accordingly, we need not look for the battlefield in Rajpiplaor even furthersouth: "Jahaniyaor Kohichampa, which was a strategicplace in the hills, with the riverTapti

JOURNAL OF PERSIAN STUDIES

176

(sic) flowing southof it"; Srivastava,vol. I, p. 323. A

98

106

alreadybeen mentioned as one of the passengerswho on

by carelesslywrittenandmiscopied.Thisis strengthened as thebatBayazid'snamingof/the districtof/ Champaner tlefield. Called elsewhereSayyid Dawlat,he is said to have formerlybeenin the serviceof KalyanRay,see above,n. 13. SayyidDawlathad driventhoseloyalto the Mughal andthenwashimselfexpelledby serviceoutof Kambayat, son of Qutbal-DinKhan.He thenretook NawrangKhan, thecity,andwasdrivenoutagain;Akbar-nama, tr.,vol. III,

thereturnvoyagefromMakkalandedandwentoff to visit ShaykhAbaBakr.

p. 613; Tabaqat-iAkbari, tr., vol. II, p. 575. Mir 'Abid elsewhere is called Badakhshiandwas one of the ringlead-

ersof therebelliousMughalsoldiery;Akbar-nama, tr.,vol. "came out the same n. 3. man, 'Abid, 609, III,p. probably of Rajpiplaandstirredup strife";ibid., of the hill-country tr.,vol. III,p. 656. Afterdefeatby Mirza'Abdal-Rafim hadleft SultanMuzaffar outsidethewallsof Ahmadabad, 'Abidto defendthecitywhenhe wentoffto attackQutbalDin Khan;ibid.,tr.,vol. III,p. 613. 99 Katihar,unidentified.This is likely to be the sarktr in the siba (province)of Malwa, (district)of Sarangpur whichBayazidhimselfwas sentto takepartin a minor actionin 1576;Bayazid,p. 253;AIn-iAkbari,tr.,vol. II,p.

107

108

110

witnessof grimmer Hewasafterwards guardof theharam" sceneswhen Akbar'smaternaluncleKhwajaMu'azzam murderedhis wife, Fatima'sdaughterandmotherof the hadbeatenin the boy Talak.Afterthis,KhwajaMu'azzam presenceof his nephewsthe youthfulemperor,Qilich Khan,and evidentlyhis littleson, so thathe died of his and Qilich injuries;Bayazid,p. 252. Akbar,Balak/Ttilak Khanwouldthenbe firstcousins.

suchposthumous titles;cf. theearlierreferenceto Baburas 101 Fromthe nameson Bayazid'slist and the fragmentsof

information providedby him andby othersourcesof the period,mostof thesemenweremembersof theoldMughal soldiery who had desertedtheir allegianceto Akbar. Basi, basih, (elsewhere basahi), a word used by Bayazid, Dattu Sarvaniand Ahmad Yradgramong other writers in

their descriptionsof sixteenth-centuryNorth Indian cf. Digby, warfarein the sense of a tentor encampment; of DattuSarvani,a Sixteenth "DreamsandReminiscences

111

CenturyIndo-AfghanSoldier",The Indian Economic and Social History Review (Delhi), II/1 (January 1965), pp. 60-61. The meaning of Bayazid's term shalkq "a whipping", is strongerand more colloquialthanjust "a defeat".

112

Readjuba forjeba? on shipboardwith him at Zuf-ar.

Bayazid's account. He had also defeated Muhammad Sultan Mirza when the latter made an incursion into Gujaratin 1573; Ma'athiral-umard',tr.,vol. II, p. 210. TWlakKhan's associationwith Qilich Khan as among the Amirs from Malwa in this campaign is described in the

those who marchedin Humayin's reconquestof India as pisar-iFaftimaUrdibegi "thelittle/grand/sonof Fatimathe

Firdaws makdni,"one who has his place in paradise".

105 Bayazid has alreadymentionedNor al-Din Muthammad as

NawwabQutbal-Din Khanof

noticeof TulakKhanQfchin in op. cit., tr.,vol. II, pp. on whichit 958-61,wherethepassagesof theAkbar-nama BainiPrashadin the is basedare citedby the translator footnotes.Prashadis justly suspiciousof a notice of a militarycareerof aboutseventyyearsof activeservice. One may suggestthatthis notice is a conflationof the careerof TalakKhanQtchin,originallyin the serviceof the emperorBabur,witha youngerTalak(whosenameis twice transcribedas Bulak elsewherein the surviving of Bayazid).Bayazidmentionshiminthelistof manuscript

northof the Gangaon the Bihar-Bengal border;Habib,

104

of NawwabQilichKhan."Thepeopleof India"in retainers the contextof this passagemust be takento mean the notablesof theMughalcourt. Thisis BayazidhimselftookleavefromSultanMuzaffar. also referredto in Qilich Khan'sletterto him. Gogha didnotpassintothe possessionof the Mughal apparently forces again until 1592;Akbar-ndma,tr.,vol. III,p. 948.

Atlas. 100Mughal emperors after their deaths were referredto by

103

All the remainingnames on this list arefromthe family and

109 NawrangKhan,son of

214. There is also also a suburbof Sarangpureast of the city wall of Ahmadabad; Commissariat,A History of Gujarat,vol. I, p. 273. Katiharis the name of a location

102

has rulerof Badakhshan, MirzaSh•arukh, thedispossessed

suspicion arises that *Jh5mpa is merely ChAMPNYR

Text, qibal dashta. As Bayazid states more lucidly below,

werebesiegingBharoch, QilichKhanandhis commanders of SultanMuzaffar. thenheldby the supporters i.e. the Kathis, the eponymous population of Kathiawar; cf. Akbar-ndma, tr., vol. III, p. 608, n.: "Muzaffartook refuge among the Kathiswho arerobbers." Muzaffar's mother was from the tribes of the region. Katiyana is also a place name close to Gondal, where Muzaffarestablishedhis camp shortlyafterhis defeat. 113Nawrang khan-rainiz ta ziyat rasanda. As B~yazid has statedabove, Nawrang Khanwas among the commanders Sic,

BAYAZID BEG TURKMAN'S PILGRIMAGE TO MAKKA AND RETURN TO GUJARAT

114

115

besieging Bharoch.A nephew of Qutb al-Din was put to death before Sultan Muaffar, but Qutb al-Din's son Nawrang Khandied in 1592, and is buriedin Qutbal-Din's mausoleum at Baroda; Commisariat,op. cit., vol. II, pp. 21-22. Text, dari-khana. In the usage of the fourteenth-century Dehli Sultanate,the court (and courtiers)of the Sultanare describedas dar-i sar4y. For the confusion in the names of Bayazid's sons, see n. 35 above. Bayazid, pp. 374-76.

116

Ibid.,p. 376.

117

This search for survivorswho could rememberevents of the reign is mentionedin the opening sentenceof Bayazid's narrative;ibid., p. 1. Bayazid reproducestwo date-verseshe composed on the deaths of Mughal commanders, manipulations of the numericalvalue of lettersof the abjad which imply a considerable degree of literacy,ibid., pp. 370, 371. We have also seen him take an omen from the poems of Hafiz. Elsewhere, Bayazid mentions that his elder brother,Shah Birdi Biyat, known as Bahr,m Saqqa from his practiceof distributingwater at the tomb of Humyilunat Dehli, was a

118

119

177

DarwEshand poet of note, authorof a Persianand a Turki diwan. Bayazid quotes some of his verses, and two manuscripts of his Diwan are preservedin the collection of the Asiatic Society of Bengal, Calcutta,ibid., pp. 243-47 and p. 235 n. See also H. Beveridge, in JASB LXVII/1 (1898), p. 296; Blochmann,in JASB XL (1874), p. 271. Beveridge assumes that Bayazid was unable to write with his own hand because of the "paralyticstroke" he had suffered;JASB op. cit., p. 297. However, Bayazid himself mentions that the stroke affected his left side, and this would not have inhibited him from writing; Tadhkira,p. 373.

120

Ibid.,p. 2.

121

The Waqi'at("Events") of Mushtaqi appears to be an account compiled by anotheroctogenariansurvivorunder the same historiographicaldirective,and the difficultiesof his text are similarto those of Jawhar'saccount;see Digby, "The Indo-PersianHistoriographyof the Lodi Sultans",in F. Grimal(ed.), Les sources et le temps(Pondichdry,2001), p. 245-47. Bayazid, p. 377. The manuscriptthat contains this note appearsto be the sole survivor;see above, n. 1.

122

BORAZJAN,A RURAL MARKETTOWN IN BUSHIRE'S HINTERLAND By Willem Floor Bethesda, MD

SHIRAZTOBUSHIRE

Kazerun

Shiraz

aliki Khushab,*

orazjan

hif Bushire

IRAN

Persian Gulf

INTRODUCTION Studiesthat discuss communitiesof the PersianGulf littoralare few, and they deal only with those situatedon the coast, i.e. the ports. As far as I know, no analytical studies exist of the communities in the immediate hinterlandof the Gulf ports. The ports needed the communities in their hinterland for food supplies and services (e.g., pack animals) and, above all, for security against attacks from robbers along their economic lifeline, the caravan trade routes. It is therefore no surprise that such hinterland communities sometimes tried to play, or even actually played, a more important political role thantheir size would have allowed them in a differentgeographic location. The role of the market town of Borazjanis a case in point. It was the firstmajor stop for caravansafterthey had crossed the watery way that separatedBushire fromthe mainland.True,Ahmadi and Chth Kutah were in between, but they were so small, that apartfrom being an occasional halting place they played no other role. Borazjanwas a much larger village, in fact, the political, economic and distributive

179

centre of the Dashtestandistrict,and, to a certainextent, may standas a model of the role and behaviourof other similardistrictcentres in the littoral,such as Daleki and Khormuj. A description of the Bushire hinterland in 1912 nicely encapsulatesits main characteristics: Thelandis dottedwithvillagesat intervalsof 5 miles with 100-500 dwellings,but most around100. The housesaremadeof mudbricks,buta largepartof mat huts.The villageheadusuallyresidesin a mudfort. The villageshave no marketsandare suppliedfrom thecoastanda few townssuchas Borazjun. However, pedlarsmonopolizethe retailtrade.Thewatersupply is generallyfrom wells, while most of the villages havedateplantations, the produceof whichis mostly consumedlocally.Onlydate-growing centressuchas Khaviz Ahram, (Tangistan)and Zirah exporttheir outputmostly.Thepopulationmostlydependson the of wheatandbarley.Mostable-bodied cultivation men in each village cultivatingone or two gaos [gavsor cows] of land:on the datecrop,on vegetableproduce with well irrigation,much of which is to supply

JOURNALOF PERSIAN STUDIES

180

BushireandotherGulfsea ports.Othercropsinclude tobacco,cotton,millet,etc.' Part of Borazjan'srelative importancewas derived from the fact that it was situated in the foothills of the mountainrange that caravanshad to cross on their way to and from Bushire and Shiraz, the most important commercial supply route in SouthernIran. It was also for this reason that duringthe brief 1856 "war"between Iran and Great Britain, a British expeditionary force attacked Persian forces which were located between Chah Kutah and Borazjan. Depending on whom you want to believe, either the British or the Persians won, but in either case, both parties found much to celebrate in this sorry event. In 1850 Borazjanbecame part of the governorship of the Gulf Ports (Iyalat-iBanadir), but was returnedto Fars in 1862, althoughthe governorof Bushire at times was tax farmerof Dashtest~nand thus was also acting governor. Irrespective of the district's administrative status, its traditionalchief remainedin power as administrator and tax collector (?zbi.t).Borazjan henceforth developed as an important distributing centre for its own hinterland by becoming a staple for imported consumer products for Dashtestan. Conversely, Borazjan was also the collection centre for local products that were then transported to Bushire for export to the world market. With growing lawlessness around the turn of the twentieth century, the central government used the location of Borazjanto ensure the safety of part of the commercial road to Shiraz. Finally, Borazjan became the terminus of the first railway built in Iran in the twentieth century, when the British occupation force built a small railway from Bushire to Borazjan to facilitate the supplies of its forces in Southern Iran. When World War I ended, the railway was broken up and returnedto India. Borazjancontinued its role as a supplierof goods and services to Bushire, but now as a more peaceful and quiet ruraltown.

LOCATION Borazj~nis situatedon the plain of Dashtestan,at an elevation of only 750 m. above sea level and dominated by the lofty crests of the Kisehkan mountain less than 16 km. eastward.2Borazjan is said to be a corrupted form of Gorazdan, or "Place of Boars", its alleged

original name. The place used to be infested by wild boars before the re-establishmentof settled government encouragedthe extension of cultivation.3Whateverthe truthof the matter,Borazjanwas the principalplace in the districtof Dashtest~nand the seat of the khan who, under the governor-generalof Fars, ruled the greater part of that district. Borazjan should not be confused with the village of Rtid-Bala-yiSiftiya, one of the four villages collectively known as Arba'a, near Firuzabad (F?rs), which was also known as Borazjan.4 The districtof Dashtestanfrom the village of Kolar (on the border of Ganaveh) to the village of Manqal (Khormuj)measured37farsakhs, and from Rud Faryab village in the Kisehgan mountainsto Shif measured 18 farsakhs.5 The British consul Chick provided more detail. He reportedthat the Dashtestanjurisdictionwas bounded on the North:by the RudhillariverfromHashtJush,where it meetsAngel territoryto Durudgah,andthenceby the Dalikior Shurriverto somefourmilespastBuneh Mizan;theboundarywithDalikiis about3 milespast QaraoulKhan at a sulphur stream crossing the caravanroad,andthis boundaryline thenmountsto the summitof thehills. East:boundaryis alongthe summitof the Gisakun rangepastKotelBagh-i-Taj. South:boundarycrosses the entranceto the Haft Mullaravine,southof NanizakandJamileh:between then andSamalandGulangunin Tangistan: Sarkurreh in Tangistan: north northof BulferizandGandumriz andsouthof Isawand. of Ab-i-Tawilin Chahkutah West:boundaryis north-eastfrom Isawand,Nokal beingin AngaliandJarafiin Borazjun,to HaftJush. There are four lists of the major villages that made the districtof Dashtestan.One was drawn up in the up and another made in 1875; both were 1860s early writtenfor the Britishby a Persianofficial. The thirdlist is by the Persian historianFasa'I.The last list is that of the new administrative structure of 1913, when Borazjan became part of the new province of Dashtestan that was composed of eleven districts or bulIks (includingBushire). It is, but for one, identicalto that of Fasa'i and thus reflects the political reality of the period. The district of Borazjan had eighteen sub-

BORAZJAN, A RURAL MARKET TOWN IN BUSHIRE'S HINTERLAND

181

TABLE1. List of the major villages of Dashtestin. 1865

1875 -IArabee

Chah-e 'Arabi Bagh Hissar

1883 Ahsham-e Jat

Anarestan

-Anarestan

Bagh-eChenar* Borazjun

Borazjoon

-

-Bagh-e Barkahee Bunadee Baneh Bandaroos

Borgahi Banar Bunneh Bunderuz

Borazjan Taj

Jaim Jarrafi

Borazjan Bagh-e Ragh

Bargahi Banar-eSoleymani

Bargahi Banari-Soleyman

Bandaruz

Bandeh-Orzon

Behi

-

1913 Ahsham-e Jayyet

Talleh-Bahi

-Tell Jemah Jarrafee

Jimeh

Chahkhanee

ChahKhani

Chah-Khanis

Jamileh*

Chah-eKhani

Huseinakee Kharagah Khurmi*

Khoshab

Khooshah

Khoshab Khest-eJat

Khoshab

Khoshmakun

Khashkoon

Khashugan

Khashukan

Deh Kayd DehNow

Deh-Qayed Deh-Now

Rud-eFaryab Ziyarat

Rud-eFaryab Ziyarat-Lar-Kasseh

Dar-e Chatu Dalakee

Dih Kaid DehNao

Deh-enao

Zulbehee Rahdar

Ziaret Safeedabad Sarkurreh Sarmal Eeswandee

Ziyarat Saifabad SarKurreh Isawand* Qara'ulKhaneh -

Kakun* Kullul Giz-eBid Lardeh* Ma'abad

SarKorrehor Khorreh 'Isavandi

Issa-vendy

Gachi Deli

Katshi-Deli

KhoshMakan

Khosh-eMakan

Kulul Gezbeed

-

Geeaakoon

-

-

Nakhi* --

Zirah

Source:Anonymous, "A Brief Account",p. 178; Governmentof India,Persian Gulf "Reporton the Administration of the Persian Gulf Political Residency for the Year 1875-76", p. 18; Fasai1, Farsnama, vol. II, p. 1325; GouvernementImperialde la Perse, Le Fars, pp. 191-92; Ibid., "Les Reformes Administratives",p. 77. * = located in the Kisehkanmountains.

182

JOURNAL OF PERSIAN STUDIES

divisions(qarya).There are differencesbetweenthe fourlists,butmanyof thevillagesarethesame.Thedifferences between them undoubtedlyreflect local conditionsat the time of writing;one village being one in to anotheras beingthemoreimportant preferred Rahdar and were location. Qara'ulkhana not any given villages,but, as the namessuggest,guard-postsalong the caravanroute. In 1865 it was furthernoted that Ziyaratwas in the past a separatejurisdictionin the handsof begs,butnow one of therelativesof thekhans of Borazjanresidesthere.6In additiontherewas the small districtof Zirah,which in 1913 was formally added to Bora-zjar,after an intermissionof about eighteenyears,whenthe khanof Shabnkarehheld it.7 andlistof villagesdo However,thesemeasurements not give a feel forthe physicalmilieuof the district.In 1821Fraserwrote: andeven Nothingcan havea moreuninteresting, of that than the effect, appearance partof depressing of FarscalledDushtistan, orflatcountry. theprovince At thisseasonit waspeculiarly so, everyvegetable greenmeeting production beingbumrnt up,andnothing theeye,saveanoccasional groveof datetrees,or a indust. halfsmothered fewtamarisk orcaper-bushes, of low sandTheroadpassesthrougha succession hills,andpatchesof clayeysoil;the latterbeingsufficientlyfertile,and yieldinggood crops,when water

wherethatis canbe procured; forirrigation although not the case, it is as sterileand barrenas the sand itself.8

It was in thatharshflat countrythatBorazj*nwas situatedat 44 km. [28 miles] north-eastof Bushire town.The ordinaryroutefromBushiretownto Shiraz passedby Borazjan,whichby landis 76 km. [48 miles] fromBushireand 25 km. [16 miles] fromDaleki,the fromBushire nextstagebeyondit;butthe land-journey 44 couldbe reducedto km. [28 miles]by takinga boat was about40 km. [25 fromBushireto Shif.9Bora-zjan took two hoursto travel It from normally miles] Shif.l0 from Ahmadi to the small village of "Seroond" and from there another two hours to Borazjan." This village, Binning wrote, is at a considerable distance from the mountains, though owing to the purity of the atmosphere,they appearclose at hand.12Borazjanwas 3.5 to 5 km. [two or three miles] from the bottom of the first range of hills.13However, that was the travel time, traversingthe hardwhite plain, undernormalconditions

the monotonyof whichwas only occasionallybroken by a few palmsand some clustersof tamarisktrees.14 Travellingover this plain was differentafter it had rained,for it consistedof a type of soil knownas raml or clayeysand.15 Thismeantthat,"Inordinaryweather the groundis hardclay,mixedwithsand;buttherainof the last few days had made the surfaceslipperyand sticky,andhadcoveredit withwater.Aftersevenhours of weary plodding ... we reached Burazjun."'16In

summer,Borazjanwasveryhot,andthediscomfortwas madeworseby thousandsof flies andmosquitoes.17 ORIGINSAND HOUSING We do not knowwhenBorazjanwas establishedas a village.In the largerareathereare tracesthatattest thattheDashtestan plainhasbeenlonginhabited,in fact since pre-Islamictimes.'8However,it is only in 1786 thatBora-zjan is mentionedfor the firsttime in written sources.The BritishtravellerFrancklin,on his way to Shiraz, considered"Berazgoon,a considerableand populous village, surroundedby a brick wall, and flanked with turrets; under the dominion, and This implies that Borazjan dependentof, Shirauz."'19 must have existedquite some time already,or else it could not possibly have been a populous village. Niebuhrtook a differentroadto ShirazthanFrancklin, passing east of Borazjanvia Tangesir,Dashti, and on his mapeither.20 Khormuj;he didnotnoteBoratzjan In the firstdecadeof the nineteenthcentury,foreign travellersdidnot changemuchin theircharacterisation of Borazjanas comparedwith Francklin.In 1800, Hollingberry,a member of Malcolm's embassy, a tolerablylargevillage,and considered"Berauzgoon, Othertravellerssuch as Waringand well peopled."212 Kinneir also consideredBorazj?na large village.22 What also struckthese travellerswas the physical aspectof the village.Kinneirdescribedit as havinga mud, not a brick, wall, flankedwith towers, while Waringonlymentionedthe wall.23However,according to Morier, the village was a collection of huts, which were built around a fort, which "was a square, with turrets at each corner, which were cut into small chequers at the top."24Another aspect of the village, which was reached via a stony road half a mile before Borazjan,25was that thereafter,the access to Borazjan was through plantations of date palms and tamarisk trees.26Although Ouseley stayed at Borazjan,none of

BORAZJAN, A RURAL MARKET TOWN IN BUSHIRE'S HINTERLAND

the membersof the embassydescribedthevillage,only referringto it. Priceonlymentionsthatit was the scene betweenOuseley of some diplomaticgrand-standing buthe left us with a nice drawing andthe mihmandar, of the village.27In the 1820stherewas littlechangein the way Bora-zj*an was seen by travellers.Accordingto while Fraser,it was a considerabletown on the road,28 Buckinghamdubbed it a large scatteredvillage.29 Stirlingcalled Borazjana largeand populousvillage. He added,"Thereare two strongholdsin this village, only one of whichis occupiedby the presentauthority for the purposeof defenceandprotection.The otheris inhabitedby, apparently, privatefamilies.The walls of the fortin whichSalemKhanresidesarehigh,perhaps notless thanthirtyfeet,defendedby severaltowers,and [it]is seatedon rathera higherelevationthantherestof the town."30 In the mid-nineteenth century Borazjan was describedas "alargestraddlingvillage.On one side of the village, is a fort."31Accordingto Pelly, "All the villages, even Barazjanincluded,fromBushireto the baseof the hills,maybe describedas a seriesof simple forts of unburntbrickor roughstone, surrounded by huts.Hereandthere stragglingcollectionsof temporary a wealthierfarmermay have builta mud-brickhouse, whose upper room peers drearilyover the general Thusit would seem thatthe wall the early huttage."32 travellersreferredto was thatof the fort,aroundwhich the villagershadbuilttheirsimpledwellings.Borazjan hadone fortress,althoughStirlingmentionedthatthere were two.33One of the fortswas most likely a caravanserai,aboutwhich later.The ordinaryhouseswere poor,builtchieflyof unburntbricksandmud,with flat roofs,34and,accordingto Pelly,as mentionedabove,in general wretched.35The village "standson a hard, gravellysoil; the stones formingthe upperstrataare large,rangingfromthe size of a pigeon'segg to thatof a child'shead.Runningthroughthe villagethereis the bed of a dry stream ... and there is no runningwater and

is scarcelybelowthe surface,it merelyservesto convey off superfluouswaterwhenthe rainsareheavy."36 The villagehas brackishwells, butbelow the surfacethere was drinkable water and the people were expert in digging temporarywells.37This explains why Lorimer and Sadid al-Saltana state that Borazj~n's "water is from deep wells and is good and abundant."38 In 1856, Captain Hunt described Borazjan (Brisjoon) as having "A wall, with tower bastions at intervals, enclosed the whole, and detached square

183

towerswithinoverlookedall. A ditchfifteenfeet deep ranroundtheoutside,andbeyondits gardens,withhigh thornsandcactusfences."He furthercommentedthatif the Persianforce,whose entrenchedcampthe British armyhad just overrun,had takenup positionin the village, then "in properhandsthe captureof such a place must cost both time and many sacrifices."39 forthe British,the Persianarmyhadmade Fortunately it easy forthem.Fromthis andearlierdescriptionsit is clear that Huntmeantto describethe khan'sfortress ratherthanthe entirevillageitself,the housesof which werespreadout aroundthe fort. POPULATION All travellersconsistentlycall Borazjan a largeand populousvillage, but what did thatmean?According to Morier,"I understandthat the populationof this district[Dashtestan] hasbeendecreasingeversincethe of Shaikh Nasr."40 Thismayhavebeendue happydays to the last fightsbetweenthe Qajarsandthe Zandsfor the throne of Iran that took place in Bushire's hinterland.Lutf 'Ali KhanZand,the last Zandruler, madea brief stop in Borazjanon his way to Bushire, andfromthereto his finalstandat Kerman.41 It is only in 1828thatone of Borazjan'svisitors(Stirling)made an estimate of the village's population. "The population of this village, from what I could understand fromthe enquiriesI made,cannotbe much less than three thousand souls."42In 1851, Binning

estimated that the village contained about 1,500 houses.43This seemsto have been a printer'serrorfor 500, a temporaryfluke,or a mistakein estimatingthe numberof houses,foraround1860,accordingto Pelly, the villagehad400 households.44 In 1870,accordingto it had inhabitants. 8,000 However,the Rivadeneyra, 1871 famine reducedthe populationby one-third.45 had750 houses,or about Accordingto Fasa'i,Bora-zjan 5,000 people,in 1885 or thereabouts.46 In 1890,thetownreputedlyboastedof 6,000 inhabitants.47According to Sadid al-Saltana, in 1896 Borazjan had 1,000 houses and about 5,000 people. However, a government survey, carried out at his suggestion at that time in Borazjan, showed that the number of houses was 885, or (assuming a family size

of five) a populationof about4,500.48 Lorimer'sfigure of about 500 houses with a populationof 2,500 persons is too low for the beginning of the twentieth century,

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184

TABLE2. List of the major lineages of Borazjan.

Papari ShahHuseyni Shahneh Vuthuqi Shahrubandi Salmani Bahrani

Khusravi Kamali Najjaran Ru'asa Baba'Ali Ruzbih Kamaraji Garmsiri Bahraini Ujr Dadal-Mizani Barjal Akhundha Bahrani

Qayedan Musavat Abu'l-Fathi Banuvi Mashayikh Kuzagaran Khvanin

and since his studyis basedon a compilationof older Thusit data,this figuremayreferto an earlierperiod.49 would seem, if we discountBinning'sestimateas an error,thatBorazjan'spopulationincreasedduringmuch of the entire nineteenthcentury,startingat 3,000 personsaround1825andprobablyreachingsome5,000 personstowardsthe end of the nineteenthcentury.By 1911,Bora4zjan only had 800 housesand4,000 inhabitants.50The decreasedpopulationmay be due to the politicalunrestand the relatedviolence in the area, is in aboutwhichlater.Thepopulationsize of Borazj'an harmonywiththe estimatedtotalpopulationsize of the districtsat thattime. In 1910the estimatedpopulationof Bushireandits districtswas:51 mainsurrounding Bushirepeninsula Dashti Dashtestan HayatDa'udandLiravi

23,000 20,000 20,000 20,000

Given the fact that Bora-zjanenjoyed economic growthduringthe secondhalfof thenineteenthcentury, thatit increasedin population,butat it is not surprising the same time, possibly also lost populationto other partsof the littoral.Tomakethispointwe needto have a closer look at the composition of Borazjan's populationandits economicactivities. was probablyfounded,or at least started Bora-zjan its development,in the early eighteenthcenturyand grew to its size of 500 householdsin the decades thereafter, due to the increasingly important of commercialrole of Bushire.Withthe abandonment Bandar'Abbasin 1760by the DutchandEnglishEast IndiaCompanies(VOCandEIC),Bushirebecamethe most importantportin the PersianGulf.It becamethe emporiumforthetradewithIran'spoliticalcentreof the secondhalf of the eighteenthcentury,Shiraz,andconsequentlythe villages alongthattraderoutebenefited

Ahangar Sadat-iMirJa'fari Kalimi AqaMajnuni Shamsi Karbala'i Akhundha Sadat-iShuja'al-Dini

Farrashbandi Zandavi Dihdashti Laru'i Dhahabi Haqiqat Dashti

fromthe increasein tradethattook place.The Papari tribe reportedlyousted the original inhabitantsof Borzjan, whomLorimerreportedto havebeenknown as the Bag, in the beginningof the nineteenthcentury. However, the Paparisonly constitutedpart of the population,becausethey werejoinedor precededby a group called the Qayedan and the Ra'asa, whom Lorimer called recent immigrants, and by some sayyids."The remainderof the town's people are a medley of immigrantsfrom other places, such as Bishiris,Dashtis,Khishtisand Kazerunis."52 By the to beginningof thetwentiethcentury,according a local lineages history,therewerenotless thanfortyimportant orclansin Borazjan,in additionto manysmallerones.53 The namesof these lineages(see Table2) indicate partly professional origins (five groups), partly geographic(seven groups)ones, but mostly personal andconfirmLorimer'scharacterones (theremainder), also statesthat isationof the population.Farrashbandi the populationcame from differentpartsof Iran.In andthusformedone addition,theyhadall intermarried name of a lineage could be the big family.54Also, the Dashti For example, group did not misleading. originatein the Dashtidistrict,but came fromMoz in Laristan. They were originally Naqshbandi Sufis (followers of Shaikh Habibullah),but convertedto Baha'ismafteraninternalconflictandmovedto Dashti. One partof the groupthenmovedon to Borazj*n,the remainder staying in Khormuj and neighbouring was a microcosmof villages.55In thisrespectBormazjan Bushire'spopulation,which also was of motley composition, originating mostly from Bushire's hinterland.56What therefore seems likely is that populationindeedgrew,butthatBushireand Borazjan's othervillages on the littoralsiphonedoff partof this growth.Therealso was a smallJewishcommunityof ten familiesthatresidedin the village.Althoughtheir occupationis not mentioned,it is quitelikelythatthey were engaged as peddlers(pilavar), an occupation

BORAZJAN, A RURAL MARKET TOWN IN BUSHIRE'S HINTERLAND

many rural Jews were engaged in. "Their mullah, a venerable old man, gave us a touching, and artless descriptionof theirmiseries and woes, and the affecting pictureof indigence, poverty and degradationwhich we witnessed here [...] was sufficient to suffuse with tears eyes less accustomedto such sights than our own."57In addition, after 1865 there was one Armenian family living in Borazjan,whose male head was the operatorof the telegraphoffice.

ECONOMY What drew these groups from the various parts of the Garmsiratof Fars to Borazj'anand onwards? The explanation must be sought in the economy of Bora-zjan.Of what did it consist? Borazj?ndependedon dates and agricultureand upon the passage throughit of the Shiraz and the up-countrytrade. Consequently,the people were mostly cultivators,tradersor muleteers. Initially,Borazjonmust have been one of the many emblematicvillages thatFraserso well describedat that time: Villagesareto be foundwhereverthereis water;poor andwretched,but containingsemi-barbarous inhabitants in considerableabundance;their food a few dates, and a bit of barley bread.Milk, indeed is abundant,and they possess flocks of sheep, reared chieflyfor sale,andbreeda numberof horses,which asthoseof Nejed,orBahrein, thoughnotso celebrated are neverthelesshighly esteemed... the villages are rarelyin view,andareat bestbutcollectionsof datetreehuts,so smallandwretchedas to be scarcelydisof the ground.58 cernablefromthe inequalities Borazj*n had grown as the result of the increased long-distancetradethatpassed throughits confines, and thus the village soon boasted of a caravanseraito attract caravans and their business. An earthquakedestroyed its caravanseraiin July 1824. At that time, accordingto Alexander, it was "a populous and thriving town: the walls can hardly be seen for the numerous stacks of grain which surroundthem. If a Europeanhappens to put up in the mehman-khana,or guest's-house, in the town, the chief of the place, Shaikh Suleem Khan, will provide him with every necessary, gratis. The origin of this custom was as follows: the life of an ancestorof the chief was saved by the interferenceof a European,and

185

he strictly enjoined all his descendants to treat Europeans in general as above-mentioned."59Despite this alluring option Alexander slept outside on the ground.60 Borazjaninitially was primarilya dry-fannrming agricultural settlement. Rich wrote, "On July 25 [1821], I arrivedat Burauzgoon,passing throughabouttwo miles of plantationsof dates and tobacco."61Borazjznalso had many date groves.62Other travellers noted the kunir trees when approachingBorazjan,and close to and surrounding the village the serried ranks of date-palm trees.63In addition to dates and tobacco, Borazjanalso had extensive fields of barleyand wheat, amongstwhich grew wild oats, and the white and red poppy. "In some partsthe crops had been cut and removed, in othersthey were ready for reaping,othersagain requireda fortnight more to ripen them. The numerous fields into which these plains were subdividedhad no hedges or banks to separatethem from each other,or even from the woods; many partswere moist with salt water."64Binning noted that much wheat and barley was cultivated, and that there was an abundance of date trees. He further observed many lote or cornel trees (kunar).65Stirling "saw no cultivationworthy of notice [March 19, 1828], and in fact none except those small vegetable gardens attachedto some of the houses in the outskirtsof the village."66These seemingly small gardenshad a considerableoutput.Fasai' statesthatBora-zjnproducedmany vegetables (buqfilat-igdvchahi), and the lettuce (kahfu) of Borazjanwas proverbiallygood. The watermelonsof Sar Kurreh,one of the villages nearBorazjan,were very big, sweet, and numerousand were exportedto Bushire in large quantities.67There also were regular flights of locusts doing much damage to the crops; the only advantagewas that the local people boiled and ate the locusts in the mannerof shrimps.68 Apart from production for local consumption, Borazjanalso producedfor the market.Waringin 1804 observed that Borazjancarriedon a considerabletrade in cotton, wheat, barley and tobacco with Bushire."69 Trade, however, was not only with Bushire, but also with the passengers and handlers of the regular caravans that passed through Borazjan. "Corn and provisions, sufficient for the wants of the peasantryand of that of the passing muleteers, are found at all the forts. The surpluscorn is exported;that which remains in store is buried in pits lined with straw. These are readily discoverable by probing; and the pit coverings are generally raised into mounds. The grain is sown in

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lateautumnandreapedin latespringandearlysummer. Cottonthriveseverywhere,butis carelesslysown, and the same bushes are left standingfor an indefinite This perceptionof negligenceor numberof years."70 lackof carewas also presentwithArnold."Theiragricultureis careless;their homes are miserable;their food, for the most, dates."... "Cultivated patches,all unfenced,are few and far apart.In these wheat was wavingfive incheshigharoundbusheswhichthe cultivators had not taken the trouble to remove."71 whatmost stoodout in the mindof the Consequently, was foreignobserverswereits palmtrees,forBora-zjan surrounded by date-groveswhichweremost extensive on the west side, the reason why Curzon called village.72 Borazj*nthe palm-girdled There were no local manufactures,accordingto Lorimer,but the women of Dashtestandistrictwove camelhairintomaterialto makecloaksor 'abas.Their pricein Bushirewas 50-250 qirins, accordingto colour andsoftness.73 Also, the Dashticlanwas almostexclusively engagedin clothshoe making(shivakashi)and weaving(jul7') andtherewas productionof construction materialsand pottery.74East of the village is the Kisehk~nmountains,whichhadminingpotential.They were not easily accessible,however.They had many There furtherspringsthatwerenotusedforagriculture. were also many coal deposits that were not used either.75The increasedimportanceof manufactories mayhavebeena laterdevelopment,forthe bazaarwas qualifiedas "awretchedplace",in 1851.76However,in andby 1900, 1889therewere 50 shopsof all trades,77 the bazaarcontainedabout 170 shops, accordingto Lorimer.78 However,accordingto an 1896government survey there were only 42 shops and nine farms (mazra'as)belongingto Borazj*an.79 Anothereconomicactivitywas the supplyof packanimals,proving services for these animals (horseshoeing smiths) and the sale of food and fodderto caravansand travellerspassingthrough,which was a About monopolybelongingto the chief of Borazjan.80 were employed 300-500 mulesbelongingto Bora-zj*n on the Shirazroute,dependingon the foddersituation andthe occurrenceof plagues.Borazjanwas the only tradecentrein Dashtestan"andits tradeis consequentBorazjan's32 ly anepitomeof thetradeof thatdistrict." a radius of 12-15 situated within which were villages, to for their km., supplied goods Borazjan export,while Bor~zjansuppliedthemin turnwith importedgoods.81 The exportsall went to Bushireandcomprisedwheat,

barley,beans,melons,tobacco,gum, wool, firewood, charcoalandlime.82Peopleat BushirepreferredIndian charcoalto thatof Borazj*ndistrict,if theycouldafford to buyit, becausethelattercontaineda largequantityof powder.83 GumArabicain Farsprovincewasmainlyproduced by:84 Town

quantity(in tons)

Maymand Firuzabad Borazjan Shiraz(fromvariouspartsof Fars) Kazerun Komarej Khesht Bandar-iRig Behbahan Shustar,RamHormuz Total

100 150 110 300 225 45 75 130 350 175 1,660

Importsin the contrarydirection,for the consumption for the town anddistrict,were chieflyprints,rice, coffee, sugar,tea, opiumand spices.The opiumhabit was very prevalentby the end of the nineteenth The currencyof tradewas Persian,chiefly century.85 silverqirans;andthe manof Borazjznwas equalto 18 lbs. 11 oz. English,giving a hashimman(13 ordinary mans)of 139 lbs.86 Consequently,there were not only muleteersbut also merchantsin Borazjanwho were in regularcommunicationwith Bushireand the outlyingvillages of Borazjan.Binning,for example,mentionedthe chief merchantof Borazj*nwhom he describedas "a man well knownto the Residentat Bushire".87 Despitethe economicactivitiesin Borazjznandthe growthin trade,and thus the growthin income,the people of Borazjandid not did strikeStirlingin 1826 "eitheras industriousor wealthy,nor can I say thatI ever saw a well-dressedindividual.The countenance and habits of all indicatedmuch povertyand want, althoughthere was no deficiency of pride in their This emaciatedandhalf-starvedfeaturesandlooks."88 may have been due to the ratherharshrule by the local khan and the fact that Borazj~nwas involved in several feuds at that time. For Stirling also noticed that, "there appearedto reign the spiritof desolation and desertion" among the population.89Fraser also implied this when he relatedthatthe shaikhof Borazjanwanted to sell him a beautifulArabian,of the best blood. "But it had signs

BORAZJAN,A RURAL MARKETTOWN IN BUSHIRE'S HINTERLAND

of firingon both legs. We declined,and laterlearned thatthe ownerhad purposefullyblemishedthe animal He saidit in to avoidhavingto cede it to the shaikh."90 even strongerterms, "everythingwe saw and heard stronglyindicatedthatthe governmentis even a more bitter enemy to the people's prosperitythan their churlishsoil".91In 1851,the peoplelookedsqualidand miserable,accordingto Binning.Thiswasprobablydue fromthe to the factthattheyjust hadbeen "liberated" the occupation by Tangestanis.92Economically speaking,thingswerelookingup duringthe secondhalf of the nineteenthcentury,and Lorimerreportedthat, "Thestandardof civilisationis higherat Burazjanthan is usual in the coast districtsaboutBushire,but the inhabitantsavoid needless displayof well-beingand even allow theirhousesto remainunrepairedlest the PersianGovernmentshouldbe temptedto quartera highofficialpermanently amongthem;atthe sametime their attitudetowardsthe Governmentis somewhat defiant."93 Despiteits economicimportanceBorazjdndid not havea caravanserai formuchof the nineteenthcentury. In 1817, Col. Johnsonrelatedthat, "We arrivedat We Boorauzgoon,where there was no caravansarai. were lodged underthe thatchedgatewayof a Jew's house."94This lack of commercialinfrastructure was soon thereaftercorrected.In 1821,Rich reported,"We were lodged underthe gatewayof the caravansarai. Burauzgoonis in the style of Tchahkoota,but rather betterand moreextensive;with a caravansarai, which wouldnotbe amissif it werefinished."95 Itwasprobably this caravansarai which an earthquakedestroyedin 1824.Stirlingwrotein 1828,"Thereis no sarrayhere.I was obligedto get quartersin the fortby applicationto themenof the chiefnearthe gateway."96 Becauseof the destructionof the caravanserai, travellershad to find accommodation elsewhere.Binning"wasconductedto thehouseof one Reihan,a Jew,andwas accommodated in a small room adjoiningthe stable."97The chief merchantof Borazj*nofferedBinninglodgingsin his house.98Fourteenyears latertherewas still no carafor thoughthe roadthrough was a vanserai, Bor"zjmin majortraderoute, one did not reach a caravanseraiuntil one reachedDaleki.99However, therewas the ruinof the old caravanserai,for in 1875 Ballantinewrote that there was a caravanserai,but it was totally tumbled down.'00 This means that either between 1865 and 1875 a caravanserai had been built, but which in that short period had become ruinous, which seems highly unlikely, or

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what is more likely,that it was the ruin of the caravanseraidestroyedin 1824. After 1865, the Indo-European TelegraphDepartment's line from Bushire to Shiraz passed through and was connectedat this place with the Bora-zj*n Persiangovernmenttelegraph,which went via Rig, Shustar Dilam,Behbahan,andAhvazto Muhammarah, andDizful.'0'TheTelegraphDepartment builta station atBorazj*ncomprisinga smallbuildingwithtworooms, whichforeigntravellersoftenusedandwhichhadbeen builtfor thatpurpose.Locallythe buildingwas known as Kuti.In 1868therewereas yet no doorsor chairs.102 was still sorely However,the lackof a caravanserai felt;103but this defect was soon to be remedied.In 1289/1872-73the constructionof a new caravanserai was started.In 1875it was stillunderconstruction and not yet ready for use by travellers.104 According to

was intendedto be a Ballantine,the new caravanserai substantialstructure,"butthe fundsbequeathedfor its erection,by a pious old Mussulmanmerchant,were constantlybeingdrainedby fraudandrascality,so that the worklagged."He andhis partywere lodgedby an Armenianin the employof the TelegraphDepartment in one of thetworoomsof his officebuilding.'05 Mushir al-Mulkwas the pious personwho financedthe constructionof the new caravanserai,which was built underthe supervisionof the architectHa`jji Muhammad Rahim.The figuresgiven for the cost of the construction vary between40,000 and 85,000 tiama-ns.106 By was ready,so thatnow Borazjan 1876,the caravanserai was describedas consistingof "a telegraph-station, a and a caravansarai, village".107 Europeansmostly continuedto lodge at the Telegraphstation,if only becauseit was cleanerandhadthe additionalbenefitof the companyof the Armenianoperator.'08 Thenew caravanserai madequitean impressionon travellers. From afar it stood out as a European landmarkagainstthe sky, looking like a two-tiered mediaeval castle with lofty and loopholed walls, ramparts,enormous towers and turrets. Everyone consideredit to be the finestcaravanserai in Iran,and "it lost much of its although impressivenessas one draws nearer",it was still a magnificent building. On the inside there was "a splendid suite of rooms for the governor or other travelling officials of high rank".109 Although a caravanserai,the building was at the same time a stronghold "capable of being utilised as a fort, the reason why locally it was called dezh or fort. High Persian officials passing through Burazjan treat the

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Sarai as a residence.""0Apparently,later some smaller additionalcaravanseraiswere constructedin Bora-zjan. According to a survey by 1896, the town had one large caravanseraiand three small ones."'

CULTURALAND SOCIAL LIFE As far as religious life is concerned, in 1828, there were no large mosques.112By 1896, according to a government survey, there were five mosques; whether they were large is not known.113There were also several religious shrines of some importance."14 Ouseley reportedthat "Nearour camp was the tomb of some modern Imamzadah or Mohammedan saint, whose name I did not take the trouble to record;a representation of it, however, is annexed, (Plate XII), not for any beauty in the view, but as it shews one form of those sepulchral edifices, which a traveller in Persia almost daily sees.""5 In 1896, there were at 12 km. (2 farsakhs) south of the town two imamzadas; one was the alleged resting place of Ibrahimb. Mtsa Kazim and known as "shir marcd".It was famed for its many miracles.116 There also was a synagogue for the small Jewish community,"a darkmiserablehut, consisting of four bare walls, and a broken uneven clay floor; there was not a book, except for a few parts of the Old Testament Scriptures, with which Dr. Wolff, many years ago, presented them."'17To sustain religious life as well as other spiritualneeds there were some local ulama, poets and calligraphers, who had achieved some renown. By the end of the nineteenth century, Borazjan even boasted of one mujtahid.18 By 1890, there was a four-class "modern"school and a budget had been allocated for it, including for the teaching staff."119 For those who wanted more there was also a set of good baths.120In 1832/1248, the then ruling governoror ?zbit, Salim Khan, built a new bath-house.By 1896 this one was still standing and in good condition, while the other was in ruins.121For those who wanted also physical exercise, there was a very peculiarcharacteristic of Borazjan that, as far as I have been able to ascertain,was the only settlement in Iranwhere a kind of football was played. In 1826, Stirling noted that, "The children however attracted my attention, from observing theirplay with the ball in much the same way boys play at home, but with less spiritand design. Their ball was bad, made chiefly of wound cotton cloth, and

not even with worsted wound into a ball, which would have given elasticity. They were not a little pleased at my joining them and showing thatI was not ignorantof the game."'122That this game was no fluke, but had really captured the minds of the population is clear since the same game was still played in Borazjansome 65 years, or two generations,later.Curzonreportedthat, "The village youths of Borazjunwere busily engaged in rustic games, among which hockey and rounders (the precise equivalentto the English game) appearedto be the most popular."'123 Bora-zj?nhad no more to offer in terms of amenities than had Bushire, except for one thing. The living conditions were apparentlyslightly better, for in 1822, Lumsden mentioned that Captain Bruce, the British resident at Bushire, had a garden-houseat Borazj?n.124 Here there was also the possibility to do some hunting, an activity in which the local population was also engaged. Rich reportedin 1822 that, "The Khan sent us a present of a very fine chamois or ibex, which tasted something like delicate beef."'25

TAXATION According to Stirling,who visited the town in 1828, The villagesof BarrisgoonunderSelim Khanyield annualrevenueof 3,000 tomans.This sum includes everythingin them, all abwalis [waterdues from irrigated lands], customs and duties, with the exception of occasional presents, when in the presenceof the Prince,which are supposedto be regulatedby some known customs which have hithertoprevailed.Eachof thesedistrictofficersmay be consideredas the most considerableandwealthy of the localproprietors of the land;theseestatesfrom timeimmemorial havebeenin thepossessionof their families.SelimKhan,I was informed,at Barrusjoon only paid the sum of 1,057 toomans, while he collected annually 10,000 toomans, consequently onlypayingaboutonetenthof theassetsof his estate. Therestof the chiefmenof districtspay in the same proportion.Out of one hundredmaundswhich are produced,he gives thirty maaundsto the Surkar [overseerof landrental].126 Around 1860, Borazjoon paid 4,000 tumans in taxes including pishkash.127 According to Pelly,

BORAZJAN, A RURAL MARKET TOWN IN BUSHIRE'S HINTERLAND

farmerspaid taxes on the outputper cow. "Thecrop borneby a cow of land 15 Kransor so per annumin money, and one maundof wheat and one of barley forKurneh,or expensesin collecting."128 In apparently in in also had to GM taxes 1879,Bora-zjan pay 43,500 additionto 3,200 GM as pishkash and 640 GM as khal'at-bahj.129 In 1898, the tax burden for the butcherswas 800 timans, accordingto Sadid alSaltana.IskandarKhan the tufangdar-bashiof the governor Husa-mal-Saltanawas the collector. He collected this tax in secret, because butchersand bakers'tax hadbeen declaredexemptby MuzaffaralDin Shah.130Thereducedfiscalburdenforthe khanof Borazjanprobablyhadto do withthe factthatin 1879 Borazjanandsurroundings providedas manyas 1,000 and this tufangchis,131 provisionwas in lieu of taxes. Borazjantroopsthereforeparticipatedin the battleof Khosh-Abon February10, 1856. They were partof some bodies of horse."Theyhad also in theircharge the governorof Brnisjoon,who- endeavouringto attractattentionby placinga black Persiancap on a stick, and waving it as a signalto his countrymenwas immediately,and very properly,knockedoff his horse, and forced to remainon his knees until the fortuneof the daywas decided."132 Also, two leadinglineages,the Qayedunand the Ra'asa,wereexemptfrompaymentof taxesin 1879.133 The populationof the Dashtestandid not have a decreasedtax burden,becausethey hadto financethe cost of the military service that Borazjanhad to provide.Some of the taxes they had to pay included nakhilct, a tax on date trees, which were taxed in at 7,50 GM. This tax was collectedin two Bora-zjan payments, one at Nawruz and the other in the autumn.134 The chiefs had to pay land tax to the of governor Bushire or that of Fars and provide military levies when called upon, dependingupon whetherthe governorof Shirazhad farmedout the taxes of Dashtestanor whether he collected them directly. In the aftermath of the Constitutional Revolution,paymentof taxes fell into arrears,as in so many other parts of Iran. Due to smuggling, the population of Dashtestan and neighbouring districts were well armed, which made them less amenable to pay taxes.135By 1911,the taxes (maliyygt) of Borazjan were 5,300 tumans. The khan's revenue was 16,000 tiimans in agriculturaltaxes and 20,000 tumans from taxation of caravans, sale of rdhddri, 'alafi, monopolies of gum, etc.136

189

THERULINGFAMILY Accordingto the BritishconsulChick,"Theruling family of the Borazjunkhans are descendedfrom a certainMuhammad, who camefromthedistrictof Kam Firuz.He was employedas a servantby the thenruling khan, marriedhis daughterand became chief of It is notknownwhetherthe originalkhan Borazjun."'137 was a Bag (the originalinhabitants)or a Papari(the "usurping"inhabitant).The new ruling family, the descendantsof Muhammad,were not, accordingto Lorimer, Paparis but belonged to a tribe called Mayman.138Karim Khan Zand gave Shah Mansir, Muhammad'sgrandson,the title of khan;the latter's son SalimKhanwas succeededby his son Muhammad Khanin 1832,who was capturedby the British H.asan in 1856.He was handedoverto the governorof Shiraz, Ihtishamal-Dawla.139In 1875, MuhammadHasan Khanwas still in chargeof Dashtestan.140Evenbefore MuhammadHasanKhan died in 1876, havingbeen rulingkhanfor44 years,therewas infightingamongthe rulingfamilyconcerningthe succession.This conflict between1870 and 1877,whichled ragedin particular to a frequentchangeof khans.141This familystruggle enhanced the already unruly reputation of the Dashtestanisdue to its sometimesvery violentnature. visit,Ahmad Onlyeightmonthspriorto Rivadeneyra's Khan,governorof the time,askedhis brotherone day: "Theytell me you have relationswith my wife, I will kill you."And thenhe killedhim on the spotby firing his revolvera few times.142 It also put an end to the strife amongthe khansaboutwho would hold sway overthe village.For,accordingto Rivadeneyra, it was the governorof Bushire who won by taking over The result was that many Borazjfn'sadministration. left the town andreinforcedthenumber poorBora-zj'anis of nomadsandmarauders. Thereasonforthisdeparture was thatmanyinhabitants felt a strongallegianceto the khan'slineage.143 Thegovernorof Bushire'stakeover,if thatwaswhat it was, didnot, however,last long. Oneof Muhammad Hasan Khan's sons, Mirza Khan, finally I.usayn in the In the 1880s,Fasa'iwrote prevailed familyfight. thatthe functionsof ?abit andkalantarof Borazjanhad been for generations with Mirza Khan IH.usayn who is of the of Borazjani, lineage Salim Khan Sadid al-Saltana in 1896 that reported Borazj~ni.'44 Mirza Khanwas ?cabi!t of Borazjan.A thattime he wasIH.usayn fifty-fouryearsold, andhadalreadybeen iabit

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for twenty-fouryears. He had two sons, Muhammad KhanandMahmtidKhan,who bothhadmarriageties with the khansof Shabankgreh.145 It would seem that the winner of the family feud had been forced to compromise,however,for MirzaHusaynKhanshared powerwith 'Ali Khan,who ruledBorazjanalternately with him, until the latter'sdeath.Althoughby 1911, MirzaHusaynKhan,thenaboutseventyyearsold, was still living at Borazjan,his son, Mirza Muhammad Khan,Ghazanfaral-Saltana,had takenover from his fatheraboutone decadeearlier.He was oustedfromhis positionby Ijlalal-Dawlain 1903andwas replacedby a duoof relatives,viz. Muhammad KhanandHajj H.ajj the son of for one Khan, year,whenhe took 'Ali Khan, in over again.146 1906 Persian textsmention However, the khansof Borazjan,indicatingthattherewas shared ruleagain.147 withsomeinterrupal-Saltana, Ghazanfar tions, remained2tbit of Borazjantill the end of the Qajarera.

STUDIES

annum. Murderwould be compensatedby blood to money;butthe Shaikhwouldnot sendthe murderer Bushireforpunishment. The Shaikhin turnwouldlevy renton the farmersby the cow."152 Thisadministrative constructionlasted until 1862-63 when Bushire, Dashti, and Dashtestan were separated from the provinceof Farsandthe independentgovernorshipof the GulfPorts(mamlakat-i banddir)was established.153 As before,the traditionalchiefs remainedin place to ensurethe tax collection,law and order.The relationshipwiththeoutsidegovernorwas notalwaysflawless. Severaltimestroopshadto be sentto Dashtestanand Dashti to collect the taxes.154In 1303/1885-86, for example,a conflicthad brokenout betweenMalikalTujjar,the governorof Dashtestan,and 'Ali Khan,the chief of Borazjan.The soldierssent againsthim were defeatedand the governorrequestedthe governorof Shirazto sent some cannonto settlethe matter,which In 1889, NawdharMirza was the latterrefused.155 In 1906,Sadiqalof Dashti and Dashtestan.156 governor Mamalikwas governorof Dashtestan.157 Towardsthe ADMINISTRATIVE STRUCTURE end of the nineteenthcentury,Dashtest~nwas returned to Fars.Nevertheless,the governorof the Gulf Ports In the Safavidperiod,Dashtestanwas an filka,or an farmedBorazjn, alongwithits dependencies, fromthe administrative under a of Fars. that did not However, jurisdiction, governor(bikim) governor-general change In 1737,Hasan the legal status of Bora-zjan.Lorimernoted that it assistedby a deputy-governor (nl'ib).148 of Farsandis the seatof the "belongsto thegovernment 'Ali Beg (Hassan Alie Beek), was the n1'ib of Dashtestan.The nd'ibwas often at Zirah(Ziera),five khanwho administers the greaterpartof theDashtest~n miles inland.149It is not knownwhetherhe was one of district.A deputy-governor also resideshereon behalf In 1913,pursuant theoriginalBag ownersof Borazjanorfromsomeother of thegovernor-general of Fars."158 to Dashtestan became a local group,or wherehe had his seat of government. the new administrative reforms, However,the n5'ibof Dashistanwasthe superiorof the separatejurisdictionadministeredby the khan of shaikhof Bushireat thattime, for Bushirewas partof Borazj•n.159 the Dashtestan administrative region (ilkd-yi Dashtestan).Afterthe fall of the Zands,Bushireand POLITICAL ROLE Dashtestanremaineda separatejurisdictionunderone answerable to the of Fars governor, governor-general The triballevies of Bushire'shinterlandnot only province.150Bushire, under the shaikhs of the alto securethe caravanroutesbut also kept the had asserted its and had served family independence MadhkOr been able to become a separatejurisdiction.This ambitionsof the Bushire shaikhs in check, for the situationlasteduntil 1850whenthe al-Madhkiirs were periodbetween 1760-1850 was one where Borazjan which from led to the administration expelled Bushire, playedan importantrole as Shiraz'sinstrumentin its by governorsappointedby Shirazand later Tehran. disputeswith Bushire.ShaikhNasirof Bushire,from hadplansfor Initially,Bushire,Dashtestanand Dashti constituted the verybeginningof his administration, one governorship,althoughthe traditionallocal chiefs his familyandhis town.He realisedthe importanceof remainedin functionas ?abit and kalantar.151 Pelly fosteringties with the Dashtestantribesin orderto be notedthat,"theseArabvillagesarefarmedandadmin- ableresistdemandsfromthe overlordat Shiraz.160The ties with Shirazwere often of a shiftingnature,and isteredby their own Shaikhs,who arrangetheirown civil disputes,and pay a lump sum of revenueper when Shaikh Nasir refused to give in to certain

BORAZJAN, A RURAL MARKET TOWN IN BUSHIRE'S HINTERLAND

191

demands, Karim Khan incited the chiefs of the Tangestanand Dashtestanto attackand lay siege to Bushire.By December1767 ShaikhNasir agreedto KarimKhan'sdemandsandthetriballeviesretreatedin January1768. His son was sent to Shirazto stay at court. This event showed that, without a secure hinterland(i.e. supportof Dashtestan), Bushirewas not ableto developan independentstance.161ShaikhNasir didnot forgetthis slightandblowto his ambitions,and when the last Zandrulercameto Bushirefor military assistancethe Shaikhclosedits gates.He thenpursued Lutf'Ali Khanwiththe helpof, amongstothers,troops from Dashtestan;Borazjanwas theirstagingplace.162 Although the new Qajar regime was grateful for Bushire'shelp,atthesametime,it was suspiciousof the al-Madhkorshaikh's political ambitions.Borazjan's levies onceagainwouldplaytheroleof the Qajarstick. In 1800,the chiefof Borazjanwitha partyof horseand infantrycamea distanceof fourmiles to meetthe EIC envoy JohnMalcolm,"forwhose entertainment they practiceda seriesof evolutionsand mock skirmishes, whichtheycontinueduntilwe reachedourencampment atthevillage."'163 Thesemenwereintendednotonlyfor the defence of Borazjanitself but also to provide protectionalong the road. In 1821, for example,the khanof Borazjansent a man with Rich'spartyto the nextguardhouse.164 Bordzjan'sinvolvementin politicswas determined andadministrativeby its location,bothgeographically The entire was in tribal nature,andsincethe ly. region fall of the Safaviddynastytherehadbeen littlecontrol there by the centralgovernment.Consequently,lawlessnessthrivedand caravanswere attackedat times. Rivalry with other districtcentres was normal and incursions, temporary occupations, and killings frequentlyoccurred.BecauseDashtestanfell adminisof Shiraz, trativelydirectlyunderthe prince-governor the tensions which developedbetween Bushire and Shirazalso hadtheirimpacton Bushire'shinterland, in particularon nearby Borazjun.This led to rivalry between the traditionalchiefs of Bushire and of

not collaborate at times. They did, such as in 1303/1885-86, when the chiefs of Dashtestanand of MalikalTangestan jointlyopposedthe appointment as their To induce the Tujjr governor. governor-general of Shirazto accepttheirproposal,they offeredto pay their taxes immediatelyand to give an additional pishkashof 2,000timans.166As thechiefs,so weretheir followers.Frasercharacterised the "typical"inhabitant of Dashtestanin 1822 as follows: "Everything is directlythe contraryof thatwhichwouldbe soughtfor the fit habitationof man;yet, in this desolateregion, wherethe intensityof heat seems calculatedto curdle and destroyhis faculties,he is foundbraveand independent,like his greatancestor;his handagainstevery man, and every man's hand againsthim. Even the power of the most absolutekings exercisedbut questionableand imperfectauthorityover the tribesof the Dushtistan."167 Althoughthereare not manyreportedincidentsof regularbanditryandattackson caravansthe hinterland was not a peacefulplace.In 1826,the Dashtestanhad become an unsettled state, caused mainly by the "graspingdispositionof the Shaikhof Bushire,who is to get underhisjurisdictionthewhole of endeavouring the low country".When he sent a body of troopsto claimtributefromBora-zjan, it resistedandfifteenof the Bushire force were killed.168At that time Stirling observed:"This chief was absent on an expedition Thetribedenominatagainstthe peopleof Thungistan. ed Thungistanians area factiousset, andareapparently alwaysengagedin warfareagainsttheirneighboursor amongthemselves.Theyarepowerful,andarethe great disturbersof the peacenearBushire.Theyaredreaded andfearedby the chiefs in whose vicinitythey reside. Theyhaverebelledandrefusedto pay SalimKhanthe dues to whichhe, as representative of His Majesty,is entitled to demand. Salim Khan is however, not tributary directlyto the Kingof Persia,butto thePrince of Sheeraz,one of the King's sons. This chief is reportedto levy aboutten thousandtoomansfromthe countryin whichhe rules,andpays only annuallyone

Borazjun, and as well as between the latter and other chiefs of Dashti, Shabankarehand Tangestan, other neighbouringdistricts. According to Pelly, "all the khans are at near perennialfeud".Each district(ndi1iya)had its own 2fabibt and kalaintar,who did not recognise the control of any other,and the people only acceptedthe rule of their own chief.165This did not mean that the feuding chiefs did

thousandand fifty seven toomans."'69 In November 1828, RizaqulI Mirza and Timur Mirza, sons of the prince-governor of Shiraz, led an army consisting of Dashtestanis, Tangestanis, Dashtis and soldiers from Shiraz against Bushire, where Shaikh 'Abd al-Rastil of Bushire wanted to extend his rule. They sacked the town and after two months of looting withdrew.The merchantscomplained to the Shah, who

192

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STUDIES

orderedthe governorto restorethe plunderedgoods. When the people of Dashtestanrefusedto returnthe goods, the governorof Shiraztried to come to an agreementwiththe chiefof Bushireto settlethematter. The latterwrotethathe shouldhandover to him the chiefs concerned,in whichcase he wouldcompensate the merchants.The governorof Shirazthenmovedto Dashtestanin orderto win overthe khansandentered Bushire.The princethen arrestedall the khans and released them to 'Abd al-Rasal, who after having paradedthemin the bazaar,tookthemto Khark,where he drownedthemall save one who fled.170 Although'Abdal-RasalhadplacatedFarm?nfarma, of Shiraz,thiswas only temporary. the prince-governor the princewas againin Bushirein end of 1831 the By orderto squeezehimorto replacehimas governor.'Abd al-Rasilpromisedto pay 20,000tuma-ns peryearmore in taxes andpaidthe princea returnvisit in February 1832. On his return prominent Tangest•ms and Dashtestaniswho lustedfor his blood,becausehe had in the killedsomeof theirrelativeswhohadparticipated He was 1828sackof Bushire,killedhimatBorazj'an.171 returningfromShiraz,"whenhe receiveda warningat Daliki, about the intentionsof the Borazjunis.He ignoredthe warningandstayedthe nightin the fortress of Borazjan. The fort was surroundedby armed who offered bakhtor free quarterto the Borazjamns Shaikh'sfollowers, who acceptedthat. The Shaikh withdrewto a smallnarrowtowerof the fortwherehe couldsell his life mostdearly.Afterhe hadkilledseven oreightof his assailantstheyset fireto thetower;he had His corpsewasburnt to exitandwaskilledimmediately. to ashesandscatteredto the winds."'172 Under 'Abd al-Rastil's successors, there was continuedconflictwith Shiraz,andbothpartiestriedto ally themselveswith the coastal khans. Shirazwas sometimeseven ableto drawthe khansof Rohillaand Shabankareh,usually allies of the al-Madhkarsof Bushire. The Tangestanisand Dashtestanisusually supportedShiraz. Thus neither Bushire nor Shiraz couldcounton thereliabilityof theirallies.At the same

on 1 Khankilled his Tangestanmi counterpart IHaydar In August1833becausehe wasjealousof his power.173 and Rohillaattacked January1835, the Shabank~reh Borazjanandrenouncedtheirallegianceto Shiraz.174 withthe British. Thecoastalkhansalsocollaborated MirzaAsad, governorof Bushire,had quarrelledwith Thelattermoved the EICandBaqirKhanof Tangestan. againstBushirein January1839.At thattimetheBritish and the sovereignMuhammadShah(r. 1834-48) had differencesoverHerat,andthisresultedin theEICwithdrawingfromBushireto Khark.TheBritishmaintained with BaqirKhan and otherkhans, a correspondence whichmadethe positionof MirzaAsaduntenable,and he was thereforereplacedin June 1839.175 In 1845, ShaikhNasirIIIwas reinstatedas governorof Bushire. He hadhis problems,mainlywithBaqirKhanwhomhe could not please, and theirdifferenceseruptedinto a conflict in 1848. BaqirKhan had taken Borazjanin 1845;Shabnk•a•reh, AngaliandZirukhwerealsounder time.176 Whenthe Bushirisfell out his authority that by tribesof Dashtiand with the neighbouring Tangestmn, the Shah used this dissensionto establishhis own governorat Bushire,andat the sametimeto reducethe tribesof DashtestanandTangestan, togetherwith some minortribessuchas the Rohillas.177 Central government control over the coastal hinterlandremainedweak, however,despitethe fact thattherenow was a subordinate governorat Bushire. In fact, exceptwhen therewas a stronggovernor,the situation was as if nothing had changed. Strong governorswouldtaketoughmeasuresto quelldisobedient chiefs. In 1877, Ihtishamal-Dawla arrested Khanandhis son HaydarKhanand Muhammad IH.asan put them in prison, where the former died. What happenedto his son I have not been able to learn.'178 Althougharound1900, as tax farmer,the governorof the GulfPortsofficiallyhadcontrolovertheDashtestan and other coastal districts, he kept for his own protection,andto enforcehis orders,200 infantryand 50 gunnersat Bushire."In this area the khans of Borazjan,Shabankareh,Angali, Hayat Davud, and

time, these allies continued their infighting even when pursuing common goals. For example, the Bushiris resented Rizaquli Mirza's harsh fiscal policy, while the Tangestanisdid not like his inroadsinto their affairs.As a result, Aqa Jamil Khan, an al-Madhkir ally, engineered a coup against the prince supported by Khan Dashti, with whom he also had strong economic ties. The alliance did not hold, however; H.aydar

Liravi and the shaikh of Chah Kutah are constantly engaged in intriguesagainstone anotherand form combinations and counter-combinationsamong themselves for the promotion of their ends. Cattle raids and thefts occur which are followed by militaryaltercations,every man having a modem rifle and a cartridge-loading machine."'79 The population of Borazjun, along with that of Tangestan,enjoyed a bad reputation.According

BORAZJAN,

A RURAL MARKET TOWN IN BUSHIRE'S

HINTERLAND

193

had been leased by Nizam al-Saltanato the khan of to the SpanishtravellerRivadeneyrain 1875,hardlya for the last fifteen years. He had tried year passed by when there were not murdersunder ShabankUreh In 1876, Arnoldnoted several times to have his father-in-lawreplacedby circumstances.180 extraordinary thatthe one amusementforthe men at Borazjanwas to Zirah himself,andas a result,raidsbetweenBorazj*an, shootthroughout the evening."Theyareonlyinterested andShabanka-reh were common.Althoughthe conflict withMirzaIsma'ilKhanwas finallyresolved,a further to improvetheir markmanship.Their agricultureis conflict with the centralauthoritiesarose due to the careless;theirhomesaremiserable;theirfood, for the in the autumnof 1911,of Gha2anfar almost,dates;theyaresubjectto the mostcrueltyranny." imprisonment, "their is their one to be 'AlI and his sons Mirza on a Saltana's cousin, Khan, delight ready against ... with their rifles." Their head-man or subof was also the neighbors charge conspiracy.188 Borazj-an gengovernorshota shepherdjust to test his markmanship, darmerie'sbase of operationsagainst Boir Ahmadi or so he was told as a truestoryby a local resident.'181 rebels in 1913.189To a certain extent, Boralzjanalso Curzonalso "noticedat Borazjunthat all men were becamethe base of operationsagainstthe Britishafter armedwith a big pistol,loosely stuckin the belt;and, they had occupied SouthernIran. To starthis antiuponinquiringthe reasonof this singularlyun-Persian British operations,the German Consul Wassmuss habitheardthatit is peculiarto Borazjunanda few sur- marchedto Borazj*an to seek the supportof Ghazanfar al-Saltana,who was knownfor his anti-Britishstance. roundingplaces,the inhabitantsof which revel in the openprofessionof robbery,andin the luxuryof blood- Afterhis Persianpartisanshad arrestedthe staffof the This situationhad not changedfifteenyears Englishconsulatein Shirazin 1915, they transported feuds."'182 The choiceof thatareawas an later, when Williams noted the "ruffianlylooking themall to Borazj'an.190 of the have excellent because the local chiefs had for years inhabitants,who, apparently one, appearance consider it essential to load themselves been defyingthe Persiangovernmentand anti-British many feuds, withrifles,pistols,andknives."'183 Despiteits somewhat feelingswerehigh dueto Britisheffortsto curtailtheir violentreputation,Borazjanin 1896 was also a refuge activities. According to O'Connor,the imprisoned for politicaldissentersfrom Bushire,who fled there Britishconsul,"Foryearstheyhadabusedtheirposition when the situation became too hot for them at and hamperedtrade by levying illegal taxes on all Bushire.184It should also be addedthat visitors and caravansof merchandise passingthroughtheirterritory, andneitherthe ordersof the PersianGovernmentnor passers-bywerewell treated. With the decreasing authority of the central the protests of the British representativehad been effective in restrainingthem."'91Accordingto the government,the willingnessof the coastalkhansto pay taxes and to spurnillegal activitiesalso declined.In British,Ghazanfar al-Saltanawas the mostnotedbuyer the Persian used as a 1324/1906, of, and dealer in, smuggled arms and ammunition government Bora-zjan stagingpost to suppressthe rebellionof Isma'ilKhan among the headmen of the Bushire littoral and A Persianmilitarydetachmentof 150 hinterland. He andhis fatherhadacquiredgreatwealth Shabdankareh.'85 infantrywith one mountaingunthenoccupiedthe dizh fromextortionon passingcaravans,andespeciallyfrom of Borazjan.Riflemen(tufangchis)fromBora-zj*an itself the monopolyof the sale of grainto animals.192 The were also used againstMirzaIsmai'l.186 at British considered Ghazanfar to be a difficult al-Saltana Ironically, thattime Mirza'Ali Khan,the local administrator and man,who was hostileto them,a traitpreviouslyshown tax administrator in 1909 and 1911whenhe hadbeen activelyagitating (c'mil) of Borazjan,refusedto pay taxes andwith his son, Aqa Khan,soughtrefugewith againstthe arrivalof British-Indian troops.193 Khan his sister's husband. From The the British Shabankareh, fight against during the years Isma'il the mountainsthey were engagedin brigandagealong 1914-18 gave a nationalistand heroic hue to the the roads and killing people. Ghaianfaral-Saltana,who was still heeding government orders and had been the administratorand tax collector in the past, replaced him.'87 Ghaianfar al-Saltana was married to the daughterof Isma'il Khan Shabankareh,but they had a bitter feud over the district of Zirah, which in the past had been farmed by the khans of Borazjan but which

business-as-usual predatory activities of the Dashtestanis.The chiefs could not only have their cake but could eat it as well, this time not as highwaymen but as defenders of Iran's neutrality against imperialist oppressors.It is difficult, almost a centuryyears later,to distinguish between the normal anti-authoritarian attitudeof the coastal population and genuine national-

JOURNAL

194

OF PERSIAN

ism. In my opinion,at leastit was not onlynationalism thatdrovethesemento activitiesthatup untilthenhad been theirnormalway of life. The Britishdescribed Ghazanfaral-Saltanaas "aneducatedman,one of the most rapaciousof the roadsidechiefs. His consistent anti-Britishattitudewas due to his fear of losing his He privilegedposition of practicalindependence."'94 also attackedBritishtroopsin 1918,whentheymoved to Shirazto relieve that town from attackby hostile tribesmen.OnceGhazanfar al-Saltanaandtheothertwo local chiefs had been dislodged and had become fugitives, they were "attacked by their private enemies."195 As a result of these militaryoperations,a light about railwaywas laidbetweenBushireandBora-zj*n, 40 miles in length,and a considerableportionof the Bushire-Shirazroad was made passable for motor traffic.By theendof 1918theroadsweresafeandtrade boomed.196 The Bushire-Borazjan railwaywas opened to civil trafficin May 1919andhelpedto boosttradeto the Shiraz,butit wastoo shortto makea realdifference; new safetyon theroadsdid,however.Oneadvantageof the railwaywas that the muleteerscould leave their donkeysat Borazjan,ratherthango to Bushire,which had no grazing,and they then went backto Bor~zjzn where mules could graze.197On 21 March 1921, becausetherewas no buyerforit, therailwayceasedto carrypassengersand public goods. The railwaywas dismantledand shippedto India before the end of August1921.198 Afterthewar,Gha2anfar al-Saltanaspentsometime in Shirazunderhouse arrest,but on paymentof a certainsum was allowed to returnto Borazjan.He collectorof Borazjan. remainedthe administrator/tax He was killedin 1929when,once again,he refusedto payhis taxesandfledintothemountains.Inaccordance with Dashtestanitradition,he was killed by a local heroShaikh'Abdalcompetitor,his fellow-nationalist Rastil ChahkutahlI, who had been recruitedby the governmentto catchhim.199Governmenttroopswere a sign permanentlystationedin the dizh of Bora-zj*an, thatthe old way of life was no longertoleratedandthat a new era had begun.

SUMMARY Borazjanwas the chief markettown of the districtof Dashtestan. Its economy, like that of its neighbouring

STUDIES

districtsdependedon agriculture, but with one major difference;Dashtestanalso benefitedfromthe transit trade between Bushire and Shiraz and beyond. the districtwas partof Farsprovince Administratively, andthekhanof Dashtestan actedas thegovernor'slocal tax agent(administrator, collector).Partof DashtestAn's taxeswerepaidin kind,i.e. by the supplyof riflemento serve in the governorof Fars'sarmy.Because of its location,thepeopleof Dashtestanandotherneighbouring districtswereusedas anenforcementinstrument by whoeverruledin Shiraz.Normally,thismeantkeeping the caravanroutessafe fromhighwaymen.In the first half of the nineteenthcentury,however,it also meant combattingthe ambitionsof the shaikhsof Bushire, whichrancounterto those of the governorof Fars.If the Dashtestaniswere not fighting the Bushiris or keepingthe roadssafe, they were fightingandraiding theirneighbours. The traditionalchiefs maintainedtheir power througha numberof interlinkedeconomic,social and political instruments. The economic instruments included the monopoly of the sale of fodder, the supplyof packanimalsandrelatedservices,as well as the distributionof the fiscal burdenover the peasants. The chiefs also bound the peasantsto them by the grantingof "credit"when they were unable to pay taxes on time and by supplying seed when crops failed.In short,peasantsin the Dashtestanwerepretty much boundby strongeconomicties to the chief's lineage. The chiefs, through their role in the community,the distributionor not of largesseas well as of favours, were also able to influence their peasants' behaviourand allegiance. From a social point of view, each community felt, rightly or wrongly,thatothersimilarneighbouringcommunities were hostile to them. This createda feeling of "in group"and thus the need of individualsto identify with the group'sgoals, which were defined by the chief. Politically,it was the chief who decidedwhen, where, and who was going to be raidedand robbed. He also decidedwho couldparticipate,not only in the raid, but also in the spoils. Thus, by being the major employer, the major provider of services and other economic opportunities, as well as the only provider of protection, the traditionalchiefs had very effectively bound their peasants to them and could and did receive their unquestioned allegiance. If need be, force was used to bring dissenters back into the fold. The apparent unity of the Dashtestanis was occasionally

BORAZJAN, A RURAL MARKET TOWN IN BUSHIRE'S HINTERLAND

sundered by infighting among the members of its "ruling"family regarding who was in charge. After a bout of serious internal family conflict between 1870 and 1877, the leading candidate, Muhammad HIusayn Khan, won, but he had to share his administrationwith another leading member of his family. Despite the fact that a governor appointed by the central government administered Bushire in 1850, government control over the Bushire hinterland remained tenuous. In fact, the Dashtestanis and Tangestanis did pretty much what they liked within certainbounds. Those bounds became enlarged during the first decade of the twentieth century. The authority of the central government was questioned in the country at large and finally lost much control over the countryafterthe ConstitutionalRevolution of 1906. As a result, many people along the Bushire-Shirazcaravan route started plundering caravans or imposing high, illegal "protection"fees on passing caravans. Because the caravan road to Shiraz and beyond was the major channel for British exports into and imports from Iran, Great Britain took a particular interest in what happened in that part of Iran. In addition, the smuggling of arms to and by the coastal population also ran counter to British policy in the Persian Gulf. The British Indian Navy thereforevainly tried to put a stop to it. The occasional passage over the caravanroad by small groups of British Indian troops equally failed to put a stop to the robberies and illegal exactions. The khans of Dashtestan, Dashti and Tangestan resented these British actions against what they consideredto be their legitimate interests. These same khans also opposed the armed intervention by the Persian government, whether by its army or later by the gendarmerie,in orderto suppresstheir predatoryactivities. When British troops entered Iran in order to stiffen resistance against the Turks during World War I, Persian nationalists very much resented British intervention. The coastal khans now became national heroes, for they were no longer simply opposing forces that wanted to suppress their banditry but were now fighting against enemies of Iran. However, once the war was over, the khans went back to their old way of life, which was no longer tolerated under the new Pahlavi government. The death of Gha2anfar alSaltanain 1929, the ensuing imposition of government control and the building of the new paved road between Bushire and Shiraz resulted in the end of an old and no longer acceptable way of life.

195

Notes 1 Government of GreatBritain,PersianGulf "Report onthe Trade of the ConsularDistrict Bushire for the Year 1911-12",p. 1. 2 Fasa'I,Firsnama, vol. II, p. 1636. Also writtenand as Gisekan. pronounced 3 Stack,Six Months,vol. I, pp. 30-31, n. 1;Curzon,Persia, vol. II,p. 226. 4 Anonymous,"ABriefAccount",p. 178. 5 Fasa'i,Farsnama,vol. II,p. 1319. 6 Anonymous,"ABriefAccount",p. 178. 7 Gouvemrnement Imperialde la Perse,Le Fars,pp. 191-92; ibid.,"Lesrdformesadministratives", p. 77. 8 Fraser, Narrative,p. 71. 9 Lorimer,Gazetteer, p. 328. 10 Weeks,FromtheBlackSea,p. 127. 11 Buckingham, Travels,p. 343. 12 Binning,A Journey,vol. I, pp. 158-59. 13 Stirling,TheJournals,p. 12. 14 Weeks,FromtheBlack Sea,p. 127. 15 I'timadal-Saltana,Mir'-t al-buldan,vol. IV, p. 2055; Moore,FromMoscow,p. 435 ("aninterminable plainof bareyellowishgreyearth"). 16 Stack,SixMonths,vol. I, pp. 30-31. 17 Moore,FromMoscow,p. 437. 18 AfsharSistani,Nigchi, vol. I, pp. 265-78. In and near therearestillremnants of Achaemenid Borazj~n buildings. 19 Francklin, Observations, p. 41. 20 Niebuhr,Reisebeschreibung, p. 510 plusmap. 21 A 18. Hollingberry,Journal,p. 22 Waring, A Tour, p. 17 (Birasgoon); Kinneir, A Memoir,p. 363 (Borauzgoon). Geographical 23

Waring,A Tour,p. 17; Kinneir,A GeographicalMemoir,p.

363. 24

Morier,Journey,p. 76 (Borazjoon).

25

A Geographical Kinneir, Memoir,p. 363. 76. Morier,Journey,p. 27 Ouseley,Travels,vol. 1, p. 257;Price,Journal,p. 8. 28 Fraser,Narrative,p. 71 (Boorauzgoon; Brauzejoon). 29 Buckingham, Travels,p. 343 (Barazgoon). 30 Stirling,TheJournals,p. 12 (Barrisgoon; Barrusjoon). 31 Binning,A Journey,vol. 1, p. 158 ("Brazgon, or more correctlyBurazjan"). 32 Pelly,"Remarks", p. 143. 33 Stirling,TheJournals,p. 12. 34 Binning,A Journey,vol. I, p. 158;Fasa'i,Firsncma, vol. II,p. 1325(houses,whichwereall builtwithmud[khisht 26

va gil]).

196

35

JOURNALOF PERSIAN STUDIES

Pelly,"Remarks", p. 143 (Barazjan); Lycklama,Voyage, vol. III,p. 49 (largevillage).

71

Arnold, ThroughPersia, p. 401.

72

36

Stirling,TheJournals, p. 12.

73

37

Pelly,"Remarks", p. 142. Lorimer, Gazetteer,p. 328;Sadidal-Saltana, Safarna-ma,p. 30; Fasa•'i, Fcirsndma,vol. II,p. 1325. Hunt,Outram,p. 206. Fora Persianaccountof theevents, see Fasa'I, vol. 1, pp.810-17.

Lorimer,Gazetteer,p. 328;Curzon,Persia, vol. II,p. 226. Governmentof Great Britain, DCR 3951 (Bushire 1906-7),p. 19;I'timadal-Saltana, Mir'it al-buldan,vol.

74

38

39

40 41 42 43

44 45 46

47 48

Flrsnima, Morier,Journey,p. 77. Shirazi,Das Tarikh-iZendije,p. 49. Stirling,TheJournals, p. 12. Binning,A Journey, vol. 1, p. 158.

Pelly,"Remarks", p. 172. Rivadeneyra, Viaje,vol. III,p. 9. Fasa'i,Farsnama, vol. II, p. 1325. Curzon,Persia, vol. II,p. 226. Sadidal-Saltana, Safarnama,pp.30-31, 612.

49 Lorimer,Gazetteer, p. 328. 50 Chick,"UponVarious Districts", p. 3. 51

52

53 54

75 76

77 78

Sadidal-Saltana, Safarnama, p. 30-31. Sirj~Ani, Vaqayi'-yiittifaqiyya,p. 40. Fasa'i, Fdrsndma, vol. II, pp. 1325-26. Plagues indeed

81

occurredsuchas in 1893,see Niz~mal-Saltana, Khatirat, vol. I, p. 140. 82

Lorimer,Gazetteer,p. 328.

83

Government of GreatBritain,DCR4179, "Reporton the Tradeand Commerceof Bushirefor the Year1907-08" (London,1909),p. 17. of GreatBritain,Persian Gulf "Reporton the Government Trade of the ConsularDistrict Bushire for the Year 1911-12",p. 15.

84

Ibid., p. 205.

88

57 Stem, Dawnings ofLight, pp. 109-10. 58 Fraser,Narrative,pp. 71-72.

Pirzada,Safarnama,vol. II, p. 414. Lorimer,Gazetteer,p. 328.

79

Governmentof GreatBritain,Persian Gulf "Reporton the

suchas the sharingof women,etc. Afsh~rSistani,Nigahi, vol. I, pp.423-31.

vol. I, p. 207, vol. 2, p. 150.Oncloth Farrashbandi, Tarikh, shoemakingsee Wullf,Traditional Crafts,pp.228-30. Sadidal-Saltana, Safarndma, p. 31. Binning,A Journey,vol. I, p. 158.

80

Trade of the ConsularDistrict Bushire for the Year 1910-11",p. 2. Lorimer,Gazetteer, p. 328. Fora discussionof thevarious lineagesandtheiroriginssee Farrashbandi, Thrikh,vol. II, 140-73. pp. Ibid., p. 206

misinformation 55 Ibid.,pp. 206-8, witha lot of stereotyped 56

IV, p. 2055.

85 86 87

89 90 91 92

Lorimer,Gazetteer,p. 329. Ibid., p. 328. Binning,A Journey,vol. 1, pp. 158-59. Stirling,TheJournals,p. 12. Ibid., p.13. Fraser,Narrative,pp. 71-72. Ibid, p. 72. Binning,A Journey,vol. I, pp. 158-59.

93 Lorimer,Gazetteer, p. 328. 94 A Johnson, Journey,p. 28. 95 Rich,Narrative,vol. II,pp. 195-96.

59

Alexander,Travels,p. 101.

60

Ibid., p. 101.

61

Rich,Narrative,vol. II,p. 195.

96

Stirling,TheJournals,pp. 12-13.

62

PI'timadal-Saltana, Mir'Cital-buldin, vol. IV, pp. 2055,

97

Binning,A Journey,vol. I, p. 158.

2058 (Chah Kutth); Pirzada,Safarndma,vol. II, pp.

98

Ibid.,pp. 158-59; see also Stem,Dawnings ofLight, p. 109

413-14 (nakhilit); Stem, Dawnings ofLight, p. 109 ("the

(thegatewayof a ruinedcaravanserai). 99 Pelly,"Remarks", p. 142.

63

of Boraz-goon"). beautifuldate-groves Lycklama,Voyage,vol. III,p. 49; Weeks,From the Black

Sea, p. 127. 4 Johnson,A Journey,pp. 28-29. 65 Binning,A Journey, vol. I, pp. 158-59; Fash'i,Fdrsniima, vol. II, p. 1325. 66 Stirling,TheJournals, pp. 12-13. 67 FasaIs, Fdrsnima, vol. II, pp. 1325-26. 68 Curzon,Persia, vol. II, p. 227. 69 Waring, A Tour, p. 17. 70 Pelly, "Remarks",p. 142.

100Ballantine,MidnightMarches,p. 67. 101 Lorimer,Gazetteer,

pp. 328-29.

102

Lycklama,Voyage, vol. III, p, 49; Ballantine,Midnight

Marches,p. 67; Farrashbandi,T-rikh,vol. II, p. 224. Curzon,Persia, vol. II,p. 226. 104 Sadid al-Saltana, Safarnama, p. 30-31; Ballantine, MidnightMarches,p. 67. 1o5 Ibid., p. 67. 106 Farrashbandi, Thrikh,vol. II, p. 223; Sadid al-Saltana, Safarncama,pp. 30-31 (85,000 tiim~ns);Mushir al-Mulk 103

BORAZJAN, A RURAL MARKET TOWN IN BUSHIRE'S HINTERLAND

spent 40,000 tum~ns,accordingto Fasa'i, Farsnama, vol. II, p. 1325. 107 Arnold, ThroughPersia, p. 401. 108 Bradley-Birt,Persia, pp. 61-62; Weeks, From the Black Sea, p. 127; Stack,Six Months,vol. I, p. 31. 109 Curzon,Persia, vol. II, p. 226 (with description);Weeks, From the Black Sea, p. 127; De Vilmorin,De Paris, pp. 343-44 (with a detaileddescriptionand drawing);BradleyBirt, Persia, pp. 61-62; Williams, Across Persia, p. 42; Sadid al-Saltana,Safarnacma,p. 30; Pirzada,Safarnama, vol. II, p. 413. 110Lorimer,Gazetteer,p. 328; Farrashbandi,Thrikh,vol. II, p. 224. 111 Sadid al-Saltana,Safarnama,pp. 30-31 (unless the small ones had alreadyexisted priorto 1876, but had been disregardedby Europeans,which seems unlikely). 112 Stirling,TheJournals, p. 13. 113 Sadid al-Saltana,Safarnama,pp. 30-31. 114 Lorimer,Gazetteer,p. 328. 115 Ouseley, Travels,vol. I, p. 257. 116 Sadid al-Saltana, Safarndma, pp. 30-31; Pirzada, Safarnama,vol. II, p. 413 mentionsan imnmzadaof Nor alDin, which may denote the other one that Sadid al-Saltana mentioned. 117 Stern,Dawnings ofLight, p. 109. 118Farrashbandi,Thrikh,vol. I, pp. 130-42, 146-202; Fasa'i, Farsna-ma,vol. II, p. 1325; Sadidal-Saltana,Safarnama,p. 31. 119 Ibid.,p. 545. 120 Stirling,TheJournals, p. 13. 121 Sadid al-Saltana,Safarnama,pp. 30-31. 122 Stirling,TheJournals, p. 13. 123 Curzon,Persia, vol. II, p. 227. 124 Lumsden,A Journey,p. 77. 125 Rich, Narrative,vol. II, pp. 195-96. 126 Stirling,TheJournals, p. 23. 127 Pelly, "Remarks",p. 172. 128 Ibid., p. 42. 129 Migeod, Die persische Gesellschaft, p. 230, n. 1 (GM= Gold Mark, a value calculatedby Migeod using the silver price at that time. Unfortunately,he does not give the conversion rate). On the termspishkash and khal'at-bahI see Floor,A Fiscal History, pp. 262-63, 430. 130 Sadid al-Saltana,Safarnama,p. 31. 131 Migeod, Die persische Gesellschaft,p. 233, n. 7. 132Hunt, Outram,p. 216. 133 Migeod, Die persische Gesellschaft,p. 225, n. 5. 134 Ibid., p. 228, n. 13, and 229, n. 6. 135 Governmentof GreatBritain,Persian Gulf "Reporton the

136

137 138 139

140

141

142

197

Trade of the Consular District Bushire for the Year 1911-12", p. 2. Chick, "Upon Various Districts", p. 3. The rate was adjusted occasionally. In June 1897, the governors of Dashti and Dashtestandid not accept the rate of 5 shahis per animalin eitherdirection.SIgj~ni,Vaqayi'-yiittifaqiyya, p. 526. On the terms rahddriand 'alafi,see Floor,A Fiscal History, pp. 166-68, 379-99, 417. Chick, "Upon VariousDistricts",p. 3. Lorimer,Gazetteer,p. 328. Chick,"UponVariousDistricts",p. 4. In 1852 the governor was Mahomed Hossein Khan, according to Stem, Dawnings ofLight, p. 110. Fasa'i,Farsnama,vol. I, p. 811. After the battle he had hidden himself and refused bread and fodder to the Persiansoldiers released by the British. Anothermember of the family was Asad Khan Borazjani, who came to Bushirewith otherchiefs in 1858. Some time laterthe Britishtook MuhammadHasanKhanprisonerand took him to Bushire when they withdrew from Borazjan. Ibid., p. 815. Riznama-yi ittifaqiyya,p. 2583 (27 Shawwal 1274/June 10, 1858). Government of India, Persian Gulf "Report on the Administrationof the PersianGulf Political Residency for the Year 1875-76", p. 18; Pelly, "Remarks",p. 172 (its chief was Mahomed Hassan Khan); Sirjani, Vaqayi'-yi ittifaqiyya,p. 40 (in 1292/1875, MuhammadHasan Khan was zibit); Migeod, Die persische Gesellschaft,p. 68. Ibid., p. 68, n. 2. Not every one was a candidate.One who was not consideredin this conflictwas GurginKhan,a son of MuhammadHasanKhananda slave-girl.He lived in Dihi Q'id, but was not even a chief. Migeod, Die persische Gesellschaft,p. 343, n. 5. Rivadeneyra,Viaje,vol. III,p. 10.

143

Ibid.,p. 9.

144

Fasa'i,Farsnama, vol. II, p. 1325. Sadid al-Saltana, Safarnima, p. 30; Sirj~ni, Vaqdyi'-yi ittilaqiyya,p. 529 (in July 1897 the chief was MirzaHusayn

145

146 147 148

Khan). Chick, "Upon VariousDistricts",p. 4. Qa~'immaqmni, Nahzat, p. 275. Afshar Sist~ani,Nigchi, vol. II, pp. 604-18 (three royal decrees concerning the governor (bkim) of the 'ulki-yi

Dashtistan). VOC 2448, Instructionto Schoonderwoerd(3/7/1737), fol. 482-494; VOC 2448, JournalBushire, fol. 1548 (Hossain Chan Becq, the brotherof the nd'ib of Dashtestan).Ibid. (24/8/1737), fol. 1500-7. 150 Fasa~'I, Fdrsncma, vol. I, p. 702 (MuhammadJa'farKhan governorof Bushireand Dashtestanin 1225/1810-11)

149

198

JOURNALOF PERSIAN STUDIES

151 Ibid.,p. 794 (Bushire, itsdependencies andDashtestan was

given to Mirza 'All Khan,son of Qavamal-Mulkin 1266/1849-50),820 (in 1275/1858-59,Dashti,Dashtestan and Bushirewere given to HasanKhanQarachadagh! 822 (in 1276/1859-60to SulaymanMifrz), Azarb-ayjani),

173

1918-19. 174

Grummond,TheRise, p. 159.

175

Ibid., pp. 165-66.

176

Fasa~'i, Farsnama,vol. II, p. 791; Grummond,TheRise, pp.

823 (in 1277-1860/61 to Mihr 'All Khan). 152

153

154 155 156 157 158 159

Pelly, "Remarks",p. 42. Thesituationwas differentin the case of "thePersianvillages(not like the Dashtiessufficientlystrongto defenditself)the Hakemor Shaikh,or at the Moollah,wouldbe removedfromhis Government of the Bushire Governor. Criminels would [sic] pleasure be sentto Bushire;andrevenues,if not punctuallypaid, would be levied by a Mohussil,or failingthis way, by force."Ibid.

177

Fas!'I, Fcrsnama, vol. II, pp. 825 (separation in

183

1279/1862-63);Lorimer,Gazetteer,p. 1460,note.("The Gulf Ports form a mamlakatand are governedby a hokmran.")

184

Fasa•i,Farsnama, vol. II, pp. 854. Sirj•Ani, Vaqyi'-yi ittifaqiyya,pp. 260-61. al-Saltana, KhJtirat,p. 92. Niz•m Qa'immaqami,Nahkat,pp. 54, 75, 110. Lorimer,Gazetteer,p. 328. Gouvernement Imperialde la Perse,Le Fars, pp. 191-92;

ibid.,"Lesrdformesadministratives", p. 77. 160

161 162 163

Nami IsfahanI,Tarikh-iGiti-gushai,p. 348; Grummond, TheRise, p. 74. Ibid., pp. 97-98. Fasa~'i, Firsndma, vol. I, p. 648. A Journal, p. 18;Morier, Hollingberry, Journey,p. 76 (for

the ambassador Ouseleyin 1810). Rich,Narrative,vol. II,pp. 195-96. 165 Pelly,"Remarks", p. 143;also see Anonymous,"A Brief vol. I, p. 92; Khatirdt, Account",p. 180;Nizamal-Saltana, Qa'immaqaml,Nahiat, p. 288; Sirjani, Vaqdiyi'-yi ittifaqiyya, p. 529 (BorazjanchiefattackedDalekiin July 1897); Government of Great Britain. Further Correspondence, p. 88 (feudbetweenthekhanof Komarej, in 1909). theheadmanof Dalekiandthekhanof Borazj'an There also were raids by tribal groups from outside

178

179 180

Dashtestan.Sirj•ani,Vaqayi'-yiitti/faqiyya, p. 54. Ibid., pp. 252, 289 (they did not want .HajjiSamsim alMulk eitherin June 1887). 167 Fraser,Narrative,p. 71. 168 Alexander,Travels,p. 100. 169 Stirling,TheJournals, p. 12. 170 Fasa'I,Fairsnaima, vol. II, pp. 745-47. 171

Ibid., p. 753.

172

Binning,A Journey,vol. I, pp. 158-59.

167-69. Pelly,"Remarks", p. 41. vol. II, p. 851; Chick,"UponVarious Fasa•'I, Ftrsnama, Districts", p. 4. Lorimer,Gazetteer,p. 1465. Rivadeneyra,Viaje,vol.111, p. 10;Fasa'i,Ftirsndima,vol. II,

p. 1326. 181 182

Arnold, ThroughPersia, p. 401. Curzon,Persia, vol. II,pp.226-27. Williams,Across Persia, p. 43.

Sadidal-Saltana, Safarnama,pp.31, 44.

185 Vahr~am, "Chandtiligrafi", 186

p. 192f. Lorimer, Gazetteer, p. 328; Qa'immaqami,Nahiat, pp.

275, 280, 376. "Chandtiligrafi", Vahram, pp.206-7, 209;Qa'immaq!mi, Nahiat, pp.213, 275. 188Chick, "Upon VariousDistricts",p. 5; Qa'immaqamI, 187

Nahzat,p. 288. Oberling,The Qashqa'iNomads, pp. 121-22. 190Ibid.,pp. 130, 134;O'Connor,On TheFrontier,pp. 220,239. 191 O'Connor,On TheFrontier,p. 222. 192 Chick, "UponVarious Districts", p. 5. 189

193 Ibid. 194

Moberley,Operationsin Persia, p. 374. Fromthe descrip-

tionof themilitaryoperations, localresistancewas offered by only a few score of men, which is also clear from O'Connor,On TheFrontier,p. 241, who hadbeen their prisoner.It goes withoutsayingthatin Persianhagiograhas attainedsemi-divine al-Saltana phy,ShahidGhazanfar status.A thoroughanddispassionate analysisof this man and his fellow-travellers duringthis periodseems to be calledfor.

164

166

Fasa'I,Fdrsna-ma,vol. II, p. 717; Lorimer,Gazetteer,pp.

195 196

Moberley,Operationsin Persia, p. 409. Governmentof GreatBritain,Persian Gulf "Reporton the

BushirefortheYear1918-19", TradeoftheConsular District 197

198

199

pp. 1-2; Moberley,Operations,pp. 87, 374-76,408-10. Governmentof GreatBritain,Persian Gulf "Reporton the Trade of the Consular District Bushire for the Year 1919-20", pp. 1-2. Governmentof GreatBritain,Persian Gulf "Reporton the Trade of the Consular District Bushire for the Year 1920-21", page ii. AfsharSistani,Nigihi, vol. II, p. 578; Bamdad,Sharb-ibial, vol. VI, pp. 194-95.

BORAZJAN, A RURAL MARKET TOWN IN BUSHIRE'S HINTERLAND

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A PERSIAN SUFI IN BRITISHINDIA: THE TRAVELSOF MIRZA HASAN SAFI 'ALI SHAH (1251/1835-1316/1899) By Nile Green OxfordUniversity1

INTRODUCTION

seen to link QajarIranpoliticallyand intellectually withdevelopmentsin the RussianempireandIstanbul. The migrationof PersianSufis to Indiaformsone Whilethesewereperhapsthe grandcurrentsof the age, of the greatthemesin the intellectualhistoryof Iran they have overshadowedthe continuityin religious, and one of the neglectedchaptersin the history of political and commercial exchange that persisted Sufism.2If Indiais oftenseenas a peripheral between India and Iran throughoutthe nineteenth partof the Muslimworld, the ties betweenIndiaand the wider century.3 Muslimworldwhichwere cementedthroughongoing Recentscholarshiphas drawnattentionto the perof into India that this sistence of mercantileconnectionsbetweenIndianand patterns migration suggest perwas not one which was common to the Iranian merchants spective always duringthe colonialperiod.4Kerman continuedto maintaina populationof Indianmerchants Lahore,the firstprosetext of past.In eleventh-century PersianSufism,theKashfal-mahjfb of al-Hujviri(d. c. throughoutthe nineteenthcentury,while the renewed of Yazdandtheirco-reli465/1072), was composedby one such migrant,and ties betweenthe Zoroastrians over the following centuriesmany otherPersophone gionists in British India assuredthe presence of a Sufis followed Hujvirialong the road to India. The wealthy contingentof Indianmerchantsin that city Sufis were, of course, only a small part of a wider also. Bombay increasinglybecame the commercial movementof people- of scholarsandadministrators, focus for the traditionaltradingcities of centraland soldiersandmerchants- who tiedthe societieswhich southernIran.In 1830,Bombay'stotaltradewith Iran they formedin Indiainto a high degreeof contiguity amountedto 350,000rupees,butby 1858-59 the trade with the widerworld of Islam.It was for this reason in horsesalone came to 2,625,000rupees.5For many that a North African like Ibn Battiatacould find nineteenth-century Iranians,India continuedto offer the same opportunitiesfor trade,refuge and writing employmentat the courtin Delhi andthatthe nameof the Safavidsultancouldbe repeatedin Fridaysermons that it had for centuries.The precise conditionsfor in the territoriesof the DeccanSultans.And it was of theseopportunities werecertainlyalteredby the factof coursea commonlanguage,principallyPersianandto British colonial power in India and its introduction a lesserdegreeArabic,thatallowedthis interchange to thereof the moderntechnologiesof Europe.But it was run smoothly.India was a land of opportunity,the preciselythese conditions- a certainreligiousand differenttastesand requirements of its variouscourts political liberalism, enhanced communications, over time offeringpossibilitiesof useful employment renewedtradingopportunities- that those moving to suitall mannerof migrants. betweenIranand Indiawere carefulto makebest use Whileall of theseinterchanges arecommonenough of. Webeganby discussingthemigrationof Sufisfrom Iranto Indiaandit is timeto turnto a case studyof one knowledgewith regardto the precolonialperiod,the significanceof theircontinuitythroughthe nineteenth- such Sufi duringthe periodin questionwhose travels centuryhasbeenless recognised.Thegreaternarrative embodymanyof the qualitiesof the age. of the nineteenth-century Mirza4Hasan Isfahani,betterknownby his Sufititle history of India has until tended to the of India into a of 'Ali recently Shah,was borninto a merchantfamilyin emphasise tying Safi new colonial geography,centring on Britain and the city of Isfahanin 1251/1835.6Having become enamouredof the Sufi life at an earlyage, he travelled linkingIndiainto a tradenetworkdominatedby the commercial networks of Britain's wider colonial to Shirazto be initiatedby the leadingNi'matullahi masterRahmat'Ali Shah(d. 1278/1861).Duringthis sphere(East Africa,Malaya,etc). For theirpart,the maincurrentsof nineteenth-century Iranianhistoryare period, he spent aroundthree years in Yazd and a 201

202

JOURNAL

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shorterperiodof time in Kermanbeforemakingthree to try to discoveran objectivehistoryof Safi's early journeysto India,beginningin 1280/1863-64,during life. Rather,the intentionis to use these biographical materialsto try to see how towardsthe end of his life the course of which he also visited Mecca and the Shi'ite shrine cities of Iraq.7While in Bombay,he Safi's earlycareerwas understoodby himselfandhis first of commemorators and how this rememberedlife fitted the Zubdat the the al-asrar, long completed him into the cultural that were to make famous. The broader processesof the period.What mysticalpoems creation poem was first publishedin Bombay in 1289/1872. we arelookingat is thereforethe retrospective of a life, a personalnarrativethatis neverthelessinterAfter anotherjourneyto Indiain the late 1860s, Safi connectedwith the grandercollective narrativewe settledin Tehranin 1288/1871.Here he was able to build up an aristocraticfollowingand spendthe last thinkof as history. decadesof his life writingand publishinga series of otherlong poemsanda smallernumberof proseworks EARLY LIFE AND TRAVELS IN IRAN on speculativemysticism.8The most significantof his in which,in laterworkswas the so-calledTafsir-i .Safi, of the line with the modernistintellectualtendencies Althoughborninto a merchantfamily in Isfahan, the inner of extentof Safi's earlyinvolvementin commerceis he to communicate the tried meanings period, the Quranto a Persianspeakingaudience.A khanaqdh unsure.Givenhis familybackgroundit may,however, was built for Safi 'Ali Shah in Tehranby the Qajar be assumed that a trainingin commercialmatters princeMuhammadMirzaSayf al-Dawla(a grandson formedthe basis of his education.Likehis contempoof Fath'Ali Shah),and it was herethatSafi died and rary and fellow Isfahani,the great merchantHajj was buriedin 1316/1899.9Withinmonthsof his death, MuhammadHasanAmin al-Zarb(1250-53/1834-37 to 1316/1898),Safifmay well have attendeda maktab the anjuman-iukhuvvatemergedout of his order,a in Isfahanto acquirethebasicskillsin literacyrequisite modernisinginstitutionsometimes linked with the for a mercantilecareer.14Lookingback on his early Revolutionwhose associationwith Safi Constitutional himselfremainsunclear.10 life, however,he was to pour scorn on those who Althoughthebroadoutlinesof Safi'scareerarethus surroundedhim in his youth, describinghis early teachersas merchantsof themostsuperficialmentality clear enough, the finer details of his life remain a matterof mystery.But of great importanceto our (qishrimanish)who forbadehim frommeetingwith of his life is an accountof his earlylife faqirs.'s Elsewherehe describesan episode in which understanding writtendownaccordingto Safi's severalprofligatemembersof his familytriedto tempt andtravelsapparently sessions.16 own words by his youngerbrotherand shaykh,Aqa him intojoiningtheirwine-drinking The accountstell us that, from an early age, Safi Ri2a Huzur'Ali (betterknown as Shams al-'Urafa). The accounthas been publishedin a modernPersian was drawnto spiritualityand soughtout a varietyof While obscure masters in his home city. Apart from the studyof the historyof the Ni'matullahiorder.11 the precisemotivationfor its compositionis unclear, anonymousreclusesof Isfahan,Safil'sfirstteacherwas internalreferencessuggestthat it was writtenduring a certainMullaHasanof NaIn whomhe foundaftera searcharoundthe city's madrasas.Safifdescribeshim the last few years of Safi's life. Along with this as both a learnedand ascetic man from whom he a of that short we also account, biography Safi possess was publishedin his own lifetime in the monthly gainedmuch.17This referenceto his early teacheris journalSharafin 1308/1890-91,a publicationwhich perhaps telling, since Safi's adult prose style is specialisedin portraitsof noblesandstatesmenaccom- certainlysuggestive of more than the rudimentary panied by their biographies.12 A number of years later, a lightly edited version of this account was included and expanded upon by Na'ib al-Sadr Shirazi (d. 1344/1926) in the Ni'matullahi history Tarit'iq al-

This articleaimsto place the earlylife and travel itineraries that are contained in these accounts h.aqai'iq.13 into a wider context of nineteenth-centuryIndo-Iranian cultural exchange. In doing so, the aim is not so much

formal education typical of members of the merchant for example, he entered classes. In his 'Jrfan al-h.aqq, the domain of philosophical discussions of the ontological qualities of being (vuj~id)and divine reality While this period of Safi's early life will (h.aqq).18 remain obscure, it seems possible that what probably Mulla Hasan taught him was the basis of the philosophical understanding and technical language of

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Shi'ite 'irfanthatremainedas partof the legacyof the enlightenmentat an earlyage, the earlyoppositionof his family,an initiatorydreamandencounterwith the schoolof Isfahan.19 soul of a dead masterand the archetypaldervish's Lookingback in the last years of his life at this with Mulla reflected Hasan,Safi journeyon foot halfwayacrosssouthernPersia.While earlyapprenticeship on how the Mullahadrespondedwhenhe hadbegged we need not doubt the truthfulnessor sequence of to be initiated;he had told him simplyto be himself. eventsper se, the selective natureof these youthful TheMulla'spithyreplyechoedone of the greatthemes remembrances surelyshows us thathagiographywas of the Islamic mysticaltradition,as reflectedin the shapingmemoryand in turnbiography.But there is "Hewho knowshimselfknowshis Lord"(man also anotherway in whichwe may see thisprocess,for h.adith, it may not only have been a case of one text shaping 'arafa nafsahu qad 'arafa rabbahu). Safi ended this first anecdoteof his memoirs with the advice that another.Forit was conceivablythe casethatthe classic whetherone is a dissolutedrunkard (rind-ikharJibati) narrativesof the Sufi life werehereshapingthe actual or a world-renouncing ascetic(zahidvaparhizkar),the enactmentof the life of an aspiringSufi.Weshouldnot most importantthingin life is to show oneself as one overlook the way in which Sufi hagiographical is. Here we are reminded of the edifying and traditionswere intendedto be emulatedin the lives of exemplarynatureof the Sufi biographicaltradition theirreadersandlisteners. withinthe confinesof whichSafi'slife storywas being Whatever Safi's relationship with his family formulated.20 businessduringthis period,living in Isfahan,Kerman By the mid-nineteenthcentury,the Ni'matullahi and Yazdhe couldnot have remainedunawareof the revivalwas well underway in Iran.21Formuchof the changeswhich shifts in tradingpatternswere having first fifteen years of Safi's life, the patronageof on Iraniansociety.By the 1850s,the importof British Muhammad Shah Qajar (1250-64/1834-48) had goods (textiles in particular)had begun to have ensuredthe Ni'matullahidervishesa secureplace in profoundeffectson the Iranianeconomy,andGlasgow from which to their and and Manchestercottonswere a commonsight in the doctrines, society propagate the fameof theirleadershadspreadwidelyin the cities Isfahanbazaar.The domestichandicraftsindustrywas of centralIran.It is not mentionedwhetherSafi came collapsingin the face of importsto suchan extentthat, into contactwith any Ni'matullah-i shaykhsin Isfahan in Kashanand Yazd,the main traditionalindustryof itself,butit is claimedthatit was aftera dreamled him silk-weavingvirtuallydisappeared.In Yazd,the silk to visit the tomb of Fayz 'All Shahthat he received mills werebeingturnedinto opiumgardens,andfrom help from the latter's spirit and decided to leave the early 1860s opiumbeganto dominatethe export Isfahanfor Shiraz.While it is a classic tropeof Sufi trade.As cities with their roles in the tradingchain betweenBushehr,BandarAbbasandBombayandwith biography,thisvisionaryinitiationcertainlyremindsus of the paralleldreamin Ni'matullahihagiographyin growingcommunitiesof BritishIndianmerchants,the which RiLa 'AlI Shah Dakani (d. 1214/1799) was source of these changes can scarcely have gone instructedto send Ma'suam Shah to Iran and so to unnoticed while Safi was in KermanandYazd.25 Ali re-introduceSufism to Iran from India a generation For centuries,Sufis had invariablypursuedthe earlier.22 same itinerariesas merchants,and on the next leg of The accounts in the Sharaf and the Tarai'iq alhis journeysSafitravelledalongthe well-knowntrade route from Yazd to Kerman.Like the journey from 'iq tell us that Safi left Isfahanaged twenty(i.e. h.aq 1271/1854)to seek out the famousSufi Mirza Isfahan,this was an arduousroute and when E.G. around Ki-chak(Rahmat'Ali Shah)in Shiraz.23Havingmet Brownemadethe samejourneythreedecadeslaterhe him and been accepted as his pupil, Safi travelled to Yazd at his command and stayed there for a period of three years. Yazd was during this period the main centre of the Indian trade in Iran, but as we have seen there is no mention of any trading activities in the account of his travels.24 Even in these remembrancesof his earliest years, we can already see the careful shaping of a Sufi life. We have seen his desire for

came across a group of pilgrims bound for Karbalalost in the desert and dying of thirst. As a major trading city, Kerman, like Yazd, had begun to witness great changes in its economic life. Since so much of the city's trade was done with Bombay, it is no surprise that the British Consul there, Keith Abbot, should have described the presence in Kerman of a great many British goods, and Hindu traders (especially from

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in Sind)were anothernotablefeatureof the Shikarpur city's commerciallife.26But Kermanwas also notable as the majorcentreof the Ni'matullahisin Iran,and amidtheapproximately 25,000peoplewho livedin the this city during periodtherewere apparentlyseveral thousand members of the order.27Nonetheless, a couple of decades later, Abbot's successor, Percy Sykes, put the numberof Sufis in Kermanat only 1,200 out of a populationthat had by then reached some 49,000.28

Safitells us thatduringthis periodhe spenttime in both Kermanand at the shrineof ShahNi'matullah Vali in Mahan. In Kermanitself he stayed at the which probablyacted as the Ni'matullahikhanaqa-h, maincentreof the orderatthistime.Reflectingon this the classic period,he recountsan eventdemonstrating Sufi theme that the dervish should never speak of mattersoutsidethe shari'a.29Whilethereis certainlya classic trope-likequalityto this anecdote,it would have certainlybeen of specificrelevanceto the period duringwhich it was set in the earlyyearsof the reign of Nasir al-Din Shah(1264-1313/1848-96)when the Sufis found themselves in an extremelyprecarious positionin Iran.We are similarlyremindedin another anecdote, in which Safi tells us of an event that occurredduring his period in Kerman,concerning whatwas still a widespreadandlongstanding antipathy to the practicesof the Sufis in Iraniansociety. This anecdoterelatedto a discipleof Mushtaq'Ali Shah(d. 1206/1792), the follower of Ma'stim 'Ali Shah. Mushtaq'Ali's disciplewantedto be buriedat the foot of the graveof his pir.30The disciple'sson, however, turnedagainstthe dervishesand, demandingthathis fathershouldinsteadbe buriedin Najafin accordance with more normativeShi'ite pious practice,had his father'sbody dug up. While Safi explains that the disciple'shead mysteriouslydetacheditself from the restof the corpseandso remainedin its originalresting place,we arenonethelessremindedof the often fierce oppositionto the Sufis that no amountof miracles couldpreclude. account of the origins during his stay in .Safi'sof his first long poem, the Zubdat al-asrir, is Kerman also of interestin this context.3'In a classic Sufi picture of the origins and purpose of poetic inspiration, he describes how, among a gatheringoffaqirs in Kerman, he sent several of the faqirs into a state of ecstasy by reciting a few of his own couplets. On witnessing this very Sufi manifestation of a poet's discovery of his

m'tier, Safi'smasterRahmat'Ali Shahinstructedhim to write a masnavi. What is of special interest, however,is Rahmat'Ali's specific instructionsthat it should be a poem describing the secrets of the martyrdom of Husayn (asrdr-i shahadat-i hazrat

Husayn). For one of the key characteristicsof Ni'matullahiliteratureduringthe nineteenthcentury (in the Tard'iq al-haqd'iq and Zayn al-'Abidin Shirvani'sKashf al-ma'brif, for example) was the emphasison the compatibilityof Sufismwith Shi'ism. In Rahmat'Ali Shah'scommandto Safi we therefore see a reflectionof this widerapologeticprogrammein which the Ni'matullahiswere engaged,one againsta wider background of both popular and clerical suspicionof Sufismas being a formof Sunnismthat was inherentlyopposedto thebasicShi'iteprincipleof the authorityof the Imams.32 Itwasalsoatthecommandof Rahmat'Ali Shahthat Safi made his first journeyto India, and in a Sufi biographywe would expectnothingless than such a presentationof motive in termsof the commandof a pir. Whileit has beensuggestedelsewherethathe first travelledto Indiaas a merchanton familybusiness,the of pietyandcommercein Islamby no longintertwining meansrenderthe two motives incompatible.33 But as we havealreadyseen,by the 1890s,Safi'sbiographical self was thatof a cosmopolitanSufi of Tehranandnot that of a travellingmerchantfrom the provinces. However,beforehe departedKermanfor Indiahe first askedhis masterforpermissionto visitthe shrineof the order'sfounderShahNi'matullahValIat Mahanwith the intentionof performinga retreat(arba'in).The shrineof ShahNi'matullahhad originallybeen constructedthroughthe patronageof the ruler of the Deccan,AhmadShahBahman(825-39/1422-36). Its celebratedtiled dome was later added during the Safavidperiod,while several gracefulminaretsand extra courtyardswere constructedduringthe Qajar era.34This revivalof royal interestin the shrinehad begunbeforeSafi'sarrivaltherein the early1860s,for MuhammadShah Qajar (r. 1250-64/1834-48) had alreadygrantedthe shrinehalf of the landin Mahan.35 The shrine's interior was similarly rich, containing a large Safavid medallion carpet that was supposedly given by Shah 'Abbas (though it was woven with the post mortem date of 1067/1656). Two decades after Safi's visit, Percy Sykes observed fine shawls covering the sepulchre itself and adorningthe walls were a pair of black buck horns thathad been broughtfrom India.36

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The shrine'sextensivelibrarywas also probablystill in situby thetime of Safi'svisit duringwhatamountedto its secondheyday. The shrine maintaineda regularcommunityof dervisheswho residedin the variouschambersattached to the shrineforthispurpose(E.G.Brownelaterrested of in a qahvakhanalocatedtherefor the entertainment visitors).37Safi describedhow he preparedhimselfto undergoa retreatatthe shrinebutonthefirstnight,Shah appearedto him in a vision. The saint Ni'matullMah assuredhim thathe was his guest in Mahanand then informedhim thatsince he would in any case receive everythingthathe desired,therewas no needto makea retreat(chila)afterall. Safi then saw the saintwander overto anotherdervish,a sayyidcalledAhmadwhowas sleepingnearby,beforedisappearing quietlyback into his tomb.Safiofferedthe otherdervishsometea,andin conversationlearnedfrom him that ShahNi'matullWh had come to gently wake him up but had made no special dispensationof the kind granted to Safi. Somewhatironically, theanecdoteis completedwiththe moralthatthe kindnessof God is never freelygiven, sinceone hasalwaysto do somethingto deserveit. Suchacts of specialfavourgrantedby a saintto an aspiringnewcomerare one of the hallmarksof Sufi his hagiography,and Saffhereis clearlyremembering life accordingto a templateestablishedmuch earlier. What is, however, perhapsmore interestingis the centralrole in which shrinevisitationcontinuedto be writtenin the lastyears placedin a Sufi autobiography of the nineteenthcentury.For amid a circle in which someof the mostradicalchangesin the organisation of Sufilife forcenturieswereaboutto be effectedthrough the establishmentof the anjuman-iukhuvvat,we still see a continued emphasis on the traditionalSufi practicesof ziyaratand the mysticalelectionof Sufi of deceased authoritythroughthevisionaryappearance masters.In the lastyearsof his life, Safi was therefore reaffirmingthe importanceof the saints,theirshrines and the visions throughwhich they communicated withtheirchosenrepresentatives. TRAVELLINGTHROUGH A SUFI GEOGRAPHY As Safi's vision of Shah Ni'matullah demonstrates, a life that was in tune with the will of the dead masters was a key featureof his spirituality.It was also a theme that was central to the narratologyof his biographical

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life. Safi'stravelsmakethis particularlyclear,for the itinerarywhichhe trodis one which combinedbotha broadlyShi'iteand a specificallyNi'matullahisacred geography.Hisjourneyto Indiaplayeda centralrole in this. ShahNi'matullahwas himselfregardedas having travelledto Indiain the courseof his wanderings.But it was especiallyin the handsof his son, Khalilullah, and three of his grandsonsthat the ordermade its firmestconnectionswith Indiathroughthe patronage of AhmadShahBahmanat his capitalof Bidarin the heartof the Deccan.38AhmadShah'spatronagewas suchthathe not only contributed to buildingthe shrine for Shah Ni'matullahat Mahanitself but also constructed a large residence for Shah Ni'matullah's familyat Bidarwhose survivinggatewayis one of the masterpieces of Indo-Muslim stone-carving.39 However,by the time of Safil'sjourneyto India,Bidar had long since fallen into provincialobscurityand, though it remainedin the hands of the Nizam of Hyderabad, it was poorly connected to either Hyderabaditself or to anywhereof importancein BritishIndia.Butwhilethehistoryof theNi'matullahis in Indiaremainsobscure,it does seemthatsomeof the descendantsof Khalilullahretaineda degreeof local importancein Bidarandsurvivedto reachthenoticeof GhulamYazdani,the firstsurveyorof its monuments, in the 1920s.40 It is uncertainwhetherSafi had any idea of this branchof the order,and the accountof his travels makesno referenceto Bidarat all. He did, however, claimto havevisitedHyderabad andto havespenttime in there the khanaqahof Riza 'Ali ShahDakaniwhere he had gone in searchof spiritualaid (himmat).41Safi reportedthatthe khanaqahwas beingrunby an oldpir of aroundninetyyears of age by the nameof Sayyid Huz?ir.While the name of Ri2a 'Ali's successorin Hyderabadis usuallygiven as Husayn'Ali Shah,this does not negate the possibility of the appellation SayyidHu~ir as a title of respect.If the lattername does have a genericqualityto it, the chronologyof the does leaveopenthe possibiljourneyin the mid-1I860s ity that this elderly sayyid was one of the last disciples of Riza 'Ali Shah himself. Although Sayyid Huzir spent his nights interpreting the Quranand his days with Safi in prayer and the chanting of litanies (awrad), it was a rather different kind of Sufi activity that Safi chose to involve himself in during his stay in Hyderabad.He learned telepathically that there was a decrepitold dervish living nearby

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fromwhomhe mightlearnmuch,althoughon reading his thoughtsSayyid Huzir tried to warn him away fromthis unseemlypersonage.Undeterred,Safi came acrossthis dervishwhile wanderingoutsideof the city one evening,a scene as redolentof Indianminiatures of Sufimeetingsas it is of classicalpoeticimageryand actualSufipracticeitself.Declaringthathe hadchosen badness (khardbi) for himself and given success (ibadi) to the pir at Riza 'Ali Shah's khanaqa~h,this

dervishappearedto be somethinglike the darktwin of SayyidHuzuir.His dealingswith Safi are interesting, however,in thatthey circledaroundthe provisionof opium.Safiwas surprisedwhenthe dervishaskedhim for a box of opium,since Safi claimedthat someone had given him a box of good opiumon the very day butthathe had thathe hadleft BombayforHyderabad left it in Bombay.Havingmissed the opportunityto partakein this divinely ordainedspell of narco-trafficking,in the eventSafihadto borrowseveraltubesof opiumfrom SayyidHu~iirback at the khinaqih and promiseto replenishits stocksby sendingmore from Bombaywhenhe returnedthere. thisnarrative. It is difficultto knowhow to interpret While there is possibly a moral dimension to it somewhere,what is more strikingis the ethnographic insightit lends us into dervishlife duringthis period. For Safi makes clear referencesto his own opium smokingaroundthis time in his Zubdatal-asrir, and eventhe respectableE.G.Brownemanagedto fall into such bad habits in the companyof the dervishesof Whetheror not we can Kermana few decadeslater.42 speak of an increasein opium use in this period is difficultto say, but the hugely increasedproduction andtradein opiumin suchcities as YazdandKerman fromthe 1860s onwardsprovidesan interestingfactor fromthe perspectiveof supply.It is certainlynotable, however,thatshortlyafterSafi'sdeath,the leaderof a rivalbranchof theNi'matullahisin Iran,Noir'Ali Shah Gunabadi(d. 1918),wrotea treatisecondemningboth the Sufi andthe popularuse of opiumthathe saw as beingso widespreadin the earlyyearsof the twentieth century.43But placing these wider social factors aside, in Safi's opium story and in the poem in his diwan, in which he attributedthe heartacheafter his wife's death and his general world-weariness as the causes of his opium smoking, we manage to breakthroughthe standardising imagery of Sufi biography to feel a very human presence that is far from the conventional picture of the Muslim saint.

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Beyondthis specificallyNi'matullahigeographyof Kerman,Mahanand Hyderabad,Safi'sjourneysalso reflectthe placeof travelwithina morefamiliarmode of Shi'itepietythroughthepilgrimageswhichhe made to Mecca, Karbala and Najaf. Interestingly,his fromIndiaforMeccawas prompted eventualdeparture by a meetinghe hadwitha yogi outsidetheportcity of Surat.Safi explainedto the yogi that it had not been forthe andthat possibleto makehis arrangements h.aji he could he must wait anotherwhole year before depart,but the yogi promisedhim that all of his wouldbe madeif he hurried.WhenSafi arrangements returned(presumablyto Surat),he encounteredhis friend'Ali Shah,the son of Aqa KhanMahallatiand futureAqaKhanII, who informedhim thata shipwas indeeddueto departfor Meccathe nextmorning.Safi was careful to inform the readerthat 'Ali Shah's motherpersonallypreparedhis belongingsandbrought themto him and thatit was in the companyof some fourteen servantsthat he eventuallyboardedship. Clearly,thiswas verymuchto be a pilgrimagemadein the style of the wealthyreligiousnotableor merchant. Despite the generosityof the family of Aqa Khan Mahallafti, Safi finishedthe narrativeby pointingout thatthiswas in factall dueto the mysticalhelp (nafas, of the yogi. literally"breath") Safi's integrationinto the mercantileworld of his age is furtherhintedatby the receptionthathe recalled on reachingJiddah.On arrivingthere,he went to the house of one of the city's merchantswith whom he andpresentedhim with a clearlyhad an arrangement order thatwas the basis of draft or the bar&t, payment Qajarcommerciallife.44 It was only afterthis rather ordinaryentranceto the Hijaz that Safi's picaresque adventuresbegan.Sailingfurtherdownthe coast in a small boat, both he and his oarsmanwere washed overboard.Just as the waves began to pass over his head,Safi soughtrefugewith God andan anonymous figuresuddenlyappearedto lift himto safetyandbring his oarsmanback into the boat to returnand rescue him. Such maritimeinterventionswere of course a specialityof Khizrand as such figurein many other Sufi narrativetraditions. But Safi leaves a deliberate ambiguity over whether the readeris meant to identify the rescuer with Khizr, with Safi's own pir or else directly with the interventionof God himself. Having returned to Jiddah and set off in the direction of Mecca by donkey, Safi's misfortunes began again. There is a slightly comical air to the

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as well as British administratorsand merchants) that embarkedon a programmeof civic improvements gave the face of Bombaya physiognomymorefitting with its elevated place in the world of commerce. WhileLucknowandCairoin thisperiodsaw"oriental" cities being replaced or revised into architectonic symbolsof Europeanstyle modernity,the burghersof for a Bombaywere ableto createa publicarchitecture to had little of an older which history bury city by way or compromise.47The city's dockyards and the adjoiningesplanadeswereone of the greatarchitecturtravellers al projectsof the age. As nineteenth-century between the two ports remarked,in its monolithic basalt or carefully whitewashedplaster Bombay's seawardpublicface couldscarcelyofferthe travellera greatercontrastto the mudbrickwalls and datepalm dwellingsof Bushehr.48 Whatever its bold strides towards modernity, Bombaywas by no meansa Britishcity at heart.With the mix of economicandculturalinnovationsin which the city's differentcommunitiestook part, Bombay was in manyrespectsthe firstgreatcosmopolisof the (fuyf2zit).45 modemage. Thecommercialprominenceof the Parsis As presentedin Safi'smemoirs,the itineraryof his travelsties togetherseveraloverlappingand comple- in Bombaywas suchthatby the 1850stheireconomic throughfusing wealthhad foundsocial andculturalexpressionin the mentaryaspectsof Iranianspirituality, and specificallyNi'matullfthi patronageof educationalinstitutions,charities and togetherbroadlyShi'ite destinations.It is perhapsno coincidencethatthe oral libraries.One featureof the Parsirenaissancewas an traditionof the life of ShahNi'matullahValIthatPercy increasedinterestin theirPersianheritage,resultingin Sykes collectedin Mahandescribedthe saint'stravels the publicationof worksin Persianon this subjectand as comprisingMecca,Karbala,Najaf,India,Shirazand the renewalof directcontactwith Iran.The cultural andtraderelationsof the ParsiswithIranwerealso the Mahanandhis nisba(like the alternativenisbaof Safi changeswereintroduced himself) as Yazdi.46 For Shah Ni'matullah's meansby whichfar-reaching Wanderlegendein this way invoked a sacred intoIraniansociety,andBombayprovidesmuchof the geographyand a travel itinerarythat was precisely key to this.TheBombayParsissenta seriesof instrucof his life tors (most famouslyManikjiLimji Hataria)to help mirroredin Safi'Ali Shah'sownpresentation theirco-religionistsin Iran,foundingthe firstmodem as a dervish.

descriptionsof him bouncinguncomfortablyon his donkeythroughthe cold of the desertnight and his as an superiorPersianreferencesto his donkey-keeper was His discomfort Arab ('arab-i ndfahm). ignorant his from to down he had that such get eventually donkeyand he soon foundhimself left behindin the desert. Once again, providence intervened and a mysteriousfigure (mard-ighaybi) appearedto lead him into the path of the caravanof a hospitable Ottoman. Comfortingly, the Ottoman gentleman treatedSafiwithmuchrespect,lendinghim servantsto walkbesidehis well-saddleddonkeyanda silkcloakto throw aroundhis shoulders.Here we surely catch somethingof the urbanetastes and sensibilityof this lateQajargentlemandervish.Aftercompletingthe hajj andreturningto India,Safi decidedto makea visit to to Iran.Herewe see himpartake Najafbeforereturning in a standardaspectof Shi'itepiety by combininga visit to Meccawith a pilgrimageto the 'atabatof Iraq. Whilein Karbalahe tells us thathe performeda retreat during which he received many spiritualbounties

schools and, via the anjuman-izartushtiyanof Yazd (c.

While certain stages on Safi's journeys clearly associate him with a long-standing sacred and

1275/1858),one of the earliestmodemassociationsin Iran. In additionto the movement of Zoroastrians between Iran and Bombay,the latteralso became a notablecentreof Baha'iactivitiesas refugeesfromIran gatheredtherein increasingnumbersduringthe second

mercantile geography, it is his visit to Bombay that connects him most clearly to his own age. As commercial importance increased Bombay's first half of the nineteenth century, its the throughout in importance social and cultural terms was similarly beginning to develop. By the mid-century, the city's ruling classes (comprising prominent Parsi merchants

half of the century.49Some sense of the importance of Bombay among Iranian Sufis may be seen from the number of references to the city in Tard'iq as a place of both publishing and visitation al-h.aqi'iq by figures associated with the Ni'matullahi order.s0 Iranian Shi'ites also formed their own distinct community in nineteenth-centuryBombay, possessing

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theirown mosqueandIHusayniyya.Likethe Parsis,the IranianShi'itesof Bombaywereprincipallya merchant communityand were muchinvolvedin the tradingof textiles, horses, dried fruits and opium between Bushehrand Bombay.51Official statisticsrecordthe presenceof 1,639Iraniansin Bombayin 1864out of a totalpopulationof 816,562,thoughgiventhetransitory natureof this communitythe figure seems likely to havebeenan underestimate.52 However,theirinfluence often far outweighedtheir demographicweight. As such,politicsandreformformedthe intellectualaspect of this traffic and it was perhapsJamalal-Din alAfghani(1254-1314/1838-97)who was the most significantIranianMuslimvisitorto Bombayduringthis period.Indeed,it was in Bombayaround1273/1857 thatal-Afghanifirstcameinto contactwith Europeans and learnedof their dominationof a Muslimsociety thatwouldbecomethe maintopicof his long career.53 On a returnvisit to Bombayand Hyderabadbetween 1296/1879 and 1299/1882, al-Afghani wrote and publishedin Persianthe firstof his writings,including his major work, the Haqiqat-i madhhab-i naychari va naychariydn, written in rejection of the bayain-i Sir SayyidAhmadKhan.This text was first ideas of ha.l-i

publishedas a lithographin Hyderabadin 1298/1881, witha secondeditionsoon followingin Bombay.54 It was not until 1848 that Bombay's most prominentIraniancitizen arrived,when Aqa Khan Mahallatimoved from his early period of exile in Calcuttato his new homein Bombay.Safi'sfriendAqa in 'Ali Shahhadjoinedhis fatherAqaKhanMahallafti in After this also 1268/1852. the date, city Bombay became the focus for the Isma'ilicommunitiesthat, like the Zoroastrians andTwelverShi'ites,werespread throughoutIndia and Iran, partly due to Aqa 'Ali Shah'svisitsto the variousIsma'ilicommunitiesof the subcontinent.55Within a short period, Aqa Khan Mahallatiandhis successorAqa'Ali ShahAqaKhanII acquiredthe rightsto an incomefromdifferentIsma'ili that communitiesandinstitutions(shrinesin particular) afforded them a social prominence that brought respectability in British eyes. Safl's time in India during the mid-1860s probably coincided with the beginning of the Aqa Khans' greatest wealth in entertained Bombay and by 1870 Aqa Khan Makhallati the Duke of Edinburghon his visit to India, while the Prince of Wales (the future Edward VII) visited in friend Aqa Ali Shah Aqa Khan 1875.56By 1880, .Safi's to the Bombay Imperial II had been appointed

LegislativeCounciland was also a leadingpatronof the WesternIndia Turf Club.57 Unsurprisingly,as probablythe most prominentandwealthyIraniansin Bombay, such honours also won them a renewed prominencein the eyes of Iranianvisitorsto the city. Nonetheless, Iraniansalso entered other hallowed institutionsof coloniallife in Bombay,andthe Persian consul during this period, Mirza Muhammad'Ali Khan,was an HonoraryMemberof the Freemason LodgeConcordat Byculla.58 The relationshipbetween the Ni'matullahiorder andthe leadersof the Isma'lliyyamay stretchbackas faras the sixteenthcentury,andfor his partSafimade his own contributions to thissharedhistory.59 Forwhen he announcedhis intentionto leave Bombay for Baghdad,Aqa 'Ali Shahaskedhim to delivera gift to a certainShaykhMurta2ain Baghdadand pass on a messageto him concerninghis maritalintentions.Safi claimsthat,while in Najaf,he helpedto negotiatethe marriageof Aqa 'Ali Shah,the futureAqa KhanII, with the daughterof Shamsal-Dawla.The natureof this missionmay well suggestthatAqa 'Ali Shahalso contributedto Safi's travel expenses. Certainly,Safi presentshimself as having acted as an apologistfor in andforthe Isma~'ilis bothAqa'Ali Shahin particular For when took Shaykh Murta2a general. great exception to Aqa 'Ali Shah and his people, Safi defended them as Shi'ites who as descendantsof Fatimawerealsosayyids.60Addinga characteristically esoterictouch to his defence of Isma'ilism,he also declaresthatthey were peopleof gnosis ('urafa).Safi claims that his protestationsworkedso well that the shaykhconsentedto the marriage.But whatis perhaps most interestingaboutthis episodeis the involvement of a Sufi in a polemicaldefenceof Isma'ilism,adding an interestingfootnoteto the historyof Ni'matullahi andIsma'ilirelations.Safi endsthe anecdoteabouthis interviewwith ShaykhMurta:aby recallinghow the shaykh had said that he had read his Zubdat al-asrair

and found it a good but difficult book. In both a defence and promotionof the truth claims of the

Zubda, Safi replied that this difficulty came from the fact that he had written it while in a state of ecstasy (/azba) duringwhich the reigns of authorshipwere out of his control.61 According to Safi's own words the Zubdat al-asrar was completed in Bombay and published there in 1289/1872 with the help of Aqa 'Alh Shah, "whom God," he asserted,"hadmade a friend of mine".62

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Safi's memoirsrevealmore abouthis relationship withAqa'Ali Shahandhis familyin Bombay.Wehave alreadymentionedhis descriptionsof the roles played by Aqa'Ali Shahandhis motherin helpingpreparefor bothhis hajjandhis visit to the 'atabat.However,Safi alsorecountsseveralmoreanecdotesin whichAqa'Ali Shah and Aqa KhanMahallatifeature.One of these describesa partygiven by the latterto celebratethe monthof Ramazan.63 Safiwas invitedand"shownlots of kindness"by AqaKhanMahallati. Duringthecourse of the gathering,the latteraskedone of his intimatesa questionconcerningthe reasonfor 'Ali beingaddressed as 'Ali 'Imranduringprayers.The persongave a false him Safirecalled answer,butnot wishingto embarrass thathe choseto staysilent.However,in whatis hardly one of his most endearingmoments,the next morning Safi was unable to resist meeting Aqa Khan again privatelyand explainingthe correct answer to his question.Evidentlypleasedwiththe answerSafifgave, AqaKhansenthim a pursecontainingone hundredand ten gold coins (ashrafis).As in almost all of the anecdotes in Safi's memoirs, Safi concludes the narrativeby giving an esoteric moral to the story concerningthe bounties that God grants us if we conquerourlowersoul(nafs).Butthereis clearlyalsoa elementto the story,for in it we are self-aggrandising remindedof Safi'sclaimsto thepossessionof normative Shi'itelearningas well as the 'irfanof the dervish.Ona moremateriallevel, we also have a clearadmissionof lavishpatronageof Safi. AqaKhanMahallati's In anotheranecdote, Safi makes a referenceto having been in the companyof Aqa KhanMahallati duringa visit to the city of Puna,andas we saw earlier, he also describeshimselfas beingwith Aqa 'Ali Shah in Surat.Thislatterclaimcertainlyhas a ringof credibility in view of Aqa 'Ali Shah'sjourneysduringthe 1860sto visit the Isma'ilicommunitiesof Gujaratand Sindh.Clearly,theseweregrandassociationsof which in the lastyearsof his life Safifremainedproudenough to mentionseveraltimes. Althoughonly hintedat in the obliquestyle in whichroyalor courtlyassociations regularly feature in Sufi hagiographical writings, we should bear in mind that such a friendship brought recognition in Tehranno less than Bombay. Nasir alDin Shah, for example, sent a diamond-studdedrobe of honour from Tehran to Aqa 'Ali Shah after he succeeded his fatherto the title of Aqa Khan. Safi's relationship with the family of Aqa Khan Mahallati in Bombay positioned him among a number

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of otherIranianvisitorsto the city who enjoyedthe hospitality of a family that, given Aqa Khan Mahallati'searlierpolitical ambitions,was in some senses an Iraniancourtin exile. Na'ib al-SadrShirazi (d. 1344/1926),theNi'matullahiredactorof thehistory of the mastersof the order,the Tarda'iq al-haq 'iq, stayedin Bombayfor a year in 1298/1881with Aqa Khan'sfamily,for example.The family'shospitality was by no means limitedto Isma'ilior Ni'matullahi visitors, and in c. 1292/1875 the great Baha'i missionaryJamalEffendi(d. 1316/1898)visited Aqa KhanII in Bombaypriorto makinghis proselytising journeysthroughSouth-EastAsia.64Anotherreflector of Safi's experiencewas Abu 'l-HIasan Mirza(better known as Shaykh al-Ra'is). A co-agitatorof alAfghani, in 1312/1894 this dissident Qajar prince publishedhis Ittihadal-Islhm, the firstPersianworkon while also stayingin Bombayas a guest Pan-Islamism, of the Aqa Khan.65

Likehis relationship withAqaKhan,Safi'spublicationin Bombayof his firstworkalsothereforeplaces him within a wider current of the writing and publishing activities of Iranian exiles and other Persophonescholarswith connectionsto the city. The IranianShi'ite scholar Ahmad b. Muhammad'Ali IsfahaniBehbahanihad visitedBombayin 1220/1805 en route to Hyderabadand had penned a graphic accountof Bombay.66 The city maintaineda place in Iranianlettersthroughout thenineteenthcentury,andin the early 1860s servedas the refugeof the anti-Qajar poet ShaykhHasan-iShirazi,fromwherehe wrote a satiricalpoem on Nasir al-Din Shahthat so incensed

thekingas to contribute of a stronglyto his adoption

WhileBombay's censorshipsystem(sansfir)in Iran.67

in Persianis of as rolein thedevelopment of printing muchinterestas its role as a sanctuary for political the two were connected. At the refugees, inescapably heartof Safi's own circle in Bombay,the city's most

notableexile,AqaKhanMahallati a himself,published lithographicedition of his memoirs in Bombay in 1278/1861.Publisheda full decadebeforethe Zubdat al-asrdr,it is a clear indicationof the links of Aqa Khan's family to Bombay's quickly developing

business in Persian lithographicpublishing. Such activitiescontinuedthroughoutthe century.We have alreadymentionedthe publishingeffortsof al-Afghanl and Shaykhal-Ra'is,andto these shouldbe addedthe works of more religiouslymotivateddissidentslike 'Abdullah ibn Athmadal-Ahsa'I, the son of the founder

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Historyof Persia), as well as of England,competed with new editions of classical poetry and the occasionalnewly-patronised poetic work. Numerous Sharh-i Shaykh Ahmad al-Ahs 7i, was Masnavi of Rumiwerealso of the editions The later h.ldt-i in 1310/1893. in lithographic Bombay published Ni'matullahiguest of Aqa Khan II, Nd'ib al-Sadr, publishedin Bombayfromthe 1260s/1840sonwards, wrote like Safi an accountof his travelsto Indiaand againstthe backgroundof which Safi's own imitation Mecca, which, like the Zubdatal-asrdr, was first Zubdat al-asrdr was published.73A comparison publishedas a lithographin Bombayin 1306/1889.68 betweenthe numbersof Persianbooks publishedin Reflecting the discursive as well as practical IranandIndiaduringthe nineteenthcenturygives final in India, of Persianlithography proofof the importance importanceof travelin Sufism,much of the book in were while books that has been calculated for it travel. of factconcernsthe theory 2,569 least 912 this at in period, However, Bombay's Persianpublishingindustry published Iran during Persianbooks were publishedin India.74It is worth concernednewspapersas well as the vanityprojectsof the wealthy.Althoughthe first Persiannewspapers noting in this context that books could be legally were publishedin Calcutta,by the 1850s they were exported from Bombay without incurringcustoms also beingprintedin Bombay,someof thembecoming duties.75Here then, at the economicheartof British colonial power in India, small but prominenttransknown in Iran.69Mu'ayyidal-IslamJalal al-Din alHusayni (d. 1929), the major Iranianreformerand nationalcommunitieswith ties to Iran sponsoreda publisherof the reformistnewspaperHabl al-matan, small but flourishing spate of Persian literary hadbegunhis life as a merchanttravellingto Indiaand productionin the age of the printingpress. As a Shi'itereligiouspoemin a deliberatelyclassiwas in exile in Bombayin the early 1890s.70Bombay as the also acted throughoutthe nineteenthcentury cising formwrittenby an Iranianmerchant-cum-Sufi in associationwith a memberof Bombay'spermanent intellectualand publishingcentre for a revival in Zoroastrianscholarship.Like poems andnewspapers, communityof Iranianexiles, the Zubdatal-asrir is in the fruits of these priestly Zoroastrianefforts were manyrespectsa typicalproductof the Persianprinted swiftly shippedto Iran to reinvigoratethe sleeping world of books thatwas evolving in Bombayin the secondhalfof thenineteenthcentury.Forlike the pubZoroastrianmasses, in a way that paralleled the activities of Muslim and Babi political exiles and licationof his poem,Safi'spresencein Bombaywas no less a part of a wider movementof religious and reformers.71 Thetrafficwas not only one way,anda centralrole politicalexiles from Iran,hintingat the undervalued in the developmentof Bombay'sPersianpublishing role whichthe city playedin Iran'shistoryduringthe nineteenthcentury. industrywas playedby MirzaMuhammadShirazi(b. 1269/1852-53).72 In 1285/1868-69 this entrepreneur from Shirazopened one of Bombay'sfirst PersianOR SUFIFORMSOF IRANIANORIENTALISM languagebookstoresand publishinghouses. In the RESISTANCE? various of new editions he followingyears published classical works, such as DawlatshahSamarqandi's Tazkiratal-shu'ara, as well as several commemorative Despite its many fascinatingtales, Safi's description of his time in Indiais equallyinterestingfor what and histowritingsof his own concerningfemalepoets it fails to mention.For in his entire accountof his riography.Over time, works on the doctrines of Shi'ism also became recipients of publication, travelsin Indiawe do not hearof a single encounter of the Shaykhi school Shaykh Ahmad Ahsa'i (d. 1241/1826). His biography of his father, entitled

including an edition of SamarqandI's al-vildya, a Ayclt of 'Ali's claims work upholding traditional Shi'ite succession to Muhammad, from the press of Mirza Muhammad.The latter's concern with poetry and historiography was reflected more generally in other Persian publications in Bombay during the 1870s and 1880s, when the publication of histories of the Muslim world (including a translation of Sir John Malcolm's

with a European.Nor is there any sense of his entering a domain governed by new political ideas, by a new power or by new forms of technology. Instead, his India remains a realm of white-bearded Sufi elders, venerable Muslim notables and contortionist yogis It was miracle and magic ratherthan (darvish-i-ji~gT). science which proved for Safi the chief wonder of India. He relates four separate stories concerning his

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meetingswithyogis. Whiletwo of themfit intoa wider leave freely and even took the blame for the murder himself. Safi clearly thought this gesture was narrative framework with which Safi and his companionsinteract,the two othersalmoststandalone marvellous,and the yogi certainly echoes a very notabletraditionof anti-uxorialsentimentsin Persian as the kind of exemplarytales long familiarto the Sufi literature.80 But in his ratherskewedfashion,the Persianliterarytradition.In Surat,Safi went to visit of course echoes the classic Sufi theme of also one suchyogi with a companionandalongthe way the yogi a with his When killed chivalry (javanmardi).The second anecdoteof this sparrow whip.76 companion he was at the telepathi- type concernsa yogi who has spent so many years yogi's residence, they arrived holdinghis armin the airthata weed has takenrootin cally awareof this act of crueltyandrespondedby not it.81 Safi enquires the reason for this, and the yogi tells allowing Safi's companion to enter his home. Acquiescing,Safi enteredalone and, afterdiscussing him thatin his nextlife he hopesto becomea king.On the natureof perfectionwiththe yogi, left to rejoinhis hearingthis, Safimournsthatsucheffortsshouldbe so the wastedwhen,hadtheybeenperformedsolely for God, and return to Surat,noticingalong way companion thattheyogi hadeven correctlydescribedthe sex of the they could have led the yogi to the highest stations In was the other of this dead sparrow. kind, Safi story (maqimat)of wisdom.Suchan employmentof stereoin Punawhen typicalimagesof Hinduswas by no meansnew to Sufi in the companyof Aqa KhanMahallafti literaturein Persian,and Safi's literarypast master he saw a Hindugo to his templeto praybeforean idol WhenAqa also famouslyincludedan allegoricalstoryof a (but)in the hope of receivingfourrupees.77 Rnimi Khan laterunwittinglygave the Hindupreciselythat Hinduandhis forbiddenloverin his Masnavi.82 There is a certaingusto and charm about these sum,to Aqa Khan'sannoyancethe Hindurushedback andcomicelementthathasthe to thankthe statueinstead.TheHinduthenchidedAqa anecdotes,a spectacular in is undeniable of the traditional that it teller of tales. And Khan'segoism by explaining only reality ring the masterof all masters(pir-ipiran) who can bestow indeed, in his short autobiography,Safi speaks of tryingto refrainfromrecountinghis many extraordianything. Whatis clearfromtheseanecdotesis Safi'srespect nary travel adventuresfor fear that they should be for the yogis as men of divinewisdomand,indeed,he thought of as travellers' tall tales (afsdna-yi referredto one of them as being amongthe pureand siyhatgardn). But of course, as the writer of two masnavis, Safi was in part a storyteller,and it is enlightenedones. He is also keento presenthimselfas learned whether from them, throughengaging perhapsonly naturalthat imaginationand memory having in learneddiscussionsor simplythroughhearingtheir should intertwinein the recountingof his travels. Moreover,the exoticismandstockimageryof the yogi inspiredgnomic utterances.He is in this sense only stories also remindsus of the qissa traditionwhich, positioninghimself within a long traditionof Sufi intothe formof lithographic editionsof travellersto Indiawho wereregardedas havinglearned transmogrified much from their encounterswith India's spiritual such old tale cycles as the adventuresof Abu IHamza Babaof Fakhral-Din'IraqiandShah and suchnew ones as the adventuresof HIlaji masters,includingIHallaj, in was renewed Ni'matullahhimself.It is noteworthy,however,thatin Isfahan, undergoing popularity Qajar his shorterbiography Safi speaks only of having Iran.83What is more remarkable,however, is the contrastthat Safi's tales of an exotic and mystical simply met with recluses (gifsha nashinan)and the Hindustanmake with other travel narrativesthat "peopleof 'All" (murta?cn) ratherthanwith yogis or survive in abundancefrom QajarIranin the second Hindusmoregenerally.78 It is an earliertraditionof Sufi encounterswith half of the nineteenthcentury.Nasir al-Din Shahhad Indiathat is more clearlyechoed in Safi's othertwo alreadypublishedhis own traveldiary,describinghis anecdotes concerning the yogis. One is presented as a story that he heard while in Suratand recounts a rather bloodthirsty series of events by which a yogi allowed a guest to stay in his house, who then successfully plotted to rob his wife of her jewels before cutting off her head.79However, ratherthan breakthe principles of hospitality, the yogi allowed his treacherous guest to

journey to both Karbala and Europe and in the late 1880s the atncama-yiIbrdhim Btg also began to Siyah. accounts of the pilgrimages to Mecca of appear.84The Sayf al-Dawla in 1279/1863 and Mirza Il.usayn travel Farahanialso fall into this genre.85Yet in these it of is the the outside that is world diaries, modernity at times with the backstressed, by explicit comparison

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wardnessof QajarIran.86(AmongIndianMuslimsthe samepointmaybe madewithregardto thenineteenthand Sir Sayyid centurytraveloguesof MunshiIsma~'il AhmadKhanthat describetheirvisits to London.)87 The impact of the technological and political modernityof the outsideworldwas thereforeone of the core characteristicsof Iraniantravel duringthe nineteenthcentury.And this was no less the case with formsof travelcarriedout with whatwe mightregard as a traditionalformator intentionality,such as the hajj.Forby the secondhalfof thecentury,theprincipal route for the pilgrimageto Mecca fromIranbrought pilgrims into contactwith the great motorised"fire wheels" in the harbourat Alexandria,for pumping waterto the city as well as introducingthem to rail travelvia the Alexandria-Cairo railway.ManyIranian travellers described their encounters with these wonders, and for the early industrialist HI.aj Aminal-Zarb,the experienceof European Muhammad in 1279/1863 while the technology performing hajj provedone of the key momentsin his career.88 Thereis somethingextraordinary, then,in the utter absenceof modernityin the storiesof Safi's travels. Like al-Afghani, he travelled to Bombay and Hyderabadin the wake of the repressionof Indian Muslimsthatwas an after-effectof the GreatRevoltof 1857. Yet in Safi's memoirswe hear of no political awakeningor senseof a threatto Muslimcivilisationat the handsof the British,even thoughin discussingthe "still current"propheciesof Shah Ni'matullahValI, Percy Sykes claimedthat one of his prophecieswas "oneveryone'slips"duringthemid-nineteenth century andwas even "acause,if not a mainone, of the Indian andfellow Isfahani Like his contemporary Mutiny".89 merchantAminal-2arb,Safiwouldalso haveencounterednew forms of technologyon his travels.Asia's first train service had begun in Bombay in 1853, carrying450,000passengersin its firstyear,andby the time of Safi's arrivalthe city was connectedby long distanceroutesto Barodain Gujaratandotherdestinations.90With its rich mix of differentreligious and social groups,its hugemodemrdocks,its clock-towers and buildings for such new institutionsas its university, Bombay was at the centre of all manner of social and technological changes during the 1860s. Yet of all these things, almost the only trace of the nineteenth century to enter Safi's travel narrativeis a reference to a telegraph in the account of the murderof the yogi's wife.

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In Iran itself, the telegraphwas laid from 1858 onwards,and by the 1870s the first railwayconcessions were being granted;it thereforeseems possible that, by the time of the writing of Safi's memoirs of suchtechnologies duringthe 1890s,the introduction to Iranhadrobbedhis memoryof the impressionthey hadmadeuponhis youngerself. Withhis connections in Tehranto a courtboth infatuatedand familiarwith the trappingsof Europeantechnologicaladvancement, it is also possible that any referenceto his early encounterwith Europeansciencemay have presented Safi as beingundulyprovincial.Certainly,this would have proved an effect at odds with the general rhetoricaldriftof the memoirsin presentingSafi as a well-travelled gentleman of wide learning and experience.But despitethese considerations,the fact remainsthatthe Indiawhich Safi chose to remember and describewas one thatwas devoidof some of the most basic facts of the age. Instead of being the locationfor socialandtechnologicalchangeswrought by the comingof Europeandomination,Safi'sIndiais by contrasta realm of learnedSufis, gymnosophist yogis andexpatriateIranianaristocrats.It is at once a timelessanda pre-colonialIndia. India had always possessed an aura of mystery andmagic for much of the widerMuslimworld,and Safi's travelnarrativeswere by no meansthe first to emphasisethese qualities.Such earlierPersiantravelogues as those of the Sufi-inclined seventeenthcenturytravellersMutribial-A'samSamarqandiand Mahmaidb. Amir Vali are similarly replete with observationson the magical and exotic qualitiesof India and its peoples.91With its descriptionsof the author'sadventuresin IndiaandArabiaanda host of other regions, the Sufi travel narrativeBustan alZayn al-'Abidin Tamkin (d. siyiha of I.ajiundoubtedly provides the closest 1253/1837-38) parallelto the accountof Safi's travels,though it is not possible to draw any conclusionsregardingthe influenceof the Bustanal-siyaha.92 But despitethis earliertraditionof conceptualisingandwritingabout India, the social and technological changes which Safi would have observed in India surely suggest that he was not a passive continuer of this convention in Persian letters. Rather,the very fact of what might be described as a Persian orientalism seems in Safi's writing to be in itself an act of deliberate resistance to European knowledge and the forms of modernity it represented.93

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In his travelnarratives,omissionseems to act as a formof rhetoric.It is a rhetoricthat suggeststhat,in the enlightenedeyes of the dervish,whatIndiahas to offerof valueis not a second-handmodelof European modernitybutratheran authenticandindigenousform of learningwhichis manifestlysuperiorto otherforms of knowledge.ForwhatIndiarepresentedto Safi was authenticityand antiquity,representedin both a generalformthroughreferencesto the wisdomof the yogis and in a specific form by referenceto persons and places associated with his own tradition of Ni'matullah 'irfa'n.Safi's pregnantignoring of the effectsof modernityandcolonialismmaythereforebe readas a strategyof defendingthe branchof Muslim knowledge which he represented.But at the same the modernityof the Indiawhich time, in disregarding he encounteredin favourof a timelessIndiaof sages andwonders,it was a formof inverseorientalismthat, with its own brand of rejection of technological modernity,is comparablewiththe Indiaof contemporaryWesterntravellers. If much has been made of this meaningful absence,it is becauseit fits in bothwith whatmay be seen as a central characteristicof Safi's wider writingsand also connectshim with a broaderintellectual movement in Muslim thought during the second half of the nineteenthcentury.For like the biographicalwritings,perhapsthe most strikingcharacteristicof Safi's writingsis theirstudiedcontinuity with an earliertraditionof Muslim thought,to the exclusion of any apparent form of European influence.As a traveller,we havecomparedhimto alAfghani and Amin al-Zarb,but a similarlyfruitful comparisonmay be made of him with the poet Hali. A few years after Safi had publishedhis Zubdatalasrdr in Bombay in 1289/1872, in 1296/1879 the Urdupoet Altaf HusaynHIalipublishedin Delhi his own long poem, the Musaddas.94The central concernsof this poem - the loss of Muslimspiritual and intellectualgreatness,the effects of colonisation, the sense of an end to a traditionsignalledin choice of languageand style were the very H.ali's issues which own poetry neatly side-stepped. While in .Safi's we have seen his literary career in India some respects making him very much a man of his age, when compared to al-Afghani and 11Ili, his reaction to India's situation in the nineteenth century could not have been more different.

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CONCLUSIONS If we have heard little of Safi's suspectedearly professionof a merchant,thenthis can only remindus that he was telling his story as a Sufi and not as a merchant.It was a specificallySufinarratology thathe in and the it is offered, previouspages, somethingof the interfaceof this Sufi narratologywith the external world that we have seen. It is, therefore, as a rememberedlife, as the memoirsof a successfulprofessionalSufi living out his last years in Tehran,that we need to understandSafi'stales of his earlytravels and adventures.In theirmouldingof the personaland the stereotypical,we see somethingof the interface betweenselfhoodanddesirethatframesso muchof the experienceof the mystic. At the same time, we see memoryas a powerfulmeansof shapinga visionof the world, a privateworld which, in Safi's case, resisted movementsfrombothwithinandoutsideIslamto disenfranchiseit of the meaningswhich for centuriesit hadcontainedfor Sufi seekers. BetweenIsfahan,Bombayand Tehran,Safi stood at the very centreof the economic,technologicaland culturalchanges that were transformingIndia, Iran and the Persianatecivilisation that had tied them together for the best part of a millennium.Unlike thinkerslike al-Afghaniand poets like Hali, who in theirdifferentways triedto meet the threatof Europe headon, Safi'sresponsewas an attemptto reaffirmthe essentialvalidityof Islamic 'irfanthrougha vigorous formulaof continuitywith all of its traditionalforms. On the one hand,this involvedhis self-presentation as a wanderingdervishpursuinga vision questwith the help of both living and dead mastersin accordance with the classic models of Sufi hagiography.On the otherhand,it involvedhim in a literarycareercharacterisedby writingin the masnaviform in an explicit and self-confessedimitationof Jalalal-Din Raimi(d. 672/1273),whomhe frequentlyquotesin his writings. Yet this does not mean that Safi's writingsremain untouched by the currents of his age, and the unadorned simplicity of his prose style alone is testament to his connection with wider currentsin the Persian literatureof the Qajarperiod. Like the revival in the use of Persian for works of mystical philosophy, Safi's prose writings are no less connected to the currentsof his age than those of his direct Ni'matullahi predecessors.

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Safi's programmeof continuity,with a form of Muslimknowledgekeptapartfromand"unreformed" had by Europeanthoughtandits Muslimtransmitters, much in common with that of the North African defenderof the traditionof Ibn 'Arabi,'Abd al-Qadir al-Jaza'iri(d. 1300/1883).While'Abdal-Qadir'searly life of militantresistanceto Europeandominationof his nativeAlgeriais well-known,it is importantthat we see the threadsof continuityin his subsequentSufi "retirement"from the world as no less an act of resistancethanthe eventsof his earlycareer.LikeSafi, 'Abd al-Qadiralso connectedthe experienceof his own life with the lives of earlierSufis by literally walkingin the footstepsof Ibn 'Arabiduringhis years in Damascus. As Safi went to Rita 'Ali Shah's khinaqih in Hyderabad,'Abd al-Qadirlived in Ibn 'Arabi'shousein Damascusandwas eventuallyburied besidehis grave.'Abd al-Qadir'smajorwrittenwork, the Kitaibal-Mawaqif, reaffirmsthe validityof traditional Sufi knowledgeno less than the writings of Safi.95And like Safi's biographical writings,his book recounts'Abdal-Qadir'svisionaryencounterswiththe souls of the deadmasters,while in his attemptsto save and publishthe writtenworks of Ibn 'Arabihimself, 'Abd al-Qadiris no less keen to take practicalsteps towardsthe preservationof the traditionhe represents. The career and writings of the nineteenth-century Turkish Sufi Shaykh Ahmad Gtimtishkhanevi (1228-1311/1813-94), whose Jdmi' al-usfl also reworkedideas drawn from Ibn 'Arabi, may also providea parallelwith Safi.96 How farthe deliberateconformitywithtraditionin Safi'swritingswas actuallya featureof his widerintellectualand personallife outsidehis writings,is very difficultto assess. With its radicalde-centringof the place of the Sufi master, the emergence of the anjuman-i ukhuvvat out of Safi's Sufi order in

1317/1899,withina few monthsof his death,suggests thatthe continuitywith traditionemphasisedin Safi's writingmaynothavealwaysbeenthedominantnotein his wider intellectuallife. The emergence of the anjuman from the circle of his closest followers does suggest that ideas of modemisation and reform were present in his direct milieu. Moreover, in the notice in the Tarcd'iqal-haqd~'iqon the actual recorderof Safi's travel reminiscences, his brotherAqa Riza IIu~iir'All, it is related that many dervishes (Aqa Rita included) had taken to learning the new French and "European knowledge" ('uliim-i-jadd-i farangi).97 This direct

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contextof the adaptationof Europeanideasmakesthe traditionalist tone of Safi'stravelsandwritingsall the morestriking. Whilelittleis knownof the detailsof Safi's life in Tehranduringthe yearsafterhis returnfromIndia,we do possess an accountof a possiblemeetingwith him in the writingsof the British Consul, Percy Sykes. Around1897,Sykeswas in Na'inwherehe visitedthe shrineof a Sufi by the nameof 'Abdal-Wahhab. Ha.ji At the shrineSykesencountered a Sufiby the nameof Aqa Hasan,who, he added,laterdied in 1899. While I.aji we cannotmakeany certainidentification,both the nameanddeathdateof this figuresuggestthathe may have been Safi 'Ali Shahhimself. As his early biographyin the Sharafshows,Safiwas betterknown in his lifetimeas Aqa MirzaIHasan,andwe may recallthathis firstteacher H.aji originatedin Na'In.98 Sykes describedthis HIajiAqa IHasanas "anextraordinarily well-readandtravelleddervish",andduringtheirconversationthe subjectturnedtowardsa discussionof the ruins and sculpturesat Persepolis. Sykes' Persian companion,NasrAllahKhan,becamedepressedat the thoughtthatPersepolisshowedthe stateof declinein whichtheIranianshadfallen."Beof goodcheer", Ha.ji Aqa Hasanrespondedto him, "Wein thoseearlydays caredonly for materialprogress,whichwe have now abandonedfor higherthings,whereasEuropeanshave While just reachedthe stage of materialprogress."99 there is no way of knowingif it was Safi 'Ali Shah whomSykesmet,forSykes'spersonaldiarieshavenot well-read survived,the wordsof this "extraordinarily and travelleddervish"clearlypresentSufi forms of mysticalknowledgeas a self-consciousalternativeto Europeanmodelsof modernity.Suchanattitudewas in itself partof a widerproblematisation in QajarIranof the natureof culturalintegrityas addressedin the late nineteenthcenturyby such intellectualsas 'Abd alRahimTalibif (d. 1329/1911),whoseown Masclik almuhsininhad structured teachingsarounda (fictional) travelnarrative.100 Thismaysuggestthatthedefenceof traditionalknowledgealso actedas a formof cultural resistance to Europeanhegemony.

Notes 1 This articlewas writtenwith the supportof the Gordon MilburnJuniorResearchFellowshipat OxfordUniversity. I amgratefulto LloydRidgeonforan invitation to present

A PERSIAN SUFI IN BRITISH INDIA

an earlierversion at a colloquiumon Sufism in modem Iran at Glasgow University and to Fariba Adelkhah and LeonardLewisohn for their comments. 2 See N.S. Green,"MigrantSufis and SacredSpace in South Asian Islam",ContemporarySouthAsia XII/4 (2003), pp. 493-509 3 On diplomatic and economic relations, see R. Greaves, "IranianRelations with Great Britain and British India, 1798-1921", in P. Avery,G. Hambly and C. Melville (eds), CHIr, vol. VII, From Nadir Shah to the Islamic Republic (Cambridge, 1991); A.R. Sheikholeslami,"Integrationof Qajar Persia in the World Capitalist System", Iranian Journal oflnternationalAffairsXII/2 (2000), pp. 285-312. 4 See S.F. Dale, Indian Merchantsand the Eurasian Trade, 1600-1750 (Cambridge,1994); C. Markovits,The Global World of Indian Merchants, 1750-1947 (Cambridge, 2000). On earlieraspects of these tradingconnections,see S. Subrahmanyam,"IraniansAbroad: Intra-Asian Elite Migrationand EarlyModem StateFoundation",Journal of Asian Studies LI/2 (1992), pp. 340-63. 5 See M. Mohiuddin and I.K. Poonawala, art. "Bombay: PersianMuslim Communities"in EIr. 6 For modem accounts of the life and following of Safi 'Alli Shah, see 'A.K. Barq,Justujiidar ahval va 'Ali dtha-r-i5.Safi Shah (Tehran, 1352/1973); N. Chahardahi, Sayri dar tasavvuf(Tehran,1361/1982), pp. 141-83; M. Homaytini, Trikh-i silsilaha-yi tariqa-yi ni'matulllhiyya dar iran (London, 1371/1992), pp. 243-334. While no extensive studies of Safi's life and works have been published in European languages, the history of the Safi 'All Shahi order has been extensively studied in M. van den Bos, Mystic Regimes: Sufism and the State in Iran, from the Late Qajar Era to the Islamic Republic (Leiden, 2002). However, see also R. Gramlich, Die Schiitischen Derwischorden Persiens (Wiesbaden, 1965), vol. I, pp. 61-64; and L. Lewisohn, "An Introductionto the History of Modem Persian Sufism, PartI: the Ni'matullhi Order: Persecution, Revival and Schism", BSOAS, LXI (1998), pp. 453-56. Safi reachedBombay via the Bushehrto Bombay route.By 7 farthe most importantrouteduringthis period,with around ten ships per year arrivingin Bombay from Bushehrduring the mid-eighteen-sixties.Given the higherconcentrationof arrivalsduring the summer months, Safi was statistically most likely to have arrivedin Bombay in Safarto RabI'alawwal 1280/Julyto August 1863. The names of the ships andtheircaptainsarrivingin Bombay from Bushehrduring these months may be found in the BombayAlmanackand Directoryfor 1864 (Bombay, 1864).

8

215

For a translatedselection of Safi's writings, see N. Green, "MirzaHasan Safi 'All Shah:A PersianSufi in the Age of Printing (Introductionand Selected Translations)",in L. Ridgeon (ed.), Religion and Politics in Iran: A Reader

(London, forthcoming). The foundationdate of 1294/1877 is given by Homayini, op. cit., p. 243. However, a laterdate is found in M. Kiyanl, Thrikh-ikhcnaqahdar iran (Tehran,1369/1990), p. 244. 10 See 'A. Anwar,art."Anjoman-eOkowwat"in EIr. 11 A prose version has been published in Homaytini,op. cit., pp. 246-74. On Shams al-'Urafi,see Na'ib al-SadrShirkazi,

9

12

13

14

15 16 17

18

19

20

Tar'iq al-haqa'iq (Tehran, 1339-45/1960-66), vol. III, pp. 452-54. He is not to be confused with Sayyid Husayni Husayni Shams al-'Urafa(d. 1353/1935). See Sharaf issue no. 84 (1308/1890-91), republ. in Dawra-yi rfuzna-mahci-yi sharaf va shardfat(Tehran,n.d.). See Na'ib al-SadrShirAzi,op. cit., vol. III,pp. 441-47. This account has formed the basis of most subsequent summaries of Safi's life found in modem Persian and Europeanlanguageworks. On merchantlife in QajarIran,see A.K.S. Lambton,"The Case of Hajji 'Abd al-Karim: A Study of the Role of Merchants in Mid-Nineteenth Century Iran", in C.E. Bosworth (ed.), Iran and Islam: In Memory of the Late VladimirMinorsky(Edinburgh,1971), pp. 331-60; and S. Mahdavi,For God, Mammonand Country:A Nineteenth CenturyPersian Merchant(Boulder, 1999). Na'ib al-SadrShirkzi,op. cit., vol. III,p. 442. 243 and pp. 267-68 respectively. Homayuini, op. cit., p. Ibid., p. 246. See MirzaHasan Safi 'All Shah, 'Irfanal-haqq,hamrahba rasa'il-i asrar al-ma'arif va mizan al-ma'rifa (Tehran, 1378/1999). On the continuationof the school of Isfahan during the Qajarperiod, see S.H. Nasr, "The Metaphysicsof Sadr alDin^m Shirfiziand Islamic Philosophy in QajarIran",in C.E. Bosworth and C. Hillenbrand(eds), Qajar Iran: Political, Social and Cultural Change, 1800-1925 (Edinburgh, 1985), pp. 177-98. For a general study of Sufi biographies, see J.A. Mojadeddi, The Biographical Tradition in Sufism: The TabaqatGenrefrom al-Sulamito Jami (London,2001). On Sufi autobiographicalwritings, see C. Kafadar,"Self and Others: the Diary of a Dervish in Seventeenth Century Istanbul and First-Person Narratives in Ottoman Literature",StudiaIslamica LXIX (1979), pp. 121-50; D. Terzioglu,"Man in the Image of God in the Image of the Times: Sufi Self-narrativesand the Diary of NiyvzI-i Misri (1618-94)", Ibid., XCIV (2002), pp. 139-66.

JOURNALOF PERSIAN STUDIES

216

21

22

23

24

Lewisohn,op. cit., and W.R.Royce,"MirMa'sirm'Alli ShahandtheNi'matAllahiRevival,1776-77to 1796-97" Princeton University,1979). (unpubl.Ph.D.dissertation, See A. Amanat,ResurrectionandRenewal: TheMakingof the Babi Movementin Iran, 1844-1850 (Ithaca,1989), pp.

72-74, and NA'ibal-SadrShirazi-, op. cit., vol. III, pp. 332-34. Ibid., vol. III,p. 442. By 1267/1850as manyas fiftyshopsin Yazdweredealing solely with British goods from India and ten British subjects(HindusfromSind)wereengagedtherein trade. See Amanat (ed.), Cities and Trade.:ConsulAbbot on the Economyand Society of lran, 1847-1866 (London, 1983),

25 26

27 28 29 30 31

32

39

Bidar: Its History and Monuments(Delhi, See G. Yazdani, 1996[originally1947]),pp. 100-2.

40

Ibid., p. 143. Homayunl,op. cit., pp. 255-57.

41 42

und Zuckerbicker:Bilder aus einem OrientalischenBasar 43 44

45 46

pp.79-82 and131-36. See Amanat,op. cit. andMahdavi,op. cit. See P.M. Sykes, Ten ThousandMiles in Persia or Eight

YearsinIran(London,1902),p. 205. Amanat,op. cit.,p. 151.

47

Sykes, op. cit., p. 195. Homaytini,op. cit., p. 265. Ibid., pp. 265-66.

Ibid.,p. 269. See N. Pourjavady, "Oppositionto Sufism in Twelver Shiism",in B. Radtkeand F. De Jong (eds), Islamic

34

35

Polemics(Leiden,1999). For the claim of Safi'stradingactivitiesin Indiasee H. in EI2. Algar,art."Ni'mat-Allahiyya", "The the additions to OnQajar shrine,see R. Hillenbrand, in Role of Traditionin QajarReligiousArchitecture", BosworthandHillenbrand (eds.),op.cit.,p. 354. Sykes, op. cit., p. 149. On the broaderintellectualand social history of Kerman in this period, see M.R. Daryagasht, Kirman dar Qalamraw-i Tahqiqdt-i Irmni

(Kirman,1370/1992);J. de Groot,"Kermanin the Late NineteenthCentury:A RegionalStudy of Society and Social Change"(unpubl,D.Phil. thesis, Universityof Oxford, 1978); and Ahmad'Ali KhanVaziri,T7arikh-i Kirman 36

1335 H.S.). (Sialtriyya)(Tehran,

Sykes,op.cit.,p. 149.Thehangingof similarhornsmaybe observedat Muslimshrinesin manyotherregionsfrom

Yemen to Badakhshan. E.G. Browne, A YearAmongst the Persians (Cambridge, 1926), p. 587. 38 On the Indian chapter of Ni'matullahi history, see T. Graham, "The Ni'matu'llahi Order under Safavid Suppressionand in Indian Exile", in L. Lewisohn and D. Morgan (eds.), The Heritage of Sufism, vol. III, Late Classical Persianate Sufism(Oxford, 1999), pp. 165-200. 37

(Munich,1996),pp.96-97. I amgratefulto MatthijsvandenBos forthisinformation. Homayiunl, op. cit., p. 260. On the use of barcts, see Mahdavi,op. cit.,pp.41-43. op. cit.,p. 244. Homayutin, See Sykes,op.cit.,pp.148-49.OnShahNi'matullah's life, see T. Graham,"ShahNi'matullahWall:Founderof the Ni'matullahISufi Order",in L. Lewisohn (ed.), The Heritage of Sufism, Vol. II, The Legacy of Medieval Persian Sufism(1150-1500) (Oxford, 1999), pp. 173-90. Cf. M. Dossal, ImperialDesigns and Indian Realities: The Planning of Bombay City, 1845-1875 (Delhi, 1996); T.

Mitchell,ColonisingEgypt(Cambridge,1988);and V.T. Oldenburg,The Making of Colonial Lucknow,1856-1877 48

Mysticism Contested:.13 Centuries of Controversiesand 33

Citedin Barq,op. cit.,pp. 14-15. Fora Qajarpaintingof Dervische anopium-smoking dervish,see J.W.Frembgen,

49

(Delhi,1989). For a comparative descriptionof Bombayand Bushehr FromBombayto see duringthis period, W.A.Shepherd, Bushire and Bussora (London, 1857), especially pp. 123-63. Safi has also been accusedof enteringrelationswith the Baha'is.Whilethisremainspossible,givenhismovements in bothBombayandIran,thereis littleovertevidenceon Iran the matter.See N. Chahardahi,Silsilaha-yi .Sifiyya-yi

(Tehran,1360/1981),pp. 18, 167 (citedin van den Bos,

50

51

MysticRegimes). See Na~'ibal-SadrShirazMi, Tard'iqal-haqa'iq,vol. III, e.g.

pp. 117,328, 373, 399,434, 438-39,464-66,471, 510. See N.M. Parveez,"Indo-BritishTradewith Persia", Imperial and Asiatic QuarterlyReview, 3rd series, XXIII

(1907). 52

Bombay Almanack and Directory for 1865 (Bombay,

53

See N.R. Keddie, Sayyid Jamal ad-Din

1865),p. 563. A

`al-Afghni'." PoliticalBiography(Berkeleyand Los Angeles, 1972), especially pp. 22-32; and J.R.I. Cole, "New Perspectives on Sayyid Jamal al-Din al-Afghani in Egypt", in R. Matthee and B. Baron (eds.), Iran and Beyond. Essays in Middle Eastern History in Honor of Nikki R. Keddie (Costa Mesa, 2000), pp. 13-34. It has even been claimed, albeit without supportingevidence, that al-Afghanl was himself a pupil of Safi. See Chahardahi, Sayri dar tasavvuf p. 163.

A PERSIAN SUFI IN BRITISH INDIA

54 The book was latertranslatedinto Arabic by Muhammad 'Abduh and published in 1886 in Beirut under its better known title of al-Radd 'alai 'l-dahriyyin("The Refutation of the Materialists"). 55 H. Algar, "The Revolt of the Agha KhanMahallatiand the Transference of the Isma'ili Imamate to India", St. Isl. XXIX (1969), pp. 43-69. 56 Z. Noorally, "The First Agha Khan and the British" (unpubl.MA thesis, University of London, 1964). 57 N.J. Dumasia, TheAga Khan and his Ancestors (Bombay, 1939), p. 61. 58 Mirza Muhammad's name is listed in the freemasonry sections of several editions of the BombayAlmanackand Directory from the 1860s. See e.g. BombayAlmanackand Directoryfor 1866 (Bombay, 1866), p. 759. While many Parsis were members of other lodges in the city (especially Lodge Rising Star of H.I. in Colaba, which was entirely Parsi-controlled), Mirza Muhammad's was the only Muslim name mentioned duringthis period in the freemasonry listings of the BombayAlmanack. 59 See N. Pourjavadyand P. Lamborn-Wilson,"Ismr'ilisand Ni'matullfhis",St. Isl. XLI (1975), pp. 113-35. 60 On the changing doctrinalface of Isma'Ilismin the years afterthis episode, see M. Boivin, "The Reform of Islam in Ismr'ili Shi'ism from 1885 to 1957", in F. Delvoye (ed.), Confluence of Cultures: French Contributionsto IndoPersian Studies (Delhi, 1994), pp. 121-39. 61 Another difficulty that remains concerning this anecdote concerns the question of chronology.Since the Zubdatalasr5r was not published in Bombay until 1289/1872, this must necessarilymean that Safi's returnjoumey to Iranvia Najaf cannot have taken place until after this date. Either, as seems likely, this praise was merely invented or Homayuni's chronology of Safi's travels is as uncertainas those suggested by Barq, op. cit. and Lewisohn, "An Introductionto the History of Modem PersianSufism". 62 Homayuni,op. cit., p. 244. 63 Ibid., pp. 263-64. 64 See M. Momen, "JamalEffendi andthe EarlySpreadofthe Baha'i Faith in Asia", Baha7 Studies Review IX (1999-2000), pp. 47-80. 65 See H. Algar, Mirza Malkum Khan: A Study in Islamic Modernism (Berkeley, 1973), pp. 225-26. On Shaykh alRa'is's earlier activities, see J.R.I. Cole, "Autobiography and Silence: The Early Careerof Shaykh al-Ra'IsQajar", in J.C. Btirgel and I. Schayani (eds.), Iran im 19. Jarhundert und die Entstehung der Baha 'i-Religion (Zuirich,1998), pp. 91-126.

66

67

68

217

The account is found in his Mir'it al-ahvdl-ijahinnima. See C.A. Storey,Persian Literature.: A Bio-Bibliographical vol. I, part 2, pp. 1130-32. The Survey (London, 1927-), Zubdatal-asrdr is unlikely to have been the first masnavi writtenin Bombay. Safdar'Ali Shah Munsifs masnavi on the British wars in India, Jerjis-i razm, may have been written during its author's stay in Bombay. See C. Rieu, Catalogue of the Persian Manuscripts in the British Museum(London, 1879-95), vol. II, p. 725. See P. Avery,"Printing,the Press and Literaturein Modem Iran",in CHIr,vol. VII, p. 828. Na~'ibal-Sadr Shirazi, Tuhfatal-hardmayn:Safarnama-yi N1'ib Shirazidar ziydrat-iMakkava siyachat-iIran al-.Sadr The originaledition was publishedin (Tehran, 1361/1983). lk _

Bombayin 1306/1889. 69

70 71

72

73

74

See E.G. Browne, ThePress and Poetry of ModernPersia (Cambridge, 1914), pp. 362, 368. The earliest Persian newspaper was in fact published by the great Hindu reformerRam Mohan Roy (1772-1833), a copy of which was sent to Iran. Avery,op. cit., pp. 834-35. See J.R. Hinnells, art. "Bombay: The Zoroastrian Community"in EIr. See Mohiuddin and Poonawala, art. "Bombay: Persian Muslim Communities"in EIr. On these Bombay Masnavis, see A.J. Arberry,Catalogue of the Library of the India Office, vol. II, part 6, Persian Books (London, 1937), pp. 301-3. Cited in M.E. Nizam-Mafi, "The Emergenceof Tehranas the CulturalCapitalof Iran",in C. Adle and B. Hourcade (eds.), T~hhran.:Capitale bicentenaire (Paris-Tehran, 1992), p. 137. The figuresbased are on K. Mushar,Fihristi kitibh -yi chdpi-yijarsi az aghaiztd aikhar-isCl-i 1345

(Tehran,1352sh/1974). 75 Bombay Almanack and Directory for 1865 (Bombay, 1865), p. 151. 76 Homayuni,op. cit., pp. 258-62. 77

78

Ibid., p. 264.

Ibid., p. 244. The same account appearsin Na'ib al-Sadr Shirkazi, op. cit., vol. III,p. 442. 79 257-58. Homayuini,op. cit., pp. 80 On this theme, see Riazul Islam, Sufism in South Asia: Impact on Fourteenth Century Muslim Society (Delhi, 2002), pp. 216-33. 81 Homayuni,op. cit., p. 270. 82 See MawlanaJalalal-Din Balkhi, Masnavi-yi ma'navt,ed. R.A. Nicholson (repr.Tehran, 1378/1999), Book Six, pp. 703-7.

JOURNAL OF PERSIAN STUDIES

218

83

See U. Marzolph,"Persian in the Qajar PopularLiterature

Books(Leiden,2002).

to India, see Y. Friedmann,"Medieval Muslim Views on IndianReligions",JAOS XCV (1975), pp. 214-21; and V. Minorsky, "Gardizi on India", BSOAS XII (1948), pp. 625-40. The exoticism of India continues in Persophone

J.W.Redhouse (tr.),7The Diary ofH.M TheShah ofPersia His Tour During ThroughEuropein A.D. 1873 (repr.Costa

to thisdayandin Tajikistan environments themagicalarts are still known as "Kashmiriknowledge" ('ilm-i

Period",Asian Folklore Studies LX/2 (2001), pp. 215-36; idem, Narrative Illustration in Persian Lithographed 84

85

Mesa, 1995). See Sultan Muhammad Sayf al-Dawla, Safarndima-yi Makka,ed. A.A. Khudparast (Tehran,1363/1985); Mirza HIjusaynFarahani, A Shi"ite Pilgrimage to Mecca (1885-1886).: the Safarncmeh of Mirza Mohammad

92 93

ed. andtr.M. GulzarandE.L.Daniel HosaynFarcahmni, (Austin, Texas, 1990). 86

Onthistheme,see M.M.Ringer,"TheQuestfortheSecret of Strength in Iranian Nineteenth-CenturyTravel Literature: in RethinkingTraditionin the Safarnameh", N.R. Keddie and R. Matthee (eds.), Iran and the

94

95

See S. Digby, "An Eighteenth Century Narrative of a

fromBengalto England:MunshiIsma'il'sNew Joumrney

88 89

Ni'matull5h'sapocalypticpoems, see E.G. Browne,A LiteraryHistory of Persia (Cambridge,1920-24), vol. III, pp. 463-73. In an interestingly parallel, couplets from

as Safi'sown versewerewidelyrepeatedandinterpreted

90

prophecies in Iran during the Islamic Revolution in 1979 (personalcommunication,A.R. Sheikholeslami). See M.D. David, Bombay.:The City of Dreams (Bombay,

1995). 91

See R.C. Foltz, "Two SeventeenthCenturyCentralAsian

Travellersto Mughal India",JRAS,series 3, vol. VI Muslimattitudes (1996),pp.367-77. Forotherinfluential

An undated lithographicedition of the Jami' al-usfil was

publishedin Turkey,and a later version in Cairo in 1331/1913. See B. Abu-Manneh,"Shaykh Ahmed Ziyal'tiddinel-Gtimtishaneviand the Ziya'i-Khalidi

SurroundingWorld.:Interactions in Cultureand Cultural

History",in C. Shackle(ed.), Urduand MuslimSouthAsia.: Studies in Honour of Ralph Russell (London, 1989), pp. 49-65. See Mahdavi,op. cit., pp. 48-51. Sykes, op. cit., p. 149. On similar readings of Shah

See C. Shackle and J. Majeed (ed. and tr.), Hali's Musaddas: TheFlow and Ebb of Islam (Delhi, 1997). See M. Chodkiewicz, TheSpiritual WritingsofAmir 'Abd

al-Kader(NewYork,1995). 96

Politics(Seattle,2002),pp. 146-61. 87

kashmiri). See A.S. Sirjani,art."Bostanal-Sialha",in EIr On Persian"orientalism",see also J.R.I. Cole, "Mirrorof the World: Iranian 'Orientalism' and Early Nineteenth CenturyIndia",Critique:Journalfor CriticalStudiesof the Middle East VIII (1996), pp. 41-60.

Suborder",in F. De Jong (ed.), Shi'a Islam, Sects and

Sufism(Utrecht,1992),pp. 105-107. 97 98

Na~'ibal-SadrShirazi,op. cit., vol. III, p. 452. Sykes, op. cit., pp. 345-46. Safi's connectionsto Na'in are also seen via one of his shaykhs,MahmodKhanNal'ini(d.

1338/1919-20),who claimedthe rightto succeedhim upon his death. 99 Sykes, op. cit., p. 346. 100 See M. Ringer,Education,Religion and the Discourse of Cultural Reform in Qajar Iran (Costa Mesa, 2001). Another aspect of Sufi resistanceto Europeanhegemony was seen in nineteenth-centuryEuropeantravellersto Iran

encountering greathostilityfromdervishes.ThusArthur Arnold, travellingin 1875, found himself regularlycursed and threatenedby dervishes. See his ThroughPersia by Caravan(London, 1877), vol. I, pp. 265, 271,282-83, vol. II, pp. 123-24.

AHMAD KASRAVI'SCRITICISMSOF EDWARDGRANVILLEBROWNE By LloydRidgeon Universityof Glasgow

andwehave "Wehavestoodup,readyto be counted said'Godis withus.'Whatis ouraim?Thevictoryof of Iranians. Iranandtheexaltation Godis a witness thatwe havenoaimotherthanthis."(Kasravi)1 I loveaftermyownnationbetter "[Iran is]thecountry thananynationintheworld." (E.G.BrowneonIran)2 INTRODUCTION The year 2006 will witness the centenaryof the Constitutional Revolutionin Iran,an eventthatremains a topic of greatinterestto scholarswho are assistedin theirresearchby anabundance of printedmaterial.Two sources that appearregularlyas referencesin most historiesare those of EdwardGranvilleBrowne and Ahmad Kasravi.In 1888 EdwardBrowne became lecturerof Persianat the Universityof Cambridgeand subsequentlybecame Thomas Adams Professorof Arabic.He wastheauthorof manyworksincludingThe Persian Revolution 1905-1909 which was published in

1910, and which has been reprinted on several occasions,the latestbeingin 1995.3Thisbookhasbeen an importantsourceof information,both for Western scholars and also for Iranians,4 including Ahmad Kasravi himself in his History of the Iranian Constitution (Tarikh-i Iran). Kasravi's Mashri~.ta-yi History ofthe Iranian Constitutionwas writtenbetween

1940-43, it has beenreprintedon numerousoccasions sincethenandis still availablein Iran.Indeed,though KasravIis generallydislikedby the IslamicRepublic (becauseof his workson Shi'ism)even his criticshave remarkedon his skill as a historian.In the words of AyatollahKhomeini, "Kasravi ... was a historianwell-

versedin historyandalso a goodwriter."5 His statusas a historianof meritwasrecognisedby theRoyalAsiatic Societywhichmadehim a fellowon thebasisof works suchas "ShaykhSafi andhis Ancestors"(ShaykhSafi va tabarash).6

stitutionalistswho attemptedto end the autocratic traditionof Qajarrule and both were criticalof the attemptsby Russiato supportthe anti-constitutionalist monarch,Muhammad'Ali Shah.Bothwerealso great championsof Iraniannationalism,indeed,their lives coincidewith a periodof intensenationalisticfervour. Despitethesesimilarities,Kasravidevelopedan intense dislikefor Browne'sotheracademicworks.Thispaper seeksto assessKasravi'scriticisms,offeringan opportunityto reflect on the inspirationand motivationof both scholars,which will help to explainthe enigma thatsurrounds one of Iran'smostcontroversial, "iconoclastic"7and"outstanding"8 intellectuals. KASRAVI'SAPPRECIATION OFBROWNE The writingsof E.G. Brownearenot consideredin greatdetailwithinKasravi'spublications,andalthough thereare scatteredreferencesto him in variousworks, the most comprehensive treatmentof Browneappears in a few pages of "On Literature"(Dar piramiin-i adabiyyat).9Initially,Kasravlwas a greatadmirerof Browne,especiallyas he appearedto be a proponentof Iranianindependence in the contextof thethreatsposed to its territorial integrityfromRussia,andthe seeming willingnessof the Britishgovernmentto leave a weak Iran to fend for itself against its powerfulnorthern neighbour.10Indeed, KasravI acknowledges that Browne condemned the policies of the British governmentin its relationswithIran,'1althoughit is not clear whether he appreciated the full-extent of Browne'sactivitiesin promotingthe cause of Iranian independence.Kasravlalso expressedhis gratitudeto Browne'sscholarlyactivities,in particular,his work The Persian Revolution of 1905-1909,12 which was

sympatheticto the cause of the constitutionalists. Moreover, Kasravi notes that Browne manifested supportfor the continuationof the generalaims of the in his publicationsaboutthe Russian constitutionalists

Thehistoriesof BrowneandKasravIsharemuchin

ultimatum(The Reign of Terrorat Tabriz),13and he also

common, in particular,both are sympatheticto the con-

confesseshis debtto Browneby mentioningthathe had

219

JOURNAL OF PERSIAN STUDIES

220

expressedgratitudeto him in the introductionto his Eighteen Year'sHistory of Azerbaijan.14Kasravi also

praised Browne's book on Babism and the events related to that movement.'5 At one point Kasravi attemptedto engage with Browne in an academic exchange,as he notedthatBrownehadmadesomeone hundredandfortyerrorsin anEnglishtranslation of Ibn Isfandiyar's Tarikh-i Tabaristin.16 Kasravi sent his

commentsto Browne'scolleagueQazvini(on whom see below) hoping that correctionswould be passed on.17

works,andhis idealvisionof a unitedIranwas perhaps a result of the conflicts that he witnessed in his formativeyears.21 Inparticular Kasravlwas a first-hand witnessto thecommunalviolencebetweentheNi'matis and aydaris,22 and also the sectarianism that existed H. betweenthe SunnisandShi'itesof Azerbayjan.23 AlthoughBrowne is not mentionedexplicitlyby namein the spreadof religiousinnovations,Kasravi's following commentsmight have been writtenwith Browne's"promotion"of Sufism and even perhaps Babismin mind: Most orientalists... have been the politicalservants

KASRAVI'SCRITICISMS OFBROWNE to bothscholHavinglaudedBrowne'scontribution arshipandgeneralconcernforthe contemporary plight of Iran,KasravIstatedthathe suffereda shockwhenhe then saw Browne's History ofPersian Literature,which

he claimedwas sentto Iranin 1912.18KasravImustbe referringto the firstvolumeof whatwas to becomea monumentalfour-volumestudy. During those days, Kasraviadmitted,he did not link suchworkswith the politicalagendahe came to associatewith them at a laterdate.He thoughtthatBrownehad composedthis worksimplybecauseof his inclinationtowardsPersian poetryand thathe had engagedon a futileproject.It was onlylaterthatKasravirealisedthe fullextentof the of traditional Persianpoetry dangersof the propagation the of the Sufis and the (in particular, poetry There are two inter-related reasons for Kharabatis).19 Kasravi'sdislikeof suchpoetry;thefirstwasthe spread of religiousinnovationandthe secondwas the propaandbothof thesereasons,claimed gationof immorality, Kasravi, were utilised by the Europeansin their attemptsto weakenIran. A. Religious diversity

Religious innovation was detrimentalto Iran because it contributedto religious diversity, a general weakness that had plagued the region for many years. (In "Europeanism, Materialism and Religiosity" KasravIlists the following religious groups to illustrate this diversity: Zoroastrians,Jews, Christians, Sunnis, Shi'ites, 'Ali-ullahis, Isma'ilis, Baha'is, Shaykhis, KarImkhanisand Sufis.)20 The unity of Iran was the subtext underpinning the vast majority of Kasravi's

of Europe[an andtheyhavecontinualgovernments], made efforts to cause mischief ly amongtheEastern and to acts peoples spreadrepugnant overthewhole of theEast,andtherefore theyhavealwayspromoted thosesubjects theresultof whichhasbeenthespread of religiousinnovation andthe increasein disunity amongEasternpeoples... Wedo not insistthatall of these orientalistshave been the politicalservantsof Europe,butwe aresurethattherehas beenno other purpose in following these subjects than ill-will towardsthe Easternpeoplesandin particular towards Muslims.24

B. Immoralityin mystical literature

A secondreasonexplainingKasravi'shostilityto Browne'swork on Persianliteratureis because the meaningandmoralityof so much Sufi and Kharabati whathe believedto be rational literaturecontradicted 25 discourse. Forexample,the Sufi ideaof "everything is He", impliedfor Kasravithat evil could not exist, which then rendersredundantGod's judgementof mankind.Moreover,KasravIbelieved that Sufism whichbecamewidespreaddue encourageddebauchery, to the Sufi beliefthatmysticscouldsee a reflectionof God'sbeautyin youngmales. European orientalists such as Browne made deliberateattempts,accordingto Kasravi,to advance Europeaninterestsat the expense of those of the Eastern nations by promoting such mystical and immoral literature,and by editing andpublishing Sufi works. For example, Browne is censured for the publication of 'Attar's Tadhkiratal-awliya' in the Gibb memorial series,26 (and Kasraviasks why the capital for the Gibb Memorial Trust was not used in a more beneficial

AHMAD KASRAVI'S CRITICISMSOF EDWARDGRANVILLEBROWNE

manner, such as building hospitals, or spreading knowledge among easternpeoples).27

C. Interiorisationof the Orientalistdiscourse The European orientalists' works, according to Kasravi, were instrumentalin convincing Iraniansthat the writings of Sufis and Kharabatisrepresentedwhat was best in Iranian culture; and the internalisationof such ideas affected influential Iranian politicians. Kasravi argues that in the 1920s he heard from Muhammad 'Ali Furaghi,28the IranianPrime Minister who served in office briefly during the 1930s and also between 1941-42), the same kind of argumentoffered by Professor SadIq29(ironically enough, an associate of Browne): Wewill notbe ableto manifest[any]strengthorforce againstothers.Thereis one pathopenforus whichis and to makethe worldlistento ourancientliterature civilisation and attractrespect for ourselves. In Europethey recogniseus for Sa'di,Hafiz,Khayyam and Firdawsi. We too must give this as much as possible.30 importance This kind of debate concerning the promotion or rejection of certain types of Persian literaturepredates the influence that Europeanorientalistshad on Iranian scholars and politicians (for example, the debate over the content and merit of Hafiz's ghazals began during Hafiz's own lifetime in the fourteenth century). It is difficult to ascertain whether the debate concerning Persian poetry and literature and its relation with national identity (a debate which became pronounced after World War One) was independent of Browne's pioneering work on Persian literature. Certainly Kasravi witnessed a connection, since he commented that afterBrowne had sent his work to Iranin 1912, the number of literary societies in Iran mushroomed, literaryjournals were published, books on poetry and biographies of poets were written, youths started to compose their own poetry, and in the provinces the graves of poets were covered with domes.3' That there was a national debate about what kind of Persian literatureto promote in the nation is clear. Sa'id NafisI mentions a controversy that erupted within the Democrat Party in the wake of World War I, in

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particularbetweenMalik al Shu'ardBahar32and one Mirza'Ali AsgharKhanTalaqani.Talaqanipublisheda seriesof articlesin his newspaperZaban-i5zid ("Free Speech")underthe title,the "Schoolof Sa'di".In these articlesTalaqaniarguedthattraditionalPersianpoetry hadinculcateda "dervishspirit"amongIranianswhich was the cause of theirweaknessand backwardness.33 KasravibelievedthatBrownehadinstigatedall of this, of suchideaswithinIran. promotingthe interiorisation Brownewas able to do this becauseof his close connections with men of literatureand politics. As mentionedabove, Kasravirecognisedthat there was contact between Browne and Furighi.34The latterwas

admonishedfor promotingSufismas he is reportedto have said that materialismhad engulfedEuropeand only Sufism could save it. When Furaghimade this comment,Kasravirespondedby askingwhetherit was reallypossiblethatEuropeanswouldbecomeSufisand thereforesave themselves.35Kasravi'sanimosityto Furfighiis also attributableto the latter'sparticular promotionof Sa'di's Gulistan,Book Five of which discusseslove betweenmales.Furfighinot only edited a versionof the Gulistanbuthe also wrotean introducin havingthebookpublished tionandwas instrumental throughthe Ministryof Culture.36 Kasravi believed Browne was conscious of the politicalimplicationsof his actions,andby way of an illustration to showthe deviousnatureof the European orientalists,he offered an analogy of how a poor Jewish merchant,shunnedby his fellow merchants, eventually became a millionaire. According to Kasravi'sstory, one day the poor Jewish merchant came to see the Jewishmillionaire,Rothschild,who offered to write him a cheque. However,the poor merchantrefusedthe cheque,butsaidthathe spenthis days with the othermerchantsin the customs,and so when Rothschildpassed throughthe customs-houses he shouldgreethim warmly.If Rothschildwould do this three times, said the poor Jewish merchant,his troubleswould cease. Rothschildacted accordingly, andof coursewhentherichmerchantssawthistheyall desiredthe friendshipof the poor merchant,and so they started to trade with him. After a few years, the poor Jewish merchant had become a millionaire.37 More specific "evidence" of Browne's duplicity was witnessed by Kasravi in his claim that Browne wore Persian-style clothes for a year while he travelled there between 1887-88.38

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ASSESSMENTOFKASRAVI'S SCHOLARSHIP

Nasafi, generallyregardedas a Sufi, and in his introductionto thetextPalmerstatesthatin a futureworkhe hopesto provethat"Sufiismis reallythe development The dangersposedto Iranby the Europeanpowers of the PrimaevalReligionof the Aryanrace."44 is a themethatpreoccupiedthe mindsof manyIranian It is to Kasravi'scredit that in his writings on intellectuals(and for thatmatter,many individualsin literatureandIslamhe neveradvocated Sufism, H.afiz, Middle-Eastern and Asian territories) from the Indo-Aryansupremacyover the Semitesand Islam.45 nineteenthcenturyonwards.Kasravi'swarningsarenot Whetherhe was informedof the debateoccupyingthe thereforeunique,but importantif only for the reason mindsof Europeanphilologistsis unclear,butcertainly thattheyperpetuated theresistanceagainstthe excesses the seeds of Iranian nationalism and anti-Arab of Europeanisation andWesternisation. Thisresistance sentimenthad gestated among those familiarwith was continuedin Iran after Kasravi'sdeath, most Westernthought in the nineteenthcentury.46It is andpronotably by Jalal Al-i Ahmad, the author of possiblethatKasravididnotendorseanti-Arab if and 'Ali Shari'ati.40Echoes of sentiment because his aim was the Westoxification39 Aryan promotion Kasravi'sthoughtareeasily discerniblein the writings of the nation-stateof Iran,then advocatingideas that of Shari'ati,who is knownto havebeenimpressedwith were derogatoryof the Arabs would only assist in someof the former'sargumentsconcerningthe needto shatteringthe fragile mosaic-societythat composed reformIran.41 Yetthe writingson the topicof oriental- Iran. Kasraviwould have been well aware of the ism by Al-i Ahmadand Shari'atiaremoresophisticat- rumoursthattheBritishhadintendedto detachtheArab ed thatthoseof Kasravibecausethey arenot obsessed speaking,oil-richprovinceof KhuzistanfromIran,and with the detrimentaleffects of both Sufismand most to investsovereignpowersin the local leader,Shaykh medievalPersianliterature. Khaz'alof Muhammerah.47 Moreover,Kasraviseemed It would be wrong, however, to belittle all of to have a genuineregardfor Islam and Muhammad andbelievedthathis Kasravi'swritings,for his historyof the Constitutional (whomhe callsthe nobleArab),48 Revolutionand his study of the emergenceof the views of a reformedreligion,whichhe termedpakdini, was a purifiedversionof Islam.49 Safavidshave been widely acclaimed.Moreover,he Thus,forpoliticaland shouldbe praisedfor not advancingthe causeof racist religious reasons,criticismof the Arabs was not a nationalism,even thoughsuch sentimentswere strong featureof Kasravi'sworld-view.Even if he was not the orientalist in manypartsof Europe.Theracistideologywas in part awareof the racisttheoriesunderpinning attributable to the developmentin philologyduringthe discourse outlined above, Kasravl certainly was nineteenthcentury,in particularthe studiesassociated worriedwith the explicitpolicies of Britainand other with Hinduismand Sanskrit.Much of the orientalist Europeanpowersin relationto Iran.His concernwas also focusedupon the implicitways of imperialism, discourse of the nineteenthcentury contrastedthe advancedsocietiesof the Westandthe Aryanswiththe namelytheactivitiesof thoseacademicswhohadedited backwardstate of the Semites (Arabsand therefore worksof Persianmysticalliteratureor else hadwritten It was acceptedthatSanskritandPersianwere biographies of Sufis and commentarieson their Islam).42 linkedwith Europeanlanguages,which suggestedto writings. some thatthe originalAryanscame from somewhere However, despite providing useful historical betweenIndiaandWesternEurope.Thisprovidedthose insightsandnotbeingseducedby racisttheoriesthatlay scholarswhowishedto be freefromthe confinesof tra- embeddedwithinsome Europeanscholarship,Kasravi ditionalthought,with the opportunityto constructa was blindedby his obsessionwith Sufismto the extent polarity between the world-orderinghigher religions, rationalismand modernism,with the backwardnessand superstitions of less advanced religions.43Given this perspective it is interestingto note thatthere were some scholars of Islam and Sufism who were temptedto link Sufism with the Aryans. For example, in 1867 E. H. Palmer published an abridged version of Maqsad alaqsa, by the thirteenth-centuryPersian writer 'Aziz

that it influenced his perception of the motives of Europeanorientalists.He was even criticalof European orientalists who translated or edited Persian texts of which he approved. For example, he believed that Firdawsj'sShahnama("Book of Kings") was beneficial to the course of Iranian history because it promoted Iraniannationalist sentiment, partly through its use of Persian rather than Arabic words. Yet Kasravj had

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nothing positive to say when he learnedthat a German orientalist had produced a concordance of the Shaihnama.50His comments are worth repeatinghere if only to illustrate his utter bemusement at such orientalist work: During the Firdawsi [millenial] festival51 the Germansbroughta bookthatastoundedme. An orientalist had written a concordanceof Firdawsi's (Forexample,it recordshow manytimes Shahndama. the word "from" (az) appears throughout the TheGermanscommented:"Helaboured Shhndama). for twenty years to finish the book."Why did he engageon such a futile and irrationaltask?Such a Germanmustbe eithermad or simple-minded to do such a thing, or else his purposewas to deceive Iraniansand cause them to engage in such futile sentsucha bookto projects.TheGermangovernment us as a gift!Morenoteworthyis thaton the sameday some people came to speakwith me and they said something like: "These Europeansare amazing people.They engagein incredibletasks.Lookwhat they have done! He labouredtwenty years for the sakeof onebook.It is notwithoutreasonthattheyare alwaysaheadandwe arebehind."I saw in a moment thatthe seedof thepolitics[of Europeanimperialism] hadgrownin theirhearts.52 Moreover, the gross generalisations that appear in his works, such as Dar pirimun-i adabiyat (in which Browne is castigated), and his refusal to find benefit in the publicationof Sufi or non-mystical classical Persian works, invalidates the principal of scholarly research. Indeed, the numerouspamphletsthat Kasravipublished on Sufism, Hafiz and literature,and his book-burning festivals53presenthim more as a jingoistic populist and a puritanicalbigot than as a serious academic.

E.G. BROWNE, CHAMPION OF IRANIAN NATIONALISM? Kasravi's harsh opinion of E.G. Browne runs against the general Iranian view which is summarised well in an article on Browne in the Encyclopaedia Iranica by Kamran Ekbal: Browne was held in the highest esteem by Persians. Although he had first been disliked in Iranbecause of

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his sympathiesfor the persecutedBabis, he soon evoked gratitudefor having taken Persia and its literatureas his own and for supportingthe Persian peopleas few othershad done ... Persianstodaystill rememberBrowneas one of thegreatmendevotedto theircountryandits people.54 Indeed, there is no indication that Browne ever harbouredany ill-will towards Iran, indeed, his books, articles, letters and activities indicate a consistent desire for Iran to be free from the imperialist aims of Russia and Britain, and he ardently wished that Iranians should be allowed to establish the kind of political institutionsthat they themselves desired. This last point was enshrined in the objectives of the Persia Committee which was set up in 1908 (with Browne as Vice-Chairman) to support the constitutionalists in Iran and to reject the 1907 agreement between Russia and Britain that divided Iran into spheres of influence. The second paragraph of article I of the objectives reads: Assuredof foreignneutralityin the politicalstruggle that is taking place in Persia, and free from the on thepretextof hauntingfearof foreignintervention the Persians will, it is felt,be able maintainingorder, to work out theirown salvationand to endowtheir countrywith stable institutionswithin a reasonable spaceof time.55 Browne's involvement with the promotion of Iranian independence included participation in the Persia Committee, writing letters to Sir Edward Grey (the British foreign minister who endorsed the AngloRussian agreement), arranging meetings for Constitutionalistleaders such as Taqizadawith leading British politicians, and perhaps most significantly, allowing Persians to speak for themselves through his publications, such as The Persian Revolution and The Press and Poetry of Modern Persia.56 On the basis of these activities and his many publications on Persian literature, one would assume that Browne could have been nothing but a true friend of Iranor else, as Kasraviimplies, he deliberatelyaimed to destabiliseIranby promotinga certainmentalityamong Iranians through the glorification of certain forms of literature. The following will highlight reasons for Browne's interest in Iran to assess whether Kasravi's criticisms are valid.

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BROWNE AND IRANIAN RELIGIONS The reasons for Browne's sympathy for Iran are complex, but seem to have their roots in the period before he was even acquaintedwith Iran, and perhaps have more to do with his idealism of fighting for a just cause. It is worth noting thatwhen Browne was a youth of fifteen-sixteen years, he became aware of the vulgarities of elements of British opinion in the aftermath of Turkey'sdefeat in its war with Russia: "... the losing side [Turkey] more especially when it continues to struggle gallantly against defeat, always has a claim on our sympathy, and moreover the cant of the antiTurkishparty in England, and the wretched attemptsto confound questions of abstract justice with partypolitics, disgusted me beyond measure.Ere the close of the war I would have died to save Turkey."57 Drawn to the Middle East and Islam, Browne was fascinatedfurtherby what he consideredto be the "pantheistic" doctrines of the Sufis.58While at Cambridge he startedto study Persian, and he preparedfor examinations which were to include sections from Rtimi's Mathnavi and the Divan of Hafiz. Browne recalled his attraction to such Persian poetry in the following manner: As a young doctorat St. Bartholomew's hospitalin London,I witnessedmuchthatmademe wonderat man'sclingingto life ... Neverbeforeor sincehaveI realisedso clearly the immortality,greatness,and virtueof the spiritof man,orthemiseryof its earthly it seemedto me like a princein rags, environment: ignorantalikeof his birthandhis rights,butto whom is reserveda gloriousheritage.No wonder,then,that the Pantheisticidealismof the Masnavitook hold of me, or thatsuchwords... of Hafizthrilledme to the very soul.59 Browne worked as a medic at St. Bartholomew's in London before he went to Iran, and it was during this Pirzada (d. 1904), an Iranian period that he met H.ajji in the mystical tradition.60 It has who was well versed been claimed that Browne became a disciple (murid)of PIrzada,61 although the evidence for this is not conclusive.62It is clear, however, that Pirzadadid help Browne study Persianmystical texts, and such literature

hada profoundimpacton him,andhe was to claimthat he was an "ardentadmirerof these eloquent mystics, whose spirit has inspired so much of what is best and

Kasraviwas astonishedat finest in Persianliterature."63 Browne's appreciation of Persian literature, in particularSufi poetry,and realisingthatthe Englishman was a highly intelligent individual, he could not comprehend why he could possibly find any value in Sufi writings. It seems likely, therefore, that Kasravi sought an ulterior motive in Browne's promotion of Persian literature,which of course, was of a political nature. But for many subsequent, outstanding British orientalists including Browne's student, R.A. Nicholson, and Nicholson's student A.J. Arberry,the moral teachings and universalism of Sufism probably offered an ideal that transcended political motives.64 Moreover, the humility advocated by so many of the mystics of Islam perhapsremindedBrowne of his own Christianethicalperspective,which is made manifest in his A YearAmongst the Persians, when he remarked: "... know that I regard myself as the least of God's servants and the most inconsistent and unworthy of those who profess to take the Lord Jesus as theirpattern and exemplar!"65 Having become interestedin Iranthroughthe study of Persian mystical poetry, Browne then became increasingly fascinated by this country when he leant about the Babis from Comte de Gobineau's Religions and Philosophies in CentralAsia. Moreover,the closer similarity that some Babis saw with Christianityover Islam may also have drawn Browne to this new religion.66 In any case, Browne viewed the Babi movement as "one of the most interestingand important events that has occurred since the rise of Christianity and Gobineau's view of the and Muhammadanism",67 parallels between the rise of early Christianityand its persecutionwith that of Babism may have been one of the reasons for Browne's investigationof it.68Browne's interestin the Babi movement can be summarisedin the following: ... the Bibi and Bahi'i movementshave at least proved two things, first, that the Persians,when deeplystirredby spiritualforces,are capableof the utmostheroismandself-devotion;andsecondlythat Persiais still capableof influencingthe worldby her thoughtto a degreeequaledby few othercountries.69 Kasravi's claim that orientalists have promoted religious discord among the nations of the east to furtherimperialistaims seem difficult to substantiatein the context of Browne's interest in Babism and

AHMAD KASRAVI'S CRITICISMS OF EDWARD GRANVILLE BROWNE

B~ha'ism. While it is true that as a young man Browne appeareda committed Christian70and never attempted to conceal his faith whilst in Iran,71it appears that he never pursuedany form of missionary activity. Indeed, he offers reasons why these religions should be of interestto academics in the West. Firstly,these religions offer students of religion a chance to witness the birth of a faith with all of its devotion and heroism. Secondly the ethnologist can meditate on the characterof a people [Iranians], who, stigmatizedas they often have been seen as selfish, mercenary, avaricious,egotistical,sordid,and cowardly,are yet capableof exhibitingunderthe influenceof a strong religiousimpulsea degreeof devotion,disinterestedness, generosity,unselfishness,nobility,andcourage whichmay be paralleledin history,but can scarcely be surpassed.72 Thirdly, Browne admits that knowledge of the Babi movement would be of use to the politician and warns that what Muhammadmade of the Arabs, the Bab may yet make of the Persians. Yet Browne's personal interest in Babism transcends the above three categories, and if he is not disingenuous about his fascination with Babism, his interestscannot be associated with a negative form of orientalism. Butto myself... theparamount interestthereoflies in this,thathereis something,whetherwise or unwise, whethertendingtowardstheamelioration of mankind orthereverse,whichseemedto manyhundreds,if not thousands,of our fellow-creaturesworth suffering anddyingfor,andwhich,on this groundalone,must be accountedworthyof ourmostattentivestudy.73 As mentioned earlier Browne may also have seen parallels in the struggles and self-sacrifice of the Babis with those of the supporters of the Constitutional Movement in the first decade of the twentieth century. His passionate advocacy of the Constitutional Movement and his appreciation of the literaturethat Constitutionalistsupportersproduced, lends weight to the argumentthathe cannotbe consideredas the kind of orientalist who viewed the East or Iran, as possessing nothing but an ancient civilisation, although there are some passages in his writings that come dangerously close to essentialising a great Iranian spirit that transcends time and the various "national disasters"

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(such as the Arabs, Mongols and Turks).74One also finds passages in his works that suggest thathe could be a little too keen to promote all things Persian. The following is quoted to illustrate this possibility, although it should be taken into consideration that Browne's observationmight well contain an element of truth: I once heardMrG. BernardShawdeliveran address to a branchof the FabianSocietyon "TheReligionof the Future."In this lecture he said that he was unwillingthatthe Westshouldany longerbe content to clotheitselfin whathe called"theragsof Oriental systemsof religion";thathe wanteda good,healthy Westernreligion, recognizingthe highest type of humanityas the Superman,or, if the term was preferred, as God; and that, according to this conception,manwas everengagedin "creatingGod." As I listenedI was greatlystuckby the similarityof his languageto thatemployedby theBahfais,andwas divertedby thereflectionthat,striveas he would,this brilliantmodemthinkerof the Westcouldnot evolve a religion which the East had not already formulated.75

BROWNE AND THE "EXOTICOTHER" There are several strands that help to explain Browne's interest in Iran. Firstly,there is the pantheistic idealism that has been discussed. Secondly his occasional idealisationof Iranmay be attributableto the rhetoric of a nationalist aiming to drum up support against a foreign policy that he believed was wrong. These two points may well be related,if Amanat'sview that Browne was deeply influenced by the romanticism of the Victorianera is correct.76This legacy of romanticism may have contributedto Browne seeking out the downtrodden,the dissenters, the outcasts and undesirables in Iran, and it may have been the spark in his imagination which then ignited when he became familiarwith the non-conformismof Hafiz's poetry,the struggle for self-expression among the Babis, and then the Iranian endeavour for freedom from internal tyrannyand Europeanimperialism. Whateverthe reasons may be, it is difficult to deny thatBrowne's study of Iraniansociety and literaturehad never been attempted on such a scale before. His academic works certainly do not reveal a consistently

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essentialisedIslamorIran,andhe was alsoableto offer some criticismsof the nationthe he lovednext best to Britain.Forexample,in his discussionof Nasiral-Din Shah, Browne remarked,"his rule has been, on the freefromthe cruelties whole,mild,andcomparatively which mar nearly every page of Persianhistory."'77 Brownealso offeredsome caution,if not criticismof the teachingsof the Baha'is:

spoke of modemPersianpoetry,but was surprisedat the reactionamongsome of the audiencewho thought therewas no modemPersianpoetryworthyof mention. As a result, Browne was determinedto refute this "perniciouserror"and the resultwas a book entitled

"exotic other", nor did he romanticise it out of all proportion,nor did he essentialise Iraninto a society of peace-loving mystics, recitingpoetry from the medieval period. This can be witnessed in his interest in the political struggles of the Constitutionalists and in particularhis attractionto modem Persianliterature.He made this clear in 1912 during a lecture to the Persia Society on "The Literature of Persia", in which he

Browne) in the Rothschild story. Kasravi castigated Browne for serving the interests of the British governmentbecause he was not prepared to accept any interpretationof the morality provided in Sufi texts or medieval Persian literatureother than his own rathernarrowunderstanding.In Kasravi'sdefense, the context in which he was writing surely contributed to his ratherpolemical works, that is to say, the rather

The Press and Poetry of Modern Persia,81which was

composed of two parts: the first listed Persian newspapersandthe secondoffered"specimensof the political and patriotic poetry of modem Persia." These [ethical]teachings[of Baha'ism]are in Brownehada favourableopinionof muchof thispoetry inmyopinion, andhe usedadjectivessuchas "excellent" to describeit, themselves admirable, thoughinferior, thatit heldgreatinterest"fromthe historical bothin beautyand simplicityto the teachingsof remarking and the literarypoints of view, and is often equally asit seemstome,ethicsis onlythe Christ. Moreover, life remarkable forits meritandits originality."82 It is interto of and metareligion application everyday to note that Browne links the and to be effective must be supported by physics, esting "perniciouserror" in with the and the case of that Persian fifteenthcentury somespiritual sanction; poetrystopped Bahi'ism, as to thenatureand withits rathervaguedoctrines poet Jami,withthosewho for politicalreasonsdesired to representAsians and Persians as decadentand to see destinyof thesoulof man,it is a littledifficult to enforcethe ethical Thesetwinfeatures,the attackson British whencethe driving-power degenerate.83 and maximscanbe derived.78 imperialism the inclusionandpraiseof radicaland versein his book ThePress andPoetry socially-aware Brownewas clearly shockedby some of the Baha'i of Modern Persia make criticisms of orientalism difficultto accept. doctrines with which he became familiar, in his Yeteven if Browneis guiltyof idealisingIranhe is encounterwith them during his year in Iran. In their of he was disturbed surelyinnocentof the accusationslevelledagainsthim by understanding particular the divine,whichhe recordedas havingits basisin the by Kasravi.Theseaccusationsweremadeon the basis with Browne'spublications, of Kasravi'sacquaintance human imagination.He protestedand assertedthe "orthodox"Islamic doctrinewhich balances God's yet sincethe defenceof Iranis upheldin manyof these works,one can only concludethatKasravihad only a similaritywith utter transcendence,and could not half- superficialknowledgeof these works,84or else his refrainfrom noting"I listenedin consternation, frightenedat theirvehemence,half-disgustedat their obsession with the lack of morality in Sufi and blindedhimto all othercondoctrines yet withal held spell-bound by their medievalPersianliterature siderations. The criticisms that he makes are eloquence."79If any more evidence is needed of OntheonehandKasravi Browne's recognitionthat Iran was not an exotic undermined by contradictions. "other",the factthathe spokeof "Asiaticindifference claimsthathe cannotknowthe motivesof the orientaland apathy"which combinedwith "European'earth- ists: "I cannot be aware about [what is in] the hearts,andI cannotsaythatso-and-sohas hunger'andlustof conquesthastentheir[i.e. the inde- Orientalists' been that Muslim well-disposed,or has been ill-disposedon that States]disintegration",80 suggests pendent he was not preparedto acceptall thingsIranianindis- topic. I know [it is] better to speak about their actions."85Four pages later in Dar piramiin-i adabiyat criminately. as he attacksthe motivesof the orientalists(andmentions not view Iran an Browne did Nevertheless,

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ignominious role that Britain played in Iran duringthe nineteenth and then early twentieth centuries which virtually guaranteedthe preventionof real political and economic independence.It is this role thathas led many Iranians to endorse a conspiracy theory that sees a British hand in all catastrophesthat occur in Iran,86and although Kasravi does not completely endorse this theory, his writings on Browne certainly play on this fear.87It is importantto note, however, that he was not preparedto blame Browne or Britain for all of the misfortunesthathe saw within Iran,for some of them (such as Sufism and other "religious innovations")predated the emergence of the Europeanpowers in the region.

CONCLUSION KasravicriticisedBrowne and the orientalistson the basis of his "rationalist"and humanistperspective, and although he admittedthat not all orientalistswished ill on Iran,88 Browne is specifically condemned for promoting Persian poetry because of its irrationaland immoral content.89Reading between the lines and consideringthe majorintellectualargumentsof the day, it is clear that Kasravi was concerned with the identity of Iran and the detrimentaleffects that Europeanshad on Iran. His writings foreshadow those of Edward Said who offers a theory of culturaldominationthat is linked to identity formation. For Kasravi this cultural domination was established through explicit economic control90and implicit cultural hegemony through the promotionof certainforms of literature.The result was, for Kasravi, blind imitation of Europe, and supportfor adopting Europeanlifestyles that contrastedwith "traditional"standards.Kasravi quotes in astonishmentthe famous lines of Taqizada, who claimed in the newspaperKcivehthat"Iraniansmust become European in [their] external form and in [their] behaviour, and materiallyand spiritually."91 Taq-izada'sadvice strucka chord in many Iranians, and Kasravi despaired of the extent of the blind imitationby Iraniansof the West: Today all women and men, young and old have focusedon Europe,and in all customsand morals they follow Europeans,from the choice of [their] clothingto eatingfood, andthey boastof socialising with Europeans. Whoever is more aware of customsis consideredbetterandsuperior [European] to others,and wheneverthey find a speech by a

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European theypraiseit ... someshamelessindividuals in knowledgeintheWest havemadetheadvancement an excuseforridiculingEastemrners andtheyhavenot refrainedfrom taunting [Easterners].This is an exampleof the diseaseof Europeanism.92 Such Iranians, according to Kasravi were more concerned about the opinion of European scholars on mystical and Persian literaturethan they were in investigating and evaluating the worth of the texts themselves: A littlemanapproached me andengagedin dispute: "TheGerman[scholar]Goethehas praisedHafiz."I replied,"Whathaveyou gotto do withGoethe?Don't andwisdom?Do you have yourown understanding have book? don't you Why you openit, read Hafiz's it andsee whatit says?Whydon'tyou thinkandsee whetherour criticismsof that poet [i.e. Hafiz] are corrector not?"He replied,"Thenwhy did Goethe bestow all that praise [on Hafiz]?"I said, "How shouldI know?Goetheis likeall the others.He made stupidspeeches.Justlike Hafizhe was a babblerof nonsense."93 Indeed, Europeanviews on Iranianliteratureshould not be consideredas worth listening to because they are all highly political: OnedayI ... spoke[withFurtighi]at length.He said: "InEurope[people]associateIranwith Sa'di, fiz, H. MawlavIandKhayyam." I replied,"That'snottrue.94 don't associate Iran with its ancient Why they history?Why don't they associateIranwith Shah 'AbbasorNadirShah?"Isn'tit because[of European praise] that we [Iranians]teach all the evil and harmful teachings of Sa'di and others to our children?"95 The preservationor (re)-creationof Iranianidentity for KasravIincluded a rejection of Westernimperialism and the promotion of a pure moral order. Whatis certainandwe havewitnessedwithourown eyes is thatreligion,piety,generosity,sympathyfor the poor,assistancefor the downfallen,contentment andthese kindof praiseworthy Easternmoralshave declined in currency.In their place irreligiosity, impiety,selfishness,hedonism,greed,narrow-sight-

228

JOURNAL OF PERSIAN STUDIES

edness and quarrelsomeness has become prevalent amongyouths.96

tributed to the self-reflexive attitude of Iranians the West and Iranianculturein the first half concemrning of the twentieth century. Moreover, although his Although for a modem observer Kasravi's tirades thoughts on these questions have been rejected and Browne and his about the sometimes ridiculed,his pamphletsand writings at least against sermonising approforms of literature it is priate appear incredibly dated, provided some kind of ground from which subsequent worthwhile considering that the creation of national intellectuals were able to build their critiques of the West and the reconstruction of Iranian identity. It is identity and the significance of literature were fortunate that, in spite of Kasravi's rebukes of E.G. recognised in Europe at the same time.97Indeed, one wonders whetherhis remarksto bum the books of Hafiz Browne, most Iranians continue to hold the latter in and Sa'di were influenced by similar book-bumrning high esteem, and his writings are still used by scholars events in Europe.98Certainlyit seems to be the case that who are awareof the dangersof orientalismwith which in and his followers did a engage KasravI book-bumrning Kasravi fought so eamrnestly. festival on at least one occasion, although it has been argued that this occurred only once and was purely symbolic.99 Kasravi's criticisms of Browne were Acknowledgements shaped in this context, in conjunction with his own the evils of Sufism and moral predilections concemrning I would like to express my gratitudeto M. van den Bos, its irrational basis. His rationalism and nationalism C.E. Bosworth, J. Gurney and P. Luft who read and were so stridentthathe could not see how Sufi literature made valuable comments on this article. Needless to could be understood,not as historical fact, but mythic say, the opinions expressed here are entirely my own. and ethical, and/or entertainingliterature. Fromnow on we shouldrevertto thecorrectmeaning of literatureand removethe root of futiletalk from Iran.Fromnow on we shouldestablishlove for Iran as [literature's] perfection,andwe shouldregardthe enemiesof Iranwithnothingbuthatredandderision ... Fromnow on we shouldneverpraiseAlexander [theGreat],Chingiz[Khan]or Timur,andneverconof Mahmud taminatethe languagein remembrance andAyaz,andLaylaandMajnin... Fromnow on the poets too shouldcomposepoetryon nothingexcept the subject[of Iran'sglory]andtheyshouldhopefor nothingexceptfor the dignityof Iran.O God!Make Iranvictoriousin thispath!100 His commitment to telling the truth (as he saw it) resulted in his rejection of fiction in general, which he categorisedas a form of telling lies. This, however, was not unique to Kasravi, as the imperativeto tell the truth was an ideological necessity that can be witnessed in other writers during the first half of the twentieth century in Iran, when to be an intellectual it was essential to be socially engaged for the advancementof the nation.101If Kasravi can be applaudedfor anything, it is that he asked brave and probing questions. Although he was not the first to raise issue with Europeanisation and orientalism, he certainly con-

Notes

1 Thesewordswere spokenby Kasraviin a speechto the LiterarySociety (Anjuman-iadabi) in 1935 in Tehran.The full text is publishedin Shi'r va shi'irl (Tehran1335). The

canbe foundin a passageon p. 97. quotation 2

Manchester Guardian, 16 January, 1912, cited by Mansour Bonakdarian, "Edward G. Browne and the IranianConstitutionalStruggle",Iranian Studies, XXVI

(1993),p. 7. ThePersian Revolutionof 1905-1909 (Washington1995). This includes Nazim al-Islan in his History of the Awakeningof the Persians, see Abbas Amanat, "Edward Browneand ThePersian Revolutionof1905-1909", in The Persian Revolutionof 1905-1909 (repr.1995). 5 ImamKhomeini,IslamandRevolution,translatedby Hamid Algar(London 1985), p. 425. 6 See H. Katouzian,"Kasraviva adabiyyat",in Jran-ndmeh, XX/2-3 (Spring-Summer2002), p. 174. 7 The descriptionof M.A. Jazayery,"Kasravi,Iconoclastic Thinker of Twentieth Century Iran", in Kasravi (tr. M. Ghanoonparvar),On Islam and Shi'ism (Costa Mesa 3 4

8

1990). VanessaMartindescribesKasravias "anoutstandingintellectual figure of his time", Creating an Islamic State (London2000), p. 104.

AHMAD KASRAVI'S CRITICISMS OF EDWARD GRANVILLE BROWNE

9

Kasravi, Dar adabiyydt (Tehran, pfrdmin-i 1378/1999-2000, firstpublished 1944-45) pp. 28, 150-54. 10 It was argued by some that support of the Iranian ConstitutionalistMovement, promotedby Browne, would only serve to weaken the British position in India by encouragingnationalistand independencemovements. See The Times,5 January1911, cited in MansourBonakdarian, "Selected Correspondence of E.G. Browne and Contemporary Reviews of the Persian Revolution 1905-1909," in Browne, The Persian Revolution of 1905-1909 (repr.1995). 11 Kasravi,Dar pirmfin-i adabiyyat,p. 152. 12 It is not clear whether Kasravi had access to the English original,but even if he did not, he would surely have been familiar with a Persian abridgementwhich appeared in 1910 in Irdn-i Naw, a paper sympatheticto the constitutionalists. See Bonakdarian,"Selected Correspondenceof E.G. Browne",pp. lvi-lvii. 13 The Reign of Terrorat Tabriz:England's Responsibility (London, 1912). This is a pamphletof no more than fifteen pages, but which also includes rathergruesomepicturesof the pro-Constitutionalists who were hanged by the Russians and their supporters.The front cover states that the pamphlet was compiled for the use of the Persia Committee. 14 Kasravi,Tarikh-ihijdahsalih-i•Azarbayjan(Tehran,1967), first publishedbetween 1934-41. 15 Browne's first works on Babism appearedin JRAS XXI "The Btbis of Persia I: Sketch of theirHistory and (1889), Personal Experiences amongst them", pp. 485-526, and "The Bdbis of Persia II: Their Literatureand Doctrines", pp. 881-1009. See also his laterpublication,Materialsfor the Studyof the Bibi Religion (Cambridge,1918). For all 152. this, see Kasravi,Dar pfrmmin-iadabiyyat,p. 16 See E.G. Browne'sAn Translation Abridged of the History and of Tabarist6n(London Leyden, 1905). 17 See IrajParsinejad,A History of LiteraryCritisicmin Iran (Bethesda,2003), p. 168. 18 Kasravi,Dar pirdmfmn-i adabiyyat,p. 28. 19 See Kasravi'sargumentsin H chih mi-giyad. (Tehran, fiz. 12-18. For Kasravi, the Kharabatiswere 1943-44), pp. individuals who frequentedplaces of ill-repute, such as taverns,where immoralactivitiestook place. 20 Taken from the text Pursish va pasukh (Tehran, 1325), reproducedin Iran-namehXX (2002), p. 320. 21 KasravIwas not the only Iranianof his generationto be vexed aboutthe lack of unity within Iran.Anotherexample expressingthis concern is found in the writings of Husayn Kazimzada,who publishedthe newspaperIranshahrfrom

22 23

24

229

Berlin between 1922-27. In an article on "Religion and Nationality" within Iranshahr the author wrote: "... the problem of communalism is so serious that whenever an Iraniantravelling abroad is asked his nationality,he will give his locality - not the proud name of his country." Cited in E. Abrahmian,Iran Between Two Revolutions (New Jersey, 1982), p. 123. As a nationalist,KasravIwas not a great theoretician, and Abrahamianhas remarkedthat he did not compose a single detailed,analyticalwork on the topic of nationalism in which the structuresthatshapeperceptionsof the nation, such as political will and consent, language, culture and origins could have been discussed. Instead, there are comments scattered throughout his oeuvre such as the following, which appearsto endorse a nationalismbased on self-determination: Nationalismis whentwentymillionpeoplewho live in a singlecountrymakean agreementamongthemselves to co-operateand supportone anotherin [all] circumstances.If someonefromKirmanor fromKhuzistn is injuredthenthe peoplefromAzarbayj?nandGiln and all the othersshouldassisthim.And if a problemarises in Khuras, thenthepeopleof Mazandaran, Gilanand all the othersshouldrushto help.Everyoneshouldsee this countryas his own house, and they shouldjoin hands and attempt to make it flourish. (Kasravi, Farhangchist,in Panj maqala(Cologne, 1372/1993), p. 244. Farhangchist in this editionis a pamphletof forty-onepages,andwas firstpublishedin 1943-44). Kasravi,7hrikh-iMashrita-yi Iran, pp. 196-97. Cited in Iran-ndmeh, pp. 343-44, originally found in Kasravi'sZindigani-yiman (Tehran,1944-45), p. 11. Kasravi, writing in Payman (no date or number) in the volume preparedby Marvi (the book is entitled Payman Tehran,1381) from the first year of publicationin 1933, p. 415. In this context of promoting religious innovations, Kasravi mentions Massignon and the orientalists who

praise Khayyam. In the second chapterof Sifigari (Tehran, 1943) Kasravi lists six criticisms of the Sufis. The sixth is the Sufis' "disregard"for reason: "Sittingidle in the khanaqah,eating bread derived fromthetoil of others,beggingin thebazaar,nottaking a wife andhavingchildren,growinga beard,dancing, clappinghandsand spinningthemselvesaroundhave the least [degree of] compatibilitywith reason, let aloneall the otherirrationalstoriesaboutthem." 26 Kasravi appearsto be mistaken here. Indeed there was a publication of 'Attar's "Remembrance of the Saints"

25

JOURNAL OF PERSIAN STUDIES

230

(Tadhkiratal-awliya) but this book was not edited by

36

Browne,but by R.A. Nicholson.It is likelythatKasravi meantDawlatshah's Tadhkirat al-shu'ara whichwasedited by Browneandpublishedin 1901 underthe title of The Tadhkiratu 'sh-Shuara' ("Memoirs of the Poets ") of Dawlatshah bin 'Ala'u 'd-Dawla Bakhtishdhal-Ghdzi of Samarqand. This was the first volume of the Persian

27

HistoricalTexts,(the two volumesthatmadeup 'Attar's worksformedvolumes3 and5). ArberrysuggeststhatBrownewas extremelycharitable: "Forhis liberalityknew no bounds,and the numberof Orientalsalonewho, deservingor undeserving, were the recipientsof his charityis hardto estimate."Oriental

and his supporters(see Dar piramfin-i adabiyyit, p. 31).

However, John Gumey has informed me that the conferencedid go aheadand an impressivenumberof 37

38

Essays, p. 194. 28

29

30 31

For Furughisee IbrahimSafa, Rahbarin-i Mashrfuta (dawra-yiduvvum),(Tehran,secondedition,1363), pp. 539-79. Professor'IsaSadiqtaughtwithBrowneat Cambridge and was the authorof severalbooksincludingModernPersia

Browne does mention (in A YearAmongst the Persians

(Cambridge,1926,firstpublished1893),p. 605) thathe wore Persian clothing on one occasion (during the in Iran,butas Dr.Gumeypoints ceremonies of Muharram) the fact that Browne felt theneedto saythisindicates out, thatit wasanunusualoccurrence. Brownealsoremarkson thestrictnessof theShi'itesin notpermitting non-Muslims

included in these literary associations, as Sa'Id Nafisi

39

Sa'id Nafisi, Khaitarait-isiyisi, adabi, javaini, ed. by 'Ali 32

33

Sa'id Nafisi, Khatarat-isiysi

adabi, javani, pp. 308-9.

See also M.A.H.Katouzian,"Risha-ha-yi Sa'dikushi"in Iran Shenis XIV/3 (2002) p. 512. 34

KasravIclaimedthatan assistantwas sentfromTehranto BrowneinBritain:"Iknewhe hada closerelationship with Furaghtandhis helpers,andtheysentMirzaMuhammad

Kh~n Qazvini from Tehranto help Browne." See Kasravi, Dar plramfn-i 153. MirzaMuihammadKhan adabigyyit,p. had researched Qazvini Samarqandi'sChahcarmaqula. A revised translationwith notes by Browne, and based on Qazvini's researchwas publishedby Browne in 1921. See Arberry,OrientalEssays (London, 1960), p. 176. 35 Kasravi,Farhang ast yi nfrang?In Panj maqcila(p. 282), Farhang ast yd nirang?was firstpublishedin 1944-45.

has Ibid.,p. 150.JohnGumeyin privatecorrespondence whereKasravigotthisinformation from.Inthe questioned second edition to Browne's A YearAmongst the Persians,

Ibid., pp. 28-29. It seems that Kasravihimself was

RizaI'tisam(Tehran,1381),pp. 186-87. For Bahar (1886-1951) see M.B. Loraine, "Bahar, in EIr,in whichhe is Mohammad TaqiMalekal-So'ara"' describedas a poet, scholar,joumrnalist, politicianand historian.

scholarsattended,and therewas a publication. Kasravi,Dar pirimfn-i adabiyydt,p. 154.

thereis a studiophotograph of Brownein Persianclothing, butthisphotograph wastakenby PeterClark,andit might well be thecasethatthephotograph wastakenin England.

and her EducationalSystem(1931), T-rikh-ifarhang-iIran (Tehran,1957) and Trikh-ifarhang-iUrftpa(Tehran,1957). Kasravi,Dar pfraimfn-iadabiyyit, p. 28.

mentionsthat Kasrav!attendedhis literarygatherings. Kasravi suddenlybroke the associationwith Nafisi, claimingthat he only used to attendthese sessions to borrow Nafist's books. Nafisi claims that Kasravi behavedin the sameway withBahar(see nextnote).See

attachedto Sa'dti'swritingsand Furaghtwas particularly editedhis Gulistdn, hisBfistan,andhispoetry,andeditions of theseworkshavebeenprintedon numerousoccasions. His effortswere supportedby 'Ali AsgharHikmat(the ministerof education)who wantedto celebratethe 700th of Sa'di'sGulistan,butKasravistateshe was anniversary not ableto do thisbecauseof the oppositionfromKasravi

40

to visit the interiorof mosques, as opposed to the Sunnis. See Ibid, p. 106. See Jalal Al-i Ahmad, Gharbzadegi [Weststruckness], translatedfrom the Persian by John Green and Ahmad Alizadeh (Califomrnia, 1997). Much of Shari'ati'swork has been translatedinto English,

and several articles and speeches appear on: See in particular "ManandIslam" http://www.shariati.net. and"Reflections of Humanity". See Ali Rahnema, An Islamic Utopian: A Political BiographyofAli Shari'ati(London, 1998), pp. 6-10. 42 Ibid., p. 206. 43 On the Aryan migrationmyth into India see Gavin Flood, An Introduction to Hinduism (Cambridge, 1996), pp. 30-35. 44 E.H. Palmer, Oriental Mysticism (London, 1974, first published 1867), p. xi. 45 Fromthe mid nineteenthcenturyonwardstherewas greater interest in Iran's pre-Islamic heritage. This was partly attributableto the success of Henry Rawlinson who decipheredthe cuneiform Old-Persian,making historical researchthatmuch more easy. Famous scholarswho were interestedin pre-IslamicIranincluded IbrahimPur Davud (1885-1969), Abu 'l-Qasim 'Arif (see Sorour Soroudi, 41

AHMAD KASRAVI'S CRITICISMS OF EDWARD GRANVILLE BROWNE

"Poet and Revolution: Part II", Iranian Studies XII/3-4 (Summer-Autumn 1979), pp. 239-73), Bahar and Sadiq 46

Hidayat. See the anti-Arab sentiments of the nineteenth century literarycritic Mirza Aqf Khan Kirman in IrajParsinejad, "Mirza Aga Khan Kermani:An IranianLiteraryCritic", Journal of Asian and African Studies XXXVII (1989)

older mystics ... It was certainly the Persian Siffs who went to the greatest lengths in developing the pantheistic aspect of Sufism ...", A LiteraryHistory ofPersia, vol. I, pp. 427-28. 59 A YearAmongstthe Persians, pp. 16-17. Browne's understanding of Riimi's Mathnavi as pantheistic must be

qualifiedwithreferenceto the generalperspectiveof this

(TokyoUniversityof ForeignStudies),pp. 163-67. 47

Persianpoet's literaryworks, such as his Divan-i Shams-i Tabrizl, in which there are verses that portray God as incomparable.See for example no. 900 in Divdn-i Shams,

See A. Ansari, Modern Iran Since 1921 (London, 2003),

p. 30. 48

49 50

See On Islam (Darpiramifn-iIslam), pp. 61-62. On Islam, p. 111. This scholarwho KasravIdoes not name, is FritzWolff and his book Glossarzu Firdosis Schahname(Berlin, 1935).

51

In 1935a seriesof eventswereheldin variouscitiesin Iran to celebratethe passingof 1000 years since Firdawsi composedtheepicShah-nCma.

52

Kasravi,Dar piramfin-iadabiyydt,pp. 155-56. Kasravi is infamous for burning the books of Sa'di and

53

andhisbookburning"festivals" becamequitea conH•afiz, troversy.He refersto the types of booksthatshouldbe

54

60

ed. B. Furuzanfar (Tehran,1957-66). Pirzadawas himselfa Sufidiscipleof HajjiMirzaSafa(d. 1866) who had many followersin Iran as well as in Ottomanterritories.See H. Farman-Farmaian's English Introduction to Safar-naima-yi Ijajfi Muhammad 'All Pfrzideh (Tehran,1963),p. 3

61

See L. Lewisohn,"An introductionto the history of modern Persian Sufism, Part II", BSOAS LXII (1999), p.

55, n. 148. 62

In the Persian introduction to Safar-nima-yi Ijajfi Muhammad 'AllPirzideh, IrajAfsharhas included some

burned in "On Novels" (Dar pirmifin-i ruman), the first

letterswrittenby Browne to Pirzada.In these letters

lineof whichasks"Whichbooksmustwe burn?"(Tehran,

Browne indeed does refer to Pirzada as "the pir of the

1943-44). Kamran Ekbal, "Browne and the Persian Constitutional

reality"and "perfectguide" (p. xxxviii), and "guide of the

wayfarersof the path",and "thattreasuryof secretsof

in theart."Browne,EdwardGranville", EIr. Movement",

and"poleof thosewho professunity",p. xliv. wayfarers" He is also keen to use the adjective"dervish-like" in a fashion and he also refers to positive (pp. xliii-xliv), Pirzadaas being like his own father(p. xliii). Pirzada himselfdescribesBrowneas havinga verykeeninterestin learningPersian,andstudyingmysticism,andso theyoung wouldvisithim everyafternoonandevening. Englishman it seems thatBrownewasnota Muslimora Sufi However, because Pirzada who gave Browne the nickname

55 Cited in Bonakdarian,"The Persia Committee and the

Constitutional Revolutionin Iran",in BritishJournalof 56

231

Middle Eastern Studies11(1991), p. 191. The Press and Poetry of ModernPersia: Partly Based on the Manuscript Work of Mirzd Muhammad 'Ali Khan "Tarbiyat"of Tabriz(Cambridge:CambridgeUniversity

Press:1914). 57 A YearAmongstthePersians,p. 8. AbbasAmanathas drawn

parallelsbetweenLord Byron and EdwardBrowneas in Byron'scaseit was championsof victimisedminorities: fortheChristian Greeks,andforBrowneitwasfortheTurks, theBabis,theIranian constitutionalists andIrishnationalists. Browne'sinterestin the Babisis intriguing givenhis own in"Pantheistic interest idealism" andthesimilarity expressed SeeIbid,pp.355-56,and by someBabiswithSufidoctrine. Browne...", Amanat,"Edward p. xiii. 58 Browne states,"Itwas with Suffs like Abu Yazidof Bistam,

and al-Junayd(also, accordingto Jami, a Persian)that, in the latterpart of the ninth and the beginning of the tenth centuriesof our era,the pantheisiticelement firstmakes its definite appearance... in short,with these men, whom the Sfifis reckonedamongsttheirgreatestteachers,a very thoroughgoing pantheismis superaddedto the quietism of the

"Manifestationof 'Ali" remarkedthat it was to be hoped

thatthroughthe blessingof the nameMazhar-i'Ali, he would come to the correctroad,the straightpathof the nation of Islam (sirJt-i mustaqim-imillat-islam) and the

Muhammadan religion(adin-i Muhammadi), (p.318).What canbe conclusivelyinferred,however,is Browne'sardent

63

interest in Persian Sufism, and it appears unlikely that KasravIwas aware of Browne's relationswith Pirzada. See Browne's introduction to A Travellers Narrative, Writtento Illustrate the Episode of the Bab (Cambridge, 1891), p. X. It is also worth noting Browne's comments in A YearAmongst the Persians when he remarksthat sura XVII, 8 of the Qur'an(which he translatesas "And thou didst not slay them, but God slew them; and thou didst not shoot when thou dist shoot, but God shot") "serves the

232

JOURNALOF PERSIAN STUDIES

PersianSufis as a foundation-stone for theirpantheistic doctrines," (p. 135).

73 74

64 In A Year Amongst the Persians, Browne stated that

mysticismappearsin alllands,as it is the"eternal cryof the humansoul for rest; the insatiablelongingof a being whereininfiniteideals are fetteredand crampedby a He also describesit as "wonderfully miserableactuality." uniform" (p. 136). Later on in the same work (p. 445) Browne remarks"In a well-known aphorism ... it is said that 'the ways unto God are as manyas the numberofsouls of the children of men.' Every religion is surely an

moreorlessclearandcomplete,of someaspect expression, of a greatcentralTruthwhichitselftranscends expression." The relationship betweenthe studyof Sufi texts and has beenalludedto by HamidAlgar Christianspirituality whenhe claimed,"Corbinwas certainlynot aloneamong modem Orientalistsin experiencinga confluenceof spiritualand scholarly interests.E.G. Browne, R.A. Nicholson,andA.J.Arberryall seemto havebeenrestored to a belief in AnglicanChristianity by the studyof Sufi texts,andLouisMassignonspokeof beinga "spiritualist guest"in theIslamicworld."See"TheStudyof Islam:The Workof Henry Corbin",Religious StudiesReview (1980),

pp. 85-91. My thanksaredueto Dr.M. vandenBos who to thisarticle. drewmy attention 65

66

P. 538. Ibid., p. 444. Brownemakesthe pointhoweverthatthe

Bab-iswouldadapttheirconversation to thosewithwhom He that with Muslimsthey they were speaking. states would speakof the comingMahdi,and with Christians Browne theywouldspeakof thereturnof Christ(probably is referring to the BabibeliefthattheBabwastheprophet or onewho will come,as is foretoldin the Gospelof John andin the Qur'~n).See "TheBibis of Persia.II",p. 882. This BabTpracticebearssome resemblanceto the traditionalShi'itepracticeof dissimulation (taqiya). 67

in Bonakdarian, "Edward G. Browne and the Constitutional Struggle", p. 21. 75

76 77

See lbid., p. 61.

Browne in his introductionto Kitdb-i Nuqtatu'lKaf (Leiden,1910),citedin Balyuzi,p. 88.

For a periodthe young Browne had been influencedby his uncle who demonstratedsome traitsof Christianpuritanical Nonconformism.See Amanat,p. xii. 71 For example, Browne comments that when a BAbiin Taft askedhim if he was a Christian,he answeredopenly thathe was. See "The Bibis of Persia,I", p. 501. 72 Introduction, A Travellers Narrative,p. ix.

Introductionto Materialsfor the Studyof the BabiReligion,

p. xxii. Amanat,"Edward Browne...", p. xi. A YearAmongstthe Persians, p. 110. Anotherexample of

Browne'scriticismsof Iranis found in his opinionof Persianpoetryduringthe Safavidperiod(1501-1722), thatnot a singlepoetof meritemerged whenhe remarked duringthis time when "learning,culture,poetry and mysticismcompletelydesertedPersia",see his A Literary Historyof Persia, vol. IV, p. 26. This view has been challengedrecently,see Lewisohn,"SufismandtheSchool of Isfahan",in L. Lewisohnand D. Morgan(eds), The Heritage of Sufism: Late Classical Persianate Sufism

(1501-1750)(Oxford,1999),p. 64. 78

Browne, Introductionto Materialsfor the Studyof the Bdib[ Religion, p. xxi. 79 A Year Amongstthe Persians, p. 538. A 80so LiteraryHistory of Persia, vol. II, p. x. 81 Cambridge,1914. 82 Ibid., pp.xiv-xv. 83 See also Browne's remarksin A Year Among the Persians the verses of where he Qa'5n!(d. 1854). (p. 129) praises 84

thatKasravi'sEnglishwas not Onemightalso conjecture producedby adequateenoughto readall of the literature Browne.However,M. Ghanoonparvar has claimedthat Kasravi was "knowledgeable"in English. See the translator's forewordto "OnIslam",p. viii.

85

Kasravi,Dar piramifn-iadabiyyat,p. 150.

86

in Iransees Oneelementof theconspiracy theoryprevalent eventsthatoccurthere.One a Britishhandinallmalevolent contentious exampleof thismaybe observedin theobserthattheBritishbroughtthe vationofferedby manyIranians in 1978.Theconspiracy mullahsto powerintherevolution is often however, theory, lampooned, as in Iraj Pezeshkzad'sMy Uncle Napoleon (first publishedin Persianin the early 1970s, translatedby Dick Davis,

Cited in H.M. Balyuzi, Edward GranvilleBrowneand the

69

Thesesentimentsof Brownewerepublishedin an article sent to The ManchesterGuardian, 18 January1909, cited

Baha'iFaith(London,1970),p. 49. 68

Ibid.

WashingtonD.C. 2000). For conspiracytheoriesin Iransee the EIr art.s.v. by Ahmad Ashraf.

70

87

hasarguedthatKasravididnotblametheBritish Katouzian for all of Iran's misfortunes. It was Kasravi's hatred of classical Persian poetry that caused him to detest the academic writings of academics such as Browne. See "Kasraviva adabiyyat",p. 176.

AHMAD KASRAVI'S CRITICISMS OF EDWARD GRANVILLE BROWNE

88

See for example,Dar pirdimfin-ikhirad,in Panj maqcla, p. 305. Dar pirdimfin-ikhirad was originally published in

94

It is notexactlyclearwhatKasravimeanshere.Hemaybe to theideathatEuropeans to be referring imagineIranians weakandwretched. 130. Darpirmfimn-iadabiyydt,p. Ibid.

1943-44. 89

See Farhang chist, p. 263.

95

90

"Many Europeansand Americansbelieve that their and investorsmust set in motion their factory-owners numerous, hugemachines,andtheyspin,weaveandmanufacturein the hopeof amassingmoneyperpetually. And theypourout[goods],andthepeopleof backward Eastern countries,rangingfromIndia,Iran,ChinaandArabiacontinuallybuytheirproduce,andin so doinglinethepockets andAmericans]. Forthisreasonthegov[oftheEuropeans of and America consider it theirrightto emrnmentsEurope controlone of theEastemrn countriesandopena marketfor itsownfactories'produce.Itis anexcusethattheyhavefor countries.One shouldsay layingtheirhandson Eastemrn only this: 'Theytradethroughforce and murder'".Dar

96

97

Literarycriticismhad emergedin Britainas an academic subjectin the late nineteenthcenturyand the Newbolt couldserveto "forma reportof 1921statedthatliterature new elementof nationalunity,linkingtogetherthemental life of all classes."(Citedin HansBertens,LiteraryTheory inthe 1930sF.R.Leavis (London,2001),p. 10).Moreover, of the schoolof New Criticsattempted to promotemature that cultivated an authentic life, andin the process poetry relegatedclassic poets such as JohnMiltonto a minor status.

98

Dar piramhn-iadabiyyat,p. 138.

99 Interview withDr.Mujtaba'i (headofthe sectionon Sufism

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MonroeWheeler(New York,1956),in Burl,C, April,p. 138. 1959 "Recentdiscoveriesin Chinesearchaeology: the cave temples [at Tun-huang]",in Atlantic Monthly,CCIV,Dec.,pp. 100-02. Partauthorof "Benefactor's ?600,000giftsto the BritishMuseum:exhibition of arttreasures bought throughBrookeSewellFund",in TheTimes,10 April10,p. 8*. Review of Mewar Painting in the Seventeenth Century,by Moti Chandra(New Delhi, 1957), in Lalit Kald, no. 5, pp. 83-85. 1960 Introductionto catalogue of Arts of the Sung Dynastyexhibition,ArtsCouncilof GBandOCS; reprinted (with introductionto "Liao pottery" section added), in TOCS (1959-60), XXII, pp. 13-18 (andpp. 29-32).

Review of TheJapanese Print.:a New Approach,

by J. Hillier,in MuseumsJnl., LX (1960-61), Nov.,pp.213-14.

1961 "Chinese paintings of the Sung and Yuan Dynasties:an exhibition",in BMQ,XXIV,pp. 111-14. de l'Iran"(ch. XVII, ii) and "L'Inde "L'apport ed. moghole"(ch.XVII,iv),inL'ArtetL 'Homme, ReneHuyghe,vol.3 (Larousse, Paris);as "Persian art after1200"and "MogulIndia",in Larousse Encyclopedia of Modern Art, vol. 3, Hamlyn, 1965. "Some new museums of Japan",MuseumsJnl., LXI, June,pp. 42-49 [SI]. "The changing Orient"; review of Kuniyoshi exhibition at V & A, in Sunday Telegraph, 7 May, p. 9.

CENTENARY

BIBLIOGRAPHY

Review of An ArchitecturalJourney in Japan, by

in TLS,4 Oct.,p. 780*. J.M.Richards, 1962 Review of A Bibliographyof the Arts and Crafts

in TLS,1June,p. 3177*. Islam,byK.A.C.Creswell, Reviewof CalligraphersandPainters:a Treatiseby

trans.by V. Minorsky(Washington), Qd Ah.mad, inArtibus Asiae,XXV,no. 1,pp.89-90. 1963 Exhibition of Accessions to the Collections of Oriental Paintings and Antiquities, 1933-63;

OF BASIL GRAY

243

1965 JapanesePrintsfrom the PermanentCollectionof BlackburnArt Gallery; catalogue with introduc-

tion[forexhibitiontouringsevencities,1965-66], ArtsCouncilof GB. Letter:"'Japonisme' inBurl,CVII, andWhistler", June,p. 324. OrientaliskKonst, Artemis, Stockholm [extracts

fromTheFaberGalleryof Oriental Art,the series of nineteenbooks,1948-61,editedby B.G.].

catalogue with introduction[on growth of BritishMuseum*. Department],

"Dragonand phoenix",in Spectator,5 Nov., p. 587.

IndischeMalerei(Skira,Geneva) andLa Peinture

of MrsB.Z.Seligman,in TOCS,XXXV Obituary (1963-64),p. xxvi.

indienne(Flammarion, Paris),trans.of Indian Painting, 1963; issued in New Yorkas Painting of

India,1963;new eds.,Macmillan1978,etc. "AnUtamaro inBMQ,XXVI,pp.81-82. painting",

1966 Admonitionsofthe Instructressofthe Ladies in the Palace: a PaintingAttributedto Ku K'ai-chih [18

pp.of textwithfacsimileinbox],andas GuKaizhi nii shi zhen tujuan andKu Kai-chihnu shih chen

Introduction to exhibitioncatalogueof Turner watercolourssent to Japan, British Council [traceable onlyin Japanesetrans.].

tu chilan,BritishMuseum[SI]. Seligman Collection of Oriental Art; exhibition

catalogue,withmemoir,ArtsCouncilof GB. Review of Persian Miniatures in the Bernard Berenson Collection,by RichardEttinghausen,in Burl, CV, Oct., pp. 454-55.

Review of TheArtofMughulIndia:Paintingsand

PreciousObjects,New YorkAsiaSociety(1964), inArtibusAsiae,XXVIII,no. 1,pp. 128-31.

1964 "Dakkani musavvai' [Deccanipainting],in Urda Da 'ira-yi

Ma 'rif-i

Islamiyya

[Urdu

Encyclopaediaof Islam], Lahore, 1964-89 [submitted 1959]. "Oriental paintingsand antiquitiesat the British Museum"[an exhibition],MuseumsJnl., LXIII (1963-64),pp.252-58. "BritishMuseum:importantpaintingsrecently acquired by' the Department of Oriental Antiquities",in Burl, CVI, Nov., pp. 535-36. Review of Theart ofMughullndia, by S.C. Welch (New York, 1964), in ArtibusAsiae, XXVIII, pp. 99-101. Obituaryof Sir PercivalDavid, in The Times, 10 Oct., p. 10.

1967 A ChinesePainter's Choice:some Paintingsfrom the 14thto the 20th Centuryfromthe Collectionof

ArtsCouncilof LingSu-hua;exhibition catalogue, GB. "Koreaninlaidlacquerof thethirteenth century", inBMQ,XXXII(1967-68),nos.3-4, pp. 132-37. Review of The Chinese TheoryofArt: Translated from the Mastersof ChineseArt,by Lin Yutang,in SundayTimes,3 Sept.,p. 29. 1968 Chao-lin Fang. Paintings; exhibition catalogue, GrosvenorGallery'68. 1969 Re-issue of The English Print, University Microfilms (College of Librarianship, Wales reprintseries), 1969.

JOURNAL OF PERSIAN STUDIES

244

Review of Oriental CeramicsDiscovered in the Philippines,by L. andC. Locsin, in MuseumsJnl.,

LXVIII(1968-69),March,pp. 176-77. 1970 "Arthur Waleyat the BritishMuseum",in Madly Singing in the Mountains:an Appreciationand AnthologyofArthur Waley,ed. IvanMorris,Allen

andUnwin,pp.37-44. Forewordto exhibitioncatalogue:The Harari Collection of Japanese Paintings and Drawings,

V&A. 1971 An Album of Miniaturesand Illuminationsfrom the BdysonghoriManuscriptof the Shdhndmehof

of Firdowsi,CentralCouncilfor the Celebration the 2500thAnniversary of the Foundingof the PersianEmpire,Tehran;Frenchand German translations. "The Islamic period",in British Contributionsto

PersianStudies(Studiesto accompany theBritish Councilexhibition"2500thAnniversaryof the PersianEmpire"), pp. 16-20. The CeramicArt of China:from the Neolithic to

to catalogueof exhibition(at Tang;introduction V&A),ArtsCouncilof GB andOCS;reprinted, TOCS,XXXVIII(1969-71),1972,pp.5-9.

1972 "Chineseinfluencein Persianpainting:the 14th and 15th centuries", Colloquies on Art and Archaeology in Asia, no. 3, ed. W. Watson,

PercivalDavidFoundation, pp. 11-19. "JohnAlexanderPope:a tribute"[on awardof HillsGoldMedal],in TOCS1969-71,pp.v-vi. With ThePersianArtofthe Book-, B.W.Robinson,

exhib.cat. (markingSixthInt.Congr.of Iranian ArtandArchaeology, Oxford),BodleianLibrary, Oxford. Review of Temmoku: a Studyofthe Wareof Chien,

ed. CarolinePlumer,inArtBulletin,LXVI,no. 2, pp.271-72. Obituaryof Sir Frederickand Lady Whyte,in TOCS,XXXVIII(1969-71),p. xxv. 1973 "'Treasures of Chineseart':recentarchaeological discoveriesinthePeople'sRepublicof China"[an exhibitionfromChinain Parisand London],in Apo,N.S. XCVIII,Aug.,pp. 126-37 [SI]. Review of Giuseppe Castiglione: a Jesuit Painter at the Courtof the ChineseEmperors,by

C. andM. Beurdeley,in Asia Major,XVIII,pp. 221-24 [SI].

in Sengai,theZen "Sengaiandhis predecessors", Master,by DisetzT. Suzuki,Faber(pp.xv-xvi);

Ch-enFo-Tung,TunHuan",ArtBulletinof Victoria

as Quanti anni hai, amica luna? Sengai (Pozza,

(annualfor1971-72;Melboumrne), pp.30-35.

Vicenza),1997. "OrientalAntiquities"in Treasuresof the British

Museum,ed. SirF. Francis,ThamesandHudson, pp.210-37. "Britishinterestin Persianart goes back 300 years",in TheTimes,25 Sept.,p. vi. "China and Japan in the 18th century", DiscoveringAntiques,Aug., pp. 1057-61. Review of Les sept climats Iran: la peinture iranienne: art conceptuel ou visionnaire?, pp. 130-33.

"Wallpaintingsof the SuiandT'angDynastiesat

1974 Review of TheFormationof IslamicArt, by Oleg

inBurl,CXVI,Sept.,p. 542. Grabar,

Review of Kiitahya Tiles and Potteryfrom the ArmenianCathedralofSt. James,Jerusalem,by J.

Carswell(Oxford,1972), in Antiquity,XLVIII, June,pp. 144-45. Review of Chinese Colour Printsfrom the Ten Bamboo Studio,by Jan Tschihold,in Asia Major, XIX, pp. 128-31 [cf. 1947, tenthitem] [SI]. 1975 "Introduction to the exhibition"and introd.to Arts of the Book section (and part author of cat.

CENTENARY

BIBLIOGRAPHY

OF BASIL GRAY

245

exhibitionat HaywardGallery,London,Arts Councilof GB and Festivalof IslamTrust,pp. 23-30 andpp.309-372.

Note:Chs.VII,XI andat leastpartof IX of TheEnglish Print(1937)werewrittenby B.G.'swife,Nicolete Gray,as avowedby bothauthorsandconfirmed documentarily.

"Vitalinfluence[of Japan]on storyof art",The Times,7 May,p. iv.

4. MEMOIRS

entries), in The Arts of Islam; catalogue of

Obituaryof Dr LaurenceLockhart,in Iran,XIV, p. iii. in TheTimes,9 Oct., of IvanStchoukine, Obituary p 20. 1977 "Herat under the Timurid Sultan Husayn in Marg,XXX,no. 2, 23-27. Bayqara",

Bevis Hillier,"Profile"[largelyinterview],in BM Soc Bulletin, no. 1 [1969]; Michael Rogers, Festschrift introd.,in Iran,XVII, 1979;DenysSutton,"Expanding horizons:a tribute",in Apo,N.S. CXX,July,1984,pp. 2-5; Diana Scarisbrick, "The Apollo portrait" [interview],in Apo,N.S. CXXIX,Jan.1989,pp.40-44; Ralph Pinder-Wilson,in Procs. of Brit. Academy, CV,

2000,pp.439-56;M. Rogers,entryinDNB,1990-2000 (rev.in 2004 ed.).

Addressat memorialfor Sir HarryGarner,in TOCS,XLI (1975-57), p. xxvii.

5. OBITUARIES(1989) 3. CORRIGENDA 1932 "Die'Kalila...pp.280-83"(for"230-33")

J.M. Rogers, in TheIndependent,14 June;The Times,16

June;WilliamWatson,in TheGuardian,20 June,and in Daily TOCS,LIII,pp. 9-10; [RobertHillenbrand], Telegraph,21 June; Robert Knox, in CentralAsia File

1933 "A seventh-century..."(for "seventeenth").

1949 "ChinaorD'ongSon"(for"D'ongSou").

inIran,XXVII,pp. (SOAS),autumn;R. Pinder-Wilson, iii-iv; Burl,CXXXII,May,1990;W.Watson,in TOCS, LIII(1988-9), 1990,pp. 9-10.

ARCHAEOLOGICALREPORT SISTANAND BALUCHESTANPROJECT By S.M.S.Sajjadi IranianCulturalHertiage Organisation

skeletonsand 421 gravegoods, were unearthedin 12 squares,an area of 576 sq.m. The various squares measured25 sq.m.(4 squares),50 sq.m.(4), 75 sq.m.(1) and100sq.m.(2), in additionto the smallsquareHYM, whichwas only a wall trenchwiththe remainsof one burial.Onlythreegravetypeshavebeenfound:simple pits (21 graves),bipartitepits (43) and catacombs(2). Two trenches,MIH (25 sq.m.) and HYS (50 sq.m.) of graveswas resultedempty.Thehighestconcentration foundin squaresHTY and HYI, each measuring100 sq.m.andholdingrespectively16 and 15 graves.With theexcavationsof thesesquares,onlyabout800 sq.m.of and the centralpartof the graveyardremainunearthed, theirexcavationis duein the nextcampaign,in orderto buildan openmuseumin the graveyard.

From 20 October to 12 February2004, four tookplacein the differentarchaeological investigations Sistanand BaluchestanRegion, locatedin the southeast of Iran:the seventhcampaignof excavationsat Shahr-iSokhta,the fourthcampaignat Dahanah-ye Qolamanandthe firstcampaignat TappehTalebKhan, all in Sistan, and the first at TappehBampur in Baluchestan.The excavationsat TappehTalebKhan havebeenfinancedby theUniversityof Zabolwhilethe otherstook place underthe patronageof the Iranian CulturalHeritageOrganisation (ICHO). ATSHAHR-ISOKHTA EXCAVATIONS a. Graveyard

Duringthe seventhcampaignof investigationsat Shahr-iSokhta,the excavationsconcentratedon the graveyardof the city and building No.1, in the MonumentalArea. A total of 66 graves, with 74 o)Z

Z

So

1 2 3 4

5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 Total

b. Building No. 1. Monumentalarea

Theexcavationsin thisareabeganin 1999.Building in the northernpart No. 1 is a hugemud-brickstructure C) z

GraveTypes _ Simple Pits

z

Bipartite Pits

Catacombs

0 1 1 15

0 6 0 60

0 0 0 2

25 25 1 50

7 19 3 1 0 3 16 8 74

28 64 9 1 0 9 145 99 421

0 0 0 0 0 1 3 2 8

75 100 25 25 50 50 100 50 576

=

MIH MII MYM IUS

0 1 1 12

0 0

0 1

10 2

10

0 0 0 0

BYN HTY MID MIC HYS IUN HYI HYD 12

4 16 3 1 0 3 15 8 66

3 7 2 0 0 2 0 4 21

3 9 1 1 0 1 14 3 42

0 0 0 0 0 0 1 1 2

247

o

o

o O

?

"

248

JOURNAL

OF PERSIAN

STUDIES

Fig. 1. Dahanah-yeQolaman.BuildingNo. 1.

of the site. To date,about1400 sq.m. of this building havebeenexcavatedandmorethan90 roomsandopen It seemsthatthebuildingwas mainly spacesunearthed. erected duringthe second period of occupationof Shahr-iSokhtabeforebeingabandonedfora veryshort periodof timeandlateroccupiedagain,withchangesto the roomsof the southernpartof the building,which was turnedintoa craftsmansection.It seemsthatthere aresometracesof occupationduringthe lastphasesof the firstperiodas well. Duringthe last campaign,in orderto reachthe virginsoil, SpacesNos 1 and2 at the centre of building were excavated. A number of different objects were found, including clay and zoomorphicfigurines, beads, anthropomorphic triangle terracottadiscs, seal impressions,combs, textiles and ropes,all datableto the secondperiodof occupationat Shahr-iSokhta. ATDAHANAH-YEQOLAMAN. EXCAVATIONS FOURTHSEASON Dahanah-yeQolamanis locatedabout44 km. south of Zabol.This site was discoveredand excavatedby UmbertoScerratoof IsMEO (now IsIAO) between 1960 and 1965. A total of 27 buildingshave been identifiedon the surfaceof this site. In October2000 a new seriesof excavationsbeganhere,concentrating on

BuildingNo. 15 (Fig. 1), a squareshapedbuildingc. 2500 sq.m. Traces of 36 long and narrowrooms (measuringan averageof 10 by 3 m.) on the foursides of the building were found. Twenty rooms were excavatedbetween2000 and2002 plus ten duringthe last season.All the excavatedroomshavea dooron to the courtyard andin somecasestheyarejoinedby one. The main materialsused in this structureare mudbricks(50 x 28 x 10 cm.), and chineh.All the walls graduallydiminishin heighttowardsthe outsideof the structure.To date, 30 rooms have been excavated. Mills, small and largebasins,benchesand platforms, bins and large storage vessels are the principal architectural elementsfoundin these rooms,together with a great numberof millstones,grindingstones, small terracottacolumns and buff ware, cylindershapedbeakersand variousitems of metal and stone fragments.Among other objects, a numberof seal impressions,three-pointedbronze arrowheadsand some female clay figurinesare worthmentioning.In roomNo. 25, tracesof a wall painting,togetherwith incised images, have been found (Fig. 2). The wall paintingis 128 cm. long and 37 cm. high, with a standingman,a chariotrider,shootingan animalwitha bow in his hand, most probably a wild boar. thegeneralaspectsof thewallpainting,the Considering hunterseems to be an importantpersonor holderof authorityof the Drangianaarea.Thegreatsimilarityof

ARCHAEOLOGICAL

REPORT

249

Fig. 2. Dahanah-ye Qolaman. Wall painting, Room No. 25.

ATBAMPUR EXCAVATIONS this scenewiththe seal impressionof Darius the Great a lion in some confirms this hunting ways assumption. The site, well known as a third millennium elements, Accordingto the materialand architectural thereis a greatprobability thatthis is a sacredstructure settlementin IranianBaluchestan,was found by Sir AurelSteinduringthe earlydecadesof last century.In which was used for some unknownritualand for the 1966 Miss Beatrice de Cardi made two small test of and items materials. production ideological trencheson the westernslope of the site. The cultural material,mainlypottery,suggestsa thirdmillennium B.C. settlement,from2900 to 1900-1800B.C. TAPPEHTALEBKHAN Themainmoundis about600 x 600 m. witha height lands.At the Taleb Khan is the name of a small and round c. 4-7 m. higherthan the surrounding shapedsite, 9 m. high,locatedabout15 km. south-east centreof the moundthere is a late mediaevalqal"eh test of Shahr-iSokhta,at a distanceof 50 m. fromthe road datedto the Afsharidperiod(1750). Twenty-three trencheshavebeen excavatedall aroundthe moundin that goes from Zabol to Zahedan. The state of orderto establishthe extensionof the culturalmaterial conservationof the site is poor, since its surfaceis andthe extensionof themainmound.A steptrench(A) it was to be one of badlydamaged.Although supposed the dependentvillages of Shahr-iSokhtain the third on thenorthern slopeof the sitewas dugunderthewalls millennium,there is very little of Shahr-iSokhta's of the citadel down to the surroundingland. The potteryon its surface.Most of the potteryfragments excavationsof thistrenchshowtracesof two platforms of qal'ehin the Islamic that have been collected in the lower trenchesare of two phasesof constructions the to Afsharid and Seljuqperiods;it first millennium from the area. era, belonging clearly pottery the seems that under older citadel therearealsotracesof buff ware low buff ware Unpaintedlarge jars, deep the a third small scaleof excavation red ware reddish and burnished platform,although bowls, bowls, does not enable us to ascertain this assumption. fragmentsof bowlsandjars,andsomestampdecorated Almostall the proto-historical andIslamicsections pottery,are part of the collection. Three small test by thenew graveyard trenches,CV,CVI andBIV,showthatat leastthe first of themoundhavebeendisturbed 2 m. of the southernslopeof themoundweredisturbed duringthelastthreecenturies,makingit difficultto find untouchedsurfacesfor excavations.Surfacesurveys by mechanicalinterventionduringlast40 yearsandas sectionof the site can a resultthere is a greatmixtureof materialsranging showedthatthe proto-historical fromthe thirdto the firstmillenniumB.C. An eastern only be foundon the westernpartof the mound.There step trench(BIV) shows thattherewere at leastthree is no evidenceof thepre-Islamicperiodin thenorthern, southernand easternsections.An examinationof the differentplatformsbelow the surface,but only on the culturalmaterialfoundin thesesectionsshowsdifferent secondaretheresometracesof a badlypreservedwall, a floor and a small oven. Neitheron these platforms, occupationsfrom the Seljuqand Ilkhanidperiods,in nor on the floor,was anymaterialfoundto help better additionto the morerecentperiodsof the Afsharidup to Qajarones. understand theselayers.

250

JOURNAL

OF PERSIAN

Proto-historicalmaterials are mainly found in small test trenchU on the westernportionof the site and next to trenchY of Miss de Cardi.In this small test trench,a collection of the potteryfragmentsof

STUDIES

periodsBampurI-IV has been foundbut,becauseof the excavationof moderngraves,the proto-historical potterycollectionwas mixedup with the materialsof the Islamicperiod.

NOTES ON TRANSLITERATIONFOR CONTRIBUTORSTO IRAN I.

OLD AND MIDDLE PERSIAN

It is recognised that no rigid lines can be laid down here, but it is suggested that the Old Persian syllabaryshould be transliterated according to the table in Kent, OldPersian. Grammar,Texts,Lexicon, p. 12; that for Manichaean Middle Persian and Parthian, the transliteration system given in AndreasHenning, MitteliranischeManichaica,vol. III, p. 66, should be used; whilst for Pahlavi, the table of alphabets given in Nyberg, A Manual of Pahlavi, new edition, p. 129, may be used as a reference for transcription. II.

ISLAMICAND MODERN PERSIAN

The systemused for the Cambridge Historyof Islamshould be used here as far as possible. Consonants

(a) Arabic

C C

t

z

S ' b t

q

3 k J 1

r s & sh

Sth

,4-

m

s

n h

t .d

h

kh

d

t

Sdh

w

'

y

-a (in constructstate:

gh f

Sr

-at)

(b) Persian additional and variant forms. The variant forms should generally be used for Iranian names and for Arabicwords used in Persian. z

p s

J

zh

g

v

ch (c) The Persian "silenth" should be transliterated a, e.g. ndma. Vowels

Arabic or Persian Short: a

Long: Ior a

u

S

i

i Doubled '* iyy (final form i) Dipthongs ; au -ai

NOTES

1. The iidfa should be represented by -i, or after long vowels, by -yi,e.g. umard-yijannki. 2. The Arabic definite article should be written as al- or 1-,even before the so-called "sunletters", e.g. 'Abd al-Malik,Abu 'l-Nasr. 3. The macrons of Abii and Dhti (Zi) should be omitted before the definite article, e.g. Abu 'l-Abbas(but Abi 'Ubaida). It is obvious that for the rendering of linguistic and dialectical material, and possibly also for contemporary literary and spoken Persian, this rigorous system of transliteration is inappropriate; contributors should use their discretion here. III.

GENERALPOINTS

1. Names of persons should be rigorously transliterated. 2. Conventional English equivalents (without macrons or diacritics) should be used for the names of countries, provinces or large towns, e.g. Khurasan, Shiraz. Otherwise, all place-names should be rigorously transliterated.Archaeologists are asked to be especially careful in representing the names of little-knownplaces at or near sites. 3. Modern Turkish names and words should be written in the current romanized Turkish orthography. 4. Where classical Greek and Latin renderings of Old and Middle Persian names exist, these familiar forms should be used for preference. 251

ABBREVIATIONS AARP AASOR AfO AIr AJA AJSL AK AMI ANET AO ArchAnz ArO AS BA Besch BaM BASOR Belleten BGA Bib Or BMMA BSA BSOAS CAH CDAFI CHIr CIA CII Ell EI2 EIr EW IA IIJ IJMES ILN Isl JA JAOS JCS JFA JHS JNES JRAI JRAS JRCAS JSS KF LAAA MAOG MDAFA MDAI MDOG MDP MJ

Art andArchaeologyResearchPapers Annualof AmericanSchoolsof OrientalResearch Archivfir Orientforschung Acta Iranica AmericanJournalof Archaeology AmericanJournalof SemiticLanguagesandLiteratures AntikeKunst ArchaeologischeMitteilungenaus Iran Pritchard,AncientNearEasternTexts Ars Orientalis ArchiologischerAnzeiger ArchivOrientilni AnatolianStudies Bulletinvan de Vereeniging... de AntiekeBeschaving,The Hague BaghdaderMitteilungen Bulletinof AmericanSchoolsof OrientalResearch TtirkTarihKurumu:Belleten Arabicorum BibliothecaGeographorum BibliothecaOrientalis Bulletinof the Metropolitan Museumof Art Annualof the BritishSchoolat Athens Bulletinof the Schoolof OrientalandAfricanStudies CambridgeAncientHistory Cahiersde la DelegationArcheologiqueFrangaiseen Iran CambridgeHistoryof Iran Arabicarum CorpusInscriptionum Iranicarum CorpusInscriptionum Encyclopaediaof Islam, 1stEdition Encyclopaediaof Islam,2nd Edition EncyclopaediaIranica EastandWest,New Series IranicaAntiqua Indo-Iranian Journal International Journalof MiddleEast Studies IllustratedLondonNews Der Islam JournalAsiatique Journalof the AmericanOrientalSociety Journalof the CuneiformStudies Journalof FieldArchaeology Journalof HellenisticStudies Journalof NearEasternStudies Journalof the RoyalAnthropologicalInstitute Journalof the RoyalAsiaticSociety Journalof the RoyalCentralAsian Society Journalof SemiticStudies KleinasiatischeForschungen Annalsof ArchaeologyandAnthropology,Liverpool Gesellschaft MitteilungenderAltorientalischen M6moiresde la D616gationArcheologiqueFrangaiseen Afghanistan ArcheologiqueFrangaiseen Iran M6moiresde la D616gation MitteilungenderDeutschenOrientgesellschaft M6moiresde la MissionArcheologiquede Perse MuseumJournal,Philadelphia

MMJ NC OIC OIP PZ RA REI SAA SAOC Sov Arkh SS St Ir Survey WdO WVDOG ZA ZDMG

Metropolitan Museum Journal Numismatic Chronicle Oriental Institute, Chicago, Communications Oriental Institute, Chicago, Publications Praehistorische Zeitschrift Revue d'Assyriologie Revue des Etudes Islamiques Soviet Anthropology and Archaeology Oriental Institute, Studies in Ancient Oriental Civilisation Sovietskaya Arkheologiya Schmidt, H., Heinrich Schliemmanns Sammlung trojanischer Altertilmer Studia Iranica 1938 A Survey of Persian Art from Prehistoric Times to the Present, ed. A.U. Pope, Oxford, Die Welt des Orients Wissenschaftliche Veriffentlichungen der Deutschen Orientgesellschaft Zeitschrift flir Assyriologie Zeitschrift der Deutschen Morgenlandischen Gesellschaft

252

NOTES FOR CONTRIBUTORS Iran is a refereedjournalwith a boardof editorialadvisers.The editorsareProfessorC.E. Bosworthand Dr Vesta Curtisand the editorialadvisorsare Dr P.R.S.Moorey,ProfessorJ.M. Rogers and ProfessorDavid Stronach.In addition,articlesare sent to otherscholarsas appropriate. Articlesfor Iran shouldbe submittedon disktogetherwith a hardcopy. The hardcopy shouldbe on one side of A4 paperor the nearestNorth Americanequivalentsize with double spacing and generousmargins. Carboncopies or photocopiesof typescriptare not acceptable.Notes shouldbe numberedconsecutivelyand placedat the end of the article.Photographsfor reproductionshouldbe, as far as possible,in the formof bright and sharpglossy black and white prints,and should be originalphotographs.In the case of reproductions, permissionfromthe authoror publishermust be obtainedbeforehand.Wheneverpossible, contributorsshoold submitoriginalline drawingsratherthanphotographicor otherreproductions. Authorsof articleswill receive 25 offprintsfree and may orderadditionalones, at reasonableprices, in multiplesof 25. The Editorsshouldbe informedof any extraoffprintorderswhenthe firstproofsof articlesare returned.

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