IRAN Journal of the British Institute of Persian Studies XXXIX VOLUME
2001 CONTENTS Page 2
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IRAN Journal of the British Institute of Persian Studies XXXIX VOLUME
2001 CONTENTS Page 2
Council . . . . . . . . . . .. . . . . . . . . . . .. . . . . Governing . . . . .. .. Reportof theCouncil . . . .. . . . .. . . . . . . . . .
3
DesmondHarney ......................... Obituary: TheInternational MervProject.Preliminary Reporton theNinthYear(2000),by Georgina K. St John Herrmann, Kurbansakhatov, Simpson,et al. ............. MausoleaatMervandDahistan, . by DavidGyeandRobertHillenbrand........
9 53
ChemicalCharacterisation of LateNeolithicandChalcolithic Plain, PotteryfromtheTehran H. and A.M. Pollard R.A.E. Iran,by Fazeli, Coningham .............. Malyan1999,by KamyarAbdi ........................
55
Inscribed ColumnBasesfromHamadan, by PeterKnapton,M.R.SarrafandJohnCurtis.
99
Five Seasons of Excavationsin the Tash-K'irmanOasis of Ancient Chorasmia, 1996-2000. An InterimReport,by S.W. Helms,V.N. Yagodin,A.V.G.Betts, G. Khozhaniyazov andF. Kidd ...... ............... A Groupof ReusedByzantineTablesas Evidencefor SeljuqArchitectural Patronagein B. Flood .............. .... .. Damascus,by Finbarr Ghaznavid andGhtiridMinarets, ............. by RalphPinder-Wilson The Sari-fanBathsin Bukhara, by GalinaAsanovaandMartinDow ........
THE
5
73
119 145 155 187
SafavidPotters'Marksandthe Questionof Provenance, by Lisa Golombek,RobertB. MasonandPattyProctor ...................... SufisandCompeting Movementsin Nishapur, Melchert........ by Christopher
207
OccultScienceandtheFallof theKhwrazm-ShhJalilal-Din,by IsabelMiller ....
249
TheChapar-Khina Systemin QajarIran,by WillemFloor .............
257
in Persia:Further BurialsandMemorials NotesandPhotographs, by SirDenisWright . Shorter Notices .............................
293
BRITISH
INSTITUTE
OF PERSIAN
237
299
STUDIES
A Registered Charity
c/o The British Academy, 10 Carlton House Terrace, London SW1Y 5AH ISSN 0578-6967
STATEMENTOF AIMS AND ACTIVITIES 1. TheInstitutehasan establishment in TehranatwhichBritishscholars,menandwomenof learningversedin the friends of reside and meet theirIraniancolleaguesin orderto discusswith them subjectsof arts, Iran,may commoninterest:the arts,archaeology, history,literature, linguistics,religion,philosophyandcognatesubjects. 2. TheInstituteprovidesaccommodation forseniorscholarsandforteachersfromBritishUniversitiesin orderthat theymayrefreshthemselvesat the sourceof knowledgefromwhichtheirteachingderives.The sameserviceis beingrenderedto youngerstudentswho showpromiseof developinginterestsin Persianstudies. 3. TheInstitute,whilstconcernedwithPersianculturein thewidestsense,is particularly concernedwiththe develof and seeks the Iranian scholarsand studentsin applying opment archaeologicaltechniques, co-operationof currentmethodsto the resolutionof archaeological andhistoricalproblems. 4. Archaeologicalexcavationusingmodemscientifictechniquesas ancillaryaidsis one of the Institute'sprimary tasks.Theseactivities,whichentaila freshappraisalof previousdiscoveries,havealreadyyieldednew historiandarchaeological evidencewhichis addingto ourknowledgeof the pastandof its bearing cal, architectural, on the modemworld. 5. Inpursuitof allthe activitiesmentionedin theprecedingparagraphs theInstituteis graduallyaddingto its library, is collectinglearnedperiodicals,andis publishingajournal,Iran,whichappearsannually. 6. TheInstitutearrangesoccasionalseminars,lecturesandconferencesandenliststhehelpof distinguished scholars forthispurpose.It will also aimat arrangingsmallexhibitionswiththe objectof demonstrating the importance of Persiancultureandits attractionforthe worldof scholarship. 7. TheInstituteendeavoursto collaboratewithuniversitiesandeducationalinstitutionsin Iranby all the meansat its disposaland,when consulted,assistsIranianscholarswith technicaladvicefor directingthemtowardsthe channelsin Britishuniversities. appropriate
MEMBERSHIP OFTHEINSTITUTE shouldwritetotheMembership 10Carlton c/oTheBritishAcademy, AnyonewishingtojointheInstitute Secretary, HouseTerrace, LondonSW1Y5AH.Theannualsubscription rates(1stJanuary-31st are as follows: December) Fullmembership ?25 (U.K.only) Member notreceiving ?8.00 journal Fullmembership ?30or$60 (Overseas) Student ?7.50 membership COPIESOFIRAN Fullmembersof the Institutereceivea post free copy of the currentissue of thejournalIraneachyear.Copiesof Iranmaybe obtainedfromthe PublicationsSecretary(addressas above)at the followingprices: Currentissue- singlecopiespurchasedby non members ?30 or US$60 eachplus ?3/US$6per copy for postageandpacking(surface mail outsideEurope) Backnumbers- pleasesee publicationslist insidebackcover Thoseorderingfromoverseasmaypayin US dollarsorby sterlingdraftdrawnin Londonorby international money order.
IRAN Volume XXXIX 2001 CONTENTS
GoverningCouncil ........................ Reportof theCouncil ..................................
Page 2
...........
3
5 Obituary: DesmondHarney...................... ............ The International Merv Project.Preliminary Reporton the Ninth Year (2000), by GeorginaHerrmann, K. Kurbansakhatov, St JohnSimpson,et al................... 9 ..... MausoleaatMervandDahistan,by DavidGyeandRobertHillenbrand................ 53 ChemicalCharacterisation of LateNeolithicandChalcolithic PotteryfromtheTehranPlain,Iran,by H. Fazeli, R.A.E.Coningham andA.M.Pollard ....................... 55 73 Malyan1999,byKamyarAbdi....................... ........ .. InscribedColumnBasesfromHamadan, 99 by PeterKnapton,M.R.SarrafandJohnCurtis........ FiveSeasonsof Excavations in theTash-K'irman Oasisof AncientChorasmia, 1996-2000.An InterimReport, by S.W.Helms,V.N. Yagodin,A.V.G.Betts,G. Khozhaniyazov andF.E Kidd ........ 119 A Groupof ReusedByzantineTablesas EvidenceforSeljuqArchitectural in Damascus,by Finbarr Patronage B.Flood ..................................... 145 .. Ghaznavid andGhiridMinarets, . ..155 by RalphPinder-Wilson ................... TheSarrdfan Bathsin Bukhara, 187 by GalinaAsanovaandMartinDow ................. SafavidPotters'MarksandtheQuestionof Provenance, RobertB. MasonandPattyProctor 207 by LisaGolombek, SufisandCompeting Movementsin Nishapur, ... Melchert .... 237 ........... by Christopher OccultScienceandtheFallof theKhwarazm-Shdh Jall al-Din,by IsabelMiller 249 ............ TheChapar-Khina 257 Systemin QajarIran,by WillemFloor .................... . Burialsand Memorialsin Persia:FurtherNotes and Photographs,by Sir Denis Wright ......... ShorterNotices .....................................
THE
BRITISH
INSTITUTE
OF PERSIAN
293 299
STUDIES
A Registered Charity
c/o The British Academy, 10 CarltonHouse Terrace,London SW1Y 5AH ISSN 0578-6967
BRITISHINSTITUTEOF PERSIANSTUDIES (A RegisteredCharity) GOVERNINGCOUNCIL President
*ProfessorJAMESALLAN,M.A., D.Phil. Vice-President
*ProfessorROBERTHILLENBRAND,M.A., D.Phil.,F.R.S.E. Honorary Vice-Presidents
ProfessorA.K.S. LAMBTON,O.B.E,D.Lit., F.B.A. ProfessorD.B. STRONACH,O.B.E,M.A., F.S.A. Sir DENIS WRIGHT,G.C.M.G.,M.A. Members
*ProfessorSir JOHNBOARDMAN,M.A,. Ph.D, F.B.A. tProfessorC.E. BOSWORTH,M.A., Ph.D., F.B.A. Sir NICHOLASBARRINGTON,K.C.M.G.,C.V.O. *SHEILACANBY,M.A., Ph.D. JOHNCURTIS,B.A., Ph.D., F.S.A. *PAULLUFT,M.A., Ph.D. tVANESSAMARTIN,M.A., Ph.D *CHARLESMELVILLE,M.A., Ph.D CHRISRUNDLE,O.B.E.,M.A. Honorary Treasurer
*PETERKNAPTON,B.Phil.,M.A., M.B.A., F.C.C.A. Honorary Secretary and Honorary Librarian
tROBERTGLEAVE,B.A., M.A., Ph.D. Joint Editors
tProfessorC.E. BOSWORTH,M.A., Ph.D., F.B.A. tVESTA SARKHOSHCURTIS,M.A., Ph.D. Secretary
VESTASARKHOSHCURTIS,M.A., Ph.D. Honorary Membership and Publications Secretary PETER DAVIES, M.A. Auditors PRIDIE BREWSTER, 29-39 London Road, Twickenham, Middlesex TW1 3SZ.
c/o the BritishAcademy 10 CarltonHouse Terrace LONDON SW1Y 5AH
*Membersof ResearchSub-Committee tMembersof PublicationsSub-Committee
P.O.Box11365-844 Tehran IRAN
REPORTOF THE COUNCIL to 31st March2000 will be awareof Regularreadersof the newsletterandvisitorsof ourwebsite(www.britac.ac.uk/institutes/bips) the activitiesof the Instituteoverthe pastyear.Ourwork,as you will all know,falls undera numberof headings: lectures,researchprojects,researchgrants,conferences,publicationsandthe workof the TehranInstitute.Before mentioningthese activities,it is with sadnessthatwe recordthatMr DesmondHarney,Presidentof BIPS, has decided,forhealthreasons,to stepdownas Presidentthisyear.Desmondhasbeena greatfriendof Persianstudies generallyand has workedtirelesslyfor the advancementof the Institute'sactivities.Even when his healthhas He is in ourthoughts,andwe send preventedhim fromattendingmeetings,his supporthasbeenmuchappreciated. to himandhis wife, Judy,ourbestwishesat thisdifficulttime [WeregretthatMrDesmondHarneypassedawayon 10 December2000; see obituaryonpp. v-vii]. ProfessorYannRichardof SorbonneNouvelle,Universit6ParisIII, gave the AGM lectureon 16 November 1999, on "Persiaandthe EuropeanPowersafterWorldWarI", and in the style for whichProfessorRichardhas becomefamous,his lecturewas illuminating anddemonstrated his academicprowessanderudition.ProfessorJosef Wieseh6ferof Kiel University,Germany,authorof the recentand well-receivedbook AncientPersia, gave a fascinatinglecturein Juneon the DanishtravellerCarstenNiebuhr,includinghis visitto Persepolis.The eighteenth centurysketchesof ancientmonumentswereparticularly interesting. TheResearchprojectsof BIPScontinueto develop.QajarRockReliefs,co-ordinated by DrPaulLuft,is nearing in the the and completion.Participants project Pre-MongolArchitecture ReligionandSocietyin QajarIranproject havevisitedIranthisyearto conductfieldresearch.ProfessorJamesAllan'sprojecton the historyof PersianSteel progressed,mostnotablyby the publicationof PersianSteel:the TanavoliCollection,jointlyauthoredwith Brian Gilmour.BIPS continuesto supportthe publicationof the resultof the archeologicalwork in Merv,underthe TheMonuments supervisionof Dr GeorginaHerrmann. Buildingsof theKarakumappeared of MervI: Traditional in the winterof 1999. Researchprojectsconstitutea majorelementof the Institute'sexpenditureand it is encouragingto see them endeavours(normallythreeto five years),andsince developandcometo fruition.Theyarenecessarilylonger-term mostbeganin 1997/8,the resultsof the researchareonlyjust beginningto be published.We can look forwardto researchappearingin printoverthe nextfew years. seeingthe resultsof BIPS-sponsored In additionto the majorfundingcommitmentsto researchprojects,BIPS continuesto supportsmallerscale, individualresearchgrants.Fundingwas allocatedto a numberof scholarsworkingon diverseaspectsof Persian studies:LindsayAllen (U.C.L.)travellingto Russiaand Georgiato studyAchaemenidmaterialat the museums there;MatthewElliot(Fellowof theBritishSchoolatAnkara)completingworkon ItalianpolicytowardsIranin the 1920s and 1930s; SaaedHamid-Khani(Oxford)travellingto Iranto completeresearchon Rumi;Dr Laudan Nooshin(BrunelUniversity)travellingto Iranto completeresearchon Persianmusic.A grantwas also awardedto a team of researchersfrom Bradfordand Tehranuniversitiesand the IranianCulturalHeritageFoundationfor excavationsin thePlainof Tehran.Thesegrantsrepresentthebreadthandstrengthof Persianstudiesin the country, andwe hopethatwe will be ableto supportmoresuchventuresin the comingyears. The Institutehas also organisedand sponsoreda numberof conferencesin the past year. The thirdBIPS workshop was held at the University of Durham in April 2000, excellently organised by Drs Paul Luft and Ali Ansari. Papers were heard from grant recipients and project co-ordinators. Dr Stephanie Cronin organised a conference on "The Left in Iran:Historical and ComparativePerspectives"which was well attended and with an internationalpanel of speakers. In September2000, the Religion and Society in QajarIranproject markedthe end of its activity by holding a three-dayconference at the University of Bristol,jointly organisedwith the IranHeritage Foundation. Most of our grant recipients stay at the Institute in Gholhak, Tehran when on research trips. Following the refurbishmentof the hostel, and with work continuing in other parts of the building, the Instituteis a pleasant and comfortableplace to stay in. This is in no small measure due to the good work of Mr Houman Kordmahini. The Library is made available to visiting scholars, Iranian students and academics two days a week. Our Librarian,Mrs MahbanouAdle, is on hand to help readersand is in the process of convertingthe Librarycatalogue into computerisedform.
3
In April,MrPeterKnapton,Dr JohnCurtis,membersof BIPSCouncil,andDr VestaCurtisvisitedTehranand stayedat the Institute.On 18 AprilDr JohnCurtisgavethe firstBIPSlectureformanyyears,entitled"TheOrigins of AchaemenidArt",attendedby eightypeople.Thisis a mostencouragingdevelopmentfor the Instituteandone which was continuedin Septemberwith a lectureby ProfessorRobertHillenbrandon "TheFridayMosqueof Isfahan.A Masterpieceof IranianArchitecture". Mr Kordmahiniarrangedthe advertisingandpublicityfor both events. Ourthanksgo to Mr KordmahiniandMrsAdle for theirhardwork.Slowlybut surelyBIPS in Tehranis reestablishingitselfas an academiccentreandtheirwork,to a largeextent.has madeit possible. Finally,the Institutewouldliketo thankthe BritishAcademyforits on-goingfinancialsupport,theprovisionof office spaceandtechnicalassistancereceivedduringthe pastyear.Also, we thankthe ForeignandCommonwealth Office, who have continuedto provideadvice when needed, and in particularHis ExcellencyNick Browne, Ambassadorto Tehran.He has supportedBIPS in a numberof valuableways in the past year, in particular facilitatingIranianacademicsto visit the U.K. We also thankHis ExcellencyGholamrezaAnsari,who has performedsimilar duties for British academicsvisiting Iran. We look forwardto maintainingthese fruitful andexpandingthe workof the Institute,bothin Iranandin GreatBritain,in the future. relationships ROBERTHILLENBRAND Vice-President
ROBERTGLEAVE HonorarySecretary
4
OBITUARY DESMONDHARNEY 14 February 1929 - 10 December 2000 Desmond Hamey was a man of many parts. I first met him when we were assigned to study Persian together, in 1957, underProfessorLambtonat the School of Orientaland African Studies. We enjoyed working on a completely new language and culture,under Professor Lambton's eagle eye, Amir Heidari's enthusiastic encouragement and Roger Savory's clear instruction.Desmond came from a different stream in the Foreign Office from me and he was older, having worked for a period with ICI in the North East, after graduating from Durham with a first in Geology and Geography. During his national service with the R.A.F. he had travelledto Egypt and the subcontinent,and at Durham, where he had been Presidentof the Union, he was an active member of the ExplorationSociety. He had mapped glaciers in Iceland and recordedRoman remainsin Morocco. He was already quite a man of the world. I learnedthat he was the son of a LiberalM.P. (for South Shields) who had died soon after Desmond's birth in 1929, but I did not know that his father,born in Ireland,had lived in Australia from 1888 to 1903 where he had been a prominent Q.C. in Perth and a Senatorfor Melbourne in the First Federal Parliament.Nor that he had been a particular friend of Lloyd George. Desmond was one of these who could legitimately say, "My Fatherknew Lloyd George!"He was proud of his Australianroots, which he researched.He recently bought a small plot of land in Australia once owned by his father. Desmond had marriedJudy in 1954. She was a distant Irish relative of his father.When we all went out to the Tehran Embassy, Judy and Desmond and their lively daughters, Geraldine and Bridget, formed a very friendly family where it was a great pleasure for me, and others, to enjoy their hospitality.Richardarrivedat that time and I was honouredto be asked to be his godfather. During that first spell, when Desmond startedhis love affair with Iran,the Shah had been returnedto power but was proceeding carefully. In the relatively liberal climate Desmond met a wide spectrum of younger Iranians, including politicians, many of whom became lasting friends. He pursued his other interests by travelling. He followed in Freya Stark's footsteps with a mule trek to the remote Valley of the Assasins; he went on a tribal migrationwith the Bakhtiaris.Throughouthis careerhe would climb all the availablemountains,such as Damavand in Iran and Kilimanjaroin Tanzania,even an eruptingvolcano in the Rift Valley, often giving geology lesson to his companions in a howling gale on the way - sometimes just to Judy. On each occasion Desmond would take his camera. He was a brilliantphotographer,as some of us who received his Christmascards will remember.In fact he earned his pocket money throughouthis life by selling photographsof little visited places to commercial agencies. I hope that one day a book of his photographscan be published. After a tour at home Desmond was posted, in 1964, to Nairobi as First Secretaryin the High Commission, at a crucial and delicate period immediately after the independence. Under the inspired leadership of Malcolm
5
Macdonaldthepatternof thenew commonwealth in Africawas beingestablished.DesmondandJudy relationships werean attractive a lot.Theirenthusiasmfor youngcouplein a youngcountrywho keptopenhouseandentertained life was infectiousandtheymadeclose friendson bothsidesof the racialdivide.Muchof whatDesmonddidmay neverbe publiclyknown,but I am told thatit is difficultto overestimatethe importanceof the role he played,in supportof Macdonald,in contactswith PresidentKenyattaandpeoplelike CharlesNjonjoandTomMboyaand others,in bringingall sidestogetherat the birthof modemKenya.Sadlymanyof his friendslike Mboyaandlater othersin Iran,hadtheirlives cut shortby politicalevents.He receivedthe reward,unusualfora youngdiplomat,of a O.B.E.The family,of courseretainedtheiraffectionfor Kenya,whereGeraldineandRichardandtheirchildren now live, andwhereDesmondandJudylovedto visit. Afteranotherspell in London,Desmondwas sentback to Tehranin 1971 as FirstSecretaryin an important politicalliaisonrole,whenthe Shahwas at theheightof his power,runningeverythingbehindthe scenes.Desmond was ableto observethe Shah,includingthroughpersonalcontact,morecloselythanmanyothers.He didnotforesee the revolutionat thatstage,buthe knewthe Shah'sdefectsas well as his qualities,includingthe indecisionthatlay underthe proudexterior.Desmond'sexperience,balancedjudgementandhistoricalknowledgeof Iranianpolitics wereappreciated He hadworkedhardat Persianandbecameanaccomplishedspeaker, by successiveambassadors. at ease in that fine quite language. Then,at the age of 45, as his postingwas comingto an end in 1974,he took a boldjump,left the government serviceandjoinedMorganGrenfellas theirrepresentative in Iran.Thiswas mainlybecausehe andJudywantedto settledownforlongerin thecountrythattheyhadcometo knowandlove. He was recruitedby thedynamicMorgan Grenfellboss, SirJohnStevens,who diedsuddenlyjustbeforeDesmondturnedup forhis firstinterviewin London, butthe Bankhonouredthe commitmentandfor four-and-a-half yearsDesmondbecametheirmost successfulman on the spotin Tehran,usinghis top contactsjudiciously. It is oftenconsideredbadformfor a diplomatto retireandstayon in a countrywherehe served,but Desmond thetransitionsmoothlyand,typicallyof him,kepton goodtermswitheveryone.Thiswasparticularly accomplished truewhenhe was askedin addition,in 1976,to becomeChairman of the newly formedIrano-British Chamberof Commercein Tehran.He puta lot of energyintothis,helpedby CharlesAnsonandGeorgeMcBain,andit operated successfullyuntilthe revolution,bringingseniorIranianandBritishbusinessmentogether.It meantthatDesmond was a prominentfigurein Tehranin therun-upto therevolutionof 1979.In facthe brokehis leg skiingatthattime and used to hold courtto international journalistswith his leg in plaster,commentingknowledgeablyas events unfolded.Theyappreciated his help so muchthattheygave him a partinggift, a radio.Not a commonoccurrence! Desmond'sdiariesandreportsof thattimegave an unvarnished dayto dayaccountof one of the mostdramatic revolutionsin history.He toyedwiththe ideaof publicationformanyyears,but it was eventuallyIrajBagherzade of I.B. Tauriswho recognisedthatit was a uniquerecordby a well-informedobserver,andthe book,hardbackand the paperback, was publishedin 1998.It hada catchytitle ThePriestand theKing,an attractiveformat,andwas a compellingread.The familytold me thatthey will neverforgethow Desmondwhoopedwithjoy on seeingthe at Broadwater. Desmondwas prominenceof the firstgoodreview,readingit aloudoversherryin the conservatory also delightedthatan enterprising Iranianpublisheraskedhis permissionto producea Persianlanguageversion,no royaltiesof course.It appearedwiththe textvirtuallyunchanged,exceptfor a prefacepointingoutthathis was the accountof a Westernobserver.The book is now a contribution to history,whichis somethingthatwell-informed can sometimes achieve. diplomats In the bookDesmondhardlymentionedhis concernaboutJudyandBridget,who werewithhim, andonly got out of the country, with him, the day before Ayatollah Khomeini arrived, and everything erupted.Many of their possessions were lost. That was typical of Desmond's cool, and the sort of problem his family came to accept. Back in the U.K. Desmond worked for eight more years with MorganGrenfell,particularlyon Indianand Middle Easternprojects. It was a period of great expansion and profitabilityfor the bank. Desmond made himself useful to Bill MackworthYoung, Chief Executive, including promoting the city internationallythrough "BritishInvisibles"; he built up Morgan Grenfell's picture collection, and helped produce a history of the company. But in that competitive world he was not really at home, and other interestsbegan to take over. Those in the know continuedto seek his advice on Iran, in particular,he played a helpful role for several years in a team that advised Lambeth on
6
how best to deal with the kidnappingof TerryWaite.He was regularlyinvitedby the BBC PersianServiceto commentand takepartin panel discussions.His book reviewswere thoroughand illuminating.He enjoyedthe Garrick. His mainpreoccupation at thistimewas local governmentin London.He was electedchairmanof the Chelsea Conservative Association,andhadthreetermsas electedCouncillorforKensingtonandChelsea.Forsomeyearshe was Chairmanof the PlanningCommittee,which responsibilitieshe took seriously,and he endedwith a very successfulyearas Mayorof the Boroughwith all the ceremoniesthatpost entails.He was popularbecausehe was knownto workwell withall partiesandgroups.Desmondwas verymucha one-nationConservative andat the end of his life he becamecloselyinvolvedwiththe Conservation movementforEurope. In 1988Desmondhadbeenelectedto the Councilof the BritishInstituteof PersianStudies,andin 1995,to his that greatsatisfaction,he was invitedto takeoverfromMichaelRogersas President.It was anunusualappointment workedextremelywell. Underhis leadershipBIPS developeda good image and higherprofile,re-openingthe Libraryandactivitiesin the Institutebuildingin Tehranandenjoyinggood relationswith the BritishAcademyat home.Theacademiccommunityof thosein Britaininterestedin Persia'sgreathistoricalandculturalheritage,who hadbeendiscouragedovertheyearsby developmentsin Iran,includingvisa difficultiesandlackof funding,began to takenew heart.Desmondgot on well withIranianEmbassyofficials.His love for Iranwas clearlygenuineand his life. Desmondwas activeas head appreciated by allthemanyIranianswithwhomhe camein contactthroughout of BIPSrightup untilcruellystruckdownby his illnessearlyin 2000. Desmondwas both seriousand enthusiasticabouteverythinghe did, whetherit was his workor his hobbies, which latterlyincludedastronomy.But with all his responsibilitieshe was never stuffy,always approachable, to all. He inspiredtrustandgeneratedaffection.Therewas a largeand helpful,friendly,generousandwarmhearted variedattendanceat his MemorialServiceincludingmanyIranians,representatives of BIPS andothersconnected withIranianaffairs. Desmondcouldhavedonea lot withtenmoreyears,buthe achievedmuchin a richlydiverselife, forwhichwe mustall be grateful. NicholasBarrington
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THE INTERNATIONALMERVPROJECT PRELIMINARYREPORTON THE NINTH YEAR (2000) K. Kurbansakhatov, St JohnSimpson,et al. By GeorginaHerrmann, London and Ashgabat
INTRODUCTION by Georgina Herrmann
Theyear2000 wastheninthseasonof work,andthe final year of the third, three-year collaboration (1998-2000), by the InternationalMerv Project, a Turkmen-British archaeologicalcollaboration,agreed between the National Institute for the History of of the Cabinetof Ministers,University Turkmenistan CollegeLondonandtheBritishMuseum.Itwas alsothe last seasonto be directedby the currentUK directors, GeorginaHerrmannand St John Simpson,who have retiredto concentrate on publishingtheirresults.A new collaborationhas been agreedbetween the Turkmen authorities andUniversityCollegeLondon(UCL):work directedby TimWilliamswill continueat Merv. We are,as always,deeplygratefulto our Turkmen colleagues,withoutwhosesupportandinterestit would be impossibleto operate.We would like to thankthe DeputyMinisterof Culture,G. Vasova,and Drs. M. Mamedovand Ruslan Muradovof the Ministryof Culture,with whom we have enjoyed collaborating. of a Theywereresponsibleformuchof theorganisation successful UNESCO Global highly StrategyMeeting, whichtook place in AshgabatandMervin May.This was the first opportunityfor scholars from all the CentralAsianStatesto meetsinceindependence, andit led to a fruitfuldiscussionof commonproblemsandthe of a list of suitablesitesto beginningof the preparation be proposedfornominationto the WorldHeritageList. Thelastthreedaysof the meetingwerespenttravelling to andvisitingthe city sitesof Merv,withtheparticular aimof seeingtheproblemsof conservation affectingso of Central Asia's many magnificent sites and monuments.Seeing the problem at first-handand recognisingthe efforts made on the groundby the Directorof the ArchaeologicalPark,RejebDzaparov, UNESCO'sdynamicrepresentative, JunkoTaniguchi, was able to apply for emergency funding from UNESCOto initiatea trainingprogrammeat Merv, scheduledto beginin January2001. 9
is a Like all the CentralAsianStates,Turkmenistan and it was young country, beset with problems, gratifyingthatthe Presidenthimselfwas the Patronof a conferencein Octoberorganisedby ProfessorV.M. Masson, 'The Cultural Heritage of Turkmenistan (Remoteoriginsandpresentperspective)'.Duringthis occasion the Presidentmade ProfessorMasson an in recognitionof his HonoraryCitizenof Turkmenistan services to the archaeology of his country and proceededto set up a new Institutefor the Cultural History of Central Asia. Professor Masson was appointed to lead the international Academic Committee.Both the conferenceand the new Institute are welcome indicationsof the President'sinterestin richculturalheritage. Turkmenistan's of The conferencewas attendedby representatives the differentstates:six membersof the International Merv Projectattendedand presentedpaperson their work, PierreBrun, GeorginaHerrmann,Kakamurad Kurbansakhatov, Gabriele Puschnigg, Natasha SmirnovaandVladimirZavyalov.Wewereparticularly pleased that Professor Zamira Usmanova was in Ashgabatand that she was able to returnwith us to Merv.She beganwork at Mervunderthe directionof AcademicianM.E.Massonin the 1950sandcontinued workingthereuntilthe 1990s.She loves the site andis a fountof knowledgeandstories,livingarchaeology.It was a rarehonourto be able to walk overthe walls of Erk Kala with her, and we are delighted that publicationof some of her work will appearin Merv Excavation Report 1, A Late Sasanian House in Erk
Kala, edited by St J. Simpsonand scheduledto be completedin 2001. ThegreatM.E.Masson,the fatherof archaeologyin said thattherewas work at Merv for a Turkmenistan, lifetime this could accuratelybe emendedto many lifetimes,for Mervis a very largeand complexurban site. Fromthatperspectivenine years is a shorttime. However,duringthese nine years a mass of data of many types has been accumulated and requires processing, assimilating and publishing. We are
10
JOURNAL OF PERSIAN STUDIES
particularlygratefulto our Turkmencolleagues,who have made availableto us much unpublishedarchive materialon earlierworkat Mervby the YuTAKE.This has been copied and returned,and some will be in ourongoingseriesof publications. incorporated
Acknowledgments
Fundingfor thisninthfield seasonwas providedby grantsreceivedfromtheMaxvanBerchemFoundation, Museum Geneva,theBritishMuseum,theMetropolitan of Art, New York,and the CharlotteBonhamCarter Charitable Trust.Sincemanyaspectsof the projecthad to be concluded,an exceptionallylargeteam came to Merv,causingan overspendof ourbudget,which has hadto be coveredfromreserves.Thefocusnow moves on to post-excavation work and preparationfor publication.This is currentlybeing fundedby grants from the Arts and HumanitiesResearchBoard, the BritishInstituteof PersianStudies,theBritishAcademy and the Max van Berchem Foundation,and new areunderway. Wearedeeplyindebtedto all applications oursponsorsfortheirgeneroussupport. We shouldlike to thankLeicaGeosystemsfor their loanof threestate-of-the-art GPS System500 receivers and SKI-PROfree of charge,whichmadepossiblethe renewal of our topographicprogramme,stalled for someyears.Workin the fieldwas facilitatedby the loan of radios by the Museum of London Archaeology Service (MoLAS). Essentiallogistic supportfor this was providedby Marek complexpartof theprogramme Ziebart, School of Surveying, University of East London,who set up the equipmentfor our surveyor, Peter Dare, to collect as he travelled from New Brunswickto Merv. We are, as always, very gratefulto the Archaeological Park "AncientMerv"for permissionto use theirexcellentaccommodation. With the pressuresof thisbeingour(Herrmann's andSimpson's)finalseason, we necessarilyhad a large team and many visitors. Theseoverspilledfromourexpeditionhouseandhadto occupy the Park's offices, thus making the Park staff homeless. I should like to thankthe ParkDirector,Rejeb Dzaparov for his support, interest and enthusiasm throughthe years. Once again, he generously allowed us the services of his architect, Rejeb Akmedov, whose contributionto the Project has been of immense value.
His skill in planningis outstanding,and he is always cheerfulandenthusiastic. Of all ourmanyfriendsandcolleaguesat Merv,it is AkmohammedAnnaevto whom we owe the greatest debtof gratitude. Hisknowledgebothof thecity-sitesof Mervandof the monumentsin andaroundthe site and theoasisandthe countryis awesome:addto throughout this his understanding of local buildingmaterialsand techniques,of the local flora and fauna,and of local history.Two of ourprogrammescouldnot have taken placewithouthim. Firstandforemost,the Monuments no one else knew wherethe monuments programme: werelocated. Akmohammed loves beinga conjuror,likingto pull a rabbitoutof a hatandofferinga pleasantsurprise.So - at the end of our 1997 season he took us to the magnificentMausoleaof GeokGumbazin the desertto thenorth-westof theoasis;in 1998he produceda fourth of icehouse;andlastyear,he foundus the caravanserai ShaimKala to the east, while at the very end of this season,notonlydidhe findJensKr6gera cacheof superb stuccofromneartheMausoleum of SultanSanjar, nowin a privatecollection,buthe alsotoldus thatDandsnqin, the site of a significantbattle,hadnotbeendrownedby as was thought,butwas stillaboveground. thereservoir, it was too late- thatyear- to fit in a Unfortunately, visit- butit is a temptingprospect. We shouldlike warmlyto thankall our Turkmen friendsandcolleagues,archaeologists, membersof the wonderful our house team and all the workHakimlik, menwho enlivenourdays. The whole Project was and remains totally throughdependenton the dedicatedworkundertaken outthe yearby ourexceptionallyefficientTurkmencoKurbansakhatov. He solves every director,Kakamurad the essential from bureaucracyof any problem, expedition,to organisingthe house and its team, the workmen,the vehiclesand equipment,not to mention arrangingfor all our water to be lorriedup from Ashgabat- this yearsome 6,000 bottlesof tap water fromAshgabat,carefullyfilled by his son Serdar,for ourteaandcoffee,as well as 2,000bottlesof carbonated water.He andhis hospitablewife Sonyaprovideus with breakfastbeforedawnon arrivalandwaveus off at the endof the season.He solveseveryproblemwithcharm andcalm.Wepersonallyowe him an immensedebtof gratitude,andthankhim for his friendshipandsupport throughthe years.
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11
Our aim, nine years ago, was the mappingand reassessment of ErkandGyaurKalaand archaeological the recordingof the standingmonuments(Herrmann, et al. 1993, 39). In 1995 we Masson,Kurbansakhatov extendedour area of interestto includeSultanKala, startingthe excavationof a smallpalatialstructurein ShahryarArkwith the aim of definingthe post-Seljuk occupationhistoryof the medievalcitadel(Herrmann, Kurbansakhatov, Simpsonet al. 1996, 4, 17-19). The Pierre Brun joined the team and, following year with Annaev, expanded our horizons yet working further,for he is a militaryhistorianand realisedthe offeredby exceptional,althoughdauntingopportunities the 12 km. circuitof the medievalwalls (Herrmann, Kurbansakhatov, Simpsonet al. 1997,20-22). In 2000 he beganworkon recordingthe post-medieval walls of AbdullahKhanKala.Thistypeof worktakesmaximum advantageof the unusualurbandevelopmentof Merv, for these walls have been left essentiallyunchanged sincetheirabandonment. in friable Althoughconstructed their sheer scale means that a vast of amount mudbrick, information hassurvived.Hisworkin thetwo citieswill revolutionise ourunderstanding of militaryfortifications overa periodof somefive hundredyears. Fromthe outset,VladimirZavyalovof the Institute of the Historyof MaterialCulture,St. Petersburg, had beenurgingthatwe cleanthe greatsectionthroughthe south-westcomer of the Seleucid-Sasanian walls of GyaurKala, MGK6. He had to be patient for our excavationof the Middle Sasanianresidentialarea, MGK5,had to approachcompletionbeforewe could initiate anotherprogramme.A short, 17 day trial excavation was undertaken in 1997 (Herrmann, Kurbansakhatov, Simpsonet al. 1998,64-67). In 1998 and 1999halfthe seasonwas spentworkingon MGK5 and the otherhalf on the walls (Herrmann,Kurbansakhatov,Simpsonet al. 1999 15-16; 2000, 12-14). Theexcavationof MGK5 was completedin 1999,and the trenchbackfilled,freeingus to concentrateon this outstandingseries of fortificationsfor the season -
While refiningthe historyof the long sequenceof of Mervwill perhapsremainthe most the fortifications resultof the nineyearsof the MervProject, spectacular the unusuallayoutof the city-sitesof Mervalso offers opportunitiesto recover somethingof the different urban layouts of the three cities. If our renewed in 2000, see below, undertaken programme topographic indeed proves to be successful, then it should be possibleto recordmuchof the urbanlayoutespecially of SultanKala, althoughagain this will need further workin the field. Much important new information has been recoveredon manydifferentaspectsof the archaeology, such as the ceramics,figurines,and metallurgicaland studies.Statisticalmethodsare employenvironmental ed for chronologicalandspatialanalysesandto deepen our understandingof site formationprocesses and residuality.Initial assessment of the ceramics and palaeo-economicdatahas yieldedfirstresultsandwill be continuedusing a varietyof differentapproaches. The largenumberof excavatedfigurineswill provide thebasisfora chronologicalandstylisticevaluationand will help to re-assessthe rich collectionof figurines found during the field seasons of the YuTAKE. Examinationof the furnacesite, MGK4, has already contributedsignificantlyto our knowledge of steel productionat Merv:Ann Feuerbachis continuingher studieson thisaspectof the Projectas partof herPh.D. Morethana thousandcoinshavebeenrecoveredby the Projectfromthe surfaceandfromourexcavations. We are indebted to AlexanderNikitin and Sergei Loginov,who cleaned and identifiedthe coins from 1992-95, and to NatashaSmirnova,who has not only attendedeveryseasonbutfrom1996-2000tookon the task of cleaningand identifyingthe pre-Islamiccoins. We cannotimaginewhatwe wouldhave donewithout her.Therangeof coins foundwithincontextsorphases providesgood evidencefor the probableperiodof use, althoughcarehasto be takenwhenthereis onlya single coin. We shouldlike to thankall ourteammembers,who havemadeworkatMewrpossiblethroughtheyears.We
work indeed continued to the last day. The results are spectacular, see below, and extend our history of fortifications,to over fifteen hundredyears. Zavyalov's contributionto the project through the nine years has been outstanding. No one could wish for a better archaeologist, Central Asian specialist and friend to form part of a team. We thank him warmly.
are particularly grateful to those members who have taken charge of an aspect of the project, such as Pierre Brun (medieval walls), GabrielePuschnigg (pre-Islamic ceramics), David Gilbert (Islamic ceramics), David Tuckerand Bettina Stoll-Tucker(surface artefactsurvey of Gyaur Kala), our environmentalists, Ian Smith, Sheila Boardman and Rowena Gale, our excellent
Aims and Objectives
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JOURNAL OF PERSIAN STUDIES
illustrators, especiallyFaithPewtresswho has donated herholidayfor the last five yearsto be withus, andall the otherswho have given of theirtime and expertise, dedicateddiggersandotherspecialists. Finally to the Monumentsprogramme:this was who undertaken atthe insistenceof RobertHillenbrand, sawtheirconditionwhenin 1991he travelledroundthe Mervoasis with GalinaPugachenkova. Recordingthe buildingshas been a majorProjectcommitmentduring the nine years, involving detailedphotographyand planning.Field work was completedthis year, when Robert Hillenbrand,who kindly agreed to take on publicationof the mosquesand mausoleadespitehis many commitmentselsewhere,visited Merv for the thirdtime. The volumeon the traditional buildings(Herrmann it in and became evidentthatone 1999, 1999)appeared of the primarypurposesof the monumentsprogramme is difficultto achieve in such a publication.Only a selectionof the photographic archivecanbe published, not the completeset, andthe resultantselectionis not way.There alwaysarrangedin the most"user-friendly" are,of course,relativelyfew scholarsrequiringaccess to the completearchive,but, as the buildingsbecome better known, these numbers may increase. the full archiveis essentialformonitoring Furthermore, the buildingsandwill requireto be constantlyupdated. To store the archive in a single institutionrestricts access- to offercopiesof all photographs andplansto in Europe theTurkmen of Culture and archives Ministry and America is impracticable.However, modem technologymay providean answer:a selectionof the black and white photographsand colour slides is currentlybeing scanned and will be available on CDROM,or whateversystem replacesit, as well as being storedin the YorkArchaeologicalData Service. Scanningmay also be the best methodof storingthe monumental archive of plans, drawings and of the workof the YuTAKEat Mervfrom photographs the 1950s, some of which will be used in our whileotherswill be available forthcoming publications, for ongoingstudy. TheSeljuqstuccoesbelongto boththeexcavationand We wouldliketo thankDr. the monuments programme. Jens Kriger for documentingthe stuccoesfrom our excavation,as well as those from the Mausoleumof SultanSanjarandthoserevealedby clearinga roominthe will "Lunina house"(Figs.40-43). Thelatterinparticular reveala new chapterin Merv'sartisticheritage.
Publication
Two series are planned,one on the cities and the excavations,the otheron the standingbuildings.Three reportson thecitiesandexcavationswill be dedicatedto GyaurKala and will be editedby St John Simpson: these are Late Sasanian Remains in Erk Kala (2002), A Sasanian Residential Quarterin GyaurKala (2004) and Urban Development and Industry in Gyaur Kala (2005); and one will be dedicatedto The Mediaeval city
of SultanKala, editedby GeorginaHerrmann(2004). Two furthervolumes are planned on the standing
buildings, one covering the Monumentsof a Silk Road Oasis: Mosques and Shrines of Medieval Merv and the other dedicated to The Mausoleum of Sultan Sanjar at
Merv,bothby RobertHillenbrand. The 2000 Season
The season actually began in July 2000, when AnnaevandKurbanAgajanovdirected Akmohammad a smallandexperiencedteamof workmenfor45 days. They cleaned sections through the north wall of AbdullahKhanKala,the southwall of SultanKala,and the walls of the northernand southernsuburbsthus greatlyexpeditingworkon themediaevalfortifications. Themainteamarrivedin Mervon September3 andwas entitledto carryoutmulti-disciplinary investigationsof the city-sites of Ancient Merv until October25, by PermitNo. 0006 of September1, 2000, signedby the Deputy Minister of Culture of Turkmenistan,G. Vasova,andissuedto Dr.Kurbansakhatov. Thethreeexcavationprojectscontinuedworkbegun in previousseasons. 1. thewallsof GyaurKala,MGK6. 2. the palatialbuilding in the medieval citadel, Ark,MSK 1. Shahryar 3. thewallsof SultanKalaandAbdullahKhanKala. Excavationsin GyaurKalaand ShahryarArkwere directedby St John Simpson(BritishMuseum).The team workingon the GyaurKala walls consistedof VladimirZavyalov (Institutefor the History of Material Culture, St. Petersburg), Natasha Smimova (Pushkin Museum, Moscow), David Thomas, Andrew Ginns and Sofie Debruyne (University of Ghent, Belgium), while those working in Shahryar Ark included Barbara Cerasettiand Elena Leoni (University of Bologna) and Dan Hull (School of Oriental and African Studies,
THE INTERNATIONAL MERV PROJECT PRELIMINARY REPORT ON THE NINTH YEAR (2000)
London).Workmenwereemployedon bothsites,up to 15 fromthe Mervkolkhozon the GyaurKalawalls and 7 on MSK 1. Tractors werehiredto removedebrisatthe base of the Gyaur Kala walls and to help with backfillingatthe endof the season.Workon the Sultan Kala and AbdullahKhanKala walls was directedby PierreBrunand AkmohammadAnnaevwith Kurban Agajanovand8 workmen. In the house the pre-Islamic ceramics were processedby GabrielePuschnigg(UCL),while David Gilbert(UCL)recordedthe Islamicceramics.Natasha Smimova (Pushkin Museum) catalogued the preIslamiccoins foundin the 2000 season,in additionto studying those from previous seasons. Archaeobotanicalwork was undertakenduringthe final two weeksof the seasonby SheilaBoardman(Universityof Sheffield).FaithPewtress(MoLAS)drewthe ceramics andsmallfinds.PippaPearce(BritishMuseum)cleaned the coins and conservedthe small finds. Anamurad Orazov(Ministryof Culture)drew the stuccoes and David Gilbertundertookthe photographyof the finds. Kathy Judelson participated in a number of programmes,in additionto her invaluableliaisonand translation work. Teammembersvisitingfor shorterperiodsincluded ProfessorPeterDare (Universityof New Brunswick), who directedthe topographicprogramme;Professor Robert Hillenbrand(EdinburghUniversity),accompaniedby DavidGye andIainCheyne,who continued his workon themonumentsandfulfilledanambitionby and Dr. Jens visiting Dehistan-Mashhad-i-Misriyan; Islamische fiir (Museum Kunst, Berlin),who Kr6ger recordedthe stuccoes.The seasonwas broughtto an end by the visits of ProfessorJames Allan of the AshmoleanMuseum,Oxford,andDr.TimWilliamsof English Heritage. Professor Allan was particularly interestedin the steelfurnaceareaof the site,examined the Islamic ceramics and metalwork and visited monumentsin the northand south of the oasis. Dr. Williams was able to participatein the Ashgabat conference,meet the archaeologicalcommunity,visit the NationalMuseumandwalkoverthe site. Finally we were delighted to welcome H.E. the British Ambassador,FraserWilson, and his wife, Janet. We should like to thankhim warmly for all his interest and active supportover a range of problems during his years in Turkmenistan.We are extremely grateful to him for agreeing to be the Patron of our Fundraising Committee with Iain Cheyne and David Gye.
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THETOPOGRAPHIC PROGRAMME by Peter Dare
A mappingprogrammeusing satelliteimageryand GlobalPositioningsystemshad been initiatedby the et al., 1994, Kurbansakhatov I.M.P.in 1993(Herrmann, 55-56) and continuedin 1995 and 1996 (Herrmann, Kurbansakhatov& Simpson 1996, 2-3, 20-22; & Simpson1997, 19-20). Kurbansakhatov Herrmann, this However, programme did not prove to be successful,perhapsbecausethe technologywas new andrelativelyuntried.Intheintervening years,therehas been considerableprogress with the resolution of availablesatelliteimageryimprovingfromthe 10 m. of SPOTimagesto the 1 m. resolutionof Ikonospanchromaticremotesensingdata. Thanksto the initiativeof MarekZiebart(then,the School of Surveying,the Universityof East London, now of UCL),it was decidedto resuscitatethisaspectof the projectandto commissionan Ikonosimageof the cities. Such an image requiresa network of high accuracycontrolpoints to enable it to be rectified. These points eitherneed to surviveindefinitelyor it Pointswere mustbe possibleforthemto be re-instated. also neededto enablethe excellentSovietoverlapping of GyaurKalaandSultanKala,takenin airphotographs and subsequentlydigitised to be rectified to 1977, detailed coverageof the cities. All necessary provide established were duringthe week of September points 24-29, using Leica GPS System 500 geodetic GPS receivers,lent by Leica Geosystems.The pointswere and drawnby Faith fully recordedphotographically Pewtress. Sincethereis no Ikonosarchiveimageof the Merv oasis, the image will be takenin March2001, a time selectedafterlocal consultationwhen cloud,haze and vegetation cover should be minimal. The rectified Ikonosimageshouldbe readyin April2001 andshould formthe base for mappingthe city sites accurately.It will be of fundamental importanceboth for the project to aid and for the Ministryof Cultureof Turkmenistan of thisUNESCOWorldHeritageSite. theirmanagement Four main tasks were accomplished: 1. Control for link to internationalnetwork 2. Control for futureIkonos imagery 3. Coordinationof points on existing aerial photography 4. Coordinationof points over the site for purposes such as the provision of reliable heights
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surfaceobservation.The photographicrecordconsists of a Sovietnear-vertical airphotograph, takenin 1977 and suppliedby the Turkmenauthorities,and oblique IMPhelicopterviews of 1992and1993.In 1996Barrett and Doyle undertooka GPS survey of the citadel Simpson et al. 1997, (Herrmann,Kurbansakhatov, Additional information was gatheredduringthe 20-22). winter of 1999/2000, when walls of sub-surface buildingsformdarkerlines on the surface. However, when the GPS survey, the 1977 air photograph and the Annaev/Akmedovplan were Control for future Ikonos imagery required the scannedandoverlaidin August2000, it becameevident coordinationof points that it is anticipatedwould be that there were discrepanciesbetween the three: a with plans clearlyvisiblein the Ikonosimage.Althoughonly five limited programmeof "ground-truthing", points were needed, each point was doubledup to and photographsin hand,was undertakenby Gilbert, providea choiceof points. Akmedov,Judelsonand Herrmann,and the resulting Coordination of points on existing aerial photoplandrawnby Akmedov.Furtherworkwill be required four on each of 2000/2001 and to incorporatethe winter-planning graphsrequired points overlap. Coordination of points over the site for specific from the Ikonos corrections image beforethe revised purposes was carried out to fulfil the specific plancanbe published. The Mausoleumof SultanSanjaronce formedpart requirementsof individualarchaeologistsworkingon the site. Thus Temporary Bench Marks were of a largecomplexof religiousbuildings,set withina coordinatedto establishreliable heights, and points spaciouscourtyard,with a large minaretoutsidethe withinspecificdigs werealso coordinated. courtyardwalls to the north-eastin typical Central FutureWork:Preliminary coordination of all points Asian style. Again using the 1977 air photograph, was carried out on site using Leica commercial groundobservationsand measurements,Akhmedov, software.However,the final computationcannottake Herrmann andJudelsonplannedexcavatedstructures in placeuntilthe IGSdatais availableon the internet.The the vicinity of Sultan Sanjar,the outlines of the link of the local networkto the international network courtyard (240 m. square)andtheminaret:theplanwill will be computedusing the scientificGPS softwareof be published in Hillenbrand's forthcoming The theDepartment of GeodesyandGeomaticsEngineering Mausoleum of Sultan Sanjar at theUniversityof New Brunswick.Thelocalnetwork will then be recomputedusing Leica's commercial softwarebaseduponthe international FORTIFICATIONS THE SELEUCID-SASANIAN coordinatesof the earth in Kala anchors. Excavations 6, by Vladimir permanent Gyaur The international and St John coordinatesof the Ikonoscontrol Simpson Zavyalov points will be providedto Space Imagingwho will Excavations were resumed in this trench on providean orthorectified imageof the entireMervsite. This will thenformthe basemapfor the Mervproject. September5 and completed on October 18. The Theaerialphotography canbe usedto traceoutfeatures principalaimsof thisfinalseasonwereto: visibleon the photographs. 1. complete a section through the HellenisticSasaniandefences; Controls to link to the international network
requiredthe provisionof fourpermanentearthanchors outsidethe immediateareaof interestplus one close to the expedition house. To increase the chances of permanency, decoyearthanchorswereestablishednear the earthanchorsof actualinterest.Two of the points (on oppositesides of the network)had observations carriedoutovera six-hourperiodto improvethe linkto the international network.Thislinkwill be computedat a laterdatewhenthe requireddatais madeavailableon the internetby the International GPS Service(IGS).
A limitedprogramme ofground-truthing, by Georgina Herrmann Much of the original layout of the walled medieval citadel, Shahryar Ark, can be recovered from a combinationof aerialphotographsand surface and sub-
2. complete a plan of the adjacentcomer bastion; 3. link these two operationsby excavating in plan to confirm details of constructionand date. These aims were achieved, with some spectacular additionalfindings. These are outlinedbelow in orderof the constructionof the defences, commencing with the Hellenistic wall.
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First Wall: The base of this wall was reached, indicating a full height of 10.10 m. from the foot to the top of the plasteredcrenellationsdiscovered last season. The width of the wall at the bottom is 6 m., narrowing to 1.5 m. at the top. The lower part of the wall was constructedon a clayey foundation,on which was piled a linear mass of rubble encased by brickworkalong the outer face andpakhsa on the inner;above this, the wall was constructed of mudbrick (Fig. 1). At a height of 5.25 m. above the base of the wall, a wallwalk was constructed along the inner face of a row of vaulted east-facing chambers that opened onto the wallwalk. This wallwalk measured 0.90 m. across and was followed in plan for a length of 4 m. These vaults in turn
REPORT ON THE NINTH YEAR (2000)
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supportedan upper wallwalk, reached last season; this measured 1.10 m. across and ran behind a high, plastered mudbrick crenellated breastwork standing to its original full height of 1.75 m. (Fig. 2). The date of this first wall is certainas it corresponds to that described by classical writers as being founded by Antiochus I (co-regent 293-281 BC). This form of multi-storey wall is known from Asia Minor, specifically Perge and Side, where they are built of stone (McNicoll 1997). This discovery at Merv is unique in two respects, firstly because it is constructed of mudbrickand secondly because it is the first occasion on which this form has been recognised in CentralAsia. It underlines the extent to which Hellenistic building
Fig. 1. Merv Gyaur Kala, MGK6: view to the south of the excavated section through the city wall. The lower scale rests against the rubble core of the First Wall, the middle scale stands on the floor of the lower wallwalk with the second phase parapet and pakhsa infilling behind, and the upper scale stands on the floor of the upper wallwalk (first phase) of the First Wall.
Fig. 2. Merv Gyaur Kala, MGK6: view to the west of the First Wall,showing the lower wallwalk vaulting with the second phase parapet wall and thirdphase infilling of the vaults, with the original crenellated breastwork and upper wallwalk above.
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principles were adopted across the region, not only for civic works - as demonstratedat Ai Khanum- but also for military architecture. This wall was remodelled within the Hellenistic period. There are two phases of alteration,the first dated by a bronze coin of Diodotus II (250-230 BC) found buried deep within an infilling phase during which a thick platformwas addedto the innerface of the wall up to the level of the lower wallwalk. A low green plasteredparapetwall was also added along the outside of this wallwalk, which was itself replastered(Fig. 3). A considerable quantity of diagnostic pottery, including burnished greyware sherds, 'fishplate' rims and socalled 'Yaz III' types, was recovered from within these
STUDIES
contexts confirming a Hellenistic date for types that have been loosely attributed to the Achaemenid or Hellenistic periods: as such, this assemblage thus provides a benchmark for recognising and dating 3rd centurypotteryfrom survey or excavationin this region. During a subsequentphase, the lower wallwalk was abandoned and infilled, along with the chambers. The top of this infilling was plastered, creating a wider wallwalk, now 2.20 m. across, at the uppermostlevel. A large number of sundried clay slingshot - no longer needed by the defenders - were found deliberately incorporatedinto this plaster (Fig. 4). Second Wall:At a later date, most probably in the early Parthianperiod, the Hellenistic wall was finally
Fig. 3. Merv Gyaur Kala, MGK6: view to the north-west of the First Wall,showing the phase one lower wallwalk vaulting, phase two parapet wall in front and unexcavated thirdphase filling of the vaults.
Fig. 4. Merv Gyaur Kala, MGK6: deposit of sundried clay slingshot within the third phase plastering of the upper wallwalk of the First Wall.
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replaced by a second, more solid and massive construction, 3 m. across. This was constructed of mudbrick on two pakhsa rises, subdivided by a course of mudbricksand set on a 1.30 m. high rubblebed (Fig. 1: right). The wall itself measuredat least 10.40 m. high but the top was later destroyed. It possibly relied on a single wide wallwalk behind a breastwork on the top and thereforemust originallyhave been at least 12 m. in height. This form of defensive wall is similarto that for the latest phase of the first wall, and is familiar from other Central Asian sites. Its builders gave it added strength by simultaneously infilling with brick the uppermostwallwalk of the FirstWall, thus giving a total width of up to 10.50 m. for the Second Wall. Many of
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the bricks had deliberatemakers' marks executed with one or more fingers; one unique mudbrickwas incised with seven letters. Third Wall: The third wall was constructed immediately in front of the Second Wall and contained two or more superimposed galleries (Fig. 5). The full original height is unknown as it was cut by later construction.This wall was constructedon a high solid base of pakhsa with 14 courses of mudbrickat the top. The lower gallery measured2.30 m. across and 2.60 m. high and was roofed with a vault. The excavation proved that there was no direct access to the adjacent bastion from this level as there was an original crosswall blocking the end of the gallery at a distanceof 2.20
Fig. 5. Merv Gyaur Kala, MGK6: general view to the southwest of the excavated section and corner bastion.
Fig. 6. Merv Gyaur Kala, MGK6.:view to the south of the upper part of the Third Wall. The lower scale stands on the original floor of the lower gallery beside an angled arrowslit and against the end-wall of the gallery, the middle scale stands on the original floor of the upper gallery and rests against a later Sasanian cross-wall with a doorway into the corner bastion behind.
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m. fromthe excavatedsection(Fig. 6). At a distanceof 0.90 m. from this cross-wallwas a tall, rectangular, taperedarrow-slit,measuringat least0.80 m. high and 0.30m. acrosssplayingoutwards to 0.38m.,angleddownwardsupto 30 degreesto commanda postemthroughthe
situateddirectlyoppositea pairof archer'sslits(Fig.8). This wall is Parthianin date, and two coppercoins attributed to the 1st and2nd centuriesAD were found withinthebondingof thebrickwallof thelowergallery. At a laterdate,the lower gallerywas deliberately infilled with laminated sandy deposits containing proteichisma outside (Fig. 7). The upper gallery was wider than the lower gallery and had five angled occasional mudbricks(complete and fragmentary). arrowslitspreservedon the outer face (Fig. 8); a Duringtheprocessof refilling,thesecondaryremainsof doorway(Fig. 9) led fromthis galleryonto a plastered four human individuals, consisting of crania and wallwalk running along the rear of the wall and disarticulated long bones, were carefullyinterredand an presumablyaroundto entrance(or entrances)along partly nestled within or placed on mudbricks(Figs. the backof the bastionitself.Otherfeaturesincludeda endsof theboneshadclearlybeen 10-12). Thearticular smallplasterednicheon the interiorfaceof thisgallery, damagedin antiquity: thisresemblesa depositof human
Fig. 7. Merv Gyaur Kala, MGK6: view to the west of the Third Wall. The horizontal scale rests on the original floor of the lower gallery beside an angled arrowslit that overlooks a postern in the contemporary Parthian proteichisma beyond, thefigure stands on a plastered external walkway next to this postern.
Fig. 8. Merv Gyaur Kala, MGK6: view to the northfrom the bastion of the original floor of the upper gallery of the Third Wall,with the bays and arrowslits to the left and the niche and doorway to the right.
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Fig. 9. Merv Gyaur Kala, MGK6: view of the doorway leading from the upper gallery of the Third Wall onto a wallwalk behind.
Fig. 10. Merv Gyaur Kala, MGK6: sectioned infilling of the lower gallery of the Third Wallwith a human cranium in situ at a height of Im above thefloor.
Fig. 11.
Fig. 12.
Figs. 11-12. Merv Gyaur Kala, MGK6: details of disarticulated human remains belonging to Zoroastrian burials placed during Sasanian infilling of the lower gallery of the Third Wall.
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and animallong bones discoveredlast year inside a bermconstructedin the samephaseagainstthe outside of the lower level arrowslitsof this thirdwall. These remainsrepresentZoroastrian burialpracticewhereby the excavatedremainsexposedto dogsandcarrionwere collectedandre-interredin a secludedplace.This is a rare discoveryof such practiceand recalls a similar Sasanian repository discovered at Shahr-i Qumis (Hansmanand Stronach1970).The uppermostpartof the deliberateinfilling of this gallery consisted of mudbricks. Theuppergallerycontinuedto be usedin thisphase before the slits were blockedwith the additionof an innerwall supportinga low vault.Thedoorto the inner wallwalkwas also blockedin this phaseby a second
wall supportingthe returnof this vault. The upper gallerynow functionedas a roomorpassageratherthan an archer'sgalleryand was characterised by a deeper sequenceof plasteredfloors,someburningon thewalls and sootingof the top of an archof a restrictednew doorwaythatled directlyintothe bastion(Fig. 6: top). The dateof thisphaseis presumablyearlySasanian. The infillingof thisgallerymarksthebeginningof a new phasedatedto the 4th centuryby findswithinthe infilling,namelyseveralcoins of ShapurII (309-379) and potterysimilarto MiddleSasanianmaterialfrom our completedexcavationsof part of a residential quarterin MGK5. The actualdefensivewall of this phase either ran above this former gallery or was constructedimmediatelyto the west (cf. Fig. 6: top
Fig. 13. Merv Gyaur Kala, MGK6: general view of the excavated exteriorfacade of the corner bastion and the Batmanov cut through the walls on the left.
Fig. 14. Merv Gyaur Kala, MGK6: view to the west from the top of the bastion of the curving Third Wallproteichisma to the right and the line of Batmanov's irrigation ditch, part sectioned with two machine cuts, at the top.
THE INTERNATIONAL
MERV PROJECT PRELIMINARY
right). In either case, unfortunately,the evidence has been destroyedby earlierexcavations and latercollapse. Greaterevidence for Sasanian defensive construction comes from excavations of the southernwall on the opposite junction of the comer bastion and the bastion itself. The plan of the original Seleucid bastion is uncertainbut certainlyby the time of the third(Parthian) wall this had a semi-circularexteriorplan (Fig. 13). The bastion has a similarly complex sequence of rebuildsto the adjacent walls and appears to have always had an open plastered wallwalk along the rear (interior) face. Two evaluationtrencheswere excavated by machine on section lines near the foot of the bastion. These revealed an infilled irrigation ditch that corresponds to that interpreted in earlier YuTAKE excavations as the
REPORT ON THE NINTH YEAR (2000)
21
remains of a Parthianwater canal but which can now be reattributedto the cut made at the turnof the last century by the Russian water engineer Batmanov (Fig. 14). The corner bastion: A detailed plan of the bastion was completed after scrapingand articulatingthe multiphase brickwork. An unexpected find during this operationwas a late Hellenistic or early Parthianperiod fired clay column capital element that had apparently been discovered by chance nearby and redeposited on the summit by Soviet surveyors during their construction of a trigonometry survey point as the upturnedcapital lay directly above a concealed cement marker.This is a unique find for Merv as deposits of this period are buriedratherdeep across most of the site but it must once have belonged to an important2nd century
Fig. 15.
Fig. 16. Figs. 15-16. Merv Gyaur Kala, MGK6:. blocked (partially excavated) and unblocked slits and arrowslits and the sloping plastered glacis, with the top of the slits truncated by later reconstruction.
22
JOURNAL OF PERSIAN STUDIES
BC building,perhapslocated a short distanceaway historyandarchaeologyof GyaurKalafromHellenistic insidethe city walls. to EarlyIslamictimes. Excavationalongthe face of the bastionrevealeda full series of plasteredangled arrowslitsand narrow vertical slits - also plastered- thatmight have served THEPRE-ISLAMICPOTTERY as lightor ventilationloopholesfor the galleriesinside. by GabrielePuschnigg The absoluteelevationof the arrowslitsapproximately to theprojectedheightof theparapetortop MervProject Inthenineseasonsof theInternational corresponds level of the third(Parthian)wall, suggestingthatthis a substantialcorpusof potteryhas beenretrievedfrom may representthe top of a three-storeybastion,the mainly Sasanianoccupationlayers contributingnot lowerpartsof which were blockedand infilledduring only to the knowledgeof the utilitarianwares of this laterremodellings(Figs. 15-16). The exteriorface was period,but also to the understanding of site formation focused on two domestic with a Excavations mud largely regularlyplastered heavilychaff-tempered processes. Late Sasanian continued a of a house in Erk Kala as slopingsurfaceor areas:parts plaster,periodically in GyaurKala glacis thatwas used to drainwaterrun-offaway from (MEKl)anda MiddleSasanianstructure the baseof thebastion.Theregularconstruction of new (MGK5).The potterycollectedfromthese areaswas glacis surfaceswas markedby corresponding infilling counted,weighed and diagnosticswere recordedin with sand mixed with large lumps of naturalclay sherd families. Over the past four years the (tuyun)and occasionallargemudbrickfragments,the chronologicaland stylistic analysis of the ceramic size of which impliesthatthey were partof artificial materialwas undertaken in the courseof a Ph.D.thesis deposits.This is a significantpoint as it allows a re- using statisticalapproachesof assemblagecomparison interpretationof similar deposits interpreted as (Puschnigg2000). A groupof diagnosticceramictypes windblownor eroded layers that were recordedin was determinedforeachperiod. earliersectionsexcavatedby YuTAKEteamsthrough The Middle Sasanianpotteryis characterisedby the walls of ErkKalaandGyaurKala. distinctvessel shapesincludingfine burnishedjuglets, Finally,duringthisseasonsectionswerecutthrough medium sized bowls with waisted body profile, part of the south wall close to the junctionwith the amphora-shaped jarsandlargehandledbowlsknownas bastion. The equivalentfirst-thirdwalls are deeply tagaras(cf. Herrmann, Kurbansakhatov, Simpsonet al. the buried,yet theheavilyerodedremainsof a laterwall2000, Figs. 2-3). Despite stylistic differences the Sasanian was various found between the bastion. presumably shapes, they appearto be tied abutting This was followed by two phases of additional togetherby a commonsourceof inspiration in classical constructionon the inner face, in each case slightly ceramictypes (Puschnigg2000, 165f.).Manyof these from assemblages thickeningthe wall. The date of the last phase is shapeshaveanalogiesincontemporary Dalverzinuncertain,but may be Early Islamic as two glazed NorthernBactriaat sites suchas Kara-Tepe, sherds of this date were found in infilling deposits TepeorAkkurgan 2000, 136,141). (Puschnigg to the north of the Sasanian Late The construction. immediately potteryshapes,on the contrary,show defenceswere certainlyabandonedby the 8th or 9th a morehomogeneousstyle makingthe differentiation centuryas severalpotterykilns of this periodcan be between single vessel types sometimes difficult observedcuttingthe southwall close to the southgate (Puschnigg2000, 188). A range of hole-mouthjars of the city.Theabandonment of the five maincity gates represents a new diagnostic type (cf. Herrmann, of GyaurKala probablydates from the same period, Kurbansakhatov, Simpson et al. 1996, 13). Further afterwhich routesacrossthe site used 'hollow way' shapes include a double-handled jar known as the trackways running through deliberate breaches in the 'Merv vase' and new decorativetechniques,such as defences. stampedpelletsmountedon vessel shouldersorhandles The results of these excavations have exceeded et al. 1993, (cf. Herrmann,Masson,Kurbansakhatov expectations and added an important body of 52f.). No parallelsor immediategeographicallinksare noticeableforthisphase. knowledge on the history of Seleucid-Sasanian defences in Central Asia. Their publication will form One of the major problems encounteredin the of part chronologicalassessmentwas the contaminationof Merv Excavation Report III, focused on the
THE INTERNATIONAL
MERV PROJECT PRELIMINARY
assemblages, which generally contained a large proportionof re-usedpottery.In the statisticalanalysis this residualpart of the materialdisplayeddistinct patternsfor each excavation,accordingto the different
REPORT ON THE NINTH YEAR (2000)
23
sourcesof buildingmaterialusedwithinthesingleareas of the city. While residualshapes from MEK1 were dominatedby YazIII-typepotteryreflectingthe earliest occupationlevels at Erk Kala, re-used materialin MGK5 largelyconsistedof Late Hellenisticor Early Parthianvessel forms correspondingto the slightly younger date of the lower city (Puschnigg 2000, 110-13). From 1998 a wider rangeof ceramicmaterialhas been collectedfrom excavationson the city walls of Gyaur Kala (MGK6). Work in MGK6 covered the entire constructionalsequenceof the defensivewall. andadaptation The consecutivephasesof restructuring of the galleriesand wallwalksprovidesan excellent opportunityto study earlierpotteryalong with later already well-known ceramic types. Most of the archaeologicaldeposits,however,are secondary,such as mudbrick constructions and gallery infillings, bearing with them the problemsof residualityand mixed assemblagesalreadyencounteredin previous IMP excavations,such as MEK1 and MGK5 (cf. Herrmann, Masson, Kurbansakhatovet al. 1993, 52;
Simpsonet Puschniggin Herrmann,Kurbansakhatov, are al. 1999, 9). Earlierconstructionphases generally less affected,althougha certaindegreeof contamination cannotbe excluded. Pottery assemblages from MGK6 tend to be relatively small, which makes a preliminary examinationof the repertoiremore difficult. The following overviewwill focus on some of the larger contextsrepresenting majorstagesin the historyof the defensivewall. Deposits associated with the early phases of constructionincludedfoundationlayers, floor levels andbrickworkof the presumedHellenisticwall. These early contextsseem to be dominatedby a varietyof smallto mediumsized bowls open forms,particularly with carinatedor roundedwall profile.Context276, a foundationlayer, produceda number of complete profiles of shallow bowls with simple flat base and roundedlip (Fig. 17, 1-3). A large proportionof fragmentsof this vessel type display a red-white
Fig. 17. Pottery from the early phases of the defensive wall, MGK6: 1-3, bowl profiles from context 276; 4-6, bowls with bichrome surface. (1, 62436, 2, 62443, 3, 61883, 4, 61849, 5, 61287, 6, 61173).
bichrome effect on the surface, which derives from the stacked position in the kiln during firing and appearsto be diagnostic for the potteryof this phase (Fig. 17, 4-6). Sherds with bichrome surface formed part of the residualmaterialfound in the Middle Sasanianbuilding in MGK5 (Puschnigg in Herrmann, Kurbansakhatov, Simpson et al. 2000, 6). A small number of these
24
JOURNAL OF PERSIAN STUDIES
relationshipof the differentshapes present in the foundationlayersof the earlyphasesof the defensive wall. Some bowl fragmentsshow a verticalrippling belowthecarination (Fig.18,3), a detailnotdocumented bowlswhich forthe earlyandrelativelycrudecarinated seem still linked to the style of Yaz III/Achaemenid pottery.The fluted specimensfoundin MGK6 might whichcombinestraditional a laterdevelopment represent shapeswithnew decorativeschemes. Anotherceramictype consistsof severaldarkgrey, mediumsized bowl shapeswith shallowroundedor curvedbodyprofiles(Fig. 18,4-5). Darkgreywarehas been recognisedas diagnosticfor the laterHellenistic andEarlyParthianperiodin north-eastIran(Haerinck 1983, 190;Besenval1987,404f). No absolutedatecan be attributedto the darkgrey bowls from MGK6 at present. Few jar shapes are associated with the early constructionphases of the wall. These are mainly handledjars with simpleevertedrims or verticalrims with inset for a lid. Some of the jar rims are still reminiscentof the hookedYaz III-typeshapes.Their anddifferentfabriccolour,however, refinedappearance of the earlyshapescontinuedto be that some suggests producedandmodifiedintothe Hellenisticperiod. TheearlypotteryassemblagesfromMGK6provide a first glimpseat the diversityof ceramicmaterialat Merv.It is doubtful,whetherall the differentvessel types describedabove are contemporary,since the evidencegatheredso faris insufficientto arriveat final conclusions.Morematerialis requiredto establishthe 18. the the Fig. Potteryfrom earlyphases of relative chronologicalpositions of the single vessel defensive wall, MGK6:1-2, carinatedbowls;3, bowl withrippled typesandto pin downtheirabsolutedates. effectbelow the carination;4-5, darkgrey bowlshapes. Significantpotteryassemblageswere gainedfrom (1, 61847, 2, 60872, 3, carinatedwithrippledeffect,4, the infillings of galleries and walkways dated by 61853, 5, 61854). numismaticevidenceto the Sasanianperiod.Contexts of the Sasaniangallery (cf. above "uppergallery") bichromesherdsshow tracesof redpainton top of the produced numerous fragments of shapes well white/redrimpart,suggestingthatthe red-whitecolour documented from the Middle Sasanian domestic effect mightoriginallynot have been the final surface structurein MGK5,such as the plainjuglets, doublefinish.Moreevidenceis needed,though,to understand handledjars and large handledbowls (tagaras, cf. the use of this surfacetreatment. Kurbansakhatov, Herrmann, Simpsonet al. 2000, Figs. Fine carinatedbowls with straightor curvedrims 2-3). New forms could, however, be added to the form a steady part of early pottery assemblagesin established Middle Sasanian repertoire. Context 291 MGK6 (Fig. 18, 1-2). Straightrim forms generally contained the upper part of a fine jar shape with seemto occurearlyin the ceramicsequence,while the thickened rim and burnished surface (Fig. 19, 1). The more complicatedbowl profiles representa slightly form appears to be stylistically coherent with other laterstage.At the presentstageof research,however,it Sasanianshapes, such as the small juglets so popularin is impossible to clarify the exact chronological MGK5. Contexts from the infilling of the gallery (nos.
THE INTERNATIONAL MERV PROJECT PRELIMINARY REPORT ON THE NINTH YEAR (2000)
25
Fig. 19. 1-3. Potteryfrom the Sasaniangallery,MGK6:4-5, cookingwarefabrics E (no. 4) and C (no. 5). (1, 62079, 2, 60855, 3, 60842, 4, 61906, 5, 61398-401).
107 and 171)producedtwo fragmentsof straphandles with painteddecorationon eitherside (Fig. 19, 2-3). Paintedpotteryis rareat Mervso far,althoughfindsof smallpaintedfragmentssuggestthattherewas a wider rangeof paintedwarethanpreviouslyassumed.Thisis also supported by the tracesof redpaintfoundon some
of the early bowl shapes (see above). The circular ornamenton the handlesis paintedin blackink,which hasalsobeenusedforotherSasanianpaintedsherds(cf. Herrmann,Kurbansakhatov, Simpsonet al. 1996, P1. ornamental All the paintedfragmentsatMervhave IId). been found in later Sasaniancontexts(cf. Herrmann,
26
JOURNAL OF PERSIAN STUDIES
Kurbansakhatov et al. 1994,37; 1996,Pl. IId).Mostof the materialfromthe infillingof this Sasaniangallery, however,appearsto be MiddleSasanianin date. The handlefragmentsthemselvesaredifficultto assess,and again we might have to wait for furtherevidenceto solve the question about the beginning of painted potteryat Merv. Depositsexcavatedin theupperSasaniangalleryon the west side of the wall containeda slightlydifferent rangeof shapes.Jarrims fromthese latercontextsare identicalwith those excavatedin the Late Sasanian structure, MEKi, in Erk Kala (cf. Herrmann, Kurbansakhatov, Simpson et al. 1996, 13, Fig. 10, The hole-mouth jars from MEKi most 10-11). probablybelongto the later6thcentury. The infillings of many galleries and walkways includeda largeamountof storagejar fragments.One semi-completestoragevessel was foundin context64. Some of the storagejar fragmentsare decoratedwith simplecombedpatterns.Thistype of decorationmight be chronologicallysignificant,since it has only been noticed on storagejar fragmentsand on the semicompletespecimenof sucha jar fromthe late Sasanian structure in MEK1 (Herrmann,Kurbansakhatov, Simpson et al. 1996, 14, Fig. 11, 8). Storagejars excavated in MGK5, however, are generallyplain. Fragmentsof storagejars with decorationsimilarto those knownfromMEKI occurredin assemblagesof severaldifferentphasesin MGK6includingtheinfilling of a presumed Parthiangallery, which makes a chronologicalassessmentof this particulartype of decorationmore difficult.Equally it is possible that some patternswould have been different,but the fragmentspreservedin the archaeological depositsare too smallto showthese.Unfortunately mostproblematic assemblages are relatively small and contain few diagnostic shapes, which are partly residual. Any attribution basedon thisparticular chronological typeof storagejarhasto remaindoubtfulatpresent. Finally,MGK6potteryprovidednew evidencefor the studyof coarsewares at Merv.Threepetrographically different coarse ware fabrics have been
Contextsfromthe latestinfillingsof wall structures regularlycontainedEarlyIslamicplainwareandsome glazedfragmentsof EarlyIslamicandSeljuqdate. The pottery finds from the defensive wall have provided an importantinsight into the long-term developmentof everydayceramicsatMerv.Thisis only the variousdifferent a firststeptowardsunderstanding addressed to be in future research. Significant aspects assemblageshave been retrievedfromthe earliestand latestphasesof the wall. The Parthianperiodremains problematicfor the moment,but a detailedanalysisof the evidencemightchangethispicture.
documented.So farpossible functionalor chronological distinctions between these fabrics were unclear. The early assemblages only contained coarse ware fragments of fabric E, whereas Sasanian contexts contained fragments of fabric E, C and D, demonstrating a chronological sequence between E and the other two fabrics (Fig. 19, 4-5).
chancefindsfrom 1953-99. Therearefive new coin types, unknown before the publication of Merv numismatic materials.New coin types among the numismaticfinds demonstratetheirlocal mintingand circulation. The composition of the list of coin-finds from Merv is similar to the range from other Central Asian citysites, such as Takht-i Sangin and Ai Khanoum. The
THENUMISMATICEVIDENCE,1992-99 by Natasha Smirnova
The numismaticmaterialfrom Merv is rich and variedwith numerousfindsboth fromthe surfaceand TheI.M.P.alonehasdiscoveredmorethanone stratified. thousandcoins.In addition,thereareseveralthousands, includingsomehoards,in the numismaticdepositoryof the Instituteof History(formerlyYuTAKE). Studyof thecoinswas startedatthesametimeas the archaeologicalinvestigationof the city-sites. M.E. Massonwas the firstto attributethe coins, classifying some Parthiancoins of the Mervmint,as well as new types of Sasanian coins. In the 1980s V. Pilipko describeda latelocalgroupof Parthian coins,mainlyon thebasisof two largehoardsfromtheMervoasis.More recently,importantnumismaticevidencefor the study of the historyof Mervandits chronologywas provided by S. Loginovand A. Nikitin,who redatednumerous Sasaniancoinsandidentifiednewtypesof Sasanianand coins(LoginovandNikitin1993). Arab-Sasanian Archaeologicalinvestigationsin GyaurKala have theexistenceof Hellenistic confirmed levels,latercovered and Islamic structures.The by Parthian,Sasanian forthe discoveryof Hellenisticcoinsis vitallyimportant studyof theClassicalperiodin Merv'shistory.A totalof 26 Greek coins, mostly bronze specimensof small andas werefoundbothduringexcavations denominations,
THE INTERNATIONAL MERV PROJECT PRELIMINARY REPORT ON THE NINTH YEAR (2000)
27
presence in Merv of Seleucid and Graeco-Bactrian the Hellenisticrulersin this areaandmakesthe oasis a coinsconfirmsthepoliticalinfluenceandpossessionsof significantareafornumismaticresearch.
Coinsfrom 1999,provisionallyattributedbyNatashaSmirnova(+ addedin 2000) inv.no.
wt.
size
th.
Provenance
Note
1. 2. 3. 4. 5. 6. 7. 8. 9.
4974 4968 10200 4997
1.84 2.85 0.75 1.29 3.13 3.69 2.09 2.86 2.56
12 18.5 16 17.5 15 19 13 16 14.5
3.5 3 2 3 4 2.5 4 3 5
Margiana Margiana ? Margiana? Margiana? II-IIIAD? Parthian? late? late?
+ + + + + + Mithridates II (123-87) +
10. 11. 12. 13. 14. 15. 16.
9773 9793 13013 10221 9881 13011
1.02 1.16 3.14 2.04 1.34 2.95 3.13
10 10.5 16.5 16.5 16 18 15
2.5 2.5 4 4.5 3 2.5 4.5
+ + + + + Sasanian ShapurI + ShapurI + ShapurI + ShapurI Varahran II Kushanshah Ohrmazd
17 18 19 20 21
9971 9782 9759 9785 9794
3.69 2.17 3.64 3.44 3.52
19 15 17 15 16
2.5 3.5 4 3.5 4
MGK5,street? MGK5,1002 MGK5,1038 MGK5,904 wall Surface MSK1,301 MGK5,1071 MGK6,66, SG MGK,7DE.III, surface MGK6,162 MGK6,192 MGK/MSKsurf MGK5,1057-2 Merv MSKI, 301 MSK, 15GG surface MSK1,301 MGK6,40 MGK6,43 MGK6,40 MGK6,192
1. 2. 3. 4. 5. 6.
10202 9335 9770 9837 9748 10206
2.50 1.43 3.21 3.19 2.71 2.58
17.5 14 18 14.5 18.5 15
2 2 4 4 2 2.5
MGK5,1045 MGK,7FIIIsurf MGK6,68 MGK6,176 MGK5,1 MGK5,603
MervkingunderShapurI? 7. MervkingunderShapurI? 8. 9. Mervking? + Varahran 10. II 11. ShapurII + 12. 13. + 14.
4995 4998 10219 9832 4966 4973 4979 4984
0.88 1.22 2.23 1.55 1.95 1.31 1.56 0.45
17 17 18,5 15 20 18 6 15
4 3 3 3.5 2.5 3.5 2 1.5
MGK5,1023 MGK5,1036 MGK5,901 MGK6,108 MGK5,1002 MGKS,1003 MGK5,1004 MGK5,1019
Attribution Parthian VologasesIII(105-147) (Pilipko:V.2) ? (nearPilipko,gr.VI?) Rv?
9971 10259 9747
early? Sas? Margiana Margiana or Sh.II/5? Margiana Margiana? Margiana? Margiana? ? Ecbatana?
typeIX G6bl 1044-47
(Kavad?) type5? type 5 type 5 type 5?
28
Attribution +
JOURNAL OF PERSIAN STUDIES
inv.no. 4986
wt. 0.54
size 17
th. 1.5
of str.C
1/2
16. 17. 18. 19. 20. 21. 22. 23. 24. 25. 26. 27. 28. 29. 30.
4989 4990 10121 10200 10201 10205 10215 10218 10223 10249 10229 10252 10255 10256 10287
0.41 0.48 1.06 0.75 0.39 1.29 0.88 1.72 2.02 1.76 1.37 1.83 1.00 1 0.88 0.86
15 14.5 18 16 14.5 17 16 19.5 19.5 17 16 17 6 18.5 16.5
2 1 2 2 2 2 3 2 3 2.5 2 2.5-4 2-3 2 2
MGK5,1020 MGK5,1019 MGK5,1018 MGK5,1038 MGK5,1045 MGK5,1045-2 MGK5,1040 MGK5,1057 MGK5,1057-3 MGK5,1079 MGK5,1018 MGK5,1071 MGK5,1 MGK5,street MGK5,1088
9744 9745 9752
+ (orMervKing?) + KavadI
31. 32. 33. 34. 35. 36. 37. 38. 39. 40. 41. 42. 43. 44. 45. 46. 47. 48.
13000
1.65 2.19 1.58 1.29 1.69 1.58 0.99 0.28 0.56 0.17 0.20 0.35 0.53 1.29 1.34 1.55 1.48 0.53
18 20.5 16 16 17.5 16 15-16 9 14x1.5 9.5 14 12.5 17 15 15.5 1.5 11.5
2.5 1.5 2 3 2 2 1.5 1.5 1.5 1 0.5 2 2 2 3 1.5 2 1.5
+ + + HusroI
49. 50. 51.
9786 9795 9774
0.65 0.47 0.60
12 10 12.5
2 1 1.5
MGK6,66, SG MGK6,126, SG MGK6,40 MGK5,1053 MGK5,1071 MGK6,40 MGK5,surface MGK6,192 MGK6,192 MGK6,192 MGK5,1045 MGK5,1003 MGK5,unstrat. MGK5,1045 MGK5,949 MGK5,1079 MGK4,surface MGK.15LII/IV surf. MGK6,40 MGK6,1 MGK6,102
? type5? type 5 type 5? type5 type4? ? type 5? type 5 type 3 type 3 type 5 type 5 Frag. type 3 ? coin type 5 type 5 type 5? type4 type 5? type 5?
VarahranIV? +
52. 53.
9938
0.23 1.35
10 16
1 2
MSK1, surface MGK, near S. Gate, surf.
Courtyard
9806 10217 9834
1.08 1.17 0.69
15.5 14 16
2 2 1
MGK6, 192 MGK5, 1057 MGK6, 192
Gsbl -1093 New? Gaibl?
+
+ ? + (orPeroz?) +
type 5 +
+ MervKing? ShapurIII + + + YazdgardI Peroz?
+ Sas.-Kush. Kushanshah 54. Varahran Sas. or Sas.-Kush.? 55. + Sas. or Sas.-Kush.? 56.
10228 9752 4967 9836 9808 9784 10210 4972 4992 10205 10207 10251
Provenance MGK5,streetS
Note type?
15.
coin
? Fragment Fragments Streetto S.
latetype? erased
THE INTERNATIONAL MERV PROJECT PRELIMINARY REPORT ON THE NINTH YEAR (2000)
Attribution LateSasanian
+ + Vasudevaimitation Sasanianunidentified Peroz?
+ Peroz? + + + + + + + + + + Islamic
Tekish Khorezmshahs, (1172-1200) + Fragmentof fils + Khorezmshah Tekish + ? + ? + ? + Abbasid? + lateIslamic + Abbasid? + lateIsl.? + lateIsl.?Merv? + Abbasid? + 5 coins frags or dissolved - nos. 4977, 9932, 10226, 10241, 10262
inv.no.
wt. 0.35 1.35
size 14 16
th. 1 2
59. 60.
9780 4983
0.48 1.20
10 15
1.5 2
Provenance MGK,7DE.III EarlySasanian House MGK6,192 MGK5,1017
1. 2. 3. 4. 5. 6.
4982 10247 4987 4996 4999 9766
0.62 1.18 0.72 1.05 0.20 1.32
13 16.5 15.5 18 14.5 16
2 3 2 4 2 3
MGK5,1015 MGK5,1114 MGK5,1020 MGK5,1023 MGK5,1018 MGK6,40
7. 8. 9. 10. 11. 12. 14. 15. 16. 17.
4985 10224 10246 10216 10238 10211 9781 9796 13010 13001
0.78 1.04 2.35 1.20 0.79 1.14 0.93 1.10 0.53 0.43
17.5 14.5 21.5 17 14 18 15.5 17.5 9 11
4 2 3.5 2 3 5 2.5 1 3.5 1
MGK5,1020 MGK5,1072 MGK5 MGK5,1022 MGK5,1087 MGK5,1045 MGK6,40 MGK6,192 3 MGK8EIVsurf MGK,12KIIsurf
1. 2. 3. 4.
9960
13101
1.80 2.29 1.13 2.27
22 17.5 21 27.5
1 3 1.5 0.5
MSK1,301 MGK,7DE.III MGK,7DE.III MSK8
5. 6. 7. 8. 9. 10. 11. 12. 13. 14. 15.
13100 13012 11143 11162 9917 13014 13007 9756 11146 11153 13016
2.57 0.26 2.54 1.99 0.64 1,16 2.47 3.82 0.86 1.72 1.41
27 15 24.5 19.5 11.5 22.5 18 25 20 16 21
0.5 1 1 1 1 1 2.5 2.5 0.5 2 1.5
LittleKiz-kala MGK/MSK MSK1,530 MSK1,554 MSK1,429 MGK/MSKsurf MGK,6E/F?surf MGK6,38 MSK1,301 MSK1,456 Merv?surf
16. 17.
13002 13015
3.74 2.84
22.5 21.5
2 1.5
MGK 6E? surf MGK/MSK surf
57. 58.
Note Surface Surface
Fragment 12coin, erased
Fragm. Frag. Frag frags 2 frags Surface Surface
Surface Surface Late? Late? 3 frag. Erased 2 frag. Frag. Corrod. Corrod.
29
30
JOURNAL OF PERSIAN STUDIES
Coinsfound in the 2000 Season, provisionally attributedby Natasha Smirnova
Attribution Graeco-Bactrian Diodoti(250-235)
inv.no.
wt.
size
th.
Provenance
Note
1.
9322
2.59
15.5
2.5
DiodotusII?
2. 3. 4. 5. 6. 7. 8.
9858 9864 9863 9907 9850 9890 9862
3.11 5.27 4.03 3.90 3.26 3.23 3.82
15.5 21 16.5 18 16 17.5 17
3.5 5 6 3 4 2 3
MGK6,274, in platform MGK6 MGK6,1 MGK6,1 MGK6,253 MGK6,1 MGK6,113 MGK6,1
9. 10. 11. 12. 13. 14. 15. 16. 17. 18. 19. 20. 21. 22. 23. 24.
9905 9320 9331 9884 9852 9891 9866 11282 9321 9871 9867 9778 9877 9840 9842 9896
0.98 2.26 1.55 0.93 1.24 1.72 1.36 0.49 0.62 0.47 0.26 1.15 0.60 1.12 0.06 0.27
13.5 13 17 17.5 15.5 15 18.5 15 14.5 11x10 14 14 14 11.5 5 11.5
2 3 1.5 1 1.5 1.5 1.5 1 1.5 1.5 1 2.5 1 3 1 1.5
MGK6,belowwall MGK6,9 MGK6,291 MGK6,114 MGK6,1 MGK6,125 MGK6,1 MSK1,659 MGK6,266 MGK6,1 MGK6,1 MGK6,40 MGK6,1 MGK6,1 MGK6,1 MGK6,215
25. 26. 27. 28. 29.
9851 9848 9847 9351 9875
0.05 0.16 0.38 0.76 0.29
9 14.5 12.5
2 3 2.5
Islamic Abbasid? Abbasid?
MGK6,1 MGK6,1 MGK6,1 MGK6,249 MGK6,1
30. 31.
9881
1.23 2.16
19.5 19
1 1
?
32.
11195
1.98
24
1
MGK6,209 Surface(Lunina house) MSK1,N. Section
? ? ? ? ? Khorezmshahs? ? ? Late Islamic
33. 34. 35. 36. 37. 38. 39. 40. 41.
11217 1 11265 11269 11281 11280 11267 9336 9861
1.61 0.56 1.10 1.16 2.61 1.99 1.33 2 1.83 1.54 1
26 14.5 14 17.5 19 24.5 3.5 20 9.5
1 1 1.5 1.5 1 1 0.5 1 1
MSK1, 626 MSK tower T35 MSK1, 652 MSK1, 301 MSK1, 547? MSK1, 547? MSK1, 656 MGK, south. part MGK6, 1
Parthian
Sasanian ShapurI ShapurII
ShapurIII? YazdgardI Varahran IV Peroz ? KavadI HusroI?
Margiana Margiana Margiana Margiana Margiana Margiana Margiana
Type1 Type4? Type5 Type5? Type5 2 fragments Fragment 2 fragments ?2 coin ?
Sasanianunidentified fragment fragment Fragment Erased 2 fragments
2 fragments erased 12 coin
erased erased
THE INTERNATIONAL
MERV PROJECT PRELIMINARY
THE PALATIAL RESIDENCE IN SHAHRYAR ARK EXCAVATIONSIN MSK1 by Dan Hull, Barbara Cerasetti and Elena Leoni
The objectivesfor the 2000 seasonwere twofold. The firstwas to clarifythe overallplanof the building, so as to set previous,as well as thisyear's,workwithin a broader spatial framework.The second was to complete investigationof the eastern half of the building,by excavatingthe pavedcourtyardbegun in room. 1999,as well as the easternmost The first objectivewas successful in defining a seriesof smallroomswithinthenorth-eastcomerof the
REPORT ON THE NINTH YEAR (2000)
31
building,as well as confirmingthe presenceof two corridorsleadingfromthe courtyardareato the west. Thesedetailscontextualisewhathas been regarded,in previousseasons,as anessentiallycruciform,four-iwan layout,linkedby a centralcourtyardspace.A rangeof buildingtechniqueshas been highlightedas a resultof thiswork.Bothmudandfiredbricks,as well aspakhsa constructionhave been observed,and attemptshave beenmadeto ascertainwherethesetechniquesrepresent contributions to the originalplan of the building,and wherethey suggestlateralterationsto its layout.The complexityof combinedtechniques,oftenwithinsingle walls,hashighlighteda numberof areaswherephasing remainsambiguous.
Fig. 20. Merv Sultan Kala, MSKI: general view to the west across the Seljuqfired brickpaved courtyard with the west iwan beyond,flanked by access corridors.
Fig. 21. Merv Sultan Kala, MSKI: general view to the north of the north iwan, with the northfortification wall behind.
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The second objective, that of completing excavation in the eastern part of the building, has in many ways confirmed conclusions reached as a result of work in 1999. This indicates a primaryphase associated with a fine series of stucco panels and a paved courtyard;the latter was later replaced by laid trampled surfaces but continued to serve as an external area in front of the iwans to the south,'west and north. The corresponding easternmost room lacked any evidence for stucco decoration although plain white plaster of similar type was used to cover the thresholds of this phase. In addition a number of features were found set into the primary floors within the space defined by a pair of substantialmudbrick piers, that presumably supported the roof. These included an areaof paving with a sunken
STUDIES
drain(similar in principle althoughdifferentin detail to that within the centre of the adjacentpaved courtyard), a series of hearths, a sunken bread oven and some storage provision that suggest a kitchen area set within a more open plan. The plan, plain decor and function of this area are differentto the other iwans and challenge use of the term iwan for this part of the building at this time. These featuresrepresentearly constructionsealed by later floors. This and other stratigraphicevidence will enable more reliable seriation of associated ceramics. The first-phasecourtyardwas composed of lozengeset, flat-laid fired bricks with a broad cruciformdesign pointing to a sunken drain at the centre (Figs. 20-21). This drain was a fine construction,with an octagonal
Fig. 22. Merv Sultan Kala, MSKI: octagonal star-shaped drainfilter in the centre of the Seljuq paved courtyard.
Fig. 23. Merv Sultan Kala, MSKI: crosswall and bench (partly excavated 1999) running across the east end of the building during the major secondary remodelling of the residence.
THE INTERNATIONAL MERV PROJECT PRELIMINARY REPORT ON THE NINTH YEAR (2000)
starmotifwitha doublebordersurrounding a hexagonal within which was a set circular drain cover and star, which bore a motif "filter", palmette (Fig.22). At a later stage,it appearsthatthe courtyardwas raisedafterits drainbecameblocked.Theseriesof surfaceslaiddown afterthisprovedfairlyrichin smallfinds,witha number of beads,as well as a hoardof threecopperalloycoins wrapped in textile: these will be important for thehistoryof thebuilding.Theraisingof understanding the courtyardlevel appearsto be in commonwith the raising of the steps and thresholdsleading into the rooms. surrounding At a laterdate the roomswere more substantially remodelled.The centralcourtyardarearemainedintact butradicalchangesweremadeto theuse andsize of the spaces in each of the surroundingrooms. This was associated with a major change in the decorative schemeof the building,with the old cut stuccobeing strippedoff the walls abovefloorlevel anda thincoat of whiteplasterappliedoverthe walls. As partof this remodelling,a series of mudbrickwalls and benches were insertedinto the iwans, thus subdividingwhat were once sizeable rooms. A series of regularly replacedfloor surfaces suggest a relativelylengthy periodof use althoughits exactdateremainsuncertain. The aforementionedeasternmostroom became three separatespaceswiththe provisionof benchesor 'work surfaces'anda storagebin (Fig.23). Followingthis phase,the presenceof animaldung and some structural of decaypointto an abandonment this partof the building,or perhapsthe buildingas a wholeas a placeof humanaccommodation. Thedriving andaccommodation of animalsin whatwas previously anurbanspaceimpliesa markeddeclinewithinthe area
33
more generally,as the ruinswithinthe formercitadel were simply recycled as convenientshelters. It is thatfollowingthisno furtheroccupationof unsurprising any significancehasbeen foundwithinMSK1. THEFORTIFICATIONS OF SULTANKALA by Pierre Brun and AkmohammedAnnaev
Theprogramme of recordingthemedievalfortifications,begunin 1996,was continuedin 2000. Workwas in threeexcavationareas: undertaken 1. The southwall, CurtainC12 (MSK16); 2. The northernsuburb,CurtainC34 and Tower T35 (MSK17);and 3. The southernsuburb,TowerT35 and Curtain C36 (MSK18). The preliminaryresultsare discussedbelow and are followedby a summaryof the resultsof the five years of study of the fortifications.The evolutionof the military architectureis outlined, together with an attemptto exploreits historicalbackground. The south wall, CurtainC12 (MSK16),was selected
for excavationbecauseof thepresenceof afaussebraie or second line of wall in an excellent state of preservation(Fig. 24): this is rarebecauseit is usually badlyweathered.The east side of thefausse braiehad collapsed,thusprovidinga naturalsection.Excavations were undertakenon both sides of CurtainC12. Inside to the city (AreaA), TrenchS1, 2 x 8 m., perpendicular of CurtainC12, was openedto obtainthe stratigraphy the firstwall.Theupperpartof the solidadditionalwall was removedto reveal its outer face and walkway. Outside the city (Area B), TrenchS2, 2 x 5.5 m.,
Fig. 24. Merv,SultanKala, exteriorof southfortificationwall, general view from right showingin the background to left: CurtainCII, TowerT12, CurtainC12 and TowerT13. The fausse braie can be seen in the foreground.
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34
Fig. 25. Merv, Sultan Kala, MSK 16: Area A, interior of south fortification wall, Curtain C12, general view of the trench, the new upper part of the primary hollow wall and its walkway can be seen in the background; 2 m. scale.
MervMSK16,CitySouthwall C12 SecStiont:50 P Bruri- Septem ber •00
Curtain
,z
-
Fausse Brale 2 Fausse B&e 3 Suggesled
re
..
tcticm
..' .
I.
:
.-. ..4..Ie;:;8 .
.r
i.
1
~s?~
.
-
-
: Ir
.
-.
is
1:i1 -i i...
.
0
2- 1
2 S
:
3 m.. n,.
Fig. 26. Sultan Kala: MSK 16, the southfortification wall of the city, section of Curtain C12.
THE INTERNATIONAL
MERV PROJECT PRELIMINARY
REPORT ON THE NINTH YEAR (2000)
35
to CurtainC12, was excavatedto study perpendicular
withmudbricks,andthe platformon whichthe primary hollow wall was built was extended(32, 46, 39, 37), priorto the constructionof a solid additionalwall (1). and sectionswere made throughout.Ceramics,small The lastwas at least2 m. wide andwas erectedagainst findsandsamplesforarchaeobotanical analysisandfor the outerface of CurtainC12. A new fightingplatform acceleratordating(AMS) were collected.Bricksfrom with a crenellatedparapetwouldhavebeen builtat the the differentphasesof CurtainC12 weresystematically top of the widenedfortifications, the but,unfortunately, At it is the end of the the trenches were has not survived: not to determine sampled. possible ex'cavation, walkway back-filledand,as anemergencyconservation measure, the originalheightandwidthof thebattlements. the base of the fausse braie was buried to avoid the Latera secondline of defencewas createdby levellresults ing and extendingthe outerplatformor braie(47, 45, collapseof itsuniqueouterface.Thepreliminary 40, 29), on the edge of which at leastthreesuccessive presentedbelow focus on thefausse braie. Theevolutionof CurtainC12is similarto thatfound fausse braie were erected (Figs. 26 and 28). The first elsewhere:a primaryhollow wall was built on a plat- fausse braie (FB1) had apakhsa base (18, 13), 1.65 m. formandwas latercut,its upperpartreplacedby a solid highand2.70 m. wide,whichwasusedforthewalkway wall with fake slits and arrow-slits(Fig. 25). The top and its battlements,which were plastered(61). The piercedby arrowslits battlementswere made of mudbricks(26-29 x 6-7 fightingplatformhadbattlements (Fig.28), whichweresubsequently damagedandbadly cm.), bonded with strongly compactedclay. They repaired(Fig. 26). Fakeslitsandarrowslitswere filled survivedto a height of 80 cm. but originallywere
the stratigraphyofthefausse braie. The outerface of the fausse braie was cleaned to reveal its decoration.Plans
Fig. 27. Merv, Sultan Kala, MSK16: Area B, exterior ofsouth fortification wall, Curtain 12, section of second line offortification showing the three successive fausse braie; 2 m. scale.
Fig. 28. Merv, Sultan Kala, MSKJ6: Area B, exterior ofsouth fortification wall, Curtain 12, new upper part of the primary hollow wall with arrow-slits and slits revealed; 1 m. scale.
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STUDIES
Fig. 29. Merv, Sultan Kala: exterior of northern suburbfortification wall, general view with tower in the foreground.
Fig. 30. Merv, Sultan Kala: exterior of southern suburbfortification wall, general view of a curtain and a tower showing their pakhsa masonry; 2 m. scale.
probably1.70-2.0 m. high in orderto shielda soldier standingon thewalkway:theyhadbeencutto allowthe constructionof the secondfaussebraie(FB2). Mudbricks(62) andpakhsa(63) wereusedto build a higherfloorfortheplasteredfightingplatformof FB2 (64). Thebattlementsof the walkwaywereconstructed withpakhsa(65) andmudbricks,23-29 x 5-7 cm. (66) and were preservedto a height of 1 m. They were piercedby arrow-slits,20-25 cm. wide,betweenwhich could be seen part of the geometricdecorationusing salientmudbricks(Fig.28). The braie was finally levelled with strongly compactedrubbleand brokenbricks(11, 15) for the erection of a widened fausse braie (FB3). FB3 was
constructedby buildingbehindFB2 a facingwall (7) with mudbricks(26-27 x 6 cm.), the space between them being filled with rubble,bricks and blocks of pakhsa (5). A walkway with battlements would have
beenbuilton top of the widenedfaussebraiebut does not survive. FB3 was the last major work on the fortificationsvisible in excavation,and the walls were subsequentlyabandoned(2, 6). The Suburbs (MSKJ7 and MSK18). The fortificat-
ions of the maincity are approximately squarein plan (2 x 1.8km.).Additionalwalls,eachwitha centralgate, defendedthe northernand southernsuburbs(Fig. 29). Their state of preservationvaries dependingon their relativepositionto the windandrainblowingfromthe
THE INTERNATIONAL MERV PROJECT PRELIMINARY REPORT ON THE NINTH YEAR (2000)
north-east.The walls have also been damagedby their use as graveyards, sincetheyareconvenientlysitednear the mausoleaof YusufHamadani(easternpartof the northernsuburb)andthetwo askhab(theTimuridiwans inside the southernsuburb).Furthermore, the walls were cut to allow irrigationchannelsinto the suburbs, which were used for agricultureduring the Soviet period.Finally,the southernwall is partlycoveredby thick vegetation. Overall, the fortificationsof the than northernsuburbarein a betterstateof preservation thoseof its southerncounterpart. Thecutsfortheirrigationchannelsservedas natural sections.Twowere selectedwhichoffereda sectionof curtainon one side and tower on the other.The cut betweenCurtainC34 and TowerT35 (MSK17)in the northernsuburband that between Tower T35 and CurtainC36 (MSK18)in the southernsuburbareboth sitednearthe gates.Thesesectionshaddrawbacks. The bulldozing had partly destroyed their original stratigraphy,while the canal had destroyed the in frontof the walls wherethe moatmight stratigraphy have been. After their abandonment,wind-blown materialand collapsed wall had filled in the cuts,
However,our excavations creatinga new stratigraphy. were dug below the bulldozed level, to reveal the whichwas usually remainsof the originalstratigraphy, limitedto the platformon whichthe wall was builtand to naturallayers.In MSK17,one trench,11.70x 1 m., to TowerT35 (Fig. 31) and in was set perpendicular MSK18, one trench, 12.30 x 1.50 m., was set
to CurtainC36. The methodologywas perpendicular similarto thatused forMSK16. Excavationsrevealedthe presenceof solid walls withsimilarfeaturesforbothsuburbsandconfirmedthe results of sections in the northernsuburbmade by Turgunov(1961). The fortificationswere built on a platformof compactedclay 1.30-1.40 m. high andare preservedto a heightof 5 m. abovethe platform.They were solid and were exclusively built with pakhsa blocks(50 cm.to 70 cm.high)withinclusionsof bitsof firedbricksand sherds(Figs. 30 and 33). They were defendedwith towersspaced28 m. apartandpossibly protectedby a moat.Curtainswereat least5.50m. wide and towersprojected3 m. from the walls (Fig. 32). Therewas probablya walkwayon thetop.Accordingto the survey,access to the walkwaywould have been
Curtain
-
0--
C35
z
Tower T35
Trench
MervMSK17,NorthernSuburb Curtain C344Curtain 0
1
2 m. :3P
37
C34,TowerT35 and CurtainC35 Plan 1:50 Brun- September 2000
Fig. 31. Sultan Kala: MSK 17, the fortification wall of the northern suburb, plan of Curtain C34, Tower T35 and Curtain C35.
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STUDIES
Fig. 32. Merv, Sultan Kala, MSK17: northern suburbfortification wall, Tower T35 and Curtain C36 in the background; 1 m. scale.
from L-shaped staircases,70 cm. wide and at least 4.40 m. long. No decorationor plasteringsurvived. The suburbanfortificationswere both probablybuilt at the same time and belong to the period when solid walls were in use to protectthe city againstsiege warfare. This was a time when Merv was sufficientlywealthy to afford such defences (the growth of extended suburbs indicates the wealth of the city at the time). Their constructioncould have taken place duringthe reign of Sanjar(490/1097-511/1157) when Merv was prosperous and needed strong walls against rival kingdoms with siege expertise. The detailed analysis of the ceramic assemblagesandthe radiocarbondatingof the mudbricks of the walls should help to confirmthis hypothesis.
Thefortifications of Sultan Kala (1996-2000) The I.M.P.programmefollowed importantpioneering researches undertakenby the YuTAKE under the direction of Professor Terkesh Khodjaniazov with the help of AkmohammedAnnaev. In the late 1980s and the beginning of the 1990s they excavated the two main gates of the city, the Firuz Gate and the Kushmeikhan Gate, as well as some sections of the walls (Khodzanijazov 1990 and 1991, Annaev 1993). The first two years of the I.M.P.programmewere concerned with surveying the standingwalls (Brun and Annaev in Herrmann, Kurbansakhatov, Simpson et al. 1997, 19-22; 1998, 67-72) and was followed by threeyears of excavation. A total of fifteen sections (Fig. 34) were
examined, sited in each wall of the city to try to solve questions of the history of construction (Brun and Annaev in Herrmann,Kurbansakhatov,Simpson et al. 1998, 67-72; 1999, 18-22; 2000, 21-28; and Brun and Annaev 1999, 36-45). The results have proved successful and provide the first detailed study of the fortificationsof a major Islamic city in CentralAsia in 11lth-13thcentury. The main phases of evolution are fairly clear and can be summarisedas follows. The first fortificationswere erected either on a clay platformmeasuring 12-17.5 m. in width and 1-3 m. in height, or on levelled buildings. The walls were 8-9 m. high and were constructedwith a slight batterto spreadthe weight of the fortifications. The base of curtains and towers was made of pakhsa blocks, above which was the gallery and chamberlevel. Galleries and chamberswere provided with arrow-slits pierced in their 70 cm. outer wall. Slits were also used for ventilation and light. The top fighting platformwith its battlements survives in some sections of the walls. The battlements were decorated and were pierced by arrow-slits situated between pillars. Towers were usually built 15-35 m. apart. They were mostly horseshoe-shapedand projected 4-5 m. from the wall. More powerful towers were used for the gates and the comers of the fortifications. The primary hollow fortifications were well built and elegant but were not strong enough to withstandan attack by artillery because they were too thin: they consisted of a single line of wall, 3 m. wide at gallery level, and weakened by the presence of galleries and
THE INTERNATIONAL MERV PROJECT PRELIMINARY REPORT ON THE NINTH YEAR (2000)
MervMSK17, NorthernSuburb Curtain C35 and Tower T35
-
Setion 200 P BrunSeptember :150..
Z.
Curtain 035
I
TowerT35
a35s Curanollapsed
Clay P.i .ffrm
i
~
NaturallWyars
s
2..
. . .....:~ . ..
....
...
..
Fig. 33. Sultan Kala: MSK 17, the fortification wall of the northern suburb, section of Tower T35.
Site plan of Sultan Kala Studyof the fortifications (1996-2000) NorthernSuburb ShahryarArk
Southern Suburb n
Canal
Maja. Current Road Network
0
1000
Fig. 34. Sultan Kala: sections excavated during the five years programme to study thefortifications of the city.
M.
39
40
JOURNAL OF PERSIAN STUDIES
chambers.Whenthe city of SultanKalawas attacked, its hollow walls were badly destroyed,as has been shown in some of our excavations.The extentof the destructionwas such thatit probablyled to the filling with mudbricksand rubbleof the galleries,chambers and arrow-slitsof the primaryhollow wall. The most damagedpartsof the fortificationswere rebuiltwith fakearrow-slitsunderthe walkway. From then on, the fortificationswere gradually strengthened,using exclusively solid construction. First,anadditionalsolidwallwas builtagainstthe outer face of the hollow fortifications, 2-2.6 m. thickfor the curtainsand 1.2-1.5 m. for the towers. The latest excavationsprovedthatthe fillingof the galleryandthe constructionof the additionalsolid wall were two separateeventsandwerenotpartof the samephase,as previouslythought.First,a new fightingplatformwith a crenellatedparapetwas certainlybuiltatthe topof the widenedfortifications buthasnot survived.Second,the were erectedwas platformon whichthe fortificat-ions levelled and extendedto allow the constructionof a secondaryline of defencesknownasfausse braie.This outerenceintewas erectedparallelto and below the mainrampartusingpakhsaandmudbricks.Thefausse braie was about 5 m. high and was providedwith battlementssimilarto the crenell-atedwalkwayof the first fortifications.Finally,the braie was levelled and thefausse braiewas repairedandwidenedtwice.These werethe lastmajorworkspriorto the abandonment of the fortifications. During this long period of the northernand southernsuburbswere strengthening, enclosed by a solid wall at least 5.50 m. thick, exclusivelybuiltwithpakhsablocks,andwereprobably protectedby a moat.Towerswerespaced28 m. apart. By this time, the fortificationsof SultanKalawere very differentfromthe primaryhollowwall. The main defensiveline hadbeenwidened,heightenedandmade solid. A secondaryline of defence would have been providedby the powerfulfausse braie anda thirdline by the walls of the suburbs.The fortificationswere adaptedto siege warfare,probablywith top fighting platforms wide enough to use catapults against assailants. That may have been why the Mongols were cautious when attacking Sultan Kala in 1221. Juvayni (1958, 160) related that they studied the walls for six days before trying unsuccessfully to capturethe city. The excavations have also provided important ceramic assemblages crucial for dating the fortificat-
ions. These assemblageshave provedto be useful in closing the gap between the pottery of MGK4 (a 9th-10thcenturycrucible-steelworkshop)and MSK1 Ark). (a 12th-13thcenturypalatialbuildingin Shahryar of the an potterysuggests lth-13th Preliminary study centurydate for the fortificationsand a 13th-14th centurydate for the domesticpost-occupationof the walls. No laterceramicscould be identified.Previous studiesatMerv(Lunina1962and1974)andSamarkand material. (Shishkina1979)haveprovidedcomparative The abandonmentof the fortificationsprobably occurredinthefirsthalfof the 13thcentury.TheMongol invasionof 618/1221wouldpresumably haveendedthe enjoyedby thecitysince periodof growthandprosperity the secondhalfof the 11thcentury.Duringthe invasion, the fortificationswere supposedlydestroyed(Juvayni 1997,162):however,theveracityof sourcesaboutMerv is the subject of debate. Excavationsof kilns by YuTAKEshowedthatbeforetheendof the 13thcentury, the industrialareasituatedin the westernsuburbwas shiftinginto the walled city, indicatingthatthe urban of SultanKalawasshrinking andthecitywasin territory decline. It is unlikely that any major phase of constructionoccurred after the Mongol invasion, althoughminorrepairscouldhavetakenplace. of the first Accordingto the ceramics,construction wall occurredduringthe 11thcentury.The mentionin sourcesof thedestruction by ArslanArghunof thewalls of Mervin 488/1095,if it relatesa trueevent,provides a usefulterminusantequemforthis construction. If the werein placebefore1095,theycouldhave fortifications beenerectedeitherby theGhaznavids, mastersof Merv from 389/999 to 428/1037, or by the Seljuqs who dominatedthe city from428/1037to 551/1157. Clues can be gleanedfromthe constructionof the fortifications.As mentionedabove,the "hollowwall" was neitherhigh nor wide enough to withstandan enemy with siege warfareexpertise.Two hypotheses mightexplainthe choiceof this typeof wall: 1. The fortificationswere built againstan enemy to protectthe lackingsuchexpertise,presumably city againstnomads. 2. Thefortifications werebuiltwhenMervfacedno directmilitarythreatfrom rival powers,either duringa periodof peaceor at a time of military expansionwhenrivalpowerswerekeptatbayor defeated.In this secondhypothesis,the fortificationswouldhavebeenpurelyprestigious.
THE INTERNATIONAL MERV PROJECT PRELIMINARY REPORT ON THE NINTH YEAR (2000)
41
Thesehypothesescan be testedagainstourknowledge of eventsduringthe GhaznavidandSeljuqperiods. At the end of the 10thcenturythe Samanidempire was divided between the Ghaznavids and the The frontierstayedthe samebetweenthe Qarakhanids. two kingdomsuntil the Seljuq conquestof Merv in 428/1037 despiteregularattemptsby the Qarakhanids to invadeKhurasan (Bosworth1968,7). TheGhaznavid conquestof theKhwarazmkingdomin 408/1017halted the ambitions of the Qarakhanids,although they remaineda threat.TheGhaznavidssoonfacedproblems from the TiArkmen, especiallythe Seljuqs,who were as employed mercenarytroops in regionalwars. In 417/1026 the Seljuqsmovedto Khurasanand formed the mainsourceof insecurityuntilthey conqueredthe region in 431/1040 (Bosworth1968, 19-20). These events show that GhaznavidMerv was always under threat,and we can, therefore,abandonthe second hypothesisof a wall beingbuiltforprestige.However, the first hypothesisthat the fortificationswere built againstnomads,i.e. the Seljuqs,could be true. The Ghaznavidarmywas too slow to matchtheirmobility, and the only protectionwouldhave been a wall since the nomadslackedsiege machinery. If walls were indeedbuilt againstthe Seljuqs,the measurewas insufficientto compensateforthe inability of theGhaznavidarmyto protectthe citiesof Khurasan, the lastof whichsurrendered to the Seljuqsin 428/1037. The GhaznavidsabandonedKhurasanaftertheirdefeat atDandanqan in 431/1040,andtheprovincewasallotted to ChagriBeg (428/1037-451/1060),whoselectedMerv as his capital(Bosworth1968, 49). Duringhis reign Chagri Beg was constantly threatened by the Thestateof warbetweenthe dynastiesand Ghaznavids. theabsenceof anynomadicthreatmaketheconstruction of a wall at Mervunlikelyduringhis reign. Thesameconclusioncanbe drawnfromananalysis of the period following the death of Malik Shah in 485/1092.First(485/1092-498/1105),Berk-Yaruk and other members of the Seljuq family struggledfor controlof Khurasan. Afterthe civilwar,the easternpart was held by Sanjar,who was threatenedby his
North wall, Curtain C8 (AKKJ)
neighbours, the Qarakhanidsand the Khwarazmshahs. Since both had powerful armies with siege expertise, any wall built during this period would have had to be adaptedfor siege warfare. Between these periods, during the reigns of AlpArslan (455/1063-465/1073) and Malik Shah
During the Ilkhanid period, in the 13th-14th centuries, urban settlement slowly moved south. In the early 15th century, this process culminated in the building of the Timurid city of Merv, known today as Abdullah Khan Kala.
(465/1073-485/1092),Khurasanenjoyed a period of prosperity, with peace achieved with both the Ghaznavidsand the Qarakhanids.Seljuqpossessions were extendedby successful campaignsby the two sultans, and provinces were firmly controlled by Seljuq governors,limiting problemsfrom Turkmen nomads. As a precautionarymeasure, whenever possible, they were sent westwards raiding into Anatolia(Bosworth1968, 55). A wall againstnomads in Mervwas thereforeunnecessary.Onthe otherhand, the lack of direct militarythreatenjoyed by Merv duringthis period might have resultedin its Seljuq rulersbuildinga wall purelyforprestige.Royal Seljuq patronagewas commonduringthis periodespecially in Isfahan,capital of the Seljuq empire, where for instanceMalik-Shahbuilt a citadel (Bosworth1968, 85). It is almostcertainthat Merv,where the Seljuq sultans were buried, also benefited from royal patronage,andthe statementby HamdAllahMustaufi that Malik Shah built the fortificationsof Merv is possible(Mustaufi1919, 154). The detailedanalysisof the ceramicassemblages and the radiocarbondatingof the mudbricksused to build the fortificationsshould help to confirm the 11th-13thcenturydatingforthewallsanddecidewhich hypothesisis correct,eithera Ghaznavidwall against nomadsor a wall builtby Seljuqpatronage. that The 1996-2000 programmehas demonstrated the fortificationsof SultanKala are uniquein Central Asia. They combine a short chronologicaltimespan (1lth-13th century)withan exceptionalstateof preservation. Unfortunately,this heritageis threatenedby risingdampandsalinity.Theaimsforthenextyearsare to completethe studyof the fortifications by excavating work. the city gatesandto beginconservation OF THEFORTIFICATIONS ABDULLAHKHANKALA by Pierre Brun and AkmohammedAnnaev
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Duringthe2000 seasona photographic surveyof the walls was undertaken,togetherwith cuttinga section throughthe northwall. The sectionof CurtainC8 has revealedthe existenceof two successivewalls(Fig.35). The firstwall was builton a clayplatform.Thebase of the curtainwas 1.30 m. high andwas madeof pakhsa. Mudbricks(25-27 x 5 cm.) andfiredbrickswereused for the upperpart'of the wall. The upperpartof the curtaincan be describedas an outerwall built against archesspacedevery 2.40-2.75 m. The walkwaywas builton topof the arches.Thesecondwallwas madeof mudbrickson an extendedplatform.On the same platformafausse braiewasbuiltandlaterstrengthened. The walls were abandonedand an importantdomestic phasetookplace,shownby thepresenceof tandursand fire places. This work has provided an important ceramicassemblage.
STUDIES
MEDIAEVALCERAMICS(1996-2000) by David Gilbert
Themainobjectivesof thisprogramme areto produce an accuratetypologicaland chronological sequencefor theplainwares,to datemorecloselyknownglazedware Thereare types,andto helpto dateexcavatedstructures. fourmainexcavations inmedievalMerv,whichprovidea broadchronological sequencefromthe 9th to the 18th centuries. Theseare: 1. The industrial areain GyaurKala,MGK4(mid9thto 10th); 2. Thecitywallsof SultanKala(11thto early13th); 3. TheresidencewithinShahriyar Ark,MSK1(12th to early14th); 4. ThecitywallsofAbdullahKhanKala,AKK1(late 14thto early18th). Knowledgeof the ceramicshas been augmentedby surfacecollectionwithinSultanKalaandGyaurKalaand from sites in the oasis (Gilbertin Herrmann, Kurbanet al. as well as sakhatov, 1999, Simpson 22), assemblages collected from small scale excavations(Gilbert in Herrmann, Kurbansakhatov, Simpsonet al. 1998,73-4). The industrialarea in Gyaur Kala, MGK4, is dated
fromthemid-9thto themid-10thcentury. Theassemblage containsmaterialassociatedwitha steelworkshopanda possiblenearbyresidence,which,it was hoped,would providean insightinto the differentceramicsused in industrial anddomesticcontexts.However,the contexts to be similar,themostnotabledifference appear beingthe occurrenceof plain ware ewers in the industrial whichmayindicateanindustrial useforsuch assemblage, vessels (see graphs).It is interestingto note thatjars increasein proportion to bowlformsinbothdomesticand industrial areas. Identifiableand datablesherds consist of locally producedEarlyIslamicslip-painted potteryin boththe and late This early phases(Fig. 36). style is relatedto Nishapurinanimatebuff ware(Wilkinson1973, 3) and appearsmainlyin bowl forms,but cupsandbottlesare alsoknown.Inthelatephaseslip-painted waressimilarto thosedatedto the 10thcenturyatNishapur(polychrome
Fig. 35. Merv,AbdullahKhanKala,AKKI:section of northfortificationwall, showingthefirst wall on the right and the solid additionalwall builtagainst it; 2 m. scale.
on white) and Samarkand(slip-paintedon a colouredslip) are present.The polychromeon white ware displaysfew colours duringthis period: red, brown and occasionally black.The colourof the slip is generallya fine tomatored, althoughblack is also employed. The decorativedesigns are paintedin white and black. These styles only appear on bowls (Fig 36).
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Colour code to pottery drawings
L
i
black/brown
darkblue
orange/brown
turquoise
yellow
green
midblue
5/
--J
0
5 cm
Fig. 36. 9th-10th century Early Islamic slip-painted pottery from the early and late phases of MGK4: 1, no number, Nishapur Buff Ware,bowl base; 2, 45199, body sherd, bowl; 3, no number,Nishapur Buff Ware,bowl rim; 4, 45136, bowl rim, 5, 45526, bowl rim; 6, no number,Nishapur Buff Ware,bowl rim.
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StreetFrontEarly
Work Shop Early p Bowlforms I IJarforms
I BowIforms [I Jarforms p Jugs
F1Ewers
mCookingw are H Others
Street FrontLate
I
Jugs
-r
Ewers
i•
Cooking ware
Others
WorkShopLate pIBowIforms I JarformsJar
A Bowl forms forms
SJugsJugs i]Ew ers
E Ewers
w are Cooking Iq n Others
MGK4:comparisonof the industrialand domesticcontextsin early and latephases.
a stratifiedcontext.It does,however,appearas surface finds in GyaurKala and couldbe as earlyas the late 10th century.This style of splashedware does not appear without sgraffiato, which was common at Nishapur(Wilkinson1973,55). Otherstyles similarto Nishapurmaterialalso firstappearin theseexcavations. Blackon whitewares,anda widerrangeof coloursfor The city walls of Sultan Kala: The city, suburb and citadel walls of Sultan Kala have been sectioned the polychromeon white wares (brightgreen, olive systematicallyand have produceda valuableceramic greenandyellow). The suggesteddaterangefor these assemblage.This season'sexcavationsproduced1025 stylesis late 10th-12th(Fig. 37). The wall excavationshave also recoveredmaterial diagnosticsherdsfromfive sections.Due to the nature whichhavebeen fromstructures belowthe foundations, of the depositsit is likelythatonly residualmaterialis present in each phase. Nevertheless each phase preliminarilydatedto the 10th-11thcenturies,while abuttingthewallshavebeendatedto the producesnew materialandceramictypes.It is therefore laterstructures 13th-14thcenturies:they are thoughtto be low-status possibleto developa detailedchronologicalsequenceof residences. ceramicsfromthe 11thto the early13thcentury. The residence within Shahryar Ark, MSKI: This The most commonstyle of ceramicfoundwithin ware wall contextsis a colour-splashed sgraffiato (Fig. yearthe excavationsrecoveredmorethan5000 sherds, are 3 and the colours used 37, 4). Generally, yellow and including916 diagnosticpieces. Until this seasonthe greenovera whiteslip.Althoughit is similarto certain residencewas consideredto be a Seljuqbuilding,later Nishapurstyles, it is thoughtto be llth-12th century. re-usedin levels well abovethe primarydeposits.The Thewall sectionsarethe firstto producethismaterialin turquoiseand black bowls discoveredon secondary Materialfromthe post-abandonment phasesof this site dateto the 11thcentury,andwith surfacematerial may help to bridge the chronologicalgap between materialfrom MGK4 and that from the SultanKala walls. The ongoing analysisof wares from this site shouldenableresidualsherdsto be identified.
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Fig. 37. 11th-12th century pottery from MSKfortifications (1-4), 13th centurypottery from MSK1 (5, 7); 15th-18th century pottery from Abdulla Khan Kala fortifications (6). 1, 45985, slip-painted base; 2, 45984, slip-painted base; 3, 45544, sgraffiato rim; 4, 45990, sgraffiato base; 5, 49315, green glazedjar rim; 6, 70239, blue and black glazed bowl rim; 7, 49350, incised sherd.
floor levels in 1998 and 1999 (Gilbertin Herrmann, Kurbansakhatov, Simpsonet al. 1999, 17-18; 2000, 16-20) were consideredto be indicativeof this. This season's results confirmedthe reuse of the Seljuq structure.However,Mongol/Ilkhanidpottery,in the formof brownandyellow glazedjugs similarto those believed to be residualin the primaryconstruction deposits of AbdullahKhan Kala, were recoveredin depositsabove the courtyard.Thesejug styles do not appearin the excavationsof the fortifications.They be laterin datethanthe 12thto the must,presumably,
early 13th century.A jar with a new shade of green glazewas foundwiththesejugs. Also discoveredduringthe courseof this season's excavationshas been an imitationceladonbowl, in whitewithexternalflutingandbluedotsaroundtherim edge (Fig.38, 2); also a fragmentof a thickstonepaste bowl, with a thick cobalt glaze and yellowish lustre (Fig. 38, 6). The presenceof the jugs, togetherwith the Yuan dynasty celadon sherd recovered last season from primarydepositsin the northernsectorof thecourtyard,
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Fig. 38. 13thcenturyceramicsfrom MSK1(1-4, 6); 15th-18thcenturypotteryfromAbdullaKhanKalafortifications(5, 7). 1, 49348/49320/49328,yellow-brownglazedjug; 2, 48013, imitationceladonbowlrim; 3, 49316, celadonbase; 4, 47890, slip-paintedbowl base; 5, 70241, blackand blueglazed bowl rim; 6, 47788, cobalt lustredish; 7, 70055, blue and whiterim.
suggeststhatthe entireceramicsequenceis laterthan previously thought (Gilbert in Herrmann,Kurbansakhatov,Simpson,et al. 2000, 16-20), leaving the ceramicsfromthe fortifications of SultanKalawalls as the only stratifiedSeljuqsequence. Only smallareasof the foundationsof MSK1have been sampled:no materiallaterthanthe Seljuqperiod has been identifiedwithin these layers. During the SeljuqperiodMSK1was an elite buildingandappears to havebeenkeptspotlesslyclean.However,its ceramic wealth is suggestedby finds of high statuspottery, recoveredas fragmented residualsherds.Theseinclude
celadon, lustre ware, gilded Minai ware and cobalt glaze. The city walls of Abdullah Khan Kala: these excavationshave providedthe first stratifiedTimurid and laterceramicassemblage.This consistedof over 1000 sherds,including430 diagnosticpieces.Material associated with the earliest phase of construction containsa significantproportionof ceramicsthoughtto be residualMongol/Ilkhanid, such as bowls decorated in a black slip under a transparentturquoiseglaze Kurbansakhatov, (Gilbertin Herrmann, Simpsonet al., 2000, 16-20). Thismaterialdoes not occurin the later
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Fig.39. CeramicsfromAbdullaKhanKalafortificationsections: 1, 70114,blackand blueglazed; 2, 70341, blue and whitebowl rimwith brownedge; 3, 70412, incisedbody;4, 70220, incisedbody;5, 70223, incisedbody; 6, 70242, rimof dish, 18thcentury;7, 70228, blue and whitebase.
phases.New ceramictypes arein evidencethroughout new style allphasesof thedefences.Themostabundant of ceramicis blueandwhiteware(Figs.38, 5, 7; and39, 2, 7), common throughoutIran in the 15th-17th centuries(Allan1991).Thelatestphasecontainsa sherd froma dishsimilarto anexamplefromRishtandatedto the 18th century(Fig. 39, 6), in the Museum ffir Berlin(Kalter1997,332). V1lkerkunde,
THE STUCCOPROGRAMME by Jens Kr6ger
of One of my majorgoals was the documentation of Mausoleum of the decoration the Seljuqarchitectural SultanSanjar(12th century).The vaultedgallerieson the first floor are decoratedin two differentstucco techniques.The archivoltshave floralpatternsdeeply
48
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Fig. 40.
Fig. 41. Figs. 40-42. Stucco panels from the galleries of the Mausoleum of Sultan Sanjar: Fig. 40. part of a panel from the northern gallery on the west side; Fig. 41. part of a panel from the eastern gallery on the south side, Fig. 42. detail of design from south side: note tracing lines.
Fig. 42.
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Fig. 43. Stucco panelfrom a rectangular room in the 'Lunina house', sited near the Byash Barmak koshk.
cut intothe stucco,whereasall otherpartsof the vaults and walls were decoratedwith patternsin a brickrelatedstyle(Figs.40 and41). Althoughthispartof the buildingwas almost ruinedby the end of the 19th century,remainsof the stuccodecorationstillsurvivein someof the gallerieson thenorth,west andsouthsides. The buildingwas briefly describedby Academician Zhukovsky (1894, 107-8) and was studied and photographed, togetherwith the remainsof the stucco decoration,by ErnstCohn-Wienerin 1924-5 (1925, 114-22). Sincethattimethe stuccoeshavedeteriorated considerably. We therefore decided to trace the ornamentalpatternsof the gallerieswith the aim of documentingtheirpresentstate.This difficulttaskwas skilfullyundertaken by AnamuradOrazov. Workin the galleriesmade it possibleto see that differentartistshad cut the designs deeply into the stucco(Figs. 40-42). Contraryto earlierobservations, the decorationconsists of stucco with a brownish coatingandnotof terracotta. Tracingsandmarksforthe executionof the patterncouldbe clearlyseen (Fig.42). Thepatternsof the archivoltson all existingsidesof the building show certaindifferences.Inscriptionshave only remainedon the southside and show bothKufic andNashkiscriptsin adjacentgalleries.This featureis typicalfor the 12thcenturyand is also to be seen on buildingsin Khurasan.Floralpatternsin the western galleriesdifferfromthose on the northand the south sides. Beside the archivoltpatterns,wall and vault panelscoveredwith brickrelatedstuccopatternswere used. As some of these areidentical,althoughthey are
fromdifferentsides of the building,thereis reasonto believe that one workshopwas delegatedto decorate this part of the building. It was also possible to recognise both types of stucco decorationon the westernfacadeof the building. In lookingfor types of stuccodecorationsimilarto thatof the SultanSanjarbuildingit becameobviousthat the closestlinksexist with the caravansarai andpalace of Ribat-i Sharafin Khurasan,as has alreadybeen noticed by B. O'Kane (EI2 VIII, 1995, 509). This
buildingsouthof Sarakhswas builtin the firsthalf of the 12thcenturyandthusreinforcesthe dateof Sanjar's mausoleum. TheMausoleumof SultanSanjarwasnotanisolated buildingbut was surroundedby differentgroupsof buildings.Thesewerepartlyexcavatedby bulldozersin 1989, when some highly importantstucco fragments from the different buildings were rescued by individuals:theseweremadeavailablefor studyduring my visit. The stuccofragmentsweresaidto come from eitherthehamamon the southorthemosqueonthe east of the Mausoleum.This informationproved to be valuable,as fragmentsof a Kufic inscriptionwere said to come from the mosque while fragmentsof two differentarchivoltsandof wallpanelsweresaidto come fromthehamamarea.Thestuccoeswereall of veryfine quality and provide a good idea of the range of decorationto be uncoveredfrombuildingswithinthe the Mausoleum. importantareasurrounding a of wall Fragments panel said to be from the hamamshow an intricategeometricdesignfilled with
50
JOURNAL OF PERSIAN STUDIES
half palmettesand pearls.Tracesof orangeshow that Visits to the monumentsof Muhammadibn Zayd, theseandotherstuccoeswerepainted,commoncolours TalkhatanBaba,HudayNazarand othersin the Merv becauseof the connections beingredandblue.Wallpanelswithidenticalgeometric oasisprovedto be important decoration.Thesemonumentsare designsandsimilarfillingswerere-excavatedthisyear of theirarchitectural from rooms within a largepalatial-likehouse, which linked by their use of identical or similar brick hadbeenexcavatedby S. B. Luninain 1967-69 (1980, decorationand by their connectionwith the main 59-70). The 'Luninahouse' is sited near the Byash monumentof theoasis,themausoleumof SultanSanjar. Barmakkoshkin the north-westof the city (Herrmann The brickdecorationof both ibn Zayd and Talkhatan roomand Baba uses identicalmotifs, and the buildingsshould 1999, 156).Thewallsof one largerectangular partof anotherroomwerecleared.The largeroomwas probablybe seenas havingbeendecoratedby oneteam, coveredwith the fineststuccodecorationof the Seljuq makingit possibleto dateTalkhatan Babaclose to ibn on all four sides. While the to its sides the showed period inscription,was built in Zayd,which, according long remainsof panelswiththegeometricdesign,two panels the firstquarterof the 12thcentury. flankingthe entrancehadcentralmedallionsfilledwith arabesques (Fig.43). Thesideoppositetheentrancewas decoratedwith a centralmulti-shaped THEMONUMENTSPROGRAMME panelwhichwas flankedby two panelswithdifferentarabesquedesigns. by RobertHillenbrand The centralpanel was of especiallyfine design and execution.Remainsof the colours,red,blueandyellow, RobertHillenbrand,David Gye and Iain Cheyne fromSeptember24 to October7, gave clear indicationsthat these panels were again visitedTurkmenistan coloured.The ornamental patternsof this roomopen a duringwhich time they were able to visit Dehistannew chapterin the grammarof Islamicornamentduring Mashad-iMisriyan(see separatereportby Gye and the Seljuq period and will make it possible to Hillenbrandin this volume) and Mekhne,as well as understandthe continuingdevelopmentof Islamic checkingdata for Monumentsof a Silk Road Oasis: ornamental patterns.Furthermore, theyprovethatMerv Mosquesand Shrinesof MediaevalMerv.Muchof this was takento lay withinthe mainstreamof the languageof Islamic bookhasbeendrafted,butthe opportunity ornament. checks. revisitthebuildingsandto makesupplementary The poorlypreservedremainsof a wall decoration Muchnew information cameto light. of brick-related stuccopatternwerefoundin a different A detaileddrawingof the Kufic inscriptionin the room of the house (Lunina1980, Fig.7). The designs mausoleumof Muhammadibn Zaid was checkedin were nearlyidenticalwith those in the galleriesof the situ. Theheightof the inscriptionis c. 55 cm. SultanSanjarbuildingandthosein theexcavatedhouse Evidencewasgatheredthatthemosqueof Talkhatan in ShahryarArk (MSKI: Herrmann,Kurbansakhatov, Baba had suffered earthquakedamage in medieval Simpsonet al. 1999, Pls. Vb and VI). A numberof times, as suggestedby the undulatingsurfacesof the smallfindsshowedthatsomeroomsin this housealso brickworkin places, by the differentlevels for guard hadextensiveandcolourfulwall paintings. bandsthatshouldhave maintainedconsistency,by the The conclusionsto be drawnare manifold.The massiverebuildingof two of the squinchesandby the of the centralentrancearch.At Khuday patternon one of the wall panelsfromthe hamamarea restructuring of SultanSanjaris identicalto a patternused in the Nazar Auliya, detailed examinationof the external Luninahouse with small variationsonly foundin the facadesrevealedthe likelihoodthattwo facadeswere palmettes. Thus, the same team of workmen builtwitha bakedbrickskin,whiletwo werelargelyof presumablyworkedin bothareas,employingthe same mudbrick. At KishmanEast the minaretwas recordedwith designs, indicatingthat no hierarchyof patternsexisted. whileat Kishman The galleries of Sultan Sanjar,the Luninahouse and the measureddrawingsandphotographs, excavated house in Shahryar Ark show similar or West both the mihraband the portalof the mosque weredefinitively closely related patterns in a brick-relatedstucco style, (formerlyidentifiedas a caravansarai) identified.A baked brick with moulded geometric and there seems little doubtthat all these buildings were ornamentwas discoveredat the nearbytepeby Dr.Jens decorated within a short period. A detailed study will provide furtherresults. Kriger.
THE INTERNATIONAL MERV PROJECT PRELIMINARY REPORT ON THE NINTH YEAR (2000)
Finally, much attention was devoted to the Mausoleum of Sanjar, from detailed engineering analyses of the workingsof the upperparts of the structureto a surveyof the widerlocal context,insofar as this cannow be recovered. An attemptwas made to establishthe variousperiods of the complicatedconstructionhistoryof the mausoleum at Mihna. Significant work was also done at Dehistan/Mashhad-i Misriyan. Among the structures visited were the five free-standingmausolea, the double circuitof walls with a markedintervallum,two minarets, one of themwith threeinscriptionbands,the mosquewith its glazed brick portal, a sister building to the mosquemadrasa at Zuzan, and interestingalso because of its raised sanctuary, a huge madrasa which provides intriguing links with the structure south-west of the mausoleum of Sanjar,and a caravansarai.But the most interestingmonumenthere was the shrineof Shir Kabir, which urgently requires a sensitive programme of restoration.Drawings for such a campaign had been preparedby a promising architectwho had sadly died young; they were shown to the team by Mr. Durdi Kurbanov,who showed exemplary commitmentto his duties as Director of the Archaeological Park (for example, he took the team on a tour of the remarkable local museumwhich he had builtup) and extendedopenhandedhospitalityto us.
51
konferencii,AkademijaNauk Turkmenistana,15-16, Mary. techniquesde Besenval,R. 1987."Quelquescaract6ristiques " la c6ramiqued'epoqueparthe TurengTepe (Iran)", MesopotamiaXXII,403-8. Bosworth,C.E.1968.Thepoliticalanddynastichistoryof the Iranianworld(AD 1000-1217),CHIV, 1-202, ed. J. A. Boyle, Cambridge. soorudjenija Brun,P. andAnnaev,A. 1999. "Oboronitelinye SrednevekogoMerva",KulturnyeTsenosti(1997-1998), Dom, 36-45. Evropijskij Cohn-Wiener,E. 1925. "Die Ruinender Seldschukenstadt von Merw und das MausoleumSultan Sandschars", JahrbuchderAsiatischenKunst2, 114-22. Haerinck,E. 1983.La ceramiqueen Iranpendantla periode parthe,Gent. Hansman,J. and Stronach,D. 1970. "A Sasanianrepositoryat Shahr-i Qumis",JRAS, 142-55, pls. I-IV.
Herrmann,G. 1999. Monumentsof Merv, Traditional Buildingsof theKarakum,London. K., et al. Herrmann,G., Masson, V.M., Kurbansakhatov, 1993."TheInternational MervProject:preliminary report on the firstseason(1992)",Iran31, 39-62. Herrmann,G., Kurbansakhatov,K., et al. 1994. "The InternationalMerv Project:preliminaryreporton the second season (1993)", Iran 32, 53-75. Herrmann, G., Kurbansakhatov,K. and Simpson, St J., et
al.1996. "The International Merv Project:preliminary season the fourth on (1995)",Iran34, 1-22. report Annotation
-
1997. "The InternationalMerv Project:preliminaryreport
on the fifthseason(1996)",Iran35, 1-33.
Furthercorrectionsto the volumeHerrmann1999, Monuments of Merv: Traditional Buildings of the
Karakum,arenotedbelow: ChapterFive, KharobaKoshuk:A referencewas omittedfrompage 104,line 6. OkadaY., "EarlyChristianarchitecture in the Iraqi south-western XII desert",Al-Rafidan (1991),p.79. Gazetteer,page 180, VI: KharobaKoshuk. The locationof this monumentis 15 km. northof Sultan Kala,justsouth(notnorth)of the KarakumCanal.
Bibliography
-
1998. "The InternationalMerv Project:preliminaryreport on the sixth season (1997)", Iran 36, 53-75.
-
1999."TheInternational MervProject:preliminary report
-
on the seventh season (1998)", Iran 37, 1-24. 2000. "The InternationalMerv Project:preliminaryreport
on the eighthseason(1999)",Iran38, 1-31. Juvayni, 'A.-M. 1958. History of the World-Conqueror, translatedby J.A. Boyle, Manchester.
Kalter,J. 1997. Ceramicsof the Eighteenthto Twentieth Heirs to the SilkRoad,332-36, Centuryin Uzbekistan: London. Khodzanijazov,T. 1990. "Raskopkiob'ektov seldzukskoj epokhiv StaromMerve",Mervv Drevneji srednevekovoj istorii vostokaI, Tezisydokladovnaucnojkonferencii,
Allan,J.W.1991.IslamicCeramics,Oxford. Annaev,A. 1993."Novyedannyeo fortifikaciisrednevekovoj istoriivostoka Merva",in Mervv Drevneji srednevekovoj i dokladov epoxa,Tezisy nautchnoj IV Merv seldjukskaja
15-18, AkademijaNauk Turkmenistana,Ashkabad.
1991. Otchet o rabote Sultan-Kalinskoj grupy XVIII NaukTurkmenistana, otrjadaJutakev 1991g. Akademija Ashkabad.
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JOURNALOF PERSIAN STUDIES
coinsof thethird Loginov,S. andNikitin,A. 1993."Sasanian from "Coins of Merv",225-41; century ShapurII from "Sasanian of coins the late 4th-7th Merv", 247-64; centuriesfromMerv",271-96; "Post-Sasanian coinsfrom XXVIII. Merv",313-16, Mesopotamia Lunina,S.B. 1962. "Goncharnoe proizbodstvov MerveXNachalaXIIIvv.",TrudyYuTAKE XI, 217-416. - 1974. "Istoricskaja topografijazapadnojchasti rabada Merva",TrudyYuTAKE srednevekovogo XV, 182-230. -
1980. "Izucheniezhilykh domov Merva X - nachalaXIII v"., TrudyYuTAKE XVII, 59-70. McNicoll, A.W. 1997. Hellenistic Fortifications from the Aegean to the Euphrates,Oxford.
Mustaufi,H. A. 1919. Nuzhatal-qulilb,translatedG. Le Strange,London.
Puschnigg, G. 2000. A diachronic and stylistic assessment of the ceramic evidencefrom Sasanian Merv, Ph.D. thesis,
UniversityCollegeLondon. Shishkina,G.V. 1979. GlazurovannajakeramikaSogda, Filial
Tashkent. AkademiiNaukUzbekistana, Turgunov, B. 1961. Arkheologo-topograficeskaja c'emka Mervskovo goroditcha Sultan-kalas severnymi i Yujnym
rabota,Tashkentskij obvodami, Gosudarstvennyi diplomnaya UniversitetV.I. Lenina,IstoricheskijFakulitetKaferda Azii. Arkheologii Srednej Wilkinson, C.K. 1973. Nishapur:pottery of the early Islamic period, New York. Zhukovsky, V.A. 1894. Drevnosti Zakaspiskogo kraya Razvalinystarogo Merva, Materialypo arkheologiiRossii,
St. Petersburg.
MAUSOLEA AT MERVAND DEHISTAN by DavidGye andRobertHillenbrand Oxfordand Universityof Edinburgh
In the course of our visit to Mashhad-iMisriyan (mediaevalDehistan;also known as Mestorian)we visited the mosque,whose pishtidq makes it a sister buildingto the almostexactlycontemporary buildingat Zuzanandwhoseraisedmusallhis of particular interest. We also notedthe impressivemediaevalwalls, whose doublecircuitis in anexcellentstateof preservation and with littered richly glazedpottery,includinglustreware. Equallynotablewas anurbankhananda madrasa,both of giganticproportions. Theprincipalfocusof interestforus, however,was the mausoleum (maztir-
it was still being visited by
pilgrims in the 19th century) of Shir Kabir in a settlementsome 10 km. from Dehistan.The building bears traces of two major building campaigns:the originaltombandtwo laterannexes.It thusfollowsthe patternof gradualaccretionfamiliarfromothershrine complexesin the mediaevalIranianworld,but limited hereby shortageof space:the mausoleumoccupiesthe top of a littlehill risingabruptlyout of the surrounding containsno fewerthanfourmihrabs plain.Thestructure and the remainsof sophisticatedfresco paintings.Its multi-recessedsquinchand its preferencefor smooth, highlypolishedplasterof a veryfine consistencyas the principalinteriorsurfacecomplementthe evidenceof the epigraphyof themainmihrabandpointto a datein the 10thcentury.A close parallelto the parsimonious ornamentin the zone of transitionis the Jabal-iSang, recently dated convincinglyto the Buyid period by BernardO'Kane;at ShirKabirtheprincipalthemesare a palmetteand a bluntedcross, thoughthe profileof some of the archesis also lightlydecoratedwith blind lobing. Indeed,the lobe is a majordecorativetheme the interiorof thebuilding,especiallyin the throughout main mihrab.Anothernotablefeaturein the zone of transitionis a master'ssignaturein fullview,sitedin the centreof a blankarchin splendidisolation.The proud visibilityof this inscription(echoed,thoughon a more modestscale,sometwo centurieslaterin the architect's signatureinside the tomb of SultanSanjarat Merv) makes it a benchmarkof early Islamic architectural epigraphy.Theextraoutliningof the Kuficductusused
53
for this inscriptionmakes it stand out still more. Altogetherthis mausoleum,despiteits parlousstateof repair,is a raregem from a periodthat is very badly in Iranproper. represented Ourworkat Dehistanwas greatlyfacilitatedby the kindnessandenthusiasmof thelocalspecialistin charge of the archaeological park,MrDurdiKurbanov. The fieldworkwe carriedout on the Mausoleumof SultanSanjar(c. 1140-60)continuedourearliersurvey on two areas:the in the 1999 seasonand concentrated structureof the buildingandits physicalcontextwithin the site. It was quicklyevidentthateach areaof study called for bothcarefuldetectivework and imaginative reconstruction. The buildingsthat surroundedthe tomb of Sultan now by a Sanjararealmostcompletelylost,represented brick-strewnmoonscapelevelled in places to make a road and carpark.Some excavationshave been made in a haphazard close to the building,apparently way in the early nineteen-ninetiesand without leaving any available records. However, it is evident that the building(itself 27m. squarein plan) sat withina vast courtyard.At one comer the remains of a circular trench,now totally robbedof its bricks, suggest the presence of a circular minaret with a diameter apparentlyunmatchedin the entire Islamic world. Adjoining the tomb of Sultan Sanjar within the courtyardare the excavatedremainsof a madrasa,a hammamand other buildingsall of uncertaindate. Othersmallerbuildingsat a lowerlevel evidentlydate to the Seljuqperiod.Two of theserooms,each 3m. to and 4m. square,arewell preserved,neatlyproportioned decoratedwith very good examples of brickwork bearingall the signaturesof the regionalstyle of the as 12th/13thcentury.Oneof themhasbeeninterpreted a library. The structureof the funerarybuildingitself is also difficultto readin its currentstate.It is clearthatit was adjoined by other buildings, through fragmentary brickworkjunctionsas well as evidenceof doorways and drainagechannelswhich show that it must have structures. beenaccessedattherooflevelof surrounding
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"drum"andits gallerysurround The most interestingstructuralquestionsconcernthe 4. Thehexadecagonal zone of transitionandthe gallerythatsurrounds would have dissipatedthe outwardthrustof the it. is frustratednot just by the loss of externaldomebeforethe squinchlevelwas reached, Interpretation muchof the originalbrickwork,but also by wholesale so thatthe squinchvaultscarriedthe verticalloadof and thoroughly insensitive restorationin the late bothdomes,butthe outwardthrustonly of the inner now mercifullyhaltedthanksto the one. The gallery thereforenot only providedan nineteeen-eighties, moreenlightenedattitudeof thepresentadministration. eleganttransitionfrom the chamberbelow to the The general form of the existing gallery is clear, drumabove,anda vehiclefor elaboratedecoration, butalso hadsomestructural function. althoughthere remainslittle evidence of its external decoration.However,the remainingfabricoffersonly 5. The arrangementof the upper gallery over the the most fragmentary clues as to whathappenedabove squinches remains very unclear; our fuller this gallery.Understandingof how this part of the publicationof the tombof SultanSanjarwill discuss worked will have to some possible solutionsto this particularlytricky building rely as much on the dictatesof structure, formas problem. geometryandarchitectural geometricalandstructural on conclusivephysicalevidencefromthe structure. 6. We devoted some thoughtto the questionof the Ourpreliminary conclusionsconcerningthezone of turquoisedomereportedby Yaqitin theyearbefore transitionarethat: the Mongol invasion.We found no evidence of glazedbrickor tilework,or of placeswhereit might 1. The existinggallerysurroundsthe octagonwithin have been attached.Indeed, if the row of blind whichthe squinchesstand,to the full heightof the archeswas designedto be seen,anysuchdecoration wouldhavehadto be confinedto the upperpartof its squinches.It has beenrestoredto approximately the visible externaldome. The steppedprofile of originalheight,althoughthe decorativepanelsand as restored are whatremainsof the externaldomeabovethe blind misconceived. openings 2. Above this galleryran a second one, possibly of archescertainlyleaves room for the possibilityof similarappearancebut probablynot as high. The glazeddecorationabovethis level, and also leaves floor of the uppergallerywould have been at the the actualprofileof the domequiteuncertain. level of the crown of the squinchvaults which almostdirectlysupportthe internaldome. This grimlyimpressivestructurepresentsa serious 3. The upper gallery would have surroundedthe analyticalchallengeat morethanone level. An areaof "drum",which is in fact the hexadecagonof the particularinterestis the interplayof the aggressive outerdome,a formfamiliarfromthe southdomeof statementof power in the building'sform with its the FridayMosque of Isfahan.Bearingonto the delicatestuccoandpaintedplasterdecoration,now in a state. hexadecagonalinsidewall of the uppergallerywas fragmentary a ring of 34 deep-setblind archesthat carriedthe Weareverygratefulforgenerousaccessto thework externaldome,of whichonly substantialfragments of Dr GeorginaHerrmann andothersoverrecentyears survive.We believe that these blind archeswere on thisbuilding,andto herandthewholeIMPteamfor theirhospitalityduringourstay. exposedto view as theyremaintoday.
CHEMICALCHARACTERISATIONOF LATENEOLITHICAND CHALCOLITHICPOTTERYFROM THE TEHRAN PLAIN, IRAN By H. Fazeli,R.A.E.ConinghamandA.M. Pollard Universityof Tehranand Universityof Bradford
exceptionare the sites of Mehdikaniand Mafinabad, which appearto use ceramicsof differentoriginin the A total of seventy-sixsurface collected ceramic Transitional butto use ceramicsof thesame Chalcolithic, sherdsfrom six LateNeolithicto MiddleChalcolithic sourceby the EarlyChalcolithic.This mightsuggesta siteson the TehranPlainhavebeenchemicallyanalysed changefromindependentcommonsourcematerial.This the value of chemical Plasma-Atomic EmissionSpect- preliminarystudy demonstrates by Inductively-Coupled as anadjunctto more ceramics of between rometry.Thedatashowconsiderable similarity analysis archaeological sitesandacrosstimeperiods,as mightbe expectedfrom traditional methods. sites utilisingvery similar clay resources.However, DiscriminantAnalysisreveals subtle changesin clay INTRODUCTION compositionfrom the Late Neolithic to the Middle andalso thatthe ceramicscan be partially Chalcolithic, More For the last fifty years, analysis of the chemical separated by siteusingtheirchemicalcomposition. detailedanalysisof the datarevealsthatsherdsof the compositionof ceramicpastes has formed a useful sameperiodcanbe distinguished ceramics,andhas chemicallyby findsite. adjunctto the studyof archaeological This suggeststhat each site is exploitingsimilarbut beenusedsuccessfullyto assign"provenance" to sherds discreteclay resources,possiblylocal to the site. An of unknownattribution. is Inthiscontext,"provenance" of the ceramic takento meanthe sourceof manufacture vessels, and is regardedas synonymouswith locating the geographical source of the clay(s) used to thepottery.Therearenumerousreviewsof manufacture Aibrz onan this type of scientificanalysis(Rice 1987, Bishopand Neff 1989,Neff 1992,PollardandHeron1996). In the work describedhere, seventy-six sherds 'Job datingfromthe LateNeolithic(five samples)through Chalcolithic(twenty-foursamples)and the Transitional Early Chalcolithic (thirty samples) to the Middle KaraTepe , n>*• /\'Tehran d -a " Chalcolithic(sixteen)andLateChalcolithic(one)have Cheshmeh-Ali been analysedfor a rangeof major,minorand trace ' Mafinabad Pr element components using Inductively-Coupled Maymonabad EmissionSpectrometry -0Chakmak Tepe ,\Plasma-Atomic (ICP-AES:see Mehdikani \ The sherds aresurface Heron Pollardand 1996,31-33). \ finds fromthe sites of ChakmakTepe(nine samples), hoqaE Sadeghabadi Fakrabad (eight), Mehdikani (nine), Mafinabad (nineteen), Sadeghabadi(thirty) and Maymonabad (one), the locationof which are shownin Fig. 1. The Ql' analyses were carried out at the UK Natural EnvironmentResearchCouncil ICP Facility in the 2<s, e- 25s0090 of Geology,RoyalHolloway,Universityof Department The London. analyticaldata were investigatedusing 1. the TehranPlain, showing the sites Fig. Map of SPSS8 forWindows. mentionedin the text. ABSTRACT
a
55
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JOURNAL OF PERSIAN STUDIES
BACKGROUND
also the assumptionthatsuchcategoriescanbe viewed as linear developments,and that increasingsocial Despite its rich cultural sequence, the later complexitywill resultin "enhanced"organisationof prehistory of the Tehran plain has been largely productionandcentralis-ation (Tosi 1984).The aim of withrespectto the neglected with the exception of Erich Schmidt's thispaperis to testsuchassumptions excavationsat Cheshmeh-Aliin the 1930s (Schmidt utilisationof clayresources,andto suggestthatas social the simpleLateNeolithicand 1935,Matney1995).In orderto addressthis issue,and complexitytransformed alarmed by the growth of greater Tehran, the Transitional Chalcolithic societies, there was a Universitiesof Tehranand Bradfordand the Cultural reductionin the local,householdproductionof ceramic In particular, it pointsto HeritageOrganisationof Iranbegan a programmeof and increasingcentralisation. research aimed at characterisingthe social and the steady creationof a limited numberof ceramic economic transformationsof the Plain during the producersandthe distribution anduse of theirproducts Chalcolithic period. In particular, this research withinthe region'ssettlements. concentratedon the transformations of simple Late Neolithicsocietiesto morecomplex,hierarchical ones MATERIALS AND METHODS duringthe Chalcolithicperiod.In 1997the programme conducted a new excavation at the tell site of Cheshmeh-Aliin orderto obtaincarbonsamplesand Samples cut from each sherd were crushedand artefactswith which to create a typology with an weighedto approximately 1 g. Theywerethenground enhancedabsolutechronology.The second phase, in using a GyroMill to a very fine powder,takingcareto 1998, compriseda limited,non-probabilistic surveyof clean the grindingdevice between samplesto avoid the TehranPlain.Thesurvey'sobjectivewas to charact- contaminationwith any residualpowder.Powdered erisethe spatialandtemporalpatternsof settlementand samples were weighed to 0.2 g. (+ 0.0001) on a a totalof forty-fivearchaeological siteswereidentified, sensitivebalance.The sampleswere put into 25 ml. rangingfromthe LateNeolithicto the Islamicperiod. PTFEcrucibles,and 6 ml. of a 1:2 mixtureof HC104 Of particular wastheidentification of a total (perchloric)andHF (hydrofluoric) acidswereaddedto importance of six sites (as listed above)with sequencesincluding each crucible.The trayof crucibleswas placed on a the LateNeolithicandChalcolithicperiods. to hotplateat 500C in thefumecupboardandevaporated The seventy-sixceramicsamplesanalysedin this dryness(approximately three-fourhours).The trayof paperwerecollectedduringthe surfacesurveyat these crucibleswas removedandallowedto cool, afterwhich six sites andhavebeen stylisticallyclassifiedinto Late 2 ml. of HCI (hydrochloric)acid was addedto each Neolithic (c. 6000-5500 B.C.), TransitionalChalco- crucible.Each cruciblewas toppedup with distilled lithic (c. 5500-4700 B.C.), Early Chalcolithic(c. waterandwarmedon the hotplatefor a firtherfifteen 4700-4000 B.C.), MiddleChalcolithic(c. 4000-3500 minutes.The crucibleswere then removedfrom the B.C.) and Late Chalcolithic(c. 3500-3000 B.C.). hotplateandallowedto cool. Plastictubeswerelabelled Appendix1 givesa listof thesherdsanalysedfromeach and pre-washedwith the same distilledwaterused for site and theirdate attributions. Figs. 2, 3 and 4 show makingup the samples.Oncethe crucibleswere cool, to the tubesandmadeup to drawingsof a representative sampleof thesesherds.It is the liquidwas transferred widely accepted by archaeologists that ceramic the requiredvolume with distilledwaterby weighing productioncanbe classifiedintoa numberof categories themon a toppanbalance,andthetubeswerethenwellof organisedproduction,and Van der Leeuw (1977, shaken. 1984) has suggestedthose of household,household Analysiswas carriedoutusingtheNERCICP-AES industry,individualworkshop and nucleatedworkshop. He also predicted that at one end of the spectrum household production was occasional, self-sufficient and utilised simple technology for household consumption but that nucleated workshops were involved in year-round production and utilised specialist technology for regional consumption.There is
facility at the Departmentof Geology, Royal Holloway, University of London, using the standard laboratory computerprogrammeto determine selected major (Al, Fe, Ca and K), minor (Ti, P, Mg, Mn and Na) and trace element (Ba, Co, Cr, Cu, Li, Ni, Sc, Sr,V, Y, Zn and Zr) composition of geological silicate samples. During the analysis of the samples, a blank and a set of laboratory
CHEMICAL CHARACTERISATION OF LATE NEOLITHIC AND CHALCOLITHIC POTTERY
Fig. 2. Illustration of some of the sherds samples discussed in this paper (x50% reduction). Late Neolithic (top) and Transitional Chalcolithic (bottom) ceramics of the TehranPlain: S27, S48, S22, S55, S34, S47, S40, S2 and S4 from Sadeghabadi; M23 and M10 from Mehdikani; MF98 from Mafinabad.
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Fig. 3. Early Chalcolithic ceramics of the TehranPlain: FA55, FA59from Fakrabad; S11 from Sadeghabadi; MF41, MF42, MF44, MF116 from Mafinabad; M37, Ml, M5 and M17 from Mehdikani.
CHEMICAL CHARACTERISATION OF LATE NEOLITHIC AND CHALCOLITHIC POTTERY
59
Fig. 4. Middle Chalcolithic ceramics of the TehranPlain: S33, S26 from Sadeghabadi; MF84, MF53 from Mafinabad; CH1, CH2, CH68 and CH48 from Chakmak Tepe.
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internalstandardrock samples(KC10, KC11, KC12, KC14) and the geologicalstandardreferencematerial was also NIST IC, weremeasured.TheKC 11standard run betweeneach ten samplesanalysedto check for instrumentaldrift. Elemental concentrationswere determinedfor the above elements using primary reference solutions, and the analyses converted to conventionaloxide formulations stoichiometrically forthemajorandminorconstituents. Detectionlimitsin the solutionwerewell below 1 mg 1-1(ppm)for all the major,minor and trace elementsdetermined,with a typicalprecisionof 10/6-1.5%RSD (relativestandard is 100 times greater deviation)whenthe concentration thanthe detectionlimits.This is consideredsufficient for most of the traceelementsdetermined(Thompson andWalsh1983,pp. 33-35). The statisticalpackageSPSS 8 for Windowswas used for the statisticaltreatmentof the analyticaldata, with the dataforZrremoved(see below).All elements were standardised (z-score)priorto analysisto remove the influenceof absolutemagnitude.Exploratorydata analysisconsistedof PrincipalComponentsAnalysis (PCA;BishopandNeff 1989,Baxter1994)andcluster anlysis(Baxter1994)to classifythe sherdsintopossible compositionalgroups.Clusteranalysiswas performed by bothAverageLinkageClusterAnalysisandWard's method,and the resultswere displayedin the formof dendrograms.Subsequentanalysis took the form of DiscriminantAnalysis(Baxter1994),usingthe dateof the pottery and also the findspot as classificatory information. Furthersub-setswere also exploredusing combinationsof theseattributes.
dominatedby Sc (0.917), A1203(0.898), TiO2(0.875), Fe203 (0.874), Co (0.854), CaO (-0.801) and Sr (by MgO(0.666),Ni (0.645), 0.783).PC2is determined Ba (0.537 andLi (0.505).The majorityof samplesare ?1.5 in PCI containedin a bandbetweenapproximately and0 in PC2.Outlyingsamplesarelabelledin Figure3. MiddleChalcolithic) hasthehighest MF84(Mafinabad, of CaO of all the concentration samples analysed Transitional Chalcolithic) (Mehdikani, (19.12%).MOO1 and MF65 (Mafinabad,EarlyChalcolthic)both have highA1203(16.83 and 17.08%respectively)andFe203 (7.93 and 7.83%). FAOO1(Fakrabad,Early ChalcoLateChalcolithic)are lithic)andMM82(Maymonabad, characterised by high MgO (4.46 and 3.70% respectively). Overall,however,Fig. 5 suggestsa groupof pottery samples which are relatively homogeneous in composition,as might be expectedfrom an area of similarsurfacegeology.This observationis confirmed by the hierarchicalcluster analysis using Average Linkage agglomeration(Fig. 6). Seven outliers are identifiedat the right-handside of the dendrogram (as Middle S26 Chalcolithic) above, plus (Sadeghabadi, and CH2 (ChakmakTepe, MiddleChalcolithic)),but the bulk of the samplesare containedwithinthreeor four similar groups. There is no clear association andclusterallocationin this dendrobetweenfinmdspot gram,againsuggestingbroadchemicalsimilarity. Inorderto pursuethepossibilityof finerdetailin the chemicalanalyses,a series of DiscriminantAnalyses were carriedout (againomittingZr). In the firsttrial, dateof potteryfromall siteswas used as the attributed classificatoryvariable.Fourdatecategorieswereused: Late Neolithic(containingfive samples),Transitional RESULTSAND DISCUSSION Chalcolithic(twenty-sixsamples),Early Chalcolithic (thirty samples) and Middle Chalcolithic(fourteen Table 1 shows the dataobtainedon the laboratory samples). Fig. 7 shows a plot of the first two standardreferencematerialsand the blank.Inspection Discriminant Functions(accountingfor83%of thetotal of thisTableshowsexcellentagreementforall elements variance),and Table 2 lists the group means. The exceptZr.Appendix2 lists the datafor all the samples centroidsof Groups1 (LateNeolithic)and 4 (Middle analysed.Althoughthe data obtainedfor Zr is listed Chalcolithic)are shownto be reasonablyseparatedby and 3 (Early here,it was eliminatedfromfurtheranalysisbecauseof this analysis,but Groups2 (Transitional) the poor agreement between the data obtained and the expected values on the laboratory standards. The sample identifiersare as described in Appendix 1. Fig. 5 shows the first two PrincipalComponents of a PCA carried out on all the samples for all elements except Zr. The cumulative variance on this plot is low (PC1 39%, PC2 13%, cumulative 52%). PC1 is
Chalcolithic) overlap substantially. The unclassified case (MM82, from Maymonabad,and dated to the Late Chalcolithic) is grouped with Group 3, the Early Chalcolithic (despite the fact that it appearsto lie close to the Group 1 centroid on Fig. 5). As would be expected with groups which are chemically similar, thereare a substantialnumberof posteriorre-allocations
CHEMICAL CHARACTERISATION OF LATE NEOLITHIC AND CHALCOLITHIC POTTERY
61
6
FA001 O 4
*
PC2
(13%)
MM82
2 SITECODE
MF65
v VC
V
0v
OV 0p 4 A
NE84
MF84
Maymonabad
V Sadeghabadi
0 MOOL
A Mafinabad
71
-2
Mehdikani
A
O -4
Fakrabad
Tepe r[ Chakmak
-4
-3
-2
-1
0
1
2
3
PC1 (39%) Fig. 5. Principal Components Analysis, all samples.
As before,there allocatedto Group5 (Sadeghabadi). were a significantnumberof posteriorre-allocations (fifteen, all but two of which were between the overlappingGroups3, 4 and5). This analysissuggests thatthe therearethreegroupsof chemicalcomposition whenconsideredby findsite,namelyi) ChakmakTepe, ii) Fakrabadand iii) Mehdikani, Mafinabad and As shownin Table3, this discrimination Sadeghabadi. is based largely on the contentof CaO, with some fromBa andSr. contribution In orderto determineif thereis any changein the organisationof potteryproductionwith time, a final = 8), Mehdikani (n = 9), Mafinabad (n = 19) and seriesof discriminant analyseswere carriedout, in the (n = 30). Figure8 showsa plot of the first form of a series of "timeslices".A separateanalysis Sadeghabadi two discriminantfunctions,this time accountingfor was performedfor each period (apartfrom the Late 86% of the total variance,and the groupmeans are Neolithic,which had only five samples,all from the given in Table3. Again, some separationcan be seen same site), with classification by find site. betweenGroupI (Chakmak not all periodsare representedat each Tepe),Group2 (Fakrabad), Unfortunately, andan overlapping groupconsistingof Groups3, 4 and site, but inspectionof Fig. 9 shows clear chemical 5 (Mehdikani,Mafinabadand Sadeghabadi).The separationsbetweenthe varioussites at all periods.In unallocatedcase (MM82, found at Maymonabad)is Fig. 9a (TransitionalChalcolithic,with twenty-six
betweengroups(twenty-twocases, half of which are between Groups 2 and 3). This analysis shows, however,that there is some evidence for two slight changesin averagechemicalcompositionwith time, fromthe Late Neolithicto the Transitional and Early Chalcolithic(whichare similar),andthen againto the Middle Chalcolithic.The discriminantfunctionsand inspection of Table 2 suggest that the principal constituentis CaO. discriminating A seconddiscriminant analysiswas carriedout,this time classifying samples of all periods by the five principalfindsites:ChakmakTepe(n = 9), Fakrabad (n
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Rescaled Distance ClusterCombine CASE Label S28 S30 S002 CH1 MF78 S27 CH10 CH56
0 10 5 Num +---------+--------+---------+----65 66 48 1 39 64 3 7
15
20
25
---.-----
-+ -+ -+-+ -+ I -+ I ---+ -+-+ -+
+-+
MF67 MF127 M1 CH61 CH68 M41 CH48 FA64 FASS S2 S47 FA26 S11 FA12 FA76 S6 S48 FAS9 MF49 FA54 S5 S36 S22 S33 355 M44 S7 S001 S40 S4 S18 M10 MF116 S60 M17 S12 MF91 MF61 MF44 S1 MS M23 MF24 MF66 319 S10 S32 MF53 S50 M37 S34 CH36 MF115 MF41 CH30 MFO1 S9 MF42 S25 MF96
38 46 19 8 9 25 6 16 14 50 72 12 57 11 17 53 73 15 33 13 52 70 61 68 75 26 54 47 71 51 59 21 45 76 22 58 41 35 32 49 20 23 29 37 60 56 67 34 74 24 69 5 44 30 4 28 55 31 62 42
-+-+ I -+ I I ---+ I -+-+ +-+ -+ +-+ I ---+ I I ---+-+ I - - -+ I -+ I -+-+ I -+ I I ---+-+ +-+ ---+ I I I +-+ +-+ -----+ I II -------+ I +-+ I ---------+ ---+---+ II ---+ +---+ I -------+ I -----+-------+ -----+ I -+-+ I -+ +-+ +---+ ---+ +-+ I I -+---+ I I I -+ II I I -----+ +-+ I I -------+ +-+ I I -------+ I I I ---------+ I I -----+ II I ----+---+ +-+ I -----+ I I I I ---+ III I ---+---+ III I ---+ +-+-+ I I -------+ I I I ---+-+ I I I ---+ I I I I -+-+ I I I I -+ I +-+ I I +-----------+ -+ +-+ II I I -+-+ III I I -+ I I I I I ---+ I +-+ I I -----+ I I ---+---+ I I ---+ I I I -+-+ I I I -+ +-+ I I I -+-+ II I I -+ I +-+ I I ---+ I I I ---+ I I I ---+-+ I I ---+ I I ------------+ I -------+ +-+ I -----------+ I
MF98 MM82
43 27
-----------------+ I-----------------------------+
M001
18
-+---------------------------+
I
MF65
36
-+
I
I
---------+-------------+
I
I
CH2
S26 MF84 FA001
2
63 40 10
-----------+ -------------------------+
I I I I I I I I I I I I I I +-----------+ I I I
I I I
I
+-------+ I
+---------------+
-------------------------------------------------+
Fig. 6. Dendrogram using Average Linkage Cluster Analysis.
I
I I
CHEMICAL CHARACTERISATION OF LATE NEOLITHIC AND CHALCOLITHIC POTTERY
3 2 4
k
4
A
1
iv
A
DATECODE
v A
AA
~ O
GroupCentroids
*
(Late Chalcolithic)
C:
0
A
V 4=Middle Chalcolith.
-1A A
-2
A 3=EarlyChalcolithic
v
+ 2=Trans.Chalcolith.
-3
S1= Late Neolithic
-4
-3
-2
-1
0
1
2
4
3
5
Function1 (58%) Fig. 7. Discriminant Analysis -
all sites by date.
O
3.o
O
O
22 2 0
SITECODE
O 0
GroupCentroids
20 0
S0
SO
N 0 0
V 5 = Sadeghabadi
0O
v*
0C.
* (Maymonabad)
O 4 = Mafinabad
O V
-2
0O2 = Fakrabad 1 = ChakmakTepe
V
-3
-6
O 3 = Mehdikani
-4
-2
0
2
4
6
8
Function1 (68%) Fig. 8. Discriminant Analysis -
all dates by site.
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JOURNAL OF PERSIAN STUDIES
64
8
Fig. 9a. Transitional Chalcolithic sherds classified by site
$
6 F U
1
4
n
0
C t
2
i
0
SITECODE 0 GroupCentroids
O 2
A
V 5 = Sadeghabadi
4
A 4 = Mafinabad O 3 = Mehdikani
-4
O 1 = Chakmak Tepe
-6
-10
10
0
20
40
30
Function1 6
Fig. 9b. Early Chalcolithic sherds classified by site
F
AA
4
u n
c
2
A0OAA 20SITE
CODE 0 GroupCentroids
S0 n 2
V 5 = Sadeghabadi
O O 0 02 0
-2 v
-4
O
4 = Mafinabad
0O
O> 3= Mehdikani O 2 = Fakrabad
-6 -8
-6
-4
-2
0
2
4
6
8
Function1 6
Fig. 9c. Middle Chalcolithic sherds classified by site F
4
U
n c t
2
i O
0
2
2-2
CODE
0SITE U
40 A
0
O 0
V 5 = Sadeghabadi
0
A 4 = Mafinabad O 1 = ChakmakTepe
-4 -10
GroupCentroids
-8
-6
-4
-2
0
Function1 Fig. 9. "Timeslices"
2
4
6
CHEMICAL CHARACTERISATION OF LATE NEOLITHIC AND CHALCOLITHIC POTTERY
sherdsfromfoursites),all foursites (ChakmakTepe,n = 1; Mehdikani,n = 5; Mafinabad,n = 5; Sadeghabadi,
65
was essentiallycarriedout at the local site scale, with the exceptionof the developmentof a commonalityof supplyto the sites of MehdikaniandMafinabadduring the Early Chalcolithic- perhapsan indicationof increasingcentralisation.
n = 15) are clearlydistinct.In contrast,Fig. 9b (Early Chalcolithic;thirty sherds from four sites) shows Fakrabad (n = 8) andSadeghabadi (n = 6) as chemically distinct,butthistimeMehdikani(n = 4) andMafinabad fromeachother,although (n = 12) areindistinguishable still separate from the other two. In the Middle Acknowledgments Chalcolithic(Fig. 9c; n = 14 from3 sites), the sherds from Chakmak Tepe (n = 8), Mafinabad (n = 2) and Theauthorsaregratefulto NERCforsupporting the Sadeghabadi(n = 4) are once again chemically analyticalwork,to Ms BelindaBottomleyfor carrying outthe analyses,andto DrNickWalshandNikkiPaige separated. It is necessaryto be cautiousin interpreting these at RoyalHollowayfor muchassistancein carryingout "timeslice"analyses,becausethe numbersof sherdsin the analyses.Partof thisworkwas supported by a grant any one categoryare extremelysmall. With a single fromtheBritishInstituteof PersianStudies.Theauthors exception,the chemicalevidencesuggeststhatceramic also acknowledgethekindassistanceandsupportof the to University of Tehran and the Cultural Heritage productionat the sites studiedfromthe Transitional the Middle Chalcolithic is based on localised Organisation of Iran. independentproduction.It appears,however,that the change in chemicalcompositionof the sherdsfrom MehdikaniandMafinabadfromthe Transitional to the Bibliography EarlyChalcolithicmightsuggesta changein mode of productionfromtwo independent productioncentresto Baxter, M.J. 1994. Exploratory Multivariate Analysis in a single productioncentrein the Early Chalcolithic. Archaeology, Edinburgh. R.L. andNeff, H. 1989. "Compositionaldata analysis Bishop, the absenceof sherdsattributedto the Unfortunately, in R.O. Allen (ed.), Archaeological in archaeology", Middle Chalcolithic at Mehdikani precludes the Advances in ChemistrySeries220: 57-86, IV. Chemistry opportunityto see if such commonsupplycontinues American Chemical D.C. Washington Society, into the later period. The chemical evidence Matney, T. 1995. Re-excavating Cheshmeh-Ali. Expedition in Table4) showsthatthe distinctionsare (summarised 37(2),26-38. extremelyfine,butarebasedprincipallyon theK20and Neff, H. (ed.) 1992. Chemical Characterizationof Ceramic Y concentrationsaccordingto the diagnostic data Pastes in Archaeology, Madison, Wisconsin. producedby the discriminant analysis.Basedon these Pollard,A.M. andHeronC. 1996.ArchaeologicalChemistry, datait is not possibleto suggestwhetherthe combined Cambridge. P.M.1987.PotteryAnalysis:A Sourcebook, Rice, Chicago. Chalcolithic is more related to Early production closely the Transitional Chalcolithic at Mehdikani or Schmidt,E. 1935. The PersianExpedition,Bulletinof the UniversityMuseum 4(5), 41-49. Mafinabad. Thompson,M. and Walsh, J.N. 1983. A Handbook of
CONCLUSIONS
Inductively Coupled Plasma Spectrometry,London. Tosi, M. 1984. "The notion of craft specialisation and its distributionin the archaeologicalrecord of early States in
the Turanianbasin",in M. Spriggs(ed.), Marxist
Chemical analysis of the body compositionof ceramicsherdsurfacefinds at five Late Neolithicto
Perspectives in Archaeology, Cambridge,22-53. Van der Leeuw, S.E. 1977. "Towardsa study of the economics
Middle Chalcolithic sites on the Tehran Plain has demonstratedconsiderablesimilaritybetween sites and periods. This is to be expected if local ceramic production is carried out at sites with related surface geology. It has proved possible, however, to detect subtle chemical changes in body composition, which suggest that ceramic productionover the period studied
of potterymaking",in B.L. VanBeeth,R.W.Brandtand W. Groenman van Watterange(eds.), Ex Horreo, Amsterdam,68-76 VanderLeeuw,S.E. 1984."Dustto dust:a transformational view of the ceramiccycle",in S.E. Vander Leeuwand A.C. Pritchard(eds.), TheManyDimensionsof Pottery: Ceramics in Archaeology and Anthropology,Amsterdam, 707-773.
0.00
7.57 11.10 7.7 11.9
0.00
6.74 6.86 3.90 4.2
3.26 3.30
2.37 2.4
NazO 0.00
4.67 4.78
3.96 4.3
2.11 2.15
0.16 0.2
KO 0.00
0.14 0.13
0.35 0.35
1.09 1.10
0.79 0.84
TiOz 0.01
0.09 0.04
0.00 0.00
0.11 0.12
0.30 0.32
0.13 0.09
P20s 0.00
0.02 0.025
0.03 0.02
0.13 0.13
MnO 0.00
87 112
0.04 1521 0.05 1600
0.14 0.14
88
486 491
132 126
Ba 0
0
2 23 <2 <10
5 8 18 25
13
8 2
35 27
38 356 171 45 330 170
10
29 38
8 8
11
3 <5
13 15
27 112 109 375 278 27 111 108 380 280
Co 0
15
TABLE1. Dataon analyticalstandards. A1203 0.04 9.38 9.9 3.96 3.99 1.69 1.8 3.68 3.78 0.07 0.07
Sc 0 Sr 0 V 0
4 441 4 460
0 <5
35 30
1 <1
K20 TiO, 0.23 0.04
0.13 0.04
PzOs MnO 550 120
Ba
14 107 1 22
Co
Cr
32 6
Cu
46 2
Li
61 6
Ni
15 410 1 90
Sc
1 279 300
Na2O 0.66 0.04
11
7 8
23 365 209 24 370 210
6 97 34 322 214 6 104 33 360 220
Ni 0
Sample Blank 16.67 17.4 8.66 8.71 1.23 1.2 0.11 0.21 0.28 0.28
Li 0
KC10 Certified 16.14 16.51 3.07 2.8 0.00 0.01 0.00 0.02
Cu 0
KCl1 Certified 14.47 15.2 1.91 1.68 0.43 53.78 0.42 50.3
Cr 0
KC12 Certified 11.16 11.6 0.56 0.55
CaO 0.00
KC14 Certified 1.51 1.30
Fe2O3 MgO
NIST1C Certified
CaO 3.1 0.4
TABLE2. Groupstatisticsfor classificationof samplesby date. MgO 1.4 0.4
5.3 2.9
4.0 2.9
1.9 0.3
2.1 0.6
1.8 0.4
3.2 0.4
3.3 0.2
3.3 0.3
0.63 0.06
0.67 0.06
0.70 0.06
0.25 0.07
0.23 0.08
0.19 0.06
0.12 0.03
0.12 0.04
0.10 0.04
640 180
600 320
620 210
14 2
91 30
15 119 1 40
15 118 2 33
31 5
34 6
34 4
40 5
44 5
44 5
53 6
59 10
59 9
14 610 2 170
15 420 1 140
15 370 1 120
Sr
Fe2O3
7.2 3.0
2. Transitional Chalcolithic(n=26) 15.0 6.3 3.2 R 0.8 0.6 0.4 s
1. LateNeolithic(n=5) 14.6 R 0.8 s
3.2 0.4 9.5 3.5
A1203
3.5 0.2
3. EarlyChalcolithic(n=30) 14.7 6.2 R 0.9 S 0.5 3.5 0.3
Group 6.1 0.5
4. MiddleChalcolithic(n=14) 13.8 5.7 K 1.5 0.8 s
1. ChakmakTepe(n--9) 14.2 x 1.0 s 5.9 0.4
5.8 0.4
3.1 0.3
3.4 0.5
3.5 0.2
FezO3 MgO
5.2 4.4
3.9 3.1
8.1 2.2
8.7 2.1
CaO
1.9 0.4
1.8 0.4
2.7 0.5
1.8 0.2
NazO
3.2 0.2
3.2 0.3
3.5 0.2
3.3 0.3
3.2 0.3
KO
0.67 0.05
0.68 0.08
0.70 0.09
0.61 0.04
0.65 0.04
TiO,
0.22 0.08
0.19 0.05
0.21 0.09
0.26 0.07
0.23 0.03
P205
0.11 0.04
0.12 0.04
0.10 0.03
0.14 0.04
0.12 0.03
MnO
600 170
560 190
550 60
720 610
730 140
Ba
15 110 1 30
15 120 2 50
15 120 2 30
14 1
14 1
Co
98 22
95 23
Cr
35 4
33 6
33 3
31 9
30 4
Cu
44 5
41 5
44 6
48 3
40 3
Li
59 7
56 8
59 11
61 16
54 4
Ni
15 390 1 130
15 410 2 130
15 350 1 130
14 550 1 170
14 630 1 150
Sc
TABLE3. Groupstatisticsfor classificationof samplesby find site.
2. Fakrabad(n=8) 14.0 0.7 6.3 0.7 3.2 0.4 1.7 0.4
Co
33 4
Cu
42 4
45 7
Li
55 4
61 14
Ni
15 420 1 120
15 340 2 170
Sc
Sr
3. Mehdikani(n=9) 15.1 R 0.9 s 6.2 0.8 5.1 3.2
A1203
4. Mafmabad(n=19) 14.7 1.4 3.3 0.4
Group
s 6.2 0.5
5. Sadeghabadi(n=30) 14.7 0.8
s
s
Ba
16 120 3 40
31 5
TABLE4. Comparisonof TransitionalandEarlyChalcolithicsherdcompositionsfromMehdikaniandMafinabad. MnO
560 60
15 130 1 60
34 5
42 4
59 8
16 370 1 90
Sr
P20s
0.11 0.03
660 350
15 120 1 40
Cr
KO20 TiO, 0.17 0.05
0.12 0.05
540 80
NaO 0.72 0.10
0.18 0.07
0.11 0.03
CaO 3.5 0.2 0.69 0.07
0.21 0.07
MgO 1.7 0.5 3.2 0.3
0.70 0.06
Fe2O3
Chalcolithic:Mehdikani(n = 5) Transitional 15.1 6.5 3.1 4.3 R 1.1 s 0.9 0.4 4.0 2.2 0.6
A1l03
Transitional Chalcolithic:Mafinabad(n = 5) 14.7 3.2 6.3 3.5 i 0.6 s 0.4 0.6 2.9 EarlyChalcolithic:Mehdikaniand Mafinabadcombined(n = 16) 15.1 3.2 6.3 4.3 1.8 3.3 R 0.8 0.4 0.3 S 0.6 2.6 0.2
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JOURNALOF PERSIAN STUDIES
Appendix 1. Description of Sherds Analysed Number CH1 CH2 CHO1 CH30 CH36 CH48 CH56 CH61 CH68
Period MiddleChalcolithic MiddleChalcolithic MiddleChalcolithic MiddleChalcolithic MiddleChalcolithic MiddleChalcolithic MiddleChalcolithic MiddleChalcolithic MiddleChalcolithic
Site name ChakmakTepe ChakmakTepe ChakmakTepe ChakmakTepe ChakmakTepe ChakmakTepe ChakmakTepe ChakmakTepe ChakmakTepe
Short description Body,wheel made Body,wheel made Rim, wheel made, 16 cm Rim, wheel made,22 cm Body,wheel made Rim, wheel made,21 cm Body,wheel made Rim, 21cm, wheel made Rim, 22cm, wheel made
Paste Colour (Munsell) 7.5YR 7/8 ReddishYellow 2.5Y 8/3 Pale Yellow 5YR 5/8 YellowishRed 2.5YR 5/8 Red 10YR5/3 VeryPale Brown 7.5YR 6/6 ReddishYellow 7.5YR 5/6 StrongBrown 10YR7/4 Verypale Brown 10YR6/6 YellowishBrown
FAOO1 FA12 FA26 FA54 FA55 FA59 FA64 FA76
EarlyChalcolithic EarlyChalcolithic EarlyChalcolithic EarlyChalcolithic EarlyChalcolithic EarlyChalcolithic EarlyChalcolithic EarlyChalcolithic
Fakrabad Fakrabad Fakrabad Fakrabad Fakrabad Fakrabad Fakrabad Fakrabad
Body sherd2mm thick Rim, 14cm,wheel made Rim, 18cm,handmade Rim, 18cm,handmade Rim, 15cm,handmade Body,handmade Rim, 30cm, handmade Rim, 12cm,handmade
10YRvery pale brown 2.5YR 3/6 DarkRed 10R4/8 Red 10R4/8 Red 10R4/8 Red 10R4/8 Red 2.5YR 5/8 Red 2.5YR 5/8 Red
MOO1
TransitionalChalcolithic Mehdikani
2.5YR LightRed
M1 M5 M10 M17 M23 M37 M41 M44
EarlyChalcolithic EarlyChalcolithic TransitionalChalcolithic EarlyChalcolithic TransitionalChalcolithic EarlyChalcolithic TransitionalChalcolithic TransitionalChalcolithic
Mehdikani Mehdikani Mehdikani Mehdikani Mehdikani Mehdikani Mehdikani Mehdikani
Smallhandmade concavebase Body,handmade
2.5YR 5/4 ReddishBrown
Rim, 18cm,handmade Body,handmade Rim, 12cm,wheel made Rim Body,handmade Body,handmade
2.5YR 4/6 Red 2.5YR 4/6 Red 1OR3/3 DuskyRed 5YR 5/4 ReddishBrown 2.5YR 5/6 Red 2.5Y 4/4 ReddishBrown
MM82
LateChalcolithic
Maymonabad
Body,handmade
2.5YR 8/3 Pale Yellow
MFOI MF24 MF41 MF42 MF44 MF49 MF53 MF61 MF65 MF66 MF67 MF78 MF84 MF91 MF96 MF98 MF115 MF116 MF127
TransitionalChalcolithic EarlyChalcolithic EarlyChalcolithic EarlyChalcolithic EarlyChalcolithic TransitionalChalcolithic MiddleChalcolithic EarlyChalcolithic EarlyChalcolithic EarlyChalcolithic EarlyChalcolithic EarlyChalcolithic MiddleChalcolithic TransitionalChalcolithic TransitionalChalcolithic TransitionalChalcolithic EarlyChalcolithic EarlyChalcolithic EarlyChalcolithic
Mafinabad Mafinabad Mafinabad Mafinabad Mafinabad Mafinabad Mafinabad Mafinabad Mafinabad Mafinabad Mafmabad Mafinabad Mafmabad Mafinabad Mafinabad Mafmabad Mafinabad Mafinabad Mafinabad
Body,handmade Body,handmade Rim, 16cm Rim, 10cm,D45 handmade Rim, 20cm, handmade Body,handmade Body,wheelmade Body,handmade Rim, 7cm, handmade Rim, 22cm Rim, 23cm Body,handmade Rim, 22cm, handmade Body,handmade Rim, 10cm,handmade Rim, 20cm, handmade Body, handmade Body,handmade Rim, 12cm,handmade
2.5YR 4/6 Red 5YR 5/8 YellowishRed 2.5YR 5/8 Red 5YR 5/6 YellowishRed 2.5YR 6/6 LightRed 2.5YR 4/8 Red 10YR6/8 BrownishYellow 10R4/8 Red 2.5YR 4/8 Red 2.5YR 4/4 ReddishBrown 7.5YR 6/8 ReddishYellow 2.5YR 6/8 LightRed 7.5YR 6/8 ReddishYellow 7.5YR4/4 Brown 2.5YR 5/8 Red 5/6 Red 10OR 7.5YR 5/3 Brown 2.5YR 4/8 Red 10R 5/8 Red
CHEMICALCHARACTERISATION OF LATENEOLITHICAND CHALCOLITHICPOTTERY
Number S001 S002 S1 S2 S4 S5 S6 S7 S9 S10 S11 S12
Period TransitionalChalcolithic MiddleChalcolithic TransitionalCalcolithic TransitionalChalcolithic TransitionalChalcolithic TransitionalChalcolithic EarlyChalcolithic TransitionalChalcolithic EarlyChalcolithic EarlyChalcolithic EarlyChalcolithic TransitionalChalcolithic
Site name Sadeghabadi Sadeghabadi Sadeghabadi Sadeghabadi Sadeghabadi Sadeghabadi Sadeghabadi Sadeghabadi Sadeghabadi Sadeghabadi Sadeghabadi Sadeghabadi
Short description Body,handmade Body,wheel made Rim, handmade Rim, 18cm,handmade Rim, 9cm, handmade Rim,handmade Rim, 12cm,handmade Rim, 13cm,handmade Rim, 9cm, handmade Rim, 20cm, handmade Rim, 12cm,handmade Rim, 12cm,handmade
S18 S19 S22 S25 S26
TransitionalChalcolithic TransitionalChalcolithic LateNeolithic EarlyChalcolithic MiddleChalcolithic
Sadeghabadi Sadeghabadi Sadeghabadi Sadeghabadi Sadeghabadi
Rim, 14cm,handmade Rim, 10cm,handmade Rim, handmade Rim, 26cm, handmade Rim, 30cm, wheel made
S27 S28 S30 S32 S33 S34 S36 S40 S47 S48 S50 S55 S60
LateNeolithic MiddleChalcolithic MiddleChalcolithic EarlyChalcolithic MiddleChalcolithic TransitionalChalcolithic TransitionalChalcolithic LateNeolithic LateNeolithic LateNeolithic TransitionalChalcolithic TransitionalChalcolithic TransitionalChalcolithic
Sadeghabadi Sadeghabadi Sadeghabadi Sadeghabadi Sadeghabadi Sadeghabadi Sadeghabadi Sadeghabadi Sadeghabadi Sadeghabadi Sadeghabadi Sadeghabadi Sadeghabadi
Rim, 27cm, handmade Rim, 27cm, wheel made Rim, 40cm, wheel made Body,handmade Rim, 26cm, wheel made Rim, 14cm,handmade Rim, 24cm, handmade Body,handmade Body,handmade Body,handmade, Body,handmade, Body,handmade Body,handmade
69
Paste Colour (Munsell) D302.5YR4/8 Red 2.5Y 8.3 Pale Yellow 2.5YR 5/6 Red 2.5YR 5/8 Red 2.5YR 5/6 Red 5YR 4/4 ReddishBrown 2.5YR 4/3 ReddishBrown 2.5YR 5/6 Red 7.5YR 5/6 StrongBrown 2.5YR 4/8 Red 2.5YR 4/6 Red 2.5YR 4/4 DarkReddish Brown 2.5YR 5/8 Red 7.5YR 6/6 ReddishYellow 10YR7/3 VeryPale Brown 2.5YR 5/8 Red 2.5Y 6/4 LightYellowish Brown 10YR7/2 LightGray 2.5Y 8/3 Pale Yellow 2.5Y 7/2 LightGray 2.5YR4/8 Red 2.5Y 8/2 Pale Yellow 2.5YR 4/4 ReddishBrown 10R4/6 Red 7.5YR 6/6 ReddishYellow 10YR7/3 VeryPale Brown 10YR7/3 VeryPale Brown 2.5YR 5/6 Red 2.5Y 7/2 LightGray 2.5YR 4/8 Red
CaO NaO 9.05 1.76 13.01 1.70 7.96 1.89 6.28 1.82 7.91 2.03 10.61 1.91 6.59 2.26 8.09 1.59 9.04 1.67 12.77 2.86 8.80 2.27 6.42 2.34 6.18 3.01 6.91 1.91 8.14 3.54 8.83 2.49 6.42 3.19 1.28 1.22 6.18 1.89 3.14 1.95 1.51 1.49 1.94 1.81 2.73 2.21 1.93 2.32 10.88 2.29 5.23 1.40 12.99 1.16 3.54 2.32 2.09 1.82 6.28 1.91 1.19 1.69 6.35 2.53 8.34 3.22 8.12 2.25 2.13 1.72 1.27 1.35 1.85 1.85 7.41 1.94 6.21 1.84 19.16 1.66
Appendix 2. Analytical Data Sample A1203 Fe203 MgO CH1 13.65 5.67 3.29 CH2 12.26 5.09 3.32 CHIO 14.69 6.04 3.55 CH30 14.95 5.94 3.71 CH36 15.31 6.60 3.47 CH48 13.41 5.69 3.10 CH56 14.20 5.61 3.55 CH61 15.31 5.93 3.49 CH68 14.37 5.65 3.86 FAOO1 13.02 6.50 4.46 FA12 13.90 5.83 3.17 FA26 14.99 6.04 3.50 FA54 13.73 5.59 2.99 FA55 14.55 6.06 3.32 FA59 13.23 5.20 3.16 FA64 13.81 5.51 3.10 FA76 14.58 6.09 3.56 MOO1 16.83 7.93 2.55 M1 14.63 5.41 3.32 M5 15.08 6.45 3.21 M10 15.19 6.34 3.18 M17 14.57 5.89 2.52 M23 14.89 6.43 2.99 M37 15.62 6.18 3.36 M41 13.62 5.36 3.14 M44 15.18 6.34 3.52 MM82 15.11 6.92 3.70 15.37 6.21 3.48 15.63 6.06 3.01 15.67 6.96 3.55 15.11 5.74 2.78 13.64 5.78 3.15 13.82 5.67 3.82 14.39 6.10 3.05 16.13 7.09 2.73 17.08 7.83 2.81 14.85 6.36 2.73 15.05 6.29 3.39 13.87 5.74 3.23 10.04 3.64 2.85 MF01 MF24 MF41 MF42 MF44 MF49 MF53 MF61 MF65 MF66 MF67 MF78 MF84
K20
3.16 2.75 3.23 3.15 3.26 3.15 3.26 3.78 3.43 2.71 3.32 3.48 3.69 3.40 3.35 3.26 3.58 3.17 3.55 3.32 3.81 3.33 3.52 3.52 3.53 3.58 3.26 3.54 3.14 3.70 3.28 2.75 3.42 3.02 3.50 3.21 2.97 3.20 3.08 2.11
TiO2 0.66 0.59 0.68 0.70 0.65 0.64 0.67 0.63 0.60 0.67 0.59 0.65 0.58 0.64 0.56 0.59 0.60 0.89 0.60 0.71 0.67 0.76 0.72 0.69 0.62 0.68 0.64 0.71 0.74 0.67 0.74 0.64 0.59 0.66 0.71 0.82 0.75 0.70 0.67 0.46
Ba P205 MnO 569 0.09 0.17 1061 609 0.11 837 0.09 719 0.14 0.08 669 0.09 678 737 0.14 720 0.14 0.12 2220 460 0.14 545 0.17 0.20 475 0.12 563 502 0.17 444 0.09 538 0.14 0.12 532 586 0.07 543 0.09 562 0.09 458 0.07 534 0.13 601 0.11 650 0.14 501 0.08 589 0.11 551 0.11 0.08 576 0.17 571 0.11 521 395 0.08 525 0.13 540 0.18 0.12 727 0.14 546 0.07 599 551 0.11 502 0.14 363 0.12 0.22 0.26 0.22 0.19 0.26 0.27 0.23 0.22 0.23 0.35 0.39 0.21 0.26 0.21 0.21 0.21 0.27 0.15 0.21 0.20 0.12 0.44 0.15 0.17 0.24 0.21 0.38 0.16 0.18 0.23 0.11 0.19 0.21 0.24 0.25 0.15 0.19 0.23 0.21 0.21
Co 14 13 14 15 15 13 14 13 13 16 12 14 13 14 12 13 14 21 13 16 15 15 16 15 13 15 17 15 16 16 14 14 13 17 16 19 16 15 14 9
Cr 99 82 101 121 75 84 140 79 71 150 91 103 84 103 81 91 84 143 93 165 118 139 163 99 63 108 102 121 119 87 228 103 78 76 100 141 152 104 90 57
Cu 30 26 33 33 35 30 29 24 26 51 24 32 25 33 23 26 36 38 30 33 36 32 35 37 28 30 58 30 36 41 28 28 24 37 43 39 36 37 30 24
Li 41 35 42 44 38 40 40 42 39 51 49 49 54 47 45 46 45 54 41 45 43 37 40 45 39 51 51 46 42 44 40 41 41 39 39 50 37 43 39 29
Ni 58 56 57 58 50 54 55 50 48 100 56 60 57 60 50 54 49 79 51 69 53 55 66 55 43 62 96 55 61 60 48 54 49 56 56 79 67 58 56 38
Sc 14 12 14 16 15 13 14 14 14 16 14 15 14 14 13 13 15 18 15 16 15 15 15 16 13 16 16 16 16 16 16 14 14 14 17 18 15 15 14 9
Sr 544 939 616 424 531 739 580 578 696 685 469 378 849 408 572 657 366 162 377 297 281 459 289 336 610 366 810 423 298 438 302 414 628 480 329 160 294 463 486 737 V 100 101 123 146 114 86 123 113 104 116 103 116 105 108 91 103 117 146 132 146 144 168 143 105 101 114 135 154 137 122 119 129 99 104 145 139 126 98 101 77
K20 TiO2 Sample A1203, Fe2O, MgO CaO NaO MF91 14.84 6.32 2.50 2.72 2.09 3.16 0.70 MF96 14.63 6.80 3.66 1.66 1.80 2.92 0.66 MF98 15.06 6.35 2.77 1.18 1.79 2.99 0.77 MF115 15.21 6.27 3.73 8.57 1.85 3.19 0.63 1.32 3.39 0.68 MFll6 14.57 5.83 3.70 3.38 1.71 3.45 0.64 MF127 14.94 6.35 3.70 7.86 1.35 3.36 0.69 S001 14.71 6.23 3.36 5.62 S002 14.24 5.84 3.56 10.07 1.91 3.15 0.62 Si 14.67 6.20 3.33 6.34 2.27 2.94 0.68 S2 13.99 5.88 3.14 5.46 2.02 3.24 0.66 S4 16.31 7.01 3.77 1.37 1.46 3.44 0.75 S5 14.58 5.42 2.56 1.09 1.60 2.81 0.72 S6 14.67 6.43 3.39 7.99 1.20 3.43 0.65 S7 15.48 6.81 3.14 3.30 1.07 3.42 0.67 S9 15.32 6.90 3.62 6.62 1.65 3.23 0.67 1.77 3.08 0.70 S10 14.20 6.10 2.66 2.07 S11 14.24 5.79 3.11 4.67 1.65 3.50 0.62 S12 15.00 5.94 2.77 2.05 1.91 3.13 0.68 S18 15.09 7.17 2.97 1.45 1.54 3.13 0.74 1.94 1.69 3.11 0.76 S19 14.87 5.68 2.99 S22 15.61 6.65 3.69 4.02 1.24 3.36 0.71 S25 14.55 6.26 2.78 2.30 1.95 2.97 0.70 S26 12.24 4.97 3.36 11.72 2.80 2.84 0.56 S27 14.07 5.85 3.36 10.16 1.25 3.26 0.65 S28 13.81 5.83 3.65 9.07 1.71 3.35 0.62 S30 14.03 5.75 3.50 9.95 1.55 3.45 0.60 S32 14.35 6.09 2.97 2.91 2.58 3.31 0.67 S33 15.27 6.72 4.08 4.94 1.77 3.36 0.68 S34 15.61 6.68 3.19 3.43 1.93 3.28 0.66 S36 14.69 6.43 3.11 2.06 1.93 3.26 0.71 S40 15.41 6.58 3.65 4.12 1.09 3.37 0.68 S47 13.97 5.80 3.33 7.82 1.29 3.24 0.62 S48 13.93 5.63 3.64 10.04 2.01 2.49 0.63 1.80 2.93 0.69 S50 14.43 6.05 2.81 5.83 1.70 3.51 0.68 S55 16.05 6.94 3.79 4.50 S60 16.13 6.02 3.13 1.16 1.96 3.47 0.75 *Zrwas omittedfrom subsequentstatistical interpretation P20O 0.28 0.16 0.08 0.21 0.14 0.22 0.21 0.21 0.22 0.22 0.18 0.07 0.39 0.22 0.24 0.18 0.32 0.39 0.16 0.16 0.20 0.13 0.49 0.24 0.21 0.22 0.21 0.22 0.21 0.16 0.19 0.28 0.26 0.23 0.18 0.12
MnO 0.12 0.05 0.20 0.17 0.07 0.12 0.09 0.14 0.09 0.12 0.16 0.06 0.13 0.09 0.14 0.11 0.12 0.05 0.06 0.05 0.07 0.16 0.11 0.12 0.12 0.13 0.11 0.08 0.13 0.06 0.15 0.13 0.16 0.18 0.11 0.05
Ba 559 396 1266 588 390 540 1105 680 544 436 471 509 617 707 477 459 513 590 1110 456 491 702 455 615 477 515 856 586 618 557 384 564 708 552 650 542 Co 15 15 16 15 15 14 15 14 15 14 17 14 15 16 16 17 14 16 18 15 16 16 13 14 14 14 15 16 16 13 15 13 13 16 17 13
Cr 118 232 119 82 161 99 107 77 114 109 123 121 100 101 106 116 80 120 116 167 139 219 69 101 79 75 185 164 78 105 119 93 84 109 128 118 Cu 34 38 28 36 34 29 34 34 37 30 39 26 29 32 37 37 35 34 36 39 37 42 39 26 35 30 35 34 38 36 28 29 40 37 35 39
Li 36 41 46 41 46 45 47 39 41 45 53 44 53 51 46 35 39 38 48 43 49 38 38 46 38 40 36 50 38 44 45 46 46 40 54 43 Ni 53 60 56 57 54 56 65 51 66 56 76 53 64 61 63 61 53 51 69 55 67 62 47 62 55 49 57 63 51 54 67 55 55 63 71 51 Sc 15 16 15 15 15 16 15 15 15 14 17 15 15 15 16 15 14 16 16 15 16 16 12 14 15 14 14 17 16 15 16 14 14 15 16 18
Sr 340 336 352 434 338 469 532 563 375 340 250 223 507 261 378 306 458 377 316 310 338 281 866 462 505 579 366 338 309 337 288 508 436 348 400 287 V 175 111 135 107 185 110 113 103 113 104 127 109 114 121 141 127 107 131 131 121 148 148 85 113 99 98 129 127 117 106 124 117 112 133 137 165 2 2 2 2 2 2 2 2 2 2 2 2 2 2 2 2 2 2 2 2 2 2 2 2 2 2
2 2 2 2 2
MALYAN 1999 By KamyarAbdi Museumof Anthropology,Universityof Michigan
INTRODUCTION In my two yearsof studyat the OrientalInstituteof theUniversityof Chicago(October1994-August1996) I hadtheprivilegeof studyingwithWilliamM. Sumner, then the Directorof the OrientalInstituteand on the brinkof retirement. Despitehis busyschedule,Bill took the timeto introduceme to the archaeologyof Farsin WhenBill generalandthe site of Malyanin particular. retiredto Columbusand I moved to Ann Arborto pursuemy studiesat the Universityof Michigan,we maintainedcontactthroughe-mailandcorrespondence, Malyanalwaysbeinga frequenttopicof conversation. AlthoughI begana regionalarchaeological project in the IslamabadPlain in the CentralWesternZagros Mountainsin 1997 (Abdi 1999),thoughtsof initiating new workat Malyanwereneverfar frommy mind.In the earlysummerof 1999,whenI was planninga long visit to Iran,I, with JohnAlden,paid a visit to Bill in Columbus.He was delightedto hearthatI hadbegun thinkingmoreseriouslyaboutMalyanandencouraged my plansto visit the site andexplorethe possibilityof resumingfieldworkthere.Withhis typicalgenerosity, Bill offeredto provideinformationon earlierwork at the sitewhenI beganmy workat Malyan. Througha fortunatecoincidence,when I arrivedin Iranin July 1999,I learnedof a long delayedprojectby the Centreof ArchaeologicalResearch(CAR) of the IranianCulturalHeritage Organisation(ICHO) for establishingthe extent of archaeologicalremainsat Malyanand its protection.I visited Malyanon 4-5 August1999 to makea preliminary inspection.To my I found the situation at the site far fromideal. dismay, to I submitted Uponreturning Tehran, my briefreporton thecurrentstateof thesiteto theCAR,andin mymeeting withJalilGolshan,theDeputyforResearchof theICHO, informedhim of an urgentneed to take protective measures.Witha mixedfeelingof surpriseanddelightI thetask. myselfwas entrusted by himto undertake As I mentionedearlier,I did plan to visit Malyan duringmy stay in Iran,but I was not contemplating fieldwork during my visit. Therefore, when the
73
opportunityaroseto do some actualworkat the site I found myself facing a dilemma: obviously I was virtually unpreparedand committed elsewhere to anotherarchaeological projectwhichrequiredall of my time andeffort,but,in the meantime,I couldnot ignore the necessityof workat Malyanandignorethe factthat prospectsof workingat a site such as Malyanseemed very tantalising.I finallysuccumbedto the temptation andagreedto undertakethe ICHOproject. I wish to expressmy gratitudeto JalilGolshanfor entrusting me with the task and facilitating the and financialaspectsof the project.I am bureaucratic also gratefulto Naser Chegini,the formerDirectorof CAR in Tehran,and MohammadHossein Bahr-olOloumi,the directorof ICHOin the FarsProvincefor to theirhelp.I shouldextendmy warmestappreciations the of the director Persepoliscomplex MosayyebAmiri, and his friendlystaff for giving us living quartersat Persepolis and providing great help in terms of supplies,and labourduringourworkat transportation, I am also grateful to Reza Norouzi Malyan. of the and (archaeologist) RezaPeyvand(cartographer) a then Ali in Shiraz and ICHOoffice Farhani, graduate studentat the Departmentof Archaeologyof Tehran Universityforjoiningthe teamon such a shortnotice and and helpingwith every aspect of administrative researchtasks. to thereadersof Malyanhardlyneedsanintroduction the site remainsat Iran.Archaeological occupyan area two hundredhectaresin the Beyza of approximately (Beidha) Plain in the Kur River Basin in the Fars provincein southernIran.FereydounTavalloli,thenthe Serviceof Iranin theFars directorof theArchaeological the sitein 1961,butno report at worked province,briefly of his activitieshas beenpublishedandmy attemptsto gather informationon his work or whereaboutsof excavationnotesor findshavemet with littlesuccess.I didhowevertracksomeartifacts,includinga numberof potteryvesselsof Kaftari,Qaleh,ShoghaandTeimuran traditionsin the storageareaof the PersepolisMuseum which, accordingto the Museumrecords,came from Malyan and may have been from Tavalloli's
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excavations.'Moreover,I trackeddownAbdol-Khaleq Miri,oneof thevillagerswhoworkedwithTavalloli,and thanksto him, locateda numberof Tavalloli'strenches about100-150 m. to the south-eastof OperationABC. nowthesetrenchesarenothingmorethan Unfortunately, deformedholesin the groundwithno discernable traces of architectural remains.2 Thebeginningof systematicarchaeological research at Malyanshouldbe creditedto Sumnerwho recorded the site on 27 March1968duringhis surveyof the Kur River Basin, and from 1971 to 1978 led a joint
Fig. 1. Malyan crew, 1999.
University of Pennsylvania-OhioState University expeditionat the site.In a few seasons,Sumner'swork dramatically augmentedourknowledgeof thehighland heartlandof the Elamitecivilisationfromthe fourthto the first millenniumB.C.E. and solidly confirmedan earliersuggestionby Hansman(1972)thatMalyanwas indeedAnshan,the highlandcapitalof Elam.Thework by Sumnerand his colleagues at Malyan included surfacesurveys,excavations,andgeomagneticsurveys, reportsof whichhavebeenpublishedin severalbooks, monographs,PhD dissertations,and articles,some in thisverysamejournal(theseworksaretoo manyto list here;for a comprehensive bibliography up to 1987 see Sumner1988a. For the most recentpublicationssee Nicholas 1990; Zeder 1991; Carter1996; Sumner,in press;see also MillerandAbdi,forthcoming) Followingthe IranianRevolutionof 1979,archaeological work at Malyan came to a halt. After the Americanteamleft Malyanin September1978,the site fell into oblivion,only being sporadicallyvisited by archaeologistsand a few interestedpeople.Whenwe returnedto resumeworkat Malyan,the villagerswere delightedto see a groupof archaeologistsaftermore thantwentyyears.HereI shouldexpressmy gratitude to the friendlyvillagersof Malyanfortheirhospitalityand to SeyyedKoochik,thewatchmanfor help,in particular the Americanteamandhis sonNurollahMiri,theheadworkerof ourteam,andthe restof the labourforce,all childrenof the oldergenerationof workersat Malyan (Fig. 1).
Fig. 2. Operation ABC, looking south.
MALYAN
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We worked at Malyan from 22 August to 10 September1999, a shortyet ratherproductiveseason. In our first season we focused on several tasks. Our prioritywas to recordrecent damage to the site and take steps to protect the archaeologicalremains from further destruction. Whenever time allowed, research was obviously our primarygoal.
THE CURRENT STATE OF THE SITE As part of our first field season at Malyan, we focused on inspecting and recordingthe currentstate of the site, especially recent damage, and taking measures to protect the archaeological remains from further destruction.Following, I will briefly list our observations and undertakings(see Fig. 5).
Old Excavation Trenches
Fig. 3. Operation GHI, looking south.
The American team excavated several trenches, a number of which were quite large (Fig. 5). Operation ABC (Sumner, in press), where extensive Banesh remains were discovered, is now filled with back-dirt from old excavations and few architecturalremains are still visible (Fig. 2). The adjacentOperationGHI, due to its higher elevation, is less filled and architectural remains are still visible, but heavily weathered (Fig. 3). Operation EDD, where the large Middle Elamite
Fig. 4. Operation EDD, looking east.
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Fig. 5. Map of Malyan showing old excavations, recent constructions and earth-quarrying, and the location of Operation TTW
MALYAN 1999
77
Fig. 6. OperationTUVlooking west.
buildingwas excavated(Carter1996), is also partially filled,but one can still recognisetracesof the Middle ElamiteBuildingwalls, also heavily weathered(Fig. 4).3 OperationTUV, where domesticremainsof the Banesh phase were discovered (Nicholas 1990) is almostfilled,withveryfew discernibleremains(Fig.6). Whatis still visible of othertrenches,includingBY8, GGX98,FX196,F26,Z46,EE16,X65, XX, BB33, and A63 is only some deformedholes in the ground,andif one didnotknowbeforehand thatthesewereexcavation trenches,one wouldhardlynoticethem.
framesand doors from old houses. Followingrecent research(Cameronand Tomka 1993), ethnoarchaeMalyanvillageis one of ologicalworkatthe abandoned ourresearchgoalsin the upcomingseasons. The gardento the west of the old Malyanvillageis alsosemi-abandoned, althoughits tallandsplendidtrees still sheltermigratingnomadsandtheirflocksfromhot summersun (Fig. 7). Accordingto the villagers,the ownerof the garden,who runsa printshopin Shiraz, rarelyattendsthe trees, so it is up to the villagersto occasionallydivertwaterto irrigatethegarden.
The Old Malyan Village
The New Malyan Village
The old Malyanvillage on the easternedge of the site is abandoned and has fallen into disrepair. Accordingto the villagers,the processof abandonment began in around1983 when people realisedthat it wouldcost themmoreto repairtheirold housesthanto buildnewones.Theprocessof abandonment tookabout nine years, and by 1992, the old village was entirely deserted.4 Peoplegraduallymovedto the south-eastand east sides of the site and built houses along the new pavedroadconnectingthe new Malyanvillageto other villages to the west and north(Fig. 5). Woodenroof beams from old houses were takenout. These beams werenotusedin new constructions, butsavedas fuelfor use in the old publicbath,or for cookingin weddings and other ceremonies.The same appliedto wooden
The new Malyan village shows an interesting longitudinal growthpatternunlikethepatternof radiating growthtypicalof most ruralsettlements.Whenpeople beganto abandonthe old village,they simplymovedto the south-eastand east sides of the site and began constructionon theirown land which was previously used for agriculture (Fig. 5). Unlikehousesin the old which were built using traditional Malyan village construction materialincludingmudbrick andwood,new housesarebuiltwithmodemmaterialsuchas ironbeams, factorymadebakedbrickandlightpolicaroofing,all of whichhaveto be broughtin fromelsewhere. The longitudinalconfigurationof the new village can be attributedto its locationalongthe pavedroad. This is wheremost of the old familieslive. Unmarried
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Fig. 7. TheMalyangardenstill shelterspastoralnomads.Ruins of the old Malyanvillage can be seen in the background. children live with their parents, but upon marriage daughters will have to move to their husband's house and sons will have to build their own house and move out. However, financial hardshipwhich has afflicted the Iraniansociety in general since the Revolution of 1979 has forced some married sons to live, along with their household, with theirparentsand thus form an extended family. Daughters, however, still have to move to their husband's house upon marriage. There are also some constructions along the other paved road going from the Beyza township 5 km. to the south-eastof Malyan to othervillages to the north-west. This areais mostly occupied by new families, especially newlyweds. The new Malyan village now houses around four hundred people, and has electricity, a primaryand elementaryschool, a mosque, a clinic with a health technician and a nurse on duty, a few grocery stores and bakeries, and a mechanic shop.
The Old Dighouse According to the villagers, the dighouse that housed the American team in their later seasons of work at Malyan was destroyedduringa flash flood in 1987. The plot of land which the dighouse was built upon is still sitting vacant between a house and the village school. It is now used as a place to discard construction debris from the newly built houses in the vicinity. In upcoming seasons we should certainly invest some time in excavating what is left of the old dighouse in hopes of retrieving some of the artifactsthat the American team left behind.
Agricultural Activities A large portion of the site and its premises, especially the north section, to the north of the new paved road has regularly been cultivated by the villagers. The open area between the northerncity wall and the TUV mound, due to its featureless surface, is particularly suitable for agricultural activities. These activities are more limited in other parts of the site, especially aroundthe old excavation areas. There does not seem to be any significant change in agricultural techniques in the recent decades, and villagers rarely seem to use deep plowing or carry out other activities which may be harmful to the archaeological remains. Some damage to the city wall, especially in the northern section, however, has resulted from plowing the fields immediately to the north of the city wall with tractors. Much of the traditional qanat system is still functional,5but some portionshave not been cleared for some time and their air shafts have been filled. There are, however, still two major qanat networks operational,one runningalong a south-west-north-east axis from the middle of the site and emerging to the south of the garden and providing water for the villager's daily use. It was along this canal and its levees that we found several Qajartombstones and a column base of probableAchaemenid date (see below).
Earth-quarrying Activities at the Site Situatedin the middle of a large flat plain, Malyan is the only topographiceminence in the area. The consid-
MALYAN 1999
erable distance from sources of dirt has thereforemade archaeological deposits at Malyan an easily accessible source for those in need of soil for constructionwork or for raising the surface of their garden. The Malyan villagers, thanks to their knowledge of the archaeologicalsignificance of the deposits beneaththeir dwellings, neither inflict damage nor do much quarrying. The primary menace are people from neighbouringvillages who have been using the site as a quarry since the 1970s. Earth-quarryingactivities are usually carried out at night so the Malyan villagers could not stop the culprits. Prior to our work there were no signs indicating the archaeological nature of the site or forbidding earth-quarryingon the site, so anyone quarryingfor dirt could claim ignorance of the law. As a result of quarryingactivities much damage has been inflicted upon Malyan (see Fig. 5). The relatively high mound to the west of OperationEE16, once one of
79
the highest points of the site, has been virtually obliterated by earth-quarrying(Fig. 8). Moreover, a substantialpart of the outer and inner surfaces of the easterncity wall has also been quarriedaway (Fig. 9) to the point that, in some places, the inner mudbrickcore has been exposed. We chose one of these exposures at the inner surface of the city wall to the north-eastof the site for our excavations (see below). Another major spot damaged by earth-quarryingis located immediately to the south of the old Malyan village among newly-built houses. Open access to the road and the largevolume of this mass of archaeological deposit makes this spot a temptingtargetfor people and, consequently, a large portion of it has been quarried away. On one occasion we actually came across a group who were using heavy machinery to remove dirt from this area;they were stopped from furtherdamaging the site. Elsewhere at the site one can also see traces of minor earth-quarrying.
Fig. 8. Mound to the west of EEl 6.
Fig. 9. Earth-quarrying at the eastern part of the city wall.
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Realising the devastating effect of earth-quarrying activities, we set our foremost priority to stop any further quarrying at the site. On all of the signs and boundarymarkerswe set up on the site and its premises (see below) we inscribed a warning to discourage people from further earth-quarrying.In an announcement circulated in the vicinity, we also warned people that any activity, including earth-quarrying,which may be harmful to the archaeological remains will thenceforward be illegal and will be met with legal action by the ICHO.
STEPS TOWARD PROTECTING THE SITE Our first and foremost priorityin the first season of work at Malyan was to detect and establishthe extent of archaeological remains at the site and to protect them from further damage. Although a registered national monument, the plots of land at Malyan are still owned by individualsincluding the Malyan villagers and a few land-owners residing in Shiraz. Therefore, legally, the ICHO can do little to prevent the people from
Fig. 10. Boundary
marker.
Fig. 11. Main sign.
Fig. 12. One of the small signs.
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interferingwith the site. Partof ourjob was to establish the boundariesof the site and take steps to transferthe ownership from the private sector to the ICHO. Fortunately, the American team had produced a fairly detailed map of the site showing the extent of the archaeologicalremains. We used their map as our base map to mark recent changes, including the new constructions and earth-quarrying(Fig. 5). Next we installed fifty-five boundary markers at approximately 100 m. intervalsaroundthe perimeterof the site.6These boundary markers (Fig. 10) were made of galvanised steel pipes, about 1.50 m. in height, painted light grey, and inscribedwith the ICHO emblem, an identification number, and a warning reading "Archaeological Remains. Any interference, earth-quarrying,or constructionshall meet with legal consequences."The base of the posts were buried in the ground and stabilised in concrete to rendertheir removal arduous. At the easternmost comer of the site, where the paved road makes a sharp turn towards the site, we installed a large sign giving a brief description of Malyan, and its history and significance (Fig. 11). We also installed seven smaller signs along the paved roads giving the name of the site and the same warning message (Fig. 12). Prior to my departurefrom Iran, I submittedto the ICHO - both in Tehranand Shiraz - a reportwith a complete set of maps and detailed description of the current state of the site and my recommendations for protecting the site. The ICHO office in Shiraz will thenceforwardassign one of their guards to Malyan to pay regularvisits to the site and inspect and stop further damages.
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EXCAVATIONS In the midst of these hectic administrativetasks we also found time to do some research, which made our field season all the more rewarding. As mentioned above, earth-quarryingactivities at the eastern part of the site have exposed a large section of the city wall, in some places completely removing the overlying debris and exposing the mudbrick core. After inspecting a number of places to select an optimal spot to study the structure of the wall and to compare our finds with previous studies of the city wall by the American team (Sumner 1985), we decided to do some section cleaning and open a small trench at the inside surface of the north-eastsection of the wall opposite the TUV mound (see Fig. 5, for the location, see also Fig. 13). As evidenced by fresh and ratherdeep scratch marks, this part was recently damaged by a front-loader during earth-quarrying,and thus did not require a large-scale excavation, an undertakingfor which we were not fully preparedin this season.
Excavation Procedure Figs. 14 and 17 show, respectively, the isometric view and the profile and Table 1 summarises the stratigraphyof the section cleaning, trench, and deep sounding, which, in toto, we called Operation T(est) T(rench) W(all) 1. We set the ground surface as our datum and began excavations at TTW1 from the top by scrapingoff the overlaying surfacesoil and exposing the intact rows of mudbrick.In some places the upperrows
Fig. 13. Location of Operation TTW1prior to excavations.
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MALYAN
Fig. 15. Scraping off the surface layer exposes courses of mudbrick.
1999
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of mudbrickwere heavily weathered and would easily disintegrate, so we had to remove an entire course to reach the more stable underlying course. But, in other places, scrappingoff the eroded surfacesoil was enough to expose a stable course of mudbricks(Fig. 15). Here, sprayingthe excavation area with water and noting the subsequent colour differentiation between the solid mudbrick and its surroundingmatrix, was particularly helpful in recognising and clearing the courses of mudbrickand locating the interfacebetween bricks and the surroundingfill. After some horizontal exposure, we expanded westward and cleared the area dug out by the frontloader to inspect the vertical configurationof the wall. In the same manner,we scrapedoff the surface soil and exposed several courses of mudbrick (Fig. 16). Below this mass of mudbrick we began finding alternating layers of packed clay (pis&?) and mudbrick down to slightly above the datum (i.e. ground surface) when we began to see a drastic change in the composition and colour of deposits and the amount of archaeological material. In orderto explore these deposits, we opened a small 4 x 2 m. trench at the base of the wall. At a depth of 20 cm. below the datum we reduced our trench to a 1 x 1 m. squarewhich we labelled the "Deep Sounding."Our excavations in the Deep Sounding followed the texture and colour of the deposits. In other words, we removed a layer of archaeological deposit until we noticed a
Fig. 16. Courses of mudbrick in Layer 1.
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Dugoutby loader 111
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MALYAN 1999
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TABLE 1. Stratigraphyof Operation TTW1. Feature (markedwith triangle)
Layer Deposit (markedwith circle) 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12
Mudbrick,relativelystandardin size, with little mortar. Packedsedimentwith some archaeologicalmaterial. Sedimentwith gravel,perhapsrepresentinga periodof abandonment. Sediment,with no archaeologicalmaterial. Irregularlyplacedmudbricks. Sediment,with no archaeologicalmaterial(similarto L4). Packedsedimentorpise",with some archaeologicalmaterial. Ashy sedimentwith some archaeologicalmaterial. Sedimentwith largeramountof ash. Sedimentmixed with smallpieces of charcoaland archaeologicalmaterial. Fine sedimentwith light ash and some charcoal. Mediumbuff sedimentwith some ash, charcoal,andarchaeologicalmaterial.
13 14 15 16 17 18 19
A layerof ash and charcoal. Ashy sedimentwith mediumsized pieces of charcoal. Lightbuff soil with some archaeologicalmaterial. Darkerbuff soil with more archaeologicalmaterial,especiallycharcoalandbones. Alternatingstrataof gray,reddishbuff, and darksoil with some archaeologicalmaterial. Strataof soil with some archaeologicalmaterial;too moist to identifytextureor colour. WaterTable.
considerable change in the composition. Then a new
numberwas given and excavationscontinuedin the new deposit.All archaeologicalmaterialswere sorted accordingly. We continued digging in the Deep Soundingto a depthof 3.80 m. belowthe datumbefore we hit the watertable.
Stratigraphy
Table 1 gives the summarystratigraphyof the OperationTTW1. Layer 1 is the mudbricksuperstructure of the citywall.It seemsthatthe standardsize of mudbrickswas about40 x 20 x 10 cm. whichis the same as mudbricksfound by the Americanteam in OperationBY8 (Sumner1985: 155). Still a considerable degree of variation can be observed in the dimensionsof mudbricks(Fig. 18). Mudbricksappear to have been made using a mould,becausein some well-preservedexamplesone can still see the straight of mould-madebricks.Mudbricks edges characteristic were generallylaid in a "header-bond" technique,i.e., withlongaxesperpendicular to thelineof thewall,with headsvisible on the faces, but this orientationis also subjectto exception.Theyweremostlylaid in parallel courseswitha thinlayerof mortarbetweenthem.What
1 Lens.
2 3
Lens. Possible floor.
4 5 6 7 8
Jarwith infantburial. Lens. mudbricks. Fragmentary Lens. Fragmentarymudbrick.
we found strikingwas the high volume of potsherds mixedin theclayusedin makingmudbricksandmortar. Thesepotsherdsare predominantly of the Baneshand amountof Lapuitraditions.Thereis also a considerable otherarchaeological materialincludingbonesandlithic material mixed in the mudbricksand the mortar. Perhapsthe most interestingfindswere a cone-shaped stone and a Proto-Elamitestyle cylinder seal (see Appendix1). In Layer2 we foundfewerandfewermudbricksand it is possible that, in some places, packed sediment (pise)was used insteadof bricks.One of thesemasses of packedsedimentis indicatedon Fig. 14 wherethe elevation"+3.64"is printed(Fig. 19). In this areawe detectedandcleareda few scatteredmudbricks,butthe restof the massconsistedof packedsedimentwithlittle material. archaeological Beneaththis depositthere is a layer of soil with gravelwhichmayrepresenta periodof erosionmarking a depositionalhiatus(Layer3). Below thatthereis a depositwhich may date to the same periodof hiatus (Layer4). Below this depositthereare severalcourses of bricks laid out in a "header-stretcher" bonding some bricks laid to theline i.e., perpendicular technique, of thewall,andsomeparallelto thelineof thewall (Fig. 20). The differentbricklayingtechniqueand different
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Fig. 18. Close-up of rows of mudbricks in Layer 1 showing different sizes and method of laying.
Fig. 19. The intersection of Layers 1 and 2 showing mudbricks and packed sediment.
size of mudbricks(approximately40 x 20 x 8 cm. with substantial variation) suggest an earlier construction phase (Layer 5). Below these bricks is anothershallow layer of gravel which may represent another, earlier, period of hiatus (Layer 6). Below there is yet another deposit (pise' ?) similar to Layer 4 with little archaeological material(Layer 7) that extends to about 25 cm. above datum (Fig. 21). From Layer 8 where the Deep Sounding begins there is a substantial change in the texture and
composition of the deposits. The presence of archaeological material (e.g., large volumes of pottery, lithic material,and bones) and also ash and charcoal in considerable amounts, as well as scattered pieces of mudbrick, and a piece of metal (see Appendix 3) lead us to believe that the Deep Sounding penetrated deposits of a domestic nature. This interpretationwas further supportedwhen we found a jar with an infant burial in Layer 15 underneathwhat seems to have been a floor (see Appendix 4).
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Fig. 20. Close-up of Layer 5: mudbricks of different size and method of laying technique.
Fig. 21. Layer 7: packed sediment (pise?).
Archaeological Material The pottery assemblage from the Deep Sounding consists mostly of painted and unpainted Late Banesh straw and grit-tempered wares like those found in Operation BY8 and described by Sumner (1985: 156-60). Fig. 22 shows some examples of sherds and Table 2 gives the sherd count and weight by layer from the Deep Sounding. In the Deep Sounding we observed an increase in the numberof bevelled-rim bowls, solidfooted goblets, and trays in layers below Layer 15,
which suggests a Middle to Early Banesh date for these deposits. There is also a gradual increase in the percentage of grit-temperedbevelled-rim bowls from Layer 17 downwards, while a sharp decrease can be observed in the percentageof straw-temperedbevelledrim bowls typical of upper layers. Sherds of Lapui tradition, though present, never appear in numbers sufficiently large to indicate a Lapui occupation and are most probably in a non-primarycontext. Of course, the possibility of a Lapui occupation below the water table cannot be dismissed.
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Fig. 22. Sherdsfrom the Deep Sounding (except No. 4 which is the rim of a travertine vessel).
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Fig. 22. Sherdsfrom the Deep Sounding.
(Munsell's
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"pink" is closer to buff in common archaeological description.):
1. Body-sherd,grit-tempered,outersurfacel0R5/6 ("red'")with 10R3/6 ("darkred') paint onpale 7.5YR7/2("pinkishgray") band, somewhatburnished,innersurfacerough, 10R5/6 ("red'). Layerl 0. Cf Nicholas 1990: P1.20n. 2. Body-sherd,grit-temperedwith very little vegetal matter surface 5YR7/3("pink') with 7.5R3/3 ("duskyred'")paint on 10R7/1 ("reddishgray') band Layer 9. 3. Rim, grit-tempered,outer surface 7.5YR7/3 ("pinkishgray'") with 7.5YR8/3 ("dark brown'")paint. Inner surface 7.5YR7/3 with blackband Layer 9. ("pinkishgray") 4. Rim,travertine,JOYR7/4("verypale brown'). L9. Cf Alden 1979: Fig. 57.9. 5. Body-sherd,grit-tempered,surface5YR4/3("reddishbrown'")with a Gleyl 8/N band Layerl0. 6. Body-sherd.Grit-tempered,outer surface 5YR6/6("reddishyellow') with a Gley 1 8/N band on carinationpainted over with 5YR3/3("darkreddishbrown")with tracesof lOYR5/1("gray'")below carination,innersurface 5YR6/6("reddishyellow') with 5YR3/3("darkreddishbrown') wash.Layerl 0. 7. Rime-sherd,grit-tempered,outersurface 7.5YR8/1("verydarkbrown")with 7.5R4/4("weakred'") paint witha bandof 7.5R2.5/1 ("reddishblack'")at the bottom,innersurface2.5 YR6/6("lightred")with2.5YR2.5/4("darkreddishbrown') paint. Layerll. Cf Alden 1979: Fig. 42.2. 8. Body-sherd,finegrit-tempered, polychrome,outersurfaceGley 1 8/5G with 7.5R2.5/3("duskyred'")bandsand 7.5YR6/6("reddish inner yellow') chevrons, surface 7.5YR7/1("lightgray) with 7.5R2.5/3("duskyred") band Layerl0. 9. Body-sherd,grit-tempered,outersurface 10YR7/3("verypale brown'")with2.5YR3/3("darkreddishbrown")paint, innersurface 2.5YR6/6("lightred") with verypale 2.5YR7/1("pale red")paint. Layer 9. Cf Sumner1985: Fig. 3C. 10. Rim-sherd,grit-tempered,outer surface 10YR8/4 ("verypale brown') with 7.5YR2.5/1("black'") paint on bands of 7.5YR8/4 ("white'), innersurface 7.5R4/6("red'). Layer 11. Cf Sumner1985. Fig. 3G. 11. Rim-sherd,grit-tempered,outersurface 10YR7/3("verypale brown") with 2.5YR3/3("duskyred'")paint, innersurface2.5YR6/6 ("lightred'").Layerl3. Cf Sumner1985: Fig. 3B. 12. Rim-sherd,grit-tempered,outersurface 5YR6/4("verydark brown') wash with 7.5YR3/3("reddishbrown'")paint on 10YR8/2 ("verypale brown') band Layer 12. Cf Sumner1972: Pls. XX7IC,XXJ11b. 13. Rim-sherd,finegrit-tempered,outersurface10YR8/2("white') with5YR3/3("darkreddishbrown ) paint, innersurface2.5YR5/8 ("red') with 5YR3/3("darkreddishbrown')paint aroundthe rim.Layer 9. Cf Sumner1985: Fig. 4E; Nicholas 1990: P1.20h. 14. Spout,grit-tempered,5YR7/4("pink")surfacewith 5YR3/3("darkreddish-brown'") paint. Layerl0. Cf Alden 1979: Fig. 46 23. 15. Rim-sherd,grit-tempered,2.5YR7/8("lightred'). Layerll. Cf Alden 1979: Fig. 40.4,11. 16. Rim-sherd,grit-tempered,10YR8/2("white')paste with Gley 1/3N wash on the outersurface, 7.5YR3/3("dark Brown') wash on the innersurface.Layer 11. Cf Alden 1979: Fig. 45; Sumnerinpress: Fig. 25a (rimform only). 17. Rim-sherd,grit-tempered,5YR7/4("reddishyellow') paste with 10YR8/3("verypale brown'")wash. Layer 11. Cf Alden 1979: Fig. 46.5. 18. Rim-sherd,grit-tempered,5YR7/4("reddishyellow'")paste with 10YR8/3("verypale brown'")wash. Layer 11. Cf Alden 1979: Fig. 41:1, 45.1; Sumnerinpress: Fig. 25q. 19. Rim-sherd,grit-tempered,Gley 1/3N wash on the outersurface,2.5YR2.5/4("darkred'")paint on 10YR8/3("verypale brown'") band insidethe rim.Layer 11. 20. Rim-sherd,on visible inclusions, 10YR8/3("verypale brown'").Layer 11. Cf Sumner in press: Fig. 22f (similarsquare rim, differentangle, straw-tempered). 21-22. BRB,straw-tempered,5YR7/4("pink'). Layer 14. Cf Alden 1979: Fig. 35.18-19; Sumner1988b: Fig. 2b. Sumnerin press: Fig. 22i-n. 23. Rim-sherd,no visibleinclusions,5YR7/6("reddishyellow'")pastewith10R5/6 ("red'")wash.Layer14. Cf Alden1979: Fig. 52:23. Lapui. 24. Rim-sherd,no visible inclusions,5YR7/6("reddishyellow")paste with 10R5/6 ("red') wash. Layer 14. 25. Rimsherd,grit-tempered,7.5YR7/4("pink")with 2.5YR3/3("darkreddishbrown')paint. Layer 11. 26. Rimsherd,grit-tempered,2.5YR5/8("red")with2.5YR3/3("darkreddishbrown")paint. Layer 11. 27. Rimsherd,grit-tempered,10R5/6 ("red").Layerl5. Lapui. Cf Alden 1979: Fig. 52.24; Sumner1988: 2f 28. Rimsherd,grit-tempered,10R5/6 ("red").Layer 15. Lapui. Cf Alden 1979: Fig. 52.1. 29. Rimsherd,grit-tempered,10YR8/3("verypale brown").Layer 15. Lapui. Cf Alden 1979: Fig. 52.19: Sumner1988b:Fig. 2d 31. Rim sherd, grit-tempered,10R4/4 ("weak red"). 30. Rim sherd, grit-tempered,10YR8/3("verypale brown").Layer]6. Lapui,; 52.7. Alden 1979: Fig. Layerl1. Lapui. Cf 32. Vasebase, grit-tempered,2.5YR6/6("lightred").Layerl5. Lapui. Cf Sumner1972: Fig. XVYq. 33-39. Trayrims,straw-tempered,7.5YR7/4("pink").Layers 16-17. Cf Alden 1979: Fig. 33; Sumnerinpress: Fig. 23. 40. Gobletbase, straw-tempered,7.5YR7/4("pink").Layersl6. Cf Alden 1979: Fig. 32.13; Sumner inpress: Fig. 22a-b.
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TABLE2. OperationTTWI, Deep SoundingSherdcountandweightby Layer. Layer
Fine BaneshStraw-Tempereda BaneshGrit-Tempered: Coarseb BaneshGrit-Tempered: (PaintedandUnpainted) (PaintedandUnpainted) (PaintedandUnpainted)
8 9 10 11 12 13 14 15 16 17 18 a b c d
45(780 gr.) 17(880 gr.) 9(210 gr.) 7(250 gr.) 5(80 gr.) 7(250 gr.) 77(1550 gr.)c 41(1010 gr.) 80(1620gr.)
41(620 gr.) 8(150 gr.) 42(1950 gr.) 33(400 gr.) 13(210gr.) 29(450 gr.) 56(630 gr.) 8(120 gr.) 9(110 gr.)
65(1550 gr.) 25(1730 gr.) 15(215gr.) 75(2150gr.) 31(110gr.) 142(3620gr.) 240(3420 gr.) 73(870 gr.) 71(1810gr.) 168(2840gr.)d
Lapui
1(5gr.)
6(22 gr.) 1(5gr.) 5(52 gr.)
No sherdswere collecteddue to high watertable.
BSTincludesBevelled-RimBowlsandsolidfootedgoblets BGTCincludescarinated bowls. Of thisfigure27(815gr.)areBevelled-RimBowls. Thisfigurerepresents thewholepotteryfindsfromLayer18,of which49(1255gr.)areBaneshtrays,170(2050gr.)are Bowls. Bevelled-Rim Bevelled-RimBowls,29(1250gr.)aresolidfootedgoblets,and7(150gr.)aregrit-tempered
Lithic and faunal remains occur sporadically throughout the Deep Sounding. In Layer 17, in particular,startingfrom the depth of 3.10 m. below the datum,we recovered a large concentrationof bones in a dense deposit mixed with ash, charcoal, and some sherds. The study of bones courtesy of Marjan Mashkourof CNRS can be found in Appendix 2.
Interpretation Based on our finds, we propose the following constructionhistory for the wall (see Figs. 23 and 24).
Needlessto say,ourpropositiononly appliesto the area exposed in OperationTTW1 and we would not dismiss
the possibilitythat differentparts of the wall were
nearby, perhaps related to the occupation at the TUV mound about 80 m. to the west. The earliest evidence for the city wall at this location is thepise deposit (Layer 7), which may representan early stand-alonedefensive earthwork or the first stage in the construction of the wall represented by the bricks of Layer 5. The pise' deposit (Layer2), restingon Layers 5-3, may have been a glacis-like repair to the Layer 5 wall, or may have been associated with the construction of the Layer 1 wall. It is not possible to date these remains of the city wall because no deposit has yet been found resting against the face of the wall at this location. The possibility that the earlierwall (Layer 5) is Late Banesh and the later wall (Layer 1) is Kaftari, based on comparison with the results of the BY8 excavations (Sumner 1985), cannot be dismissed.
constructedin differenttimes using differenttechniques
andconstruction material: ThereareEarlyto MiddleBaneshrubbishdeposits in the TTW1 sounding (Layers 17-14). Above these layers there were similar deposits with typical Late Banesh painted sherds (Layers 13-10) followed by a rubbish deposit with typical Banesh straw-tempered forms in association with unusual grit temperedpainted sherds that may be a new variant of Banesh ware (Layers 9, 8). All of these deposits demonstrate the presence of habitation occupations at this location or
OTHER ACTIVITIES Recordingrecent changes at the site, settingup signs
and boundarymarkers,and excavationsat Operation TTW1 took most of our time in the 1999 season, but we nonetheless managed to carry out a few other, minor
activities: As mentioned earlier,the large mound to the west of old Operation EE16 has been virtually obliteratedby
MALYAN
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Fig. 23. Upper part of Operation TTW1.
Fig. 24. General view of Operation TTW1.
earth-quarrying(Fig. 8). Although a remote chance, I assigned two workers under Reza Norouzi to work in this area to screen what is left to see if they could find any inscribed bricks. This proved to be futile, but we nonetheless found a fair number of plain baked bricks, some of which were dipped in bitumen. Also, walking along a water channel in the abandoned old Malyan village, I noticed an old tombstone protrudingfrom the channel levees. Upon inquiry, I learned that this area used to be the old, abandonedvillage cemetery and in orderto bring water
to new houses, a mechanicalexcavatorwas broughtin to dig a channel right throughthe old cemetery and dump the dirt along the channel thus creating a levee-like feature.Again, threeworkerswere assigned to probethe back dirtand the levee in and aroundthe channel.To my surprise, this brief work produced nearly thirty tombstones of the Qajarperiod (for examples see Fig. 25), a numberof which bearthe figureof a mountedman (cf. Fig. 26), which, accordingto the villagers, belong to pastoral nomads. We also received a bonus for our curiosityand in the process of probingthe channelfound
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Fig. 25. Examples of gravestones of the Qajar period found along the canal levee.
10 cm Fig. 26. A gravestone found along the canal levee showing a mounted man; attributed to nomads.
Fig. 27. A column base ofprobably Achaemenid date found along the canal levee.
MALYAN 1999
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Fig. 28. Pieces of inscribed bricksfound on the site by villagers.
a column base (Fig. 27). This column base consists of a rectangularplinth 55 x 55 x 12 cm. in dimensions and a circulartorus 50 cm. in diameterand 12 cm. high. The column base is carved from a black stone, but it is so worn from sitting in the water channel for a long time that no chisel marks can be recognised on it, and therefore it is hard to date; but based on stylistic comparisonsan Achaemenid date seems most likely.7 Upon furtherinquiry,I learnedthat at some point in time there were four column bases like this in the old village mosque, but when the mosque was abandoned for a new mosque, the villagers lost trackof the column bases until we found one of them. A promise of chelowkabib to anyone who could find the other three column bases proved partiallysuccessful, as one of our workers finally located a fragmentarypiece of a second column base embeddedin the wall of the old public bath-house. Unfortunately,this piece cannotbe retrievedat this time. In the meantime, the Malyan villagers gave us the surface finds they had picked up on the site throughout the years. These finds mostly include beads and lithic material,but among them there are a few fragments of inscribed bricks (Fig. 28). These bricks were briefly studied by Michael Kozuh of the Oriental Institute of the University of Chicago, in the Iran National Museum, who dates them to the reign of HutelutushInshushinak,of the type already published by Maurice Lambert(1972) and Erica Reiner (1973).
ical researchat Malyan in the not-too-distantfuture.The ICHO will, in the meantime, strive to protect the site from further damage, earth-quarrying,or construction work. The Malyan village has a Cultural Heritage Society with members from among the villagers, but they do not have the legal leverage or means to stop culprits from interferingwith the site. Furthermore,the remoteness of the site from other ICHO stations- the closest being at Persepolis and Shiraz, 70 and 80 km. make the site somewhat away respectively inaccessible for guards who have to constantlypatrol a fairly large area the size of the Kur River Basin, especially in cold and snowy wintermonths. These facts make a permanentstationat Malyanwith guardson duty a necessity. Meanwhile, I am encouragingthe ICHO to acquire the plot of land that the site is sitting on and to purchasethe Malyan garden so, upon resuming work at the site, we could build a new dighouse there. But bearing in mind the bureaucraticprocess involved and financial restraintswithin which ICHO has to operate, the year 2003 would be the most likely estimate for when we could resume fieldwork at Malyan. In the meantime, I hope to pay regular visits to the site to expedite the administrativeaspect of the work, and if time allows, do some research.
PROSPECTS FOR THE FUTURE
While clearing the upper levels of the wall at Operation TTW1 we came across a fair amount of archaeological material. Potsherds of Banesh types, faunal and lithic material (worked and unworked)were
Our first season at Malyan, short but rather productive, set the stage for resumptionof archaeolog-
APPENDIX 1: SMALL FINDS FROM OPERATION TTW1
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so abundant thatwe wereled to believethat,in orderto makemudbrick,peopleof Kaftariphasesimplydugup and used earlierdepositsof BaneshandLapuiphases. Among the finds from the wall, embedded in disintegratingmudbricksor mortar,two items are of interest: particular 1 cm
A Small Cone-Shaped Piece of Stone (Fig. 29)
Thispieceis madefroma medium-hard stoneandis in colour. It is 19.5mm. "yellowish-brown" (10YR5/2) in height and 23.5 mm. in base diameter.The shiny surfacegivesthepiecea wornappearance. Thesidesare relativelystraight,but the edges of the base show a slight outwardprotrusion.The base shows a slight concavitytowardsthe middle.Foundembeddedin the mortarin Layer 1 at a height of 4.65 m. above the datum.(Cf.Nicholas1990:P1.26c.)
Fig. 29. A cone-shapedartifactfromLayer1.
X motifs and the centralpanel, are two double-leaf motifs in oppositedirectionsreminiscentof the "leafmotif' on the margin.It was found embeddedin a courseof mortarin Layer1 at a heightof 5.12 m. above the datum. Seals with similar motifs but different compositioncome from Proto-Elamitelevels at Susa (Amiet1972:Nos. 1118-1120).
A Cylinder Seal ofProto-Elamite Style (Fig. 30)
This is a magnificentpiece of Proto-Elamitestyle glyptic.It is madeof a soft stone,7.5Y8/0 ("White"in Munsell'sunimaginative terms),ormoreprecisely,light greenishgreyin colour,21 mm.in heightand 14.5mm. in diameter. It has a length-wise perforationfor suspensionand is slightly chipped off on one rim. Designsareall renderedin incisions,consistingof two X motifs,andthe other margins,onewithcross-hatched one with two small leaf-shapedmarks which join togetherat one end. The design on the middlepanel consistsof alternating "flower"andeye-shapedmotifs. In one section,in the spacebetweenthemarginwiththe
APPENDIX2: THEINFANTBURIALFROM THEDEEPSOUNDING,OPERATION TTW1 At a depthof 1.60m. belowthe datumin the northwest comer wall of the Deep Sounding,underneath whatseemedto be a floorof packedmud,we beganto findpiecesof a badlysmashedjar.Althoughoutsideour excavationperimeters,the area aroundthe jar was clearedand pieces of potteryand small bones were retrievedby Ali Farhani,who latercarefullyremoved the bones from theirmatrix.The jar is darkgrey in colour,mediumcoarsein pastewith lightlime temper, and no glaze or paint. In additionto humanbones discussedbelow, there were also a few otherbones
Fig. 30. Proto-Elamitecylinderseal from Layer1.
1 cm
MALYAN 1999
which seem to belong to an animal,but due to their smallsize andnumberarehardto identify. The followingstudyof bonesis courtesyof Mazyar Ashrafiyan,M.D., Centre for Paleoanthropological Research,ICHO: Recoveredbones include brokenpieces of skull, ribs, pelvis, arms and legs, and a few smallerbones which all seem to belong to a foetus or newly-born infant.Measurements takenfromthebonesindicatethe femurto be 69.75mm.,thehumerus60.75mm.,andthe tibia 58.95 mm. in length.Therearethreeformulasto calculatethe heightof the foetus (Olivierand Pineau 1960): The lengthof the diaphysof femurx 5.6 + 8 Thelengthof the diaphysof tibiax 6.5 + 8 The lengthof the diaphysof humerusx 6.6 + 8 Accordingto the firstformulathe heightof our foetus wouldbe 47.060 cm., accordingto the secondformula 46.317 cm., andaccordingto the thirdformula47.487 cm. Themeanwill thereforebe 47.021cm.whichis the closestapproximation to the actualheightof ourfoetus. This height suggeststhatthe foetus was in its thirtysixthor thirty-seventh week (OlivierandPineau1958). The averagelength of pregnancyis usuallybetween twenty-eightto thirty-sixweeks, thereforewe suggest thattheboneseitherbelongto a newly-borninfantwho died uponpremature birth,or a foetuswho died in the latter weeks of pregnancy and excreted shortly afterwards. Considering theyarearoundfivethousandyearsold, the bones are relativelywell-preservedand in a stable condition.No deformation or traumacanbe detectedin the bones and they show an appropriategrowth. Therefore,the death, whateverits cause, cannot be attributed to diseaseswhichresultin growthdeficiency or bonedeformation.
95
Chemical analyses of the piece produced the followingresultson compositeelements: Cu 97.0% In 0.117% As 2.47% Mo 0.001% Te 0.042% Sn 0.014% Pb 0.535% Si 0.022% Co 0.026% Fe 0.063% Au 0.002% Ni 0.034% Sb 0.16% Hg n.d. 0.085% Ag Theamountof copper,tin,arsenic,lead,iron,nickel, antimony,and silver seem to be in the approximate rangepreviouslydetectedfor copper-basefinds from ABC andTUV (Pigott,RogersandNash,in Operations press),while indium,molybdenum,tellurium,silicon, cobalt,and gold are detectedin the presentanalyses. The amountof mercurymay have been less thanthe equipmentcoulddetect. studiestwo samplesweretaken For metallographic fromthelengthandwidthof thespecimen.Microscopic studiesshow greyish-bluephaseswith no distinctform in the width sampleand with some orientationin the lengthsample.The edges of the piece arecorrodingin the directionof thesephases. After chiselling both samples a uni-phase and dendritestructurewas observed.This structurein the lengthcross-sectionhasdeformeddotswhichmayhave of thissection resultedfromhammering. Magnification shows multiangularspots with straightdoublebands inside them. Separationobservedin dendritescan be to the coolingprocess.In general,this sortof attributed structureis typicalof cold hammeringof the slightly heatedpiece. But, as the heatwas not high enoughto the the areaunderneath removethe dendriteseparation, has surface hammered recrystalised.
APPENDIX3: ANALYSESOF THEMETAL OBJECTFROMTHEDEEPSOUNDING, OPERATIONTTW1I
REPORTON APPENDIX4: PRELIMINARY FAUNALREMAINSFROMTHEDEEP SOUNDING,OPERATIONTTW1 (by MarjanMashkour,CNRS)
A small chunk of metal was found at the depth of 95 cm. below the datum in the eastern comrner of Layer 11. This piece is roughly ovoid shaped, about 3 cm. in maximum length and 2.5 cm. in maximum width. The following analyses is courtesy of the Centre for Conservationand Restorationof Historicaland Cultural Remains of the ICHO:
The 1999 excavation at the Deep Sounding at OperationTTW1 yielded an assemblage of 168 bone fragmentsfrom a depositof Baneshphase. Among these, 68 fragmentscould not be identifieddue to fragmentation. Of the otherpieces 99%belongedto Caprines,goatsbeing twice the frequencyof sheep.The remaining1%belong to
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Taxonomicrepresentationof faunalremainin Malyan (Banesh period)
100 -
NISP=100
80
60 40 20 0Bos Bos
Cap
Capra
Ovis
Cap
Capra
Ovis
Fig. 31. Bones.
80.0 70.0
60.0 50.0
Anatomic distributionof Caprineskeletons by means of weight in Malyan (Banesh period) Totalweight 1400 g
40.
30.0
20.0 10.0
0.01
MM.
5)
0)a
re;
00
.
ar
4
zE 3aWz4O04E 4.;5
Fig. 32. Bones.
cattle (Fig. 31). Caprinebones have been weighted Notes in orderto estimatethe representation of anatomically, Results meat-bearing partsversusnon-meat-bearing parts. 1 The identification of Kaftari and Qaleh vessels in the were comparedto a knownreference,basedon weight PersepolisMuseumthatmaybe fromTavalloli'sMalyan in a modemsheep(Fig.32). distribution excavation is not surprising,but the Shogha and Teimuran This small assemblagecontainsmore non-meatvessels are quite interesting. S/T is not known from the bearingpartsthanexpectedcomparedto the reference. Malyan systematicsurfacesurveybeyond one or two These resultsshould,however,be used with caution, possibilitiesandonlya few sherdshavebeenpickedup at because the assemblage is very small, and most otherlocationson the site. The intactS/T vessels in the probablynot representativeof the site. These results PersepolisMuseumlabelledto be fromMalyanmayhave shouldalsoonlybe interpreted forthecontextwherethe in fact been from Tal-e Bakun A. Three S/T vessels was found. On the basis of the results one illustrated in Langsdorff and McCown (1942: P1. assemblage can suggest that the feature in which the bone 19:17-19), are almost certainlyfrom burials.All such assemblagewas foundwas used as a dump. examplesof S/T fromthe surfaceof sites - on which they would have been the terminal or a very late occupation- can be classifiedas derivedfromgraves, small campsites, or other ephemeral sources. Permanent late occupations would have produced a greater number
Acknowledgments I am gratefulto JohnAlden, WilliamSumnerand HenryWrightforreadingandcommentingon an earlier draft of this report and Reza Peyvand and John Megahanforhelpingme withthe line drawings.
2
of surfacesherds(see Sumner1994). Tavalloli'strenchpointedout to me by Abdol-Khaleq Miri, 150m. SE of ABC was one of severalsmall(c. 4 x 4 m.) trenchesscatteredseveralhundredmetresapartjust
MALYAN1999
3
4
5
abovethe 19m. contourthatdefinesthemiddleplateauof the site. Therewere two largertrenches:the largestwas immediatelynorthof H5 and is said to have been the trench that producedarchitectureand Kaftariperiod tablets(PointB on Hansman1972: Fig. 4). The other substantial trenchattributed to Tavalloliwas on the north side of the roadc. 150 m. southof EDD (PointA on Hansman1972:Fig. 4) (Sumner,pers.com.). Accordingto Seyyed Koochik,he continuedcleaning OperationEDD and applyingkih-gel (mud and straw plaster)to the walls of the MiddleElamiteBuildingfor severalyearsaftertheAmericanteamleft,butwhenyears passedandno-onereturnedhe eventuallygaveup. Accordingto the villagerswhentheprocessof abandonmentwas underway,one of the elderlymenin the village usedto go aroundtellingpeoplethatif theydidnotmove out of theirold houseinto the new house in less thana week theirwife woulddropdead!The villagersalso told me thatthisold manwas probablyspreadingthisrumour to encouragethepeopleto moveoutof old housessooner thanlaterwhichcouldcollapseanydayandkill the entire household. I am indebtedto Sumnerfor the followinginformation aboutthe qanatsystemat Malyan: Thereare threeqanatsystemsat Malyan:(1) Running fromwestto east,noton the site,butalongthe southedge of the site outsidethe wall. Just southof BY8 Banesh depositsarevisiblein theairshaftsof the qanat.Also, this is the qanatthatcollapsedin the field west of the site, southof theroadthatcrossesthesiteto Ebrahimabad. The collapsewas fixedby bulldozinga deeptrenchto reopen the flow of water.This is where Kaftaripotteryand perhapsdomesticoccupationdebriswas seenbelowplain level in the scarpof the bulldozedtrench.(2) Running fromwest to east acrossthe centreof the site northof GHI,southof EDD, emergingwest of the garden,then runningthroughthe garden,downthe centralstreetof the old village, and off throughthe gardeneast of the old village and northof the old dighouse.The line of this qanatfromthe areanorthof GHIto the place whereit emergeson the surfacewas alteredin the past and new channelswere dug at least once, probablytwice, due to siltingor collapse.Most of the filled air shaftsare the abandoned branchesof thisqanat.(3) Runningfromwest to NE along a line northof EDD, EE16, and Z46. The qanatemergesandflows overthe flatnorthsectionof the site, passingjust north of TUV and leaving the site Therearecollapsedsections throughthenortheastcomrner. of this qanatnorthof EE16 that have visible Banesh
97
deposits.JayNickersonandJimBlackmanclimbeddown a ropeintoa collapsedairshaftc. 150m. NE of EDD and foundbothKaftariandBaneshdeposits. 6 of thecitywallis about Sumnerestimatesthattheperimeter 5 km. (Sumner1985:153).Thisestimateis confirmedby We installeda total of 55 boundary our measurements. markersat 100m. intervals,exceptin somesectionscloser and fields, which we felt to encroachingconstructions markersin shorterintervals. necessaryto installboundary 7 Sumnerinformsme thathe founda similarcolumnbase at site6302-8369about0.5 km.SWof theBaneshvillage. This site consistsof threelow moundswith a graveyard, an imamzadeh,and many surface indicationsin the unmoundedfields.Thesite is datedto Islamicperiod2 & 3 withMadabadware(see SumnerandWhitcomb1999). The columnbase is 55 x 55 x 13.5 cm. andthe torusis 11.5cm. high.
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-
Medecine Legale 40, 141-144.
Pigott,V.C.,Rogers,H.C.andNash,S.K.in press."Archaeo- metallurgicalInvestigationsat Tal-e Malyan:Banesh PeriodFindsfromABC andTUV",in Sumner,in press. Reiner,E. 1973."TheLocationof Ansan",Revued'Assyriologie 67, 57-62. Sumner, W.M. 1972. CulturalDevelopment in the Kur River Basin, Iran: An Archaeological Analysis of Settlement
1988b. "Maljan, Tall-e (Ansan)". Reallexikon der Assyriologie und VorderasiatischenArchdologie 7(3-4),
306-320. 1994. "Archaeological Measuresof Continuityand the Arrivalof thePersiansinFars",inH. Sancisi-Weerdenburg, A. KuhrtandM.C.Root(eds.),Achaemenid HistoryVol.
VIII: Continuityand Change, Leiden, 97-105. - in press.Early UrbanLife in theLandofAnshan.Excavations at Tal-eMalyanin theHighlandsoflran, MalyanExcavation
andChicago. ReportsVol.1II. Philadelphia Patterns.Ph.D. dissertation,Departmentof Anthropol- Sumner,W.M.and WhitcombD. 1999."IslamicSettlement andChronologyin Fars:An Archaeological ogy, the Universityof Pennsylvania. Perspective", - 1985."TheProto-Elamite at Tal-i Iran IA 34, 309-324. City-Wall Malyan", 23, 153-161. Zeder,M. 1991. Feeding Cities: SpecializedAnimal Economy - 1988a. "Preludeto Proto-ElamiteAnshan:The Lapui in the Ancient Near East, Washington,D.C. Phase",IA 23, 23-44.
INSCRIBEDCOLUMN BASES FROM HAMADAN By PeterKnapton,M.R. SarrafandJohnCurtis
British Instituteof Persian Studies,Iranian CulturalHeritage Organisation,the British Museum
1. INTRODUCTION This article reviews the evidence for inscribed columnbasesfromHamadan,andattemptsto assessthe historical significance of that evidence.' First, it providesa briefhistoryof Hamadanup to the endof the Achaemenidperiod,addingrelevantinformationfrom laterperiods.It then describesin detailthe inscribed column bases and fragmentsfrom the Achaemenid periodwhichcomefromHamadanor arereportedto do so, includingoneinscribedfragmentfoundin thecourse of theexcavationsin 2000.Inthecaseof theseinscribed columnbases, two examplesare certainlyassociated with Hamadanandwe shall arguethatthereare good groundsfor attributingfour furtherfragments,two of themnow in theBritishMuseum,to Hamadan.Wethen reviewnineteenthcenturyreportsof columnsandbases at Hamadan,none of which are now to be seen, and more recent reports. We describe some of the uninscribedcolumn bases and fragmentsin the site museum at Ecbatanawhich seem to be certainly associatedwith Hamadan,and a fragmentof a bull capitalfromHamadanthatis now in Tehran.Finallywe attempt to draw the evidence together in the conclusions. AlthoughHamadanis generallyrecognisedas being one of the major sites of antiquity (Vaux 1878; Weissbach1905; Calmeyer1972-75; Brown 1998), relativelylittleis reliablyknownaboutit. Thisis partly becauseof the limitedamountof scientificexcavation that has taken place (but see now Sarraf1997 and Boucharlat1998), and partlybecausemuch material that has in the past been ascribedto Hamadanis effectively unprovenancedand cannot be used to reconstructthe historyof Hamadan(Muscarella1980: 31-35).
Theearlyhistoryof Hamadanis obscure.According to Herodotus(1.98), Hamadan(Agbatana)was the capitalof the Medes at least fromthe time of a ruler calledDeiocesonwards.Theimplicationis, then,thatit was an importantcentrein the first half of the first millennium BC, but it is not certainly referred to in
Assyrian royal inscriptions.Medvedskayaidentifies a city in Mediawhich is Hamadanas Sagbita/Sagbat, Shamshi-Adad of in mentioned inscriptions V, Tiglathremains PileserIIIandSargonII, butthis identification speculative(Medvedskaya1995; 1999: 56). The first undisputedmentionof Hamadanis in the Nabonidus Chronicle(Grayson1975: 106, ii, 11.3-4).Thisrecords that after Cyrus had defeatedAstyages he captured andcarriedoff valuable Ecbatana(KURA-gam-ta-nu)2 bootyto Anshan. In Babyloniantablets dating from the reigns of Cyrus and Darius there are several references to Agmatanu(Zadok1985:3; Dandamaev1992:48, 50, 137). One of thesetextsmentionsHamadanas a place visited by the BabylonianbusinessmanItti-MardukBalatuin 537 BC duringa trip to Persia(Zawadzki 1994). In the Achaemenidroyal inscriptionsthe only mentionof Ecbatanais in Darius'Bisituninscription, whereit is statedof Phraortes,who hadbeen defeated andcapturedelsewherein Media:"ThenI impaledhim at Ecbatana.I executedhis nobles,a totalof 47. I hung theirheadsinsideEcbatanafromthe battlementsof the fortress" (Babylonian version, Section 25, von translation).3 Fightinghadtakenplace in Voigtlander's several other places in Media, but we see captured leadersbeingtakento theMediancapitalto be executed andtheircorpsesdisplayed. Thereis, then,relativelylittleaboutHamadanin the cuneiformsources.Unlike Susa, Hamadandoes not featurein the TreasuryTabletsor the Fortification Tabletsfrom Persepolis.By contrastthere is a quite extensive information about Ecbatana in Greek sources.4 SusaandEcbatanaarethetwo Achaemenidcapitals named most frequentlyin the Greek and Roman sources,oftenbeingnamedtogether.5 TheAchaemenidkingswerereportedto have spent the hot monthsof the summerat Ecbatana,and the coolermonthsof the yearelsewhere(Xen.Cyr.8.6.22; Xen. An. 3.5.14; Str. 11.13.5,here winterin errorfor summer;Ath. 12.513;Curt.10.4.3).This practicewas
99
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reportedto have been continuedby the Parthiankings (Str.11.13.1;16.1.16;Curt.5.8.1; 10.4.3,althoughthere is a varianttraditionin Ath.12.513). Ecbatanaseems to have been a treasuryof the Achaemenidempire,andit was certainlyused as such by Alexander.TheMediankingArbacesis saidto have taken capturedgold and silver to Ecbatana(D.S. 2.28.7). Herodotus(3.64) says that Ecbatanawas the treasuryof Cambyses.Arrian (3.19.7) records that AlexanderorderedParmenioto convey the Persian treasureto thecitadel(eis tin akran)atEcbatana,andto leaveit underguardby 6,000troops.Otherreferencesto Alexander'suse of Ecbatanaas a treasuryare in D.S. 17.80.2and 17.110.6andStr.11.15.9. Ecbatanawas alsoa musteringplacefortroops,such as those of ArtaxerxesII collectedto fight Cyrus(X. An. 2.4.25, D.S. 14.22.1). Two Greek writers describe Ecbatanaat some length.Accordingto Herodotus1.98: "TheMedes... builtthe city now calledAgabatana, the walls of whichareof greatsize andstrength,rising in circleswithineachother.Theplanof theplaceis, that each of the walls shouldout-topthe one beyondit by battlements. Thenatureof the ground,whichis a gentle in somedegree,butit was hill, favoursthisarrangement mainlyeffectedby art.The numberof circlesis seven, the royal palace and the treasurystandingwithin the last.Thecircuitof the outerwall is verynearlythe same with that of Athens.Of this wall, the battlementsare white,of thenextblack,of thethirdscarlet,of thefourth blue, of the fifth orange;all these are colouredwith paint. The two last have their battlementscoated respectivelywith silver and gold" (translationby G. Rawlinson).6 The descriptionof Polybiusat 10.27is as follows: "Ecbatana ... hadalwaysbeentheroyalresidenceof the Medesandis said to have greatlyexceededall the other cities in wealth and the magnificenceof its buildings.It lies on the skirtsof MountOrontesandhas no wall, but possesses an artificial citadel the fortificationsof which are of wonderful strength. Beneaththis standsthe palace(basileia)7... aboutseven stadesin circumference, andby themagnificenceof the separatestructuresin it conveys a high idea of the wealthof its originalfounders.Forthe woodworkwas all of cedar and cypress,but no part of it was left exposed, and the rafters,the compartmentsof the ceiling,andthe columnsin the porticosandcolonnades were platedwith eithersilveror gold, and all the tiles
were of silver. Most of the precious metals were strippedoff in the invasion of Alexanderand his Macedonians, and the rest during the reigns of Antigonusand Seleucusthe son of Nicanor,but still, whenAntiochosreachedthe place,the templeof Aene alonehadthecolumnsroundit stillgildedanda number of silvertileswerepiledup in it, whilea few goldbricks and a considerablequantityof silver ones remained. Fromall the objectsI have mentionedsufficientwas collected to coin money with the king's effigy amounting to very nearly four thousand talents" Loebedition.).8 (Paton'stranslation, In Ctesias(Photius36A, EGr.H.688 F.9)we finda curiousstorywhich has been takento indicatethat a palaceat Ecbatanahadram'sheadcapitals.Ctesiastells that Astyigas(Astyages)fled to Ecbatanaafterbeing defeatedby Cyrus,andwas hiddenen tois kriokranois tdn basileian oikemat6n-
in the kriokranois= "rams'
heads"of the royaldwellings. The compoundwordis not foundelsewherein Greekandhasbeen interpreted as referringto ram'sheadcapitals,an unlikelyor even impossiblehidingplace.The referencemay be to store rooms.9 Berossusis saidto havewrittenthatthePersianshad no images originally, but that: "... after a long period
they honouredstatuesin humanshape,Artaxerxesthe son of DariusOchushaving introducedthe practice, who first set up the statue of AphroditeAna'itisin Babylonand Susa and Ecbatanaand Persepolisand BactraandDamascusand Sardis,and showedhow to honour it" (F.Gr.H.680 El11). Plutarchrecordsthat ArtaxerxesII appointedAspasia a priestess"of the Artemisof Ecbatana,who bearsthe nameof Anai'tis" (Artoxerxes,27.3).10
Therewas a templeof Anaftisat Ecbatanauntilat least the first centuryAD. In his ParthianStations, Isidore of Charax names Ecbatana as "Batana, metropolisof Mediaandtreasuryandtempleof Anaftis, where they are continuallysacrificing".This passage refersto thebasileiaof Ecbatanaas beingsomedistance fromthe city'l. 2. INSCRIBED COLUMN BASES AND FRAGMENTS FROM HAMADAN Until the recent find describedbelow, all the column bases and fragments had parts of one of two inscriptions.
INSCRIBED
COLUMN
BASES
(a) Inscription A2Hb This inscription, in Old Persian only, was first published by Herzfeld 1928-29. Herzfeld reproduced the cuneiform signs as he had copied them, showing where the signs were missing or unclear, and transcribed the signs. His transliterationwas as follows:'12 :hy:dary apdanm:stuunay:aOginm:artxSga:XS:vzrk:a...u vus:XS:puga:hxamnisiy:miit/d,r(?) In the above we have used the currentconvention for transliteration,in place of Herzfeld's, reproducingeach letter of Herzfeld's transliteration. The text as it appears on the stone today is as follows.13 Square brackets [ ] indicate text that is
FROM HAMADAN
101
restored, while round brackets ( ) indicate signs which are only partlypreserved.14 [a](p)danm:stuunay:a(Og)i(n)m:artx( gC)a(:XS:vzr)k:(a) [kuunu] g:hy:dary(v)[uS:](XS):p(uga):hx[a](m)ni(')[i]y:(mi) "This palace, of stone in its column(s), Artaxerxes the great king built, the son of Darius the King, an Achaemenian. May Mithras protect me ....." (Kent 1953: 155) This column base is in the Muzeh Melli, Tehran (inventory no. 2346) (Fig. 1). It is carved from a single block of black stone and consists of a square twostepped plinth with disc-shaped torus. Bottom part: 93 cm squarex 27 cm high; middle part:73 cm squarex 17 cm high; torus 72 cm diameter, 15 cm high. On the top of one edge of the bottom part, there is a one line Old Persian inscription, worn away in some places. A photograph of the column base was published in Mostafavi 1953: 105-6 (Persian version) and 10 (English version). The stone appearsto have suffered damage between the time when Herzfeld found it at Hamadan (by his account) in 1926 (Herzfeld 1928-29: 85) and its arrival at the Muzeh Melli, in 1935 accordingto the Museum's records. The stone is broken to the right of the last sign. There seems to be room for up to about 11 signs
Fig. la. Column base in Muzeh Melli, Tehran,with
inscriptionofArtaxerxesII. PhotographbyJ.E. Curtis.
Fig. lb. Detail of inscription on above column base. Photograph by A.A. Safi.
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includingworddividersin the brokensection,basedon the averagespace per sign of the survivingtext. The conventionalrestoration "mitr:mam:patuuv" requires12 signs includingword dividersto the right of "mi". Howeverthe survivingtextis carvedunevenly,andit is quitepossiblethatthemasoncarvedthe signsusingless spaceforeachas he cametowardstheendof thestone.15 (b) InscriptionA2Ha The complete Old Persian text, from the three fragmentsand reconstructedon the basis of parallel texts,is as follows.Squarebrackets[ ] indicatetextthat is restored,whileroundbrackets() indicatesignswhich areonlypartlypreserved.
ug(:)artx (y)v'hya:(XS) (m)[n](iliy) "SaithArtaxerxesthe GreatKing,Kingof Kings,King of Countries,Kingin thisearth,son of DariustheKing, of Darius(who was) son of Artaxerxesthe King, of Artaxerxes(who was) son of Xerxes the King, of Xerxeswho was son of Dariusthe King,of Dariuswho was son of Hystaspes,an Achaemenian.By the favour of Ahuramazda, Anaitis,andMithras,thispalaceI built. AnaitisandMithrasprotectme from MayAhuramazda, all evil, andthatwhichI havebuiltmaytheynot shatter or harm"(Kent1953:155). Thisinscriptionappearson fourfragments.
1.Oafiy:artxaXS:vzrlcXS:[XSyanamXS:DHyunam:XS:ah] (i) A fragmentof torusin the BritishMuseum(BM 2. yaya:BUya:daryv'hya:XShya:pu[9:daryv'hya:arbtxg] 90854/1893-10-14,53) withthe right-handside of anElamiteinscription(6 linespresent)andtheleft3. hya:XShya:pug:artxgghya:xgya[rshya:XShya:pug:xgyar] hand side of a 5-line Babylonianinscription, 4. Thya:daryv'hya:XShya:pug:daryv[ghya:vigtasphya:pug] dimensions51cmx 12.5cmx Ht 7.0cm.17 5.hxamniniy:imm:apdan:vina:AM[:anht:uta:mitradm:akun] 6. am:AM:anht:uta:mitr:mam[:patuuv:hca:vispa:gsta:ut] of thisfragmentand(ii) was exhibited 7. a:imm:ty:akuuna:ma:[yatuum:ma:kyada:viidiituuv]A photograph at a meetingof the Societyfor BiblicalArchaeologyin Thetext of fragment(i) is (lines 1-7): 1885, when they were referredto as an antiquity discoveredat Hamadan(Pinches1885: 132). Pinches of A2Sain error.Curzonreported provideda translation Oatiy:artx'ca:XS:vzrk:XS: from base a column that Hamadan,whichmighthave yaya:BUya:(d)aryv'hya:XS(hya) had been displayedat the Paris or one this been (ii), hya:XShya:pug:artxSg(hya):x Exhibitionin 1889 (Curzon 1892: I, 568, n.2). A 'hya:daryvihya:(XS)hya:(p)u(9) photographof the two fragmentsappearsin Dieulafoy hxam(n)iliy:imm:apdan:v' (1893: 389, fig.236). Editionsof the Old Persianand am:AM:anht:uta:mitr:m(a) Babyloniantexts of the two fragmentswere published a:imm:ty:akuuna:ma:l16 in Evetts1890.At thattime theywere in England,and Thetext of fragment(ii) is (lines2-7): reportedto be in the possessionof MrLindoMyers.In 1893thefragmentwas acquiredby theBritishMuseum, togetherwith (ii), from I. Sasson & Co. of Wardour (h)y(a):(pu) Street,Londonwhose letterheaddescribesthe firmas (y)a:x'ya of Oriental,ItalianandSpanishWorksof Art, Importers :pug:dary(v) belowthe TurkishandPersianflags.18 (an):vsna:AM (u)ta:(mi)[tr](:m)am (ii) A fragmentof a differenttorus in the British (m):ty:akuu(n) Museum(BM90855/1893-10-14,54), in darkgrey stone with the right-hand side of a 5-line Thetext of fragment(iii) is (lines 1-5): Babylonianinscriptionandthe left-handside of a 7-lineOldPersianinscription,dimensions51cmx (iy):artxiga:XS:v 16.5cmx Ht 10.0cm. BU(ya):(da)ryvih(y)
INSCRIBED
COLUMN
BASES
FROM HAMADAN
103
Fig. 2a. Fragments of column base with inscriptionsof ArtaxerxesII in Babylonianand Old Persian (top) and Elamite and Babylonian (bottom). British Museum 90855 (top) and 90854. Photograph by Barbara Winter
Fig. 2b. Fragment of column base in private collection with inscription of Artaxerxes II in Old Persian. Photograph by Barbara Winter.
Fig. 2c. Fragment of column base in Japanese collection with inscription of Artaxerxes II in Old Persian.
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This fragment has the same history as (i). The line arrangementof the Babylonianversion differs from that in (i). (iii) A fragmentof torus in darkgrey stone with partof an Old Persian inscription (6 lines present), dimensions 31cm x 13.5cm x Ht. 8.0cm. This fragment is now in a private collection in England. It was sold at Sotheby's, London in 1987, and again in 1992. We have no modem provenance for the fragment before 1987. This or the following fragment may be the fragment which Weissbach had in mind
STUDIES
when he describedA2Haas being in a privatecollection in England (1911:xxviii). The text published by Weissbach is in fact that of (ii) above, the Old Persian text of which startsfrom the left side. Kent (1953: 114) followed Weissbachin this error. (iv) A fragmentof a column base with part of the Old Persianversion (Fig. 2c). We have not seen this fragment,which was sold at Sotheby's, London in 1989 and passed to a collection in Japan. Professor Sims-Williams, who has seen the fragment and provided us with a transliteration,
Fig. 3a. Detail of inscription ofArtaxerxes II in Old Persian on fragment of column base found by Sarraf at Hamadan in M.R. 2000. The name ofArtaxerxes can be seen at the top right.
Fig. 3b-c. Fragment of bull capital from Hamadan in Muzeh Melli, Tehran.Photographs by J.E. Curtis.
INSCRIBED COLUMN BASES FROM HAMADAN
considersthatthis fragmentis froma differentcolumn base from (iii). The base appearsto be similar in materialandshapeto (iii).
105
withtwo linesin OldPersianwhich Museumfragments) will be publishedby Mr RassoulBashshash(Tehran) and Professor W. Sallaberger (Munich). We are informedthat the inscriptiondates from the time of ArtaxerxesII, andgives an orderfora palacewithstone It is not columnsto be builtin honourof Ahuramazda. yet clearwhetherthis inscriptionis the same as A2Hb (no. 2(a) above)or whetherit is different.
(c) A recently excavated inscription
In September2000 a large fragmentof a torusin blackstonewas foundin theexcavationsatHamadan by Dr MohammadRahim Sarraf(Fig. 3a).19This fragment
was foundin a secondarycontextin a streetor alley runningthroughone of the buildingcomplexes,a short distanceto the north-eastof the Meydan-eEkbatan(see Fig. 4 forapproximate position).It was inscribedon the edge of the top (ratherthanon the side as the British
(d) Analysis
Two questions arise immediately: which king andcanthe Artaxerxesis the king of theseinscriptions, inscribedobjectsbe attributed safelyto Hamadan?
A - Approximatefind-spot of fragment of inscribed column base B - Approximatelocation of bedrock
Meydan-eEkbatan
Bolvar-e Alaviyan
Museum
~ Cbo.~c ."'0
50O
~
?:
NO4 ':
Fig. 4. Sketch-planshowing approximatelimitsof Tappeh-ye Hekmatanehwithsome of the buildings discoveredby M.R.Sarraf Adapted from Sarraf1997:figs. I and 4, and Gita Shenassimapof Hamadan (no.187).
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Thatthe king is ArtaxerxesII seems not to be in If we arerightin believingthattheA2Hafragments doubt.ArtaxerxesII is saidby anothersourceto have do not come fromSusa,thatdoes not itself provethat introduced theworshipof Analtis(see above),andthese they come from Hamadan.Thereis a large class of inscriptionsare the only Achaemenid inscriptions unprovenancedAchaemenid objects attributedto whichmentionthatgoddess.MoreoverArtaxerxesII is Hamadan(Muscarella1980: 31-35). Some of the known duringhis long reign to have built palacesat objectsmaybe modemforgeries.Someof the genuine Susa and Babylon.He is the firstking since DariusI objectsmay have been foundelsewhere,and given a knownto havebuiltat Susaandthe onlykingwhomwe Hamadanprovenanceby the antiquitiestrade.In the know to have built at Babylon(Boucharlat1997: 61; case of these columnbases,however,we feel thatthe Haerinck1997:29). Itwouldnotbe surprising to Hamadanis themostplausible. attribution therefore traditional if he hadbuiltalso at Ecbatana. The inscriptionsrecordthe buildingof a royalpalace. The second questionis more difficult,bearingin Wesuggestthatit is unlikelythattheobjectscamefrom mindthatonly two of the objectscertainlycome from Susa, or from Persepolis.If they did not come from Hamadan,andonly one was foundduringa controlled Hamadan,it is necessaryto supposethat there was excavation. Of the four fragmentswith an A2Ha anotherAchaemenidroyal residencein Iranwhich is inscription,two (nos. i-ii) were said in 1885 to come unknown both to archaeologyand to the ancient fromHamadan,while no information at all is available sources. aboutthetwoothers(nos.iii-iv). Inthesecircumstances, it hasbeen suggestedthatobjectswiththe text of A2Ha 3. EARLIERREPORTSOF COLUMNSAND may come from Susa,on the groundsthatthe text of A2Hais similarto that of A2Sa (Lecoq 1997: 126). BASESATHAMADAN However, A2Sa has an additionalstatementin the middle:"ThispalaceDariusmy great-great-grandfather A number of early travellerscomment on the built; later under Artaxerxesmy grandfatherit was existenceof columnsat Hamadan.JamesMorier,who burned"(Kent 1953: 154), andthereare differencesin visitedthe town in 1816 describesand illustrates"the the Old Persianideogramof Ahuramazda, and in the base of a small column,of the identicalorderof the Babyloniansigns for "Anaitis"and "apadana" (Evetts larger bases of the columns at Persepolis" and 1890:412). A furtherpointerto a Hamadanprovenance apparently"of the same sort of stone"(Morier1818: for our fragmentsis thatnearlyall the Susapieces are 267-68 and fig. = our Fig. 5). It was "discovered Conflationof theSusainscriptions casuallyin exploringthe northernskirtsof the city". reliablyprovenanced. listed in Weissbach1911, Kent 1953 and Mayrhofer Moriertellsus thatadjacentto thiscolumnbasewas "a 1978producesthe followingresults: large but irregularterraceor platform,evidentlythe workof art,andperhapsthe groundplanof somegreat A2Sa,trilingual.Eight fragmentswith this inscription building." This "platform",presumablyTappeh-ye witha Susaprovenance. Hekmataneh(Fig. 6), was at a lower level than the One A2Sb,trilingual. fragmentwitha Susaprovenance. Mosallahill,whichis clearlydescribed,andat no great A2Sc, Old Persian. One stone tablet with a Susa distancefromit. A fewyearslater,in 1818,KerPorterpassedthrough provenance. A2Sd,trilingual.Six and more fragmentswith a Susa Hamadanand also noted a column base but not, the sameone.He says (KerPorter1821-22: provenance. apparently, that II, 115) "notfardistantfromtheremainsof themost Weareawareofjust oneunprovenanced southernfortress[i.e. Mosalla],I discoveredthe broken exampleof A2Sain a privatecollection.Theremay of coursebe shaft and base of a column .... The flowing leaf of the moreexamplesof thatand/orthe otherinscriptionsin lotos coveredthe whole of the pedestal,thatnow lay circulation,but ourprovisionalconclusionis thatsince beforeme; and its shaperesembledin everyparticular there are eight fragments of A2Sa with a Susa thoseof the greatrangesof columnson the platformof The diameterof the shaftwas only provenance(out of nine known to us), and none of Tackt-i-Jemsheed. and the rest of A2Hawiththatprovenance(outof fourknownto us), it four inches less thanthe Persepolitan; Theshafthadbeen is unlikelythatthe A2Hafragmentscome fromSusa. theserelicsborea similarproportion.
INSCRIBED COLUMN BASES FROM HAMADAN
107
Fig. 5. Drawing by James Morier of a column base seen at Hamadan. From Morier 1818: fig. on p. 268.
0
Hekmiataneh Tappeh-ye
0
Eamn Khomeinin M•Meydan-e
0Meydan-e
0 100 200 30 -
m .(Stone
400 0
MOT
a
Bu Ali Sina
ir
Pa.-Sanglion)
Fig. 6. Sketch-map of centre of Hamadan showing approximate locations of Hekmataneh, Mosalla and the Stone Lion (adaptedfrom Gita Shenassi map no.187).
decorated,in like manner,with flutes;buttheiroriginal the site of an ancientcastle or palace, but with the sharpandbeautifuledgeswerein partsmuchbroken." exceptionof the shaftsof somemarblecolumns,andthe A. H. Layard,who spentsometime in Hamadanin figure of a lion rudely sculpturedin stone, I found 1840whilewaitingfora firman(travelpermit),saysthat nothingto rewardmy trouble"(Layard1887:I, 269-70). he "exploredthe cityandits neighbourhood in searchof At aboutthesametimeE. FlandinandP.Coste,who ruins,but withoutmuchsuccess.A few moundson an travelledin Iran1840-41,also recordedthepresenceof eminenceat a shortdistancefromthe walls may mark columns at Hamadan.They say that many ancient
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STUDIES
Fig. 7. Engraving from Flandin and Coste 1843-54: I, pl. 25, showing column drums on the outskirts of Hamadan.
fragments are to be seen built into the walls of houses and used as threshold stones, and they refer to some sections of column "en granit"in the southern quarter of the town (Flandin and Coste 1843-54 :V, 15). This is presumably at the point marked C on their plan (1843-54: I, pl. 24 = our Fig. 8). A few pages further on, they refer to fragments of column at the foot of the Mosalla Hill, where there were numerous fragments of granite ("granit")amongst which could be seen some blocks which still had a rounded form and were presumably parts of columns which had belonged to a temple or palace (ibid: 18). They also describe a spot 2km from the south-east gate of the town marked by large stones20 where there were obviously ancient remains (V: 16-17, I, pl. 25 = our Fig. 7).21 Here there were two column drums. The first was very large, with a diameter of 2.20m and 58cm thick. It was resting on a massive stone slab, with which it clearly belonged, measuring 5m long and 2m in height. The second column drum was on its side, partly buried, with a diameter of 1.60m and 70cm thick; in its centre was clearly visible "l'6videment pratiqu6pour en assurerle scellement". Both columns were quite plain. At a distance of about 4km to the south of the town, Flandin and Coste found evidence of limestone quarries.Here, they noted column trunks in the process of being quarried, unfinished and bearing hammer marks. These column trunks had a diameter of 1.70m. They observe that the ancient artisans did not make the column drums to a standard size, but carved them according to the thickness of the beds in the rock. They are quite adamant that these quarries were exploited
only in ancient times and that there was no evidence of modem working. On their map (Fig. 8), the quarries are to the east of a village marked Hassah, which probably equates to the modem Hesar-e Aqa Shams Ali. In the same approximate location there are quarries that are nowadays (2000) being extensively worked. In a paperread to the Royal Asiatic Society in 1845, C. Masson refers to "numerouspillars of a very white pure marble"that can be seen strewn on the ground to the left of the road near the village of Miriam, just before reaching Hamadan (coming from Kangavar) (Masson 1850: 122). Towardsthe end of the nineteenthcentury,Jacques de Morgan spent twenty-four days at Hamadan.In his account of this visit (de Morgan 1896: 235-59) he refers to the sighting of columns by Morierand Ker Porter,but does not record seeing any himself.22 In his 1913 excavations, Charles Fossey found in one trench on the Ecbatana mound a series of finely worked column bases and some stone plinths, all in considerabledisorder,and in anothertrenchhe found a column capital and a fragment of a fluted column (Chevalier 1989: 248). Other finds on Ecbatana included a limestone capital in Graeco-Parthianstyle ("de style greco-parthe") and on the surface was observed the stone base of a rectangular pilaster. Excavations on the Mosalla mound produced a fragment of column decorated with arabesques and inscriptions,evidently of Islamic date. The observations of these early travellers can be tabulatedas follows:
INSCRIBED COLUMN BASES FROM HAMADAN
109
location Apparent
Object(s)
Style
Morier(1816)
"Northern skirts"
Columnbase
Achaemenid
KerPorter(1818)
Near"themostsouthern Columnbaseandshaft fortress"
Layard(1840)
Unknown
Shaftsof marblecolumns Unknown
FlandinandCoste
Thesouthernquarter
Granitecolumns
Unknown
Footof MosallaHill
Granitecolumns
Unknown
Achaemenid
(1840--41)
"
2kmfromthesouth-east Twocolumndrums,one on slab gate
Plain
Masson(1845)
NearMiriamvillage, westof Hamadan
Marblepillars
Unknown
Fossey(1913)
Ecbatana mound
Columnbases,plinths,
Unknown
capital,pilasterbase
Ecbatana mound
Column
Fluted
Ecbatana mound
Limestonecapital
"Stylegreco-parthe"
Mosalla
with Columnfragment and arabesques
Islamic
inscriptions
In morerecenttimes,just beforethe site clearance, Luschey (1968: 115)23 reportedthat fragmentsof Achaemenidbases, columnsand capitalswere often seen built into houses in the area of the Khiaban-e Ekbatan,the road which runs throughthe Ecbatana mound.He saw one steppedbase in frontof a house, andotherfindsmadein 1963collectedin the yardof a school,awaitingtransferto a plannedsite museum. Kleiss (1972: 197-98, figs. 72-73) reportedthe sightingin 1971 in the gardenof an officialbuilding ("Dienststelle")in Hamadanof fragmentsof three columnbases in light grey stone. Two of these were square,two-steppedbases,onein a singleblockandone
made fromtwo blocks. The horizontaldimensionsof 147 cm and 118 cm are similarto thoseof objectsnos. 2 and 4 respectivelyin section4) below, thoughthe heightsaredifferent.Thethirdcomprisedfragmentsof a flutedcolumnbase,torusandflutedcolumn.None of these objectswas in the site museumwhen we were therein April2000. Kleissalso saw in December1970 in the Khiaban-eEkbatana two-steppedsquarebase whichseemsto matchobjectno.1 in section4) below. Kleiss later(1975: 76-77) reportedthe find on the mound of a sandstonecolumn base of apparently Parthianstyle.A base which seems to matchthis is in the sitemuseum.
110
JOURNAL
OF PERSIAN
STUDIES
dod'
* E,
4
HAMADAN
.* ............e..
*-•
...
......
..•" -E
our
C
A Ancien Palais d'Ecbatane. Citadelle d'Echatane. B. C. Fragments de murs de colonnes en marbre et D. Fragment d'in Lion en marbre. E. Fragments de Granit et d assises de colonnes G. 'oinbeaux d'Esther et de Mardoche
~• D
..
A...
Hassah i
d'p
,? ,rgmn
io
re
1
an...."" .
,' .ar
a
Fig. 8. Flandin and
inmrb
3
I4ooo Met
map of Hamadan and environswith correctednorthpoint (fromFlandin and Coste 1843-54.: , pl. 24). Coste's
INSCRIBED COLUMN BASES FROM HAMADAN
4. UNINSCRIBEDFRAGMENTSOF COLUMNSFROMHAMADANIN IRAN
Columnbases and tori A considerablequantityof uninscribedcolumn bases and fragmentsof bases is on display in the museumon the Ecbatanamound,and stackedin the yardoutside.Some of the objectshave museumsigns abovethem,or text writtenon the objectsthemselves, which sometimesindicatethat they come from the Ecbatanamound,butthe majoritybearno indicationof wherethey were found.Most are of black stone, and recognisableas column bases of the type found in Achaemenidpalaces. Inside the museum there are nineteen pieces, consistingof one two-steppedsquarebase; squareor rectangularbases or fragments,some with drafted margins;plain tori or fragments;fluted bases; and fragmentsof capitals. Of thesenineteenpieces,only sevenarelabelledas comingfromHamadan,althoughmostif notall maydo so. Thesix pieces in questionare:
111
base 88.0-98.0 cm, Ht.20.0cm. Foundin 1975 on Tappeh-yeHekmataneh. 5. Squareplinthwith bell-shapedflutedcolumnbase laid on top (Fig. 9e). Plinth 111.0x 109.0 cm, Ht. 20.0 cm, with draftedmarginson two sides,Diam. of flutedcolumnbase 58.0-66.0 cm, Ht. 20.0 cm. Foundin 1986on Tappeh-yeHekmataneh. 6. Disc-shapedtoruswithfragmentof columncapital24 laidon top (Fig.9f). Diam.of plinth119cm (lip 106 cm), overall Ht. 22.0 cm (lip 4.0 cm), Diam. of column capital 73.0 cm, Ht. 24.0 cm. Labelled "HAM,(M)ESGARH(A),1353-134." 7. Fragmentof flutedcolumnbase(Fig. 9g). 60.0 cm x 30.0 x 18.0 cm. Labelled"HAM,KODAKESTU, EBNE-SINA,1353-397." In the yardthereare some 70 fragments,mostlyof blocks.It is notablethatthereare squareor rectangular no fragmentsof columns,andit seems likelytherefore that the columnsof the buildingswere generallyof wood, althoughKleiss reporteda flutedstone column fragment(above). 5. FRAGMENTOF A BULL CAPITAL
1. Squaretwo-steppedplinth,in one piece, with discshapedtoruslaid on top (Fig. 9a). Steps 97.0 cm and 77.5 cm sq., Heights 33.0 cm and 20.0 cm, Diameterof torus77.0 cm (lip 66.0 cm),overallHt. 15.0 cm (lip 2.0 cm). Foundin 1975 in the Bazar-e Mesgarha(coppersmiths'bazaar,which is located at southernend of the Ecbatanamound).This is apparentlythe base publishedin Kleiss 1972: 198, fig. 73, left. 2. Squareplinthwith disc-shapedtorus,partmissing laid on top (Fig. 9b). Plinth150.0 x 149.0 cm, Ht. 19.0 cm, Diam. of torus 118.0 cm (lip 105.0 cm), overallHt. 22.0 cm (lip 18.5 cm). Labelled"HAM, SHEVERIN,1353-214."The Iranianyear 1353 = 1974-75. 3. A largedisc-shapedtoruswitha muchsmallertorus laid on top (Fig. 9c). Diam.of largetorus119.0cm (lip 106.0 cm), overallHt. 22.0 cm (lip 3.5 cm), Diam.of smalltorus54.5 cm (lip 43.5 cm), overall Ht. 11.5 cm (lip 2.0 cm). Smallertorusis labelled "HAM,MEG,1353". 4. Square(?) plinthwith bell-shapedfluted column base laidon top (Fig. 9d). Plinth117.0cm x c. 75.0 cm (broken),Ht. 25.0 cm, Diam.of flutedcolumn
It remainsto mentiona fragmentof a bull capitalin the reservecollectionof the Muzeh Melli in Tehran (Fig. 3b-c). It is madeof darkgreystoneandshowsthe upperpartof a bull'shead.Oneside of the headonly is preserved.Thedowelholes forhornandeararec. 3cm square.OverallL. c. 56.0 cm, Ht. c. 35.0 cm, max. thickness c. 19 cm. This fragmentwas found at Hamadanduringroadworksin Khiaban-eEkbatanin 1962(Kleis 1972:197),andwas exhibitedin Tehranin 1974 (Jafar-Mohammadi 1974:40). Columncapitalsof this kind, with bull protomes back-to-back,are well-known in the Achaemenid periodfromPersepolis(Wilber1969:figs. on pp.7, 13), Susa(Curtis1993:pl. 6a-c) andelsewhere. 6. CONCLUSIONS Following on from our review of columns at Hamadan, what implications are there for the topography and ancient history of the city? Of the six inscribed column bases or fragments that we have suggested come from Hamadan,the exact find-spot of
112
JOURNAL OF PERSIAN STUDIES
Fig. 9a-g. Column bases found at Hamadan in the museum on Tappeh-yeHekmataneh. Photographs of a-b, d-g, by JE. Curtis, photograph of c by PA. Knapton.
INSCRIBED COLUMN BASES FROM HAMADAN
only one is known. This is the fragmentrecently excavatedby Dr Sarrafin a secondarycontext on Thentherearethe uninscribed Tappeh-yeHekmataneh. columnbases now in the site museumon Tappeh-ye Hekmataneh. Two of these come from the coppersmiths'bazarat the southend of Hekmataneh, two more were found at unspecifiedlocations on Hekmataneh,and three furtherpieces come from variouslocationsin Hamadan.Furthercolumnbases noted by Kleiss and Luscheydo not have an exact provenance,but some seem to have been associated with work on the Khiaban-eEkbatan,as was the bull capital.If we turnto earlytravellers' fragmentary accounts,we findthatcolumnbaseshavebeennotedat a varietyof locations,bothinsideHamadanandoutside the city.None of the columnsreportedby these early travellersis still to be seen. Where informationis available some of these column bases, like those discoveredat a laterdate,areapparently Achaemenidin style. The columnsillustratedby Flandinand Coste (Fig. 7), some of the pieces mentionedby Fossey and one of the columnbasespublishedby Kleissareclearly later.Thepresenceof latercolumnbasesandcolumnsis in fact only to be expected given that Ecbatana continuedto be occupiedafterthe Achaemenidperiod, andwas a summerresidenceof the Parthiankings,who will presumablyhaveerectedmonumental buildings. Flandinand Coste noted that many fragmentsof earlierstoneworkwere built into houses and used as thresholdstones, and Luscheyreportedin 1968 that fragmentsof bases,columnsandcapitalscouldoftenbe seen builtintohousesaroundKhiaban-eEkbatan.This phenomenoncan still be observedtoday in houses whichhavenotyet beenclearedfromthemound,where fragmentsof worked stone evidently from earlier buildingsare incorporatedin the foundationsat the bottom of the mudbrick walls. The overriding impressionis that most of the column bases and fragmentsdescribedin this articlewerere-usedin later buildings,and this practiceappearsto have continued untilrelativelyrecenttimes. Whenfound,then,practicallyall thepieces seemto have been in secondary contexts. Nevertheless, the presence ofuninscribed columns and column bases both on the Ecbatanamound and in the outskirtsof Hamadan indicates the existence of a columned building or buildings, and the evidence of the inscribed column bases suggests that there was at least one palace of Artaxerxes II at Hamadan.25It could be suggested that
113
becausethe texts A2Haand A2Hbare differentthere weretwo palacesof ArtaxerxesII at Hamadan,butthis does not necessarilyfollow. The 17+ Susa fragments have fourdifferenttexts, althoughthey appearto have come fromonepalace.IthasbeensuggestedthatDarius I also built an apadanaat Ecbatana,and that the inscriptionsof ArtaxerxesIIrecordrepairsmadeby that king, not the constructionof a new building(Stronach 1985a, 1985b). Stronachpoints out that in A2Sa Artaxerxesusesthewordakbunam ("built")in a context andsuggeststhatthe whereit canonlymean"repaired", word also means "repaired"in A2Ha. In this Artaxerxeswould be recordingrepairs interpretation whichhe madeto a buildingconstructed by DariusI. If this were the case, however,one would expect the inscriptionto referto a palaceof Darius,as does A2Sa. Stronachalso cites the pair of foundationplaquesin gold and silverwith trilingualinscriptionsof DariusI that were allegedly found at Hamadanin the 1920s (Kent 1953: 111-12, 138,DH).26However,thereis no certain evidence that the plaques were found at Hamadan(Muscarella1980: 32), and the questionof whetherDarius built an apadanaat Hamadanmust remainunresolvedat present. Thereis no suchuncertainty regardingthepalaceof ArtaxerxesII, but its locationremainsobscure.Within modemHamadantherearetwo largemounds,Tappehye Mosallaand Tappeh-yeHekmataneh,and a slight eminence(Park-eSang-e Shir)on which the famous stonelion of Hamadannow stands(see Fig. 6). Tappehye Mosallais a rockyoutcroprisingto a heightof about 80mwitha highpointof altitude1871m.Morier(1818: 268) tells us that "a strong Persian fort formerly crownedthis eminence,but it was destroyedby Aga who has left only one largeround MahomedKhan,27 towerto attestits formerstrength".28 Fosseyexcavated herein 1913butfoundonly "uneassezgrandequantit6 de briques6maillesou de carreauxde fa'iencequ'il estimesansintiretet d'unfragmentde colonneddcor~e d'arabesqeset d'inscriptions"(Chevalier1989: 248). FlandinandCoste(1843-54:V, 18) say thereis a small square platform here known as Takht-Ardashir,which they presume is the Ardashir II of the Greeks and is evidence that he had a palace here. There is no certain evidence, then, for pre-Islamicbuildings on Mosalla. It is largely because of the apparentabsence of ancient buildings on Mosalla that Tappeh-ye Hekmateneh is usually regarded as the site of ancient Ecbatana. The mound measures approximately 870 x 490 m. at its
114
JOURNAL OF PERSIAN STUDIES
widestpoint,and covers some 35 hectares(Fig. 4). It risesabout30 m. abovetheplainandis boundedon the east side by the NazarBeyk, the main river flowing The throughHamadanwhich now runsunderground. ancientremainsareon top of a rockyoutcropwhichin some places rises to the modem surface.In one area, between Meydan-e Ekbatanand the site museum, bedrockis clearlyvisible.Inhis excavations(see below) CharlesFossey reachedbedrockat depthsof between 60 cm. and 6m. (Chevalier1989:248). Until recently, the whole areawas coveredby housesandgardensand a Muslimcemetery.Unofficialdigging,verticallyfrom the gardensand horizontallyfrom the sides of the mound,seems to have begun early in the nineteenth century,stimulatedby a demand for objects from also dugpits for clay Europeantravellers.Brickmakers (Chevalier1989:248). The firstproperexcavations,if they can be describedas such, were those of Charles Fossey in 1913. The resultswere disappointing. Apart fromthe columnsreferredto above,he foundonly the base of a statueor altar(Chevalier1989:248). Bronze vesselsrecoveredby Fossey'smission(Chevalier1989: pls. I-II) seem to have come fromanothersite in the Hamadanarea. Inthe 1970stheIraniangovernmentboughtup most of the land on Ecbatana(about 25 hectares) and proceeded to clear it of housing preparatoryto archaeologicalinvestigation (Fig. 6). Excavations, directedby Dr MohammadRahimSarrafon behalfof the Miras-iFarhangi,commencedin 1983 andto date therehave been eleven seasonsof work(Sarraf1997). These excavationshave revealedthatthe ancientcity was surrounded by a fortificationwall about9m thick and 10m high with towersat regularintervals.Within the city Sarrafhasfoundin differentareasof themound partsof well-preservedmud-brickbuildingsthatwere apparentlylaid out with the same orientationand following the same geometricalplan. The building complexes can be divided into units that are about 17.5msquareand consistof roomsarrangedarounda centralcourtyard. Thereweretracesof wall paintingon some of the courtyard walls which had been withwhiteplaster.Whetherthesebuildings overpainted were domesticor servedsome otherpurposeis not yet clear.Similarlyenigmaticat presentis the dateof these buildingcomplexes.Thereis little diagnosticpottery associatedwith them and few datablesmall finds. Of interestto us in the contextof columnsis the presence in one of the excavatedrooms of a fragmentof a
limestonetorus.However,thisfragmentof columnbase was foundin a clearlysecondarycontext,to one side of a doorwaybut not blockingthe door,so does not help with the datingof the building.Boucharlat(1998: 180, 184) considersthat,on the whole,the buildinghas the appearanceof being comparativelylate, possibly Seleucid.29 Dr Sarrafreportsthatbeneaththesebuilding there were no earlierstructures,but what is levels describedas monochrome paintedIronAge potterywas discovered. It seems unlikely,then,thatthe inscribedcolumns should be associated with the building complexes excavatedby Sarrafor indeed come from the same vicinity.We have commentedabove on the fact that Polybiusstatesthatthebasileiawasbeneaththefortified thatthe basileiawithall its area.It mayseemsurprising metal was built beneath thefortifiedarea,rather precious thanwithinit, but Artaxerxesbuilt his palaceat Susa away fromthe maincity complex,the otherside of the RiverChaour.If Polybiusis rightwe may needto look for the Achaemenidbasileia at Ecbatananot on the moundbut in some otherlocation,perhapsbesidethe riverwhichflows roundthe moundon the east side. If the inscribedcolumnbases andfragmentsdescribedin thisarticlewereoriginallypartof a basileialocatedaway fromthe mound,theywill havemigratedwhenre-used in laterbuildingson the mound. Lastly,we need to considerthe buildingin which ArtaxerxesII is saidto haveset up the statueof Anaftis, the goddessnamedin his cuneiforminscriptions,the statuebeingreportedby Berossus.Artaxerxesis saidto havealso set up statuesof the goddessalso at Susaand Persepolis.No trace has been found of Achaemenid temples at those sites, although if there was an Achaemenidtempleat Persepolisit mighthavebeenin the plain below the platform, and the same consideration appliesto Susa.Onemightbe inclinedto leave openthe possibilitythatthe templereferredto in the Greek sources was built after the Achaemenid period,were it not thatPolybius'text impliesthatthe basileiaincludedthetempleandthatthewholecomplex was pillagedby Alexander'sMacedonians. Notes 1
We wish to record our thanks to the British Institute of
Persian Studies, for providinga travel grant;to Mr. Mohammad-RezaKaregar and Mrs Zahra Jafar-
INSCRIBED COLUMNBASES FROM HAMADAN
115
Mohammadi of the MuzehMelli,Tehran,for allowingus of Analtis, where they are continuallysacrificing,12 to see thebullcapitalfragmentandformuchotherhelpin schoinoi ..." The MSS readings are apobatana B, apo boutanaA. A schoinosis a unitof variablelength(Strabo Iran;and to ProfessorN. Sims-Williams,for providing transliterations of the columnbase fragments2b(iii) and 17.1.24,41). Massoncalculatedthe lengthof theschoinos in this part of the narrativeas 2.5 miles (4 km.). The 2b(iv)andtherestoredOldPersiantextof A2Ha(basedon theparalleltextA2Sa,cf. Mayrhofer1978:30-31 and,for basileia of Adrapananwould then be in the valley of the last word of the text, Frangoisde Blois apud Simssome30 mileswestof Hamadan(Masson1850: Asadabad, Williams2000:213;andforconsultingwithus on thetext 99-100, 120). For Adrapanansee Brunner1985, who of A2Hb. building. suggeststhatthismayhavebeenanAchaemenid 12 Herzfeld's Therearemanydifferentformsof the nameof the city in copy of the cuneiformsignsshowssomesigns the cuneiform,Greekandothersouces.See Brown1998: as partlymissingbut,exceptin "a...us"andin thelastword, 80. it shows enough of each sign to identifyit certainly. The Old Persianand Elamiteversions differ slightly, Herzfeldreportedthata worddividercouldbe missingat butnot"battlements". the beginning.By thiswe assumehe meantjustthatthere mentioning"fortress" Ecbatanaalso appearsa numberof times in the Old was spacefor a worddivider,sincehis copy showsonly The some damageto the left of thefirstletter.In the lastword Testament, mostlyin contextswhicharenothistorical. best knowntext is Ezra6.2, whereit is reportedthata histhirdcuneiformsignis clearly"t".It is notclearwhyhe decreeof Cyrusorderingthe rebuildingof the templeat Of the fourthsignhe shows showed"d"as an alternative. Jerusalem was foundin the timeof DariusI at Ecbatana. onlya dot,whichcouldbepartof manysigns,andhis"r(?)" Fora discussionof this,see Mitchell1991:436-7. seems to be simplya guess based on his restorationof Foran extendedlist of referencesto Ecbatanain classical "miitr"= Mithra. 13 We aregratefulto Mr.M. Sarlak,formerlyof the Muzeh writerssee Weissbach1905. On Herodotus'descriptionone can commentthat the transliteration. Melli,forprovidinga preliminary moundof Ecbatanawas indeedbuiltup arounda natural 14 Thefinalletter"mi"is far from clear.Thereis no room in Assyrian at the beginning for the demonstrative"imm", as hill, andthatMedianfortressesareportrayed reliefswithtwo rowsof battlements, one behindtheother suggested by Kent 1953: 155 and Schmitt 1999: 87; nor for other phrases of the protective prayer at the (Gunter1982: 109-110).HoweverHerodotuspurportsto be describing thewallsof thecity,whichPolybiussayswas end as suggestedby Kent ibid. 15 Fora bibliography, unwalled. see Kent1953:114. 16 Evetts 1890: 414 read In Polybius'text basileiais used to referto a groupof correctlyin line 3. "artaxsghya" Schmitt1999: 85-86 came to that conclusionfromthe buildings,as is foundon theplatformat Persepolis,rather thanonepalace. in Dieulafoy1893:389 Fig.236. Theincorrect photograph at was in datesbackat leastto Tolman1908: Ecbatana 210 BC. Antigonus reading"artaxsOrya" kriokranoisA kriskranoisM kiokranoised. Of recent 54. The errormay be arisenbecausethe sign "9"was as "0".The fragmentis on displayin translators, Henryand Aubergertranslate"roof' (Henry formerlytranscribed 1947: 12; Auberger1991: 67); while Wilsontranslates the BritishMuseumandhas beenfor manydecades.It is andsuggeststhatthe referenceis to curiousthatno-onenoticedthatthisreadingof anotherwise "privateapartments", an architectural was erroneous. motifin those apartments 1994: unknownvariantof thename"Artaxerxes" (Wilson 55, 75). However,thereareram'sheadrhytonsfromIran 17 TheBabylonianandElamitetextson 2b (i) and2b (ii) will be thesubjectof a separatestudyby C.B.F.Walker. (e.g. Wilkinson1967),and some gold and silverarmlets 18 Forfurther have ram'sheadends.The text mightthenmean"inthe referencesto 2b (i) and2b (ii) see, Weissbach 1911:xxviii, 126-27; BritishMuseum1922 Guide:79; storeroomwherethe drinkingcups/precious metalobjects Walker1980:81. werekept". o Arrian7.14.5 records,andrejects,a storythatAlexander 19 IranNews21st September 2000. 20 a of at as Ecbatana. Described "granitiques". destroyed temple Asclepius 21 The engravingis also reproduced in Perrotand Chipiez 1 F.Gr.H.781 2.6. This part of his text reads: "... then to thepalace(basileia)of thoseat Batana,which 1892:fig.173. Adrapanan, Tigranes the Armenian destroyed, 4 schoinoi; then 22 He mentionsthatglazedbrickswere often foundin the a numberof smallobjects ruins(1896:247),andillustrates [apo]Batana, metropolisof Mediaandtreasuryandtemple
116
23
24
25
26
27
28
29
JOURNALOF PERSIAN STUDIES
that are said to come from Ecbatanaitself or from the vicinity(figs.159-63).Apartfromthe seals,mostof these itemsareeitherHellenisticor Islamicin date. Luschey(1968:116)also reportedthat sun-driedbricks wereto be seen in a deepcuttingmadeforthe Khiaban-e Ekbatanroad.Forfurtherreferencessee Brown1998:80. elementsof this shapeare known Capitalsincorporating fromPersepolisandSusa;see forexampleBoardman 2000: 2.57. figs. 2.56a, Thereis a briefreviewof columnbasesfoundat Hamadan in Abdi 1995:155-56. Thesebearidenticaltextsto the pairsof gold and silver plaquesthatwerelaterfoundatPersepolis(Kent1953:109, 136-37,DPh). Agha MohammadKhan was the first Qajar shah (1794-97). The same story is recountedby Flandin and Coste
EIr8: 80-84. Brown,S.C. 1998."Ecbatana", EIr 1:471. C.J.1985."Adrapana", Brunner, P. 1972-75. RLAIV:64-67. "Hamadan", Calmeyer, 1913: unemissionoubli~e", "Hamadan N. 1989. IA Chevalier,
(1843-54: V, 18).
TCSV,LocustValley,New York. of Urartianand Western Gunter,A. 1982. "Representations in theAssyrianReliefs",Iran IranianFortressArchitecture 20: 103-12. Haerinck,E. 1997."BabyloniaunderAchaemenidRule",in
See also Sarraf1997:338.
Abbreviations
24: 245-53.
Curtis,J.E.1993."WilliamKennettLoftusandhis excavations at Susa",IA28: 1-55. Curzon,G.N. 1892. Persia and the Persian Question,2 vols.,
London. Dandamaev,M.A. 1992. Iranians in AchaemenidBabylonia,
CostaMesa,California. de Morgan,J. 1896. Mission Scientifiqueen Perse 4, Paris. Dieulafoy, M. 1893. L'Acropolede Suse, Paris.
Evetts,B.T.A. 1890. "A trilingualinscriptionof Artaxerxes ZA5: 410-17. Mnemon", Flandin,E. andCoste,P. 1843-54. Voyageen Perse, 6 vols., Paris. Grayson, A.K. 1975. Assyrian and Babylonian Chronicles,
Curtis, J.E. (ed.), Mesopotamia and Iran in the Persian Ath. = Athenaios Curt.= CurtiusRufus
D.S.=DidorusSiculus Hdt.=Herodotus Histories F.Gr.H. = F. Jacoby, Die Fragmente der Griechischen Historiker,Berlin 1923Str.= Strabo Xen.An. = XenophonAnabasis Xen.Cyr. = Xenophon Cyropaedia
Period,London:26-34. Henry, R. 1947. Ctisias, La Perse, L'Inde:Les Sommairesde Photius, Brussels.
auspersischen Gebiet", Herzfeld,E. 1928-29."DreiInschriften MAOG4: 81-86. 1938. AltpersischeInschriften,Berlin. Jafar-Mohammadi, Z. 1974. Catalogue of Exhibition accompanying3rdAnnual Colloquiumon Excavationsand ArchaeologicalResearch in Iran, Tehran(in Persian). -
Kent, R.G. 1931. "Old Persian inscriptions",JAOS 51: 189-240. Bibliography
-
Abdi,K. 1995."RoyalAchaemenidcapitals",in Kiani,M.Y. (ed.),IranianCapitals,Tehran:147-234(inPersian).
in Iranim Kleiss,W. 1972."BerichttiberErkundungsfahrten Jahr1971",AMI,NS 5: 135-242. - 1975. "Fundnotizen aus Westzu einigen Saiulenbasen 75-79. Iran",AM!, NS 8:
Auberger,J. 1991. Ctisias: Histoires de l'Orient,Paris. Boardman,J. 2000. Persia and the West,London.
R. 1997."SusaunderAchaemenid Boucharlat, Rule",inCurtis, J.E. (ed.), Mesopotamia and Iran in the Persian Period,
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Texts,Lexicon,New Haven. Grammar,
Layard,A.H. 1887. Early Adventuresin Persia, Susiana and Babylonia, 2 vols., London. Lecoq, P. 1997. Les inscriptionsde la Perse achemenide,Paris.
London:54-67. AMI,NS 1: Luschey,H. 1968. "DerL6we von Ekbatana", "A 115-22. Boucharlat,R. 1998. la recherched'Ecbatanesur Tepe of the routefromSeleuciato IA 33: 173-86. Masson,C. 1850. "Illustration Hegmataneh", W. 1932."DieneuenAc~tmenideninschriften", Apobatana,as given by Isidorusof Charax",JRAS 12: Brandenstein, 97-124. WienerZeitschriftfiirdie Kundedes Morgenlandes39: 7-97. British Museum 1922 Guide = A Guide to the Babylonianand AssyrianAntiquities,3rd edn.;London.
Mayrhofer, M. 1978. Supplement zur Sammlung der altpersischenInschriften,Wien.
INSCRIBEDCOLUMNBASES FROMHAMADAN
Medvedskaya,I.N. 1995. "Have the Assyrians been in Ecbatana?",VestnikDrevnejIstorii 2: 147-55 (in Russian).
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1999. "Mediaand its neighboursI: the localizationof Ellipi",IA 34: 53-70.
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Deshayes, Paris:433-45. Tolman, H.C. 1908. Ancient Persian Lexicon and Texts,
Nashville. in Smith,W.(ed.),ADictionary Vaux,W.S.W.1878."Ecbatana", of Greekand Roman Geography,London:799-803.
of Darius VonVoigtlander, E.N. 1978."TheBisitunInscription the Great- Babylonian Version",CII,partI, vol. ii. Walker,C.B.F 1980. "Elamiteinscriptionsin the British Iran18:75-81 Museum", Weissbach,FH. 1905. "Ekbatana", Pauly-Wissowa5: 2155-58. - 1911. Die Keilinschriftender Achdmeniden,Leipzig. Wilber,D.N. 1969. Persepolis: the ArchaeologyofParsa, Seat of the Persian Kings, London. Wilkinson,C.K. 1967. TwoRam-headedVesselsfromIran,Bern. Wilson N.G. 1994. Photius: the Bibliotheca, London.
betweenIranandBabyloniaZadok,R. 1976."Connections sixthcenturyBC",Iran 14:61-78. -
1985. GeographicalNames according to New- and Late-
undstidtebauliche Sarraf,M.R. 1997."Neuearchitektonische BabylonianTexts,R6pertoireGeographiquedes Textes FundevonEkbatana-Tepe AMJT29: 321-39. 8, Wiesbaden. (Hamadan)", Cun6iformes "ThefirstPersianjourneyof Itti-Marduk1994. in Schmitt,R. 1999."Dasspditachaimenidische S. Zawadzki, Altpersische" zu NS Wiesbaden. Beitrige AltpersischenInschriften, AMI, 27: 123-26. Balaitu",
FIVE SEASONS OF EXCAVATIONSIN THE TASH-K'IRMAN OASIS OF ANCIENT CHORASMIA, 1996-2000. AN INTERIMREPORT By S.W.Helms,V.N.Yagodin,A.V.G.Betts,G. KhozhaniyazovandF. Kiddi Sydneyand Nukus
environment. Students from the Institute of Archaeology,Historyand Ethnography(Nukus) also have been The Karakalpak-Australian ArchaeologicalExped- participated.Permanentfield headquarters ition2to ancientChorasmia continuedits excavationand constructedat Kazakl'i-yatkan. Throughthe effortsof the of thegovernment, in the Tash-k'irman oasis(Figs. V.N.Yagodinandthecooperation exploration programme have over and five seasons from 1996 to of Since areas 1997 2000.3 1, 3) Kazakl'i-yatkan Tash-k'irman-tepe Australian studentsfromtheUniversitiesof Sydneyand been declared protected archaeologicalzones. In conferenceon the history Melbournehave participated in the project.The year October2000 an international 1997 also saw the introductionof volunteersfrom and archaeologyof ancient Chorasmiawas held at Australiaand New Zealandto the archaeologyand Bostanin the Elli-kalaregionof Karakalpakstan. ancienthistoryof Uzbekistanin a truly collaborative The pursuitof the expeditionis to explore the oasis in historyand archaeologyof the Tash-k'irman whatwas oncethe easternpartof ancientChorasmiain order to continue the work of the Chorasmian ArchaeologicalExpeditionfoundedby S.P.Tolstovin the 1930s,4 andto reconstructan historicallandon the thresholdof the InnerAsian steppe at an important KAZAKHSTAN interfacebetweenthe northernnomadicworldandthe borderlands.To this end threerelatively Indo-Iranian undisturbedsites were chosen for excavations:TashS'ir-Darya a ruinfieldcontaininga regionalreligious k'irman-tepe, a fire centre, templecomplexwhichmaygo backto the . ' Archaic S period (c. seventh/sixthcenturiesB.C.: see AraA---Sea rer a large Table1); Kazakl'i-yatkan (Akcha-khani-kalesi), fortifiedenclosureat the centreof east Chorasmia,and possiblya capitalof an independentChorasmianstate KARAKALPAKSTAN the so-called Kangiui5period (accordingto UZBEKISTAN during centuriesB.C.-c. first currentchronologyc. fifth/fourth c."~ and Kara-tepe, a small fortified century A.D);6 ?(0 i. Sar'" ikam'ish withan extramural establishment temple,bothof which mayhavebeenfoundedin the secondcenturyA.D. (the Kushanperiod)and were in use up to the so-called "., ' 0\ Afrighidperiod.7Occupationat the threesites appears . , to span the time betweenthe seventh/sixthcenturies -./Uzboi B.C. (the Archaic period) and the sixth/seventh 3 TURKMENISTAN centuriesA.D. Becauseof the scaleof theremains,only 0 200 300km 100 the firsttwo sites havebeen subjectedto intensiveand extensiveexcavations.So far Kara-tepehas only been and the Fig. 1 North-westUzbekistan(Karakalpakstan) mapped. Ustiurtplateau. INTRODUCTION
119
120
JOURNALOF PERSIAN STUDIES
Uvarazmis
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A survey of the historicalsignificanceof ancient Chorasmia andthecurrent jointprojectwaspresentedin the firstpreliminaryreport.8The majorpointsmay be summarised as follows(see also Table1). Up to about the seventhcenturyB.C. the Amudar'yariver(classicalOxus)deltawas partof an Inner Asian,essentiallynomadic,culturewhichgoes backto thefirsthalfof thesecondmillenniumB.C.(Andronovo = Suyargan,Tazabag'yab,and Amirabadin the Oxus delta9).The nameof the regionis not knownbut for a reference in the Avesta to the "Aryan Expanse" the firstandbest,buta still (Airyanam Vadja/Enrnvej),1l land created Ahura unnamed, Mazda,whichmaybe by located here. An abrupt cultural and presumably political and even demographicchange occurred sometime in about the later seventh or early sixth centuriesB.C. when the name Chorasmiabecame currentherein thenorthof CentralAsia.Thiseventhas been linkedto Chorasmians who originallylived in the to Herodotus somewherebetweenthe south,according Hyrcanians,Parthians,Sarangians,and Thamaneans (Hist. iii.117).Fromthis, and basedon semi-mythical history (e.g., Ninos and Semiramis),the "Greater Chorasmia"ll hypothesis was established which postulatesa southernChorasmianstatewhich collapsed,
or had alreadydone so, by the time of the rise of the
10 0k.
Fig. 2. Achaemenid Persian eastern provinces (UvarazmiS or ancient Chorasmia).
AchaemenidPersianempire.Tothishasbeenlinkedthe and thus the identificationof ministryof Zarathushtra the Oxusdeltawiththe Avestan"AryanExpanse".The nameChorasmia(in variousguises:Fig. 2) appearsin TABLE1. Chorasmian periodisation.
AGE(=ANDROVOVO) BRONZE B.C. Ia(earlystage)1sthalf2ndmillennium 1 centuries B.C. Ib(latestage) lth-9th B.C. Tazabag'yab II 15th-llthcenturies EARLYIRONAGE(= LATEANDRONOVO) B.C. Amirabad III9th-8thcenturies Suyargan
ARCHAIC Kiuzeli-g'ir
I 7th/6thcenturyB.C.
Kalal'i-g'ir Khazarasp
III5thcenturyB.C. IV 5th/4thcenturyB.C.
B.C. century Dingil'dzhe II6th/5th ANTIQUE Kangiui
B.C. I (earlystage)4th-3rdcenturies A.D. II(latestage)2ndcentury B.C.-lstcentury
A.D. I (early)lst-2ndcentury II(late)3rd-4th A.D. centuries centuries A.D. Hephthalite 4th-6th A.D+ 4thcentury Turk AFRIGHID Kushan
A.D.25 4th(?)-9thcenturies
EXCAVATIONS IN THE TASH-K'IRMAN OASIS OF ANCIENT CHORASMIA, 1996-2000
121
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Avestan texts (xvairizam)and in the Achaemenid taxationlist of Darius112 andthe notionthereforeis that the Oxusdeltawas incorporated intothe empireunder Darius'consolidation afterabout525 B.C., programme or even somewhatearlier,followingCyrus'disastrous campaignagainstthe Massagetaein about530 B.C.13 Theabruptculturalandpoliticalchanges(includingthe introductionof large-scale irrigationsystems) are thereforepresumedto be the directresultof annexation, perhapsalso of immigrationfromthe south.However, the evidence collected so far (ChorasmianArchaeological Expedition) indicates that this supposed annexationwas short-livedand ceasedwell beforethe demise of the Achaemenidempirein the laterfourth centuryB.C.14(Alexandernever reachedChorasmia It is possiblethatthis duringhis Sogdiancampaign.)15 occurredshortlyafterXerxes'd6baclein Greecewhich may have inducedsome outlyingsatrapiesto become independent:i.e., to stop payingtaxes and providing troopsfor governmentcampaigns.Chorasmiafromthe later fifth century(or early fourth)onwardhas been regardedas a totally independentstate (withoutany contact,even with relativelyclose Sogdiato the south, butfora "king"of the Chorasmians who is saidto have visitedAlexanderatMarkanda)16 to whichTolstovgave the name Kangiuiwhich is taken from Han Chinese Annalsdescribingwesternlands.17The appellationis probablywrongin termsof geography:Kangiuimost
Fig. 3. The Tash-k'irmanoasis: Kara-tepe, Kazakl'i-yatkan, and Tash-k'irman-tepe; Toprak-kala ('Kushan ') with ancient canal systems; cross hatched area Sultanuizdag range; horizontally hatched areas sand ancient stream beds.
likelylay fartherto the eastandnorth,possiblybeyond the S'ir-dar'ya(classicalJaxartes).18 TheKangiuiperiod is thoughtto lastup to aboutthe firstcenturyA.D. and duringthis periodseverallargecentrallysited fortified placeswere built(Kazakl'i-yatkan being the largest),19 as well as at least one regional religious centre threeormorefrontiertowns,many (Tash'k'irman-tepe), borderfortresses,at leastone "nomadwall",20andrural installations withnew irrigationsystems. The archaeological recordhas also been interpreted in termsof anotherchange,less abruptthanthatfroma nomadic Inner Asian culture to "urban"irrigation culture in the seventh/sixthcentury B.C., and this changemay be due to the expansionof the Kushan empire:21in other words, it has been inferredthat Chorasmiabecame part of this empire during the secondcenturyA.D. butre-asserted its independence by aboutthefourthcenturywhich,accordingto al-Biruni,22 marksthe beginningof the Afrighidperiodwhich is assumedto be the originof the firstline of Khwarazmshahsof the medievalperiod. This periodisationandits appendedchronologyare neithercertainnor absolute.Onlythe beginningof the is establishedin terms undeniablyabrupttransformation of ceramic parallels elsewhere in CentralAsia (c. seventh/sixthcenturiesB.C.).23 The Kushan period providesthe next acceptableabsolutedate (c. second centuryA.D.) andthis is basedon coins.Everythingin
122
JOURNAL OF PERSIAN STUDIES
betweenis floatingandreliantuponlinearevolutionof ceramicmorphology.24 (There are some [unreliable] radiocarbondeterminations.) Periodisationapart,the variousremarkably monuments preservedarchitectural of the Kangiuiperiodhave not been datedabsolutely andalsodisplaymuchstylisticvariationwhichcanonly be explainedin terms of developmentover time if a centralisedunified and independentstate is to be postulated.The regionalpoliticalstructurein termsof names and empiresis equallyunattestedat present. Nonetheless,the exhaustiveandwell publishedrecords of the ChorasmianArchaeologicalExpeditionand its archivesin NukusandMoscowareexemplaryandserve
as an invaluabledatabase:particularly since intensive under the recentlydismissed agriculturalexploitation Communistregimehas destroyedso much.The Tashk'irmanoasisis the lastremainingrelativelyuntouched zonein ancientChorasmia, eastandwest. archaeological KAZAKL'I-YATKAN(AKCHA-KHANI-KALESI) hasrevealednot RegionalsurveyatKazakl'i-yatkan the extent of the fortified settlement (Rus. only but also the ancient remains in its vicinity gorodishche) (Fig. 3). Thelattercomprisea fieldwall or,morelikely,
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EXCAVATIONS IN THE TASH-K'IRMAN OASIS OF ANCIENT CHORASMIA, 1996-2000
123
a causewayof unknownpurpose,whichhasbeentraced and in some sub-phasesassociatedwith the fortififor severalkilometresand appearsto have had some cationsthemselves. relationwiththe templecomplexat Tash-k'irman-tepe, a numberof ruralinstallations(farmsteads,manors, kilns, and metalworkingsites), ancientfields, and the Areas 01, 03, 06, 09: thefortifications remains of an ancient canal system or systems of various dates, beginning in the Archaic period (c. The east flankof the upperenclosurerepresentsa seventh/sixthcenturiesB.C.).Thesesitesweresounded complexmilitaryarchitectural development.Excavated in a preliminaryway in 1997.Most of themappearto remainsand surfacecontoursshow thatthe east flank have been in use during the life of the fortified musthavehadtwo massivecornertowers,a barbicanin settlement. the middleof the trace(area09), and five wall towers In 1996 the fortifications were investigatedfurther, (includingarea01) on eitherside of the entrance(Fig. as well as the centralmonument(a mausoleum/naus)26 4). Area06 is thekey to the structural of the stratigraphy withinthe upperenclosure(Fig. 4). The mainfocus of upper and lower enclosures.The remainsare huge the expeditionfrom 1997 to 2000 has been the eastern (Figs.6, 7) andunderlineonemaximof thearchaeology fortificationsof the upperenclosure.This ruinfield is of monumentalarchitecture: althoughtons of sandand well preservedas muchof it is coveredby sanddunes. clay mustbe movedto makeany sense of the remains, New survey27shows that the ancientsite coveredan the answer(andjustificationof the exercise)invariably areaof up to 50 hectaresandconsistedof a lowerand lies in a verysmallspace;in ourcase anareathe size of upper enclosure in the latter of which several a shoeboxin area06, finallyaddressedsuccessfullyin monumentalstructuresare still visible on the surface. the year2000. These includethe possiblemausoleum/naus (area07: Figure7 illustratesthe buildingsequenceas well as soundedin 1996),a templeor palace(area10:sounded thevexingquestionof outworksor,in Hellenisticterms, in 2000), and perhapsa temenosin the south-west proteichismata.The first stage of constructionis the comer.Wallalignmentsand relativelevels of specific galleried(a doublewall, corridorswithin)curtainwall structural featuressuchas thepavedcoveredway of the andthecomertowerbothof whichareseton a highand proteichisma(see below)andthetiersof loopholes,and wide pakhsa (pise or stampedclay) socle or slightly regularsectionsof mudbrickandpakhsacoursesin the batteredplinthdirectlyon what appearsto be sterile curtainwallsandtowers,indicatea highlevel of ancient sand. In area 06 the exteriorbase of this socle or surveyingskills.Thesouthernandwesternflanksof the batteredplinth,as well as the base of the curtainwalls, lower enclosurehave been partlytracedby sondages have fourornamentalstepsof no militaryor structural givinganoverallareaof about50 hectares(e.g.,roughly use whatsoever(Fig. 7). (Theplinthin area01 has only the size of Hellenistic/Parthian as threesteps[Fig. 11].)Thesestepscanbe interpreted Dura-Europos). Theexcavationprogramme has concentrated on the symbolic which fits with the present tentative fortifications of the ancientsite.Figure4, andin greater interpretationof the upper enclosure as a sacred detailFigures5 to 7, illustratethe regularplanningof complex. (Steps are common in illustrations of the defences.Boththe lowerandthe upperenclosures Zoroastrian fire altarswell intothe Sasanianperiod.)It have galleriedcurtainwalls typical of CentralAsian is possiblethata wet ditchlay somedistanceto the east whichhasits originsin theBronze at this time, beyonda berm(see area09 below). The militaryarchitecture of southern Central Asia southof the Zarafshan next stageis theproteichismawhichis an outworkthat Age river and elsewhere.28Both traces of fortifications is normallytakento be an exclusivelyHellenisticGreek consist of (probably)regularly spaced rectangular inventionsometimeafter about 390 B.C., being the towers and outworks (proteichismata) including ditches. Domestic occupation has been found along the
outertrace(Fig.4: area03) whereit was set againstthe internal face of the curtain.29No domestic occupation has so far been found in the upper enclosure but for some shardscatterof the so-called Kangiui period next to the inner base of the upper enclosure fortifications30
reaction to the invention of powerful torsion artillery (the catapult)in Sicily which was effectively deployed by Philip II of Macedon and Alexander the Great.31 Greek texts describe these outworks quite accurately and they may be defined as a system of outer defence (beyond the curtainwalls), in order to bring low level flat trajectory fire to bear on approachingtroops and
124
JOURNAL OF PERSIAN STUDIES
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EXCAVATIONS IN THE TASH-K'IRMAN OASIS OF ANCIENT CHORASMIA, 1996-2000
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siege engines and to impede the movement and emplacementof these enginesand artillerypieces. A proteichisma32consists of a coveredway, sometimes raisedas a platform,protectedby a breastworkor cover wall which,in area06, curvesaroundthesquaresalient angleof the cornertower(Fig. 6). A berm(flatground) beyond the coveredway is optional.Then follows a ditch or a series of ditches.(In the best counterscarp Greek militarymanual,that of Philo of Byzantium, threeditchesaretheidealsolutionalthoughrarelyfound in extantexamplesin theHellenisticworld.)33Now, it is strangeand somewhatdisturbing(from a Hellenistic point of view) that ancientChorasmianfortifications appearto have proteichismatavery similar to the Hellenistictypeandthattheseworksappearto be dated as earlyas the late fifthcenturyB.C., accordingto the currentabsolute chronologywhich was set up by Tolstovin the 1940s andhas not changedmuchsince.
(Absolutedatingis one of the project'sprimaryaims.) Comparisonin terms of componentsand proportions may be made between area 06 (Fig. 6) and the proteichismanearthe Dipylongate at Athensof about the latefourthcenturyB.C. (Fig. 8).34Theresolutionof this conundrumawaitsfurtherexcavationsand many The main question more radiocarbondeterminations. hereis dating,uponwhichwill followthe answerto the questionof directionof influence,if any,andthe effect, if any,of Alexander'sinvasionin the southin 330/329 B.C.(andcontactwitha "king"of theChorasmians [see above]). a greatsiege of Therenow occurreda catastrophe, the upperenclosureat Kazakl'i-yatkan, signs of which have appearedin all areasof the upperenclosure,an event which may have occurredbetweenthe late first andearlysecondcenturiesA.D. andinvolveda general conflagrationwhich destroyedmost, if not all, of the
JOURNAL OF PERSIAN STUDIES
126
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wooden roof beams in the two-storeyedgalleriesand towers(see STRATIGRAPHY AND CHRONOLOGY The face and flanks of the cornertower (area below). and the in tower area 01 were clad in brick and 06) off the lower tier of pakhsa,blocking loopholes.35 (One
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of two possibly Buddhistfigurineswas found in the loopholeof the lowertiernextto the eastcurtainwall in area06 [Fig. 9: x]; anotherin the upperlayersin the of area09.)36Thismodification of the gateway/barbican lowerlevelsof towersandsometimesalso curtainwalls
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EXCAVATIONS IN THE TASH-K'IRMAN OASIS OF ANCIENT CHORASMIA, 1996-2000
is usually regarded as a reaction to Hellenistic mechanisedsiege craftintroducedby Alexander37 and indeedthereare signs of heavy batteringin both the towerhere(area06) andin area01. A stoneballistaball38 (= sophisticated[torsion?]artillery)was also foundin area 06 in an unstratifiedcontext.The questionthen follows:what is the identityof the enemywho could deploysuchengines?Nomads(withtheexceptionof the Mongols)did not normallyuse suchdevicesbutrelied mostly on cavalry,the bow and arrow,and spearsor lances.On the otherhandvariouspowerfultribeshad beenpushedwestwardfromtheGreatChineseWallever sincethethirdcenturyB.C.,if notearlier,andonegroup in particular, the Yueh-chih,impactedon tribesin the delta(theSacae;Figs. 1, 2) who in S'ir-dar'ya/Jaxartes turnmoved southand perhapsdestroyedthe Bactrian Greek kingdomthere in the middle of the second centuryB.C. as it wouldappearon the evidenceof AX Khanoumat the confluenceof the Kokchaand Oxus rivers.Onebranchof Yueh-chihultimatelyformedthe Kushanempirewhich controlledone quarterof the ancientworld,occupyingthe centreof the GreatSilk Roads system from about the second to the fourth centuriesA.D. Wealsoknowthatby the secondcentury A.D. Chorasmian "urban" and monumental as well as its visual arts(andperhapsits architecture, currency),changedto the so-calledKushandynastic Nonethelessit is style (e.g., the site of Toprak-kala).39 not yet establishedwhetherthe Kushansever ruled Chorasmiadirectly. Thelaststagesof construction in area06, as in area saw the and 01, blockingup pavingoverof thegalleried curtainwalls at second storey level, probablyin the second centuryA.D. The centreof power was then to Toprakpresumablymoved from Kazakl'i-yatkan kalasome 15 kilometresto the north.
C20 0
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Fig. 9. Area 06: schematic section and elevation looking west; I pakhsaplinth with stepped base; 2 brickpacking under covered way: 3 pakhsa cladding on towerface: C radio carbon sample, 'x' 'Buddhist'figurine.
Area 09 is the easterngate of the upperenclosure whose entrancethroughthe curtainwall lines up with the mausoleum/naus (area07: see below). The architecturalstyle is typicalof ancientChorasmian military beforewall"in Russian, worksandis calleda "labyrinth which is essentiallya barbican.The galleriedcurtain wall is broughtoutatrightanglesto thelineof traceand to makeanoverlapontheactualgatein the thenreturned whichrestrictsenemy curtainwall, creatinga courtyard defenders affords and movement flankingfire. troop Thereis usuallyonetoweron oneflank.Theexcavations partof the (begunin 1999)haveuncovereda substantial to date result barbican(Fig. 12) butthe mostsignificant is furtherinformation regardingtheproteichisma.First
5m 5m
Fig. 10. Area 06: schematic section across lower enclosure galleried curtain and proteichisma looking west (see Fig. 6: right); 1, 2 curtain (pakhsa); 3 proteichisma cover wall; 4 brick cladding; 5 brickpaving in gallery; 6, 7 curtain (brick). C radio carbon sample (C2 in depositions sealed by pavement in gallery; C6 a small burnt area, perhaps a hearth).
128
JOURNAL OF PERSIAN STUDIES
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of all it is noteworthythatarchitectural and structural featuresrepeatthosein areas01 and06, andthatrelative levels arewithina centimetreor two overa distanceof over 150 metres, once again underliningthe high standardof ancientsurveyingskills. Thereis the same raisedand mud brickpavedcoveredway and a cover
wall whichis so high(2.35m. abovethepavement)that loopholescouldnothavebeeninstalled.Theremayhave beena wallwalk(orbanquette) anda parapethigherup, this would have been dangerouslynarrow(c. although 85 cm.,allowing45 cm. fortheparapet).40 However,the most interestingfeaturein termsof Hellenisticmilitary
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mere
+ + + +290N+ + + H .. Fig. 13. Area 07: 1, 2 squaretowerswithpartiallypreservedvaultbetween;3, 4 ramprevetments;5 pavement(or steps); 6 buttress;7 brickpacking;8 brickwall (door?). +-.290N .+
maximsarethetwo ditchesseparated by a narrowberm: one immediately beyond the revetment of the proteichismacoverwall;the other,largerone (presently c. 22 m. wide),beyondtheberm.Theeasternendof the outerditch(counterscarp) was not reachedbut already an enormousmilitaryundertaking is evidentand if, as the was enclosure a sacredcomplex suspected, upper andnot primarilya secularone, thenthe importanceof Kazakl'i-yatkanin terms of a Chorasmianstate is amplified. Firstsoundedin 1995, area03 has also revealeda uniform scheme of fortifications consisting of a galleriedcurtain("archers' gallery")andaproteichisma with ditch.Internaldomesticinstallationswere found abuttingthese works.41The proteichismacover wall followsthe line of the cornertowerflanksandmakesa square comer at the salient angle. The tower and
curtainswere built in two partsconsistingof a lower pakhsa socle and an uppermud brick section. Both sectionswere providedwith regularlyspacedtiers of loopholes.Those in the tower fannedout to improve horizontalfire cover as also in areas01 and 06. The uppertier of loopholessupersededthose of the lower. And, also as in areas06 and 09, these two structural stageswere separatedby a mudbrickpavementin the corridorsof the curtainsand within the tower itself. Therewereno signsof pavinginthecoveredway in area 03. The layoutof the proteichismain area03 differs fromthatin areas01, 06, and 09, in thatthe outwork follows the plan of the tower and in that it makes a square,notrounded,comeratthe salientangle.Thetwo construction stagesin area03 can be closely linkedto thosein the lowerenclosurecurtainwall in area06 (see AND CHRONOLOGY STRATIGRAPHY below).
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Area 07: the mausoleum/naus Area 07 consistsof a monumentalstructurewhich was builtatthe geometriccentreof the upperenclosure more or less in line with the fortificationsand must thereforebe of signalimportance the life of throughout the ancientsite. Today the remainsof this building complexare still visible above the fortificationsfrom beyond the walls. Partialclearanceallows a cautious reconstruction of the complex(see below). The entire area is raised above the surrounding surfacesalthoughthe natureof structureswithin this moundis uncertainbut for the currentlyexposedareas (Fig. 13). These consist of twin, roughly 10 metres square,towerswhich at presentappearto be made of solid mud brick (but see possible reconstructions below).A rampleadsup to thewestpartof towerI and consistsof flankingmudbrickwalls andmudbrickfill, the latterof which may also representsteps, although extantrampsin Chorasmianarchitecture usuallyhave none.42Thewest flankof tower1 was reinforcedwithat least one buttressand a mudbrickfill. A narrowmud brickwall was the only structureso far foundbeyond the centralmonument.Theareabetweenthetowerswas vaulted.Only the lower threeto four brickvoussoirs remainabove brick impostblocks. The span is 4.50 metresand the voussoirsare laid diagonallyto avoid centring, a building technique typical of sparsely woodedareas.43 A deepsondageon the west flankof tower 1 (Figs. 13, 14) revealedthe foundationsandvariousstructural alterationswhich suggest a long periodof use. With referenceto Figures 13 and 14, the sequence is as follows. The earliest"structure" is a hardclay surfacewith charcoalfragments(1) which correspondsto a similar featurein area01 whichis separatedfromthe footings of the curtainwall plinththereandin area07 (2) by a metreof apparently Mudbrickwall4 (with puresand.44 a batteredface?)was set on this sandsurfaceandmight representa solidplatformmakingthebaseof the central monumentwhose foundationsconsistof a mud brick
revettedby a battered,curvingconstructionof mud brickslaid on an inwardslope (15). This collapsemay ultimatelybe linkedwith the "greatsiege".Thismarks the end of meaningfulstratigraphy here.Whatfollows aresands,silts,andsurfacecrusting( 17, 18). Sondagesto the eastof tower2 also revealedheavy with silts. collapseof mudbricksandclay,interspersed This collapse contained architectural fragments consistingof flat stone slabs andworkedstoneblocks shapedintotruncatedpyramids.Giventhe slopeof the elementscould not have collapse,these architectural comefromthepreservedlowerpartsof thetowers:they must come from an upperstorey(see reconstruction below). Basedon this preliminary evidenceit is possibleto reconstruction a of the centralmonumentat the suggest centre of the enclosure atKazakl'i-yatkan. upper precise (It is noteworthythatthe centrelines of the two gates line up as well, suggestingthe possibilityof streets the southgate linesup leadingto the mausoleum/naus: on the centre line of the barrelvault.) Furthermore, based on architecturalparallels,it is reasonableto assume that this monument may have been a mausoleum or naus in Zoroastrianterms which, accordingto potterytypology,oughtto be datedin the late fifth or early fourthcenturyB.C. (see STRATIGRAPHY AND CHRONOLOGYbelow). With referenceto Figures13 to 15,the followingreconstruction hasbeenattempted. The buttressesand the curvingrevetmentimply continuedmaintenanceof this monumentthroughout the life of the upperenclosure,if notbeyondthiswhen themain"urban" centremayhavebeenmovednorthto Kushan Toprak-kala.This in turn underlines the importanceof the buildingwhich was impliedby its dominantposition in the upper enclosure.External alterationsapart,the basic monumentconsistsof two towersseparatedby a barrelvault,presumablyopenat both ends: in other words, an elevation which is reminiscentof triumphalarchesof the Romanperiod, for example, or the great arch at Parthian/Sasanian Ctesiphon.An upperstoreyhas been suggestedon the
surroundingwall (10) and a fill of alternatinglayers of sterile sand and mud bricks (11). Layers 5-9 are sand, silt, and occupation depositions separating the construction of the so-called platform (4) from the constructionof the centralmonument'sfoundations(10, 11). Buttress(es) and brick fill (12) followed. At some time a partial collapse occurred (13, 14) and this was
basis of architecturalfragments (see above). This may simply have repeated the ground floor plan. The monument could therefore have stood to a maximum height of up to 20 metres. The architecturalfragments attributedto the upper storey probably represent flat capitals and truncatedpyramid-shapedbases: hence the colonnade in the reconstructionhere. The battlements
EXCAVATIONS IN THE TASH-K'IRMAN OASIS OF ANCIENT CHORASMIA, 1996-2000
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platform;5, 6 Fig. 14. Area 07 section: 1 hardclay withcharcoalfragments;2 sterile sand; 3 clay; 4 mudbrick 10 mudbrick 7 and mudbrick 8 9 and wall; charcoal; clay; clay occupationlevels; clay wash; 11 mudbricklaid in sterile sand; 12 mudbrick fill; 13, 14 sand and mudbricklumps;15 mudbrickrevetment; 16 sand withclay; 17, 18 clay washand sandysilts.
are based on sub-architectural parallelsfound among contemporaryossuaries.45It is possible that the two towers also have barrelvaultedchambers.Given this a seriesof architectural reconstruction, parallelscanbe cited(forexamplethe naus at Dal'verzin-tepe),46 all of which are relatedto funerarypractices,Zoroastrian or otherwise.However,the closestparallel,althoughmuch smaller,comes from the Greco-Bactriancity of Ai Khanoum.Thismausoleumconsistsof two rectangular vaulted chamberswith burials and a centralbarrel vaultedpassagewitha burial,blockedat one end.47The originof this architectural style is not clearat present. Some scholarslook to the north-east,to the Jaxartes deltaof the Sacae,othersto thewest,to Mesopotamia.48 The mausoleum/naus at Kazakl'i-yatkan appearsto be
AND amongtheearliestknown(see STRATIGRAPHY CHRONOLOGY below). Area 10: the temple/palace The 2000 seasonof excavationsat Kazakl'i-yatkan sawthe firstsondageintothe so-calledtempleorpalace complex in the north-west comer of the upper enclosure. The western wall of the building was excavateddown to floor surfacesboth insideand out. Thiswall hadbeen rebuiltwith an externalcladdingat some pointandultimatelysome of the walls collapsed in a catastrophewhich (once again) might be linked with the "greatsiege"at the site whichis suspectedto
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Fig. 15. Area 07 reconstruction.
have happenedsometimebetweenthe firstand second centuriesA.D. (see also areas06 and 09 above) and might be attributed to the major demographic movements at that time involving the Yueh-chih (originallyoperatingnearthe GreatWallof China)and elementsof the Sacae in the classical Jaxartesdelta (modemS'ir-darya).Somebuildingremainsarevisible on the surface(dottedlinesin Fig. 16) andon thisbasis, as well as thealignmentof thewestwall,theplanwould be roughlysquare(c. 45 x 45 m. on the interior)with possiblytwo entrancesflankedby pylons in the west and east sides, respectively. Surface remains also indicatea separatechamberin the south-eastcomerand perhapscomertowers. Excavationshadto be temporarily stoppedowingto the discoveryof a fragmentof clay with plaster(= sculpture)in whicha smallbandof goldwas embedded. wall plasterwith traces of paint were Furthermore, found,as well as two stonecolumnbases.Oneof these was in situ insidethe building,about4 metresfromthe west wall andin line withit (Fig. 17). The secondbase
appearedoutsidethe building.The originalpositionof the exteriorcolumnbase could be ascertainedsince a foundationtrenchfilled with mud brickswas found close by.Theinteriorbasewas composite,consistingof a three-steppedsquarebase and a round,horizontally flutedone on top.Onlya few examplesof suchcolumn Onecomesfrom basesareknownin ancientChorasmia. the fifth centuryB.C. site of Kalal'i-g'ir1 (now in west of theclassicalOxusriver) northern Turkmenistan, with rooms small where just two to six columnbases wereexcavatedin whatappearsto be an administrative structurein one side of the heavilyfortifiedsite. Also from Kalal'i-g'ir 1 comes a fragmentof a capital depictinga griffin49which has preciseparallelsat the imperialAchaemenidPersianpalacesof Persepolisand Susa.Becauseof the Persianconnection,Kalal'i-g'ir1 hasalwaysbeenregardedas a satrapalseatanda capital of ancientChorasmiaat thattime sincewe know from Herodotus(Hist. iii. 92) that the 16th satrapyof the empireconsistedof Parthians,Sogdians,Arians,and Thisis datedin the late sixthcentury the Chorasmians.
EXCAVATIONS
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B.C. (DariusI's taxationlist). Be this as it may, the is definitely compositecolumnbase at Kazakl'i-yatkan in an architectural traditionwhich goes back to the Achaemenidperiod, a traditionwhich continuesin ancientChorasmia well intothe Kushanperiodup to at least the fourth century A.D. The date of the hasnotyet beendeterminedso0 butmayto temple/palace be somewherebetween the fifth and third centuries B.C.:its floorsareatthe samerelativelevel as thebase of the mausoleum/nausin area 07 (see STRATIGRAPHYAND CHRONOLOGY below). Furtherafield,a similarcolumnbase5lcomes from Takht-iSanginwhich was reconstructedin the third centuryB.C. in northernBactria(southernUzbekistan). Thiscouldhavebeentheoriginallocationof the famous OxusTreasurenow in the BritishMuseum52(see TashandFig. 18 below).The "Kushan" site of k'irman-tepe revealed further examples of such Toprak-kala53 columnbases,in the "palace"andin the so-calledfire
temple.The significanceof the steppedbase may be baseof what relatedto religiouscustom.A four-stepped couldbe a fire altaris knownfrom"Kushan"Toprakkala54and the three and four-steppedfootingsof the upper enclosure fortifications may be similarly interpreted.Steppedaltarbases (usuallythree steps) appearon Sasaniancoins (after c. A.D. 225) when was againmadethe statereligionof this Zoroastrianism new Persianempire and when the Zoroastrianoral traditionwas finallycommittedto writing. Giventhe "Persian" connection,we mightspeculate on whatlies beneaththe sandsat the temple/palaceof If the spacingof basesis (as it seems) Kazakl'i-yatkan. about4 metres,thenupto about120columnbasessscan be accommodatedinside the building as well as a colonnade (one or two columns deep) aroundthe outside.If that is so, and also given the size of the building(the largestcolumnedhall [hypostylehall] so far foundin ancientChorasmia),then the buildingin
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buildingswas varietyof religiousand commemorative set up withintheupperenclosure.Furthermore it canbe arguedthatthe lowerenclosure(addedlater)may have beentheplaceof intermittent commercial activitywitha of caravans comingfromvarious periodiccongregation of Inner andCentralAsia,althoughthe absenceof parts objectsin Chorasmia duringtheKangiuiperiod "foreign" wouldappearto negatethis.Commercemayhavebeen limitedto Chorasmia.58 To this end such a varietyof sacredcomplexesfitswell intotheCentralAsianpattern, as is illustrated at the southBactriansite of particularly which has a heavily fortified Dil'berdzhin-tepe59 enclosure of similar scale with numeroustemples to the Kushanperiod)but also a "citadel", (attributed perhapscateringto variousreligionsof peoplesalongthe GreatSilk Roads system.The Kushansare knownto have practicedreligious tolerance throughouttheir empire. TASH-K'IRMAN-TEPE: THEFIRETEMPLE dottedlinefloor Fig. 17. Columnbasefrom area 10O: level.
area10 maybe favourably comparedwiththepalacesof and Persepolis Susa,56capitalsof imperialAchaemenid Persiauntil the invasionby Alexanderthe Great:for example,the "Hallof a HundredColumns",and the Apadana.Thistraditionof columnedhallswithexternal colonnadescontinuesin CentralAsian architecture up to the latermedievalperiodandevento thepresentday in bothreligiousandseculararchitecture. The originalfunctionof the buildingat Kazakl'iyatkancanonlybe surmisedat thispoint.It is suspected, as notedbefore,thatthe upperenclosure(see also areas 06 and 09 above) was neither a citadel nor even core of the site, but a necessarilythe administrative militarised sacred heavily precinctwhich containeda monumental mausoleum/naus set up at the centreof the enclosure.(Thetwovisiblegateslineupexactly,as noted above[area09]).A temenosis indicatedinthesouth-west comer.Thetemple(or palace)fits intothispattern.The notionthereforeis thatKazakl'i-yatkan was one of the mostimportant sacredcompoundsof ancientChorasmia along with the main regionalor even "national"fire thelatterjoinedto Kazakl'itempleatTash-k'irman-tepe, yatkanby the so-calledsacredway.57It may be thata
Tash-k'irman-tepewas discovered by B.V. Andrianov with the Chorasmian Archaeological Expedition(underTolstov)60in the 1960sandwas then thoughtto be anArchaic(c. sixthcenturyB.C.)fortified Partof the sitewas bulldozedbetween ruralcomplex.61 the 1995 and 1996 seasonsof excavations.Since 1996 the currentprojecthas excavatedhere and it became clear that the site was not a secularbuildingbut a religiousone.Moreover,thescaleandarchitectural style of thesitearesuchthatit mayhavebeenoneof themain that and,further, religiouscentresof ancientChorasmia; to date back the seventh/sixth Tash-k'irman-tepe may centuriesB.C. andthe time of the prophetZarathushtra whosefirstsignificantconvertwasVishtaspa,62 regarded in about588 by someto havebeena rulerof Chorasmia B.C.63(hencethe "GreaterChorasmia" hypothesis:see The fire be associated with above). temple may in Zarathushtra's Chorasmia. Archaic ministry pottery hasbeenfound,albeitnotyet in stratifiedcontexts.The is withouta doubta fire complexat Tash-ki'rman-tepe temple which may currently be dated between about 378-235 B.C. and probablyearliersince the date range refers to a sample from ash layers about 40 centimetres above the pavement in the temple and there are even earlierstructuresbeneath(see Table2).64 Tash-k'irman-tepeconsists of a large platformmade of thick pakhsa walls and filled with layers of sterile
EXCAVATIONS IN THE TASH-K'IRMAN OASIS OF ANCIENT CHORASMIA, 1996-2000
135
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coturit.
050r
7
0
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contourint0.50m
Fig. 18. Tash-ki'rman-tepe: early wall top centre under north wall ofplatform.
sandand mud bricks,the top level of which makesa pavementover much of the currentlyexposed areas (Fig. 18). Nearly half of the complexhas now been uncovered.On the basis of excavationsand surface remains,the platformappearsto consist of a roughly north-southalignedseries of rectangularsegmentsof
which the western,southern,and easternsectorshave been exposed.Topographyand soil colouringsuggest an offset enclosurein the north-east.Structureson the pavementconsist of a complex system of joggled corridorsandchambers,someof whichcontainremains of altars.Thesechambersarefilled with ashesandthe
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walls behindthe altarsare charred:a sure sign of fire worshipof somekind.Theemergingplanindicatesthat the core of the templeandthe principalfire lie on the axis of the building.Presentlythis areais coveredwith a deep blockingof mud bricksof the Kushanperiod whichmay concealthe central,principalaltar. Inorderto placeTash-k'irman-tepe in thetypologyof fire temples of the greatereasternIranianworld an featuresof the complexis analysisof the architectural required.These consist of a platformseparatingthe templefromthe profaneearth,a forecourtof somekind withouta pavement,a centralshrine("holyof holies"), a generallysteppedorjoggledplan,and manycorridors, altarsof square,rectangular, androundoroval subsidiary Theavailableparallelsarefew,butconsidering the plan.65 architectural featuresabove,we can see similaritiesin bothreligiousandseculararchitecture of easternIranand CentralAsia. For example, the Achaemenidperiod andtheprobablylatertempleat Kuh-e templeat Susa,66 Khwajahavethe samejoggledplanwitha forecourt,as well as corridors. Anotherparallelis thetempleatTakhti Sangin67(literally"stoneplatform") in northern Bactria whichis also set on a platform,anda Hellenistictemple at the Greekcity of ATKhanoum(the"templea niches of thesecondcenturyB.C.)wherethefacade indent6es"68 has indentedpanellednichesmuch like a niche found near the centreof the Tash-k'irman-tepe temple.The at the main templecomplex Mansur-depe, particularly in the second temple(perhaps begun centuryB.C.),69 has a similarsteppedplanwith an indentedentranceanda series of corridorsarounda numberof chambers.A furtherexampleof panellednichesis SquareHall 1 at ParthianOldNisa.70The generalplanof Tash-k'irmantepe may also be comparedwith those at Kushan in southernBactriawherethe same Dil'berdzhin-tepe71 indentedforecourtis found,includinga similaraltar. Another temple at the same site has the indented forecourt,corridors,and "holyof holies".On the other is also hand, the architectureof Tash-k'irman-tepe reflectedin secularstylesin CentralAsianarchitecture. Forexample,a Hellenistic-Bactrian domesticbuildingat ATKhanoum72 has the same forecourt,corridors,and central chamber,a combinationof Hellenistic and
fromashdeposits acceptableradiocarbondetermination abovethe platformpavement:possiblyas earlyas 378 B.C. (see STRATIGRAPHY AND CHRONOLOGY below).As notedabove,the findsfromthe site include Archaicpottery(backto theseventh/sixth centuries B.C.), andexcavations havenow revealedan earlierwallin the complex(Fig. 18, top centre:north-southwall). The templecomplexwas in use duringthe Kushanperiod, possiblyupto thefourthcenturyA.D.74 KARA-TEPE Kara-tepelies about 12 kilometresnorth-westof andis presentlysurrounded by modern Kazakl'i-yatkan fieldsalthoughthe siteitselfhasnotsufferedsignificant damageyet. Therearetwo ruinfields.A smallhillock (KT2)about6 metreshighandsome200 metresnorthwest of the main site appearsto contain a single structurewhose walls are visible on the surface(a temple?).Themainsite (KT1)is roughlysquarein plan standing (c. 100m. a side)andconsistsof fortifications some5 metresabovethemodemexternalsurfaces.The interiorappearsto be builtup andtherearesigns of a gateway or small keep in the north flank. Surface collectionof potteryindicatesthatKara-tepemay have been occupiedfromaboutthe secondcenturyA.D. up to aboutthe seventhcenturyA.D.: thatis to say, from the so-calledKushanperiodintothe "Afrighid" period whichprecededthe ArabincursionsandIslam.Similar monumentshavebeenfoundthroughout Chorasmia.75 AND CHRONOLOGY STRATIGRAPHY (Figs. 9-11)76
As was noted above, the periodisationand chronthe latter,have particularly ology of ancientChorasmia, remainedvirtuallyunchangedsince S.P. Tolstov set themdownin his magisterialtomesin 1948 (a, b). For the presentstudythe operativetime rangeis between the seventh/sixthcenturiesB.C. andaboutthe seventh centuryA.D. and, also as noted above, althoughthe Bactriantraditions.73 beginningis relativelydefinitebecauseit is peggedby whicharemoresecurely Onekeyto interpretation mustbe absolutechronology. ceramicparallelsin repertoires If thedateof originof thefiretempleatTash-k'irman-tepe datedoutsideChorasmia,the periodafterthat,up to is indeedin the seventh/sixth centuriesB.C.,this would aboutthe secondcenturyA.D., is uncertain.The entire more or less coincidewith the time of Zarathushtra's chronologyfor this periodis relative,based solely on ministry(see above and n. 63). So far there is one Vorob'eva's(1959) comprehensivetypology and to
EXCAVATIONS IN THE TASH-K'IRMAN OASIS OF ANCIENT CHORASMIA, 1996-2000
some extent on arrow head morphology.77 By the second centuryA.D. Kushanand local coins (some over-struckon Kushancoins)appearin archaeological contexts.78 Radiocarbon determinations were madefor but these are not accurate. KangiuiKoi-kr'ilgan-kala79 The currentprojectnow has begun a programmeto extracta large series of radiocarbondetermination of whichthe firstninearegivenhere(Table2). The dateof construction of the upperenclosurehas not yet been establishedin absoluteterms but only whichcorrespondsto the relatively,basedon pottery81 so-calledearly Kangiuiperiod of the fourthto third centuriesB.C. In all areas(01, 06, 09) of the eastern fortificationsof the upper enclosure this event is precededby sterilesandlying overfeatureswhichmay be structural.82The high water table (caused by intensive irrigation) has so far prevented deeper excavation.Thereis structuralevidencethat the new fortificationunderwentseveralalterations,specifically the additionof mud brick reinforcementsinside the forthe determinations gallery.The earliestradiocarbon curtainwalls come fromburntdebrisoriginatingfrom roofbeams:C5,in therangeof 152to 56 B.C.(Table2); C2 comes fromfill in the lowerenclosurecurtainwall between the pakhsa socles and beneath the threecoursedmudbrickpaving;C4 fromdebrisin a loophole in the comertowerof area06 (one of the "Buddhist" figurineswas foundhere);andC5 fromcharreddebris just abovethe floorof thegalleryof theupperenclosure in area01. The causeof this conflagration is the "great siege";the daterangemustreferto the insertionof the roof beams,not the actualcatastrophe.However,this does not set the date of the first constructionof the fortifications of theupperenclosure,onlythedateof the of the roofs.It is noteworthythatall three construction daterangesaresimilar.
137
Thenextconstruction phase,whichcanbe tracedin all threeareasin the east flankof the upperenclosure fortifications, is the erection of the proteichisma covered way with its revetted sand-filledand mud coveredway andcoverwall.Then,andstill brick-paved within the date range given above (i.e., C2: 173-68 B.C.), the lower enclosurewas built in two stages (pakhsa socles, mud brick pavement, mud brick superstructures)cutting through the proteichisma coveredway at the east face of the comertower(area 06). A proteichismacoverwall was addedto the lower tracewith the constructionof the pakhsa socles. This event correspondsprecisely to the structuresat the north-eastcomerof the lowerenclosure(area03), as do relativelevels of individualfeatures.It appearsthatthe coveredway of theupperenclosurewas stilloperational sincea smallloopholewas madein the lowerenclosure curtainwall sightedon the centreline of the covered of the outer way. The absolutedateof the construction fortifications (C2)maybe aboutmid-secondto mid-first centuryB.C.,thatis the latestageof theKangiuiperiod (Table1). At this pointwe have a stratigraphic splitbetween depositionsinsideand outsidethe galleryof the upper enclosure.This shouldbe nearthe time of the "great siege"whenthe galleriesandtowerchambersandroof beams were burnt (samples C4 and C5). Now or thereaboutsa majorreconstructionwas made at the comer tower in area06: the upperenclosurecovered way of theproteichismawas cut backfromthe face of the lower enclosurecurtainwall, made good with a brickreturn,andthe areanextto the eastfaceandsouth flankof the towerfilledwith 11 coursesof mudbricks set on sterilesand,the latterpresumablythe remainsof the originalfill behind the revetment.This event is datedby sampleCl in the rangeof 40 B.C. to A.D. 39.
TABLE2: AMSanalysis.80
Sample
ANSTOCODE
Context
CalibratedAge 1crrange
Cl C2 C3 C4 C5 C6 C7 C8 C9
OZE843 OZE844 OZE845 OZE846 OZE847 OZD246 OZD244 OZD243 OZD241
KY060723 KY060809 KY010005 KY060719 KY010025 KY060028 KY060007 KY070007 TK0000025
40 B.C.-A.D. 39 173-68 B.C. A.D. 22-110 163-63 B.C. 152-56 B.C. 45 B.C.-A.D. 66 41 B.C.-A.D. 73 275-54 B.C. 378-235 B.C.
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This alterationis followedby domesticoccupationon the pavementof the upperenclosurein all threeareas and on the pavementin the lower enclosuregallery (samplesC6 [Fig. 10] andC7, 45 B.C. to A.D. 66 and 41 B.C. to A.D. 73 respectively).Thestratigraphic split meansthatwe cannotsay whichhappenedfirst:siege, thendomesticoccupation,andso forth. In any event,the domesticuse of the fortifications ceasedwith the next structuralstage. The two towers (areas01 and06) werecladwithmudbrickandpakhsa renderingthe lower tiers of loopholenon-operational (the uppertiers were still is use) and sealing in the "Buddhist"figurine in the loophole in area 06. Reinforcementof the towers and the clear signs of batteringat both towers and curtainwalls (and the ballistaball mentionedearlier)mustbe interpreted as a reaction to mechanisedsiege craft: i.e., the "great siege".The dateof this "greatsiege"can be bracketed betweenthe daterangeof samplesCl, C4, andC6 and the finalpavingover of the upperenclosuregalleryin area01 (sampleC3:A.D. 22-110), perhapsin the midfirstor earlysecondcenturyA.D. Thisdaterangemust thereforealso applyto the insertionof the "Buddhist" Kushan.A new figurine:i.e. end-Kangiui-beginning cover wall was built at this time (area proteichisma 01).83 One radiocarbon determination is availablefor the mausoleum/naus (area 07) and this came from occupationlayers (so-called early Kangiui pottery) againstthe batteredmud brickwall which may be a platformon whichthe complexwas built(see Area07.: the mausoleum/naus above:brickwall 4) andtherefore does not representa constructiondate.SampleC8 has the rangeof 275-54 B.C. It may be speculatedthat, sincethe footingof themausoleum/naus areatthe same relative level as those of the upper enclosure the earlydatein area07 mightalso apply fortifications, in areas01, 06, 09: possibly fourthto thirdcenturies B.C., more or less agreeingwith Tolstov'sabsolute chronologyandperiodisation (earlyKangiui).It maybe that the of floors the in area10 significant temple/palace lie at the samerelativelevel. The final stratigraphicstage at Kazakl'i-yatkan consistsof wind-blownsandandcrusting. Tash-k'irman-tepeso far has produced one determination. This came from acceptableradiocarbon thickash depositson thicksilt layerscoveringthe mud brickpavementof the templeplatform:C9, a rangeof 378 to 235 B.C. Again, we may speculatethat the
construction dateof theplatformmaybe earlierthanthe earlyfourthcenturyB.C.Addedto thisis the discovery of anearlier(temple?)wallbeneaththeplatformandthe presenceof Archaicpotteryat the site. GENERALCONCLUSION Although the six seasons of excavations have producedremarkableresults,only very general,even Firstof all speculative,conclusionsmay be drawn.84 thereis thepresenceof Archaicpotterywhich,together with possible occupation beneath the visible fortificationsof the upperenclosure,may indicatean earlier"city"parallelingfifth centuryB.C. Kalal'i-g'ir in east Chorasmia.85 Next the size of Kazakl'i-yatkan alonemakesit a good contenderfora capitalof ancient Chorasmia currentlydatedin thesecondcenturyB.C.or earlier.There is one other site, Bazar-kala,86which approachesthe scale of Kazakl'i-yatkan,is heavily fortifiedwith roundedtowers and galleried curtain walls,has a smallfortified"citadel"in one comer,and some kind of structureat the centre.Bazar-kala,like Kazakl'i-yatkan,has been attributedto the early Kangiuiperiodon the basis of surfacepottery;it also hastracesof Archaicpottery.It is too earlyto saywhich site came first or whetherthey were contemporary.87 Nonethelesswe mayspeculateuponthe functionof the place. The lower enclosuredid revealsome domestic architecture (area03) andthuscouldhavebeena city or at the very least an enclosurewhich perhapssaw periodicoccupationor congregationfor commercial use. The upper enclosureon the other hand is not domesticand was probablya sacredenclosurewith a temple/palace,a temenos, a mausoleum/naus,and maybe other public buildings, all enclosed within fortifications. Themausoleum/naus monumental (if that or haveonce is whatit is) may contain(pessimistically: contained)the burialsof Chorasmianrulersincluding whometAlexandertheGreatatMarkanda Pharasmanes in (Samarkand) 328 B.C.(Itis probablyto muchto hope firstimportant convert.) forHystaspes,Zarathushtra's The next piece of evidence concerns military architecture.The hypothesisthat solid curtainwalls, includingsolid socles or plinths,were introducedinto CentralAsia followingAlexander'sinvasion(after329 B.C.)as a reactionto mechanisedsiegecrafthasnotyet beentested,pendingmoreabsolutedates.However,the evidencefromKazakl'i-yatkan, regardlessof date,does
EXCAVATIONS IN THE TASH-K'IRMAN OASIS OF ANCIENT CHORASMIA, 1996-2000
not standalone:it mustbe viewedin the lightof other Chorasmianfortificationswhere proteichismataare attributed to the fourthandevenlatefifthcenturyB.C.88 If thesedatesarecorrectthenwe facetheconundrum of directionof influencesince Hellenisticproteichismata did not really become a normal part of military architecture until some time afterabout390 B.C. and
139
centuriesB.C.) and earlier:Archaicof the seventh/sixth the existenceof earlierstructures bringsus close to the ministry. generally accepted date of Zarathushtra's Whetherwe may speculateupon the locationof the Fambag fire here is over-optimistic:as much so as at Kazakl'iHystaspes'burialin the mausoleum/naus yatkan.
the invention of the torsion catapult.89 It seems
improbablethat Chorasmiashould be the source of inspiration for Carthaginian, Syracusean and Macedonianmilitary architecture.Perhapsthe best scenariowould have Pharasmanes take the idea back homeafterhe saw Alexander'ssiege trainin Sogdiain the laterfourthcenturyB.C. Another piece of (unexpected)evidence is the discoveryof two terracotta figurinesin "Buddhist" style in Kushan contexts.90To date hardly a breath of Buddhismhasbeenfoundin Chorasmia; Zoroastrianism andor a syncreticversionof it was universalherewell intotheIslamicera.Tolstovpublisheda few fragmentary figurines,which he called Buddhist.These consistof two cross-leggedfigurinesand a fragmentof a hand fromDzhanbas-kala,91 one seatedfigurefromToprakand what he calls a stupa.92 kala, Tolstovhas attributed these objectsto the Kushanperiod.Parallelsfor the cross-leggedfigurinescome from Kushancontextsin Wehavetentativelydatedthe insertionof one Sogdia.93 into a loopholebetweenthe "greatsiege"and figurine the claddingof the comertower:i.e., mid-firstto early secondcenturyA.D. which is roughlythe time of the Kadphisian94campaigns (c. A.D. 50-133), a of whichmightperhapsbe connectedwith repercussion eventsin Chorasmia.No textualevidenceexists for a Kadphisiancampaignmuch beyondthe Paropamissus areaof theKabulValley(Kao-fu)althoughhe didattack An-hsi(Parthia).95 Nonetheless,the"Buddhist" figurines in Kushancontextsmust have come from the south, probablyfrom Sogdia and thus the "greatsiege" of KangiuiKazakl'i-yatkan may markthe beginningof someformof Kushancontrolin Chorasmia followedby theabandonment of thispossiblecapitalanda shiftnorth to KushanToprak-kala. Finally, the evidence from Tash-k'irman-tepetakes us back to the question of ancient Chorasmianreligion and necessarily Zarathushtraand the old hypothesis of locating the "AryanExpanse"here in the Aralo-Caspian region. As noted above, the temple at Tash-k'irman-tepe undoubtedly represents an intensive fire cult. The potentially early date (early fourth century B.C. or
Notes
I Helms, Betts and Kidd, Departmentof Near Eastern and Archaeology,Universityof Sydney;Khozhaniyazov Yagodin, Institute of Archaeology, History and Ethnography,KarakalpakBranchof the Academy of Sciencesof theRepublicof Uzbekistan. 2 Thejointexplorationprogramme beganin 1995. 3 Up until 1999theprojectwas privatelyfunded.Presently ResearchCouncilGrant it is also fundedby anAustralian (A10009046). 4 Results were publishedpromptlyand exhaustively in Trud'i Khorezmskoi Arkheologo-Etnograficheskoi Ekspeditsiiand Ekspeditsiiand Material'iKhorezmskoi then,forthe mostpart,in Tolstov1948a,b, 1962. 5 See alsoHelmsandYagodin1997:n. 14 andHelms1998. 6 But see STRATIGRAPHYAND CHRONOLOGY
below. SeeHelmsandYagodin1997:n. 16. 8 HelmsandYagodin1997andreferences. 7
9 Best set outin Tolstov1948a,b, 1962. 10 VendidSt1.1:also the "goodriver"(Vanvi/VehDdit^/Veh R6d) but plagued by reddishsnake-likeanimals and
winterscausedby demons.Thenfollownamedlands:
immediatelyafterthe "AryanExpanse"are Gava/Suyda (Sogdia),Maryav(Margiana),and Bax6i (Bactria).See also Benveniste (1934) and Christensen(1943) on
Avestan lands. 11 SeeMarkwart hasbeendiscredited 1938.Thehypothesis recently,withoutmuchnew evidence.See for example, Khlopinthatthe hypothesisis "butan illusoryideaborn by J. Marquart'sfantasy"(1993: 109). 12
See hereVogelsang1986 for a summaryof provincesin ancientPersiantexts atBisutun.Xvairizam appearsin Yait 10.13attheendof a list of landsbeginning with haraivam (Areia), skipping Bactria, then margum (Margiana), [Sogdia]),then (in the far north) gavam (gl. sux6amrn followed by a list of mythical lands. See xv?iirizam Gershevitch(1971) who datesYait 10 in the secondhalf of the fifthcenturyB.C.
140
13
14
15
16
JOURNALOF PERSIAN STUDIES
Herodotus,Hist. i.201ff. However,it is not clearwhere exactly the last battle took place, nor is the equation Araxes=Oxus firm. The Massagetae territory is maximallyalongeithersides of the Oxus(theKara-kum andKiz'il-kumdesertsin the south),the Ustiurtplateau and steppe lands to the north-east,the shores of the the west bank Caspiansea to the west, and,presumably, of the Jaxartesin the east, but for the delta which was inhabitedby an urbanised,agrarianpopulationmuchlike Chorasmia of the Oxus delta with, however, a but totallydifferentmaterialculture.But contemporary mostof thisis surmise. Forexamplethe abandonment aftera shortoccupationof Kalalai-g'ir1 in west Chorasmia(Tolstov1948a).Of the few Archaicsites so far discovered,only Dingil'dzhe continuedinto the fifth centuryB.C., not as a fortified "city",but as a small farmsteador manor(Vorob'eva 1973). But see Arrian,Anab. vii.11 on Alexander'sspeech at Opis mentioningthathe vanquished,amongothers,the Chorasmianwaste.On the northerncampaignssee Holt 1989.
25
26
27 28
29
Arrian,Anab. iv.15ff.
17 Markwart1938: lff.; Beal 1957.
18 Minns (1913) placed Kangiuihere, even suggestingit mighthaveincludedthe regionof lakeIssyk-kul. 19 The next largest such centre is Bazar-kala,about 30 kilometreseast of Kazakl'i-yatkan. Nothingelse on this scale is known in west Chorasmia,but for the smaller bordertowns,andfortresses. 20 See Khozhaniyazov1996(=Khozhaniyazov [Helmsed.], forthcoming:an emendedand expandedversion).This 2.5 kilometreslong wall with fortletsat eitherend was builtacrossa promontoryof the Ustiurtplateau(Fig. 1) northof one of thebordertowns(Devkesken-kala), at one of the few places where nomads (presumablythe Massagetae)could enter Chorasmia.Othersuch walls werebuiltaroundthe oasesof Merv,Bactra,andso forth andparallel,on a muchsmallerscale,the GreatWallof China. 21 See most recentlyNerazik(1996:207ff.)on the question of Kushansuzerainty.See also n. 36 below on possibly Buddhistfigurinesat Kazakl'i-yatkan. 22 wrotetheKitiibal-~thi~ Al-Biruni, a nativeof Chorasmia,
30
31 32
33
34
ArchAnz 1964: 416). 35
al-bjqiya (Chronology of Ancient Nations) probably
23
24
betweenA.D. 1000and 1003.Virtuallynoneof the many buildingssaidto havebeencommissioned by Afrighidshas beenidentified.Similarly, his kinglistremainsmythical. Firstproperlydescribedby Cattenatand Gardin1977. Thisnew styleof potterystretchesfromChorasmiain the northas faras the bordersof Indiain the south.See now Helms(1997)forfurtherevidencein Arachosia(southern Afghanistan). Vorob'eva 1959. It is obvious that there is a linear
evolution from the Archaic period to the Kushan,
especially the storagejars, but this has never been compellingproofforthe strictabsolutechronologyset up in Chorasmian archaeology. by Tolstovandperpetuated Other scholars end the Afrighid regime with their overthrowby theMa'miinidsin A.D. 995. See alsoHelms and Yagodin (1997: 45-47) for periodisation and chronology. See Grenet 1984 on naus, a form of burialplace in Zoroastrian tradition. 1998:conductedby I. SparksandHelms. The corridorswithin these walls are called "archers' Theypresenta tactical galleries"in theRussianliterature. conundrumsince manygallerieshave entrancesonly at the gates and their width is such that raking fire is impossible.In some cases sets of loopholesare splayed, but even this does not improvetheireffectivenessmuch. However,most loopholesallow for plungingfire, their basesslopingdownsharplythehighertheposition. A practicethat goes back to the Archaic period in Chorasmiaandearlierelsewherein CentralAsia. Tolstov (1948a) saw a strikingsimilaritybetweenthe Archaic andthe var of planof Kiuzeli-g'ir(northTurkmenistan) Yima(Vendidit2.25-30) in the Avestawherethe walls were hollow with corridors:Tolstovcalledthem "living walls".This ideahas been revivedwith the discoveryof fortificationsat Old Kandahar(capitalof contemporary Helms 1997) Arachosia;Alexandria/Alexandropolis; whichhavethreeor fourcorridorsnextto thewalls. HelmsandYagodin1997:Fig. 5, wall 2. Marsden(1969, 1971) is the best sourcefor Greekand Romanartillery. Both westernand Russiandefinitionsregardonly the coveredway and parapetas proteichismatawhich has It would be better to see lead to misunderstanding. proteichismataas a systemwhich includedditchesand bermsandall of the obstaclesrecommended by Philo. See Lawrence1979:PartIIandWinter1971:passim.The best exampleis the Euryalosfortat Syracusewhichhas threeditches.ParthianSi[y]rinxin Hyrcaniais said to havehada strongproteichismawiththreeditcheswhich AntiochusIIItookwithease in 209 B.C. (Polybiusx.31). Lawrence1979:Fig. 50 andWinter1971:Fig. 211 (after
36
This strengtheningof the defences is common in Chorasmian(and generallyCentralAsian) fortifications and continuesinto the Kushanperiod,for exampleat (NerazikandRapoport[eds] 1981:Figs. 30, Toprak-kala 31). Helmset al. 2000 on one figurine.Thesecondwas found duringthe 2000 season.Both figurinesareshowncrosslegged; in both cases the heads were broken off. of draperyas well as theposes arereminiscent Treatment of southernstyles whichmay referto north-westIndian art. This marks the first unequivocalappearanceof Buddhistinspiredart in Chorasmiaand raises many
EXCAVATIONSIN THE TASH-K'IRMANOASIS OF ANCIENT CHORASMIA,1996-2000
37
38
39
40
41 42
43
44
45 46 47
48
withregard politicalandeconomicquestions,particularly to possibleKushansuzerainty. It alsobegs the questionof identificationof the enemy. The figurines will be 49 publishedseparately(HelmsandKidd,forthcoming). See particularly Francfort1979who, amongothers,takes this positionand createda structuralsequencein which hollowcurtainsandtowersarereplacedwithsolidonesin the fourth century followed by a return to hollow structuresin the Kushanperiod.It would appear(if the datingis correct)thatthis is not strictlyso, especiallyin Chorasmia. Theprojectileevenhasone flattenedside,typicalof stone shot foundat Carthagein the periodup to the Roman destructionin 146 B.C. (see Marsden 1969: III.?4) 50 althoughnot too muchshouldbe madeof just one stone. Alexander used stone-throwers (7rcTopf36Xoug aq) at Tyre in 332 B.C. The Persiansused Kicacrani and stone-throwers. It is thereforequite rams, ramps, possible that such machines were brought against Kazakl'i-yatkan duringthe "greatsiege". The so-called palace contained sculpture and wall 51 paintingon a scalemuchlargerthanbeforein Chorasmia and in a completelynew style somewhatreminiscentof the Gandharastyle of north-westIndia (Rapoportand 52 Nerazik[eds] 1984). Thesouthernbordertownof Khazarasp et al. (Vorob'eva 1963) on the left bank of the Oxus river has a proteichismawhosecoverwall is suppliedwithregularly 53 recessedpanels,at spacedloopholesset into ornamental coveredway level. This is the only exampleof such a schemeknownin Chorasmia (Vorob'evaet al. 1963:Fig. One was found at Dil'berdzhin- 54 17). possible example in Bactria southern tepe (Dolgorukov1984:Figs. 11, 12). 55 But, as Lawrencehas noted(1979:278),proteichismata aremorelikelyto be missedin excavationsthanthemain defences. "Livingwalls"andTolstov'shypothesis;Old Kandahar: see n. 29 above. But see the reconstructed dakhmaat Erkurgan in Sogdia 56 57 1991: Pl. (Suleimanov LXVI). For similarbrickworkin a naus see KushanDal'verzin58 tepe in northernBactria(Rempel'[ed.] 1978: Fig. 70). The originalnaus consists of a (vaulted?)open-ended centralpassagewith fourbarrelvaultedchamberoff the sides.Burialswereplacedin the chambers. HelmsandYagodin1997:Figs. 5.1, 8.1. Koshelenko(ed.) 1985:P1.CX. Both square/rectangular andsteppedmerlonsaredepicted. See n. 43 above. Grenet 1984: P1.VI.
See Litvinskiiand Sedov1983:chapter2. The Jaxartes sites were first openedby Tolstovand examinedmore recentlyby Levina (1996). These, however,are either roundor squarein planwith cruciformchambers.Some are datedas earlyas the fifth centuryB.C.: e.g., at the
59
141
wheretombsarebuilt heavilyfortified(Saca)Chirik-rabat datedin the fifthcenturyB.C. (Tolstov into fortifications 1962:Figs. 75, 78, 79). See RapoportandLapirov-Skoblo (1963:Figs.2 [plan],3 [columnbase],5 [griffincapitalsincludingparallelsfrom Persepolis]).A partiallycompletedstone capitalin the thelow samestylewas foundin a quarryon Sultanuizdag, The rangeof hills 15 kilometresnorthof Kazakl'i-yatkan. column bases of the temple/palaceat Kazakl'i-yatkan must have come from here. The connection with AchaemenidPersiaand the colour of the stone (bluegreen) should not be linked to the "blue stone" of tribute(ratherturquoise). Chorasmian hasjustbeenreported, A new radiocarbondetermination derivedfromcharcoalon the floorof the temple/palace: Cl1 (OZE939)calibratedage la range1413-1325B.C. which refersto the Bronze Age cultureof Chorasmia (Tazabag'yab:see Table 1). This remarkableresult obviouslydoes not date the building'sconstruction:it may,however,referto a reveredobjectof somekind. The columnbase consistsof a two-steppedbase with a roundedtorus.Thecolumnsis not flutedandthecapitalis pureHellenisticIonic(LitvinskiiandPichikian1994:Fig.
8).
Dalton1905.LitvinskiiandPichikian(1981, 1994)regard Takht-iSang-nas the"Templeof theOxus"(see alson. 67 below). For the identificationof Takht-iKuwadas the Templeof theOxus,see Curtis1997. Rapoportand Nerazik (eds) 1984: Fig. 21 and the reconstruction of columnedhalls (Fig. 56) and Nerazik andRapoport1981:Fig. 23g for thegorodishche. RapoportandNerazik(eds.) 1984:Fig. 66. It is also possiblethatthe centreof the buildinghad a as in manyCentralAsiancolumnedhalls.On clarestorey, the otherhand,theremayonlyhavebeena colonnadeone or two columnsdeep leavingthe interiorof the building arecommonin the opento the sky.Suchreconstructions see for exampleToprak-kala Russianliterature: (n.53). See Gullini1964. of a sacredway was the suggestionof The interpretation in 1998. I. Sparks For example, we know that the Ustiurt nomads (Massagetae)were excludedfrom Chorasmianterritory by the constructionof the "nomadwall" at Devkesken (Khozhaniyazov1996;see n. 20 above).Nomadburials cease to be made southof the wall but continueto the northafteraboutthe fourthcenturyB.C. or even earlier (pers.com.). accordingto Khozhaniyazov See Kruglikova1986:Fig. 1 fora schematicplanshowing the central"citadel"andtheremainsof a templewithina temenosin thenorth-eastcornerof the fortifiedenclosure parallelingthepositionof thetemenosatKazakl'i-yatkan. The plan also shows a numberof apparentlyextramural "temples".However.it is not entirelyclearwhetherthese it is possible that an structuresare indeed extramural:
142
60 61
62
63
64
65
66
67
68 69
70 71
72
73
74
75
JOURNALOF PERSIAN STUDIES
outer enclosure existed which would make this architectural parallelthe more compelling.Dolgorukov (1984: Fig. 1) shows a simplifiedplanbut indicatesthat both Greco-Bactrianand Achaemenid structurelie beneaththe Kushancomplexsuggestingthe possibility thatthe planof the enclosureandits edificesmayhavea moreancientorigin. Tolstov1962:map. TolstovandAndrianovalso mappednumerousfindspots of Archaicpotteryin the immediatevicinity of Tashwhichhavelong sincedisappeared. k'irman-tepe PaulysReal-Encyclopddie 9.1, 1914:541-542onHystaspes as DariusI's grandfather, as firstpatronof Zarathushtra, the fatherof DariusI as governorof ParthiaunderCambyses, sonof DariusandAtossaas governorin BactriaandSogdia, andsonof Xerxes,governorin thesamelands. Zarathushtra'sdates are uncertain: Boyce (1975a) suggested the late second millenniumB.C. See also Khlopin(1993)who placesthe originsof the Zoroastrian religionin the south,nearKopetdag. Boyce (1975b:454) hasnoted"...thatno actualruinsof a fire templehave been convincinglyidentifiedbeforethe Parthianperiod":i.e., beforemid-thirdcenturyB.C. (See Wolski 1956-57 on the "chronologyof the Parthian beginnings".) Thetempleat Ak-depehasa smallaltarwhichconsistsof a squarebase with a taperedroundaltar(Gazhbovet al. 1991:Pl. XXXIII).See also Shkoda1998:122-132. Schippmann1971. See now also Ghanimati(2000) on Kuh-eKhwaja. The identityof the cult at Takht-iSanginis uncertain althoughsomeconnectionwitha firecultis impliedby an inscriptionon a statue base (Litvinskiiand Pichikian 1981:153) "Atrosakisdedicatedhis vow to theOxus",A. being "blazing(or sacred)fire"or "usefulto the god of fire"in OldIranian. Grenet1991:Fig.1. Gazhbovet al. 1991:P1.XXX, Fig. 2. Pilipko1994:Fig. 5. Examplesin Kruglikova1986: Figs. 1-4, 27, 36, 58 showingthe developmentof plans. For a comparativearchitecturalstudy including Ai see Pugachenkova 1991: KhanoumandDil'berdzhin-tepe 213-221 andPls. LXXXIX-XCVIII. For a discussion of Graeco-Bactrian architecturesee Bernard1976andalso Pugachenkova1982. Kushanstylepotteryhasbeenfoundin stratifiedcontexts as well as one Kushancoin,possiblyKanishkaI. Forthe firstdocumentation of similarsites(Afrighid)and the socio-politicalinterpretation of the period(feudalism in line with Communistdogma, in this case not an impossiblemodel) see Tolstov 1953, chapterVIII. The bestexamplesareJakke-parsan, andBerkutTeshik-kala, of so manyof kala,amongmanyothers.The appearance these enclosureswith moatsanddonjonshave given one
the nameElli-kala(lit. fifty provinceof Karakalpakstan castles). Their architecturalsimilarity to medieval Europeankeeps and castles and the new settlement to Tolstov'sinterpretation. patternclearlycontributed 76
Carbon samples: Cx = actual location; Cx = analogous
location. Yagodin1984. 78 Forthecoinsfrom see NerazikandRapoport Toprak-kala (eds, 1981: 123-135) and Vainberg(1977) generallyon Chorasmiannumismatics.The over-struckcoins have been takenas evidenceagainstKushansuzeraintyover Chorasmia. 79 TolstovandVainberg 1967. 80 Grants:1999 AINSE-ARC97/203R;2000 00/008. But see alson. 50 above.A newprocessis beingtestedby the projectusing organicremainsfrommudbricks,pakhsa, andmortar.C12 (OZE940)comesfromcladdingagainst the interiorof thebarbican(area09) andits calibrated age la rangeis 39 B.C -A.D. 43 whichfitsperfectlywiththe otherrangesfor the same structural phase:i.e., Cl, C6, C7. 81 As set outby Vorob'eva(1959). 82 In area01 apakhsasurfacewhichmaybe natural;in area 06 mudbricksin otherwisesterilesand. 83 See Helmsand Yagodin1997:Fig. 8. 84 The stages and phasesset out in the preliminaryreport (Helms and Yagodin) followed normal ex-Soviet tendsto be archaeological practicein whichstratigraphy andbasedon theoreticaldeductionrather over-interpreted thanempiricalobservation. 85 See Helmsand Yagodin1997:Fig. 17A. 86 See Helmsand Yagodin1997:Fig. 17C. 87 As was noted earlier,if a unified Chorasmian state is assumed,thenuniformityin architectural stylesnaturally follows, especial with two site separatedby only 35 kilometres.This is not the case with Bazar-Kalaand Kazkl'i-yatkan. 77
88
Khozhaniyazov 1996
Marsden1969, 1971;Winter1971;Lawrence1979. 90 HelmsandKidd,forthcoming. 91 Dzhanbas-kala is a frontierforton the southernborderof east Chorasmia,next to the Kiz'il-kumdesert which separatedChorasmiafromSogdia. 92 Tolstov1948a:P1.76.1-3, 7, 8. 93 Meshkeris1962, 1977. 94 On Kushanandtheirchronology see Errington andCribb and and Cribb Sims-Williams (1995/6),especially (1992) Cribbpp. 97-123. 89
95
From the Hou Han-shu (Annals of the Later Han). See
Puri1994:247.
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EXCAVATIONSIN THE TASH-K'IRMANOASIS OF ANCIENT CHORASMIA,1996-2000
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Curtis,J. 1997."FranksandtheOxusTreasure", pp.230-249 in M. CaygillandJ. Cherry(eds.),A.WFranks,London. R. andRodgers,J.M.(eds.) 1998. Curtis,V.S.,Hillenbrand,
Leiden/NewYork/K61n. - locationandtime of Khlopin,I.N. 1993."Zoroastrianism its origin",IA 27, pp. 95-116. Khozhaniyazov,G. 1981. "Istoriyarazvitiya fortifikatsi Sov.Arkh.2, pp. 43-56. antichnogoKhorezma",
Dolgorukov, V.S. 1984. "Oboronitel'n'iesooruzheniya
(= Khozhaniyazov[forthcoming]translated,edited,and amendedby S.W.Helms).
Dil'berdzhina",Drevnyaya Baktriya 3, pp. 358-390.
Errington,E. and Cribb, J. 1992. Crossroadsof Asia, Cambridge. Francfort,H.-P. 1979. Les fortifications en Asie Centrale de I'dge du Bronze a l'poque Kouchane, Paris.
Gazhbov, V., Koshelenko, G. and Novikov, S. 1991. "Nouveauxdocumentspour une histoiredes religions dans le Turkm6nistan meridionali l'6poquepartheet sassanide",pp. 85-94 in BernardandGrenet(eds.).
1996. Fortifikatsiya drevnego Khorezma (s vi v. d n. e. po iv v. n. e.), (unpublisheddoctoral dissertation),Nukus.
Koshelenko, G.A. (ed.) 1985. Drevneishie gosudarstva Kavkaza i SredneiAzii. Moscow. Kruglikova, I.T. 1986. Dil'berdzhin, Khram Dioskurov. Material'i Sovetsko-Afganskoi arkheologicheskoi Ekspeditsii, Moscow. Lawrence, A.W. 1979. GreekAims in Fortifications. Oxford. Levina, L.M. 1996. Etnokul'turnaya istoriya vostochnogo Priaral'ya. I t'isyacheletie do n.e. - I t'isyacheletie n.e.,
Gershevitch,I. 1967. TheAvestanHymnto Mithra.Cambridge.
Moscow. A. (eds.)1994.TheArchaeology B.A.andBromberg Ghanimati,S. 2000. "NewPerspectiveson the Chronological Litvinskii, and FunctionalHorizonsof Kuh-e Khwajain Sistan", and Art of CentralAsia. Studiesfrom the Former Soviet Iran38, pp. 137-150. N.S. 8), Michigan. Union,(Bulletinof theAsiaInstitute. - andPichikian,I.R. 1981."Thetempleof theOxus",JRAS Grenet,E 1984. Les pratiquesfuneraires dans l'Asie centrale sedentaire de la conqu&tegreque i l'Islamisation, Paris. 2, pp. 133-167. - 1991. "Mithraau templeprincipal of andPichikian,I.R. 1994."TheHellenisticArchitecture Kanoum", pp. d'AY 148-150 in BernardandGrenet(eds.). the temple of the Oxus",pp. 47-66 in Litvinskiiand Gullini, G. 1964. ArchitetturaIranica degli Achemenidi ai Bromberg(eds.). Sasanidi. Turin.
Harmatta,J., Purl, B.N. and Etemadi,G.E (eds.) 1994. UNESCO. History of Central Asia. II. The Development of Sedentary and Nomadic Civilizations: 700 B.C.-A.D. 250, Paris. Helms, S.W. 1997.Excavationsat OldKandaharinAfghanistan. Stratigraphy,Pottery,and OtherFinds, Oxford.
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and Sedov, A.V. 1983. Tepai-shakh. Kul'tura i svyazi kushanskoiBaktrii, Moscow.
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R. (eds.)1996. ZhangGuang-daandShabaniSamghabadi,
UNESCO. History of Civilizationsof CentralAsia.III. The Crossroadsof Civilizations:A.D. 250 to 750, Paris. Markwart,J. 1938. Wehrotund Arang. Untersuchungenzur mythischengeschichtlichenLandeskundevon Ostiran,Leiden.
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Marsden, E.W. 1969. Greek and Roman Artillery. Historical development,Oxford. - 1971. Greek and Roman Artillery. Technical treatises,
Oxford. Meshkeris, V.A. 1962. Terrakot'iSamarkandskogo muzeya (katalog), Leningrad. 1977. KoroplastikaSogda, Dushanbe. Minns, E.H. 1913. Scythians and Greeks.A Survey of ancient history and archaeology on the north coast of the Euxine from the Danube to the Caucasus, Cambridge.
Nerazik,E.E. 1996."Historyandculturesof Khwarizm", pp. -
207-222 in Litvinskii et al. (eds.). and Rapoport, Iu.A. (eds.) 1981. Gorodishche Toprakkala (raskopki1965-1975), Moscow.
Pilipko, V.N. 1994. "Excavationsof StaraiaNisa", pp. 101-116in LitvinskiiandBromberg(eds.). Polybius, The Histories of Polybius, London/New York,
1960. Pugachenkova,G.A. 1982. "K tipologii monumenta'nogo Zodchestvadrevnikhstranscredneaziatskogo regiona", IA 17,pp. 21-42, (Frenchsummary). - 1991."Lesfondementspreislamiques de l'architecture du 213-221 in Bernard and Grenet Mavarannahr", pp. (eds.). et Puri,B.N. 1994."TheKushans",pp. 247-263 in Harmatta al. (eds.). M.S. 1963."Raskopki Rapoport,Iu.A.andLapirov-Skoblo, dvorstvogo edaniya na gorodishcheKalal'i-g'ir I v 1958 g.", Material'i Khorezmskoi Ekspeditsii VI, pp.
141-156. and Nerazik, E.E. (eds.) 1984. Toprak-kala. Dvorets,
Moscow. Rempel', L.I. (ed.) 1978. Dal'verzintepe. Kushanskii gorod na iuge Uzbekistana,Tashkent. Schippmann, K. 1971. Die iranischen Feuerheiligtiimer.
Berlin/NewYork.
Shkoda,V. 1998. "IranianTraditionsin Sogdian Temple Architecture", pp. 122-132 in Curtiset al. (eds.). N. andCribb,J. 1995/1996."A new Bactrian Sims-Williams, Inscriptionof Kanishkathe Great",Silk Road Art and Archaeology4, pp. 75-142.
Suleimanov, R.Kh. 1991. "L'architecturemonumentale pp. d'Erkurgan. Complexescultuelset communautaires", 167-172in BernardandGrenet(eds.). Tolstov, S.P. 1948a. Drevnii Khorezma. Op'it istorikoarkheologicheskogo issledovaniya, Moscow. - 1948b. Po sledam drevne-khorezmiiskoi tsivilizatsii,
Auf den Spuren (Germantranslation Moscow/Leningrad der altchoresmischenKultur, Berlin, 1953). 1962. Po drevnimdeltam Oksa i Yaksarta,Moscow. and Vainberg, B.I. .1967: Koi-kr'ilgan-kala. Pamyatnik kul'turiidrevnego Khorezma,Moscow. Vainberg,B.I. 1977. Monet'i drevengo Khorezma,Moscow.
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Vorob'eva,M.G. 1959. "KeramikaKhorezmaantichnogo -
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perioda",Trud'iKhorezmskoiArkheologo-Etnograficheskoi Ekspeditsii4, pp. 66-223. 1973. Dingil'dzhe. Usad'ba I t'isyacheletiya do n. e. v drevnemKhorezme,Moscow.
Lapirov-Skoblo, M.S. and Nerazik, E.E. 1963. v 1958-1960", rabot'iv Khazaraspe "Arkheologicheshkie
Material'i KhorezmskoiEkspeditsii6, pp. 157-200. Winter,F E. 1971. GreekFortifications, London.
Wolski,J. 1956-1957."Thedecayof theIranianempireof the Seleucidsandthechronologyof theParthian beginnings", Berytus12.1,pp. 35-52. Vogelsang,W. 1986."Fourshortnoteson theBisutuntextand IA 21, pp. 121-140. monument", 1984. "Bronzov'ienakonechnikistrel iz V.N. Yagodin, iuzhnoiBaktrii",DrevnyayaBaktriya3, pp. 33-57. -
1990. "Kurgann'iimogilnik D&vkesken-4",Arkheologiya Priaral'ya 4, pp. 28-81.
A GROUP OF REUSED BYZANTINE TABLESAS EVIDENCEFOR SELJUQARCHITECTURALPATRONAGEIN DAMASCUS By FinbarrB. Flood Departmentof Fine Arts, New YorkUniversity
Seljuq rule in Syria lasted from 471/1078 to 511/1117,andis usuallyconsideredlittlemorethanan interludein the often turbulenthistoriesof both the dynastyandthe regionduringthe eleventhandtwelfth centuries.Yet,as so oftenin history,hadthingsworked theareamighthavecometo playa much outdifferently, in greaterrole theunfoldingof Seljuqdestiniesthanwas to be the case. Fora briefperiodin the last decadesof the lateeleventhcentury,southernSyriawas thepowerbase of a memberof the GreatSeljuqroyalhousewith to the sultanateitself.Theprincein question aspirations was Abu Sa'idTutush,the brotherof the GreatSeljuq sultanMalikShah,who in 471/1078was sentto Syria chiefAtsizb. Uvakin his defence to assisttheTurkman of Damascus,which was under siege by a Fatimid army.'Havingraisedthe siege, Tutushpromptlyhad Atsiz executed,and quickly set about establishinga power-base for himself in Damascus. Although Tutush'sambitionsextendedfarbeyondthegovernorate of Damascus,theywere constantlyfrustrated by Malik the of Shah'sendeavoursto prevent emergence a rival by maintaininga carefulbalancebetweenthe various Seljuqpotentatesin Syria.2When Malik Shah finally died in 486/1092, Tutushmade his bid for power, having himself named sultan in Damascus and Baghdad,and waging a series of campaignsagainst rivalcontendersforthe crown.3Havingreignedforjust threeshortyearsandbrieflyunitedall of Syriaandsome
1922.99.71 Fig. 1. Dinar ofAbfi Sa'id Tutush,struck at Rayy in 487/1094 (courtesy of the American Numismatic Society, 1922.99.71).
he was slainatRayyin of theJaziraunderhis authority, 488/1095, decapitated,and his head sent for public displayin Baghdad.4 Although quite detailed accounts of Tutush's activitiesbothbeforeand afterhe assumedthe title of sultanare to be found in the historicalsources,5the materialtracesof his rulearefew.Theyamountto a few in coins(Fig. 1.)andsomefive architectural inscriptions which he is mentioned,two of which referto him as sultan.6Based on a re-examinationof one of these epigraphicdocuments,I would like to suggest that Tutushmay have been more of a patronof Syrian architecture thanhas been assumed.The evidenceis to andthereremainsa degree somedegreecircumstantial, of uncertainty, but it suggeststhat Seljuqarchitectural patronagein Damascuswas more extensivethanhas previouslybeenrealised. Damascusis usually omittedfrom discussionsof for the very good reasonthatnot a Seljuqarchitecture, single Seljuqbuildinghas survivedin the city, which was somethingof a backwaterat theperiodwhencities suchas BaghdadandIsfahanwerebeingendowedwith their celebratedmonuments.In termsof architecture, we know very little aboutwhat was actuallytaking place in Damascus during the period of Tutush's Indeed,betweenthe earlyeighthcentury, governorship. whenDamascuswas the defacto capitalof the Islamic world, and the twelfth century,when the inspired patronageof N&ir leadershipandarchitectural al-Dinb. is a the to there elevated city prominence, again Zangi seriouslacunain ourknowledgeaboutany large-scale architectural activityin the city.7Thehistoricalsources offer little to fill this vacuum,for they are not very forthcomingon the subjectof Damascenearchitecture, with the single exceptionof a majorrestorationof the GreatMosqueof Damascus,whichI will discusslater.8 The importanceof the materialdiscussedhere lies thereforein the lightthatit shedsuponthis"DarkAge" of Syrianarchitectural history.
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Fig. 2. Bima-ristanof Nfr al-Din, Damascus, reused rectangular and sigma-shaped marble tables in the southern wTn.
The materialconsists of a series of reused Byzantine marble tables. Attention was first drawn to these tables earlier this century by Max van Berchem, who considered them of interest chiefly for the historical inscriptions that they bear.9Although they have been largely ignored since then, the tables are, I believe, important for two furtherreasons. First, they point to Seljuq architecturalpatronage at a very high level in Damascus, offering evidence that is not preserved in literaryor other sources. Second, they bear witness to a practice of reusing pre-Islamicmarbletables which was to continue into the period of the Crusades in Syria. In its twelfth-century incarnations (Fig. 2), this practice has frequently been interpreted as a polemical act directed in some ill-defined sense against the Frankish invaders. However, the fact that similar objects were already being reused in Syrian mosques or madrasas several decades before the advent of the Crusadersmust lead one to reconsider the suggested association between the reuse of Christiantables and the activities of the latter. The tables are found not in a Seljuq building, since such a thing no longer exists in Damascus, but in a madrasa built by Sibay, the Mamluk governor of the city, and completed in 921/1515.10Sibay had something of a roller-coastercareer,being governor of Aleppo and Damascus at various points, falling out of favour with the reigning sultan, being reinstated, falling out again and so forth. The madrasa and adjoining mausoleum thathe built outside the westernwalls of Damascuswere intendedto be an enduringwitness to his importanceon
the Syrianpolitical scene." For our purposes,however, the relative merits of Sibay's architecturalpatronageare less importantthan the fact that it preservednumerous fragmentsof earlierbuildings. Like many a member of the Mamluk elite before him, Sibay obtained some of the components for his madrasa by the simple expedient of pillaging earlier mosques and madrasas in Damascus for their marbles and otherluxuriousbuilding materials.Sibay's madrasa
Fig. 3. Madrasa of Sibay, Damascus, sigma-shaped table inscribed with Qur'an, 25.10.
REUSED BYZANTINETABLESAS EVIDENCEFOR SELJUQARCHITECTURALPATRONAGE 147
Fig. 4. Madrasa of Sibay, Damascus, sigma-shaped table inscribed with Qur'an, 6.54.
is therefore a sort of pastiche of a kind that should appeal to contemporary postmodern sensibilities, for which elements were garnered from a number of differentbuildings ranging in date from the eleventh to the thirteenth century.12 Among the architectural elements so preserved is a series of horseshoe-shaped marble tables of the type usually referredto as sigmashapedtables (aftertheirresemblanceto the Greek letter sigma). Six are set vertically into the southernor qibla wall at regular intervals. The two placed at the extremitiesof this wall are of plain yellow-green marble
and stand 1.57 m. high. All of the remainingfour are of whiteish grey marble and bear an inscription around their outer border;the largest of these are also 1.57 m. long, with the smallest pair measuring 1.12 m. (Figs. 3-4). While the tables are arrangedsymmetricallywith regard to size and colour, the largest and most richly inscribed examples are set on either side of the main mihrdib(Fig. 5). Indeed, the manner in which all of the tables have been reused suggests that they were intended to function as two-dimensional mihrdbs, emphasising the function of the wall into which they
Fig. 5. Madrasa of Sibay, Damascus, sigma-shaped tables flanking the main milhrab.
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were set.13In additionto the six in theprayer-hall itself, threesmallerwhite marbletables(eachapproximately 0.83 m. high) are set into the southernwall of a small chamberadjoiningthe prayer-hall.A total of nine marbletableswas thereforereusedin Sibay'smadrasa. The tablesare of a type whichis familiarfromthe artisticandarchaeological recordof Byzantium,butfor which there is little evidence of productionin the eastern Mediterraneanafter the sixth or seventh centuries.14Although such tables are frequently describedas altars,especiallywhen they arereusedin Islamiccontexts,theiroriginalfunctionis a matterof some debate.15While they are frequentlyfound in ruined Byzantine churches,there is no conclusive evidencethatthey ever servedas primaryaltars,andit seems more likely that they served in subsidiary contexts:as offeringtables,forexample.Equally,tables of similartypewereusedcontemporaneously in secular contexts,so once the originalcontexthas been lost, we cannotbe sure from the form alone whetherwe are Whatever dealingwith a diningtableor an altartable.16 theiroriginalfunction,the identification of thesetables as Byzantineantiquitiesis certain. Althoughthe differencein size andcolourbetween the reusedtablesin the madrasaof Sibaymay indicate thatthey were gleanedfromdifferentsources,four of the tablesreusedin the prayer-hall, thoseclosestto the are inscribedwith a foliatedKufic script prayer-niche, (Figs. 3-6). The style of the inscriptionson the two tablesflankingthe is andit mihrrb(Fig.5) verysimilar,
seems likely that these were taken from a single building.Thefoliatedscripton theremainingtwotables (Figs.3-4) is broadlysimilar,butin eachcase cruderin form; it is hard to know whetherthese differences reflectthe handsof differentcraftsmen,or the factthat the remaininginscribedtableswerenot fromthe same on one of thetables building.Thanksto the inscriptions the the flanking approximatedate of the mihr~b, from which building they were taken is easily determined.While most of the inscriptionsconsistof Qur'anictexts,17this tableis inscribedwith the names andtitlesof the SeljuqprinceAbi Sa'idTutush(Fig.6); these occuralongthe lower edge of the tableand are heavily worn, whetherfrom normalusage or some deliberateattemptto erasethemis not clear.As noted above,Tutushwas sentto DamascusfromKhurasanin 471/1078 and remainedgovernorof the city until he was killedseventeenyearslater.The factthatTutushis named as al-malik al-mu 'azzamratherthan al-sultdnal-
mu'azzamon the reused table indicatesthat it was inscribed at some point between 471/1078 and 486/1092,whenTutushassumedthe titleof sultan. The two inscribedtables aroundthe mihrlb, and possiblyothersin the madrasaof Sibay,were clearly reusedin the lastdecadesof the eleventhcenturyin an unknownbuilding associatedwith prince Tutush.It seemshighlylikelythatthisbuildingstoodin Damascus itself; not only are other reused elements in the decoration of Sibay's madrasa from Damascene buildings,butthe factthatTutushwas governorof the
Fig. 6. Madrasaof Sibay, Damascus,sigma-shapedtable to the left of the mainmihrab, bearingthe nameand titles of AbuSa7d Tutush.
REUSED BYZANTINE TABLES AS EVIDENCE FOR SELJUQ ARCHITECTURAL PATRONAGE
city is also clearly relevant. As to the nature of the building in which the marble tables were reused, the presence of a series of Qur'anic inscriptions on the remaining three tables suggests that the building was some sort of religious foundation. Two related factors provide circumstantialsupport for the idea that these reused tables are fragmentsfrom a religious monumentbuilt by Tutushduringthe period when he was governor of Damascus. Firstly, although this involved reconstructionratherthan constructionex novo, there is well-documented evidence for major architectural work being undertaken in Damascus during the governorship of Tutush. Secondly, but perhaps less significantly, Tutush is mentioned in the foundation inscriptions of at least two major monuments in Syria and the Jazirafrom the period after he had assumed the title of sultan. The reconstructionin question was that of the Great Mosque of Damascus, which had been badly damaged in 461/1069 when a fire broke out during a riot.18The extensive damage to the mosque seems to have gone unrepairedfor over a decade, but in 475/1082 a major renovation was undertakenby the Seljuq vizier AbiM Nasr Ahmad b. al-Fadl, who reconstructedthe dome, roof, arches, and piers of the destroyed maqsi.ra, at his own expense. Two of the four inscriptions mosque set upon the piers of the monumental dome to commemoratethis event survive (Fig. 7), executed in a
149
foliated Kufic similar to that used on Tutush'stables.19 Each of the four inscriptionslisted the extent and nature of the work undertaken,and informed us that it was executed by the vizier during the caliphate of alMuqtadi,the sultanateof Malik Shah and in the days of the latter'sbrother,"the most illustriousprince (malik), the crown of the state (t41al-dawla) and the lamp of the faith, the glory of the nation, Abti Sa'id Tutush, son of the king of Islam, the defender of the amir of the believers...". Whether Aba Nasr Ahmad was acting entirelyon his own initiativeor whethereitherTutushor Malik Shah were involved in the process is not stated.It seems a priori unlikely that the vizier would have undertakenwork on such a key building without the consent (if not the involvement) of Tutush,the governor of Damascus.20 On the other hand, the foundation inscriptions of the north and south domes in the Great Mosque of Isfahan give no indication that either of the viziers Taj al-Mulk or Nizim al-Mulk had sought the permission of the Malik Shah before proceeding with their monumental alterations to the building.21 The activities of these various viziers are probably related, for Sheila Blair has arguedthat the restoreddome in the Damascus mosque inspired the slightly later Seljuq additionsto the GreatMosque of Isfahan.22 If Tutush's precise role in the restoration of 475/1082 is uncertain,he was directly involved in a less extensive renovation of the mosque which took place a
Fig. 7. Epigraphic plaque commemorating the restoration of the Great Mosque ofDamascus in 475/1082 (after van Berchem, Inscriptions arabes de Syrie).
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OF PERSIAN
few years later,in 482/1089-90. This involved changes to the northernportico of the mosque, an undertaking commemoratedin an inscription similar in its terms to those commemoratingthe restorationof 475/1082, with the difference that Tutush'sname alone appears: The renovationof this wall was orderedby the highly illustrious king, the victorious, the conqueror,the assistedby God, 'Adud al-Din, Taj al-Dawla,the lamp of the community,the glory of the nation, AbN Sa'id Tutush,son of the king of Islam,Commanderof the Faithful,Alp Arslan,son of Muhammad,son of Ddwaid,with his fortunein the monthsof the year 482 (1089).23 In additionto Tutush'srole in the renovationof existing monuments,we have two inscriptionsfrom other Syrian cities that mention him in connection with monumental architecture.Both of these are from the period after Malik Shah's death in 486/1092, when Tutush was attempting to assume his brother's mantle and, campaigning for the sultanate, had expanded his rule into northern Syria and the Jazira. A foliated Kufic inscriptionon the walls of Diyarbakrmentions that the relevant section of the wall was built by the q7di Thiqat al-Mulk Abu'l-Maka-rimMahdi in the days of the "magnificent sultan" (al-sultdn al-mu 'azzam) Abu Sa'id Tutush in 486/1093, the titulaturereflecting the fact the Tutush had had himself declared sultan just months or even weeks earlier.24A second inscription, found on the terminalsection of the minaretof the Great Mosque of Aleppo is undated but datable to 487/1095 (Fig. 8). This tells us that the orderto finish the minaret was given in the reign of al-sultin al-mu 'azzam Abu Sa'id Tutush.25Although the terminology of the inscription is closely related to that which commemorates Tutush's work four years earlier in the Great Mosque of Damascus, in the case of Aleppo and Diyarbakrthis is perhapsmore likely to be a reflection of the prevailing epigraphicprotocols than the fact that Tutushplayed any directrole in the projects in question. The a priori likelihood that our reused tables were taken from a building which Tutushhad constructedin Damascus is however strengthenedby his involvement in the architecturalprojects associated with the Great Mosque of that city. There is nothing in the historical sources which would enable us to pinpoint the name or location of the building from which the tables were taken, but the content of their inscriptions and the
STUDIES
contemporaryreligio-politicalcontext may enable us to hazard a guess as to the nature of Tutush's building. Apart from the historical inscription, the tables bear a series of quotationsfrom the Qur'an, which include the popular Throne Verse as well as references to Paradise and to repentance.26It thereforeseems highly likely that the tables graced a religious building in Damascus. This may well have been a mosque, but there is another intriguingpossibility. Prior to the appearanceof the Great Seljuqs on the scene, most of southernSyria,includingDamascus, had been underthe dominion of the Fatimidrulersof Egypt for almost a century.It was explicitly in response to the Fatimid threat to the Seljuq western flank that Malik Shah sent Tutushto Damascus. The captureof the city was thus followed not only by a change in dynasticrule, but by a restorationin Sunni supremacy.27 Although too much has perhaps been made of the degree of orchestrationunderlyingthe revival of Sunni fortunesin the eastern Islamic world in the eleventh and twelfth
Fig. 8. Minaret of the Great Mosque of Aleppo, with the uppermost inscription recording the completion of the structure during the reign ofAb1i Sa'Id Tutush.
REUSED BYZANTINE TABLES AS EVIDENCE FOR SELJUQ ARCHITECTURAL PATRONAGE
century,28 Seljuqinvolvementin this processis clear. Also evidentis the fact thatspecifickindsof religious institutions,and the buildingsthathousedthem,were amongthe weaponswieldedin an endeavourto restore theprimacyof Sunniorthodoxy.29Fromthe 450s/1060s onwards,state-financedmadrasaswere a featureof Seljuq architecturalpatronagein Iran and Iraq. As Robert Hillenbrandhas noted, two related factors characterise Seljuqpatronageof thesemadrasas:
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The earliest survivingmadrasa in Syria is not eleventhbuttwelfthcentury,andstandsnotin Damascus, but Bosra.33It is usuallysaidthatthe firstmadrasasin Damascusdate from the early twelfthcentury,34 but, based on the patternof patronageseen elsewhere,it would be in no way surprisingif the architectural activities of Tutushincluded the constructionof a madrasa in Damascus a few decades earlier.The possibilitythereforeremainsthatourtableswerereused notin a mosque,butin a newly-founded Seljuqmadrasa in Damascus.Giventhe totallackof information on the and even the existence of such a form, building,one can only guessat the implicationsof this hypothesisfor the of themadrasain Syria. subsequent development
of suchtablesin Nir alexplanationforthe appearance that Din's buildingshas been they are Crusaderaltars reusedas trophiesto expressthe triumphof Islamover A full discussionof thistopiclies theinvadingFranks.35 of thispaperandI havedealtwith the beyond parameters but threebasic the issue in greaterdetailelsewhere,36 traditional the hypothesisshouldbe pointsconcerning made in connection with Seljuq reuse of similar of suchtablesas altars artefacts.Firstly,theidentification althoughthis is not is, as I have indicated,problematic, as such by those to say thatthey were not interpreted who reusedthem.37Secondly,productionof thesetables appearsto have ceased by the time of the Muslim conquestof Syria in the seventh century,or shortly andthereis nothingto associatethemwith afterwards, Thisbeingso, theirantiquityis just Crusader churches.38 as likely to have been a factorin theirreuse as any Christian associations. Finally, the importanceof Tutush'stables lies in the fact that as the earliest documentedreuse of Byzantinetables in the Islamic monumentsof Syria, they prove that the practice predatedthe arrivalof the Crusadersin the Levantby severaldecades.Itis of coursepossiblethatthescaleand significanceof the practicechangedovertime,thatthe Byzantinetablescameto be investedwithnewmeanings in the twelfth century,but in this case we need to examinetheoriginsof thepracticeandto explainhow its meaningshiftedthroughtime.In otherwords,we need to historicisetheprocessof reuseratherthanascribingit towardsmakingtriumphal to a culturalpredisposition gesturesat the expenseof non-Muslimminorities. Thatthe tables in Sibay'smadrasaare neitherin their primarynor their secondarylocations but are reusedforat leastthethirdtime,servesas a reminderof justhow complexthe life historiesof certainmediaeval artefactsandarchitectural fragmentscanbe. In addition to the questions which they raise concerningthe meaning of the fragment in mediaeval Syrian architecture,the tables so fortuitouslypreservedin Sibay'smonumentare highly significantfor the light thatthey shedon the architectural patronageof no less a personthan the brotherof the SeljuqsultanMalik
There is one final aspect of these tables which it is importantto mention briefly. This concerns the manner in which art historians have interpretedthe continued reuse of Byzantine marble tables in the Islamic architectureof Syria into the twelfth century,especially in the architectureof Ntir al-Din b. Zangi (Fig. 2). Since the early part of the twentiethcentury,the most popular
Shah. Although the period of Seljuq rule in Syria is generally conceived of as a short and, artistically speaking, relatively unimportant interlude in the histories of both region and dynasty, this group of Byzantine tables preserved in a Mamluk madrasa suggests that the lacunae in our knowledge of the period are greaterthan has previously been thought.
One is the wholehearted state supportfor these buildings ... They represent, in short, a state
of thefirstmagnitude. Theotheris their investment carefullycalculatedlocationin the majorcitiesof the Saljuqrealm.30 WhileDamascushardlyconstituteda majorcity of the Seljuqrealm,its role as Tutush'spower-basein Syria, fromwhichhe wouldeventuallymakehis play for the sultanate,would clearlyrenderit appropriatefor the construction of a madrasasimilarto thosein the Seljuq landsto the east.It is worthnotingherethatit was from Khurasan,an areaof Persiaendowedwitha numberof celebratedSeljuqmadrasas,thatTutushwas dispatched to Damascusin 471/1078.31 Moreover,as a firmlySunni city,thebastionof orthodoxyin Syria,Damascuswould have been the naturalchoice for the constructionof a royal madrasa.32
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152
Ottomans (658-1156/1260-1744) (Damascus, 1952), pp.
Notes
For detailedaccountsof Tutush'sreign see Roger Le Tourneau,Damas de 1075 a 1154, traductionanot&ed'un fragment de l'Histoire de Damas d'Ibn al-Qal5nisi
(Damascus,1952),pp.6-32; NikitaElisseeff,"Dimashk"', in E2, vol. II, p. 290; C.E.Bosworth,"Saldjlkids.III.4. TheSaldji1ks of Syria",inEP, vol. 8, pp.946-47; Mariam
12
Yared-Riachi,Lapolitique extirieure de laprincipautWde Damas 468-549/1076-1154 (Damascus, 1997), pp. 39, 51-79; TaefKamal El-Azhari, TheSaljiiqs of Syria during the Crusades 463-549 A.H./1070-1154 A.D. (Berlin, 2
1997),pp. 60-78. Yared-Riachi, op. cit., pp. 72-79; Jean-MichelMouton, Damas et saprincipaut0 sous les saljoukideset les bourides (486-549/1076-1154): vie politique et religieuse (Cairo,
1994),p. 28. C.E.Bosworth,"Tutush (I)b. AlpArslan",in E12, vol. 10,pp. 756-57. In additionto Damascus,Tutush
3
4
controlledsuchcitiesas Hama,Horns,Tartus,Ma'arrat alNu'manandBaalbek.See alson. 25 below. Bosworth,"TheSaldjils of Syria",p. 947.In487/1094the khutbawas pronouncedin Baghdadin the name of Tutush'srival,Barkdyariq: Yared-Riachi, op. cit.,p. 76. It was onlylaterthatyearthatTutush'snamewas substituted in Syria,the JaziraandBaghdad:Le Toumeau,op. cit.,p. 29; Yared-Riachi, op. cit.,p. 77; El-Azhari,op. cit.,p. 77. Le Tourneau,op. cit., p. 32.
5 See nn. 1-2. 6 GeorgeC. Miles,"Tutush,EphemeralSultan",Studiesin the History of Culture:the Disciplines of the Humanities
(Menasha,Wisconsin,1942), pp. 97-102. Dr. Michael Bates of the American Numismatic Society kindly informsme thatfurthercoinsbearingTutush'snamehave come to light since Miles publishedthe single specimen knownto him.Thearchitectural arediscussed inscriptions in the textabove. 7 See Elisseeff,art."Dimashk", p. 290. 8 See nn. 1-2 aboveandn. 19 below. 9 Maxvan Berchem,"Epigraphie des Atabeksde Damas", in Florilegium ou recueil de travauxd'.ruditions dedies a' monsieur le marquis Melchior de Vogiik(Paris, 1909), p.
31; idem,in Max Freiherrvon Oppenheim,Inschriften
aus Syrien, Mesopotamien und Kleinasien (Leipzig,
1913), pp. 149-52, figs. 25-26. Surprisingly,van Berchem erroneously located the tables in the ratherthantheSibayiyya.This neighbouring Darwishiyya errorwas subsequentlyrepeatedby most laterscholars who notedthe tables'existence. 10 Jean Sauvaget, Les monuments historiques de Damas
(Beirut, 1932), no. 69; Michael Meinecke, Die mamlukischeArchitekturin Agyptenund Syrien (648/1250
bis 923/1517)(Gltickstadt, 1992),vol. II,462-63. 11 For Sibay'sbiographicaldetails,see HenriLaoust,Les gouverneurs de Damas sous les Mamloukset les premiers
13
14
116-43, especially pp. 133, 135. Note that the inaugurationbanquet held within the complex was attendedby the Mamluk sultan Qunsih al-Ghawri's envoyto the Ottomancourt. Although these activities are not mentioned in contemporaryreferencesto the madrasa,pillaging of earlierMamlukand pre-Mamlukbuildingswas such a commonplacein Cairo,DamascusandAleppoas to have occasionedlittlecomment.Suchactivitycan be inferred from the ratherdisparatecollectionof earliermaterial into Sibay'smadrasa.In the sectionof the incorporated now servesfor women'sworship,this which prayer-hall includesfragmentsof a vine friezebelongingto a series used to decoratea numberof Mamlukbuildings in andearlyfourteenth DamascusandCairoin thethirteenth century,andultimatelyinspiredby a celebratedUmayyad prototypein the GreatMosqueof Damascus:FinbarrB. Flood, "Umayyad Survivals and Mamluk Revivals: Qalawunid Architectureand the Great Mosque of Damascus",Muqarnas,XIV (1997),pp. 57-63. see NouhaN. N. Fora discussionof this type of mihrgib, themesin commemorative "The Khoury, mihrAbimage: IX medievalIslamicarchitecture", Muqarnas, (1992),pp. 11-28. For the most convenient summaryof the evidence regardingthese tables, and an extensive (although incomplete) catalogue see Georges Roux, "Tables Salamine a Salamine", en marbred6couvertes chr6tiennes de Chypre, Volume 4: Anthologie salaminienne (Paris,
1973),pp. 133-96.Thefurtherexamplesthathavecometo lightsincethis studywas publishedhavenot substantially outlinethatit proposes. effectedthechronological 15 FinbarrB. Flood, "The medieval trophy as an art historicaltrope:CopticandByzantine'altars'in Islamic contexts",Muqarnas,XVIII(2001),pp.41-72. 16 The sigma-shaped table was frequently used for depictionsof the LastSupperin EasternChristianart,but its roleas a diningtableis clearfromsuchcontextsas the depiction of Pharaoh'sfeast in the Vienna Genesis: WillhelmRittel von Hartel and Franz Wickhoff,Die WienerGenesis(Vienna,1895),p. 157,pl. XXXIV. 17 In additionto the ThroneVerse(Qur'an,2:256) andpart of Qur'an,18:37(Fig.6), bothof whicharementionedby van Berchem,the inscriptionsalso containQur'an,25:10 (Fig. 3) andpartof Qur'an,6:54 (Fig.4). 18 Ygqit, Muj'am al-buldin, ed. F. Wiistenfeld, vol. II (Leipzig,1867),p. 593. 19 VanBerchem,"Notesd'archrologie Arabe,monumentset vol. XVII (1891), JA, 8ieme inscriptionsFatimites", serie, pp. 412-23; idem, "Notes d'archrologie arabe, vol. XVIII Toulounideset Fatimites",JA, 8ieme serie, (1892), pp. 394-96; Henry Cassels Kay, "A Seljukite Inscriptionat Damascus",JRAS (1897), pp. 335-45;
REUSED BYZANTINE TABLES AS EVIDENCE FOR SELJUQ ARCHITECTURAL PATRONAGE
RCEA, nos. 2734-2737; Van Berchem, Inscriptions
27
Arabes de Syrie (Cairo, 1897), pp. 12-19, 90-95. Like
otherSeljuqinscriptions of thisperiod,theplaquesdo not give a precisedate,statingonlythattheworkwas carried out "inthe months(fishuhir)"of 475/1082.SheilaBlair follows Van Berchem (Inscriptions Arabes, p. 18) in
28
wereall destroyedin notingthattheseSeljuqinscriptions the fire of 1893: The monumentalinscriptionsfrom early Islamic Iran and Transoxiana (Leiden, 1992), p. 68. However, in an appendix (op. cit., pp. 90-91), Van
(ed.), The CairoHeritage, (Cairo,2000), p. 98.
op. cit., pp. 67-68.
to the city to dealwiththe threatposedby havereturned 476 (lateMay 1083):Le Tourneau, Muslimin Muharram
At a muchlaterdate,thequestionof renovating theprayerhall of the Damascusmosquewas consideredsufficiently thatthe consentof the Mamluksultanal-Nasir important wassoughtfromCairobeforeworkproceeded Muhammad in 738/1328: Flood, The Great Mosque of Damascus. Studies on the Makings of an Umayyad Visual Culture (Leiden, 2000), p. 142; idem, "Functionand Allusion: a
note on the 'Bab al-Sa'at'",in Doris Behrens-Abouseif
22
23
24
25
For these inscriptions,see Oleg Grabar,The Great Mosqueoflsfahan (London,1990),pp. 32-33, 39; Blair, Blair, "Surveyorversus Epigrapher", Muqarnas, VIII 70. (1991),p. Van Berchem, InscriptionsArabes de Syrie, p. 93; RCEA,
Mouton, Damas et sa principautJ,p. 23. Tutushis said to
Damas de 1075 a 1154, p. 9. 30 31
no. 2778. RCEA, no. 2804. Tutush is said to have captured Diyarbakrin the same year,presumablyjust beforethe was executed:Le Tourneau, Damasde 1075a inscription 1154, 22; El-Azhari, The Salj'iqs of Syria, p. 74. Ernst Herzfeld, CIA, deuxidme partie, Syrie du Nord, Inscriptions et monuments d'Alep, vol. I (Cairo, 1955), pp. 153, 159, pls. LVIII, LXIIIb. Although Tutush had
32
takenAleppo in 479/1086, he was fully masterof the city only in 487/1094. On the previous occasion Malik
Shah, conscious that a unified Syria could pose a considerablethreatto his own authority,had intervened personallyto installa governorof his own choice, 'Izz Anne-MarieEdd&-Terrasse (Damascus,1984), p. 245; Le Tourneau,op. cit., pp. 14-15; El-Azhari,op. cit., pp. 64-71. See n. 17 above.
III.Architecture", Art.,"Madrasa. p. 1136. Ibn Description, pp. 56, 78-79. In additionto Shadd.d, of Merv,theseincludedthe Niztumiyyas the madrasas of Herat and "Muslim Makdisi, Balkh, Nishapur: Khargird, I", Institutions", 44; PedersenandMakdisi,art."Madrasa. art."Madrasa. III",p. 1137.Onthe p. 1127;Hillenbrand, architectureof the KhargirdMadrasasee Herzfeld, Ars Islamica,X "Damascus:Studiesin Architecture-II", (1943),pp. 16-19, figs. 33-38. Note the reportthat the first SeljuqSunnimadrasain Aleppo was destroyedby the Shi'itepopulationof that al-khat-ra (ed.),IbnShaddid,al-A 'l-q city:S. al-DahhTAn
fi dhikr umark al-Shim 33
al-Din b. Shaddad, Description de la Syrie du Nord, tr.,
26
(Damascus,1989),pp. 649-50. In contrastto Fatimidrule, Tutush'sgovernorship of Damascusis saidto haveenjoyed Yared-Riachi, Lapolitique,p. 57. popularapproval: See George Makdisi, "The Sunni Revival", in D.S. IslamicHistory,III(Oxford,1973),pp. 155-68. of themadrasasee Makdisi, Fora historyof theinstitution "Muslim Institutionsof Learningin Eleventh-century Baghdad",BSOAS,XXIV (1961), pp. 1-56; J. Pedersen and GeorgeMakdisi,"Madrasa. I. The institutionin the Arabic,Persianand Turkishlands",in EPZ,vol. V, pp. 1126-27. For a discussionof the theoriesrelatingto the architectural developmentof the madrasa,see Janine Sourdel-Thomine,"Renouvellementet traditiondans in Richards(ed.),op.cit.,esp.pp. l'architecture Saljaiqide", 255-57; Robert Hillenbrand, art. "Madrasa. III. Architecture" inEPz,vol.V,pp. 1136-39.Sourdel-Thomine of a Seljuqinventionof the madrasa,but the idea rejects the acknowledges role of the dynastyin the dissemination of the madrasathroughout the easternIslamicworld.It is possible that the restorationof the Great Mosque of Damascusin 475/1082is relatedto the alteration in Sunni fortunesin Syria.Althoughprecisedatesarenot givenfor thework,theyearinwhichitwascarriedoutcoincideswith a seriousmilitarythreatto Damascusposedby Muslimb. Quraysh,Tutush'sgreatrival.This 'Uqaylidprincewas a his allegianceto the Seljuqsin Shi'itewho laterrenounced favourof the Fatimids:Yared-Riachi, op. cit., pp. 52-53;
29
Early MuslimArchitecture,UmayyadsA.D. 622-750, vol. 1, part 1 (Oxford, 1969), p. 362 n.2.
21
See especially Thiery Bianquis, Damas et la Syrie sous la domination Fatimide (359-468/969-1076), vol. II
Richards (ed.), Islamic Civilisation 950-1150, Papers on
Berchem acknowledgedthat three out of the four inscribedplaquessurvivedthefire.As GastonWietnoted, two survivedto be puton displayin theNationalMuseum in Damascus:"Lesinscriptions Arabesde Damas",Syria, III (1922), p. 159. Even the two remaininginscriptions survivedthe fire,albeitin a fragmentary state,andwere kept in the depotof the mosqueuntil 1932:Marguerite Gautier-van Berchem,"Themosaicsof theGreatMosque of the Umayyadsin Damascus",in K.A.C. Creswell, 20
153
wa'l-Jazira, vol. II (Damascus,
1953),p. 96. datableto 530/1136: Thisis themadrasaof Gtimtishtigin, Hillenbrand, op. cit., p. 1138. See also Pedersen and
34
Makdisi,op. cit.,p. 1127. Eliss~eff, art. "Dimashk",p. 283. For the evidence regardingearliermadrasasin Damascus(not including that discussed here), see 'Abd al-RazzaqMoaz, Les
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madrasas de Damas et d'al-Salihiyya depuis la fin du V/Ie sikcle jusqu 'au milieu du VII/XIIIe siecle (unpubl.
35
Ph.D. thesis, Universit6de Provence,Aix-en-Provence, 1990),esp,pp. 70-108. I amgratefulto DrYasserTabbaa forbingingthisto my attention. Theclassicstatement is thatof CamilleEnlart, Lesmonuments des Croiss dans le royaume de Jbusalem. Architecture religieuseet civile,vol. I (Paris,1925),pp. 37, 162.
36 37
Flood, "The medieval trophy as an art historical trope". See, for example, the marble table reused by Nir al-Din in the Madrasa al-Halawiyya in Aleppo, which Ibn al-
'Adim refersto as an altar(madhbah):Herzfeld,CIA, deuxieme partie, Syrie du Nord. Inscriptions et monumentsd'Alep, p. 208. 38 See n. 14 above.
GHAZNAVIDAND GHURIDMINARETS by Ralph Pinder-Wilson London
The notion of a visible memorial commemorating victory might seem at first sight hard to reconcile with the tenets of Islam. Such explicit expressions as the Roman triumphalarch and Sasanian rock relief would have earned the condemnation of vainglory and usurpationof the Divine Omnipotence. Piety enjoined submission to Allah's will; and victory was won by His help alone. Nevertheless, the commemorativeintention could and did exist in the form of the votive act. In the following pages I have tried to show how this commemorativeaspect was expressed in threeminarets, that of Sultan Mas'ad III at Ghazni and those of Sultan Ghiyath al-Din at Jam and Delhi. I have refrainedfrom entering on the discussion whether or not these monuments are minarets in the generally accepted sense, preferringto investigate the formal relationship between the three and to propose what might have been the occasion of their foundation.
I As yet there has been no detailed publication of the minaretof SultanMas'cd III at Ghazni (Figs. 1-3).1 For the earliestdescriptionand sketch we are indebtedto the English traveller G.T. Vigne who visited Ghazni in 1836.2A photographmade in 1880 showing the stellate base surmountedby a slightly taperingcylindrical shaft confirms the veracity of Vigne's drawing.3By 1916-17 the cylindrical shaft had been reduced to a low stump; and the base which had previously become perilously undermined,had been underpinnedwith a circularstone rubble socle.4 Since then the low stump of the cylindrical shaft has been removed and replaced by a conical iron cap to prevent furtherdeteriorationof the fabric from snow-melt and rain.5 The width at the base of the minaretis 7.96 m. and the height of the existing base shaft 21 m. The cylindrical shaft was as high as the stellate shaft so that the minaretmust have been at least 44 m. high, for there must certainlyhave been a crowning element, probably a lantern.The actual base of the minaretmust lie some
155
Fig. 1. Minaretof Mas'id III, Ghazni(fromright to left, faces 1, 2, 3). way below the present ground level; and it is open to question whether there was a pedestal, square or more likely octagonal. Moreover, there would have been an entrancein one of the faces of the pedestal giving access to the inner staircase which is built around a central shaft (Fig. 26).6 Into the fabric, which is of baked brick,
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STUDIES
Fig. 2. Minaretof Mas'id III, Ghazni(fromrightto left, faces 8, 1, 2).
Fig. 3. Minaretof Mas'd III, Ghazni(fromrightto left, faces 5, 6, 7).
have been inserted at intervals wooden frames, their function being to spread the load and probably to control the levelling of the brick courses during construction.They have also been remarkablyeffective in absorbingthe shock of earthtremors.7 The minaret of Mas'id III has to be studied in relation to the companion minaret of Mas'id's son, Bahram Shah. (Fig. 4).8 Whether or not these two monumentswere minaretsin the true sense of the word, "the place where the call to prayer is given," must at presentremain an open question. Both appearto be free standing, inasmuch as there are no traces of adjoining
walls. But in the immediatevicinity of both monuments, low mounds clearly indicate the remains of buildings. These would certainly repay investigation by the archaeologist in the expectation that they may conceal adjacentmosques.9 Hardlymore than fifty years at the most separatethe two monuments; and the son's was quite evidently inspiredby that of the father.In both, only the octagonal socle in the form of an eight-pointed star has survived (Fig. 26). Mas'ud's minaret far surpasses that of his son's in invention and conception. In Bahram Shah's minaret, panels of brick-bond patterns predominate:
GHAZNAVID AND GHURID MINARETS
157
a INLAY
b KUFICINSCRIPTIONINLAY
c INLAY
d CARVEDBRICK
e INLAY
f BRICKBOND AND INLAY
g INLAY
h CARVEDBRICK
Fig. 5. Minaretof Mas'iidIII, schemeof decoration. Fig. 4. MinaretofBahraimShah, Ghazni.
terracottainlays are confinedto the inscribedpanels togetherwith theirupperandlowerfriezesof complex plaiting,andto the narrowfriezesseparatingthe brick bond panels on each face of the minaret.Mas'td's minaret, however, combines a greater variety of techniques,whichI haveindicatedin Fig. 5. In the great Kufic inscriptions b, with its accompanyingfriezesof interlacedeightpointedstars, a, c andthe two rectangular panelscontainingvoluted scrolls, each containing a single trefoil, e.g., the elementswere mouldedor carvedfromterracottaand insetinto the wall revetment.The sametechniquewas employedfor the cursiveinscriptionwith its groundof foliatescrollingwhichin each of the eightfaces forms a continuousframearoundpanelse-h; andfor some,if not all, of the narrowfriezesof rosettesor of roundels
and lozenges. The entrelacbordersof e, f and g, mouldedin however,seemto be composedof terracotta sectionsandthensecuredto the wall surface. noveltechniquewas usedin Anotherandapparently a and h where d highly complexinterlacingof panels is carved directlyinto the brickrevetment. hexagons The scrollingborderof paneld andthe entrelacborder of panelh were also executedin this technique.How and why this techniquewas developed is obscure. Judgingby its rarityit must have provedunpractical, wastefulof effort and lackingthe clear definitionof insetterracotta. Perhapsthe solid brickrevetmentwas more durable than inset terracotta to be thought elements.Anotherexplanation mightbe thepresenceof India and handlingbrick from masons Hindu brought accordingto theirown practiceof stonecarving.'0
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The decorationof panelf combinesbrickbondand terracottainlays. The eight panels renderedin this techniquehavenot receivedthe attentionthey deserve. was apparentlythe firstto observe V. Kratchkovskaya thattheyconsistof inscriptions executedin theso-called rectangularKufic; but, as far as I am aware, their contenthas notbeenpublished."1 As a preliminar'y to theirdecipherment it is necessto refer to the Kufic b of which the ary inscription definitivereadinghasbeengivenby Y. Godard.12 In the the numbersreferto the eight followingtranscription facesof the minaret:
41Al AIA
i4AI3
4t~~~lll~~ o y)ltpwd I1 iL ..).
,I
~~~CYL~~Q ~U_~
;if,~~~~f\ ~zf j
8 6
STUDIES
In the discussionthatfollows,the numberingof the faces of the minaretcorrespondsto thatof the Kufic inscriptiongivenabove. Three separate inscriptional compositions are distributed amongthe eightpanels(f) as follows:
~in 3lkWI(Figs.6,7A,8A)infaces1,4 and713 2431)ckN
(Figs.7B,8B,9) in faces2 and5 (Figs.7C,8C,10)infaces3,6 and814
The inscriptions aredisposedon a diagonalaxisin a bricks of laid ground verticallyin steppedbond,andthe letterscomposedof alternating rectanglesandlozenges insetin horizontalrows(Fig. 11).It is the deepshadows cast by these terracottaelements which define the letters. Theirmode of constructionhas largelydetermined the character of theletters;butwe haveonlyto compare themwiththeircounterparts in stoneto realisethe close between the two. Thustheformadoptedfor relationship the alif of the alif-lJm in al-a'zam is that of the same
word in face 2 of the inlaidinscriptionb. The upward prolongationof the waw in al-Dawlais foundin the inscriptionof Mas'id's palace at Ghazniwhere, of is foliated.15 Theopen 'aynis a course,theprolongation commonfeatureof GhaznavidKufic:here the upper armsof the 'ayninAbiSa'dareoutsplayedas in the 'ayn
Fig. 6. Minaretof Masf'd III,face 1, panelf
GHAZNAVID AND GHURID MINARETS
Panelf on face5
159
Panelf on face 3
Panelf on face 1
B
A
C
Fig. 7. Minaret of Mas 'id III, the three compositions of interlocking Kufic in panelf
A
C
B
A-
Minaretof Mas'iid III Scheme of interlockingKufic in panel f al-Daula C - Mas'WdAbi Sa'd al-Sultanal-A'zam B -'Al'
Fig. 8. Minaret of Mas 'kd III, siheme of interlocking Kufic in panelf
Fig. 9. Minaret of Mas ad III, face 5, panelf
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JOURNAL OF PERSIAN STUDIES
Fig. 10. Minaretof Mas'Cd III,face 3, panel.
of Sa'din face 4 of the Kuficinscriptionb. Theway in which the left arm of the 'ayn in Mas'6iddrops vertically,must,I think,havebeensuggestedby thesplit leafin someof the 'aynformsin thepalaceinscription.16 The nun of is merelyan angularversionof the Sult.in nin in the same wordof face 1 of the Kuficinscription b.
Admittedly,the armprojectingto therightfromthe topof thel1imin 'Al~V(al-Dawla)is hardto parallel,and I canonlysuggestthatthesearedevicesto fill the spaces in orderto achievebalanceandthatthey performthe samefunctionas the entrelacsof the Kuficinscriptions both of the minaretof Mas'Uidand that of Bahrim Shah.17The samewouldapplyto the armprojectingto the rightat the base of the secondalif of al-Sultin. I have been able to transcribeonly partiallythese forin eachof thethreethere inscriptional compositions; are unaccountablelettersor parts of letters.Afghan writersreferto this type of Kufic scriptas ma'aqalI (Kufic).The earliestexampleknownto "inter-locking" me certainlymeritsthis description.It is a fragmentary stonefunerarystelainscribedin a cursivescript,in the nameof a certainal-Hasanb. Mubarak(Fig. 12).18On the stela a verticalinscription,also in cursivescript, reads: (Sul&dn)Zi4ir al-Dawla. This can only refer to
Fig. 11. Minaretof Mas"'idIII detail ofpanelf onface 2 showingbrickbondand inlay.
Sult{n Ibrahim,fatherof Mas'id III, who ruledfrom 451/1059 to 492/1099. The centralpanel is carvedin reliefwiththe namesof Muhammad, Aba Bakr,'Umar, 'Uthman,'Ali, al-Hasanand al-Husayn(Figs. 12 and
GHAZNAVID AND GHURID MINARETS
161
'kAA
Fig. 12. Stone funerary stele from Masjid-i Awliyla', Ghazni.
13), which are arrangedwith such ingenuitythatthey occupy all the availablespace of the rectangle.The interlockingcharacteris obtainedby placingthe words in opposeddirectionsso thatthe tallershaftsof the one interlockwiththelowerlettersof the other.It maybe on account of the refractorynatureof these particular wordsthatthe designerof the minaretpanelshas not succeeded in achieving a meaningful interlocking composition.Butin the case of thepanelcontainingthe title 'Ala' al-Dawla,the title was evidentlyintendedto and be repeated,beginningbelow the lam-alifof 'Aldc' directedtowardsthelowerleft-handcomer,whilein the top right-handcan be seen the lam and tai'marbi.taof al-Dawla (Fig. 8B). I would suggest that there is a furtherintention.Whereasin the stone examplethe interlockingcompositioncontainingthe names of the Prophet,the OrthodoxCaliphsand the Imims Hasan andHusayn,is self-contained,the compositionsof the minaretpanelsareof thetypecommonlycalledendless repeatpatterns,that is, the lattercan be extendedto infinitybeyondthe framecontainingthe composition. The conceptionwill be familiarto studentsof the Islamiccarpet. The endless repeat of interlockingKufic was particularlyeffective when applied to the curving surfaceof the minaretshaft.The minaretat Gharnear Isfahanconsists of a taperingcylindricalshaft on a slightly tapering octagonal socle.19 The shaft is decoratedwith the phraseal-mulkli'll~h"Sovereignty
j~A
Fig. 13. Stone funerary stele from Masjid-i Awliylat Ghazni showing arrangement of interlocking Kufic inscription.
Fig. 14. Minaret of Ghidr,near Isfahan, scheme of interlocking Kufic.
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belongs to God", rendered in interlocking Kufic endlesslyrepeated(Fig. 14). The lettersaredefinedby the shadowsformedby a wideningof the risingjoints. The inscriptionon top of the plinthis in the nameof a certainSayyid al-Ru'asW' al-QasimAhmad b. ... alQasimanddatedin the year515/1121-22. The contentof the interlockingKuficinscriptionsis invariably religious, with this one exception of Mas'id's minaret.20 This is scarcely surprisingsince they occur,to the best of my knowledge,on religious buildingsonly. What then can be the explanationof Mas'tid'sarrogatingto his own use a mode of written proclamation normallyreservedforreligiouspurposes? I thinkthatthe explanationmay be suppliedif we can discover what event occasionedthe building of the minaret. On each face of the minarettherewas a cursive inscriptionrunningfromthe right-handbottomcomer verticallyto the inlaidpanele in Fig. 5, whenceit went horizontallyto the left side of the face,thendescending to the foot. This inscribedframingband is of great beauty,theboldcursivebeingset off againsta groundof scrollingleaves in the inset technique.Unfortunately, only fragmentshave survived:but these are enoughto identifytheVictorysira (XLVIII)of theQur'in.In Fig. 15 I have transcribed whatremainsof this inscription, indicatingthe positions of the fragments.The stira, which containstwenty-nineverses, beganat the right handbottomof face 3. It will be seenthatmostof what has survivedis aroundpanelse andfin faces3, 4 and5. I havenotbeenableto decipherwhatremainsin face7; but the fragmentsin faces 8 and 1 areenoughto show the continuationof the sira. On face 2 the inscription has been entirely lost. In order, however, to accommodateall the verses of the saira,the framing bandsin all eightfacesmusthaveextendedat leastone metrebelowthebaseof panelh or,in otherwords,as far as thepedestalwhichmust,I think,haveonce existed. The floral scrolls formingthe backgroundto this cursiveinscriptionarethoseof thetwo panelse andg in Figs. 1-3, 5, 16-18. But while in the latterthe voluted stems, each with its corollaand calyx ornamentand tendril,are disposedin regularrows, thereis a greater freedomof movementaccordedto theseelementsin the inscribed framing band. Consideringthat they are carvedfromterracotta, the lettersare singularlyfluent, andaccentof the qalam.This reflectingthe articulation is particularly noticeablein the returningcurvesof the ra', nin, dal andmIn whichanticipateor adumbrate the
forms of these letters in the muhaqqaqand thulth scripts.I wouldalso pointto the openloop of the minm and of the wiw. The shafts of the alif and lam, invariablyuprightfollowingthe downwardmovement of the qalam,becomethinneras theyapproachthebase line. Yet anotherfeatureis the overlappingof the terminalsof certainletters;thus in the two wordsbal thereturncurveof thelamcutsacrossthezi'. zanantum, It is noteworthythat these Qur'anicverses are executed in cursive script. While naskhi was early adoptedin the Ghaznavidchancery,21its first occurrence in an architectural settingis on theupperpartof an archbearingthenameandtitlesofAbu Mawdiid a doorwayor 'l-Fath. (1041-48) andon a pairof impostsfrom nichedated436/1044(Fig. 19).22 Herethe background consists of the same corollaand calyx ornamentbut attachedto an undulatingstem. The letters,too, have preciselythesameformsalthoughcloserto one another, andthe rigidverticalityof the uprightshaftsis relieved by the obliqueslantof the ti' in Qu.tbandthe lim-alif. Apartfromthe funerarystelawith the interlocking Kufic alreadymentioned,thereare two othercursive inscriptionson stone both from Ghazni,bearingthe nameandtitles of SultanIbrahim(1059-99). The first consistsof somesevenletters- unfortunately illegible - carvedin relief on the corniceof whatmighthave been a mihrdb.23 This cornice bears two Kufic inscriptionsof which one is in the name of Sultan Ibrahim. Of greater importanceis a fragmentary rectangularniche, of which the framingband is also carved in relief with the name and titles of Sultan Theformsof thelettersaresimilarto thoseof Ibrahim.24 the minaretinscription,althoughthe floral groundis lacking.It is noteworthythat this inscriptionis fully pointed- an unusualfeatureat thisearlydate. Forthe reignof Mas'td III(1099-1115),apartfrom the inscriptions on his minaret, there are two monumentalcursiveinscriptions.The firstoccurson a This fragmentarystone arch with cusped archivolt.25 was at one timeused in the mihrabin the shrineof late dateon the site of thepalaceof Mas'tidIIIinvestigated by the ItalianArchaeologicalMissionin Afghanistan. The shrine can, with some certainty,be associated with the palace. The slightly projectingcornice of this archis carved in relief with a cursive inscriptionin the name of al-Sult•n al-A'zam Abti Sa'd Mas'tid. The floral scroll forming the backgroundconsists of a stem arrangedin half volutes punctuatedby split leaves and the corolla and calyx ornament. The inscription itself appears
GHAZNAVID AND GHURID MINARETS
face 5
face 3
face 4 -------------------------------------
oo'
40
163
'0
'
'17\
Vale f panel e
ae
pane
panel e
panel e
h
, panel f
-i panel f
panel f
fe
ft
s
rs
.t.0 !) 45
i 0i Sir
panelve
panels e panel e
survvin
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panele panel
-ir *--.
i
face 1
_.-_- :. .
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face 8
face 6
. . . ..
inscription
on face
7 is illegible: and on face
2 entirety missing
Fig. 15. Minaret of Mas didIII, surviving portions of cursive inscription in faces 3-6, 8, 1.
164
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Fig. 16. Minaret of Mas 'id
III,faces 2, 3, 4, panels d and e.
Fig. 17. Minaret of Mas •id III, face 4, panel e.
compressed owing to lack of space. Each of the words has a slight inclination downwards to the left. The .td' and zi' in Sultan and A 'zam lean to the right, and the initial stroke of the 'ayn in Mas'iid is given an exaggerated flourish. By contrast, the cursive inscription occupying the narrowerframing band on three sides of the arch, is well spaced and the letters regularly disposed: it correspondsclosely to the framing inscription of a transenna panel found in the course of the
excavations at the palace of Mas'ad. The lattergives the name of the builderor architectand the date 505/1112.26 The Victory sara, traditionallytaken to allude to the Prophet's conquest of Mecca in 630, is not very common in monumental inscriptions.27It is quoted in two other monuments of Afghanistan:in the oratoryof the Audience Hall of the Southern Palace at Lashkari Bazar and in the ruined madrasaof Shah-i Mashhadin Gharjistin Province. In the oratory,verses 1 to 6 are
GHAZNAVID
AND GHURID
MINARETS
165
Fig. 18. Minaret of Mas Cid II, faces 4, 5, 6, panel e.
inscribed in Kufic in the framing borders of the great stucco panels forming the north and south faces.28The oratory itself was, as Sourdel-Thomine believes, introducedinto the ThroneRoom at some time afterthe first fire in the middle of the eleventh century. In the madrasa of Shah-i Mashhad which is dated 571/1176, the first four verses are inscribed in Kufic on the voussoir of two niches in the south fagade.29Whether the introductionof the first verses of the Victory sara in either of these two monuments is an allusion to a specific victory, is impossible to say; but in the case of the minaretof Mas'LidIII, I believe that the introduction of the entireVictory stirawas intendedto commemorate the victory of victories of Sultan Mas'uid over the infidels in Hindustan. As a result of their disastrous defeat by the Seljuqs at the battle of Dandanqanin 1040, the fortunes of the Ghaznavidsin Khurasanwere eclipsed and their empire henceforward confined to southern and eastern Afghanistan and their Indian possessions. Their regard was increasingly concentrated on the Punjab. Even here, after the spectacularsuccesses of Mahmad, they met with a check when the Paramaraand Kalachuri princes took the offensive against the Muslims: and it was not until Ibrahimascended the throne of Ghazni in 1059 that they felt themselves in a position to resume
Fig. 19. Stone arch and imposts, Ghazni Museum.
166
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the offensive.In 469/1076-77 the sultanappointedhis sonMahmiidgovernorof thePunjab;andbetween1086 and 1090, Mahm~id raidedKanaujand invadedUjjain in the Paramara domains.Ibrahim'sotherson, Mas'id, had also served in Lahore, where he had won a reputation by his militarysuccessesagainstthe Indians. After his accessionto the throne,Mas'tid'srelations withthe Seljuqsseemto havebeenharmonious: he was married to a daughter of Malik Shah. His only embroilment athomewas the suppression of rebels.We are ill-informedof the militarycampaignswhichwere conductedin India.Mentionis madeof a successfulraid by his general Tughateginfar beyond the Ganges carryinghis conquests"fartherthan any Mussulman had hithertodone, except the emperorMahmud".30 Mas'tidhimselfis creditedwiththecaptureof Kanauj.31 Bombaci has suggested that Mas'id's palace at Ghazni was built from the spoils of his Indian of campaign:andno doubt,the cost of the construction his minaret and the mosque, which probably accompaniedit, weredefrayedfromthe samesource.32 Fergussonwas the firstto applythe term"victory towers"to the two minaretsat Ghazni,citing the two Diez has jayastambhasat Chitoras theirinspiration.33 describedthe minaretsas "observatory towersbuiltas memorialsof victorieslike the IndianDjayastambas". He claimedtheAsokanstambhasor lats as theultimate precursorof the minaretsof easternIslam.34No doubt the earlierand incorrectattributionof BahramShah's minaret to Mahmid encouraged him in this interpretation. What occasionedthe buildingof BahramShah's minaret,we do not know.The only inscriptionon the basementstoreyis thatcontainingthenameandtitlesof BahrimShah.Wehavelittleorno information abouthis the of northern and central campaignsagainst princes India,althoughwe know more abouthis successesin recoveringpossessionof the Ghaznavidterritoriesin northern India from rebellious governors. In the Ghaznavidhomeland,his reignwas markedby a series of defeatsand flights.He owed his throneto Seljuq arms and as a consequencebecame the tributaryof
wouldbe difficultto pointto anyparticular eventwhich have occasioned the of a minaret. raising might Nevertheless,Bahr~mShahwas the subjectof fulsome eulogies by the poets of his court.Emulationof his father and self-glorificationwere most likely the principalmotivesin his foundingthe minaret. AlthoughreferenceswhichmightindicateMas'id's motivein raisingthe minaretarenot explicit,they are, as I havetriedto show,implicitin the monumentitself. Thereare, moreover,two other monuments,both of themminarets,which,I believe,can lendsupportto the commemorativeintentionin the foundationof this minaret.They were builtwithina hundredyearsafter Mas'tid'sminaretby the dynastywhich replacedthe Ghaznavidsin AfghanistanandnorthernIndia.
Sult•anSanjar.His intervention in the affairs of Ghiir broughthim to eventual disaster.His single success was the capture and execution of the Ghiirid chief Sayf alDin Stiri in 1149; but that could hardlybe regardedas a victory. 'AIl' al-Din's subsequent revenge - the devastation and burning of Ghazni - ended in the ignominious flight of the Ghaznavid sultan to India. It
here to contributetwo furtherpoints to the debatewhich may lend support to the identification of Jim with Firizkilh. The first is a piece of valuable evidence for the general location of Firizktih which seems largely to have been ignored or passed unnoticed by those who have participatedin the discussion. I refer to the section
II TheMinaretof Jarn,situatedattheconfluenceof the JaimRid andHaratRild,was firstdescribedby Andr6 Maricqin 1959 afterhis visit in 1956.35The definitive publication of this spectacularmonument is still For the understanding and interpretation awaited.36 of the minaret, the identification of the locality is obviouslyof primeimportance.Maricqproposedthe city of Flrizkiih,the summercapitalof the Ghtirids,of hadfor longbeenthe subjectof whichthewhereabouts His identification has since stimulateda speculation. I which debate must, think,nowbe decidedin his lively favour.Those who have arguedagainsthis premise have done so on two grounds: first the relative inaccessibilityand constrictednatureof the site,37and secondly, certain featureswhich apparentlyconflict with the geographicaldatacontainedin the historical sources.38Recently,however, the researchesof the Seminariodi Iranisticaof theUniversityof Venicehave featuresof the shownthatcertainof the topographical city of Frlizkih as describedby the nearcontemporary historianJiizj•niin his Tabaqit-iNaisir!,ourprincipal source for the historyof the Ghtiridsultans,fit very I shouldlike preciselywith those of the site of Jarn.39
GHAZNAVID
AND GHURID
on the Harat Rid in the Geography of Abri H.ifiz-i which was commissionedby Shahrukhin 817/1414-15.40 As an inhabitant of Herat and one who had accompanied Timtirand Shahrukhin some of their campaigns, Hafiz-i Abruiis to be reckoned an authority. According to Hafiz-i Abri (see Appendix), the Harat Rid district adjoined the province (wildyat) of Obeh. Firizkaih, listed immediately after Chist, "was the seat (takhtgah)of the Sultans of Ghfirof which the ruins survive to this day. Only ten farms (mazra'a) are now occupied but in the days of the Sultans of Ghtir there was a dense population (dar ghayat-i ma'mfir bfida ast)". There is furthermention of Firirzkahin the section on Ghir, Gharjistdn,Sdkhirand Talak which are described as "having no large, populous or famous cities, while Firizkaihis reckonedby some to be in Ghiir ..." Evidently the Ghairidcapital was considerably upstreamon the Heratriver where the valley was enclosed by the mountains.41 The second point is the evidence of the minaret itself. Whether or not the minaret served for the call to prayerconcernsus here inasmuchas we have to face the problem of the location of the masjid-i jami" which Jtzjdni tells us was destroyed by a flood at some time during the reign of Sultan Ghiydth al-Din.42Unfortunately, he does not say if the cause of the destructionwas the inundation of the Jam RiMdor the Harat RAd. If it was the latter,then the mosque must have been situated on the left bank where there is a relatively narrow marginbetween the river and the steeply rising slopes of the Sang-i Minar. There is no space on the right bank which could have accommodateda mosque. This would mean that the mosque could have been developed only to the east of the minaretwhich, if it had functioned as a mi'dhana, would have been on the qibla side of the mosque - a most eccentricposition.43The minaretwas apparentlyfree-standingsince there is no trace of wall abutments. The minarethas survivedin its entireheight of 62 m. (Fig. 20). It consists of a slightly tapering shaft on an octagonal plinth with a double spiral staircase in the interior.The shaft is divided into three sections, each surmountedby a corbelled balcony, and is crowned by a lantern lit by six openings in the form of pointed horseshoe arches. The entire surface of the shaft is richly decorated with terracotta inlays: a horizontal band inscribedin Kufic on the topmost section, and two horizontalbands of inscribedKufic and two otherswith floral and geometric interlacings respectively in the
MINARETS
167
Fig. 20. Minaretof Jim (fromrightto left,panels 5, 6, 7).
168
The Minaret of
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Jrim
Faces (from right to left) 8.1.2 Disposition of inscriptions(indicated by hatching)
2
middlesection.The lowest sectionis decoratedin its upperpartwitha horizontalbandcontainingthreerows of vine scrolls, then the main inscriptionalband renderedin Kufic charactersof turquoiseglazed tile elementsand below, a horizontalregisterof framed roundelsvariouslycontaininggeometricinterlacings andfloraldesigns. Themainfield of this lowestsectionis dividedinto to one of the eight verticalpanels,each corresponding of the These faces octagonalplinth.44 eight panels comprisefourseparatecompositions,eachrepeatingthe opposingpanel.Thesecompositionsconsistsvariously of four,five or six geometricfiguresenclosingelaborate geometricdesigns and framedby a broadinterlacing bandinscribedin Kuficwhichservesto bindtheminto a single whole. The plinthis decorated,at least in its upperpart,with an inscribedbandrenderedin foliated Kufic, the leaves being precisely those of the vine scrolls immediatelybelow the balconycorniceof the lowestsection. We can now turnour attentionto the inscriptional contentof the minaret(Fig.21). 1. Thetopmostbandproclaimsthe Muslimconfession of faith: A
3? I j
3\'
-l
%Y
A
4 /I
VI
"Ibearwitnessthatthereis no god butAllah(andthat) is the Messengerof Allah".45 Muhammad 2. Theupperof the two inscribedbandsof the middle sectioncontainsverse 13 of the s~iratal-Saff(LXI)of the Qur'An: ( JZ, 44w ( A ya3 1 I 5
Clij
AU
h~
"HelpfromAllahandpresentvictory.Givegoodtidings to believers.0 ye who believe!"46 (O Muhammad) 3. Thelowerbandgivesthenameandtitlesof Ghiyath b. S•m.47 al-DinMuhammad 7 6
Fig. 21. Minaret ofJctm, disposition of inscriptions.
4. The inscriptionof the lowest section renderedin turquoisetile mosaicproclaimsthe name and titles of Ghiyathal-Dinin an amplifiedversion.48 5. Twolines of naskhi immediatelybelow the apexof the oblonghexagonoccupyingthe centreof panel8:
169
GHAZNAVID AND GHUJRIDMINARETS
a
d
(1).. •,?••
(2) ... [undeciphered] "Theworkof 'All ibn ..."49
Low
41
a
0-
4C
ji
cfiOwq
40 # 41u
tiDlL "On the date of the year five hundredand ninety"53 (equivalentto 27 December 1193 to 16 December 1194).
This inscription requires some comment. The leftwardandhorizontalextensionof the firstuprightin in tis'Indisposesof theambiguitywhichso oftenoccurs thewritingof tis'inandsab'In.Thelowerportionof the hassustainedsomeslightdamage.The kha'inbi-ta'r~kh same word appearsin the dedicatoryinscriptionof Ghiyathal-Din dated597/1200-1, framingthe portal 6. Inscriptionaroundthe upperpartof the octagonal archin the southeasterncomerof the Masjid-iJami' in inscriptionon the plinthprobablyexecutedin stucco,the fragilenatureof Heart,54as well as in a fragmentary at Chisht-i chamber dome north-western the of From the exterior which would accountfor its deterioration. of the to reign Ghiydthalupright shafts, which are elaboratelyplaited, issue Sharifwhich is dateable tightly voluted vine scrolls of which the leaves are Din.55The formof the ligatureya'-kha'is identicalin drilled with tiny geometric designs. This splendid these two examplesbut differsfromthat of the same inscriptionhas been badly damaged;and of what ligaturein the minaretof Jam.In the former,the lower remains,the following two words only on the face partof the kha' is open to the right;in the latterit is belowpanel8 arelegible: entirelyclosed,just as it appearsto be in theh' of Abu [1-]Fath in inscriptionno. 6 of the minaret.Thisdating 5 j l C:W. inscriptionwould have been immediatelyabove the entranceto the minaretwhichis thoughtto havebeen4 "Abu'l-Fath" m. below the presentgroundlevel in the northernface Theonly accessto the interior of the inscription,therefore,wouldhave of the octagonalplinth.56 Theremainder is of the minarettoday by a hole excavatedin the containedthe titlesof Ghiyathal-Din.51 masonryin the upperpart of the same face of the 7. The interlacingframingbandsof the eight panels octagonalplinthandleadingto the stairs. The similarityin the formal presentationof the contain the stirat Maryam (XIX) in its entirety, of the minaretof Jam to that of Mas'tid's at decoration the bottom of 2.52 panel beginning is so strikingthatthe one cannotbut Ghazni minaretat 8. On the northface, that is panel 2, of the lowest have been designedto emulatethe other.I refermore sectiona singleline of Kufic is inlaidat the top of the particularlyto the horizontalinscribedand decorated lowest geometric figure containing inset elements bandsand verticalinscribedbands,and the eightfold division of the main field of surface decoration.57 forminginterlacedoctagons(Figs.22-24):
Thisinscriptionis set againsta groundof foliatescrolls, and occupies about one third of the hexagon, the grilleof remainingspacebeingfilledwitha rectangular has Wiet interpretedthe intersecting dodecagons. inscriptionas the signatureof the decoratorratherthan thatof the architect.o0
Fig. 22. Minaretof Jm, inscription8 onpanel 2.
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Fig. 24. Minaretof Jam inscription8.
Fig. 23. MinaretofJtm panel 2, inscription8. Furthermore, there is a concordance between the inscriptionalcontent of the two minarets:the horizontal bands proclaimingthe name and titles of the sovereign, and the lengthy Qur'anic quotations developed vertically in the main field. This suggests that Ghiyath al-Din shared the same commemorative intent as his Ghaznavid predecessor. In Ghiyath al-Din's minaret, inscription2 could indicate a victorious campaign. Inscription7, however, with its allusions to John (the Baptist), to the Annunciation and to the Birth of Jesus, and to the Prophets Abraham, Isaac, Jacob, Moses, Aaron and Idris (Ezra) seem not to have any direct association with victory. I would like to suggest that the insertion of the date of constructionmay provide a clue to the commemorative aspect of the minaret. On the hypothesis that the minaretwas raised to memorialise a victory, we have to consider what victorious campaign conducted in the years preceding 590/1194 might have occasioned the building of the minaret.
The imperial aspirations of the Ghurids were realised under Sultan Ghiyath al-Din Muhammad b. Sam (1163-1203). The occupation of Ghazni in 1173-74 set the final seal on Ghaznavid rule in Afghanistan, and Ghiyath al-Din installed there his brother Mu'izz al-Din with the title of Sultan. From Ghazni, Mu'izz al-Din carried Ghurid arms into the Indian subcontinent; and with the acquisition of the Ghaznavidterritoriesin India by the captureof Lahore in 1186, he directed his energies into pursuing the war against the infidels. Ghiyath al-Din, ruling from the dynasty's capital of F-irzkaih, assumed responsibility for the westward expansion of the empire. In the last three decades of his reign he was occupied in resisting the rising power of the Khwarazm-Shahs who challenged his possession of Khurasan.In 586/1190 the forces of Ghiyathal-Din succeeded in defeatingthose of the Khwarazm-Shah's brother Sultan Shah on the MurghabRiver, thus removing the threatto Herat.This event is given in Juzjani's list of Ghiyith al-Din's victories,58and may have provided the occasion for the constructionof the minaret four years later.But a more likely event which we can associate with the minaretis the defeat of Prithvirajby Ghiyath al-Din's brother,
171
GHAZNAVID AND GHCRID MINARETS
Mu'izz al-Din, at the second battle of Tard'inin 588/1192. For it was the successfuloutcomeof this of Prithviraj's battlewhichled to the surrender capital and to the Delhi. The victorywas of Ajmer capture evidentlya signaleventat Firazkah,andin its honour one of the city's gates was named or renamedthe Darwaza-iTard'in.59 Moreover,Jazjanialludesto the gold treasurewhich Mu'izz al-Din presentedto his brotherafter the captureof Ajmer:five gold inlaid pinnaclesandtwo goldenphoenixfigures(humd)which wereplacedon the summitof theqasrknownas theBar Kushk.Othertreasuresincludinga gold chainandring andtwo gold kettledrums (kis-kharbaz)weregivenby the sultanto the Masjid-iJami'of Firazkih.Afterthe destructionof the mosqueby flooding,these treasures weretransferred to Heratandwereputtowardsthe cost of re-buildingthe Masjid-iJdImi'.of that city aftera disastrousfire.60 ItmayseemstrangethattheMinaretof J m contains no referenceto Mu'izz al-Din,who afterall was the field commanderin the victoriouscampaignsin India. Ghiydthal-Din himself, as Ravertyobserves,never crossed the Indus, and indeed, JizjanI lists Tara'in amongthe victoriesof Mu'izz al-Dinbut not among thoseof his brother.61 Thetwo brothers,however,were not a condominiumand it is clearthatMu'izz al-Din owed allegianceto his elderbrother.The minaretmay equally well memorialisethe new accessionsto the empire of which Ghiydth al-Din was undisputed sovereign.His positionvis-a-vishis youngerbrotheris made clear in anothervictory monument,the Qutb Minirin Delhi.
III Forthe earlyhistoryof the Masjid-iJami'knownas theMasjidQuwwatal-Islam,andof theQutbMinar,we have to rely on the epigraphic evidence of the monumentsthemselvessince the informationsupplied The earliest by the chroniclersis singularlymeagre.62 evidenceis a Persianinscriptionin naskhion the inner lintelof the easterngatewayof the earliestmosque:
S.i,..
LJ
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C~L
ZM?
C
i
1
.U?Iimew~ I
.
?).
I
lro IJAV
iyl
.,UI
c~
;UJ~JI
AUj
cS?
jo
A.?Uu
.,A
j
~ 4S LA~i1 Z S.1 ~I1e A
S
AS
A.!Ul Jjm31
c.*Sl
s
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4Jba)
4 M0L C...a~
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onuiiHL~j
i4i~
"Thisfortwas conqueredand this Masjid-iJimi' was builtin the monthsof the year 587 (1193) andby the Amir,the most glorious(and)greatcommanderof the army,Qutbal-Dawlawa 'l-Din,the Amir al-Umara', AybakSultanI- may God strengthenHis supporters. Thematerialsof twentyseventempleson eachof which twomillionsDeliwalshadbeenspent,havebeenused(in the constructionof) this mosque.May God - how honouredand glorifiedis He - have mercy on that servantandon whomsoeverpraysearnestlyforthe good intentionof the founder".63 The fortreferredto in this inscriptionis the Qil'a-i which RaiPithora(thatis, the ChauhanrulerPrithviraj) 588/1194. We in was capturedby Qutbal-DinAybak of the foundation can assumethatAybakinaugurated the mosqueafterthe occupationof the city of Delhi, possibly afterMu'izz al-Din's returnto Ghazni.The foundationinscriptionof Aybakis clearlya votive one. His mosquewas builtof materialsfromthe templesof the defeatedHindus,64and prayersare asked for the founder'sintention(niyat).65Both ideas are supported by theQur'anicverses(stiraIII,verses91-92) quotedat the openingof the inscription: "Lo! Those who disbelieve,and die in disbelief,the (whole)earthfullof goldwouldnotbe acceptedfromsuch a one if it wereofferedas a ransom(forhis soul).Theirs will be a painfuldoomandtheywill haveno helpers.Ye will not attainuntopietyuntilye spendof thatwhichye love.Andwhatsoever ye spend,Allahis awarethereof." The eulogy accordedhere to Aybak, "may God his helpers"seemsgenerallyin monumental strengthen to be appliedto theahl al-sayf thatis, to the inscriptions military"estate",for help (nasr)leadsto victoryas in
172
JOURNAL OF PERSIAN STUDIES
the Qur'anicversequotedon the Minaretof Jam,"help from Allah and present victory".66In the arch tympanumof the northgate, there is a brief Arabic inscriptionin naskhi, stating that the building was erected (arat) at the order of Mu'izz al-Din in 592/1195-96.67Nowhere,however,is therementionof Ghiyathal-Din. Theminaretof the Masjid-iJami',popularlyknown as the QutbMindr,has sometimesbeen describedas having the dual function of mi'dhana and victory monument68 (Fig. 25). Builtof redandgrey sandstone, it consistsof five storeys.The lowest and first storey was completed in the lifetime of Ghiyath al-Din b. Sam(d. 599/1202),the second,thirdand Muhammad fourthstoreyswere addedby Iltutmish:69 andafterthe minaret had been struck by lightning, Firazshah Tughluqrepairedandreducedthe heightof the fourth and addeda fifth storey.70 The fourthand fifth storeys are renderedin white marble.The lowest storey is revettedwith twelve semicircularand twelve flanged orderandeachin contactwithits pilastersin alternating The second and thirdstoreysare revetted neighbours. with semi-circularand flangedpilastersrespectively, and the fourth storey, before its reduction and with semicircular restoration, pilasters. The lowest storey,whichis ourmainconcernhere, standson a low circularplinth,and in plan is a circle inscribedabouta twelve-pointedstarwith a semicircle in eachof the anglesbetweenthe points(Fig. 26). The star figure could well have been obtainedby laying three intersectingsquareswhich resultsin each point being a right angle, but was probablymore easily achievedby anequilateral within trianglecircumscribed a circle,then doubledto a hexagon,which in turnis doubledto a dodecagon.Fromthis twelve-sidedfigure the starpatternwouldhavebeencreated. The origin of the stellateplan with semicircular adjunctionsis not altogetherclear.The only example earlierthanthe QutbMinaris the minaretof Khwaija Siyah Pish near Chakhansirin Sistan.71All that remainsis the basementstorey,constructedof baked brick on the plan of an eight pointed star with semicircularpilasters in each of the angles (Fig. 26).72 At Nad-i 'Ali, a group of ancient sites near Zaranj,the present capitalof Nnimrz province, therewas the ruined lower storey of a minaret, apparently no longer standing. It was built of baked brick in the form of an octagonal prism with a half-roundbuttressin the centre of each side. The storey was crowned with a corbelled
Fig. 25. QutbMinar
balconyand above it therewas a cylindricalshaftof whicha low stumphad survived.Fig. 26 is basedon a photographanddescriptionbeforethe totalcollapseof the minaret.73 While the semicircularpilastersof the minaretof KhwajaSiyahPushandof the QutbMinar meet a circleinscribedaboutthe star,the buttressesof Nad-i 'Ali extendoutsidea circle inscribedaboutthe pointsof the octagon.Thisfeatureis one reasonforthe structure'sratherungainly appearancewhich would havebeenin no way mitigatedby the corbelledbalcony if the laterfollowed,as it presumablydid,the outlineof the octagonand buttresses.74 I would suggestthatthe
GHAZNAVID AND GHORID MINARETS
173
It is therefore,arguablethatthe plan of the two minarets in Sistan is derived from the stellate tradition of the tomb tower. The plan of Gunbad-i Qabbis,which is relevantchronologically,is a starof ten points. The tenpointed star was usually obtained, however, by intersectingthe sides of a pentagonto give the ten-sided KHWAJASIAH PUSH figure, in which the points of the starpatternresult in an NAD-I ALI angle of 720.But, as we have seen, the stellate plans of the minarets of Khwaja Siyah Ptish, of Ghazni and of the Qutb Minar were obtained by describing the requisitenumberof intersectingsquaresor triangles,for the octagon and dodecagon respectively. The embellishment of the curving surface of a minaretby the adjunctionof half-roundpilastersjoined tangentiallyfirstoccurs- on presentevidence - in the minaret of Jar Kurgan, a village in the Surkhan-darya GHAZNI region of Uzbekistan.82The main shaft, standing on an octagonal plinth, is revetted with sixteen half-round 0 10 QUTB MINAR pilasters joined tangentiallyand crowned by a frieze of metres arches;above this is a band inscribedin Kufic and then the beginning of a second storey also revettedwith half Fig. 26. Stellate plan of the minarets of Nid-i 'Ali, III and of the QutbMinar. Pfish,Mas'zfid KhwajaSiycah pilasters. According to the inscription,the minaretwas built in 502/1108-9 in the name of a certainAbi Sa'Id, amir of Khurasan. Rempel has compared the surface stellate plan of the minaret of Khwaja Siyh Puishwas treatment of the minaret to that of the fagade of the devised to resolve these discordantelements,while in the two minaretsat Ghazni, the semicircularpilasterswere RibSt-i Malik in the Zarafshan valley, which is stellate a with, plan (Fig. 26).75 dominated by six great half-round bastions joined leaving purely dispensed The minaretof Khwaja Siyah Push has been datedto tangentiallyand crowned by squinch-likearches similar in form to those of the frieze on Jar Kurganminaret.83 the twelfth century,76but I think it is more likely to have The Ribat-i Malik has been dated in the twelfth century, eleventh in half of the been constructed the second and Rempel relatesthis particularfeatureto the series of century,largely on account of the treatmentof the brick round piers which is a characteristicof the fagades of revetment. Alternate courses of bricks laid vertically and horizontally, used with such effect in the Soghdian kushks (fortified palaces or houses) of an earlierperiod.84 Mausoleum of Isma'Il the Samanid in Bukhara,77can Khanikoffdescribeda minaretat Sirwan,eight miles also be seen in the brick piers of the Great Mosque at Obeh on the Harat Rtd, which now no longer below to have been which is generally thought LashkariBazar It consisted of a ribbed cylindrical shaft on an exists.85 brick Similar built in the reign of Malhmid.78 coursing octagonal pedestal and bore on the shaft a band appears in the engaged comer pilasters both of the inscribed in Kufic in the name of the amir and Mausoleum ofBbbafHtim in the village of Imam Sdhib near Balkh, which cannot be much laterthan 1100, and commander-in-chief, Abu 'l-Hasan 'Ali b. Ahmad. Khanikoff attributedthe minaret to the second half of of the Mausoleum of al-Muntasir, the last of the the eleventh century;but the titles of the inscriptionof Samanidrulers,at Astana-Babain Turkmenistan,which can be dated to the early eleventh century.79If my which he gives only the translationwould suggest rather is the twelfth century.86 assumption is correct, then the minaret of Nad-i 'Ali The ribbed minarets of Jar Kurgan, Sirwan and slightly earlierthan, or contemporarywith, the minaret of Khwaja Siyah PUsh.Admittedly,the stellateplan was others which have disappearedcould have given Qutb adopted after the plan of the tomb tower of Gunbad-i al-Din Aybak the idea for his minaret in Delhi. The sharp angle of taper, which many have criticised Qabus,80 which bears a date correspondingto 1007, and is characteristicof the tomb tower in the Seljuqperiod.81 adversely,is a featureof the minaretsof Transoxiana.Red
174
JOURNAL OF PERSIAN STUDIES
sandstonecarvedwiththeprecisionof the Hindumason was an admirablemediumfor showingto their best advantagethe flanged and round pilastersand the stalactitecorbellingof the balconies.That Iltutmish adoptedpreciselythe same formfor the twin minarets crowningthe sanctuaryscreen of the Arhai-din-kaJhonpra MasjidatAjmeris a measureof theimpactwhich theQutbMinirmadeon Aybak'scontemporaries.87 Onlytheloweststoreywas completedin thelifetime of Ghiyathal-Din the remainingthree storeysbeing builtin the reignof Iltutmish(1210-36). Nevertheless, we canassumethatthedesignwas conceivedas a whole fromthe startof the building. My purposehere is to examinethe six horizontal bandsof the loweststoreyinscribedin naskhi(Fig.27). beginningwiththe topmostband:
____
1 Inscription
-
-
4
---
1. Qur'5n,sira II, verses 255-60.88
_
_
2. Qur'dn,sira LIX,verses22-23, andattributes of God.89 3. Thenameandtitlesof Ghiyathal-Din.90 4. Qur'dn,sira XLVIII,verses 1-6:91 5
"Lo! we have given thee (O Muhammad)a signal victory,That Allah may forgive thee of thy sin that whichis pastandthatwhichis to come,andmayperfect His favouruntotheeandmayguidetheeon a rightpath, AndthatAllahmayhelptheewith stronghelp- He it is who sentdownpeaceof reassurance intotheheartsof the believersthatthey mightadd faithuntotheirfaith. Allah'sarethe hosts of the heavensandthe earth,and Allahis everKnower,wise -
-
6
1
Fig. 27. QutbMinar,dispositionof inscriptionson loweststorey.
None of the dedicatoryinscriptionsis dated.Butthe ThatHe maybringthe believingmen andthe believing date Samvat 1256 (= 1199) is inscribedin Nagari women into Gardensunderneathwhich rivers flow, characterson two of the stones on eitherside of the Thissamedateor its equivalent,594, occurs whereintheywill abide,andmayremitfromthemtheir entrance.94 Arabicinscriptionat the foot of the great an in also evil deeds Thatin the sightof Allah,is the supreme - Andmaypunishthehypocritical menandthe centralarchof Aybak'sscreenin the Masjid-iJami'.95 triumph hypocriticalwomen, which think an evil thought At all events, this storey of the Qutb Minar was Allah.Forthemis theevilturnof fortune,and presumablycompletedbeforeGhiyathal-Din'sdeathin concerning Allahis wrothagainstthemandhathcursedthem,and 599/1202-3). In inscriptionbandno. 6, thetitlesarethoseof Qutb hathmadereadyforthemhell,a haplessjourney'send." al-DinAybakin the Persianfoundationinscriptionof the Masjid-iJami'. We can only regretthe missing 5. The name and titles of Mu'izz al-Din.92 6. Qur'anic quotations and the following titles in this portionsof this inscription.Was its tenorthat of the foundationinscriptionin his mosqueandwas the Qutb much restoredinscription: Minar,like the latter,a votive act? Butmorethanthat,the monumenthasveryobvious "The Amir, the most glorious and great commanderof the army".93 parallelsto Mas'Ud'sminaretatGhazni:theintroduction
GHAZNAVID AND GHCRID MINARETS
of the namesandtitlesof the two Ghfiridsultans96 and the Qur'anicreferencesto victory.TheQutbMinarwas intendedas a visiblereminderto the conqueredof the andmightof Islam.And in this senseit was superiority understoodby the Hindumasonswho, engagedat a laterperiodon repairsto the fabric,incisedin Nagari charactersgraffitidescribingthe buildingas a pillarof victory.97 Thus in building the Qutb Mindr, Aybak was performinga dual task:an act of piety and a visible proclamationof the conqueringpower of Islam.No doubtMas'id III and Ghiyathal-Din,too, in erecting theirminaretsin the Afghanhomelandswere inspired of pietyandpolicy:on by motivesequallycompounded the one hand,an acknowledgement of God's help in on and the a other, visible means of gainingvictory the propagating militarypowerof the dynasty.In this lastrespectI wouldsuggestthatthesevisiblememorials served the same purpose as the official victory rendered often communiqu6 (fath-ndima) into verse in hyperbolically, recruitingto the sultan's servicethose who would be attractedas muchby the prospectof plunderas by religiouszeal.98Ourminarets, then,wouldhaveowedtheircreationto a happyalliance betweenpietyandpolicy.
Acknowledgements I madethejourneyto Jamin lateOctoberandearly November,1977 in the companyof Mr.AllanRamsay, thenheadof Chanceryin theBritishEmbassy,Kabul.To himI am especiallyindebtedfororganising a memorable andstimulating I a of to Mr. trip. owe,too, debt gratitude WarwickBallforgivingso generouslyof his knowledge of the topographicaland archaeologicalliteratureon It is he,too,whohasprepared thedrawings Afghanistan. in 22 and 26. am I reproduced Figs. gratefulto M. Klaus Rotzerforallowingme to reproducehis photographs of Mas'id's minaretat Ghazni,and to JohnBurton-Page for the photographof the QutbMinar.I shouldlike to acknowledgethe help and advice given by Professor David Ayalon, Professor Myriam Rosen-Ayalon, Professor Gabriel Baer, Dr. Eva Baer, Dr. Geza Mr.PaulFox. Dr. J. M. Rogers,andMr.P. Fdhdrvari, WrightandM. SergeVeuve.I am gratefulto M. Frantz Grenet, Directeur Adjoint of the D6lgation Archdologique Frangaiseen Afghanistanfor givingme his advice and the freedomof the Delegation'sfine
175
libraryin Kabul.I haveconsultedwithprofitMr.Antony Hutt's unpublishedthesis The Developmentof the Minaretin Iran underthe Saljuqs.Finally,I have to recordmy thanksto the Councilof the Society for of living AfghanStudieswho gave me the opportunity andworkingin Afghanistanforfive years.
Postscript IIIatGhazniwas the subject Theminaretof Mas'Lid at "TheArtof the Saljuqs I delivered of a paper,which in IranandAnatolia",a symposiumheld in Edinburgh in 1982, andwhichwas subsequentlypublishedin my Studies in Islamic Art, The PindarPress (London, 1985).The substanceof thatpaperformsPartI of the articlepresentedhere and whichwas writtenbetween 1982and 1983.I hadputit asideuntillastyear,whenit was shown to Professor Hillenbrand,who kindly it forpublicationin Iran.Afterthe lapse recommended of eighteenyearsit has requiredsomerevision,andfor thisI amindebtedto WarwickBall forthebenefitof his knowledgeandadvice. I have been fortunatein having the counsel and experienceof LeonardHarrow,who helpedcontribute those finerpointswhich go to preparingan articlefor of the Arabicand publication,suchas the presentation Persiantexts.I am grateful,too, for his elucidationof stellateplan of the Ghaznavid how the characteristic andGhuridminaretmighthavebeenrealised.
Appendix Hafiz-iAbris descriptionof the HardtRid Abai to The only partof the Jughrdfiyaof fromthe rub' havebeenprintedis the sectionon Herat I.Hfiz-i devotedto Khurasanwhichhas been editedby Md'il-i Harawi and published by the Iranian Cultural Foundationin 1349/1971 as no. 28 in the series Historicaland GeographicalSourcesof lran. For his text Ma'il-i Harawihas used two manuscripts:A, undated,in the IranianCulturalFoundation and B, dated 1272/1855-56, in the Malik Library, Tehran.I havealso drawnon: in thePublicLibrary,St Petersburg C, a manuscript. of the sixteenth century.Onthefly leafis the (Dorn290) seal of Shah 'Abbaisand a waqf note statingthatthe
JOURNAL OF PERSIAN STUDIES
176
Translationand commentary
manuscript.was donatedto the Shrine of Shaikh Safi in 1017/1608-9. D, a manuscript.in the British Library (Or. 1577), copied in 1056/1646. E, a manuscript. in the British Library (Or. 9316), undated,but probably of the sixteenth century. The difficulties in presenting this particulartext are twofold. First, the' divergence in the rendering of toponyms and second, the variationsin the orderof their listing. Of the five manuscripts.,C is the most reliable, while D and E are closely related and all these three agree on the spelling of toponyms. The two manuscripts. in Tehran are related one to another but differ from the other three in the serial order, the omission of three villages and the introductionof five others. I have retainedthe orderas given in C and have inserted the five villages in the order in which they appearin the two Tehranmanuscripts. I have indicatedthe names of those villages which I have been able to identify on modem maps. Some of these identificationscan only be provisional, since they are based on the assumption of a copyist's errordue to the ambiguities inherent in the writing of Arabic characters. Of the twenty villages, including the township of Obeh, nine can be identified on the presentday map, thus providing fixed points. These are Obeh, Kayan, Survan,Marabad,Dar-i Takht,Malmin, Isfaraz, Chist and Hisarak.From the map (Fig. 28) it is clear that in the manuscripts the villages are not listed in strict consecutive orderupstreamfrom west to east. Three are even downstream from Obeh. In four of the manuscripts.,Firuzkuhsucceeds Chisht,while the copyists of all five manuscripts.agree in placing Hisaraklast.
• .i.
Ka " " * :'?.::.-':... • .... OB EH Nao ".... ... :::;::::"::~ :??:"":: ?.. ... la t- i:' " ::?:":":: ..... --u .il;!i•i~~!:ii~~~ii;::K a _ _. • =, .. .yan:.. iVA ??-
iiI . ...
,??,'
,
1. "The town (qasaba) of Obeh has within its boundaries sixty well-known farms."Obeh (630 10' E, 340 22' N) is on the right bank of the HaratRid, 49 miles east of Herat. 2. "The village (qarya) of KUyan with ten farms (mazra'a)."Kayan (630 5' E, 340 22' N) 3. "The village of DVAN comprising twenty farms." 4. "The village of Survdn with twenty-four farms." Stirvan,now Shirvin or Sirvan(630 3' E, 340 18' N) is about 8 miles west of Obeh on the left bank of the HaratRad, Khanikoff, p. 134, visited it in 1859 and describes the minaretwhich has since disappeared. 5. "The village of KL [or GL] comprising four farms." 6. "The village of Arq comprising eight farms." 7. "The village of Ari with ten farms." 8. "The village of MLSH with eight farms." This village is not listed in CDE and is evidently a misreading. Were it not for the difference in the number of farms, I would suggest Malminj (no. 16 below), which is not listed in the two Tehran manuscripts,is intended.
~
•
Marw a
"HaratRid has much water, (cultivable) land and many gardens;there are, too, good fruits, in particular Mushkan apples, Ta'ifi raisins, and an abundance of walnuts and almonds. There are many villages and farms."HaratRiid, accordingto Hdfiz-i Abra, is among the districts or provinces (vildyit). According to Steingass, the sib-i mushkinis an apple from Tfis. Ta'ifi raisins, according to the anonymous author of the Hudid al-'Alam (tr. V. Minorsky, p. 104), were a speciality of Malin near Herat.
c:t~i
" .. C f
:~'
:?
h is h t ::::-:'.''':'
...
:::::..
-.
.
......!
t
.
.......
,..:
The Upper Valley of land over 6000 feet 0
63* 00'
land over 9000 theHeaRir 10
20
...............
feet 30
64"00'
ComputedfromUSAF PilotageChart(PCG6DWAC430).Publishedby the AeronauticalChartCentreUSAF, St Louis,Mo. 63118. Fig. 28. Map of the upper valley of the Herat river
GHAZNAVID AND GHIJRID MINARETS
9. "Thevillageof SHB." 10."Thevillageof Takht."Thisoccursonly in A. 11."Thevillageof Mardbad." Thisis Marwa(620 55' E, 340 14' N) visited by Khanikoff in 1862 (p. 138) who notes un village consid&rablequ'en parlant on appelle Marwa mais qui s 'crit Marabad.
12."Thevillageof TKLB."PerhapsTagab(orTagao)is intended. The word is commonly used in Afghanistanto describea wateredvalley. I have foundno village of this name in the regionof the HaratRiId.D has KLT.Thereis a Kalat(630 22' E, 340 23' N) on the right bank of the Hardt RUd
betweenObehandChisht. 13."Thevillageof Dar-iTakhtcomprisingthirtyfarms,
(630 35' E, 340 21' N) on the left bank of the river 9
miles west of Obeh. 18."Thevillage of Chishtwherethereis the shrineof KhwajaMawdtd-i Chishtiand his sons, who in formertimes were shaikhsof Khurasan."Chisht (630 44' E, 340 21' N) is on the right bank of the
HaratRiid. 19."The village of Firazkfh, once the seat of the Sultansof Ghoirand wherethereare still tracesof It now has ten flourishing(ma?mtr) theirgrandeur. farmsbut in the time of the Sultansof Ghiirwas exceedinglyprosperous." 20. "Thevillageof Hisdrakwithsixteenfarms."Hisarak (630 8' E, 340 20' N) is on the rightbank of the Harat
Rtd andhalfway betweenChishtandJam.
each of which is a hamlet (dih)."Dar-i Takht(64 3'" E, 340 22' N) is on the right bank of the HaratRid
andtakesits namefromthe valleywhichrunsnorth fromthe river. 14."Thevillageof Ari Deh comprisingeightfarms." 15."Thevillageof Khavdnwithten farms." 16."Thevillageof MLMJwith twentyfarms."Almost certainly intended for Malminj (630 17' E, 340 23' N). Kaminj (630 22' E, 340 23' N) is less likely.
17."Thevillageof Isfarazwithtwentyfarms."Adamec (pp. 104, 375) has IsfarazandEsfarazunderSibarz
177
of HaratRad adjoinsthe "This district/province provinceof Ghir,has an agreeableclimateandis to the east of Herat.Besides those mentioned,it has many othervillagesandfarms.Thereareironandleadmines which are still worked;antimony,too, is produced there. The manna tree (darakht-ishirkhisht)also grows
there,andthe mountainsarewell wooded."Themanna tree,accordingto Steingass,is a kindof breadderived from Atraphaxisspinosa.
Textof Hdfii-i Abrii
3
-
2 4 5
16j3j
1 A1,Z
Li -
4
93
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9A.P 4 ilO &I,
14
,.L~
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.
11
.)
j
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"9.1
JOURNAL OF PERSIAN STUDIES
178
1 6Ij
la A
14A
?15 6
161 717
Aj
18
20
21
22
LS
j
. IL; (JJASRA
23
20 .
24?:
,LA?J
.26 22(25 27
2983
15 16
SAB: L
2 C: W1 D: '.M. 4 D:
,jLi.,
. . . This village is 7th in B and omitted in A.
5 This village, 2nd in AB, is omitted in CDE. 6 S 8th in B: omitted in A.
D:a"
: this village is as JA
12 13 14
omitted in AB. D: 40; 7th in A, omitted in BCDE.
. 5th in AB. Omittedin AB. 12th in A, 4.. 13th in B. Omittedin CDE. &lj
18B: l 19
20
21
This village is omitted in AB. 9 D: jl. AB: jJA; 3rd in AB. 10 This village is omitted in CDE.
This village in B only where it is 10th.
17A:
in B is omitted in A.
8
4th in AB.
22 23
24 25
8th in A, omitted in B.
26
D: .& . This village, 9th in A, omitted in B.
27 28
C:
. D:Q
.'&C:
This village 15th in D, 10th in A, 11thin B. ..E:, .A omitted in AB. 13th in D, 11th in A, 12thin B. 13th in A, 14th in BD. CE:43 D:
D omitsj, .. D: A:
J~q
Qkl
4?UAjf61
Jt
A
GHAZNAVIDAND GHURIDMINARETS
Notes
1 Bibliographyin Diez, 1923:p. 162;Flury:pp. 75f, pl. XI,
2
3
4
5
6
7
8 9
179
1953:pp. minaretof Bahr7mShah,see Sourdel-Thomine, 110-21. 10 The only otherexampleof thistechniqueknownto me is the decorativescrollingof the archivoltof the Arch of andSourdel-Thomine: Bust:see Schlumberger pl. 44 (b) and(c). 11 Kratchkovskaya: p. 42; Bellew, who was in Ghazniin 1857,describesthetwo minaretswhich"arebuiltof small
figs. 6,7; Diez, 1936:p. 230, photoopp.p. 228; Godard YA.: I, pp. 367-69, II,p. 351;Pope:p. 984, fig. 337, pls. 356-57; Diez, 1950:pp. 37-44; Galdieri:pp. 4-14, figs. 104,6, 8, 11-12 andphoto1 & 4; Ball:site 358. Vince:pp. 128f,125(sketch).Thereis an earliersketchof flat red bricks ... and are covered towards their basements 1827 by Masson,showingthe two minaretsat Ghazni; with ancientArabicinscriptions,the lettersof whichare otherearlysketchesin Atkinson:pl. 15, "Thefortressand formedby a clever dispositionof the bricks used in Citadelof Ghuzneeand the two Minars";Jackson:pp. 11-12. building," Bellew: p. 184. This is repeated almost verbatim in Gazetteer:p. 443. in Hill and Grabar: 337 is Reproduced pl. 145;Pope:fig. 12 Godard: a drawingafterthisphotograph. I, pp. 367-69, fig. 236 and II, p. 351 with corrections. and Diez: 124. Niedermayer pl. 13 Panel in face number7 is so f damagedthatI cannotbe Accordingto Khalili:p. 362, the two minaretslost most that the is thesameas thatin certain of theirupperpartduringan earthquake, inscription absolutely "inthe year of 185 accounts for the damage: faces 4. Bellew: and 1 the reignof Habibullah(1901-18)".Jalali:p. 221, says p. "theminar... is piercednearitsuppertierby a largeround thatthe conicalironcapswereerectedat the orderof the Amir Habibullah.This was presumablyduringthe last hole, saidto havebeenmadeby a cannonshotduringthe two years of his reign, for Niedermayer'sphotograph ChagattaiTartarwars..." 14 Theusualorderis Abu Sa'd above n. taken in Mas'id,thekunyapreceding 1916-17 shows the low (see 4) stump the name:and this may well be the case here. I have still standing.Galdieri:p. 36 n. 6, arguesthat the low transcribedMas'`d Abi Sa'd on the analogy of al-SuItin stumpsof the cylindricalshaftsof both minaretswere al-A'zamin faces 1, 4 and 7 whereal- A 'zamis placed removedandreplacedby the conicalcapsbetween1932 Onewould,of course,expectAbd;and beneath and 1934 when the photographin Byron:opp. p. 322 al-Sult.9in. the genitivehereis eitheran error- whichis unlikelyshows the minaretof Mas'id with the conicalhat. The or some such phraseas fi ayycimi 'l-Sul.tinhas to be photographillustratedin Diez, 1936:opp.p. 288, which Galdierisays is not earlierthan 1932-33, is, in fact,the supplied.I can, however,find no such missingphrase characters samephotographreproducedin NiedermayerandDiez: amongthe variousisolatedandunaccountable in any of the three compositions.The omission of a pl. 124. canbe ruledout since benedictionsuchas 'izzli 'l-SultOn The measurementsare those of Galdieri:p. 11 and the this would require prepositionli which is certainly drawingsp. 103.Detailsof the staircaseandcentralshaft This in Galdieri:pp. 7f, anddrawingspp. 6, 8. inexplicablegenitive occurs also in the missing. Galdieri:pp. 8f, 1If, drawing11,photo4. dedicatoryinscriptionof the secondor westernTowerof 1953: Kharraqin(Stern1966:pp. 23f). Sourdel-Thomine, pp. 108-21. 15 Bombaci: xxxiv, 16, I have adoptedthe word minaret(mandra)for the two pl. j-z. monumentswhich, accordingto local usage, are called 16 Bombaci:pl. xxxii, 7, g-1. 17 mandr.Whilemandira Flury:pl. ix andfig. 7. signifiesminaretthatis, mi'dhana, 18 the text. Some Kessel:p. 156;Rida:pp. 137f transcribes "the place where the call to prayer(adhan)is given, since Shaikh are the stone of Muhammad mandrmeans"a signaltower","signpost",etc. Forthe missing parts Ridadescribedthe piece:one partwouldhavecontained distinctionbetweenthesetwo towers,see furtherMaxvan the patronymicof al-Hasan.'Ali is now barelylegiblein Berchemin Diez 1918: pp. 113f, wherehe denies that Kessel'sphotograph eitherof the two monumentsat Ghazniare minaretson 19 Smith:pp. 323-27; Godard:p. 363; Hill andGrabar: the groundsof Rawlinson'sversionof the inscriptionon pl. 565. the minaret of BahrimmShah (Rawlinson: p. 77), 20 Dated monumentsbefore 1150 in which interlocking emending,however,the phraseamarabi-binci'ihcidha'lKufic designs occur are: 'ammato hcidha'-'allama, a wordhe equateswithmancir. 1. Tomb Tower in Kharraqan, dated 460/1067-68; On the assumptionthatthe inscriptionis in the nameof Stronachand Young: pl. viia. Mahmtd, he conjecturesthat Mahmfldintendedthe 2. Minaret of Mas'8idIII at Ghazni, 492-508/1099-115. basementstorey as a grave or mashhadand that the 3. Masjid-i Jami', Gulpaygan;on the north west wall of cylindricalshaftwhich,in VanBerchem'sview accorded the dome chamber (dateable to 498-511/1104-18); ill with the stellate base, was an afterthought.For discussionanddefinitivereadingof the inscriptionon the Pope: pl. 309.
JOURNALOF PERSIAN STUDIES
180
4. Namizgdh,Bukhara,dated513/1119-20;Rempel:p. 199, fig. 3. 5. Minaretof Ghtr,Isfahan;see n. 19 above. 6. Minaret of the Kaldn mosque, Bukhara, dated 521/1127;Rempel:fig. 85, 2. 7. Minaret of Masjid-i J-mi', Zawara, dated 529/1135;
21 22
HuttandHarrow:pl. 52. See the remarksStern,1969:pp. 17-21. As can be seen in the photograph,these two stone ensembles, now in the Ghazni Museum, have been mountedmaladroitly to forma singlearchedopening. (a) Upperhalf of arch,the framingbandcarvedin relief with cursiveinscriptionagainstan undulatingfoliate scroll:
0
* ........ --
24 25 26
27
29 30
Briggs, I: p. 143.
Bosworth:p. 85. Bosworthalso alludesto an ode by the poet 'Uthman Mukhtariin which he speaks of a victoryof SultanMas'id in India. spectacular 32 Bombaci: 32. ThePersianversesinscribed on the dado p. of the courtfagadeof the palacearean encomiumon the sovereignsof the Ghaznaviddynasty.The only part preservedrefersto MahmfdandMas'OdI. No doubtthe verses devotedto Mas'id III wouldhave alludedto his & yl IJl I .I ..>I yI * . victoriesin India.Bombacibelievedthatthe palacewas fromthe spoilsof Mas'id'sIndiancampaigns:and raised Jt~ ~J.AAL4~ JJJA the findingof a stoneimageof Brahmain the courseof excavationson the site lends some supportto this view. (b) Pairof impostsof arch,eachwithanengagedcolumn on the innerface; and carvedin relief with cursive The foundationinscriptionon the transennareferredto abovetellsus thatthepalacewasbuiltin 505/1112:if their inscriptionagainstanundulatingfoliatescrollgroup: On rightimpost: cost was also defrayedfromthis source,thenthemosque andminaretbelongto theclosingyearsof Mas'id'sreign. 0*A 4alooa 33 Fergusson: p. 206. 34 Diez, 1936: 227. On left impost: p. 35 MaricqandWiet. 36 For further anddrawings,see Bruno details,illustrations 1962:pp. 99-186. Bruno,1963:pp. 206-8, pls. I andII; Zander:pp. 565-68, andfigs. 105;HerbergandDavary: to in Ball:site468. these with other Rida: 137, According p. pp. 57-69; bibliography together inscribedstones were found on the site known as the 37 The villageof Jam,some 4,800 m. upstreamon the Jam ChihilMasjidnearthe shrineof ImamAhmadHaddad. Rid fromthe Minaret,is not, in fact,on today'sCentral He assumesthatbotha andb wereoriginallythe mihrAb Route which, at Ahangaran,leaves the Herat valley to of a mosque founded by Mahmiid himself and thennorth-west makinga detoursouth-westto Shahrak, route An alternative subsequently repairedby his sons.Thetwo are,however, join theHeratvalleyagainatHisArak. from quite separatearchitectural ensembles:a may or leavingAhangaranand Alandarstrikesnorthwest over not be a b while is the GholakPass,thenwestto Jelqa-yiMazarrejoiningthe a may presumably portal mihrdb introducedinto an earlier building as its inscription CentralRoute 20 km. east of Chist. Both routes are indicates.The inscriptionof b like thatof a, mustalso be accessiblefromJam.Thereis alsoa route,albeitdifficult, in the nameof Mawdld on accountof the title al-sayyid fromJim to AhangarAn followingcloselythe leftbankof and the eulogy ... baqj'ahu wa-mulkahu. andDavary;67 andmapon p. the HA1iRId (Herberger Flury:p. 72 andpl. XI, 1. 68). TheJewishsettlement,on theevidenceof theJudaeoPersiangravestonesfromtheKih-i Kushkakgoesbackas Flury:p. 74 andpl. XIII,1. faras 1012A.D., thuslongbeforethefoundingof thecity Rida:p. 139;Bombaci:p. 3 andpl. XXXVIIfig. 131. Bombaci:p. 3 andpl. XXXVIIIfig. 133.Theonlycursive of Firfizkilhand would therefore indicate an established inscriptionon stone, in the name of Mas'id's son and tradingcommunity (Rapp:p. 57 no 1) . The ruinedbridge which once spannedthe Heratrivernear the minaretlends successor,Bahrim Shah, is a fragmentary spandreland of an archcarvedin reliefwiththewordsYamin alsupport to the importance of the site as a centre of comrnice DawlaAb whichcanonlyreferto SultAn communications. Bahr5m Sh5h.This 38 According to JuizjAin,I: pp. 364, 386, the distance too,is fullypointed: inscription, Flury:p. 78 andpl.x, 2. and Sourdel-Thomine, IB: p. 43 n. 1, cites between Fir-izktih,the summercapitaland Shahr-i Schlumberger Di.war, threeoccurrencesincludingthe inscriptionin thenameof the winter capital of Ghiyath al-Din Muhammadb. Snm,
to Iw)
23
28
Saladinon theCitadelof Cairo,dated579/1183-84where verses 1-3 of theVictorysira arequoted.Theentiresira is inscribedon the dado encirclingthe interiorof the at Sultaniyya Mausoleumof SultanOljeittiKhudabanda (Blair:p. 67). IB: pp. 42f andpl. and Sourdel-Thomine, Schlumberger 146 (a) and(b), andpl. 150 (a) to (d). CasimirandGlatzer:p. 57 andfigs. 24 and26.
31
GHAZNAVID AND GHURID MINARETS
was fortyfarsakhs.Leshnik:pp. 45f, postulatingSharh-i Dawar= Girishk,ruledout the site of Jam,preferring Taiwarawhich is nearly 200 km. or just about forty leagues from modem Girishk. Vercellin, 1972: pp. 367-76, sees ZaminDdwaras extendingconsiderably furthernorthand suggestsShahr-iDawar= Deh-i Zur (KafirQal'a)orhahr-eKuhna,bothin theneighbourhood of MtisdQal'awhichis distantfromJtm about225 km. as therow flies;but322 km. on the ground(a distanceof 17 stagesaccordingto Routes: M-isdQal'a- Waras(route
39 40
41
42
43
44
45 46
47
48
181
MaricqandWiet:p. 27 andfrontispieceandpl. VI, 1, and pl. 7.1.
W.L>UAjjI ASaLAwlAL-
Wietdrawsattentionto the factthatthe lastsix wordsare placedabovethe line in smallercharacters. 49 Ibid., pp. 27f. For a drawingof this panel, see Bruno, 1963:pl. II andfor photograph, Zander,who reproduces Bruno'sdrawingon fig. 3 and a photographon fig. 4. I 1); - Taiwara(lg) - Pasar (lh) Shahrak(lj). thinkWietmay be mistakenin statingthattherearetwo Vercellin,1972:pp. 367-76; 1976:pp. 337-40. This passagehas, however,been notedby Habibi1980: the supposedlowerline maybe lines.Fromphotographs, pp. 38, who includesreferencesfromIsfizari'sRaudatalmerelyfoliatescrolling. 50 Maricqand Wiet:pp. loc.cit. The upperline shouldbe janndtfiaws?ifmadi-natHarit showing that Firfizkiihwas still of some consequenceunderthe Kartdynasty.For at the end legiblewith satisfactorydetailedphotography; see Barthold:p. 213. it is possibleto readGhfirior Hdfiz-i Abrti, Nish.pfiri? See appendixfor text and commentary.Accordingto remarkson the vine scroll 51 Ibid.,p. 28 no. 7. For further Istakhri,Ghfirwhichcomprisedtheupperpartof theHad ornament,see Grenet,Lee, Pinder-Wilson: p. 97. 52 Rudwas enteredat KHSHT(Chist)(Minorsky:p. 343). MaricqandWiet:p. 25. 53 The JRizj•ni,I: p. 375;Raverty,I: p. 404. onlymentionof thisinscribeddatehasbeenmadeby AtNayin,however,theminaret(tenthcentury)adjoinsthe Sourdel,D. and J: the legend to plate III (in colour), south east side of the Masjid-iJami'. But the usual oppositep. 137. 54 Stuckert andGlatzer:Abb. 13 andAbb. 14. positionof the minaretin SeljuqIranwas at or nearthe 55 StuckertandGlatzer:Abb.21. northcomer(see Pope,p. 1928).I do not acceptthe view 56 thatthis particular spacewouldhavebeen insufficientto HerbergandDavary:drawingon pp. 58-59. 57 Judgingfromthe photographof the Minaretof Mas'iid accommodatea mosque.The only Gh-iridmosquesof whichwe havedetailsaretheMasjid-iJami'of Heratand madein 1880 (see n. 3 above),the surfacedecorationof the cylindricalshaft,was also dividedinto eight ribbed Qutbal-DinAybak'sMasjid-iJdmi'in Delhi.It is truethat the formermeasuredabout150 by 120 m. if, as is now panelswithframingbands. 58 Jiizjani,I:p. 369:Raverty, I:p. 391. Theforcesof Ghiyath thought,the presentmosquefollows the dimensionsof al-Din's of the foundation consisted al-Din Ghiyath army from Ghazniunder the original (Melikian-Chirvani, Stuckert and of command Mu'izz which was 1970; al-Din,anotherled by the Sultan's Glatzer).Aybak'smosque, built partiallyon the existingplinthof a Hindushrine, Shams Malik al-Din,theGhtiridrulerof Bamiydn, cousin, measured70 by 50 m. (Page 1922:pp. 6-10, andPlansI andof troopscommandedby the Saffarid,MalikTaj alandII). Theprecisecalculationof the qiblaseemsnot to Din-i Harbfrom Sijistan.Jiizjanimakesno mentionof havebeenobservedby the architectsin the employof the Ghiydthal-Dinhavingtakenthe fieldhimself. 59 Ghiirids;and a more or less westwardorientationwas Jizjrni, I: p. 378; Raverty,I: p. 410 andn. 5 adoptsthe alternative adopted:see the interestingdetailsgiven in Stuckertand reading,Zar-iMarghGate. 60 Glatzer:p. 13. Jiizj~ni,I: p. 375; Raverty,I: p. 404. MaricqandWiet:p. 22, n. 3, havenumberedthesepanels 61 Lahore,however,capturedin 1186 by Mu'izz al-Din is 1 to 8 going from right to left; number 1 panel I: pp. listedamongthevictoriesof bothbrothers(Jiizjani5, to the of I: the 391, corresponding 375, 407; Raverty, pp. 491). beginning turquoiseglazed inscriptionabove the northwest face of the octagonal 62 The inscriptionsare given in Page:pp. 29-34. For the betweenpanels is 1:5, 2:6; Arabicinscriptions,see alsoRCEA:IX, X. plinth.The correspondence 3:7, 4:8. Panel4, however,does not correspondin every 63 Page:p. 29, no. 1: Thomas:pp. 22f. The dateis givenby detail to panel 8. Furthermore,the Kufic framingband of panel 4 is carriedacross to its neighbouringpanels. Ibid., p. 26, No. 1. Ibid., p. 261. Here and below in Qur'Anquotations,I have used the translationof Mohammed MarmadukePickthall, The Meaning of the Glorious Koran.
MaricqandWiet:p. 27, no.3:
both Thomas and Page as 587. But this is unacceptable since there is now a general consensus that the second battle of Tara'intook place in 588. The ambiguity arises from the orthographyof W (seven) and y (nine). Thomas assured himself by close examination that the word is According to him, the points are inserted haphazardly.. and are, therefore, unreliable; furthermore there is no prolongation of the initial upstrike which
JOURNALOF PERSIAN STUDIES
182
64
65 66
wouldindicatethetd'inZ. IbnBattatawho spentseven yearsin Delhifrom1334onwardsrecordsthedateas 584. He musttherefore,havemisreadthewordas (four)which suggests that the initial upstrokewas taller than the remainder.We may, of course,retainthe reading587, it to a mason's(probablya Hinduunfamiliar attributing withtheArabicscript)error:Gibb1971:p. 628 andn. 42. The desecrationof the religioussites and imagesof the conqueredwas a not uncommonpracticein the Muslim world.ForMahmfd'sdesecrationof the templeandidol of Somnath,see Nazim:pp. 219-24. A stone image of Brahmafoundin Mas'id III'spalaceat Ghazni,andnow preservedin the KabulMuseum,shows such signs of wearthatScerrato:p. 39 andfig. 39 suggeststhatit was placedwhereit mightbe troddenunderfoot.In the course of excavationsat the GreatMosque of Harran,three Babylonianstelaeof the 6th centuryB.C. were foundin thethresholdsof thethreeentrancesfaceupwards.Twoof thesewerecarvedin reliefwithimagesof the Moon-God Sin and the Sun-God Shamash respectively, see p. 230. Fehervari: See Wensinck. I of this recurringeulogy is oftentranslated"vict.) ories":so too is theequallycommon a 4i* IjI "may Allah strengthen/make glorioushis victory"which it is event. as referringto a particular temptingto understand But this is unacceptable since
(help, victory) lacks
a pluralform.jU1 (sing. * ) canonlymeanhelpers (cf. the Prophet's Ansgir in Medina). I gratefully acknowledgethe elucidationof this eulogy to Professor Ayalon,who also citesthe followingQur'anicpassages: "Oye whobelieve!If ye helpAllah,He will helpyou andmakeyourfootholdfirm"(stra XLVII,verse7). "Oye who believelBe Allah'shelpers[j.-a1I] even as Jesusson of Marysaiduntothe disciples:Whoare my helpersfor Allah? They said: We are Allah's
69 70
71
72
helpers ..." (sairaLXI, verse 14).
"ButwhenJesusbecameconsciousof theirdisbelief he cried:Who will be my helpersin the cause of Allah?Thedisciplessaid:Wewill be Allah'shelpers. We believe in Allah, and bearthou witnessthatwe havesurrendered (untohim)."(siiraIII,verse52). With these passagesin mind, togetherwith sura LXI, verse 13, inscribedon the Minaretof Jim, we should translatea.y i a1 j5- "MayAllahstrengthen his support":and t,)Li ALI "mayAllah strengthenHis 67
68
j3c, supporters". Page: p. 29, no. III where the equivalent is incorrectly given as 1197: RCEA, IX: p. 208, no. 3496. It is not my purpose here to discuss the wider problem of the function of the minaret and the origin of its form prevailing in the easternIslamic world. Max van Berchem formulatedthese problems more than eighty years ago in E. Diez, 1918: pp. 109-16. In regard to the Qutb Minar,
two featurespuzzledhim:its eccentricsitingvis-a-visthe Masjid-iJami' of Aybak,and the exceptionallysharp taperof its profile.In orderto explainthesetwo features, he resortedto the ingenioussuggestionthatAybakbuilt the loweststoreyas a graveor monumenton the site of a previous non-Muslim shrine. The enlargement by Iltutmishof Aybak'smosquedisposedof the eccentric characterof the sitingandallowedthe conversionof the shrineintoa minaretby the additionof threestoreysand corbelledbalconies,at the same time necessitatingthe sharpprofile.VanBerchemderivedthenameQutbMindr not fromQutbal-DinAybakbut fromthe Muslimsaint Qutbal-Din BakhtiydrKaki whose shrineis in nearby Mehrauli.Since mandrdoes not signify minaret,Van Berchamproposedthat it was the saint'sname which came to be associated in the popular mind with was withthetomb Iltutmish'sminaret.Hispreoccupation withthatknownas the towersof Khurasan,in particular, Minar-i Kishmar which certainly has a formal relationshipwith the QutbMinar.But he was not aware of the Minaretof KhwajaSiyah Pish in SIstdn,which shareswiththeQutbMindrtheplanof flangedandround pilasters(Fischer1978 [1]: p. 366 and figs. 7.5, 7.6). Only the basement storey with an interiorstaircase survives.The weaknessesin Van Berchem'sargument are apparent,not least the existence of an interior staircasein the Qutb Min5r. Moreover,there is no evidencefor the earlyuse of the nameQutbMindr(see the remarksin Nath:pp. 23-25). Forthe renderingof thisname,see Digby:pp. 57-64. Forthehistoryof themonumentsee Page:pp. 19-25. Fischer1978 (1): p. 366 andfigs. 7.5, 7.6; Fischer1978 on p. 61 anddrawingon p. 62; (2):pp. 59-63, photograph in Ball:site 607. bibliography In the planof Fischer1978 (1): fig. 7.5 therearecertain viz., variationsin the anglesof the points discrepancies, the and advancingof the points beyond the circle inscribedaboutthe star.MrBall to whomI am indebted for the drawingin fig. 10, has assumed- and, in my opinion,is fully justifiedin doing so - thatthe eightpointed star plan was obtainedby two intersecting squares;so thateachpointis a rightangle,andpointsand pilastersmeet the circle. He pointsout that this would have been the only way of securinga soundand stable structure.The flatteningof the anglesin Fischer'splan may be due to its havingbeen laid out photogrammatically. Fischer, 1969-70: pp. 88f, figs. 3, 4 has another plan. In this, each point is a right angle; but judging from the photographsof the minaret,the diameterof the round pilasters appearsto be excessive.
73
Tate:pp. 202f. andphotograph oppositep. 202; Ball:site 752. Ball points out that the description (Tate: p. 203) attributedto Sir F. Goldsmidt is in fact that of MajorEuan Smith. The minaret can be assumed to have collapsed,
GHAZNAVIDAND GHURIDMINARETS
sincethereis no mentionof it in anyeye-witnessaccount publishedsincethatof Tatewho visitedit in 1905. 74 It is truethatthe balconyof the QutbMin5rfollowsthe outlineof the flanges and half-roundpilastersbut this does not involvethe awkwardsalientswhichwouldhave beenproducedby thebuttressesin theNMd-i'Ali. 75 Foran alternative derivationof the stellateplansee Hutt: pp. 157-62.He observesthattheexactformof theGhazni minaretsis found in certain watch towers of Tibet dateableto the eighthor ninthcenturyA.D. 76 Fischer1978 (1):p. 366. 77 Pope:pl. 264; Hill andGraber: 1 and2; pl. Rempel:fig. 64, 1 and2, andfig. 84, 1. 78 and Sourdel-Thomine: Schlumberger pl. 93(f) and 94(a) (d) (e) (f). 79 Melikian-Chirvani: 108-22, pp. pl. 1; Sayan: 192-94, catalogueno. 5, 6. 80 Diez, 1918:pp. 39-43 and 100-6, Tafel4, 1 and2, and Tafel5, 1-4; Pope:pp. 970-74, fig. 336 andpl. 337-38; SourdelD andJ.;pl. 70; Hill andGrabar: pl. 176-77. 81 Pope:pp. 1020-26 forreferences. 82 Cohn-Wiener: pl. IV;Pope:p. 1027andfig. 363:Rempel: pp. 155-56 andfigs. 67, 1 and842. 83 Pope:p. 271; Rempel:fig. 66, 2. 84 Rempel: inthe occurrence p. 154.Thisfeatureis of frequent fortressarchitecture of southemrn Turkmenistan andcan be tracedbackfromtheMervfortressof Shahryar Qal'ato the kushksand forts of the ninth and tenth centuries,see I Pugachenkova: pp. 131-67 and216-20, andHerrmann. wouldliketo drawattention to twomonuments, bothof the twelfth century,which may have significancefor the of the flangeandroundpilastermotif In the development northwestandnortheastcomersof theMausoleum of Sh~r Kabirin Turkmenistan were two annexes.Of the north easternone,onlya partof the eastfagadehas survived.To theleftof a blindarch,therearethreeflangedpilasters(right angled)betweena halfroundpilasters(Pugachenkova: pl. onp. 174andplanonp. 169).Theotheris theportalfagade of theMaghak-i'Atfii mosqueat Bukhara. In eachof the two flankingsalientsis a pairof quarterroundpilasters joinedtangentially (Rempel:fig. 68, 1 and84, 4; Hill and Grabar: figs.4, 7, 8). Preciselythesamefeaturecanbe seen in the Malikfagade(Pope:p. 272). 85 Khanikoff: Rib.t-i 1953:p. 118andn. p. 370; Sourdel-Thomine, 3, andp. 134.MrWarwickBallhasdrawnmy attentionto thereportof a minaretat Sakhir3 km.southof Deh Titan,
86
below the Kiih-i Zar Murgh, which is of baked brick and 30 m. high, nearthe remainsof a fortressor palace (Khan: p. 240 where it is referredto as the Tower of Alexander; MohammedNabi Kohzad:p. 7; Ball: site 974). Mr.Jonathan Lee has received reports, from local sources, of two minaretsin Gharjistan(Ball: site 625). Khanikoff's translation of the inscription is given in RCEA,VII: no. 2627: "... Il a 6t 61ev6par ordrede l'6mir, du grand isfahsalar ... Abul Hasan Ali, fils d'Ahmad par
87
183
Ali filsde Uthman,fils d'Ahmad deNaisabur, un architecte sousle regnedu Sultan,fils des Sultans...' I amunableto have identifyAbl '1Hasan'Allb. Ahmad.MightKhanikoff read:"Sultanfils des Sultans"for sultin al-salkin?The of Ghiyathal-DinMuhammad latteroccursin thetitulature b. Sam(n. 73 above);butI knowno exampleof its use in the eleventhcentury.It is noteworthythatan architector of decorator originhasalsobeensuggestedas the Nishapirn of theMinaretof Jam(n. 50 above). ordecorator architect Hill and Grabar:pl. 527; Digby: pls. la and lb; Hillenbrand: pl. Vib.
88
Page: p. 31.
89
Ibid. Thomas:pp. 21f; Page: loc.cit.;RCEA,X: pp. 13f, no. 3619 with additions(thekunyaof Ghiy~thal-Dinis Abii 'l-FathandnotMuzaffar).Publ.MASXXVIp. 31. E.I.M 1911-72,p. 177.Reprod.EI.M 1911-72,pl. IV:
90
S A tA
91 92
4i1 )iI
J yIU1 4 dU0
AII
)
I S. ,AAU
Page: p. 31.
Page: p. 30; RCEA,X: pp. 12f, no 3618. Publ. MASI XXIV,p. 30, E.IM. 1911-12, pp. 16-17. Reprod.MAS XXII,pl. 176,E.lM 1911-12,pl. III:
~ AlIy1 J tI 'tLAU.I # yld I06 )iy Al i 45 ; ~LdASLdJI & LAU] 4; .~leSVI .
.
U11 1
94 95
0
US .w1, A[1igaI tU9
*'PA )
atA.
A.
93
Li 40l
,L
AU
la
d.;U
A&
l
eL
.
Page:p. 30.
~ul 3~Y\~XY16LUY\~1 Page:p. 39. Ibid.;RCEA,no. 3513 withfurtherreadingsshowingthat the inscriptionis in the nameof Aybak: A1....(2)
JOURNALOF PERSIAN STUDIES
184
("has order the constructionof this mosque ... al-Sultaln
96
.. la date du 20 dhul-qa'dayear 594 [23 September 1198]") Although both are accorded the title al-sultin almu'azzam shdihanshihal-'azam, only Ghiy5th al-Din is
97
98
Diez, E. 1918. ChurasanischeBaudenkmldler,Berlin. - 1923. Persien, Islamische Baukunst in Churasan, Hagen-
Munich. -
1936. art. "Manra", ET.
-
1950. "Die Siegesttirmein Ghaznaals Weltbilder",in
Kunst des Orients, I, pp. 37-44. styledsul.tdnal-salhtin.Oncoinsbearingthenamesof the of two brotherson the observe and reverserespectively, Digby,S. 1970. "Iltetmishor Iltutmish:a reconsideration thenameof the Delhi Sultan",Iran,VIII,pp. 57-64. Ghiyathal-Dinis styledal-sultfinal-'azam andMu'izzalER. Din al-sultfin al- mu'azzam. However, Sourdel, D.: p. G., art."Harrdn", Fehdrvairi, 1910. J. History of Indian and Eastern 117,nos. 1273-81,listsninegoldcoinsin whichthetitles Fergusson, arereversed. Architecture,London. Studiesin Seistanand Page:pp.39f.,no. 7, "ThePillarof Fame"(kirti-stambha) Fischer,K. 1969-70. "Archaeological XXII/3-4,pp. 91-107. of Malikdin,and p. 41 no. 20; "The pillar of victory adjacentareas",Afghanistan, in Afghan Seistan, field 1978. 'Ala' For Alavadi of surveys "Archaeological (i.e. al-Din)". (vijayastambha) N. (eds.), R. and F. in Hammond, 34. valuable see Nath: 1960-1970", Allchin, comments, interestingand p. For thefath-nmima,see Habibullah:p. 265.
TheArchaeology ofAfghanistanfrom the earliest times to the Timuridperiod, London.
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the vicinity of the Minaretof Jam",EW, XIV, pp. 206-8. Byron, R. 1937. The Road to Oxiana, London. Casimir,M. J. and Glatzer,B. 1971. "Sah-Maghad,a recently discovered madrasah of the Ghurid period in Gargistan (Afghanistan)",EW, XXI, pp. 53-68. Cohn-Wiener, E 1930. Turan: Islamische Baukunst in Mittelasien, Berlin.
Feldarbeitenin Ghor. Berichte fiber Forschungs-arbeiten zum Problem Jam-Firuzkuh", Afghanistan Journal (Graz), Jg. 3, Heft 2. Herrmann,G. 1999. MonumentsofMerv. TraditionalBuildings of the Karakum,Society of Antiquaries,London. Hill, D. and Grabar,O. 1964. Islamic Architecture and its Decoration A.D.800-1500, 2nd ed., London.
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Hillenbrand,R. 1988. "Politicalsymbolismin early IndoIslamicmosquearchitecture: the case of Ajmir",Iran, XXVI,pp. 105-117. Hutt,A. 1977"TheCentralAsianoriginof theeasternminaret form",Journalof theRoyal Societyfor Asian Affairs,7 (old
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Niedermayer,O. von, and Diez, E. 1924. Afghanistan, Leipzig. Page, J.A. 1926. An Historical Memoir on the Qutb,Delhi, in Memoirs of the Archaeological Survey of India, no. 22,
Calcutta. Pope, A.U. 1939. A Survey ofPersian Art, London. Pugachenkova, G.A. 1958. Puti razvitiya .arkhitekturny yazhnogo Turkmenistana pory rabovladeniya i
of thearchitecture feodalizma,("Linesof thedevelopment in the slave-owningandfeudal of southernTurkmenistan period"),Moscow. Inschriften Rapp, E.L. 1973. "Neue persisch-hebriiische eine dem Mittelalter: Gesamttibericht", Afghanistansaus
Kabul. Mainzer Afghanica, Jahrbuch der VereinigungFreunde Jizjdni, Tabaqdt-i NIsiri ed. 'Abd al-Hayy HIabibi, der UniversitatMainz, Mainz. 1342/1963-64,2nded., 2 vols., Kabul. London. Kessel,J. 1959.Afghanistan, Raverty, H.G. (tr.) 1881-99. Jdizjni: Tabaqat-i Natsirl, 2 Khalili, Khalil Allah, 1333\1955 Saltanat-i Ghaznawiyin, vols., London. Kabul. Rawlinson, J.A., "Copy in suls characterof the Cufic S. 1891. fromHeratthroughTaimanicountry Khan, "Journey inscriptionson the Minaret(Manarah)nearestto the and the pukt-i-Tudto Girishk",Afghan Boundary to "Documents relatingto villageof Rozah"anaddendum Commission,IV, Calcutta. de Khanikoff,N. 1864. Mjmoire sur lapartie miridionale de I'Asie centrale (Receuil de voyages et de m#moires publijes par la Societj de Giographie), Paris.
Kohzad,MohammedNabi Kohzad,1959 "Touristsites of XIII/3.pp. 1-7. Afghanistan(2)",Afghanistan, V. 1931."Noticessurles inscriptionsde la Kratchkovskaya, Mosquee Djoum'a A Veramine",Revue des Jtudes islamiques, V, pp. 25-58.
Leshnik,L.S. 1968. "Ghor,Firuzkuhandthe Minar-iJam", CentralAsiatic Journal, XII, pp. 36-49. Maricq, A. and Wiet, G. 1958. Le Minaret de Djam. La dicouverte de la capitale des Sultans Ghorides (XIIe-XIIIe siecles), MDAFA,XVI, Paris.
THE GATES OF SOMNATH", Journal of the Asiatic
Societyof Bengal,new series,XII/1(Jan.-June,1843),p. 77. Rempel, R.I. 1961. Arkhitekturnyornament Uzbekistana,
Tashkent. Repertoirechronologique d'epigraphie Arabe (ed. E. Combe,
et alii), 1931-56. InstitutFrangaisd'EpigraphieArabe, Cairo. Ridd, Shaikh Muhammad, 1346/1967. Riydd al-alwah fromGhazni"),Kabul. ("Inscriptions Routes in Afghanistan, NW -
General Staff India, 1923,
Simla. Sayan, Y 1999. Turkmenistan'dakimimari eserler (XJ-XVI yiizyil), Ankara.
Masson,C. 1927.IndiaOfficeLibrary,Mss. Eur.f.63-65. Scerrato,U. 1959. "Thefirst two excavationcampaignsat A.S. 1970. "EasternIranianarchitecture: Melikian-Chirvani, Ghazni, 1957-1958. Summaryreport on the Italian A proposof the Ghoridpartsof the GreatMosque of Missionin Afghanistan,II",EW,X, pp. 23-55. J. 1978. Lashkari D. and Sourdel-Thomine, Herat",BSOAS,XXXIII,pp. 322-27. Schlumberger, - 1972."BabaHatem:un chef d'oeuvreinconnud'6poque une residence royale ghaznevide et ghoride, Bazar, MDAFA,XVIII,Paris. ghaznmvideen Afghanistan",Memorial Volumeof the 5th International Congress of Iranian Art and Archaeology Smith,M.B. 1936."TheManarsof Isfahan",Athir-e Iran,I, Tehran-Isfahan-Shiraz 1th-18th April, 1968, vol. II, pp. 313-58. Tehran. Minorsky, V. (tr. and comm.) 1937. Hudiid al-'Alam "The Regions of the World", a Persian Geography, London. 372A.H./982A.D., R. 1978. Nath, History of SultanateArchitecture,New Delhi. M. 1931. The Life and Times of Sultan Mahmtid of N•.im, Ghazna, Cambridge.
Sourdel, D. 1953. Inventaire des monnaies musulmanes anciennes du musde de Caboul, Damascus. - and J. 1976. La civilisation de l'Islam classique, Paris. Sourdel-Thomine, J. 1953. "Deux minarets d'6poque seljoukide en Afghanistan",Syria, XXX, pp. 108-21. Stem, S.M. 1966. "The inscriptions of the Kharraqan Mausoleum",Iran, IV, pp. 21-27.
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1969. "A manuscriptfromthe libraryof the Ghaznavid Thomas,E. 1871. The Chroniclesof thePathanKings ofDelhi, Amir 'Abd al-Rashid",in R. Pinder-Wilson(ed.), London.
Paintings from Islamic Lands, pp. 7-31, Oxford. Stronach,D. and Cuyler Young, T. 1966. "ThreeSeljuq Tomb Towers",Iran, IV, pp. 1-20. Stuckert,R. and Glatzer,B. 1980. "Die Grosse Moschee und
das MausoleumGhiyet ud-din in Herat",Afghanistan Journal, 7, pp. 13-22. Tate, G. P. 1910-12. Seistan: a Memoir on the History, Topography,Ruins and People of the Country, 3 vols.,
Calcutta.
Vercellin, G. 1975. "Appuntisu Firuzkuhe Shahr-e Daver", in Annali della Facolta di Linge e letteraturestraniere di Ca'Foscari, XIV/3 (Serie Orientale6), 367-76. - 1975. "The identification of Firuzkuh: a conclusive proof", EW, XXVI, pp. 337-40. ofa Visitto Ghazni,Kabul Vigne,G.T.1840.A PersonallNarrative and ofa Residenceat the CourtofDost Mohamed,London. Wensinck, A.J., art. "Niya",El'. Zander,G. 1972. "L'IsMEOe i restauridi monumenti",in II Veltro. Italiana, XVI, pp. 563-78. Rivista'della Civilth
THE SARRAFAN BATHS IN BUKHARA By GalinaAsanovaandMartinDow Tashkentand London
1. INTRODUCTION The accountof recentinvestigations at the Sarrafian bathsis interestingon two counts.Firstly,this kind of buildingplayeda significantpartin the everydaylife of peopleintheregionfromthetimeof theIslamicinvasion. Whilenothavingthe samestrikingformanddecoration as the largermonuments,baths neverthelessdeserve studyforthelighttheyshed,bothon buildingtechniques andon economicandsociallife. Secondly,thehistoryof andits aimsillustrate how conservation theinvestigation of historicbuildingsis carriedoutin Uzbekistan. Takingthe firstpoint,the way in whichthe public bathhouses of thewesternIslamicworldwere (hamm~ims) built and used in mediaevaland laterperiodsis now reasonablywell known (Pauty 1933; Ecochardand LeCoeur1943;Dow 1996). Steambaths,many dating back to the fifteenthand sixteenthcenturies,are still enjoyedby manypeople,bothlocalandvisiting,inTurkey andthe surrounding Whilesubstantial countries. research on thiskindof buildingfurthereasthas beenwrittenin Russian,little recent work has appearedin Western Europeanlanguages.The magnificentarchi-tectural achievements of the largerTimuridbuildingsare better known(O'Kane1987;Iriskov1996),and two Timurid baths, in Baku and Shahrisabz,are known in detail (GolombekandWilber1988;Pugachenkova 1981).The seventeenth Ali Khan in Kerman is one of centuryGanj-i in Iran(Herdeg1990). thefewto havebeendescribed CentralAsianhammams,likethosein WesternAsia andNorthAfrica,formedan important partof people's as life in theIslamicsocietythere,butwereconstructed, materials and the local elsewhere, using building methods.The extentof differencesin layoutthrowsan interestinglight on differencesin historyand cultural influences, but a comparison between the baths describedhere and those furtherwest shows that throughoutthe Islamicworld they seem surprisingly similarin principle.Indeed,the most strikingfeatureis the culturalcontinuitywhichexistedover sucha wide area,betweenthe AtlanticOcean in the west to the bordersof Chinain the east.
Hammamswere functionalbuildings,owing much of their strikingshape to the combinationof domes coveringthevariousroomsforundressingandwashing, but decorativemajolicapanelswere used internallyin CentralAsia, as in Turkeyandthe Levant.As will be seen,prayerwas carriedoutinside,witha mihlibbeing providedin one of thewashingrooms,butthe sociallife associatedwithhavinga bathwas probablycarriedout in the undressingroom. bathsarelocated,was Bukhara,wherethe Sarraf-an a majorcity on the Silk Route,and was notableeven beforethe Islamicperiod(Barthold1977, pp. 100ff.). DuringtheTimuridagenumerousmajorbuildingswere the andits prosperitycontinuedthroughout constructed, in are mentioned Shaybanidperiod.Two bathhouses waqf documentsof KhwajaAlrar, datedaround1490 (Chekhovich1974).One was oppositethe newly built madrasaof UlughBek, andthe otherwas to the eastof the congregational mosque. bathsdatefroma laterperiod,butgiven Present-day would have to fit thatthe watersupplyarrangements with the existingtown wells, drainsand canals,new ones are likely to have been built or rebuilt on previouslyused sites whereverpossible. The exact locationof the two in the waqfdocumentis not easy to pinpoint,butcouldhavebeenwherethe QdZiKalanand arenow. Misgarn lhammdms While Khanyikov noticed sixteen baths in the nineteenthcentury,Olufsenreckonedthat there were aroundtwentyof thesebuildingswhenhe visitedBukhara at the startof the twentiethcentury,the largestbeingthe Khwajahammnms KhwdjaPdrsa,Nay and 'AbdullWh (Olufsen1911). Rempelhas recordedthe positionof nineteen,which are shown on Fig. 1, and noted that (Rempel1981,pp. 148-50): eighteenwereoperating 1. Sarrffanhammdm,nearto the Tdq-iSarrafan,the Dome. Money-Changers' 2. KhwajaParsahammam,nearto theBazar-iKhwaja. 3. Gavkushanhammdm,past the bazaarsnearto the GavkushanMadrasaby the cattleabattoir. 4. Misgarn lhammram (alsoknownas theBdzar-iKard the oldestbathremainingin be to said hammam),
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MUHAMMADf 0PAIK jAMNMCIASHMA-YIAR AYYUJB HAM M-I~.1 1 HAMMAMKHANA SHISHA 0
I
HAMMAM-1HAMMAM-I -TUKUMDUZI KUNJAK .. OHQAZIKALAN HAMMAM-1 -O 0 AY-1ASTANA II(L •(1 N P A
.GHAMVU- HASHANAA.M J[.
. OKWk..
L
' j ?" SAABIATASH GAVKUSHAN HA- 0 SARRAFAN HAMMAM-IBAZAR AQBM--I:--t.• _L-HAMMA?M-I kASAA _ kp
0 HUAMMAM-I HAMMAM-1 JUYBAR 0/4
SHIR DAMULLAH
JUL-
Fig. 1. Plan of Bukhara showing baths known to exist in 19th and 20th centuries.
Bukhara.This is besidethe Taq-iTelpaqFurishin, the Dome of the Cap-Sellers. 5. Kafsh-iAIlk hammdm,at the Kafsh-iAlak shoe bazaar. 6. Abi Atashhammam,at the Bazdr-iNav. 7. Qzi Kaldn hammam(also known as the Nayv hammm), at the QAziKaldn(GreatJudge)bazaar. 8. Tukumduzihamm5m,by the donkey-saddle bazaar at the Registan. 9. Kunjakhammam,ortheComerBaths,by the southwest cornerof the KalanMosque. 10. Jilybdr hammnm. 11. ChukurMahallahammam,or Hammam-iNaqib. 12. BibIKhalfahammam. 13. Paiy-iAstanahammim. 14. Ghdziydn hammrm. 15. DdmullahShirhammnm. 16. ShishaKhdnahammam. 17. Chashma-yiAyyiibhammam. 18. 'AbdullahKhwija .hammnm. the emirateof Bukharatold Europeanvisitorsto how people used the baths (Schuyler1876; Olufsen 1911)andRempelalsodescribesthefamiliarfeaturesof a Turkishbath,thatis, the massage,towels andbasins. The sociallife, like the principlesof the layout,didnot differgreatlybetweeneastandwest.
When we come to considerthe second point of of the interestin thefollowingaccountof therestoration the essential to consider it is helpful Sarrif-anbaths, aims of conservation,for the work of the department involvedin Uzbekistanhada practicalreasonconnected with the investigationsthat were undertaken.The buildingswereto be preserved,andif possible,returned thereis to a workingstate.In architectural restoration, of the enduse oftena conflictbetweentherequirements and the demandsof historicalaccuracy.Typically,the fabricof the buildingis regardedas being of greater importancethan the atmosphereinside. The internal how a buildingwasheatedandlit, is more environment, easily changed,and it is easierto arguethat modem on whatwas originally techniquesarean improvement used.Fewpeoplewouldargueagainsttheuse of electric light in any functioning historic building. It is research interestingto notethatextensive,unpublished, has been done in Uzbekistanin connectionwith heat flows in the underfloorchannelsof hammams.This kindof studyis usefulin preservingthe traditional way that hamm5mswere used, while conventionalstudies on the buildingsthemselves. concentrate Even when consideringthe fabric,differentviews are current.Since the latter part of the nineteenth century,therehasbeena strongfeelingin GreatBritain
THE SARRAFAN BATHS IN BUKHARA
that a clear distinctionshould be made between original parts of the building fabric and new restorationwork. New work should be reversible, should not destroy any of the original building and should be clearly different from original work. An alternative view, however, is that such a clear distinctionbetween new and old is not necessary, and the emphasis has been placed on ensuring that any repair or'modification to an historic building has an appropriateappearance (see Feilden 1994, p. 244 for a discussion on presentationof historic structures). This can lead, in some cases, to the condition when an appropriateappearanceis taken to mean an old appearance, irrespective of historical accuracy.For example, cast-ironradiatorsmay be used in an eighteenth century building, to look old, even though radiatorswould never have been used in any building before the nineteenth century.At other times, restorationis treated merely as repair work, replacing like with like. Mediaeval gothic carved stonework is commonly replacedwith newly carveddecorationin the same style. Indeed, in previous ages, this kind of likefor-like repair was the only kind of restoration undertaken.Any otherwork to an old buildingwas done in the most modern style. Because clay mortarand mudbrickwere extensively used in local architecturethroughoutCentralAsia, the conservation of historical buildings has involved extensive rebuilding. Reconstruction with the appearance of the old is common, and the splendourof much
189
of the glorious architecturein the centre of Samarkand, for instance, owes a great deal to recent restoration. Much has already disappeared.Mudbrick monuments remaining from the Timurid period are almost unknown, but this is due to the fact thatthey have fallen into ruin ratherthan that they were never built. Even fired brick, while more permanentthat unbaked brick, can still decay more rapidlythan stone. Post-Timuridbuildings were often constructedusing quick and cheap methods, rather than those which would ensurethe building could last as long as possible. Of the twenty or so traditionalbaths in Bukharaat the end of the nineteenth century, only three were still operatingby the latterpart of the twentieth century,but much work has been done to ensure that these last remaining examples of the building type are preserved. Extensive restorationwork on the Hammam-iMisgaran was taking place during 1995, and photographsand a plan of the building can be seen in Figs. 2, 3 and 4. The article which follows deals with the earlier restorationof the Sarraf-anbaths. An initial site survey was made in 1975 after they closed, followed by archaeological and architecturalinvestigations.In 1979 soil tests and ground water analysis allowed the structuralengineeringof restorationwork to be put on a sound basis, and further measurements and archaeological excavations continuedup to 1982. The restorationwork was carriedout by the Uzbek Research and Surveying Institute for Restoration of
Fig. 2. Roof of Misgaran Baths.
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Baths. Fig. 3. Interiorof Misgarcan Historical Monuments (UzNIPI restovratsi) under the
directionof I. Israilov.The chief projectarchitectwas I.V. Gudkov,and V.T.Boriskinactedas Chief Project Engineer.GalinaAsanova,currentlyheadof the Uzbek RestorationAssociationhas generouslymadeavailable a considerablevolume of materialon hammamsin Uzbekistan,includingthe reportsand drawingsof the Bukharanbaths,andhas playedthe majorrole in preparingthe article*.MartinDow contributedthe introduction.The translationfromRussianwas undertaken by SarahFilleulat the Universityof Westminster.
Fig. 4. MisgardnBaths.
the fall of the Timurids,who had their capital in Samarkand(Babur1949, 1996). Followingthe initial periodwhen the statewas establishedunderShaybani Khan (1500-10) and his nephew 'UbaydullahKhan (1533-39), a seriesof prolongedfeudalwarsbetween the Shaybanidoverlordsoccurred.In the secondhalfof the sixteenthcentury,the Shaybanidruler 'Abdullah 2. THESARRAFANBATHSIN BUKHARA Khan (1557-98), haltingthe growingbreakupof the state, graduallycreateda unified territoryunderthe The Historical Background aegis of Bukhara,which became its political and culturalcentre. The Uzbek state underthe rule of the Shaybanid The creationof the new stateby 'AbdullahKhan, came into in the sixteenth after who reliedon the greatlandownersandthe supportof dynasty being century
THE SARRAFAN BATHS IN BUKHARA
the religious leaders and landowningpeasants,was accompanied by an enormous amount of new the cost of whichwas borneby therestof construction, the population(Dmitriev1950, pp. 32, 33). The trade and craftsindustriesof Bukharathrived,andthis gave rise to a functionalapproachto architecture. A large numberof civic buildingswerebuiltduring'Abdullah Khan'srule,includingclosedmarkets,domedbazaars, bathsandcaravansarays. The scale of constructionhad an impact on the characterof the architecture, which acquireda more rationalaspect. This was reflectednot only in the development of new structural and decorative in the emergence techniquesbutalso,moreimportantly, of new ideas on compositionwhich broke with the establishedtraditionsof thepast. The sixteenthcenturyhas been consideredin a numberof studiesto be a periodof declinein decorative as well as in the qualityof construction craftsmanship, itself. Buildings are poorly preserved,and this is explainedby a fall in standardsof craftsmanship. However,the theorythatthis marksa generaldecline may be questioned,since Bukhara'sappearancetoday was createdduringthis period,when the city enjoyed as thecapital greatereconomicandpoliticalimportance of the Shaybanidstate.The periodwhen the statewas establishedin the secondhalf of the sixteenthcentury cannotbe viewedas a periodof architectural declineif we considerthe scaleof buildingandthe appearance of a numberof new popularestablishments, ortherational approachshownin the new techniquesof construction anddecoration. Itwasundoubtedly aneraof progressin the localarchitecture of thepost-Timurid era(VAimbery to 'Abdullah Khanhas 1873, p. 294; according him, beenpopularlyregardedas therulerwho createdall old monumentsin Bukhara). A large numberof monumentswhich were built during'AbdulldhKhan'srulehavesurvived,andhe can be creditedwiththeconstruction of the 'AbdullahKhan the madrasa, Balyandmosque,the domedbazaarand the baths.
Hamm~ims
Oneof the important aspectsof dailylife in Central Asian cities was the bathsor lhammams. Buildingsof this type playeda specialrole in the East,wherebaths wereone of the fundamental necessitiesunderreligious
191
himselfcouldbuild law.A rulerwishingto immortalise a college or, betterstill, a a mosque,a caravansaray, bathhouse,spacious and with abundantsupplies of water(Vimb6ry1877,p. 89). Forthisreason,bathsin the Eastwerethe subjectof concern,not only forthe rulerof the city and particular its local religiousorganisationsbut also for wealthy individuals who would build a bathhouse for themselvesand for theirfriends.The bathswere used notonlyforbuildingup one'sstrengthandraisingfallen spirits, for relaxationand for meeting friends and pleasantconversation,but also for meetingto discuss buying and selling and businessdeals, as well as for (Orbeli showingoff one'sskillin chessorbackgammon 1939,p. 159). The furnishingsof the bathsandthe washingritual were describedmore than once by travellersvisiting CentralAsia. Khanyikov,who visited Bukharain the middleof the nineteenthcentury,wrote that Bukhara of baths,of whichsixteen was notableforits abundance were of importance.Amongstthem the well-known Sarrafanand ChashmaAyytibbathsarementioned,as are the Misgaranand Bdzar-i Khwaja (Khanyikov 1843,pp. 89-90). The SarrafinBathsin Bukhara,built at the time of 'AbdullahKhan'srule in the sixteenth century,offeran interestingexampleof layout(Shiskin 1936,p. 71). Initial Investigation
In 1975 the SarrafanBaths ceased operating.The researcher studyof thebathsby anUzNIPIRestoration of this as a result at this time work,Phase1 and, began of the restoration projectfor the remainingpartof the bathsstarted. of thebuildingwasburieddeeply Themainstructure in the ground, the later structuressurroundingit completelyobscuringit from view. In plan the baths resembledan irregularblot, with five-, six- and eightcorneredrooms with angled recesses on each side which looked like rosettes with petals forming an intricategarland.The rooms were connected with each other by narrow vaulted passages. A small lantern, formedby a shade made of baked clay and pierced with slots, dimly lit the low rooms. When investigative work began, the first room was a spacious changing room cruciformin plan. A wooden ceiling rested on timber columns over four metres high.
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Thewoodenboardingof the floorcoveredancientbrick pavingon whichthe bases of the columnsrested.The internalwalls were plasteredand whitewashedwith lime. This room was undoubtedlybuilt later, and modernlanternshad been built into the roof of the changing room. The wooden frames had cracked becauseof constantcondensation andwerewarped.The structurehad collapsedin places andthe clay tile roof leaked. Thelevel of the floorof thenextroom(thedardmat) was significantlylowerthanthatof the changingroom. The dropin heightwas spannedby dilapidated wooden steps. The rectangularplan of this room had been somewhatlost becausethe walls and layersof plaster hadbecomemisshapenin places. The entranceto the followingroom was a lancet arch,in the recess of which a doorwaywas built.The domedceilingof the squarepdshdikhdnaroom,usedfor washingthe feet, restedon fourarches.Onthe eastand westwallswerearchedrecesseswithmarbleplinthsand in the southwall therewas an archedopeningleading intothe nextroom,the kichiksardy(or smallhall). This pentagonal hall was significantly more spaciousthanthe precedingwashingrooms.The dome restedon the archkeystonesandpendentiveswhichhad lost their originalform. Here and there,the distorted of thewalls masonryof thedomeoverhungthestructure of the room.Theplinthsin the recessesandthe floorof the room were made of marble slabs which were coveredin placeswith severallayersof cement.
Fig. 5. KunjakBaths.
Fig. 6. SarrifanBaths.
THE SARRAFAN BATHS IN BUKHARA
193
Themiya~n sardy(thecentralhall),whichwas much than the otherrooms,andwhichstillpossessed grander it on to a relativelycool room (the khunuk opening a khina), and numberof small massage and steam rooms,was reachedthroughthe nextarcheddoorway. Figs. 6 and 7 show the bathswith laterstructures builtaroundthemin the Sovietperiod.
Comparative Study
In 1980-82,afterworkonthesiteto lowertheground level,to striptherepaired claddingandto clearnumerous layersof repairedplaster,bothinternallyandexternally, were carriedout. was completed,furtherinvestigations The aim was to re-recordthe exposedelementsof the building and to make a more thoroughhistorical, andarchaeological architectural studyof themonument. were drawnwith the mediaevalbaths Comparisons of Azerbaijan,Armenia, Georgia, the Crimea and Khurasan.Romanbathswere also considered,where the underfloorheatingsystem is similar,althoughin Fig. 7. SarrafiainBaths. BRICKS270 x 270 x 70mm ON GYPSUMMORTAR VERTICALJOINT 5-10mm HORIZONTAL JOINT 17-25mm
9/
12 10
8
BRICKWORKPOINTEDAT JOINTS1
Fig. 8 Sondageno. 1. Roomto west of Miyin Saraiy
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194
hypocaustbaths the floor is on low pillarsbetween whichhotairfromthe furnacecirculatedfreely,whereas in hamm5msit is usuallyfed throughby heatingducts. Inthelayoutof bathsstudiedin theCrimea,Bulgaria andAzerbaijan, a clearcrossshapeprevails.InArmenia andGeorgia,as in the mediaevalbathsin Khurasan,a numberof smallrectangular roomswere combinedto formthe washingarea. Thehammamsstillin operationtodayin Bukharathe Bu5zr-iKdrd (Misgaran)and Kunjakbaths showedclearlythe generalway in whichIslamicbaths were builtandoperated.The Misgaranbathsappearin Fig. 4, andthe Kunjakbathsin Fig. 5. The Kunjakbaths providedthe best comparison. Site surveysandmeasurements madearoundthe same time as thoseon the bathsshowedthemto be Sarrifian in a goodstructural state.At thecentrein bothcaseswas the largeoctagonalmiyainsarjy,whichwasprecededby the significantlysmallerkichiksarjy. Washingrooms for differentpurposesand with differenttemperature andhumidityr6gimessurrounded the centralroomand wereconnectedwithit by meansof vaultedpassages. The constructionof the entrancerooms, furnaces and waterreservoirwas almostidentical,as was the technologyof the heatingsystemin general.
ArchaeologicalWork Along with the analysisof similaritiesbetweenthe and mediaevalbathsof differentcountries,architectural and trenches of means archaeologicalsurveys by sondageswerecarrriedout on the SarrafanBaths. Descriptionsof five of the sondagesin whichparts of thewallswereexposedareprovidedbelow.Figs.8 to 12 show the sondages.Trenchno. 1 was excavatedin the passagewayto the room on the south-westside of themiyainsardy,anditsposition,alongwiththoseof the sondages,is shown on Fig. 13, with furtherarchaeologicaldetailshownin Fig. 14. Sondageno. 1 exposed the plasterof the southeasterncornerof theroomto thewestof themiyrinsarfy. Thepurposeof excavationwas to determinethenumber of layersof repairedplasterand theircomposition,to REPAIRWALL 260 x 260 x 60mm BRICKS ON CLAYMORTAR JOINT 20-25mm VERTICAL JOINT20-30mm HORIZONTAL
TRACEOF LATERMIHRAB
\1
1
I. IKfIT'1
PLINTH
BRICKS260 x 260 x 60mm ON CLAYMORTAR JOINT 20mm VERTICAL JOINT20mm HORIZONTAL
Fig. 9. Sondage no. 2. Mihrdbniche to west of MiydnSardy.
BRICKWORK STRUCTURAL 250 x 250 x 60mm BRICKS ON GYPSUMMORTAR JOINT 20mm VERTICAL JOINT20mm HORIZONTAL
Fig. 10. Sondageno. 3. East nicheof MiyanSardy.
THE SARRAFAN BATHS IN BUKHARA
NO BONDBETWEENREPAIR WALLANDSTRUCTURAL BRICKWORK
195
BRICKWORK ORIGINAL 270 x 270 x 65mm BRICKS ON GYPSUMMORTAR 10mm JOINT VERTICAL JOINT20-30mm HORIZONTAL
f11111wi il '~
64
,---
REPAIRWALL 260 x 260 x 60mm BRICKS ON CLAYMORTAR PLASTERREPAIRLAYER STRUCTURAL BRICKWORK 250 x 250 x 60mm BRICKS ON GYPSUMMORTAR VERTICAL JOINT 20mm HORIZONTAL JOINT20mm
Fig. 11. Sondageno. 4. East nicheof MiyanSardty.
searchfora decorativelayer,andto determine thenature and type of the brickworkand bricksize. Duringthe clearingof dilapidated plasterfromthe end wall of the recess,ten layerswere discovered(Table1), showing thatthebathshadbeenrepeatedlyrepaired. After furtherclearing,the structuralbrickworkof walls of squarebakedbrick(270 x 270 x 70 mm.)laid on gypsummortar(ganch)was revealed.Thehorizontal jointswere 17-25 mm.andtheverticaljoints5-10 mm. The surfaceof the brickworkhad been destroyedby moistureandit was difficultto determinethe qualityof the polish. Individualpolishedbrickswere collected, suggestingthatthe interiorsurfacesof the walls were not plastered.The pointingof the joints betweenthe bricksis furtherevidenceof this. Sondageno. 2 exposeda sectionof plasterfinishin the west recessof the sameroom.Whenthe two upper
REPAIRCLADDING BROKENBRICKS ON GYPSUMMORTAR JOINT 20mm VERTICAL JOINT20-25mm HORIZONTAL
Fig. 12. Sondageno. 5. KhunukKhana.
layers of repairplasterwere removed,a trace of a was discovered.A line 35 mm. wide produced soot on the gypsumplasteroutlineda lancetarch. mihr.b by Thekeystoneof the smallarchwas 1070mm.abovethe floor datumlevel. After furtherlayersof plasterwere clearedfromthesurface,thebrickworkof thewallswas revealed.Thiswas of 260 x 260 x 60 mm.brickson clay mortar;the vertical joints were 20 mm. and the horizontaljointswere20 mm. orratherits outline, Theexposedtraceof the must have been a later addition, mihr.b,since there were a furtherthreelayersof repairplasterbeneathit on the brickwalls. Possibly,an earliermihriibwas situatedin theroomto thesouth-westof themiyansarny,andwhen this room collapsedand its entrancewas blocked,the outlineof animaginarymihrnbwas sketchedin blackin the five-sidedrecessof thewest room.
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/i
SOILTEST
SONDAGE8
TRENCH2 SONDAGE 3 S ASONDAGE 2
SONDAGE1
SONDAGE4
-
SONDAGE7 5 SONDAGE TRENCHI
TEST 5SOIL SOILTEST 0
1
5
10m
Fig. 13. Positions of sondages.
THE SARRAFAN BATHS IN BUKHARA
Fig. 14. Record of excavated features.
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TABLE1 LayerNo.
Composition
Colour
Thickness (mm.)
1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10
Gypsum,sand,cement Gypsum Cementinterspersed withgypsumaggregate aggregate Gypsum Gypsumaggregate Cementandgypsum Gypsumaggregate Gypsumaggregate Gypsumaggregate Gypsumaggregate
Umber Yellow Grey Lightgrey Grey Darkgrey LightGrey Grey Darkgrey Lightgrey
2-5 2-5 10-12 2-3 1-2 5 3-7 2-4 3-5 1-5
Beneaththe layersof repairplastera claddingof Sondagesnos. 3 and4 were carriedout in the east niche of the miyansardyat 1200 mm. fromthe floor. brokenbrickon gypsummortarwas revealed,which Thepurposewas to lookforpanellingformerlyframing completelyobscuredthe originalconfigurationof the theinteriorwalls,to determinethestructural bondof the room.Thethicknessof the claddingwas over390 mm. of the endwall withthe sidewall andto look fora doorwayin in places.Betweenthis andthe originalstructure the end wall of the recess.Duringthe removalof the roomwas ajointofup to 20-50 mm.thick.Theoriginal plaster layers down to the brickwork,no traces of brickworkof the roomwas of 270 x 270 x 60-65 mm. panellingwere found. Therewas no structuralbond brick on clay mortar.In places, polishedbrickswere andthecarefulpointing betweenthe end and side walls, and no doorwaywas foundin theoriginalbrickwork, found.The brickworkof the end wall was builtusing of thejoints with gypsummortarto protectbrickwork repairbrickson claymortar.Theverticaljointswere20 from the destructiveaction of moisture had been mm.andthe horizontaljointswere 15-20 mm. preserved.The verticaljoint was 10 mm. and the The end wall musthavebeen a repair,blockingup horizontalwas 20-30 mm. the roomwhichexistedearlier.If panellingalso existed atanearlierdate,it was laterdemolishedandthesurface Conclusions of the wallsplasteredwithgypsumaggregate. the was as of no. 5 Sondage opened up part On the basis of the results obtainedfrom these conservationof the passageto the khunukkhdna,in the followingconclusionsweredrawn: orderto determinethe originaldimensionsof the room, investigations, underwent baths The and to determine the layers of plaster and their significantchangesaftertheir of numerousrepairs,and traces are There construction. composition. clearanceof the plasterrevealedthe the remainsof the wallsof a furtherfive roomsdirectly Layer-by-layer attachedto the bathswereexposedduringexcavations. five layerslistedbelow: Tracesof majolicapanellingmadefromdecorative werediscoveredandtheseindicatethatthe interior tiles TABLE2 of the washingroomswas oncerichlydecorated. Layer No. Composition Tojudgeby individualpolishedbrickssurvivingin the brickworkof the walls, it may be assumedthatthe interior walls were not originally plastered. This 1 Gypsum 2 Cementwithgypsumadmixture assumptionis also supportedby the pointingof the 3 jointsbetweenthe bricks. Gypsum The surveyrevealedthatthe floor of the Sarraf-an 4 Gypsum 5 in the centralareais level with the floor of the Baths Gypsum 6 Cement(toplayer) Sarrdfandomed bazaar(the sixteenthcenturylevel).
THE SARRAFAN BATHS IN BUKHARA
Fig. 15. Former plan of baths.
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This suggeststhat Easternmediaevalbathswere not alwaysburiedin the groundin orderto conserveheat. The massivewalls, togetherwith the characteristics of theunderfloor heatingsystem,alreadygavethestructure a substantialheat capacityand an abilityto maintain warmthovera longperiod.Its depthtodayis the result of a build-upof culturaldepositsover the yearsandof laterbuildingworkon the wallsof the baths.
which of thealterations Fora systematicexplanation have takenplace,the followingnumbereddescriptions of theroomsareproposed.Fig. 16, a reconstructed plan of the baths,showsthe numbers. 1. Thevestibulegroup 2. Thepdshiikhdna(a roomforwashingthe feet) 3. Thekichiksarfy(a smallhallforablutions) 4. The miyansarAy(the mainor centralhall, with a raisedstoneplinthin the centreformassage) 5, 6, 7. Washingrooms,alsousedlaterin thenineteenth andtwentiethcenturiesas roomsforprayer. OriginalForm 8. Thegarmkhdna(thehot room,moreoftenusedas The Sarrdf-an Baths' appearancewhen they were modemsteamroom) that in the The khunukkhIna(the cold room,or roomwith second half of the 9. sixteenthcentury, built, is, can be reconstructedusing the archaeologicaland coldwater) evidence.Eachof theroomsis differentin 10. Rooms exposed in 1979-81 (used for religious documentary plan,reflectingits function. rituals) All thewashingroomsof thebathswereheatedwith 11. The saridegi (a room with communicating a systemof underfloor inthe heatingchannels. partitions,used for storing and supplying hot Starting furnacethey first heated the water in the saridegi water) cisternsandthenthe floorof thepremises.Thepassages 12. Oval-planroomsconstructed later(usedforstoring coldwater) throughwhich the batherspassed between the first rooms and the washing rooms were particularly 13. The fire room or furnace (used to heat the intricatein orderto protectthe warmroomsfromthe underfloorchannelsandthe water) of cold air. Roomsexposedin 1979-81 (usedfor religious This of 15. allowed the creation penetration 14, differenttemperatures in differentrooms,accordingto rituals) theirfunction. The original composition of the baths was of In previoustimes, the bathshad been heatedwith fourteen intercommunicatingvaulted and domed camel-thornand steppeburrs;manureand city refuse chambers,andthe fireroom. weresometimesalso usedas fuel. As is evident from the surveys for the Phase 1 Thewalls of the bathswerebuiltwithbakedbricks restorationworks, the first room of the baths was a on a gypsummortarandin someplacestheyreacheda spacious,cruciformvestibulewhichoncealso servedas metreor morein thickness.Thebrickworkwas typical a changingroom. Its entrancewas evidentlyfrom an of the 'AbdullahKh5nperiod.Wholebrickswere laid adjoiningroom on the south-eastside of the domed along the outsideof the wall only. The cavity formed bazaarto the north,the Tiiq-iSarrdfan. Judgingby the betweenthe two walls was filled with brickrubblein remainsof the base of the originalwall layoutof the vestibule,semi-octagonalarchedrecesseswerebuiltin clay mortar. The construction of the walls of the SarrafanBaths its north,eastandwest arms. testifiesto the rationaltechniquesused at this time, as In the interiorangled cornersof the cross were does the constructionof manyothermonumentsfrom shallowarchedrecessescontainingpassages.Thenorththis period.Thishas also resulted,however,in the bad west passagecommunicated betweenthe vestibuleand state of preservationof the originalstructureof the the Tiq-i Sarrd~tin. It is not possibleto guessthe use of Sarraf-nBaths. The dome was built in one brick and one-and-a-half brick courses. Marble slabs covered the heating channels, and where there were none, the floor was laid with squarebaked bricks deeply bedded onto the joints. The water for the baths was drawn from a nearby well, but water may also have been used from cisterns.
the south-east and south-west passages, since no clear route to any of the adjoining rooms was discovered duringarchaeologicalexcavations. A passage built in the southernarchedrecess of the vestibule communicatedwith the first room, the plshii khiina,the room for washing the feet. A squareroom, it had deep arched recesses on its east and west sides.
THE SARRAFAN BATHS IN BUKHARA
Theseweresemi-octagonal andservedas placesforthe of the preliminary washing bodyandfor its acclimatisationin somewhatwarmertemperatures thanthose of the changingroom.Thewaterforwashingwas brought in througha smallarchedopeninglocatedin one of the facetsof the westernrecess. A passageto the nextwashingroomled throughan archeddoorwaysetin thesouthwallof thepdshi khjna. The kichik sarjy, the small hall, was the second washingroom.Thispentagonalroomwas significantly more spaciousthanthe precedingroom.The walls of the kichiksardyincludedwide archedrecesses,in the lowersectionsof whichwerebuiltlow marbleplinths. Waterfor the morethoroughcleansingof the body was broughtup froma smallvaultedreservoirset in the thickpartof thewesternwall of thenortharchedrecess. Throughthe next archeddoorwaywas the miyan sardy,or centralhall,whichdominatedthe architecture of the baths.It was larger,granderandmore spacious thanthe otherwashingrooms.Octagonalin plan, the miyan sardy also had at one time a marbleplinth intendedfor massageat its centre.The remainsof a plinth were recorded here, and several historians studyingmediaevalbathshavenotedthe prevalenceof massage.Voroninahas observedthatin Easternbaths, as in Romanbaths,the cult of the body flourished.It was understood somewhatdifferently, however,sincein Roman baths physical contests and sport were practiced,whilein bathsin Uzbekistanmassagewas, in a sense, a substitute for the gymnastic exercises (Voronina1951, p. 115).
In the arched recesses along the sides of the octagonalroom,doorwayswerebuiltto otherroomsof the baths,each of which had a specific function.The mostinterestingof theroomsis Roomno. 10,theharam khina, which was exposed during Phase 1 of the archaeologicalwork.Circularin plan, it is dividedby low radialbrickpartitionsinto sector-shapedcubicles whichwere enteredvia a smallcorridorpassingalong the largeradiusof the circle. In the other hammams from this period still operating in Bukhara at the time of the survey, the Kunjak and the Misgaran Baths, there were no rooms with this kind of layout. In the Kunjak Baths for women, the rectangularroom used for the same purpose has no interiorpartitionscreatingseparatecubicles as in the men's baths. We may deduce from this that Eastern men's baths differedfrom the women's not only by their extremely rich interior decoration but also by the
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presence of individual rooms intended for ritual ablutions. Unfortunately,it was not possible to confirmthe presence of a similar circularroom in the current structureof the MisgaranBathssincea largesectionof the washingroomshas now beenlost. A roomwitha similarlayoutwas discoveredin the general arrangementof some other washing rooms recently in the archaeologicalexcavationsof some sixteenthcenturybathson the site of the BenkovArt School in Tashkent.The name haramkhjna itself, means"theuncleanroom",to some whichin translation extent defines the use of such rooms in mediaeval Easternbaths.Shavingandbodilyablutionsassociated withIslamicreligiousritualswerecarriedouthere.The privacy of each cubicle was achieved using low dividingpartitionswhichwere oftenmadeof fabricon a woodenframe,the shortlife of whichhas resultedin theircompleteloss. Theremainsof thewalls of the othernewlyexposed rooms, nos. 7, 14 and 15, are substantialenough to allow a reasonably confident assessment of their originalspatiallayoutandtheirfmunction. Roomsno. 7, 6, 5 and 14 adjoiningthe miyansarly on the east,north,west and southsides were designed specificallyforhealthandhygienepurposes.Similarin layoutand interiorfurnishing,they differedonly with andhumidity,whichvaried respectto theirtemperature of eachof the roomsfromthe to the distance according bathhousefurnace. Tothe south-eastof themiyan sarjy was thekhunuk kh?na,the coldroom,so calledbecauseonlycoldwater was suppliedto it. Nowadaysit has been so alteredby layers of repairsthat it was not possible to form an impressionof its originalspatiallayout. Througha vaultedpassagebuiltin thesouthside,the miyan sariy communicatedwith the garm khina, or hot
room;it washexagonalin planandhadanarchedrecess on each side, in the lower partof which low marble plinthswerebuilt.In addition,the south-east,southand south-westrecessesservedas waterbasins,enclosedby low partitions.The vaultedreservoirswere connected via narrow vaulted corridors with the saridegi room, where freely circulatingwater was heated by means of trenchesbuilt into the floor, the floors faced onto the fire room furnace. Examining the remains of the walls of the fire room today, one may conclude that it was not originally formedby walls on four sides and covered over. Strictly
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NEWTILING RESTORED STRUCTURE PRESERVED STRUCTURE
Fig. 16. Plan ofproposed modern restoration.
THE SARRAFAN BATHS IN BUKHARA
speaking, it was not a room, since it was not isolated from the outside. The furnace where fuel was burned was situated practically under an open sky. Evidently only a light awning on wooden supports protected it from rainfall.
Historical Repairs It is possible to say that the Sarrdf-anBaths underwent at least two major repairs, not counting minor intermediateand subsequentrepairs. The first of the major repairswas evidently carried out at the end of the sixteenthcentury,when the interiors of the washing rooms were embellished along the edge of the walls with a majolica panel assembled from individual tiles whose quality of glaze corresponds to those of the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries. Evidence that the panels have been repairedis revealed by the fact that they stand somewhat proud of the surface, and polished bricks are to be found in the brickworkof the wall. At the same time substantialparts of the brickworkof the walls were relaid, although the same bricks were used. This is indicatedby portions of the brickwork,where the relaid bricks were not always placed with the polished side exposed. There must have been collapses in individual rooms, with bricks being reused from the falls. Subsequent destruction, as well as the major reconstruction of the building, modified the original spatial layout of the baths to an importantdegree. It is not possible to date these alterationssince, to judge by archaeological excavations, they were carried out without any planningand the originalbuilding materials were often used. One can only suggest that they occurred at a time when the economic life of Bukhara
203
generally declined and capital investment in building fell sharply. One of the last major alterations can be related to repairs carried out in the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries. During this period the entrance rooms of the baths were completely rebuilt. The washing rooms surviving up to that time also underwent significant reconstruction.The deformation and collapse which had occurredby that time in rooms no. 7, 10 and 14 led to their entrancesbeing blocked up and the rooms themselves being filled with building debris. It was probablyat this time thatthe internallayout of room no. 9 was modified with a repairlining which in some parts reached a thickness of up to 400 mm. The dome covering this room, which by then had become misshapen, was relaid using uneven bricks of differing colours. The work was carried out randomly and not always by skilled craftsmen, as shown by the uneven profiles of the newly-revealed vaults and domes. The decorationof the interiorsof the washing rooms was also radically modified, the brickworkof the walls being plasteredwith gypsum. Furthermore,the remains of majolica panels stretching around the perimeters of the washing rooms were also covered with plaster. Subsequent repairs did not significantly alter the appearanceof the structurewhich had been established by the nineteenthcentury.
Conservation Plans were made in the early 1980s to restore the baths, and Fig. 16 shows the layout of the baths which was proposed. Figs. 17 and 18 show an elevation and section, and Fig. 19 shows a perspective view. It was envisaged that the baths would be restoredas a working
Fig. 17. SarriiffinBaths. Elevation ofproposed restoration.
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Fig. 18. Sarrfcin Baths.Sectionofproposedrestoration. building, including facilities, and technology, which were not in the original. The rooms proposed were as follows: 1 Sarnf-andomedmarket 18 Lavatory 2 Grocerystore 19 Shower 3 Fabricshop 20-26 Washingrooms 4 Two-storeyresidentialbuilding 27 Massageroom 5 Cashdeskhall 28 Steamroom 6 Cashdesk 29 Saridegi 7 Staffroom 30 Equipmentyard 8 Vestibule 31 Pumnp room 9 Hairdresser 32 Laundry 10 Toiletrieskiosk 33 Sluice-gate room 11 Tearoom 34 Fumace
12 13 14 15 16 17
Distribution room 35 Gas distribution room Sideroom 36 Servicecorridor Tearoomforbathers 37 Staffshower room 38 Restroomforbathstaff Changing Linenroom 39 Ventilation chamber Coolingdownroom Some of the assumptions about the original arrangement and appearance of the building were theoreticaland had not been fully corroborated.Without this there could be no question of the near complete restorationof the monument. Full reconstruction and adaptation of the baths would requireadditionalresearchon the original layout and how best to restoreit. Some conservationwork was
Fig. 19. Sarriffn Baths Perspective ofproposed restoration.
THE SARRAFANBATHS IN BUKHARA
carriedout under the first phase, and this had relied on adequate survey records being made first. The next phase of research would be composed of three parts. The main work was the partial restoration of various elements of the structureand decoration,the restoration of which was made possible by available evidence. To discover more about the external dimensions of the building, the existing ground level by the walls of the monument would be excavated further. As a minimal measure for the removal of rainwater from the external walls of the monument, brick run-off paving one metre long had been laid at a suitable gradient. The exposed remainsof the walls of roomsno. 10 and 14 were to be conserved by protectingthe top layers of the brickworkwith new layers of five or six courses of 260 x 260 x 50 mm. brickson cement and lime mortar.It was intended to re-lay dilapidatedparts of the ancient brickwork with brick identical in colour and physical propertiesand with a width of 400 mm. (1?2bricks). The work on the monument would continue for a year, and, as experience had shown that there would be a largenumberof casual visitors, taking their toll on the general state of preservationof the monument, it was proposed to erect a temporarybrick enclosure, and a doorway in the north-easternarea. * The authors are grateful to the British Institute of Persian Studies for a grant towards the preparationof the drawings.
Bibliography Tashkent. Bdbur,Zahiral-Din.1949.Babur-name. - The Bdbur-ndma,ed. and tr. W.M. Thackston Jr., Mass.1993 Cambridge, downto the MongolInvasion. Barthold,W. 1968. Turkestan E.J.W.GibbMemorial Trust.London Chekhovich, O.D. 1974. Samarkandskiyedokumentui. Pis'mennoti VostokaXXXI.Moscow. Pamyatniki Dmitriev, V.M. 1950. "Kompozmtsionniye osobyennosti bukharskoiarkhitekturi vtoroi polovini XVI v." (The features of Bukhara of thesecond architecture compositional
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half of the sixteenthcentury)Coll. Materialipo istoriii teorii arkhiteturiUzbekistana.Ed. 1. Dow, M. 1996. TheIslamicBaths ofPalestine. Oxford.
C. 1942,1943.LesbainsdeDamas. M. andLeCoeur, Ecochard, de Damas.Beirut. I andII.Institut Frangais Feilden,B.M. 1994. ConservationofHistoricBuildings.London. Golombek,L. and Wilber,D. 1988. The ThmuridArchitecture of Iran and Turan.Princeton. Herdeg. K. 1990. Formal Structurein Islamic Architecturein IranandTurkistan.New York. Iriskov,A. et al. (eds). 1996. Amir Temurin WorldHistory.
Tashkent. Khanyikov, N. 1843. Opisaniye Bukharskago khanstva (A
St.Petersburg. of theBukhara khanate). description Man'kovskaya, L.Yu. 1980. Tipologicheskiye osnobui zodchestvaSredneiAzii (IX-nach.AX v.) (The typological
of CentralAsia (10th-to the bases of the architecture of 20th Tashkent. the century)). beginning O'Kane, B. 1987. TimuridArchitecturein Khurasan. Costa
Mesa. Olufsen,O. 1911. TheEmirofBokharaand his country.London.
Orbeli,I. 1939."Banyai skomorokhXII v." (Bathsand the minstrelof the twelfthcentury).Coll. Pamyatnikiepokhi Rustaveli.Leningrad.
Pauty,E. 1933. Les hammamsdu Caire. InstitutFrangais Cairo. Orientale. d'Archdologie Pugachenkova, G.A. 1981. Termes, Schahr-i Sabz, Chiwa.
Berlin. Rempel' L.I. 1958. Vidayushchiesya pamyatniki arkhitekturiUzbekistana(Notable monuments of Islamic
Sand
in Uzbekistan). architecture Gosudartsvennoye izdatyel'stvo literaturi. Tashkent. khudoshyestvyennoyi Rempel' L.I. 1981. Vodosnabzheniye.Vodyemi.Banyi. Vostoki. Dalekoye i blizkoye.Bukharskiyezapisi. Tashkent.
London. E. 1876.Turkistan. Schuyler, Shishkin, V.A. 1936. Arkhitekturniyepamyatniki Bukhari
Tashkent. of Bukhara). monuments (Architectural A. 1868. Sketchesof CentralAsia. London. Vinmb6ry. - 1873. HistoryofBokhara. London. - 1877. Ocherni i kartini vostochnikhnravov (Sketches and
imagesof Easterncustoms).St.Petersburg. Voronina,V.L., 1951. "Obuzbekskikhbanyakh"(On Uzbek baths).SovetskayaEtnografia.No. 1.
SUFIS AND COMPETINGMOVEMENTSIN NISHAPUR Melchert by Christopher OrientalInstitute,Oxford
Thanksto relativelyabundantsources and some good modem studies,we now know much aboutthe developmentof Sufism and related movements in Nishapurfromthe laterninthcenturyA.D. to the time of our principalsources for their history,the early 1000s. Jacqueline Chabbi has examined the biographicalsourcesandfoundstrongsuggestionsthat Nishapurwas originallydivided, in the later ninth century,betweentwo renunciantmovementsof local origin, the Karramiyyaand Malamatiyya.1Sufism (tasawwuf),expressly so named, was evidently an fromIraqandabsorbedthe localMaldmati importation school only in the eleventh century. Subsequent researcheshave almost entirely confirmedChabbi's WhatI proposeto addis to identifymore interpretation. the precisely formationof a Malamatischool, mainly with the workof Abi 'Uthminal-Hiri(d. at Nishapur, 298/910); to describemore precisely its progressive absorptionby IraqiSufism;to discussthe involvement of Karrmiyya, Malamatiyya,and Sufis in politics, especiallyby way of orderingthe good andprohibiting theirconnectionswith evil; and,finally,to characterise the developingschoolsof law.
237/851-52) and by Ahmad b. Khidrawayh (d. 240/854-55). Itsprinciplesweretaughtin Nishapurby Ahmadb. Harb(d. 234/849) andAbi Hafs al-Haddad al-Naysabtri(d. 265/878?).3 WithAhmadb. HarbandAbOHafs,we cometo the Karramiyyaand Malamatiyya,the two renunciant schools that distinguishedKhurasanfrom Iraq,Syria, andotherregionsof earlySufi activity.NeitherAhmad b. Harb nor Abt Hafs was a Karrami,but the Karr•miyyawere namedfor a discipleof Ibn Harb's, Muhammadb. Karram(d. nearJerusalem,255/869).4 C.E.Bosworthofferedthefirstindependent studyof the their in the part politics of Karramiyya,stressing Nishapur.5JacquelineChabbi, suspecting that Sufi is tendentiousandmisleading,inspected historiography the survivingabridgement of the Ta'rikhNays•bir, by at al-Hakimal-Naysaboiri (d. Nishapur,405/1014),and foundthatit expresslycalls no one a Sufi beforeAbi Bakral-Wasiti(d. after320/932)andnamesfew further thetenthcentury.6As anothercheck personsthroughout on the Sufi tradition,she inspectedthe geographical work Ahsan al-taqdsim,by al-Maqdisi(dubiously, fl. 375/985), and found that the most al-Muqaddasi; numerousasceticsof Khurasanseemto be not Sufisbut Karramiyyaor, as Maqdisi sometimes styles them, RENUNCIANTSCHOOLSOF KHURASAN khInaq5'iyyin.7 She located the beginnings of the Karr•miyyawith Ahmadb. Harb,who formedboth butpositedthatIbnKarramtook Working with Sufi sources, Louis Massignon asceticsandpreachers, located the beginning of KhurasaniSufism with his teachingin a new direction,mainly by actively followersof Ibrahimb. Ad'ham(d. in UpperMesopo- seeking out converts,especially in the countryside, tamia, 163/779-80?) who transferredfrom Basra to hithertobarelyIslamised.8 Khurasanin the later eighth century.2The most Since Chabbi'swork,Josef van Ess has published al-Balkhi(d. important importantof themwas Shaqiqb. Ibrhimun additionaltextswithcommentary whileJeanat Kiln, 184/810), who establisheda new school ClaudeVadethas broughtout the importanceof the as a schoolof kaldm.9AronZysowhaspaid distinguished by a new definitionof tawakkul(reliance) Karr5miyya andtherejectionof kasb(gain).ForIbrdhim b. Ad'ham, special attention to peculiar Karrami juridical tawakkulmeantdependenceon licit gainas opposedto positions.10 BerndRadtkehas discussedthe opposition illicit; for Shaqiq,it meant dependenceon God, not of al-Hakimal-Tirmidhi(d. c. 295/907-8?) to the man. And whereasIbrahimhad subsistedon money Karramiyya,and has also published a letter from fromoddjobs, Shaqiqcompletelyrejectedall kasbas al-Hakim al-Tirmidhito the Maldmatileader AbN pernicious.The new Balkhischoolwas maintainedby 'Uthmdnal-Hiri."SarahSviri has used the latterto his disciple Hatim al-Asamm (d. at Washajird, good effect,replicatingandextendingChabbi'swork.12
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Useful summarieshave also appearedfrom Wilferd MadelungandMargaretMalamud,amongothers.13 OurpremierSufi historianof Khurasan,Abi 'Abd al-Rahmanal-Sulami(d. at Nishapur,412/1021),states thatfromAbNlHafsspreadthe doctrineof malima.14In
school is admittedlyimpossibleto say, for al-Sulami, overa centurylater,is theonlyextantsourceto callthem that.Ourdataon mastersand disciplessuggestthata andAbilHafs schoolwentbacknotto Hamdinal-Qassar butonlyto Abi 'Uthmdnal-HIi.Tomy knowledge,our his Risllat al-Maldnmatiyya,al-Sulami expounds their sourcesname six men as disciplesof Abi (min which Abl come down sahiba Abd H.afs to a principles, Hafs, thoroughgoing ash5b Hafs). interiorisation of religion;that is, they cultivatetotal concentration on Godbutdo not allowtheirnearnessto TABLE1: TheDisciples ofAba al-Nays biri. H.afs God to affect theirpublic appearanceand behaviour, which remain inconspicuous (although not AbGi 'Uthmanal-Hiri.18 Chabbi observes that of their some blameworthy).15 Abai'AbdAllahal-Sijzi(fl. late3rd/9thcent.).19 before300/913).20 were Shahb. Shuja' to the those known of principles exactlyopposed al-Kinnrni(d.atKinnan, 303or304/c.916).21 MahfUzb. (d.atNishapur, Karrarmiyya; e.g. specialdressfor Karrimirenunciants, Mahmi•d normal dress for Malamatiyya. It is a credible al-Murta'ish (d.Baghdad,328/939-40).22 AbU'All al-Thaqafi 328/940).23 (d. atNishapur, extrapolationthat the Karrfmiyyaand Malimatiyya were rival movements,the chief alternativeforms of Khurasani renunciationuntil the later advent of Thereis somequestionabouttwo of these. Sufism.16 Al-SulamIaccepted the Sufi intrudersas The sources name three disciples of Hamdiin fellow opponentsof the Shi'a and Karrimiyyaand al-Qassar. assimilatedthe local,Malrnatitradition retrospectively to the Sufi traditionof Iraq,as by includingAbtiHafs TABLE2: TheDisciples of Hamdanal-Qassr. andHamdinal-Qassar(d. at Nishapur,271/884-85) in thefirstgenerationof SufisandAbti'Uthmanal-HIi (d. Mahf5z b. Mahmld.24 at Nishapur,298/910)in the second.17 Abai'Allal-Thaqafi.25 Onthewhole,I haveto say,Chabbi'sarticlelooksas IbnManazil(d. atNishapur,331/942?).26 brillianton my fourthreadingas it did on my first.I do not proposeto correcther.A close examinationof the Again,thereis somequestionaboutal-Thaqafi.27 sourcesdoes shedadditionallighton some biographical By contrast,the extantsourcesnameat leastsixteen of the developmentsshe bringsout. (Theseareby and disciplesof Abti'Uthminal-Hiri. largethe samesourcesthatChabbiherselfuses,withthe TABLE3: TheDisciples ofAbi 'Uthmlinal-HIrL. exceptionthat I approachal-HIakim al-Naysabtirinot through the extant abridgementand translationof al-Khalifaal-Naysabtiri but mainlythroughquotations 311/924).28 Abi Ja'farb. Hamdan(d. atNishapur, in al-Dhahabi, Ta'rikh al-Islam, and Siyar a'l•mn al-nubali.)
THEFORMATIONOF THEMALAMATI SCHOOL One such development is the formation of a selfconscious Malamatischool; thatis, a body of renunciants conscious of a common doctrine and a particular sequence of masters and disciples. Approximately the same level of consciousness, covering a common doctrine and a common sequence of masters and disciples, characterisesthe contemporaryschools of law. Whether any body expressly called itself the Maltrnati
Abi 'l-Husayn (d.before320/932).29 al-Warrnq
al-Murta'ish.30 Mahffizb.Mahmiad.31
b. 'Allal-Nasawi(fl.atNisk,early4th/10th Muhammad cent.).32
b. Hayy5n AbtiBakrMuhammad (d.335/December 947).33 946-January al-H-ir(d. 342/954).34 b. Muhammad Abh q Ibrahim Ish. b. Abti'l-Husayn (d. Ahmad Abi 'Uthman al-.Hir 343/954-55).35 Abt 'UthmanSa'idb. 'AbdAllahal-Samarqandi (d. 343/954-55).36
'A'ishabt. Sa'id(d. 346/957-58).37 Abu'l-Hasanal-Btishanji (d. 347/958?).38 'AbdAllahal-Rizi(d. 353/964--65).39
SUFIS AND COMPETING MOVEMENTS IN NISHAPUR
(d.Tis? after350/961-62).40 al-Turdghabadhi
Muhammad (d.before.360/970-71).41 al-Shabahi 'Alib.
Bundar(d. 359/96970?).42
Abmad b.Ytisufal-Iskafal-Ashqar (d.at AbtiHdmid Mecca,364/974-75).43
IbnNujayd (d.atMecca,965/975?).44 A schoolis constitutedwhenit has recognisedmasters anddisciples.Altogether,Abi 'Uthmanseems to have behavedmorelikethechiefof a distinctschoolthanany shaykhbeforehim. Anotherevidenceof Abi 'Uthman'sconsolidating the schoolis his synthesisingthe doctrinesof Abi and Hamdin al-Qassdr.Accordingto al-Sulami,H.afs AbN andhis followersurgedon theirdisciplesto good H.afs and ascetical exercises (mujtihad~t), works whereas and his followers belittled works Hamdtn al-Qassar before their disciples and pointed out their Ab 'UthmCn saidthateachmethodwas shortcomings. soundat the propertime andurgedneophytesto good works and exerciseswhile pointingout to advanced studentsthe shortcomingsof the samegood worksand exercises.45 of Negatively,AbN encouragement H.afs's seems much less good works and asceticalexercises distinctlyMalamatithanHamdinal-Qassar'sbelittling them,castingdoubton whetherAbi Hafseverfounded a distinctMalamatischool.Positively,AbN'Uthman's synthesissoundsmuchmoreliketheworkof a founder. Unlikehis two predecessors,moreover,Abo 'Uthmdn committedhis teachingto writing,which served to makethe propagation of his doctrine,as if by a regular school,mucheasier.46 THEMALAMATISCHOOLAND SUFISM I believewe cango beyondChabbialso concerning the relationshipbetweenMal.matiyyaand Sufis thus expressly designated. Genetically, they are only remotelyrelated.ClassicalSufismtook shape around al-Junayd (d. at Baghdad, 298/911?) after the 260s/874-84. In al-SulamI'sTabaq~tal-stfiyya, the earliest Khurasaniwith Iraqi masters is Aba Bakr al-WasitI.The same is also the first in al-Hakim's Ta'rikhNaysibir to be expressly identified as a "Sufi".47 Accordingto al-SulamI'sdiscipleal-Qushayri, Sufism appearedin Nishapurby means of Abti 'All al-Thaqafi.48Al-Thaqafi was an early Khurasani exponentof semi-rationalist theology,associatedwith
239
the virtualfounderof the ClassicalShdfi'ischool,Ibn Surayj(d. at Baghdad,306/918).49As an ardentShafi'i and Ash'ari,al-Qushayrimightwell have exaggerated al-Thaqafi'simportancein Sufism;yet AbN'Ali'sdates corroborate al-Hakim'sandal-Sulami'snoticesof AbN Bakr al-Wasiti in their suggestion that Khurasani Sufism goes back only to the early tenth century. Admittedly,al-Sulamirelates a story in which AbN Hafs, visiting Baghdad,overawes al-Junaydby his eloquenceon the subjectoffutuwwa(recklessdisregard of self).50 This and similar stories suggest that Khurasani and Baghdadi mystics were in close communicationwell before the advent of Abi 'Ali However,Chabbi's al-ThaqafiandAbNBakral-Wdsitli. such reports(it was knownthat scepticismconcerning so had no Arabic, that he understoodand Abi Hafs spokeit in Baghdadby a miracle)is difficultto refute.51 Still, whereasSufism and NishapuriMalimatism seem to have grownup independently, they seem to al-Sulami havebeensimilar.In describingMaldmatism, at YazId al-Bast5mi Abi (d. Bast-am, frequentlyquotes 261/875?).52Al-Junaydhimselflecturedon the ecstatic shatahdt of Abi YazId.53Al-Sulami never quotes al-Junayd,buthe does notethathis sometimeassociate Ruwaym(d. at Baghdad?303/915-16) "comesclose" To some degree,coincidences to Malamatidoctrine.54 betweenBaghdadiSufismandNishapuriMalamatism betweenIraqi maybe feedback.Thatis, communication was sufficientlywell Sufis andNishapuriMalamatiyya developedby the time of al-Sulamifor Malamatismto have come underIraqiinfluence.It was no longerthe puremovementof AbN'Uthmdn. andSufismwerealso responsesto YetMaldmatism similarchallenges;mainly,to demonstrative mystical movementsthat had provokedrepression.As Chabbi suggests, interiorising Maldmatismwas partly a response to Karramism. I would suggest that interiorisingJunaydiSufismwas partlya responseto the Sufism that had provoked the Inquisition of 264/877-78, in which GhulamKhalil(d. at Baghdad, 275/888), a popularpreacher,procuredthe indictment of seventy-oddmysticsfor sayingtheyno longerfeared God but loved him. Ruwaym and al-Ntri (d. at Baghdad,295/907-8) were among those who fled Baghdad.SSAl-Junayd himself escaped arrest by assertingthathe was not a Sufi at all but a studentof jurisprudence, specifically that of Abt Thawr.56 Al-Junaydwent on to developa languageto deal with mysticalexperiencethat would not offendmore old-
240
JOURNALOF PERSIAN STUDIES
fashionedascetics;for example,triadslike separation- previouslynoted, was a disciple of AbNi'Uthman, union-separation(farq-jam'-farq) and subsistence- accordingto al-Dhahabi,and al-Hakimal-Naysibtiri annihilation-subsistence (baqi'-fand'-baqd')replaced identifieshim as a Sufi, familiarwith al-Shibli in the old dichotomies (e.g. farq-jam ). Al-Junayd also Baghdad.67This fusion of Sufism and Malamatism in an 'Abd Allah inward a continuedin the careersof al-BiIshanji,68 pushed mysticism direction,offering of that b. would and not Bund~r.70 interfere so Moreover,al-Hikim style mysticalpiety clearly al-Razi,69 'Ali with the collection of hadith reports,the study of al-Naysibtiricalls Abi Ahmadal-Julidi(d. 368/979)a jurisprudence,and so on.57New ways of discussing Sufi,eventhoughhe nevertravelledfromNishapurbut so far was a discipleof thedisciplesof AbtiHafs;i.e. he was a mysticalexperiencewereno partof Malamatism, as we know,but an inner-worldly, If a distinctMalamatischool formedonly non-demonstrative Malnmati.71 was central to it. the with mysticism teachingof Abi 'Uthmiinal-iri, it appearsthat A relateddevelopmentto which Chabbimerely it began to blend with Iraqi Sufism alreadyin the of his disciples. points is how the Sufis absorbedthe Malamatiyya. generation Al-Sulamiplainlyconsidershimself both a Malimati and a Sufi, whereashis discipleal-Qushayriconsiders himself a Sufi plain and simple. Thus we have a KARRAMIYYAAND MALAMATIYYA terminusante quemat aboutthe secondquarterof the eleventhcentury.A terminuspost quemis harderto fix. sourcesshouldallowus to datethe Ourbiographical If we acceptal-Qushayri's reportthathe was a disciple estrangementbetween Karrimiyyaand Malamatiyya of Abil Hafs and of al-Qass?r,thenAbi 'Ali more precisely than in previous studies. There is was not sharpuntilthe al-ThaqafiappearstoH.amdin representthe firstfusionbetween evidencethattheirestrangement Sufism and Khurasani Karrdm'smasterin b. Ibn the tenth Abmad that Harb, Iraqi Malamatism; is, century. first person who was formedin both Baghdadand Nishapur,was well regardedby eminenttraditionists. Nishapurand then formedKhurasanidisciplesin the Yahydb. Yahyaal-Naysibiri(d. at Nishapur,226/839) latter. was sure that Ibn Harb, if anyone, was among the abdNl.72Al-SulamiincludesYahydb. Mu'adhal-Riziin TABLE4: TheDisciples ofAb "A his shorterbiographicaldictionaryof Sufis,althoughit ITal-Thaqafi. omitsIbnHarbhimselfandall mentionof Karrdmiyya. AbtiSahlMuhammad and b. Muhammad al-Subki near (d. Yahyi b. Mu'ddhwas buried near Ibn thereforeChabbicountshim his disciple.73 H.arb, Medina,355/966).58 Massignon Abi NasrFathb. 'AbdAllahal-Sindi(d.atNasrdbddh, pointsto similaritiesbetweenYahydb. Mu'fdh'sand Ibn Karrdm'steachingsand identifiesYahydand his 359/969).59 AbNSahlal-Su'laki (d.atNishapur, 369/980).60 discipleIbrahimal-Khawwas(d. atRay,291/903-4?)as Abl BakrMuhammad b. Ahmadal-Farra' (d. 372/983?).61 Karrmiyya.74 Al-Sulami includes both Yahyd and 'AbdAllahb. Muhammad b. Fadlawayh(d. 374/984-85).62
Abi Muhammad b. al-Sarial-Kirmnni Muhammad al-Qabbini(d. at Nishapur,376/986).63
Abi Sa'Id'AbdAllahb. Muhammad al-Rdzi(d.at Bukhara, 382/992-93).64 AbW 'l-'Abb5s al-Bushni 'UbaydAllahb. Muhammad (d. 384/994).65 Abt Muhammad 'AbdAllih b. Humidal-Isbahani (d. 389/999).66
Even if we do not acceptal-QushayrI'scharacterisation of Abti 'AlI al-Thaqafi,there is al-Thaqafi'scontemporary Abti Bakr Muhammadb. Hayy~n (d. 336/935-36), who followed the doctrine of Abt b. al-Fadl, as '1l-.Husayn
IbrahIm in his TabaqNtal-s qtiyya, although not Ibn
themselves.75 IbnKarramseemsto HarborIbnKarrtim have quotedmild praise for himself from Yalhy b. Mu'adh.76
Ibn Karr.rn was certainly imprisoned in Nishapur
and finally expelledfrom it; however,it is uncertain were to blame.77An Ibn whetherlocal traditionalists AbuKhuzaymaandothersweresaidto haveagreedon his later banishmentfrom Nishapur,but this may have been otherthan the famous traditionalistMuhammadb. Ishiq b. Khuzayma (d. 311 or 312/c. 924).78 It was at Heratthat a local traditionalist,Abti Sa'Id al-Darimi (d. 280/894), is said to have collaboratedin his beating and expulsion.79 al-Naysablri heard that Ibn Al-.•ikim praised by both Ibn Khuzayma, chief Karrdmhad been
SUFIS AND COMPETING MOVEMENTS IN NISHAPUR
of the traditionalists(ahl al-hadith),and Abi Sa'id, chief of rationalistic (ahl al-ra ).80Both jurisprudents weresaidto havesatbeforehimmorethanonce.81 Our first distinct report of Malamati hostility towards the Karramiyyaseems to come from the generationafterAbil 'Uthman.Al-Husaynb. al-Fadl, also evidentlyknownas Ibn Khuzayma,declaredthe Karrfmiyyato be unbelievers(i.e. kuffr).82 I haveseen no biographyof this Ibn Khuzayma,but al-Sulami describesMuhammadb. Hayydn,listed above among the disciplesof Abii 'Uthmn, as followingthe doctrine of al-Husaynb. al-Fadl,"amongthe greatfitydnof the Here in al-Husaynb. disciples of Abii 'Uthman".83 nameddisciple al-Fadl,we probablyhaveanadditional, of Ab~ 'Uthmin;probably,too, this is our first clear Malimati condemnationof the Karramiyya.Its date (tenth century) is consistentwith Ibn Khuzayma's commendation of IbnKarrimhimself. I shouldlike to have locateda breakbetweenthe and Karrdmiyya.Van Ess points out H.anafiyya refutations of Karrimiviews fromHanaficirclesin the later ninth century,but then the heresiographyof Makhill al-Nasafi (d. 318/930), al-Radd 'ald ahl al-bida'wa-1'-ahwP,fails to mentionthem.84Richard Bulliet assumes that the two parties were always dividedalongclasslines,butI have foundno evidence of any division in the tenth century (except that al-Hakimidentifiesno one as an adherentof both)and no expresscondemnationof the Karrdmiyyafrom a is a new Hanafiin the eleventh.Hanafiheresiography field of study.85 I will merelyproposeHanafi-Karrimi relationsas a topicfor furtherresearch. THEMYSTICALSCHOOLSIN POLITICS Chabbi suggests that the Karramiyyafell into disreputemainlyby assemblingmembersof the lower classes and preachingto them.86There is certainly evidencethat Ahmadb. Harbsufferedfor something like this. Some time in the 220s/830s-40s, Ahmadb. Harbwas arrestedby 'AbdAllih b. T-hiir,governorof Khurasan,evidentlyfor commandingan independent When'AbdAllWh heardof militaryforceon thefrontier. his reputationfor piety,he let him departfor Mecca.87 Similarly,the Tihirids once or twice imprisonedIbn in Nishapur.88 Karr~im Alhmadb. Harbwas accusedof Ibn Karramwas associatedwith the being a Murji'.89 Murji'tenetthat faithneitherincreasesnor decreases,
241
and the Karrbmiyyawere partisansof Ab5iHanifa.90 Abti Hanifaand the Murji'abelievedin orderingthe good and prohibiting evil (al-amr bi-1'-ma'rif wa-'l-nahy can al-munkar)to the point of active disobedienceto rulers.91It is possiblethat Ahmadb. HarbandIbnKarramcarriedon the tradition. Naturally,orderingthe good and prohibitingevil would was notsomethingthe interiorising Malamatiyya times several is quoted al-Qass~r encourage.Hamdtin againstit. One of his followersaskedhim, "Whatshall I do? I must deal with those soldiers.What do you think?"Plainly,dealingwiththesesoldiersseemedlike collaborationin evil. But Hamdiinanswered,"If you know for certainthatyou are betterthanthey,do not In otherwords,one normallyought deal with them."92 to dealwith soldiersas a sign of one'sproperhumility. Anothertime, Hamdinwas supposedlyasked,"When is it permissiblefor a manto speakagainstpeople(an yatakallama 'ali 'l-nis)?" He said, "When the of God is executionof one of the obligations(fari'iYd) incumbenton him,accordingto his knowledge,orwhen he fearsthe man'sperditionin a heresyoutof whichhe Themention wishesto bringhim by his knowledge."93 of heresy suggests leaving alone oppressiverulers, althoughnot,perhaps,unorthodoxKarrfmiyya. IraqiSufismhadseveralstrands,somefavourableto orderingthe good and prohibitingevil. Al-Nihriis like breaking famousforboldinterventions particularly The winejugsboundforthecaliphalpalace.94 firstwave of Sufis to reach Khurasanmay have been fleeing adherentsof al-Hallaj,thereforecloser to al-Nin's Oneof Abi thanal-Junayd's quietism.95 outspokenness 'Ali al-Thaqafi'sdisciples, Muhammadb. Ahmad al-Farrf', was notable for ordering the good and prohibitingevil.96It seems possiblethata predilection for orderingthe good andprohibitingevil was one trait thatkeptthe SufisandMalamatiyya apartuntiltheearly eleventhcentury. C.E. Bosworthand R.W. Bulliet have pointedto anotherpoliticalcrisis at the end of our period,when of Ghaznaraisedup a Karramileader,Abti Ma1hmiid BakrMuhammadb. Mahmashadh(d. 421/1030). He andrationalists,Shifi'iyya persecutedbothtraditionists andHanafiyya,accusingthemof heresyandextorting money, before being demoted.97Shafi'i biographers such as al-Naysabitii and al-Sulamishould more hostile to the Karramiyyaafter an al-H.kim have been I detectno hostility like episode this,buton thecontrary, in the biographyof the Shafi'i'Abdal-Ghafiral-FarisI
242
(d. at Nishapur, 529/1134-35).98
JOURNAL OF PERSIAN STUDIES
A predilection for
orderingthe goodandprohibitingevil mayat leasthave becomemoot, in the eyes of the Maldmatiyya, aftera few episodesof strongfavourfromrulersfortheirrivals who orderedandprohibited, theKarramiyya. Whatwas the point of refusingto criticiserulersif one fell into disfavouranyway? SCHOOLSOF MYSTICISMAND SCHOOLS OF LAW
some of his soldiersin 268/882.106It was duringhis absence in 267 that Yahyd b. Muhammadled an lieutenantsandexpelled uprisingagainstal-Khujistani's them fromthe city. On al-Khujistani's return,Yahya's meltedaway.He triedto slip awayhimself, supporters disguisedas a porter,but was arrestedand killed whetherby being immured,stabbed,or torturedto death,the sourcesdiffer.-107 Yahyab. Muhammadoriginallyreceivedthe united supportof the frontierraiders(ghuz~it),traditionalists (ashib jurisprudents (ashib al-hadith),andrationalistic al-ra ?y).lo8 Yahya accused five persons of direct
renunciant. too earlyto be a Althoughhe was naturally Mal•mati,al-Sulamievidentlyincludedhim amongthe awliyd' (friends of God), probably in his lost biographical dictionary Ta'rikh al-sOfiyya.102 The warlordAhmadb. 'Abd Allah al-Khujist~nI occupied Nishapurin 265/878-79, professedlyon behalfof the
responsibilityfor his downfall:"thetwo 'Abbases,Ibn Yasin,Bishrawayhand Ahmadb. Nasr al-Labbad".109 Thesemen are difficultto identifyexceptfor the last, who must have been Ahmadb. Muhammadb. Nasr al-Labbad(d. 280/893-94), chief of ahl al-rav in evidentlyconnectedYahya's Al-Khujistani Nishapur.10 resistancewith the teachingof hadith,for traditionists were forbiddento meet. Perhapsal-Labbadand his fellows exploitedal-Khujist~ni's insecurityto deal a blow to theirrivals.At any rate,the storyis told that al-Sari b. Khuzaymaal-Dinawari(d. 275/888-89?) came to Nishapurin 270/883-84, and the traditionists darednot go to hearhis hadithuntilAbi 'Uthmanthe zdhid took up his inkwell and led the way. Ibn Khuzaymachose the reportsthathe shoulddictate."1 Leading the traditioniststhis way, Abti 'Uthman certainlydoes not appearto have been far from the mainstream. The question remains of the relation between mystical movements and the schools of law. The Karrfniyyaappearto have been close to the Hanafi b. Sahibmay have stakedout a school.112Muhammad more independentKarrfni positionin the firsthalf of the tenth century.113It is not surprisingthat the Karramiyyaand Malamatiyya should each have consolidatedaboutthe same time, or that with their consolidationshouldhavedevelopedincreasinglybitter opposition. Concerningthe Hanafischool,the sourcesidentify some adherentsas "renunciants"(zuhhd). Having
SaftaridYa'qtibb. al-Layth.103 The next year, he broke with Ya'qub's successor 'Amr and professed loyalty to the Tahirids. He re-occupied Nishapur and killed a numberof those loyal to 'Amr.104In 267/881, he headed for Iraq but got no fartherthan the province of Qfimis. The people of Ray fortified their city against him, and so he returnedto Nishapur.o05He was killed there by
looked throughleading sources for the eleventh as well as earlier centuries, Bulliet reports finding eight men identified as Hanafiyya and renunciants, two as and devotees ('ubbgd), but only one as a .Hanafiyya and a Sufi.114 In the tenth century, the Hanafi combinationof Hanafism and Sufism is fairly restricted Bulliet too quickly to Mary, Balkh and Transoxania.115
Margaret Malamud has suggested that the associationof Sufism with the Shafi'i school of law helpedit to gain authority.On close examination,her case does not seem credible.It dependsheavilyon her assertion that before the late tenth and eleventh centuries,"Sufishad been outsidethe mainstreamof Islamicsociallife andinstitutions."99 Sheproposesthat Sufismmoved into the mainstreamwhen it secureda place in the madrasa.However,she presentsno hard evidencethatSufismeveractuallydid securea placein the madrasa.100Moreover, the establishment of madrasas equally shows that jurisprudence had forit,too, hadno formerlybeenoutsidethemainstream, locationto itselfbeforethen- an absurdconclusion,of course,thatcalls intoquestionhercriterionof inclusion in the mainstream. On the contrary, there is evidence that the werecentralto thereligiousestablishment Malamatiyya fromthe beginning.Yahydb. Muhammad al-DhuhlI(d. 267/881), also called Haykan, son of the famous traditionist b. Yahyaal-Dhuhli(d.258/872?), Muhammad hadbeenplacedby theTdhirids in commandof themilitia (qurri' mu.ttawwi'a), presumablyto fightthe paganTurks across the frontier.101He had some reputationas a
SUFIS AND COMPETING MOVEMENTS IN NISHAPUR
equates "Sufi" with "mystic": from al-Sulami's polemics,if nothingelse, it is clear that Karrrnism, hence the piety of many Hanafiyya,includedstrong But he is rightto point out the mysticalelements.116 aversionof theHanafischoolof Nishapurto Sufism,socalled. As forthe Malimatiyya,Hamdinal-Qasshrhimself supposedly adhered to the school of Sufyan al-Thawri,117as did the discipleof his disciples,Abi Abt 'All al-Thaqafiwas a Shdfi'i, Ahmadal-Jultdi.d18 and most though, NishapuriSufis after him were likewiseassociatedwiththe Shafi'ischoolif any at all. Bulliet attributesthe rise of the Shdfi'ischool in the tenthcenturyfirstto the riseof new families,secondto the friendlinessof the Shafi'i school to Persianand it mysticism.119The firstargumentis poorlysupported: needs evidencethat the Shafi'i families of the tenth centurywerenew andthattheShafi'ismof thetenthand eleventh centurieswas discontinuouswith the wellestablishedtraditionistscholarshipof the ninth and tenth.Thereis some evidencefor friendlinesstoward Persianand mysticism;however,the local Mal.mati school was already friendly to Persian (Abt and notoriouslyspokeonly Persian,as noticedabove),HI.afs it was mystical, so Shifi'ism appearsto have been redundant. I am inclinedto say that Shafi'ismabsorbedlocal traditionalism becauseit was more efficient,and that the Sufisof Nishapurbecameidentifiedwiththe Shafi'i school becauseit was the successorto earlier,vaguer traditionist scholarship. Before Ibn Surayj, traditionalistjurisprudentsacquiredtheir knowledge piecemealfrom many differentmasters,just as they acquiredhadith.Startingwith Ibn Surayj'sstudents, ratherstudiedunderone teacher Shafi'ijurisprudents and receivedfrom him a licence to give opinionsor themselvesto teach.IbnSurayjhadmorestudentsfrom Khurasanthanany otherregion outsideIraq,and the of Khurasanis is evengreateramongthe preponderance students of his successors in Baghdad. The new, Surayjistyle musthave prevailedover the old in part for technical reasons: first, one's juridical authority must have seemed more certain if one had received a licence from one teacher whose relation to previous teachers was clear, and whose method of teaching was simple and clear; second, it must have been easier to learn one's Shafi'i jurisprudence at one place than wanderingabout;and, finally, it was evidently easier to study a system of jurisprudencethan to memorise tens
243
of thousandsof hadithreportsandthen to constructa system for oneself on their basis.120A numberof scholarshavepointedoutthatAsh'arismwas easierfor Sufis to embracethan Mu'tazilism,inasmuchas the Mu'tazilatended to disbelieve in miracles,whereas a miracle Ash'arioccasionalismeasily accommodated as kharq al-'ida.121 If the Malamati school was, however,alreadyin the ninth centuryinvolved with traditionist scholarship,andthis scholarshipwas in turn absorbedby the Shafi'ischool in the tenthcentury,it was very naturalfor NishapuriSufismlikewiseto be associatedwiththe Shafi'ischool. As for Sufism'sabsorptionof Malamatism,I have alreadysuggestedthat Malamatirefusal of political involvementmust have seemedincreasinglypointless as rulerscameto welcomeKarrdmisupport.Malrnati distastefor Sufi politicalactivismmustthereforehave diminished as a hindrance to their identifying themselvesas Sufis.Connectionwith a widertradition must also have attractedMaldmatiyyato Sufism as much as it attractedtraditioniststo Shqfi'ism.Yet, it mustbe emphasised, al-Naysabiristillspeaks al-H.kim (traditionalists)and ahl al-rajy mainly of ahl al-hadith (rationalists), not Shafi'iyya and Hanafiyya: the absorptionof the local traditionsproceededgradually, andwas nevercompletein the tenthcentury. Notes
( here whichI owe to MichaelCooperson, "Renunciant", becauseit Arabiczhid. I preferit to "ascetical" translates of Ontheopposition to "mystical". noopposition suggests Max tomystical ascetical Weber, piety,whichgoesbackto "TheTransition fromAsceticism seeChristopher Melchert, attheMiddleof theThird/Ninth to Mysticism Century", 2
StudiaIslamicaLXXXIII(1996),pp. 51-70. Essaisur les originesdu lexiquetechniquede la mystique rev.edn. (Paris,1954),pp. 258-59. Cf. Abu musulmane, 'l-'Al1' 'Afifi, al-Malibmatiyyawa-l-safiyya wa-ahl
p. 31. (Cairo,1364/1945), al-futuwwa
3
Massignon,loc. cit.;'Afifi,p. 32. Drawingon al-Sam'Wni's Kit~bal-Ansib, Massignon also names a Muhammadb. FadlBalkhi(d. 243) as havingspreadShaqiq'sdoctrine. However,this appearsto be ratherthe Muhammadb. 319/931-32:the date243 who diedin Samarqand, al-Fa~dl comes fromthe followingentry,for the Kufanascetical See al-Sam'Ani,Ansib, s.n. b. writer Hannrd al-Sari. "'libid'. The standardwork on tawakkulis Benedikt
244
JOURNALOF PERSIAN STUDIES
Reinert,Die Lehre vom Tawakkulin der klassischen Sufik 4
5 6
7
8
(Berlin,1968);see alsoE2, s.v.,by L. Lewisohn. 14 Thesourcesarenotunanimous in favourof eitherKarimor Karrim.Al- Sam'Ani prefersKarrim:ibid.,s.n."Karra~mi". 15 IbnHajarprefersthat,butallowsKar5mas a variant: and al-muntabih, ed. 'Ali Muhammad al-BijawiTabs.r Muhammad 4 vols. (Cairo,1964?-67,repr. 'AIial-Najjar, 16 vol. Beirut,n.d.), II, p. 1191.AronZysowhastoldme he has evidencefor "Kar5m", butuntilhe publishesit, I shall 17 18 stickto themoreconventional form,"Karrim". "TheRiseof theKardmiyyah in Khurasan", Muslim World L (1960),pp. 5-14. 19 "Remarquessur le daveloppement historique des 20 mouvementsascetiqueset mystiquesauKhurasan", Studia IslamicaXLVI(1977),pp. 26-38. Chabbidiscussesmore of the earlySufi historiography fully the tendentiousness but also al-Sarraj, 21 here, al-Kaldbadhi, (especially, 22 and al-Sulami,al-Qushayri, Hujwiri)in "R6flexionssurle 23 Soufisme iranien primitif', JA CCLXVI (1978), pp. 37-55. "Mouvements asc6tiques", pp. 38-45. Foral-Maqdisi,see Brockelmann,GAL,vol. I, p. 230; Suppl.,vol. I, pp. 410-11.Fortheformof al-Maqdisi's nisba,I wouldrelyon 24 IbnHajar,Tabsir,vol. IV,p. 1384. Ibid., pp. 48-50. Van Ess, UngeniitzteTextezur Karrimiya, Sitzungsber.der
25
Akad.derWiss.,phil.-hist.KI.,Jg. 1980,Abh. Heidelberger 5 (Heidelberg, de la Haute1980);Vadet,"LeKarramisme Asie au carrefourde trois sectes rivales",REI XLVIII (1980),pp.25-50. 10 "TwoUnrecognized KarramiTexts",JAOSCVIII(1988), pp. 583-87. 11 "Theologien undMystikerin HurasinundTransoxanien", ZDMGCXXXVI(1986), pp. 536-69, esp. pp. 563-65;
27
9
12
13
26
Kit5b Tabaqdtal-sifiyya, ed. JohannesPedersen (Leiden,
1960),p. 114. Apud 'Afifi, Maldimatiyya,pp. 86-120. 'Afifi's analysis,
selfstressingaboveall theirstruggleagainsthypocritical is 47-68. ibid.,pp. regard, entirelyadequate: "Mouvementsasc6tiques", pp. 53-55. Ibid., p. 69. al-Naysabfri, apud al-Dhahabi,Ta'rikhal-Isl•m, al-H.kim 'Abdal-Salim 65 vols.to date ed.
'Umar Tadmuri, XXII vol. 1987-), (A.H.291-300),p. 150.
elsewherestatesthatShahal-Kirm5ni merelyvisitedAbil Hafsin Nishapur, op. cit.,p. 183. Ibid., p. 269. Ibid., p. 356. al-Qushayri, al-Risida fi 'l-tasawwuf, s.n.; however,
al-Sulamistatesonly thatAb 'All al-Thaqafimet Abfi Hafs and Hamdin al-Qass?r,apud al-Dhahabi,Ta'rikh al-Islfm,vol. XXIV (A.H. 321-30), p. 239, presumably from the Tarkh al-Sifiyya. al-Sulami,Tabaq&,p. 269. al-Qushayri,Risila, s.n.
Ibid.,p. 376. See above,n. 23. al-Sulami, Tabaqit, p. 336.
29
Ibid.,p. 298. Ibid.,p. 356.
30 31 32 33 34
35
dateof deathis uncertain. 1992).Al-Hakimal-Tirmidhi's One mediaevalsourcementionsthathe was still relating hadithin 318/930-31,a dateacceptedby somehistorians; moreover,one of his works mentionsthe Qaramta's removalof the Black Stone in 317/929. Nevertheless, Radtkearguesat lengthfor an earlierdate in Al-Hakin
36 37
(Beirut,
al-Sulami, Tabaqt, p. 251. Intami ilayh, says al-Sulami,op cit., p. 105;however,he
28
idem, Drei Schriftendes Theosophenvon Tirmid(Beirut,
at-Tirmidi. Ein islamischer Theosoph des 3./9. Jahrhunderts(Freiburg,1980), pp. 35, 38. "Hakim Tirmidhi and the Malimati Movement in Early Sufism", in Classical Persian Sufism.From Its Origins to Rumi, ed. Leonard Lewisohn (New York, 1993), pp. 583-613. Madelung,Religious Trendsin Early Islam (Albany,N.Y., 1988), ch. 4; Malamud, "The Politics of Heresy in
inNishapur", Iranian TheKarramiyya MedievalKhurasan. StudiesXXVII(1994),pp.37-51.
Ibid., p. 269. Ibid., p. 435. al-Dhahabi, op cit., vol. XXV (A.H.331-50), p. 130. Ibid., p. 261.
Ibid.,p. 273. Ibid.,p. 280. Daughterof the previous,known for the charismaof answeredprayer;sheis notexpresslysaidto havebeenhis disciple,andwas doubtfullysubjectto the sameregimeas others,butwe maypresumea stronginfluence:al-Sulami, Dhikr al-niswa al-muta'abbidit
ed. Mahmld
al-s.fiyjt, p. 85. Muhammad (Cairo,1413/1993), al-Tanabin al-Dhahabi,op cit., vol. XXV, p. 383; however, al-Sulami states only thathe met Abl 'Uthman:Tabaq•t,p. 481. Ibid., p. 472. 39 Ibid., p. 523. 4o 41 Ibid., p. 537; Ibn al-Mulaqqin,Tabaqit al-awliyz) ed. Nfir al-Din Shariba(Cairo, 1393/1973), p. 243. 42 al-Sulami,op. cit., pp. 533-34. 38
SUFIS AND COMPETINGMOVEMENTSIN NISHAPUR
245
al-Dhahabi, Ta'rkhal-Islhm,vol. XXVI(A.H.351-80), p. 320. al-Sulami,op cit., p. 476.
al-Dhahabi, Siyar,vol. XIV (ed. AkramBiishayyi,1983), On 71. Ruwaym, al-Dhahabiseems to draw on p.
45
al-Sulami, Maldmatiyya,p. 103. "Good works" (ain/l)
see also XXIII(A.H.301-20), p. 120.On the Inquisition,
46
probablyrefersespeciallyto ritualprayer-worship. Pointedout by AlexanderKnysh,Islamic Mysticism. A ShortHistory(Leiden,2000),p. 96.
al-Sarrfaj,Pages from the Kitab al-luma' of Abil Nasr al-Sarriy,being theLacuna in the EditionofR.A. Nicholson Editedfrom the BankiporeMS, ed. A.J. Arberry(London, 1947), and RichardGramlich,Alte Vorbilderdes Sufitums,
43
44
47 48 49
al-Sulami, Tabaq1t,p. 302. Risgla, s.n. al-Hdkim al-Naysabiri, apud al-Dhahabi, Siyar a'l&m
25 vols.(Beirut,1981-88),vol.XV,ed.Ibrahial-nubald', al-Zaybaq,pp. 281-82. For Ibn Surayjand the Shafi'I school,see Christopher Melchert,Formationof theSunni SchoolsofLaw(Leiden,1997),ch. 5; alsoWaelB. Hallaq, "Was al-Shafi'i the Master Architect of Islamic IJMESXXV (1993),pp. 595-96. "SemiJurisprudence?" rationalist" indicatesthe partythatstood for derivingits jurisprudencefrom traditionistmaterialusing largely rationalistic methods,fordefendingtraditionist theological tenetsby rationalistic Formoreonthisparty,see arguments. Melchert,"The Adversariesof Ahmad Ibn Hanbal", ArabicaXLIV(1997),pp.234-53. Theywerefirstnoticed by van Ess, "Ibn Kullib und die Mihna", Oriens XVIII-XIX(1965-66),pp. 92-141, trans.withadditional notesby ClaudeGilliot,"IbnKullabet la Mihna",Arabica XXXVII(1990),pp. 173-233.VanEss suggeststhe name 50
51
al-Sulami, Mihan al-sifiyya, see Tarkh al-Islim, vol.
2 vols.(Wiesbaden,1995-96),vol. I, pp. 384-85. 56
57
al-Din'All (Beirut,n.d.),p. 193. For a fullertreatmentof the Inquisitionand al-Junayd's pp. 65-70. response,see Melchert,"Transition",
58
Ibn Kathir, TabaqAtal-fuqahJ' al-shif'iyyin, ed. Ahmad
59
ahl al-ithbdt. Tabaqt, p. 108. On the Malimati concept offutuwwa, see
'Afifi,Malhmatiyya,pp. 36, 42-43. "Mouvements asc6tiques", pp.63-64, esp.p. 64,n. 1,citing (Leningrad, Hujwiril, Kashfal-mahfab,ed.V.A.Zhukovskii
60
1926; repr.n.p. [Tehran],n.d. [1957]), p. 154 = The Kashf trans. al-Mah'fib, the Oldest Persian Treatiseon S.fism, R.A. Nicholson, GMS XVII (Leiden, 1911), p. 123.
52
is acceptedby Knysh,op Nevertheless,theirauthenticity cit., p. 96, who argues that Abil 'Uthmtn al-Hirid into line with Iraqi deliberatelybrought Mal.matism Sufism. Mal•matiyya,pp. 91-92 (twice), 94-95, 96-97 (twice), 101-2, 106 (twice), 115. Only Abti Hafs and Hamdfin al-Qass?rarequotedmoreoften."Bistari"'also appears, butsee al-Sam'ani, Anscb, s.n.
53 al-Sarrij,K. al-Luma'fi 'l-tasawwuf ed. R.A. Nicholson,
GMS XII (Leiden, 1914), p. 346; noticed by CarlW. Ernst, WordsofEcstasy in Sufism(Albany,N.Y., 1985), pp. 11, 50. 54 Malhmatiyya,p. 107. ss See esp. Ibn al-A'rabi, Tabaq~t al-nusskk, apud al-Dhahabi, Ta'rkh al-Isl•m, vol. XX (A.H. 261-80), pp. 212, 277; cf. al-Dhahabi, Siyar, vol. XIII, ed. 'All Abfl Zayd, p. 284. The date is given by Abil Nu'aym, apud
Ibn 'Ata', apudlIbnal-Jawzi,Naqd al-'ilm wa-'l-'ulam 'aw TalbisIblTs(Cairo, n.d.), p. 167 = TalbisIblis, ed. Khayr
61
62
63 64
65 66
67
and MuhammadZaynuhumMuhammad 'UmarHWshim 2 vols. 'Azab, (al-Zhir,Egypt,1993),vol. I, p. 301. al-Nayslbiii,apudMS Fatih4471,fols.40b,41 al-H.kim 40) a. Fatih4471 is a majmi'acomprising (mislabelled someone'snotes on Sufis.The section,fols. 39a-41b, is Abi 'AbdAllah,Ta'rkh 1sbahdn",but headed"al-Hakim thatfollowwereclearlyexcerptedfromthe thebiographies Ta'rikhNays1bar. I know of no publisheddescription. Abi this is the sameas the "devotee('Abid)" Presumably, Nasral-Fathb. 'AbdAllahal-Harawi (d. 359/969-70),said from Abl 'Ali and kalhmn to have learntjurisprudence vol. XXVI, p. Ta'r-kh al-Islin, al-Dhahabi, al-Thaqafi: 194. He was also a discipleof the IraqiSufi al-Shibliand of al-Murta'ish,formed in both Khurasan and Iraq: al-Dhahabi,op. cit., vol. XXVI, p. 424, and one of al-Sulami'sinformants,for which see Pedersen,"Les immediats Transmetteurs d'al-Sulami", Tabaqotal-sifiyya, no. 119. p. 87, Also a discipleof the MalimatiIbnManizilandthe Iraqi Sufi al-Shibli,among others:ibid., p. 539. However, al-Dhahabisays only thathe met al-Shibli:op. cit., vol. XXVI,p. 526. Also a discipleof 'AbdAllahb. Mubarak: al-Dhahabi, op. for which of al-Sulami's and one informants, cit., p. 557, see Pedersen,"Transmetteurs", Tabaqt,p. 76, no. 14. al-Nays biri, apudMS Fatih4471, 39b. al-.Hdkim idem, apud al-Dhahabi, op. cit., vol. XXVII (A.H. 381-400), pp. 52-53. idem, apud al-Dhahabi,op. cit., p. 80. Said to have learnt kalin from Abti 'AlI al-Thaqafi: al-Subki, Tabaqit al-shafi'iyya al-kubrA, ed. Mahmtid Muhammadal-Tanhii and 'Abd al-Fatthhal-Hulw, 10 vols. (Cairo, 1964-76), vol. III,p. 306. al-Dhahabi,op. cit., vol. XXV, pp. 129-30.
246
68
69
70
71
72
JOURNALOF PERSIAN STUDIES
Discipleof Ibn 'At' and otherSufis as well as of Abil 'Uthm5nal-H•i, accordingto ibid.,vol. XXV,p. 383. Discipleof al-JunaydandotherIraqisas well as of Abdi 'Uthmanal-Hi•i,accordingto al-Sulami,Tabaqt, p. 472. He was also associated with al-Hakim al-Tirmidhi, accordingto al-Sulami,apud al-Dhahabi,op. cit., vol. XXVI, p. 91, presumablyfromMihanal-sifijyya,which puts him at the beginningalso of the Sufi absorptionof localmysticismin Balkh. Disciple of Abti 'Uthmin and Mahftizb. Mahbmldin Nishapur,of al-Junayd, Ruwaym,andotherSufisin Iraq, Syria and Egypt, accordingto al-Sulami,Tabaq&t, pp. forwhich 533-34, andone of al-Sulami'sown informants, see Pedersen,"Transmetteurs", Tabaqit,p. 79, no. 46. Min kib~ir'ubbWd al-Hrkim al-Nays•biri, apud al-s.Cifya: vol. XXVI,p. 404. al-Dhahabi, op. cit.,
al-Khatibal-Baghdadi,Ta)'rhBaghdd, 14 vols. (Cairo, 1931),vol. IV,p. 119.In theninthcentury,theabdl were The essentialhadithreportsappearin saintlytraditionists. the Musnadof Ahmadb. Hanbal,for which see A.J. Wensinck, et al., Concordance et indices de la tradition musulmane,7 vols. (Leiden, 1936-69), s.v. badal/abdil.
80
Apud al-Dhahabi,op. cit., vol. XIX, p. 311. On Abfi Sa'Id
'Abdal-Rahm5nb. al-Husayn(d. 309/921),see IbnAbi al-Wafa-',al-Jawjhir al-mud•yyaft tabaq~ital-hanafiyya,
81
82
ed. 'Abd al-Fatta Muhammadal-Hulw,5 vols. (Cairo, 1398-1408/1978-88,repr.Giza,1413/1993),vol. II,p. 378 = ibid.,2 vols. (Hyderabad, 1332),vol. I, p. 300. once also al-Hkidm appearsto associateIbn Khuzayma with a khinaqih,normallypeculiarto the Karr~miyya: Chabbi,"Mouvements asc6tiques", p. 37. Bakr Muhammadb. 'Abd Allh, apud Ibn Hajar, AbWi Listin,vol. V, pp. 355-56.
83 Apud al-Dhahabi,op. cit., vol. XXV, p. 129, presumably
from Ta2'rlhal-siAfiyya. "Fitydn"forthe Malimatiyyarefers
forwhichsee above,n. 50. to theirdoctrineoffuituwwa, 84
UngeniitzteTexte,p. 75; Madelung,Religious Trends,p. 39.
See Keith Lewinstein, "Notes on Eastern Hanafite JAOSCXIV(1994),pp. 583-98. Heresiography", 86 "Mouvements asc6tiques", p. 52. 87 al-Dhahabi,Siyar, vol. XI, ed. Salih al-Samr,p. 34, fromal-Hdkimal-Naysibfiri. presumably 85
88 See Massignon,Essai, pp. 260-62. 89 Ibn Hibb5n, apud Ibn Hajar,Lisin, vol. I, p. 149. 90 On faith, see ibid., vol. I, pp. 353-54. On Hanafism, see
73
"Mouvements asc6tiques", p. 30.
74
Karr~inTexts". Essai, pp.268-72. Zysow,"TwoUnrecognized 91 "The See 98-104 b. first Tabaqft, pp. Early Murji'ain Khuris•n and Madelung, (Yahyd Mu'Adh; generation)
75
76
77
78
andpp.283-86 (Ibrahim al-Khawwis;thirdgeneration). al-Dhahabi,Ta'rikhal-Isl•m, vol. XIX (A.H. 251-60), p. 92 312. 93 As established indicatesa by GeorgeMakdisi,"traditionist" muhaddith,someonewho studiesand transmitshadith, 94 whateverhistheologicalinclination, whereas"traditionalist" 95 indicatessomeonewhosystematically preferstobasehislaw andtheologyon scriptuary sourcesas opposedto speculative reasoning: GeorgeMakdisi,"Ash'ariandthe Ash'aritesin IslamicReligiousHistory1: TheAsh'ariteMovementand 96 97 IslamicOrthodoxy", StudiaIslamicaXVII(1962),p. 49. By the later ninth century,there had emergedoutstanding traditionistswhose orthodoxy traditionalistsdid not banishedfromNishapurfor recognise,suchas al-Bukhtri, thatone'spronunciation of theQur'anwascreate. suggesting
Isl. LIX(1982), andtheSpreadof Hanafism", Transoxania pp. 32-39. al-Sulami,Tabaq'it, p. 116. Ibid., p. 115.
98
al-Sardfini,al-Muntakhabmin 'al-Siyjqli- Ta'rikh Ibrabimn
al-Jfizajni, Itiqjid, apud Ibn Hajar,Lisin al-Mizin, 7 vols.
(Hyderabad, 1329-31),vol. V, p. 356. On the famousIbn
79
Khuzayma, see Sezgin, GAS, vol. I, p. 601. Also, banishment may have been the only alternative to execution."Khuzayma"was evidentlynot a rarename:two otherIbn Khuzaymasappearbelow. al-Dhahabi,Ta'Ikh al-Islim, vol. XIX, pp. 312-13, XX, p. 397. At that, the most detailed accounts make al-Dlrimi a bystander,not the instigator.
al-Dhahabi,Ta rlkhal-IslIin, vol. XXII, p. 71.
Chabbi, "Mouvementsascetiques",p. 64. For the oppositionof al-Nilrito al-Junayd,see Massignon,The Passion of al-Hall•fj, trans. Herbert Mason, 4 vols.
1982),vol. I, p. 79. (Princeton, al-Dhahabi, op. cit., vol. XXVI,p. 526. s.v. E12, by C.E. Bosworth;R.W.Bulliet, '"Karramiyya", intheEleventh "ThePolitical-Religious Historyof Nishapur Century", in Islamic Civilisation 950-1150, ed. D.S.
Richards (Oxford,1973),pp.76-77.I thankScottAlexander forleadingme to thelatterarticle.Seealsoabove,n. 5. Ahmad'Abdal-'Aziz(Beirut, ed. Muhammad Naysibhtir,
1989), pp. 22-23. 99 "Sufi Organizations and Structures of Authority in Medieval Nishapur",IJMES XXVI (1994), pp. 427-42, quotationat p. 427. 100 430-31. For the early historyof the madrasa,see Ibid., pp. ZDMGSupplement HeinzHalm,"DieAnfangederMadrasa", 1: deutscher (Wiesbaden,1977),pp. iii, Orientalistentag XLX.
SUFIS AND COMPETING MOVEMENTS IN NISHAPUR
438-48.Tenth-century usageof madrasais extremely vague. Sometimes madrasaandmasjid(mosque)appearto be used Bullietsupposesthatbecausea madrasais interchangeably. associatedwith a Sufi,it musthavebeen the site of Sufi teaching.Suchevidencehardlysufficesto establishthata madrasanamedfor a Shafi'iwho was also a Sufi must therefore havebeena siteof Sufiinstruction Shafi'i, alongside
109
much less that courses in Sufism were normallyoffered in
199-200; idem, Siyar, vol. XII, p. 288, vol. XIII, pp. 245-46. 112 See above,note90. Untilthe tenth centuryin Iraqandthe theHanafischoolwas a fairlyloose eleventhin Khurasan, grouping,sharingcertainjuridicalpositionsbut not yet methodof formingjurisprudents, possessingany standard and hardlyeven authoritative texts. See Ya'akovMeron, "TheDevelopmentof Legal Thoughtin HanafiTexts", StudiaIslamicaXXX (1969), pp. 73-118, esp. p. 78;
Tothecontrary, thefullerreferences of theeleventh madrasas. centuryandaftersuggeststronglythatthemadrasawas the exclusivepreserve forwhichseeesp.George ofjurisprudence, of Learningin EleventhMakdisi,"MuslimInstitutions BSOAS XXIV(1961),pp.1-56;also,E2, Century Baghdad", s.v."Madrasa", J. Pedersen andG.Makdisi. by 101 102
103
247
al-Dhahabi,op. cit., vol. XX, pp. 198-99. Ibid., p. 198; al-Khalili, al-Irshid fi marifat 'ulamd'
al-hadPth,abridgedal-Silafi,ed. 'AmirAhmadHaydar (Mecca, 1993/1414),p. 299 = ed. MuhammadSa'idb. 'UmarIdris,3 vols. (Riyadh,1409/1989),vol. II,p. 811. Alternatively pointed"al-KhujustWn'". Al-Tabari, Annales,
al-Hdkimal-Naysbafri, apud al-Dhahabi,op. cit., p. 287. The same passage also appearsapud idem, Ta'rikhal-Isl/m,
vol. XX, p. 199, with "Sharawayh"in place of 110
"Bishrawayh". See IbnAbi 'l-Wafa-', Jawahir,ed. Hulw, vol. I, pp. 320-21,
342-43 = ed. Hyderabad, vol. I, pp. 122-23, 129. 111al-Hdkim al-Naysbari, apud al-Dhahabi, op. cit., pp.
Melchert,Formation,ch. 6. 113
(Leiden, 1879-1901), vol. III,p. 1931 = Ta'rikhal-Tabari,
in the same "IbnSahib... mayhavestoodto IbnKarrdm, relationthat Abi Ytisuf and al-Shayban!bore to AbU p. 585. Hanifa"accordingto Zysow,"Unrecognized",
114
The Patricians of Nishapur A Study in Medieval Islamic
ed. MuhammadAbu 'l-FadlIbrahim,10 vols. (Cairo, andhis bid 1960-69),vol. IX,p. 544. See foral-Khujistani for power in Khurasan,Bosworth,The Historyof the
SocialHistory(Cambridge, Mass.,1972),p. 42, n. 115 For Balkh,see Radtke,"Theologien und Mystiker",pp.
Saffaridsof Sistan and the Maliks of Nimruz (Costa Mesa andNew York, 1994), pp. 127-33, 194-200. 104 Idem,Annales, vol. III, p. 1941 = Ta'rikh,vol. IX, p. 552. 10o5Idem,Annales, vol. III, p. 2008 = Ta'rikh,vol. IX, p. 599. 106 Idem, Annales, vol. III, p. 2025 = Ta'rikh,vol. IX, p. 612.
themonthof his deathas Dhu 'l-Hijja,but Al-Tabarigives al-Dhahabigives ratherShawwal:Ta'r4kh vol. al-Isl•m, XX, p. 51. 107 Idem, Siyar, vol. XII,ed. Salihal-Samr, pp.287, 293-94. 108Account of Abu 'l-'Abbas al-Sarraj,apud al-Khat-ib al-Baghdldi, Ta'rikh BaghdAd, vol. XIV, p. 218; al-Dhahabi, Siyar,vol. XII,p. 293.
536-51. 116
117
Cf. Bulliet:"Thepracticeof mysticismwas almostnonexistent among the Hanafis during the period under discussion"(op. cit., p. 41). al-Sulami, Tabaq~t,p. 114.
118al-H~kimal-Nays biii, apud al-Dhahabi,Ta'rikhal-Isl/m,
vol. XXVI,p. 404. 119
Patricians, pp. 42-44; idem, "Conversionto Islam and the
to Emergenceof a MuslimSocietyin Iran",in Conversion Islam,ed.NehemiaLevtzion(NewYork,1979),pp.30-51, esp.p. 39. 120
See Melchert,Formation, chs. 2, 6.
121
e.g. Madelung,Religious Trends,p. 46.
OCCULTSCIENCEAND THE FALL OF THE KHWARAZM-SHAHJALAL AL-DIN By Isabel Miller London
In Nasawl'sSiratal-Sul.tdn Jalfl al-DinMingburnu thereis a tantalisingly briefandcuriousstoryof a magic statueor image (timthV),which Jalalal-Din'sfather, had used in his war 'AlI' al-Din Khwdrazm-Shdh, Themakerof the againstthe 'AbbasidCaliphal-Nasir.1 certain was a al-Din AbN Siraj timthdl Yasuf al-SakWki who,NasawlIsays,was knownforhis greatlearningand to masteryof the arts.Magicalpowerswere attributed it and was believed he had bewitched certain stars him, and couldreversethe courseof riverswith his breath. He was also, accordingto Nasawl,authorof a rangeof workson variousothertopics(wa-lahafisd'iral-funan
events;for instance,Nasawi himself is criticalof the behaviour of Jaldl al-Din Khwarazm-Shahin this instance.He pointsoutthatpeopleshouldrely particular on God alone and that only He knows the tabletsof destiny.4Nonetheless,various forms of magic, and perhaps most particularly astrology, were of considerableimportanceat this time and learnedmen regardedthem as a valid part of their intellectual 'Atd-Malik Juwayni,whowrote Interestingly apparatus. after somethirtyto fortyyears Nasawi,gavean account of the astrologersin Bukharaallegedlyadvising'AId' al-Dinagainstattackingthe Mongols:5
tas~n1).2 The timthM,imbuedwithmagicwhichwouldgrant all one'swishes,hadto be takento Baghdadandburied there.By the timeof Jaldlal-Din'srulein westernIran, the timthglhad againbecomeimportant.A messenger arrivedfromKhwarazmto tell Jalalal-DinthatSirajalDin was convincedthatits magichadgone wrongand was at the rootof all the calamitiesexperiencedby his father.As a result,it was imperativeto retrievethe timthalsince all its powerswere directedagainstthe Khwarazm-Sh~hs andin favourof the Caliph.So Jaldl al-Dindispatchedthe QadiShaykhMujiral-Din,who had originallyburiedthe timthglin Baghdadandwho thereforehad to retrieveit, ostensiblyon a missionto the Caliph (perhapsconnected with Jaldl al-Din's attemptsto obtaina diplomaof recognitionfrom the Caliph)but with the real object of digging up the timthX1. Unfortunately,the palace or house (dr) in whichhe hadstayedon his earliervisit andin whichhe hadburiedthe timthNl, was not as easilyaccessibleas it had been in the time of the late Khwarazm-Shah (thoughNasawidoes not say why) and despiteall his theShaykhwasunableto get intoit, let bestendeavours, alonedig up the timthg1.3 This episodeis anotherreminderof the confusion, desperationand the sheer terror that the Mongol invasionshad inspiredin the inhabitantsof eastern Islam.It alsodemonstrates thevariedresponsesto these
The astrologers, too, saidthatthe beneficentstars andthe werecadentfromtheanglesof theAscendant in stars were maleficent the TenthHouseandthat untilthe transmission (of power)to the attendance; DarkHouseshad passed,it wouldbe prudentto undertakeno course which would involve an addedto withtheenemy.Thiscircumstance encounter to turn of his case,andhe determined theconfusion his armies heleft of Most backandhastenelsewhere. andTurkestan, in Transoxiana Juwaynifurthercomments: fromthe Sultan'sdiscernment Norwasit concealed Heavensandto thatto strugglewiththecontentious againstfickleFateis (vain)toilandtrouble; persevere thecourseof alleventsis predestined.6 it maybe a reliable Whilstthis is not contemporary, Khwdrazm-Shdh the in which accountof the manner reachedhis decisionnot to fight the Mongols.For if whichis contemporary, Nasawi'saccountof the timth&i, is true,then 'AId'al-Dinmightalso have allowedhis decisions to be governedby astrologicalprediction. 'AId'al-Dinwouldnot havebeen uniquein consulting astrologers.After all, astrology was a respectable scientificactivityin themediaevalage amongstpeoples
249
250
JOURNAL OF PERSIAN STUDIES
of all religiousbeliefs(andindeedfor sometimeafter). It was a partof the Sasaniancourtpracticeswhichwere adoptedby the'AbbasidCaliphsandthenspreadamong Islamic princes. The corpus of writings from the mediaeval period is considerable, with attendant complex attributions,borrowings,translationsand compilations,indicatinga widespreadand active field of learning.7Perhaps, therefore, magic should be includedin the reasonspresentedfor 'AlI' al-Din's panic-stricken flightin the faceof theMongolinvasion. Therehas been, naturally,considerableinterestin this topicovertheyearsandmuchdiscussionof the various possiblecausesof 'Ala'al-Din'sactions. It has been arguedthat'Ala' al-Dinwas unableto matchthe exceptionalsize of the Mongolarmies,butit hasalsobeenargued,notablyby DavidMorgan,thatthe numberscitedby contemporary historiansshouldnotbe relied upon.8 It is true that the Mongols were an extremelyeffectivemilitaryforce,buttheirtacticswere no differentfromthose of otherCentral fundamentally Asiannomads,basedas theyall wereon thepracticeof the hunt, skilled horsemanshipand the mobility of nomadiclife.9 Anothercontemporary of ChingizKhn's invasion, 'Ala' maintained that al-Din's one encounter Jizjani, with the Mongol army had terrifiedhim, with their superiormilitaryskills,sincehe tookcareneverto fight them again.10 Yet 'Ala' al-Din's army included a considerablenumberof similarCentralAsiannomads, fromhis mother'speople,the KanglYor Yemektribes whowerepartof theKipchakandpossiblyderivedfrom the Pecheneg."lMost of the amirs came from the warriorsthathe usedwenton in Kipchak.TheKiYpchak due courseto becomea partof the Mongolarmyitself and, later,the troopsof the GoldenHorde,as well as formingthe cavalryof the Mamltk Sultanatein Egypt and Syria.Nor hadtheybeen softenedby contactwith settledpeoples,pursuingwhatmightbe describedas the IbnKhaldinmodelof theriseandfall of empiresbased on nomadic armies. There had hardly been time. JudgingfromNasawi,andhe was afterall on the same side, they were thoroughly"uncooked",regardingthe
despitebeing in the serviceof a Muslimruler.In fact, theirpaganismandtheirsavageryprovokedNasawlIto criticise'Ald'al-Din:how coulda Sultanof Islammake use of these godless nomadsto protectthe lands of Islam?14A similar accusationis made by Juwayni, must possiblyderivingfromNasawi.This,incidentally, in an for the have been Caliph the advantage surely rulers war that the two wagedagainsteach propaganda other. made use of CentralAsian The Khwarazm-Shahs traditionswhen governingthe settledMuslim lands. Turningagain to NasawI,when dividinghis empire amonghis sons 'Ala'al-Dinwas as attunedto nomadic traditionas ChingizKhanwas.15'AId'al-Din'seldest son, Jalal al-Din, got the lands furthestfrom the traditional homeland,an areawhichroughlycomprised the formerGhuridterritories,Ghiir,Ghazna,Bdmiydn andthe Indusvalley,thoughhis controlof this lastwas largely nominal,just as the ulus of JWchi,Chingiz Khan'seldestson, consistedof thoselandsmostdistant fromthe Mongolhomeland.The youngestson got the homelands,as it were, of Khwarazm,just as Chingiz Khan's youngest son also received the Mongol homelands. After 'AId'al-Din'sdeath,Jalalal-Din had to act swiftly to preventthe sultanatebeing given to his youngestbrother,who was the rulerof Khwarazmand who also had the support of the Kipchak amirs, possibly,so Nasawitells us, becausehis motherwas of origin. NasawI portraysthis incident as a KiYpchak wickedplotagainsttherightfulclaimsof Jalklal-Dinwho hadbeen given the throneby 'Ala' al-DInon his deathbed- assertingthatit was he, as the eldestson, who hadthe rightto the sultanate;butsurelythe earlier method of division was just standardCentralAsian practice.16 A major source of nomadic influence in the statewas 'AId'al-Din'smother,Terken Khwarazmian Khatin,who was a Kipchakprincessandwho brought these warriornomads with her, or at least retained She was accessto them,whenshe marriedhis father.17 a woman of considerableenergy and power, in the
settled lands in which they campaignedas alien, a view held by othercontemporarycommentators.'2As a result these nomadic fighters could act with freedom from any sort of social restrictionand with a behavioursimilar to that shown by the Mongols towards settled peoples.13 The Kipchaksacquireda terriblereputationfor violence and savagery, and they were pagan and remained so,
CentralAsian tradition,and Nasawi states that, because 'Al' al-Din's amirs came from the Kipchak, they were loyal to her, and so he was compelled to obey her, even appointing a vizier whom he disliked and distrusted because she wished to have him.18Nasawi also blames one of her relatives, Ynal,or Inalchuq, Khan, for the execution of Chingiz Khan's ambassadors at Utrar
OCCULT SCIENCE AND THE FALL OF THE KHWARAZM-SHAH JALAL AL-DIN
which provoked,or gave the excuse for, the Mongol InalKhan,who was the governorof Utrar, invasion.19 arrestedthe merchantssentby ChingizKhanandwrote to the Sultanclaimingthatthey were spies andshould be executed.TheSultanconcurredandInalKhan,who, so Nasawi says, was only interestedin seizing their merchandise,promptly killed them. Unfortunately, 'AId'al-Din could not punishhim as ChingizKhan required,for Inal Khanwas his cousin,the son of his mother'sbrother,and presumablythe Klpchakamirs would not have supportedactionagainsthim. In this regard,it wouldseemthat'AIa'al-Dinwas not so much a Muslim ruler of settled lands unable to resist the Mongol nomadic hordes as a leader of an unruly nomadicarmy.His fundamental militaryweaknessmay well haveearlierencouraged himto seekalternative and meansto confronthis enemies. supplementary The Khwirazm-Shahs'westwardexpansionhad broughttheminto conflictwith the 'Abbasidcaliphate andthe Ism'ilis. Al-NMsir hadlabouredfor some forty to restore the years authorityof the caliphate,making use of the fragmentationof power in western Iran followingthebreak-upof the Seljuqempirethere.20The authority of the 'Abbasids increased within the frameworkof alliances and counter-alliances which ensued.Eachlocalrulersoughtvalidationof his power fromthe Caliph,expressedin seekingafterdiplomasof investitureandrobesof honour,andas a result,he was ableto manipulate theirrivalries.He establisheda secret servicewitha reputation forefficiency,which,deserved or imaginary,was clearlydesignedto have a palpable effect on anyonewho might thinkof challenginghis He achieveda reputationfor omniscience,not power.21 only throughthis spy systembut also by claimingthe authorityof a Shl'I Imrm.22 His alliance with the forconcealment Ismd'ilis,who hada popularreputation of their real motives and violence, though doubtless musthavefurtherenhancedhis reputation exaggerated, for omnipotentknowledge.The Ismailis, afterall, had and putforwarda rivalclaimto the caliphate-Imamate, duringthe Seljuqperiodthere had been a series of sporadicbut inconclusive campaignsagainst them conducted by the Seljuq sultans.23 The Isma'ili strongholds in Daylam and Quhistan seemed impregnable, and at one point the Isma'ilis had threatenedSeljuq control of Isfahanand its surrounding region from the fortressof Shahdiz.24It should be noted, however, that, with the exception of the campaign involving the siege and captureof Shahdiz, suppressing
251
the Ismd'ilis was not a priority for the Seljuqs.25 Nevertheless,it seems that, possibly in the popular imaginationand certainlyin the sources reflecting orthodoxSunnibeliefs,the Isma'iliswereperceivedas a serious threatto that orthodoxy.What is more, it seems to have been convenientto accuse enemies, political or otherwise, of being Ism'ili or more precisely b.tini.26 The termbtini, "esoteric,hiddenor concealed", although in this context referring is sufficientlyvague and specificallyto the Isma~'Ilis, to encompassall sorts occasion inclusiveto be able on of behaviour.Whenconsideredin conjunctionwiththe (and generalShi'I)doctrineof dissimulation, Isma~'ili taqiyya,it canbe seen as havingbeen a sortof magnet for ill-definedbut widespreadfears,furtherenhancing the Isma'ilireputationfor terror,stealthand access to esotericknowledgeof all sorts.In 559/1164the Ismd'ili Hasan II, declareda state of qiyima, which Imaimn, FarhadDaftaryhas describedas withdrawalfrom the worldintothe constantpresenceof the revealedImam, andthis remainedin effectfor almostfifty years.27But in 607/1210,probablyin partas a reactionto this long III campaignedfor periodof virtualisolation,IjHasan recognition as a Sunni ruler and embarkedon a of buildingmosquesandbathhousesandof programme in Sunni practices.28He re-educatingthe Ismra'illis and Sunni the shar!hA, Nasawlsaysthatinitially adopted recitedin thenameof theKhwarazmhe hadthekhutMb Shah,thoughhe changedit to thenameof the 'Abbasid Caliphand was thereforeofficiallyrecognisedby alNasir.29 IIbroughtfor Theadoptionof SunniIslamby HIasan in the involvement more and active him a more open III politicalcomplexitiesof westernIran.Hasan joined forceswith Ozbeg,the rulerof Azerbaijan,to conquer Jibal. The Caliph backed this enterprise which challengedthe authorityof the Khwarazm-Shahin westernIran.After Hasan'svictory,these lands were thendividedbetweentheIsma'ilis,theCaliphandOzbeg. However, Ozbeg's representativein the province, his allegianceto 'Ala'al-Din.The transferred Oghlamifsh, theGhuridsagainst'AIl' al-Din's incited also had Caliph father,a policy the resultof which had been a long series of campaignsextendingover two reigns.30 Matters came to a head when, at the Caliph's request, Isma'Ilifidd'is murderedOghlamish.31 The Khwarazm-Shah decided to proclaim himself an adherentof the Shi'a, remove al-Nasir's name from the khu~tba and march on Baghdad. This probably
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demonstrates 'AIl' al-Din's rather muddled, opportunisticattitudetowardsreligion;but then the 'Abbasidwas in alliancewith the Shi'IIsmR'ilis,now to be Sunniit wastrue,thoughit is legitimate purporting to wonderhow many of their contemporaries really believedthem.Daftaryhas arguedthatmost Ism'Illis themselvesregardedthe adoptionof SunniIslamas a reimpositionof the policy of taqiyyawhich had been liftedwhen the stateof qiyvmawas declared.32 It was thereforeno wonder'Ala~' al-Dinturnedto theoccultfor assistance.Presumablyit was at this point that the timthdlwas buried in Baghdad.With the combined forcesof the Isma'ilisandthe caliphaterangedagainst him - whichmeantthat,apartfromanythingelse the assassins Caliphnow hadaccessto the skillsof Isma~'ili - 'Al' al-Dinmay well have felt thathe neededhelp frompreterhuman sources. not only were the Ismd'ilispopularly Furthermore, known as assassins they were also receptive to philosophers,however advancedor unusualin their ideas. The most famous case of their intellectual patronageis that of Nasir al-Din Tiisi, who survived Hilegui's campaignagainstthe Isma'ilis some forty yearslater,becameastrologerto the Il-Khansandbuilt the observatory at Maraghaas the centrefor a groupof astronomersand mathematicianswho have become knownas the MaraghaSchool.H. Dabashihas argued that Ndsir al-Din TGsiwas operatingin the Iranian traditionof the philosopher-vizier, firstfor the Isma'ilI rulerof Quhistanwith whomhe soughtrefugearound 624/1227 in the confusionfollowing ChingizKhan's invasion,then laterat Alamtt, and finally for the IlKhans.33Althoughhe was not involvedin the affairof the timthal,his careerillustratesthe potentnatureof the union in the mediaevalworldbetweenencyclopaedic learning, including subjects such as philosophy, astrology,astronomy,geomancyandmathematics,and politics. Moreover,Tiisi's majorworks were written when he was living amongst the Isma'ilis, taking advantageof the securitythatthey were able to offer and making full use of the resources of Isma'ili libraries.34 His extraordinary corpusincludesrecensions of worksby Greekand early Islamicmathematicians Hans includingthe Bang Miss and Thibit b. Qurra.35 DaiberhasemphasisedTGsi'sroleas a reviverof earlier scientifictraditionsas well as stressinghisphilosophical studiesinfluencedby the writingsof Ibn Sina and by Neoplatonicideas.36Examinationof Ttisi'sworkscan thereforegive some idea of the contentsof the great
libraryat Alamit and the intellectualconcernsof the Isma('ilileadershipat this late period.At all events, patronageof scholars such as Tuisi enhanced the intellectual reputation of the Isma'ili leadership. Perhapsit also influenced'AI' al-Din,who may have fearedthatthe Isma'ilishadaccessto someparticularly powerfulform of 'ilm,some hermeticscience,which they couldalso placeat the serviceof the Caliph(who, it may be recalled,had also cultivateda reputationfor omniscience)andthatit wouldbe well to guardagainst anyexerciseof thispowerfulalliance.W.Ivanowin his illustrated article"A forgottenbranchof the Isma~'ilis" to spiritual the sortof powerswhichcouldbe attributed leaders such as the Ism'ili Im•ms.37In a treatise intendedfor instruction,and dealingwith the IsmW'ili Imamate,thereis a reportof a letterforetellingthe rise of theMongolswhich,it was claimed,was sentto 'AI' al-DinMuhammad by the Isma'ilis.Whilstit is truethat is very the historicalrecordof these pronouncements much after the event, it may well be that similar predictionshadbecomeknownto 'AlI' al-Dinandhis court.Ivanowalso pointedout thatsimilarprophecies arealludedto in Nasiral-DinTGlsi's Rawdatal-tasl~m.38 It would certainlyfit the generalatmosphereof the moment,characterised by complexalliances,shifting, uncertainloyalties,propagandaand intrigue,of which the timthi]formsso potenta part.Perhapsit is in this contextthatthe questionof whetheror not the Isma'ilis andtheCaliphplayedanypartin incitingChingizKhan shouldbe considered.As againstthe Khwarazm-Shah MarshallHodgsonnoted,Juwaynirejectedthe notion, but Rashidal-DinTabib,admittedlywritingsomewhat later but with access to a wide range of authentic Whilstit mayneverbe materials,claimedit was true.39 it an accusationwhich is possibleto proveeitherway, accordswiththeneurosesof the age andthereputations of boththe Isma~'ili leadershipandthe Caliph.In such conditions,the use of astrologymay well have been deemedbothnecessaryandefficacious. was influencedby Hence, if the Khwdrazm-Shah of CentralAsiannomadictraditions inheritancefor the division of his empire and possessed an army dominatedby Kipchakamirs,he may perhapshave to thoseaspectsof religionandthose beenalsoattracted ideas in the Muslimworld that accordedmore with Central Asian shamanism than with the Islamic orthodoxyof the ulema,andhereinmay lie the reason for the impactof the astrologers'predictionsrecounted by Juwayniandof the episodeof the timthillin Nasawi.
OCCULT SCIENCE AND THE FALL OF THE KHWARAZM-SHAH JALAL AL-DIN
anduse Indeed,thetwo practicesarelinked,fabrication of magicalfigurinesand amuletsbeing an offshootof astrology, an applied pseudo-science, as it were. Religious amulets,were almost universallyworn as andincludedcharmsandholyrelicssuch prophylactics, as tabletsmadeof earthfromthetombof the Shi'iIm5mn
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Madridin the late fourthor early fifth/earlyeleventh century (see below), includes a discussion of the makingof amuletswithexceptionalpoweroverhuman the beingsandthe naturalworld,includingneutralising
presentsnotonlyanexampleof thepracticalapplication of themagicof imagesbutalso anothervariantof it. Astrology and, as Thorndike expresses it, conditions" partin the "astrological playedanimportant name of the The preparationand buryingof images. personto be injuredcouldbe engravedon the backof the imagealongwithvariouscurses.The imageshould be buriedin thehouseof thepersonconcerned.Perhaps this gives a clue as to where 'Ala' al-Din'sagenthad as this buriedhis anti-caliphaltimthgl.Extraordinary seems,it surelyhadto be buriedwithinthe groundsof the Caliph'spalace.If so, no wonderthe unfortunate Shaykhwas unableto recoverit. The wonderis that anyonewas ableto buryit in the firstplace,particularly if the burialwas a magicalriteperformedaccordingto planetaryor lunarinfluence. Since Nasawl describedthe vehicle for magic as a timthid,an image or a statue,which might even be considered a likeness, it may have been or have of the Caliph, included some sort of representation to an resemblance much by recognisablemaybe,not so individual,as by the writingof his name,and/ortitles, or by the portrayalof insignia,althoughit mightalso have been a symbol not unlike Abti Ma'shar's In anycase, allegoricalfiguresdescribedby Carmody.46 it may be saidthatin some way or anotherit couldbe identifiedas relatingto the Caliph,if only to a person who couldreadthe enigmaticsigns. Themagicactivatedby suchan imagecould,it was maintained, procure amongst other things the of a givenregionandthe conquestof a city, destruction but not, specifically,the deathof a king. It is not clear from Nasawli'stext what precisely the timthil was but meantto procurefor 'Ala'al-DinKhwirazm-Shah, it may be thatthe timth] was thoughtto be working against the Khwarazm-Shahsbecause it had been loaded with a power that it was neithercapableof harnessingnor of using. Employing magic in his attempt to conquer Baghdad or to overthrowthe It had 'AbbasidCaliph had been over-adventurous. could do and the on disaster Khwarazm-Shahs, brought so again. This was experimentalscience with a
action of arms wielded by the enemy and calming the desires of soldiers who risk bringingaboutthe victory of the enemy.45The makingof such an amulet(nirandj), was very skilled, with necessary precautionsagainstthe noxious materials employed. It is clear that there were many variantson the theme of magic images, talismans and statues. It is thereforepossible that Nasawi's story
vengeance, and one can readily see why it should be so fraught with danger and why, therefore, it was so imperativeto retrievethe buried timthl. It may never be possible to confirm positively the authorshipof De Imaginibus,althoughmany mediaeval scholars, in Europe and the Middle East, perhaps most importantly the author of Picatrix, Abo Maslama
H.usayn.40 However,Nasawi's accountof the timth] is of a differentorder.It matchesrecipesin Latintranslations of the treatise De Imaginibus, attributedto the mathematicianThabitb. Qurra(d. 288/901) and of which a numberof copies have survivedin European libraries,indicatinga considerabledegreeof interestin the text among scholars in mediaeval Europe.41 Accordingto Lyn Thorndike'smonumentalstudy,A History of Magic and the ExperimentalSciences, it was
translatedby bothAdelardof Bathand Johnof Spain (or Seville). As a result, Thabitwas quoted as an authorityon thescienceof imagesby a rangeof authors, such as Roger Bacon. F.J. Carmodydiscussed the treatisein his studyof the astronomical worksof Thdbit b. Qurra,andmorerecentlyR6gisMorelonhasassessed his contribution to astronomy, discussingthe eightor so worksout of some thirtyattributed to him whichhave survived.42Carmodyalso discussedthe hermeticwork, Liber Prestigiorum, attributed to Thabit when not
to HermesTrismegistushimself,whichwas attributed translatedby Adelardof Bath;but Carmodydismisses this fairlyswiftlyfromthe corpusof Thabit'sworks.43 Studiesfocussedmoreparticularly on mediaevalmagic both Charles Burnett and Donald by Pingreehave set Thabit in the contemporaryintellectualcontext of hermeticismand magic. Possibly the earliestextant workon thissortof magic,thatof talismans,is theLiber to Ptolemy.Otherhermeticworks Imaginumattributed followedwhich dealtwith images and talismansin a varietyof ways, includingAbi Ma'shar'sKitTbalUlOff44 The GhIdy?tal-hakimn,or Picatrix, written in
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Muhammadal-Majritiknownas the Pseudo-Majriti (c. Butthe 398/1007),believedthetreatiseto be genuine.47 informationavailableon Thabitb. Qurraand on his home town of Harrfn in northernSyria, its pagan inhabitants andtheirtraditions, is just sufficientto allow for considerablefurther speculation.For instance, MichelTardieu'sdenselyarguedarticleon the Sabians concludes that Harrin was the site of a Platonic Academy which preservedthe traditionsof pagan philosophyand science.48T. Fahdhas arguedthatthe Harranianspractisedastrolatry,the worship of the stars.49 There was certainly a temple to the MesopotamianMoon God Sin in up until the fifth/eleventhcentury,whenit was destroyed. H.arran Nasawi's commentson the manufacturerof the timthl shed some light on contemporaryviews on orother,mostinterestingly in his learning,experimental of the claim that al-Din had the report Siraj abilityto bewitchthe stars,which may be regardedas a sortof applicationof astrology,if not the worshipof stars,or perhapsa garbledversionof the theoryof trepidation which was attributedto Thdbit by mediaeval and Renaissancescholarsin Europe.So0 However,his ability to changethecourseof a riverwithhisbreathis a purely to thoseclaimedfor skill,comparable supernatural S.ifi mastersandsaints. TamaraM. Green has pointed out that what we know of the ideas and beliefs of both mediaeval and Thabitb. Qurraderivesfromaccounts Harrdnians Muslim by contemporaries,many of whom were interestedin hermeticphilosophyandtheesotericarts.51 Their testimonyperhapstells more about their own concerns than gives reliable informationabout the Thusit wouldseemthat,whenhe relateshis Harramnians. story,Nasawl is not only rejectingmagic but is also criticisingthe influence of Neoplatonistsand other philosophers.If this last is correct,then Nasawi's criticismrunsdeepindeed. Islam had a rather complex relationshipwith philosophy,whichwas suspect,as beingpursuedby the more heterodox elements within the learned community.For instance, Ahmad b. al-Tayyib b. Marwan al-SarakhsI, who knew Thabit and was regardedas the most importantstudentof al-Kindi, was executed in 286/899, possibly because of his association with the Mu'tazilites.52Al-Ghazali divided the fields of learning into the praiseworthy and the blameworthy, and he ultimately rejected Neoplatonism and attacked the philosophical writings of Ibn Sina.53 The Caliph al-
Ndsir actively suppressed the pursuit of Greek philosophy.Mostnotable,perhaps,was thepersecution b. 'Abdal-Qadiralof Ruknal-Dinb. 'Abdal-Wahhab who was a al-Din possesseda large Jill.54Rukn faqih privatelibraryof workson philosophyandthe natural sciences.His librarywas publiclyburntin Baghdadon Friday,12 Safar588/28 February1192.It includednot of thelIhwdn al-Safa'andworks onlytheEncyclopaedia the episodeof the for most interest of Ibn Sina but, by buriedtimthl, writingson subjectssuch as astrology, talismansand prayingto the stars.55Whateverother issues may have been involved in this event, the persecutionof Ruknal-Dinandotherstudentsof Greek philosophycanalsobe seenas anaspectof the Caliph's questfor omniscience;he did not wanthis own claims challengedby any otherrivalsourceof knowledgeand pointsout thatRuknal-Din'scareer, power.Hartmann which ultimatelyendedin some sort of respectability was dominatedby the complexand andrehabilitation, changingpolicies which al-Nasirfollowed in his reof the caliphate.56 establishment It may be that in Nasawi's commentswe see a similarrejection,possiblyevena sensethata preference in the Muslim world for the learning of the philosophers,for hermeticismand the experimental scienceswas, if nottheonlycause,thenpartlythecause Wecannotsay forcertainwhat of theMongolvictory.57 were Nasawi's attitudesto astrologyor the hermetic sciences.It seems probablethat,like so many of his contemporaries,he thought astrology worked; but whetherhe thoughtit praiseworthyis anothermatter. However,it seems clearthathe did not believe in the powerof the timthgl:"I do not know",Nasawlwrites, "whatis moreastonishing,thefaiththesavanthadin his imageor the credulityof peoplewho let themselvesbe trickedby his magic."58 Nevertheless,it is clearat the very leastthat,if not Nasawi himself, othersat the time sincerelybelieved that the timthgland its magic were the cause of the Mongolinvasions.It is also of importanceto notethat the disasterwas still seen in the context of caliphal politics and the intriguesof al-Na•sir;at that time it cannot to have occurred to anyone that the Mongol invasions were only partly generated by the internal politics of the Muslim world. It would seem, therefore, that NasawI rejected the context of those powers, namely the experimental sciences, which had produced the timth&.He was, in short, rejecting ideas influenced by Neoplatonic
OCCULT SCIENCE AND THE FALL OF THE KHWARAZM-SHAH JALAL AL-DIN
philosophy and hermeticism. One might say that if he believed thatthe timthl was responsiblefor the Mongol invasions, it was because the Khwarazm-Shahfavoured these dubious practices ratherthan faith in God and the pious pursuitof the precepts of Islam, the sunna of the Prophet, which, as appropriately interpreted by the jurists, should remainthe true guide. NasawI's story serves as a reminderof the sometimes troubledrelationshipbetween the political history of his age and its intellectualdevelopments.In a few lines he brings together the scientific and philosophical inheritanceof the Middle East, the conflicting societies of nomads and settled peoples, as well as Muslim and non-Muslim tradition.It thus seems as if the Mongol invasions distilled and focussed the intellectualissues of the Muslim world which enduredthose invasions.
Notes 1
Muhammadb. Ahmad al-Nasawi, Sirat al-Sultin Jal9l al-
Din Mankubirni, ed. Z.M. Buniiatova(Moscow,1996), ed. and Frenchtrans.Histoire du Sultan pp.175-76; Djelal ed-Din MankobirtiPrince du Kharezm,texte arabe
2
publieet traduitde l'arabeparO. Houdas,2 vols (Paris, 1891-95),Arabicpp.150-51,trans.pp. 249-51. Op. cit., ed. Buniiatova,p. 175, ed. Houdas,Arabic,p. 151,trans.pp.249-50.
3 Loc. cit. 4
Op. cit., ed. Buniiatova,p. 176, ed. Houdas,Arabic,p. 151,trans.p. 250.
5
T?rikh-iJah5n-Gusha, trans. J.A. Boyle, History of the
WorldConqueror, 2 vols (Manchester, 1958),vol. II, pp. 374-75. 6 Op.cit.,vol. II,p. 400. 7 T.Fahd,EI2, arts."Munadidjim" and"al-Nudium". 8 J. MassonSmith,"MongolManpowerand the Persian JESHO,XVII (1975), pp. 271-99, putting population", the case for largeMongolarmies;D. Sinor,"TheInner Asianwarrior", JAOS,CI (1981), esp. pp. 135, 142-44, but also the articleas a whole for an overallview of
9
10
Central Asian nomadic armies; D.O. Morgan, "The Mongol Armies in Persia", Der Islam, LVI (1979), pp. 84-88, discusses the problems with the figures given in the sources for the size of Mongol forces. Sinor, "The Inner Asian warrior",pp. 135, 137, 139. See also Morgan, The Mongols, (Oxford, 1986), pp. 84-85. 'Uthman b. Siraj al-Din Jilzj•ni, TabaqAt-iN~siri, ed. 'A.H. Habibi (Kabul, 1963), p. 310; English trans. H.G.
255
Raverty, Tabaq&t-iNsiri. A General History of the Muhammadan Dynasties of Asia, 2 vols (London,
1881-99),vol. I, p. 270. 11 S.G. Agajanov,Ch. 3, "The states of the Oghuz, the Kimek and the Kipchak"in M. Asimov and C.E. Bosworth (eds.), History of civilizations of Central Asia, 12
vol. IV,pt. 1, (UNESCO,Paris,1998),p. 74. SIrat,ed. Buniiatova,pp. 35-36, 43, 45, 86-87, 101, ed. Houdas,Arabic,pp. 28, 35, 36-37, 136-37, trans.pp. 50, 60, 63, 136-37. An exampleof the hostilitytowardsthe Kipchaksmay be foundin C.L. Cahen,"'AbdallatifalBaghdadiet les Khwtrizmiens"in Iran and Islam, in Memory of the Late Vladimir Minorsky, ed. C.E.
Bosworth(Edinburgh,1971), pp. 158-59, (thoughthe it is reasonable, source refers to "the Khwarazmians" that it is in facttalking to givenNasawi'stestimony, argue abouttheKipchakelementin thearmy);Bosworth,Ch. 1, "Thepoliticaland dynastichistoryof the Iranianworld (A.D. 1000-1217)",in CHIr,vol. V, pp. 182-83, 191. 13 For a generalaccountof the Mongolinvasionsandtheir rule, see Morgan,TheMongols,(Oxford,1986), and in more specificdetailfor Iranthe relevantchaptersin the CHIr,vol V; forthe Kipchakssee AsimovandBosworth (eds.), op. cit., esp. Agajanov,Ch. 3 and A. Sevim and Bosworth, Ch. 7, "The Seljuqs and the Khwarazm Shahs",pp. 169, 175. 14 Ed. Buniiatova, p. 101, ed. Houdas,Arabic,p. 83, trans. 136-37. pp. 15 Ed.Buniiatova, pp. 31-33, ed. Houdas,Arabic,pp.25-26, trans.pp. 44--46;P.Ratchnevsky,GenghisKhan, his life and legacy,trans.anded. T.N.Haining(Oxford,1991),p. 207. 16 Ed. Buniiatova,pp. 32, 141-42, ed. Houdas,Arabic,pp. 25, 55-57, trans.pp. 44, 93-96. 17 Ed. Buniiatova,pp. 51-52, ed. Houdas,Arabic,p. 42, trans.pp. 72-73; SevimandBosworth,"TheSeljuqsand the KhwarazmShahs",pp. 175-77. 18 Ed. Buniiatova,pp. 32, 51-52, ed. Houdas,Arabic,pp. 25, 42, trans.pp.44, 72-73. 19 Ed. Buniiatova,pp. 35-36, 42-43, 51-52, ed. Houdas, Arabic,pp. 33-35, 42, 60-61, trans.pp. 55, 59-60, 72-73, 79-80; Boyle, Ch. 4, " DynasticandPoliticalHistoryof the Il-Khans",in CHIr,vol. V,p. 305. 20
21 22 23
Angelika Hartmann,an-Ngsir li-DIn Allah (1180-1225). Politik, Religion, Kultur in der spliten 'Abbisidenzeit, (Berlin, New York, 1975), pp. 72-78. Ibid, pp. 132-33. Ibid., pp. 133-35. Carole Hillenbrand, "The power struggle between the Saljuqs and the IsmR'Ilisof Alamit, 487-518/1094-1124.
JOURNALOF PERSIAN STUDIES
256
The Saljuqperspective"in F. Daftary(ed.), Mediaeval
"Thabitb. Qurra and Arab Astronomy in the 9th Century",Arabic Sciences and Philosophy, IV/ 1 (March 1994),pp. 111-40.
Ism9'ili History and Thought (Cambridge, 1996), pp. 24 25 26 27
205-20. Ibid, pp. 206, 209. Jbid, pp. 216-18. Ibid, pp. 207-8, 210. Daftary, The Ism~'lis,
43
Carmody,op. cit., pp. 177-78.
44
"Talismans:magic as Ibid, pp. 169-71; C. Bumrnett, science?Necromancyamongthe SevenLiberalArts"in Magic and Divination in the Middle Ages. Texts and Techniques in the Islamic and Christian worlds
their history and doctrines
(Cambridge,1990), pp. 392-96; M.G.S. Hodgson,The
(Variorum,Aldershot,1996), pp. 1-15. See also other articlesin the same collectionby Burnettand also D.
Order of the Assassins. The struggle of the Early Nizalrf Isma'fls against the Islamic World(The Hague, 1955), pp. 148-57, 160-67. 28
29 30
31 32 33
34
Nasawl,Sirdt,ed. Buniiatova,p. 239, ed. Houdas,Arabic, pp. 212-13, trans.p. 355; Daftary,op. cit., pp. 405-6 ; Hodgson,op. cit.,pp. 216-20. Daftary,op. cit., pp. 406-7; Hodgson,op. cit., p. 224. Bosworth,in CHIr, vol. V, p. 184; Hartmann, an-Nisir, pp. 78-80. Daftary,op. cit., p. 407; Hodgson,op. cit., p. 224.
Pingree, The Thousands of Aba Ma'shar, (London, 45 46 47
1968). Fahd,E2 art."Nirandf". TheAstronomicalworks, p.170. A History ofMagic, vol. I, p. 665. Thomrndike,
48
"Sdbienscoraniqeset 'Sdbiens'de Harrn",JA,CCXXIV (1986), pp. 1-44, gives especial significanceto the geographicalpositionof Harrtnon the bordersbetween theByzantineandSasanianEmpires,arguingthatit was a refuge for Neoplatonistsfrom both the Academy in Athens and from Alexandria, who established an the evidencefrom Academyin Harrin(see, in particular, theinscriptionabovethe doorof the al-Mas'ldiregarding Harrdn Academy).
49
E2 art. "Sabi'a.2. The Sabl'at Harrin". E. Grant,Planets, Stars and Orbs.:the Medieval Cosmos,
Daftary,op. cit., p. 406.
"Thephilosopher/vizier: KhwajaNasiral-Dinal-Tisi and the Ismd'Ilis"in Daftary (ed.), Mediaeval lsmi'li1History and Thought,pp. 231-46. H. Daiber,E-2 art."al-Tisi,Nasiral-Din.1. Life."
35
Idem,E2 art."al-Tisi,Nasiral-Din.2. As theologianand philosopher".
36
Ibid JRAS (1938),pp. 64, 67.
50
38
"AnIsmailiticworkby Nasiru'd-dinTusi",JRAS(1931), pp. 560-61.
51
39
The Orderof the Assassins, p. 223.
40
J. Ruska,B. Carrade Vaux, [C.E. Bosworth],E2 art.
52
"Tilsam";Bosworth, TheMediaeval Islamic Underworld. The Band in Arabic Society and Literature,2 vols. Sssdn
53
(Leiden,1976),vol. I, pp. 87-88, vol. II,pp. 198-99.
54
A History of Magic and Experimental Lyn Thomrndike, Science during the first Thirteen centuries of our era, 3
55 Ibid, p. 257.
vols. (London,1923),vol. I, pp. 661-66; R. Rashedand R. Morelon,EP art.'Thtbitb. Kurra".
57
Carmody, The Astronomical Worksof Thabit b. Qurra
58
37
41
42
(BerkeleyandLos Angeles,1960),pp. 168-97;Morelon,
1200-1687 (Cambridge,1994),p. 315. The City of the Moon God Religious Traditions of
Harrdn,(Leiden,New York,Cologne,1992),pp. 163-64, 169-74, 188-89. Ibid, p. 164;F. Rosenthal,E2 art."al-Sarakhsi". E2 art '"'lIm",See also W. MontgomeryWatt,Muslim Intellectual(Edinburgh, 1963),pp. 25-71. 256-60. cit., Hartmann, pp. op.
56
Ibid.,
p. 260.
H.A.R. Gibb,E12 art. '"Arabiyya.B. Arabicliterature. (III)Thirdto fifthcenturies,(i) Prose". Sirat, ed. Buniiatova,pp.175-76,ed. Houdas,Arabic,p. 151,trans.pp.150-51.
THE CHAPAR-KHANASYSTEM IN QAJAR IRAN By Willem Floor Bethesda, Maryland
seldomchangeshishorse.Forin Persiathereareno andrelaysof horsesas in Turkey. They post-houses travelattherateof fourof fivemilesanhour,andhave a distance toBushire, beenknownto go fromTehraun of sevenhundred miles,in thespaceof tendays.The at cassidswillalsotravelformanydayssuccessively,
I. ORGANISATION OF THESYSTEM
Introduction
Since Achaemenidtimes therehad existed in one way or anothera courier system in Iran with an infrastructure of relaystations,wherefreshhorsescould be had. The Turkishterm chapar to denote these courierscame into generaluse only in the sixteenth century.Itwouldseemthatatthattimean infrastructure of relay stations with postmastersand horses still sourcesare silent existed,althoughthe contemporary aboutthe subject.Despite the relay stations,couriers often appropriated the horses of those travellersthat theymet en route.In April1739it wouldseemthatthe systemhadpartiallybrokendown.The Dutchreported thattherewas almostno news in IsfahanaboutNadir Shah'sfate.This,accordingto them,was dueto the fact that all chaparstationshad been demolishedand the soldiersin it withdrawn by NadirShah.However,in the 1740s, it is mentionedthat relay stations,each with 30-50 horses,stillexistedin northernIran,althoughthe system did not function optimally.It broke down entirelyin the secondhalfof the eighteenthcenturydue to the anarchy,caused by the successionwars, that prevailedin Iranat thattime.1 As a result, there was no regular couriertransportation systemconnectingthe variouspartsof the kingdom at the beginning of the nineteenth century. There was no institutionalisedsystem to dispatchinformationfrom one partof the countryto the other, even between governorsand the central government.
Althoughthisincidentalsystemworkedin particular casesit was neverthelessa burdenon othertravellersen route.As in the eighteenthcentury,themessengerstook horseswhereverandfromwhomevertheywanted,and, often withoutpaying.They even madepeople get off their horses and requisitionedthem to continuetheir journey.3Thiswas especiallydonein towns,wherethe ownerhad one chancein threeto get paymentfor the use of his animalfrom the competentauthorities.In ruralareasthe situationseemsto havebeenbetter."The allowancefor their [post-horses']use, to the peasant ownerobligedto furnishthemin pursuanceof theroyal order,is two realseach horse;which sum government deducts from the payment of his annual tax, and for the therefore,being always sure of remuneration service of his beasts, he is seldom scrupulousof bringingthemreadilyforthon theseoccasions."4 Travelthereforewas by the slow,but less stressful, methodof caravansusing mules, camels, horses and donkeys. The system of caravansaraisthat offered travellersshelterstill existed,wherethesehadnot been destroyedor fallenapart.Moreover,manypartsof the countryhadbeenravagedandit was difficultto obtain provisionsfor both men and animals.For those who to wanted to travel fast there was no infrastructure a need. such support
We have here no regularestablishment for the of intelligence,and it is therefore transmission whenletters aretobecarried fromonepartof necessary, the kingdom to the other,to dispatch a chupper, or oramessenger onfoot,whois styled horseman, express a cassid.Be the distance everso great,the chupper
Onealmostalwaystravelson horse;thecamelis for thereis a systemofrelay goods.InTurkey, transporting thereis not,youareonyourown. inPersia post-houses; toget,and anditwasdifficult Barleyis [usedas]fodder; thebestway takeitwithyou.Therefore, youhadbetter is totravelina caravan.5
therateof sixtyor seventymilesa day.2
257
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JOURNALOF PERSIAN STUDIES
Establishment of the chapar-khignasystem
It was only underFath'Ali Shah,when the Qajars had firmlyand securelyestablishedthemselvesas the uncontestedholder of the reins of government,that attentioncouldbe given to institutionbuilding.So far, the Qajargovernmenthadconcentrated on doingaway with its Zand rivals (accomplishedin 1794), putting down rebellious local warlords and pacifying the countryin general.The fact,moreover,thatthe threat, andthenthe reality,of warwithRussiain the Caucasus loomed large obliged the central government to establish a permanentsystem for the transfer of intelligence. Around 1811, Mirza Abu 'l-Hasan Khan Ilchi allegedlyproposedto Fath'Ali Shahto transformthe incidentalchaparsysteminto a regularpostal system basedon theEuropeanmodel.Theshahbelievedthathe was beingmadea fool of andalmosthadAbu 'l-Hasan Khan executed.When the British ambassadorGore Ouseleyexplainedto the shah what the meritsof the system were, the shahrelentedand orderedhis grand vizier, Mirza Shafi', to institutesuch a regularmail service immediately. However, in actual practice nothingmuchchangedas faras themailwas concerned, i.e. a regularservice of arrivaland departureof mail couriershad still not been instituted.What was reestablished,however,was the age-oldsystemof relay stations,wherecourierscouldchangehorses.6 Initially,the systemof relaystationswas limitedto the north-westernprovinces,Azerbaijanand Erivan, wheretheneedforfastcommunications withthe capital city was of vital militaryandpoliticalimportance.The new service, moreover, was as yet not a central governmentinstitutionbut ratherone operatedat the expense of the provincialgovernor.In certainparts, where the new system was lacking, the chapars continued with their equally age-old practice of requisitioninghorsesfromthe ruralpopulationand/or travellers: Sincetherehavebeensuchgreatinterests pendingin the northof Persiawiththe Russians,the government has establishedchopperkhoneh, or post-houses,from Tabrizto Teheran, to facilitatethetransmission of news, so thata couriermaytraverse thedistanceeasilyinthree days.A feroshhasbeenplacedby theprincegovemor of Aderbigian, ineachof thevillageswithinhisterritory, areformed,)to see that (in whichtheseestablishments
be carriedon with despatchand every department by Twentyto twenty-fivehorses(purchased regularity. the prince,and kept at his own expense)are always readyat eachof thesehouses,andthewholeinstitution
fromhisownpurse. is supported Butbeyond thebounds of his province thispublicserviceis defrayed by the rayaton thelineof theroad.7 Although these provincial systems of relay stations
functionedwell,8soon the need was felt to extendthe system beyond these provinces, so that it would cover
the main tradingarteries.Becausethe new systemof relay stations was under certain conditions also
accessibleto privatepersons,henceforththereweretwo modesof travellingavailablein QajarIran:(i) marching witha caravan,a slowandtediousprocess;and(ii)riding post,orchapar,a veryrapidmodeortransportation. At distancesof 6-8farsakhs(30-50 km.),so-called chapar-khinasor post-houses,witha numberof relays were built and maintainedalong the of saddle-horses, main roadsradiatingout from Tehran,of which there were five: from Tehranto Rasht, Tabriz,Mashhad, Kerman and Shiraz (which was later extended to Bushire).By changingtheirhorsetwo to threetimesa day and riding day and night, courierswere able to travelthreeto five times fasterthanif they had gone with the caravan.To achievethe most rapidmode,the courieralso hada horsefor thepackagewithmessages and the like, which could not weigh morethanhalf a horse load, just in case the couriermight have an accidentandneededto go on withone horseonly.9For privatetravellers,who couldget permissionto use post horses,this was a majoradvantage,becauseit allowed themto travelfasterthanby caravan,whichwas at the most 50 km.perday.l0 The build-upof the system was not without its problems,in particularin the early 1830s, due to militaryoperations.Fraserdescribedthis experience andnotedthattherewerehardlyanyhorsesto be hadat any poststation: in a forcouriers' Therequisition horseshadmultiplied ratioso disproportioned to theveryill-paidallowances of thepostmasters, thatmanyof theworthieshadmade theirescapewiththeircavalry,andleft the couriersof theShahandShahzadeh to get on as bestas theycould thevillageshadbeenforwardto hiretheir Formerly ... horses to Europeans,and particularlyto English gentlemen,who travelledtheroad;butin consequence
THE CHAPAR-KHANA SYSTEM IN QAJAR IRAN
of theviolencewhichhadbeenusedon someoccasions, theyhadnow becomealarmed,andsoughtto excuse themselveseitherby denyingthepossessionof horsesat a hireto thosewho do all, or chargingso extravagant pay,as to compensatein somemeasurefor the losses they sustainby those who press and maltreattheir cattle.11 In 1836, due to the insecure and unsettled situation the country was in, it would seem that the chapar system had brokendown. Therewere not any horses for hire between Tehran and Qazvin. In fact, Fraser observed that: Onewouldhavethoughtthatthe necessityof keeping lineof communication betweenthe up anuninterrupted frontierprovinceof the capitalandthemostimportant empire,the depositoryof the arsenaland stores,the nurseryandthe recruiting groundof the army,andthe chief residenceof the King's friends,would have inducedthe Shah and his ministersto establishand maintain a wellregulated orsystemof chupper-khaneh, between Tehran and butno such post-houses Tabreez; has been the case. ... thing Although there are chupperchees,or post-masters,appointedat due distancesbetweenTabreezand Casveen,yet scarcely one shillingof the stipulatedpay do they receiveto maintainthe numberof horsesrequired,consequently thereis notonepost-horse on theline.FromCasveento Tehrantherewas neverany,- theold King[Fath'Ali Shah]wouldgive himselfno troubleaboutthe matter; andwhen I receivedan orderfor fourhorses,on the atTehran, he cameto me to say,thathe had post-master not one;thattheyowedhim two hundredtomans;if I couldprocurehimpaymentof a partof that,he would getme as manyhorsesas I liked,butwithoutmoneyhe coulddo nothing,andso saying,of he wentto bust,i.e. Youwill ask,then,howit is thattheconstant sanctuary. intercourse by chupper,maintainedbetweenTabreez andthecapital,is carriedon?Itis doneby allmannerof expedients,by coaxing,pressing,and sometimesby hiringor promisingto hire a horse,from stationto station.Whena chupperchee, or by eitherabsconding, obtainsattentionfrom makinga strongrepresentation, the minister,an orderis sent, perhaps,upon some unhappyvillageto furnishhimwithso muchcornand straw,or money;andthoughhe canseldomextractthe withwhicha horse whole,a littleis inthiswayobtained, may be maintainedor hiredon occasion.Then the
259
situationgivesa degreeof influence,whichenablesthe post-master sometimes to procure horses from andat others,assistedby thegholaumwho individuals, he pressesanyhe cangetholdof, is senton theerrand, intheKing'sname;andthusdragsandlagsonthismost miserablesystem.12 However, by 1840 the post system was functioning again more or less normally.There were still defects in the system (not everywhere were there post stations, and horses were not always available), but it was nevertheless operational.Even so, De Bode asked that the supply of horses be included in his royal farman, which instructedgovernment officials to assist him, in case there would not be any post horses available.13
Administrative Organisation Initially there was not a centralised but only a provincial, system. For example, in the Erivan khanate there was a chapar-bshi.14 According to the German travellerEichwald,"Inthe recentlyconqueredCaucasian provinces the chapparsystem was functioningnot under the khans but as a government service."15It would indeed seem thatthe chapar-bshi of the Erivankhanate was paid a salary (an entitlement to tax revenues or tiytl). There were seven post-houses in the khanate, each one headed by an ostler and with nine horses. The post-house of Erivanitself had 15 horses.16By 1817, the government allowed 300 tm?ins or pounds per annum for the upkeep of each post-house. It was their duty "to forward expresses, and to furnish from one to eight horses to any messengers, travellingchupperor courier, on government business, or to any other person to whom the regular permission has been officially granted."17 This amount appearsto have been reduced to 200 tWminssome thirtyyears later,and the difference was made up by a payment in kind throughthe addition of a certain quantityof barley and straw for each posthouse, in exchange for which they had to keep in readiness eight horses per post-house. However, Mirza Shafi' Khan, the chaparchi-bashIorpostmaster-general, who was in charge of what was called the chaparkh~na-yikull and received this money in Tehran,would distribute only 120 tWminsto each of the 112 posthouses, after a long delay, keeping the remainder for himself. As a consequence, the station-masters or chaparchis were complaining about this practice, for it
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JOURNAL OF PERSIAN STUDIES
hamperedtheir effectiveness.18This amountof 200 timins seems to have been the highest level of payment. For the wages of each chaparchi or postmaster,on the Qazvin-Reshtroad,were only 120 tdm5nsperannumin 1845.Theamountwas evenlower on the Tehran-Kerman road. Here the pay of each between 100 and 120 tmins per chaparchiranged annum.The highestamountwas paid on the TehranTabrizroad.Eachchaparchialongthisroadreceived,or oughtto havereceived,200 tiimjnssalary,togetherwith 30 kharvirsof straw,15 kharvdrsof barley,and 10 kharv~irs of wheatannually.19 C.F.MacKenziewrotein 1859 thatthe chaparchiof Astarabadonly received50 tOninsperyearplusone kharvr of barley,therestwas "eaten"by thepostmaster-general HusainKhanShihab al-Mulk.20 The reasonfor this mercenarypracticewas thatthe was farmed out to the post of postmaster-general who then had also therightto thetitleof highestbidder, or chaparchi-bishi postmaster-general.The latter would resell the rightto managethe post-houseson a certainstretchof a routeto otherindividuals,who were entitledndib orzibit. These,in theirturn,wouldsell the rightto managea particular post-houseto an individual the farmer of the postal chaparchi. Consequently, had to his subordinatesto get a system squeeze reasonablereturnon his investment.21 It would seem there also that, in additionto the postmaster-general, were provincialpostmasters.In 1844 Wolffmentioned his meetingwith "TamasBeyk, chief of the couriersin Khorassaun,to whom all the couriers(Japarjees)and the KafilaBashis(headsof caravans)fromKhorassaun come."22Eachpost-stationwas headedby a so-called
to wear a uniform. As a result, the post-master sometimeswore a semblanceof an officialdress,sc.a blue frockcoatanda kulhhor hat.24 It was only someyearslater,in 1850,thatNasiralthe Din Shah'sgrandvizier,Amir Kabir,rehabilitated post-houserelay system,and instituteda regularmail system. Many authors,includingcontemporaryones of the suchas Polak,thereforeascribetheestablishment as is clear to Amir Kabir,which, system chapar-khana fromthe foregoing,is erroneous.AmirKabir'srenewal of the chapar-khina system did not make much differencefor those who used the chapar system to transportthemselves(ratherthantheirmail) fromone pointto the other.Moreover,afterAmirKabir'sdeath andrevertedto theold thepostalinstitutiondeteriorated situationuntilit wasrevivedin the 1870s.25However,it wouldseem thatunderAmirKabir'sguidancemost,if not all, post-houses(also called uskudirby Hedayat) while it was or rehabilitated, were newlyreconstructed stated that the qualityof the horses kept there was good.26 was not MirzaShafi'Khan,the postmaster-general, he was Amir Kabir but in his function on by kept only even rewardedfor his good serviceswith the title of Whenhe diedin 1854,the function Bashiral-Dawla.27 of postmaster-generalwas acquired by his son, Isma'ilKhan,who alsoobtainedthetitleof Muhammad Bashiral-Dawla.28After him followed HusainKhan Shihabal-Mulkand Mirza Taqi Khan. In 1866, the chapar-khdnaswere under the minister of court, (headedby MuhammadNasir Khan Zahiral-Dawla) with the exceptionof thoseof Azerbaijan,whichwere under the newly-createdministryof Dar al-Khilafa under MuhammadHusain Khan FarahaniDabir alchaparchi or ndib-i chapar-khina or postmaster,who was responsiblefor keepinga numberof horsesat his Mulk.29Duringthenext fouryearsa numberof interim own expenseand risk for the mail service.The state, managerswere in chargetill 1871, and in thatperiod throughthe chapar-b~shior postmaster-general, paid there was sometimes a national and sometimes a themanannualwage of 200 franksor20 timIns as well decentralised of all system.In 1871,the administration as 10 kharv~irs(2,944 kg) of corn and 20 kharvirs post-houseswas entrustedto Mirza 'Ali Khan, the Oneyear (5,888kg) of straw.Thisaddedup to a totalexpenditure munshi-yihuziir,theshah'spersonalsecretary. of about70,000 franksor 7,000 tWmns.Becausethe later,in additionto being personalsecretary,he was postmaster-general kepta largepartof this for himself appointedMinisterof thePost,orvazir-irasd'il.30 When (only 10,000 franks or 1,000 tWminswas spent on the chapar-khlinas)most of these post stations were in a bad state and often had too few horses, sometimes none at all.23Although the postmaster had farmed the posthouse he nevertheless was a kind of official, for he provided a public service. Therefore, from 1858 onwards, chaparchis, like other government staff, had
Nasir al-Din Shah hired the Austrianofficer Riedererto take care of the post, his personal secretaryMirza 'Ali Khan Amin al-Dawla was given the monopoly of the postal system. By royal decree the Ministry of Post, which was created at the personal financial cost and labour of Amin al-Mulk (later, Amin al-Dawla), was entrusted to himself in perpetuity and the expected
THE CHAPAR-KHANA SYSTEM IN QAJAR IRAN
profits were to go to him. The shah asked for no accountingas long as the servicewas operatedwith a certainmodicumof efficiency.Theold subsidiespaidto the chapar-khrinas continuedto be paid to the new Ministry.31 A numberof Europeans wereinvolvedin managing thechapar-khlina system,buttheyonlywereresponsible for the organisation of the postalsystem.The farming andsublettingof partsof theroadsystemandindividual post-housescontinued,however.In 1880,some 40,000 timdnsperyearweremadeavailableby thegovernment for the operationof the chaparsystem,but the smaller continuedto receiveinsufficient stations,in particular, funding,and,as a consequence,bothmen andanimals suffered.32Accordingto the BritishdiplomatHerbertin 1886: The chupperkhanehs(post-houses) the throughout areinruinsandthehorsessimplypainful toride country I foundon the condition. uponfromtheirwretched Shiraz linethatthemasters ofthepost-houses, instead of their station and free the annual allowance of getting the are totheamount foragegivenby Shah, rack-rented of40and50tomans ayear,andtheforage neverreaches them.Inmanycasesthecarriage of thepostis noteven withallsorts paidthem,andthehorsesareoverloaded of things, theprivate of the enterprise post-master.33
261
road same systemexistedandfor the Tehran-Khorasan ownedby JalalHomayunandCo. thereexisteda finrm, (shurakd), known in full as Sharikat-i Idcra-yi Khatt-iT7ihrin (Fig. 1).36 Chaparkhinah5-yi ilhKhurasan the with chapar-khinasystemin Despiteproblems in whichit was managed manner the with and general, the transportation andfinancedin particular, systemnot only functionedratherwell but had even expanded In 1845, there were some 107 stations, substantially. listprovidedby Holmes.By 1885,there the to according on thefive majortransportation were171chapar-khInas arteries,henceon averageat intervalsof 34 km. These stationshadall beenbuiltat the state'sexpense.37
Speed
The new service was used by many Europeans living in Iranandby manyof thosetravellingthrough the country. Although it was a fast means of thosehavingexperiencedpostriding,or transportation, or ridingchapar, chaparina,knewthat"ridingpostfor A anydistancein Persiais beyondmeasurefatiguing."38 traveller,therefore,who was not afraidof fatigueand hardridingcould do 120-160 km. a day; and all that withoutescort and molestation.39 Post-ridingwas so done it was because by hardlystoppingand fatiguing thus and by being almost constantlyon taking rest, In 1890, therewere 172 post-houses;the treasury horsebackandby sleepingin thisposition.41For,oncea allocated20 tmins per year for each one or 1,440 travellerhaddecidedto go chaparina,"youhaveto go tiimins in total.This seems too low as comparedwith on, else you will be unableto, dueto the factthatyour the amountallocatedfor 1880,andprobablya zerohas bodywill feel brokenafterthe firstday."41 been droppeddue to printer'serror,so thatthe likely recordscitedby varioustravellers Someremarkable amountwas 200 tWminsor a totalof 14,400tLmdns,in in the nineteenthcenturyincludethe following:Lady additionto 10 kharvdisof barleyandthe sameamount Sheilreportedthatone courierrode800 miles in seven of strawfor the horses.34The systemof farmingand days.TherecordridefromReshtto Teheran(190 miles) sub-farmingcontinued to exist into the twentieth was achievedin thirty-twohours,accordingto Bigham, century.The couriersystem of Azerbaijan,operating while Polakwrotethata post-ridermightgo fromKhoi with about 800 horses, covered the road to Khoy, to Bushirein 10-11 days. Hume-Griffith reportedthe Bayazid,Tabriz,Ormiyehand Tehranandwas farmed feat of someonedoing the distancebetweenYezd to outfor 100,000Germanmarksor about65,000 daysor 250 miles.All these trmans, Kermanin two-and-a-half in 1905-6. Thisfarmersub-farmed the stretchbetween statementsconfirmthatwhenridingpost one coulddo 150km.perday.42 QazvinandKizil-Ozanto Mirza'Ali Khan,a nativeof The after the cost of For those who did not want too much troubleen Zenjan. traveller, havingpaid hiring wheeledtransport,obtaineda tadhkiraor permitfrom route the advice by ValentineBaker was "Riding the postmaster,which was valid for the stretchof the chapparpleasantlyyou have to be two personswith a roadwhichhe hadfarmed.35 It is likelythatthe system servant,who shouldride aheadto have fresh horses continuedto functionin thismannertill the veryendof ready.Europeanstravelusually70 milesa day,sleeping the Qajardynasty(1925). For example,in 1916 the in chaparkhanehsat night.Couriersdo more.Unless,
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someone is sent ahead you lose much time finding horses,generallyone hourat eachpost-house."43 The horses only knew two speeds:naturalmovement or cantering(qadam)and ambling(yurgha).44 "Thehorsesof NorthernPersiaaretrainedto amble,by whicha steadypace of aboutfourto five miles an hour canbe maintained on goodroadsandlevel country.The motionis a pleasantone,andnot in the leasttiring,as is the uncertainand little-practised trot of these country steeds" wrote the British traveller W.B. Harris.45 Accordingto Polak,the horsesseldomgalloped(daytakht va tiz), and they did not know how to trot (yurtma).StolzeandAndreasconcurred,"Usually,the roadwas travelledin shortcanterso thateverymilewas travelledin 40-50 minutes."46 Curzonmaintained thata European"usuallyadopts a sharpcanteralternating with a walk. The Persians,when not canteringor galloping,seem to prefer a roughjog-trot shamble, whichon an Englishsaddleis excruciating."47
thepost-houseon the otherside of theAras,he exerted himselfto assistme with my needs."52 Althoughthere was a needto have an officialpermitor tadhkira,as it laterbecameformallyknown,one only had to ask for permission,for it was neverrefused.In fact,by the end of the centurythese permitscould be obtainedat the post-officeitself.53 Althoughtravellingchapar was a right, not an obligation,sometimes the post-masterwould make fora traveller whodidnotwantto availhimself difficulties of his services.Bighamrelatedhow in Khoy,when he threatened the thepost-master wantedto leaveby caravan, cherv&diror the caravanleader,to makelife difficultfor himin Tabrizif he providedhis serviceto the European travellers."The posting in Persiais fannrmed out; the ownedtheline,andit meanta lossto himif we postmaster Itlookedfora while wentby caravanandnotby chapper." is a hadto givein for"Thepostmaster thattheEuropeans at his and man in a Persian we seemed town, verybig theproblem foreverybodyconcerned Fortunately mercy." wasresolvedby theuse of a stratagem.54
Who could use the service?
Althoughthe chapar-khinasystem was first and foremosta governmentservice,privatepersonscould also avail themselves of its services. It was not a universalor automaticright.In fact,till well intoNasir al-DinShah'sreignsuchpermissionhadto be obtained fromthe highestlevel in government.Persiansources (probablyreferringto the mail system only) intimate thatit was a publicservice,availableto all travellers,48 but Europeansources do not confirmthis. In 1817, Colonel Johnsonreportedthat "This favor may be obtainedfromthe shah'sministers.Gives the rightto use a fixed numberof horsesfree of charge,the order cannotbe obtainedformoney,andcannotbe transferred to anotherperson by selling it."49As is clear from Johnson'sstatement,the permissionwas obtainedby the foreign traveller through his diplomatic JamesBaillieFraser"obtainedan order representative. for post-horses, through the kind interventionof In CaptainWillock (the Britishcharged'affaires)."so50 fact, later, it was even formally institutionalisedso that foreignershad to apply for such permits to the Ministry of Foreign Affairs or its representatives.5'The permit apparently did not as yet have a standard form. The Dutch travellerLycklama,for example, writes: "I had a letterto the station-mastersfrom Mirza Yusef Khan, the consul at Tiflis. On showing this letter to the na'eb of
Cost of hiring post-horses
Travellers,on obtainingthe necessary tadhkira, could use as many horses as they liked, within the capacity,naturally,of the various stables and mail requirements.This meant that the post-masterwas obligedto supplygovernmentcouriersor chaparswith horsesbeforeprivatetravellers.55 Privatetravellershad to pay 2 shdhisper mile/per horsein theErevankhanate,beforeits seizureby Russia in 1828,56anda few centsin the 1830sin Azerbaijan.57 Fromthenonwardsthe cost of usingthe chaparsystem increasedovertime.Forgovernmentcourierstheuse of the horses,of course,was gratis,for othersit was 6 shihis perhorseperfarsakh,as long as enoughhorses were available.If therewere not enoughhorses,the if asked,wouldrenthorsesfromothers station-master, in the area,in which case the pricemightgo up to 1 qrin. Sometimes,whentherewereno horsesat all, the traveller had to rent horses himself.58In 1851 the fee was 500 dinars or 10 shihis per farsakh.59 The fee increasedto 0.075 Dutch ducat(750 dinarsor 15 shihis)
perfarsakh.6oIt was increasedagainafter1861,forthe fee quoted by travellers was 1 qrin (or 20 shlihs) per horse per farsakh. Andreas, who had been acting postmaster-general,advised the European traveller to
THE CHAPAR-KHANA SYSTEM IN QAJAR IRAN
pay the amount after, not before, the service was renderedin orderto get betterservice.61 By the 1890s, the fee was againincreasedby the government."The officialchargeforridingpostis 1 1/4kransforeveryfour miles,"62andby 1898 it was even raisedto "2 kransor 9 ? d. per horse."63 To this fixed fee, whichhadto be travellers paid up-front, usually added a tip for the postilion,dependingon the length of the stage and servicesrendered,of which"itis recommended to give partin advance,as an incentive,the reston arrival."64
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the day and the weather)thatthey were oftenbuilt at outskirtsof the villageor town,althoughsometimesin themidstof thehabitation, butsometimesin themiddle of nowhere.However,they were alwaysnearwater.69 They were of a standardsquaredesign, ba tarkib-i qal'a-yi
khish
tarh according to the official
newspaper,70and often were the only two-storey buildingin the village. This was due to the fact that therewerehardlyanytwo-storeybuildings,even in the towns.Infact,Arnoldnotedthat,in Qazvin,a townwith perhaps30,000 inhabitants,"thereare not a dozen houses with a second story."71According to the Shigird-i chapar descriptionsby various contemporarylodgers in the post-houses,the plan of the chapar-khinawas always Travellersusuallyhadto be accompanied walledenclosure, by one of the same,i.e. a square,or rectangular, the postmaster'sstaff.Forif the travellerwas unknown arounda courtyard, witha stuntedsquaretoweroverthe to the postmaster,or if the travellerdid not know the gateway,built of mud with a frontageof aboutthirty road,he had to hire a secondhorse for the post-boy feet,the wallsrisingto halfthatheight.Often,theyhad a semi-circular toweror bartizanat eachcorner,which, (shdgird-ichapar, chapar-shigird or sirchi), to accomraidswere rife, pany him and to take the horsesback.65Becausethe in areaswherebanditryandTurkoman roads were often mere caravantracks,which were underscored the defensivecharacterof the post-house. sometimestotallyhiddenby driftingsandor snow,the New post-houses were, when newly built, whiteaid of the shigird-chaparwas thereforeessential, plastered,butsincethiswasneverredone,it soonpeeled becausethe earthwas often trackless.66 The post-boy off and the post-housesinvariablyshowed that they was not a boy, of course,andinvariablywas a mature were mud buildings.Althoughthere was a standard hardyadult.He oftenlookedragged,being"cladin rags design,therewas no standardsize for the post-houses. and a huge lamb's-woolcap, otherwisewith barelegs For example,the stationhouse at Savehwas immense andfeet in the snow."67 andhadroomfor 150horses,thoughit actuallyhadonly In short,travellerswho hadobtainedpermissionand twelve.72Furthermore, the design of the post-houses hadpaida fee coulduse thechaparsystem.Inexchange, was adaptedto localcircumstances. Forexample,on the roadboth the villages and the postthey could lodge at the post-housesand use the post- Semnan-Shahrud horses.Whatwas the qualityof boththeseservices? houses were constructedto withstand attacks by Turkomanraiders. The post-house at Kishlak, for example,was a citadel,as werethe otherbuildings: The chapar-khIna or post-house
A discussionof the physicalaspectsof the chaparkhinais not superfluous, because,for example,Siroux, in his study on the public buildingsthat dottedthe caravanroutesin Iran,could not find any surviving or one thatstill couldbe recognisedas chapar-khana, such,amongthevillagedwellings.Thepost-houseshad all gone out of use at the end of the Qajarperiod and, having been made of perishable materials, they disappeared,because there was no need, and therefore no funds, for their upkeep and maintenance.68 Chapar-khlinaswere buildings that were easy to recognise, although it took travellers some time to find them. This was due to the fact (apartfrom the time of
Itwassurrounded by a wallof twentyfeethigh,the therampofthe roofsofthestableswithinconstituting At each comer was a projecting loopholedparapet. which the defenders would be enabled to bartizan, by flankthewallsandfireatassailants closeto itsfoot. Accesswas givento the placethroughan arched closedby stoutdoorsfiveinchesthick,and entrance, barredwith iron.Above it was the balakhanaas well as a kind of watchtowerused when the Torkmens were abroad.A horse-clothspreadon the roof for bed, anda saddleforpillow.73 Although usually a two-storey building, it was not rareto have one-storey buildings only. For example, "I
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arrivedat Eirandibil; thepost-stationwas a singleroom at groundlevel whereI installedmyselfwith my three servants.Oil paperwas put on the windowsinsteadof glassandholesclosedwithdungto keeptheheatin. All was madeof mud."74 One enteredthe standard post-stationthrougha big, strongwoodengate via a largegateway,which,when closed,was a good protectionagainstbandits.On each side of the gatewaywere earthbanks,or platforms, againstthewall, of about1 m. high,withtwo doorways of whatwereusuallytwo small,darkanddirtyroomson thegroundfloor,foruse by the servantsandthen.'ib or postmaster."The entry is throughwhat is called a Serder,whichconsistsof a pairof foldinggatesbelow, and a roomabove,with othersmallroomsandoffices about it."75 The gateway was rarely wide or high enoughto admita takht-iravdn,whichthen had to be left outside.The stationhadoftentwo stories;however, therewere no windowsto the outsideon the ground level. The quadrangular courtyardusuallywas 20-25 m. wide and 12-15 m. long, androundthe threesides were flat-roofedsheds,one side of whichwas formed by the outerwall. In the middlewas a mud platform usuallyoccupiedby filthandfowl butreservedfor the travellerswho wantedto sleep there in summertime. Duringthewarmseason,thehorseswereattachedto the wall aroundthe innercourtyard;the walls were quite thickandhadlargeholesthroughthem,a kindof niches, in whichthe horses'fodder(choppedstrawor barley) was put. Behindthe walls were low, dark,narrowand unwholesomestables,wherethehorsesandtheirdrivers were housedduringthe winter.They were unlighted, save by the open stable door and reeked with accumulated refuse.In one of them,the postillionsand other attendantsusually slept arounda low fire; the smokeescapedthrougha holein theroof,whichallowed the fireto be lightedon anypartof thefloor.Stablesand storagespacewerebuilton threesidesof the courtyard, whilstthe fourthone, the partwhereone entered,was reservedfor the postmasterand his staff as living quartersas well as for travellers.These quarterswere generallytwo or threewindowlessand doorlesssheds, plasteredinsidewith mud,havinga hole in one corner fora fire-place,in whichthefireinvariablysmoked. The post-housesusuallyhad a b?-khgna, a term used to denoteany apartment abovethe groundfloor. It was usuallya single, sometimesdouble-spaced,room over the gate, which had doors on at least two, sometimeson three,sidesto have good air circulation.
It was meantfor travellersand importantvisitors,for theirdiningand sleeping.The roomin the bild-khdna usuallyhad recessesa yardor so fromthe groundall roundandwas some8 x 12 feet.Thefloorwas earth,the walls mud (which had once been plastered and whitewashed),the roof was made of long poles with branchesof trees laid across them. In the recesses visitorsstuckcandles.The raftersdisplayedcobwebs, andthe walls were grimywith soot fromthe fireplace, to evacuatethe smoke. whichwas a rudeconstruction Oftenthe chimneyhadbeenblockedby thriftyIranians with clay and stonesto stop the chimneyafterthe fire hadbeenlit for sometime,anda bodyof redasheshad beencollected,to makemaximumuse of theheat.There of anykind.Firewoodwas weighedby was no furniture mattresseslaidon eitherside of the fire the post-master, and the saddle bags used as pillows. To make it habitable, the bMli-khdnahad to be swept, once "bedding"hadbeen spread,anda fire lit. Eventhenit was too chillyfor comfort. One gainedaccess to the bXL5-kh5na by climbing, with difficulty,a staircase(usually two) of almost Alpinesteepness,with fourto five stepsof 35 cm. high and 50 cm. wide, cut out in the wall, and situatedin a (or, as a rule,in either)cornerof the courtyardon the entry'sside.Whensnowhadfallenthisbecameaneven more hazardousand slippery undertaking.In most villages, the post-housewas the only buildingwith morethanone storey.Themainroomhadtwo windows, or ratherholes intendedas windows,andoftena small verandahon the streetside. The windowswere barred with woodengrillesto allow a flow of air,and during winter were pasted over with paper. In general, travellerswere allowedto stay only threedays in the bMg-kh~a. All post-houseswere constructedwith walls made of mudbrick,brown,sun-baked,and friable,plastered overwitha coarsecementof mudmixedwithstraw,and duringheavyrainspartsof the constructioncollapsed. Often,therefore,the post-houseslookedlike ruins,and sometimesthe traveller,like Bigham,hadto stayin the postmaster'squartersbecausethe upstairsparthadnot yet been repaired.76
Amenities Post-houses, or ratherpost-stables, had not much to offer to the traveller,apartfrom a roof over his head and
THE CHAPAR-KHANA SYSTEM IN QAJAR IRAN
relayhorses.At thebeginningof thenineteenthcentury, thesituationseemsto havebeenmoretraveller-friendly. "Eachstationhaspartof the houseforaccommodation, the roomsfurnishedwithcarpets,namads,beddingand pillows. The stationmasterpreparesvictualsfor the travellerif required,forthishe hasto pay,unlesshe has an orderspecifyingthathe is to be suppliedwith food en route."77 However,this situationsoon changedto a very basic service,viz. a roof over one's head. The FrenchtravellerMoserreportedthat,as in the case of therewas no chargefor stayingin the caravansarais, post-house.Onlythe horseswere supplied,saddleand In the varioustravelaccounts, tack had to brought.78 to takealways therefore,travellerswererecommended theirown saddleandtackso thatthey couldtakea rest The duringthe time thathorseshad to be resaddled.79 or traveller would knowledge,experienced, forewarned, starthis journeywith no otherluggage than a small bundle,wrappedin a waterproofsheet,and carriedon one'ssaddle,"withbags,somesevenfeet long andfour feet wide, whichwere to be filled at each stationwith chaffor 'kah'".Thisis ordinaryhorsefeed,someof it is alwaysin themanger,it is only whenhe has eaten"that he gets his morningor eveningfeed-neverbefore.It is a primitivemattress,which is soft, cool in summer, warmin winter,freefrominsects,andthereis no bedto carry."80 Once a travellerhad made the choice of going chapar,he couldhardlycarrywithhim anythingin the way of beddingorfood,andwhenhe arrivedattheposthouse,he was tiredandluckyif he couldget a restingplacewithoutdraughts"andsuch luxuriesas eggs and fowls for supper."81There were usually a few conveniences,such as waterand firewood,available, and sometimesgoat's milk and eggs, for which the travellerpaidthe postmasterin the morning2-4 qrins, dependingon the natureof the servicerendered.It was always possible, of course,to get suppliesfrom the village.82The chaparchidid not "presenta bill in the morningwith a bow and a grimace,in the European method.The orderof paymentis whatyou please,and of whatyou putin his hand,you will get no irrespective wordsof thanks."83 Sometimes,it was difficultto get even accessto the post-house and its limited amenities, such as at in 1861, wherethe na'bor post master Torkomanchai did not open his doors to Brugsch,because he had sought the warmthof his womenfolk.84 O'Donovan relatedthat when he arrivedat the station of Pool
265
Chenar,we "saw a choice specimenof the mannerin whichthingsaremanagedon thispostalline."His party arrivedat the stationandrodein. Therewas no groom or ostler,and they called,shoutedand searchedevery partof thebuilding."Neitherhorsesnormenwereto be found."Theirhorsesweretired;andthey finallylearnt thatthepostalstaffhad"goneaway"andthattherewere no horses.Theythereforehadto waitto give the horses a rest, and had to buy food, because there were no It was almostinvariablethatthe governmentofficials.85 or travellers the waitingforthehorses86 postmasterkept thathe refusedto supplyhorses.Forexample,Colonel Stewartwrotethat"At Sofiyan,the post-masterwould not supplyme with a horse,norcouldI get a mounted man to accompany me."87 The British consul MacKenzieonly mentionsthe chapar-khinasystem threetimesin his report,buteachtimehe recordedthat, as usual,no horseswereavailable.88 Post-horses Apartfromshelter,the mainreasonfor stoppingat the post-stationwas to get other,fresh,saddle-horses. This provedto be a ratherelusivepartof the service. Thiswas dueto a numberof facts,someof whichwere beyond the control of the station-masters.At the beginning of the twentieth century one observer summedup the qualityof this partof the post-house system as follows: "The roads were bad, the horses worse, some of the animalsbeing blind, otherslame, while the majorityof them were so overworkedand badlyfed thatit seemedimpossiblethattheycouldever do the stage."89What were the reasonsfor this suboptimalservice,apartfromthe factthatthe farmingof the post-housesystemprovidedstrongincentivesto its managersto cut costs andoveruseits assets? One reasonwas the heavy use of the system by governmentalorganisationsand diplomaticmissions. "Thenumberof Persian,Russian,andBritishchuppars continuallygoing this roadis great,and consequently the poor beastshave scarcelycome in from one long journeythanthey are saddledfor another;andit is not unusual,on arrivingata station,to findall horsesout."90 Althoughheavy officialtrafficwas indeedpartof the explanation,it was neverthelessonly a partialone. The otherreasonwas lack of capacity,i.e. therewere not enoughhorsesto accommodatedemandon a sustained basis. Moserreportedthat "Thereare supposedto be
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abouttwentyhorsesin eachChapperKhaneh,butthere areseldommorethanten, andthesethe mostwretched sore-backedanimals."91The actualnumberof required horsesvariedbetweenfive and twenty,dependingon the locationand route.Also, "one or two fairlygood horsesarekeptateachstationfortheaccommodation of
wereavailableon frequentlytravelledroutessuchas the Tehran-Shiraz road.104 As a resultof theexistingconditions,thepost-horses were overworkedand,whenthe situationreallyturned bad, they had to be allowedto recuperatesomewhat. "Thepost-horses,badenoughat all times,were at this seasonin worsethanordinarycondition,beingallowed distinguished and favoured guests," according to Basset.92However,irrespective of thisnumber,it would to runlooseon themeadowsuntilrequiredforuse of the seem that the actual number of available horses, travellers."'05 Oncethe horseshadbecomehardenedto to the contrary requirednumber,alwaysseemsto have the servicetheywerepukhta,a termappliedto menand fallenshort. animals,who,by experience,hadbecomeinuredto and In 1845,for example,Holmesinformedhis readers preparedforhardlabour.106 that "Thehorseson this winterroad(Yazdekhvastto Anotherreasonfor the bad situationof the number Shiraz;see TableII below)arereallybad.Fromtwo to of horses, as well as their poor condition,was the five are kept at each station."93 Twentyyearslaterthe multiple use for which these were put. Carrying situationhadnot improved,for Lycklamareportedthat messengersandtravellerswas butone of the loadsthat post-horsesbecamemore and more difficultto obtain they took on theirbacks.The horses,or poniesrather, on this stretchof the road after Yazdekhvast.94 The seldomexceededfourteenhandsand two inches,and situation was not better on other post roads. For hadto do on averageabout75 km.perday.If theywere road,the horses"arein carryingpersons,they had to carrya coupleof heavy example,on the Tabriz-Tehran bad as far as If not, they generalvery Miyanehafterwhich they saddle-bagsin additionto their rider.107 becomebetter."95 Onthe Mashhad-Tehran road,at each would be carryingotherheavy loads, such as official therewerebetweentwo andfourhorses. mailandparcels.Also, the way theywereequippedfor chapar-khdna "Theyarein generalmiserableanimals.However,from theirworkexacerbatedratherthaneasedtheirlot. For Mesinoonthereare five or six horsesat each station, "thehorsesaregenerallywoundedby thechafingof the On the Astarabad-Tehran nativesaddleswhichareall builton the samemodel,by usuallyserviceablebeasts."96 road"tolerablehorsesareto be had all the way, but it heavy loads of currency,and by the coarsecoverings generallytakesfive daysto accomplishthejourney,as used when travelling, and damages not being it is impossibleto travelat nightthroughthejungle."97 immediatelyattendedto, animalsareoftenriddenwhich The horses from Qazvinto Resht were generally in othercountrieswouldbe placedin hospitalorputout pretty good in 1845.98 However, the situationalso of theirmisery.108s deteriorated on this route later in the century. The infrequencyof travellerson a routecouldentail O'Donovan reportedthat "At Kudum we received the horses being half-starvedor overworkeddue to animalswhichlookedjustas tiredandwornas thosewe overworking by legitimatetraffic.Forsomepostmasters hadgivenup".99De Windthada similarexperience.At used these horses on their own farms,or for other Kuudoum,therewere only two horses,but a thirdhad purposes,ratherthan holding them ready for public beensentforfroma neighbouring At Manjil, service.It couldhappenthatthe horsesone got wereso village.100 after a long time, they finally got miserablehorses, broken down by their day's labourthat they were whileat thenextstation,Pol Chenar,therewerenoneat incapableof doing the stretchin the normalpace; sometimesone had to dismountor else a horsebroke all.o101 On the Tehran-Kerman road,therewerefromthree down completely.Sometimestherewere good horses, to fourhorsesat each station.AfterKashan,the horse whichshowedwhata honestpostmastercoulddo.109 situationwas usuallyverybad.102On the roadfromthe An additional reason was that good horses were Turkishborderto Tabriz,the situationwas as follows in 1845. On Iranianterritory,i.e. from Chebisterto Awajik, horses in general were good. However, in Turkey,from Diadin to Mollah Suleiman, horses were very bad, whereas on the stretch from Khorassaun to Erzerum horses were very good.103The best horses, generally,
seldom met with. Most of the post-horses"havebeen sold for some vice which nothingbut constanthardwork will keep under. Kickers, rearers, jibbers, shyers, and stumblersare but too common, and falls of almost daily occurrenceon a long journey."ll0Not everybody agreed with this characterisationof the post-horses, however.
THE CHAPAR-KHANA SYSTEM IN QAJAR IRAN
Colonel Johnson in 1817 concluded,based on his of thepost-horse service,that"Theposthorses experience are generallyserviceable,and it is a good way of travelling,i.e. it is expeditiousand easy."111 Lycklama, who travelledthroughIranfromthe Russianborderto BushireandfromTehran to Iraq,concludedthat"thepost horsesarenotthatbad,andtheirtack,whilenotluxurious, is sufficient.I broughtmy ownEuropean saddle.112 Nevertheless,thesefew positivevoices aredrowned out by the chorusof negativesthathave been written and sung by the exasperateduser of the post-horses. "Miserable as theseanimalsusuallyare,theyarein such a hardcondition,thatyou can reckonupon doing the journeyat the rateof fromsix to sevenmiles an hour." Sometimestherewereno new ponies andthe traveller hadto use the sameanimalsfor anotherjourney."The ponies seem to be awareof this contingency.I have neverriddenHampsteaddonkey,butI shouldsayit was a willing steed comparedto the usual chaparpony of Persia."Therewereexceptions,but"usuallybothwhip and spursare a requisiteto get along, and one feels ashamedat the amount of both that is absolutely necessary."113 In short, the post-horses were overworked, Ratherthan overloaded,badlycaredforandmistreated. maximised tryingto optimisetheiruse, the postmasters theirusefulnesstill theyliterallydroppeddead.This,of course, aggravatedthe capacity problem, for the postmasterwas not going to invest in new horses as long as he couldprovidea reasonablelevel of service withhis existingstableof horses.TheBritishconsulin Tabrizsummedup this situationas follows: Theworsttreated creature in Persiaafterthedonkey and camels have to complain (mules generally nothing as he hasto furmish thestageso of) is thepost-horse, longashehasa legtostandon;asoftenasnot,hedrops anddiesonthetrackintheexecution of hisdistressing duties. Hisforehoofsarecutoffbythechappar boyand handedto the owner,andthereis one horseless for
todotheusualwork.114 manyweeksandevenmonths But despite the many complaintsaboutthe condition of the post-horses, many travellers agreed with Ella Sykes, when she concluded her remarks on the posthouse system, that the problem was not the post-horse, for "the chappar horses are sagacious little animals, sliding down these places from point to point, and very seldom coming to grief.""ll
267
The travellerwho wantedto get speedilyfromone townto the otherhadto putup with the sloppyservice andthe intermittent availabilityof horses.Some sent a servantaheadto makesurethathorseswouldbe waiting forthem.Others,less wealthyandpractical,triedto beat the system. This option demandedinformationand planningon thepartof thetravellerif he wantedto be in a situationwherehorseswouldbe available,andif they wereavailable,wouldbe fresh.Theusualsituationwas thatthe travellerwas like a gambler;he couldbe lucky, andthen,again,at times he would lose. This dilemma was graphicallydescribedby O'Donovan,when he road in 1881. "At Deh travelledthe Tehran-Mashhad Memekwe wereinformedthatthepostfromTehranwas duethateveningandthatwe betterloose no time, as if overtaken,we would continuallyhave ahead of us fatiguedhorses.The sameproblemmightoccurwhen the mail from Mashadwould be coming that way." Whichindeedwas the case, for "At Semnanwe were informed,unlesswe left immediatelythe horseswould be heldforthemail,so despitebeingverytiredwe went on." But despite his efforts to keep ahead of the mailman,when, afterhardriding,he arrivedat Deh Mollah,he foundthat"thepost horsesat Deh Mollah hadjust madetheir16 miles fromMashadandwere in need of absoluterest,andso werethe horseson which we hadarrived." Sometimes,youjustcouldnotwin, and like in gambling,it was the housethatalwayswon.116 Needless to say that the manner in which the chapar-khina system was operated evoked strong emotionson the partof its regularand irregularusers. Everybodyhad an opinion about it and it was the subjectof discussionduringsocial gatherings.People wouldexchangetheirexperiences,bothgood andbad, whichalsogaveriseto chaparloreandto horrorstories suchas the following: atoneofthesepost-houses, arrived A doctor onceriding amule.Onthisbeasthe nohorse,demanded andfinding thattherewas madethenextstage,tobetoldonarrival better available. itself, Nothing presenting onlyadonkey thenext thismount,andin timereached he accepted stage, where he was met with the comforting thattheonlyanimalatlibertywasa cow! announcement afterthispoint,so we will draw uncertain seems History a veil overit!"1 Although this is a typical story told by expatriates,of the kind that are still being told all over the world right
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now, it actuallycontaineda hardkernelof truth.Polak, destination. On some days, even two diligences Nasir al-Din Shah'spersonalphysician,who was not departed.The Iranianpassengerswerenot accustomed given to exaggerationandis knownfor his carefuland to fast travelling,whichwas the reasonwhy, en route, dispassionate reporting,wrotethatwhen one arrivedat threehoursof stopswereusuallymadeatthe six halting the post-house,"horsesare alwayslacking,or, if they stationsembellishingthe new road. The road,which were there,unusable,so thatpartof the roadhas to be was 180 km. in length,was servedby the mailtwice a walked".118 Buttheuse of otherquadrupeds to carrythe week, takingfourteenhours,to which end the Road mail andotherloadsin the absenceof horseswas also Companyhada contractwiththe Government. In 1892, due therewere six diligences,four large,fourmiddleand actuallyreportedas havingoccurredin Azerbaijan, to exceptionalcircumstances."Duringthe last year two smallmailcoaches,as well as ten lorries(so-called [1898] owing to the high price of fodder, and garis).Eightotherdiligenceswereaboutto be sentfrom theconstantbreakingdownof half-starved Tiflis.Therateperpersonwas 25 qrins with 15 kg. of consequently the mails from the frontier,the outlying luggagefree.Each3 kg. overthe 15kg. cost0.50 qrdins. post horses, and Teheranhad often to be transferredto In 1893, a so-called "petite vitesse" service was districts, men'sshoulders,thebacksof donkeys,andbullocks.""19 inaugurated forpassengerswho wantedto do thetripin threedays.Theyhadto pay 12 qrnins. A coach(victoria orphaeton)fortheexclusiveuse of a passengercost200 Transformation of the chapar-khinasystem qrins.Eachhaltingstationhadroomsat5, 4 and2 qrins per night. On the Qom-Soltanabadroad the Road Part of the reason for the slow, but certain, Companymanagedthe traffic,but at thattime it was deterioration of the post-houseswas the factthatit was still an irregularservice.122 being replacedby a moremodernservice,i.e. thatof Althoughthe Road Companythat managedsince wheeledtransportation over betterroads.Since 1879, 1899thePir-iBazar,Rasht,QazvinandTehranroadwas troikas(kaliska)operatedbetweenTehranandQazvin, Russian,thetransportation companyusingthe"Russian" andto thatend,the roadhadbeenlevelledandshallow roadwas,however,operatedby the BagheroffBrothers, ditchesdug on bothsidesof the road.120"Anenergetic an Iraniancompanysubsidisedby the RussianRoad Persianhad establisheda service of small Russian Company.Those who used the road had to pay, in waggons drawnby threehorsesbetweenKasvin and additionto the hire for the conveyance,a toll to the Teheran."In 1889, Stewartwas driven "in a large Russian Road Company,according to a schedule spring-lesswagon, drawnby four good horses, and varyingwiththenatureof thecarriageandthenumberof drivenby a Russiancoachman." However,therewas no horses.Passengershad to pay an additionalfee. Each realroad,"merelyon eachside of the tracka ditchhad passengerwas only allowed72 lbs. of personalluggage been dug, and the land betweenthe two ditches left in the landau(65 lbs. in othercarriages)andthishadto untouched.... The only sortof attemptmadeto entitle consist of small packages.If a passengerhad more this to be called a road was that some of the larger and/orbulkierluggagehe hadto hire,in additionto the streamshadbeenbridged,while the smallerones were use of a landau,a fourgon,i.e. a large van without left alone, except that the banks of them had been springs,alsowithfourhorses,to carrytheextrabagsand smootheda little."At the endof sixteenmilestherewas packages.The fourgoncouldtransport 650 lbs.,andthe a post-house,with fair accommodationfor travellers. passengerwaschargedtwo shillingsper 13 V21 lbs.forhis HereStewartchangedhis largewagonfor a smallone, extraluggage.The totalcost of the tripfromReshtto shapedlike a canoeanddrawnby threehorses.121 Tehran,which lastedbetween72 to 80 hours,came to Afterthe Qazvin-Tehran roadimprovement andthe almost ?25 for the BritishtravellerSavage Landor, subsequent availability of wheeled transportation which he consideredratherhigh comparedwith the very followed.Therewas, low costandhighcomfortof transportation in Europe.123 service,otherroadimprovements forexample,theroadbetweenTeheranandQomwhich the wheeled of was transportation Gradually, system was completedin 1891.It hadbeen equippedwithtwo extended to other parts of the country.In all these cases largeand threesmallbridges.Daily, fromTehranand therewas a choice of service (speed, comfort) at varying Qom, at one hour aftersunrise,a diligencefor eight rates. The service also tended to be regular,i.e. at fixed persons, departedand arrivedafter 36 hours at its days and hours.
THE CHAPAR-KHANA SYSTEM IN QAJAR IRAN
269
Tariffforcarriages,etc.from Rashtto Tehranand vice-versain 1899
Styleof Vehicle
Numberof Horses
Landau Victoria Closed carriage Fourgon
4 4 4
4 3 2
4
5
Numberof Passengers
Costof Vehicle
Toll
TotalCost
Lbs.
?. s. d.
?. s. d.
?. s. d.
71? 2 65 65
11 16 7 1016 7 11 4 10
1 8 0 1 8 0 1 8 0
13 4 7 12 4 7 12 1210
650
10 0 10
1 13 2
1114 0
Weightof Luggage Allowed Free
Source: "Reporton the Tradeof the ConsularDistrictof Reshtfor the Year1900,"AP 48 (1901),p. 6.
Passengerswere conveyedby the postalwagon at the followingratesin 1910:
Luggageoverthe amountsstatedwas chargedforat therateof 1?2to 3 qrins perTabrizmann.Priceshad,of course,increasedas comparedwith the earlierperiod. FromIsfahanto: Qrdns This was also the time when lost and delayedluggage Tehran 91 becamea habitualfeatureof wheeledtraffic.124 68 Qom road(and Becausethe stretchesof the Tehran-Qom Kashan 46 on an leased were for some even distance) beyond Abadeh 40 exercised firm control farmer road the annual basis, * Shiraz who travelledand how over his road.The relay over * Na'in horseswere not hiredout to travellers,andwere only * Yazd formen usedto pullthe carriages(witha compartment Soltanabad 45 (viaNajafabad) road that the for and another one company women) via KashanandQom 91 Soltanabad, Landorwrote:"Muchto my disgust,I Savage operated. * Note: No serviceat present.Theservicesto Shiraz,Na'in, was informedthatthe ownerof the post-househadthe in 1910,and thatto Soltanabad Yazd,had beendiscontinued monopolyof the trafficon the trackfor six or seven via Najafabad from 1912. farsakhs more, and so travellerswere compelledto submitto a furtherextortionby havingto hire another Thefarein eachcase coveredluggageweighingup to 5 wheeledconveyanceinsteadof beingableto ride.This Tabrizmanns.Extraluggagewas chargedforattherate time I chartereda victoria,andoff we went as usualat of 1? to 5 qrjnspermann,accordingto distance. gallop."'l25 Postingconveyances(1913-14) werechargedfor at Althoughtherewere postedpricesand conditions, the followingrates: thesecouldnot alwaysbe reliedupon.Forexample,"It FromIsfahanto:
Tehran Qom Kashan Abadeh Soltanabadvia Kashan andQom
Opencarriageto seat threepersons(with four horses),including luggageweighing 15 Tabrizmans 1,011 qrns 710 511 460 1,011
Closedcarriageto seat fourpersons(with four horses),including luggageweighing20 Tabrizmans 1,214 qrans 874 614 520 1,214
Diligence to seat eight persons(with four horses),including luggageweighing40 Tabrizmans 1,500 qr.5ns 1,061 758 ...
1,500
Note: Therewas no serviceatpresentto Shiraz,Yezd,Nain or to Sultanabadvia Najafabad, whichhadbeendiscontinued from 1910.
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JOURNAL OF PERSIAN STUDIES
Accordingto E.G. Browne,the firstof the modem were constructedat the orderof Nasir mihman-khanas al-Din Shah after he returnedfrom his first trip to Europe.The mihman-khJashadboth advantagesand Theywerebuiltin pleasant,tree-covered disadvantages. had gardens, Europeanbeds,chairsandtables,andfood could be ordered.However,the reverseside was the highcostandtheinsolenceof thestaffas comparedwith thecourtesyof thevillagers.In short,themihman-khdna "hasalltheworstdefectsof a Europeanhotelwithoutits luxury."129 Often, the travellerno longer stayedat the posthousesbecausethey "areso forlornthatwe decideto pushon all night".130In general,post-housesstill came in all varieties,both good and bad, as to serviceand accommodation. Dwightwas ratherpositiveaboutthe andQazvinbutless so aboutthose Resht at post-houses in betweenthese two towns. However,those on the road "weremore uniformand a little Qom-Hamadan more ornate,being solidly built of yellow brick.The nameof each one was postedoverthe doorin Persian, The reason for the better Russian, and French."131 conditionof these stationswas thatthey were newly as was theroadthattheyserved.Whatwas constructed, furthernew was thatthepost-stationsalongtheRussian roads were connectedby telegraph(in 1905) and had."127 telephone (in 1912), althoughthis did not always With the growth of a system of modem road provide a guaranteefor the availabilityof quality communication,the old system of chapar-khinas service.132The postmasterstendedto be called nf'ib underwenta suddenchange,whichhad alreadybegun (andsometimesrais) ratherthanchaparchi,while the slowly from 1879 but accelerated after the chaparchi-shigirdwas now also called mihtar or Constitutional Revolutionof 1906. In additionto the groom,althoughthe old designationswerestillused.133 caravansaraiand the chapar-khlna, anotherkind of Ratherthanhorses,therewerenew "post-carriages, road-housebecamemorepopularand widespread,the distantcousinsof the 'sea-goinghacks' of pre-motor so-calledmihman-kh.5na. The firstmodeminstanceof days, drawn by four horses driven abreast, the this old institutionof public lodging (which already passengerspeeringoutfromthe stuffyinteriorlikepallexistedat the beginningof the Qajarera)was foundon bearersto a funeral;hightwo-wheeledcarts,the horses the Resht-Tehran road,andthenceas farsouthas Qom. driven tandem;and big four-wheeledwagons with archingcanvastops, with women and childrensitting are to be run after the of a They supposed uncomfortablyon heaps of bales and boxes and plan European men in fur caps, with bandoliers hotel!Bedsaresupplied, andsometimes a tooth-brush determined-looking andcomb!Thetravelleris shownintoa roomin which and rifles acrosstheirknees, seated chests acrosstheir
now became necessaryto make arrangementsfor a droshki. These are not always available, and the travellerwill frequentlyhaveto wait a few daysbefore he can depart, so it is advisable to arrangewell beforehandforthejourney.... LastnightI was toldthat 80 tumans(about?16) was the rightpricefor a droshki to Teheran."A kaliska (or landau)was 120, and a droshki(orvictoria)was 80 tdm~ns.However,Williams (anEnglishtraveller)hadto bargainhardto get a seatat a pricewhichwas still higherthanthe postedprice,but lowerthanwhatthe coachmanhaddemanded.126 The travellernot only neededoftento haggleabout his fare but also had to be awareof the fact that the systemtendedto be operatedby particularratherthan universalcriteria:i.e. it was moreimportant whomyou knew,or who you were,thanbeingon timeandhaving the money to pay for the service. The American travellerWilliamWarfield,afterhavingcrossedLake Urmiyaby boat,wantedto continuehis tripto Tabriz. Ontheothersideof thelaketherewerecarriagesto take the passengersto Tabriz."Thecarriagesarepartof the governmentpostal system, and were in chargeof a Persianofficialwho gaveprecedenceto his ownpeople. Next cametheuniformedRussians,andas conveyances were scarce, when the turn of the Christianand uniformlessAmericanscame therewas nothingto be
the beds are kept readyfor all passers-by:it is not thoughtnecessaryto changethebeddingtoo often!The furniture consistsof a washstand, tableandcoupleof chairs,andeverythingis dirtyas canbe. I muchprefer the ordinarycaravansarai. ... The chappakhanehs,or are a often trifle cleaner than the post-houses, caravansarai.128
beside the drivers."'34
Although chapar-khgnaswere no longer much mentionedby contemporary travellers,theystillexisted. A.R. Neligan,in his detailed1914travelguideof Iran, didnot evenmentionthe chapar-khina systemorposthouses.He providedvery detailedinformationon the variousstages of each of the majorroads,including
THE CHAPAR-KHANA SYSTEM IN QAJAR IRAN
their halts. However,to all intentsand purposesthe chapar-khlina system did not exist for him. What is clearfromthis guideis that,by 1914, on all the major tradearteries,includingthosethathadnot beenpartof the chapar-khinasystem (e.g. Kermanand Yazd to Mashhad;Zahedanto Mashad;Astarabadto Mashhad) a wheeled passengertransportation system operated. These were still horse-driven,althoughprivatemotor trafficalso hadmadeits appearance.135 However,as is clearfromMervinHall's observations (he was one of Millspaugh'scollaborators), the still existed and served a useful chapar-khina purpose in 1922. When he needed to travel from Tehranto Mashhad,he: combedthechapah-khaneh [sic]- thepostalservice - for a carriage withspringsreasonably intactand somepretentions tocomfort fora driveof 585miles[to Mashhad]drawnby relays of four horses. ... The
wasa Russian-built a kindof landau product kaleska, whichpitchedandrolledoverroughgroundlike a hoodandtwo seagoing yawl.It hada foldingleather
271
off with a jangle of bells alongthe well-builtRussian roadto Teheran."'38 The wagonmademanystops,not only for the convenienceof the passengersbut also to as on changehorsesanddrivers.On the Resht-Tehran, the Tehran-Mashhad, roadthe relay-stations wereat 25 km. intervals.Duringthesestops,the driverhadhis tea and/oropium, while he also took care of necessary repairssuchas tying"upa brokenspringor dilapidated harnesswitha bit of rag."'139 However,wheremorethananythingthingshadnot changedat all was, not surprisingly,in regardto the horseswho hadto drawthe ricketycontraptions: Thehorseswerelittlelarger andscarcely lessblighted thanthedonkeys. Allwerestallions ormares; theydo notgeldhorsesin Persia.Underfed andoverworked, andmangy, thoseof thepostalservice, galled,spavined at least,stillhadthespiritto showtheirspleenat the harshness andfighting of theirlot.Squealing withone atwhoever from another, bitingandkicking approached either end, they vented their ill-humorat all opportunities.140
deep seatsfacingfore and aft. ... we changedrelays
somesixtytimes;ateachchapah khaneh threeto four
Not only didthe qualityof the horsesleavemuchto be desired,it still oftenhappenedthathorseswere not available(the wordspassengersfearedwere:m5l nist, Althoughtravellerswere now being driven,rather i.e. thereareno horses)andoccasionallytravellershad thanridingchaparana,some thingshad not changed, to wait for hours before, finally, new horses were viz. the qualityof the serviceandthe stateof themeans produced.Sometimesthis was due to the fact thatthe of transportation. The AmericanjournalistHaroldF. normal,and in particularthe official post (whether Weston,who madethe firstphotoseriesof Iranforthe Iranianor Russian mail), had priorityover normal National Geographic Magazine in 1921, described the passengertraffic.141 post-carriagesas follows: "At the post-houseyour Likewise,thequalityof lodgingatthechapar-khinas meansof transportation awaits.You clambergingerly hadnotchangedeither."Thedubiousaccommodation at into the debris of what may have been in a long- the post-housesrenderthe extremenightcold and the forgotteneraa veryelegantandcommodiouscoupe,but uncertaintiesof the dark road the lesser of the two whichnow,withyourvariegatedassortmentof luggage evils."'142 oftendid However,it wouldseemthattravellers lashedto everyavailableprojection,approximates more not sleep in the post-houses.Westonmentionsthatthe mail expresswas a combination closelyan itinerantpeddler'svanthananything."137 sleeper-daycoach,and The mannerin which the rickety wagons were diningcar.Also, in additionto the now already"old" prepared priorto theirrideandtheway in whichthetrip mihman-khbnasandthe even olderchapar-kh.lnas,a new took place were also in a usual style, accordingto classof accommodation hadcomeintobeing,viz. thatof farsakhapart.136
tradition, and awe-inspiring. Weston once again describeshis experience:"A darkvisaged bandit,whom you have been regardingwith suspicion, pours a pail or two of water on the warping wheels and axles for lubricatingpurposes, clambersto the driver'sbox, leers back from underhis huge, pot-shapedfelt hat, gruntsto the four gaunt ponies harnessedabreast,and you clatter
the road-house or tea-house. These he described as usually having "a large, dingy, smoke-filledroom where the travellercan purchasetea, unleavened,pebble-baked bread,buttermilk,cucumbers,and melons."In this room "a wide platformseat, covered with coarse, ragged rugs and lounging occupants, skirted the edge of the room. The 'guests' were effectively indistinguishable from
272
JOURNAL OF PERSIAN STUDIES
beggars,andourentryhadrousedmostof thesehabitues fromtheirnoondaysiesta- orwas it a stuporcausedby thatdrugwhichis the curseof Persia,for therewas a smellof opiumin thestagnantair."'143 Conclusion methodof Travelling by chaparbecamethepreferred formanyEuropeans transportation movingwithinIranin the nineteenthcentury.The system,which had a long history,had been re-established (afterits demisein the second half of the eighteenthcentury)with its main objectivebeingto facilitatethe fast dispatchof official Butalready,soonafterits inception,the correspondence. use of the relay-horses by privatepersonswas allowed, againstpayment.Opinionsdifferedaboutits comparative advantageovertravellingby caravan.Therewere those who consideredthe chapar-khInas andthe comfortable, institution itselfas one of thegooddeedsof Nasiral-Din Shah'sreign.144Themoregeneralopinion,however,was that chapar-khninas were a necessary evil, whose unpleasantacquaintanceone had to make, sooner or later.145The main reasonfor this was thatpost-horses weretheonlymeansof rapidtravellingin Iran.However, becauseof mismanagement "travelling post is the most exquisitetortureit is possibleto conceive."146 Thechapar-khlina systemgrewfroma provincialinto a nationalsystem.It was givennew life by AmirKabir for postalservicereasons,but afterhis deaththe mail systemlanguished.Thiswas not the case withthe rapid public transportationaspect of the system, which continuedto provideits sometimesquestionable service to thehurriedtraveller. After1880,wheeledconveyances slowlyreplacedridingchaparon horse-back,a process whichwasmoreorlesscompletedby 1914.By thattime, the systemhadacquireda publicserviceaspect,because the carriages,like the latermotorisedbuses,provideda regularserviceto the generalpublicbetweenthe major towns of Iran.Despite all the moaningand criticism whichEuropeans aimedatthechaparsystem,in its time it serveda usefulandmuchappreciated purpose.
of hasbeenmadeto providea contemporary description if any,by those thesestations,as well as theappreciation, Therelay who haveprovidedus withtheirexperiences. stationswhich are listed in the nine tables that are discussedbelow,do not mentionall the postalstations. The discussionhas beenlimitedto the most frequentlytravellednine routes,and thoseroadsand stationsthat or whichdidnotoffer werenot frequented by travellers, relayhorsesfor privatepersons,arenot discussed.This atSaveh holds,forexample,fortheverylargepost-station at Konah(nearDizful),147 butequallyforthepost-station or the one at Nawar-chahin Sistan.148 Also, the new into the introduction of stationsthat came being after wheeled trafficare not discussedhere, becausethese stationsweretea-housesratherthanproperrelay-stations, where travellersstayedthe night. Besides, these new stopswereoftenno longerthe sameas thosewhichhad servedfor centuriesas refugesfor travellers.This was becausethe wheeled trafficused new metalledroads which followeda differentrouteto the old road.This was dueto rivalrybetweenthePrimeMinister,AminalSultan,andthe Ministerof the Posts,Amin al-Dawla, who was in chargeof the chaparsystem.The former favoured"progress",which includeda new caravan road dotted with new mihman-khinas.The latter, because he did not like the high rates on the new caravanroad,madea new post-roadwith lowerrates. Sincethe old roadhadbeen flooded(by destroyingthe dykesthathadcontainedthe waterof the adjacentriver thatrantowardsthedesert,thuseffectivelyrenderingits use impracticable), peoplehadto use thenew postroad. Thismeantthat,on leavingTehran,one hadto takethe Hamadanroadfor 8 km. andthen,nearRebat-Karim, onehadto veertowardstheeastthroughPikandKhoski Bahram,wherethe post-roadjoinedAminal-Sultan's caravan-roadat the mihman-khinaof Shashgerd10 farsakhsfromQom.Mostof thesenew stationsarenot listedin Table2, whichdiscussesthe relaystationson stretch.Brownesadly concluded, the old Tehran-Qom "Thusit hascometo passthatin placeof theold straight road to Kum there is now a caravan-road longerby some fourteenmiles, and a post-roadlongerby nearly twentymiles.'49
II. THENETWORKOF POSTAL-STATIONS Intheremainder of thisstudy,anoverviewis givenof the post-stationsalong the majorcommercialroadsof nineteenth-century QajarIran.Wherepossible,an effort
1. Thepost-road between Tabrizand Tehran
line was the By the mid-1850s,the Tabriz-Tehran of the network. It had 14 stations chapar best-keptpart
THECHAPAR-KHANA SYSTEMIN QAJARIRAN
273
(or threemorethanin 1845),was 85farsakhslong or Miyaneh,which, in the early 1870s,had a new post128hoursin traveltime,i.e. couriersdidit in five to six house,but Stewartin 1880 avoidedit, becauseit was days,whereascaravanstook 16 to 18 days or more.150 once again celebrated for its dirt and insect In 1872,the conditionof thepost-houses"aswe neared population.155 At the village of Aukhund,in 1817, the the capital, as also the road, became worse."'5' post-station'saccommodation was of the worstkind.In the chaparchiorhorses, find either However,althoughdecaying,the roadfromQazvinto 1836,Fraserdidnot Tehranwas still the best. "Thepost-housesare a great and he had to wait till midnightbefore he could The Tshamalabad improvementon any in otherpartsof the country."152 depart.156 post-housewas in an old the next one was at Sircham,about had caravansarai;157 Nevertheless,by the 1890s, the infrastructure worsenedfurther,for BighamreportedthatafterTabriz whichnothingmuchwas reported.OnlyEastwickgave his party travelled by caravan, "the chapper in the informationthatit was a smallvillage,with a very Thereafter,Lycklamaarrivedat a Azerbaijan beingnotoriouslybad."'153 poor post-house.158 After Tabriz,the first post-station,after Seidabad, very badpost-station,probablyAkmazar,"withsucha was Adjy-Aga,andthenat the end of the day another, narrow room that my bedding covered the entire thenameof whichLycklamacouldnotrecall,butwhich floor."'159 Thefollowingstationwas atNikkebeg,which most either or modem The was a was, likely, Basmidj Dawatgar.154 post-housewhenBrugschwas there,but andto third stationwas at Torkomanchai, and thereafter,at accordingto Lycklamait was in a caravansarai Post stagesfrom Tehranto Tabriz. Johnson
Holmes
Brugsch
Lycklama
Stolze
Farsakh
Tabriz
4 7
s
Tabriz Seidabad
Tickmetash Torkomanchay Miyaneh Aukend
Aukhund
HajjiAghah
Adjy-Aga Unknown
Saidabad Hajji Agha Gajin
Torkomanchai Miyaneh
Torkomanchai Miyaneh
Torkomanchai Miyanaj
Serdschem
Tshamalabad Sircham Unknown
Jamalabad Sarcham Akmazar
Nikkebeg Zenjan Soltaniyveh
Nikbe Zenjan Soltanivyeh Charave
Nikpey Zanjan Soltaniyeh Hidaj-Hijah
Kirva Siadoun/Siadeh Qazvin Abdoulabad
Kirva Siyahdahan Qazvin 'Abdoulahabad SafarKhvajeh Songorabad
Armaghana
6
Baugh
Soltaniyeh
Zenjan Soltaniyeh
7 6 6 6
6 6
Aubhaar 8
Khorrumderreh Siadeeun Qazvin
Siah Dahen Qazvin
SufferKoja Sefer Khodjeh Songorabad Keredge
Safarghadj Sangorabad
5 7 9 6
Mian-Diouch Qazvin gate
Miyanjub Tehran 88 or
352 miles
Source:Holmes,Sketches,p. 407, appendix and the referencesin the text. F,
274
JOURNAL OF PERSIAN STUDIES
Eastwicka large,ill-keptpost-house.In 1880,the poststationmay have been out of commission,for Stewart reportedthat, becauseof the filth, he could not find quartersin the housesof the poorvillage.160Fromhere the travellerwent to the next stationat Zenjan,about which most authors reported nothing, but which Eastwickfoundto be dirty,hot, and full of flies. Also, the station-master was so unco-operative that Eastwick'sservantdeclared"hewouldburnnotonlyhis Thenit was onwards father,buthis remotestancestors." to Soltaniyeh,whichEastwickalsofoundto be dirtyand so fly-ridden"thatthe horsesmighthave switchedthe flies away from me." Here Stewartfound that there were no horsesgrazingat the station;they were a few miles away.He thereforecontinuedto Heedej,which was a new post-house,and much betterthan usual, wherehe foundhorses.161Thenextstation,after30 km., was theprettyvillageof Kirveh,whichwas surrounded by orchards.However,the post-housewas shutup and deserted,and Stewarthadto go two miles off the road to find grazingpost-horses,which took at least one hour.162 Therewas a relay-station at Charave,as well as at Kirva.163Col. JohnsontravelledfromSoltaniyehvia Aubhaeror Abhur,and so did Fraserin 1836, who foundthatthe villagewas in a perfectbog. Fromthere Johnson(andso didEastwick)wentto Siadeeun,where, in 1817, the post-stationhad an upper room for travellers.It hadtwo roomscarpeted,with beds rolled up in the corners,andhoused8 horsesand10people.164 The next stationwas, after19 miles, at Siahdehend.165 Continuinghis journey,the travellerarrivedat Qazvin, where the post-housewas behindthe gardensof the royalpalaceand was quiteempty.It was much larger thanall thosethatthe travellershadbeen stayingin so far.Ithada niceterrace,accordingto Lycklamain 1866. It even becamebetter,for in 1880, O'Donovanwrote that in Qazvin, "the postal establishmentwould do creditto a first-classEuropeantown.It includesa large hotel,with archedporticosupportedon massivepillars of whitewashedbrick.Theroomsarespaciousandairy, and floored with large, square,glazed tiles."'166 The postmasterat Qazvinwas "aPole,andtheassistantsare either Russian or German.We got capital horses in first rate condition."167The next station was the solitary post-house of Abdulabad,168 followed by one at Safarghadj,and then, via Chinabadand Souleimanieh, one arrivedat the station of Sangorabad.169 Thereafter, the next station at Mian-Djouch, while the final one stationwas at the Qazvin gate at Tehran.170 Arnold only
mentionsthat, before reachingTehran,he stayedthe night in the village of Gozrozinkwhere he found a housewitha roomraiseduponthe roof.171 2. Thepost-road between Tehranand Shiraz (Bushire) - summerroad
Althoughconstructedalong the majortradeartery connectingTehran,Kashan,Isfahanand Shirazwith Bushire,the majorporton the PersianGulf, the postcondition houseson thisroadwerein a verydilapidated towardsthe end of the nineteenthcentury.172Initially, the post-housesystem reachedonly as far as Shiraz. Between Shiraz and Bushire there was no chapar service,althoughq~sidsor foot messengersmightbe hired.173It was only after1871 thatthe Shiraz-Bushire Oncethe roadwas addedto the chaparinfrastructure. were 29 there was stagesfrom fully organised, system Tehranto Bushire(i.e. Tehran-Kashan, 5; then 3 to 7 to to and Isfahan;14 Shiraz; Bushire).174Around 1860,therewere still new post-housesbeingbuilt,but the overthe courseof time,dueto lackof maintenance, and conditionof thepost-housesgraduallydeteriorated, new oneswereno longerbuilt. Afterhavingleft Tehran,the firstpost-housewas at and wherethewaterwas barelydrinkable, Kenare-Gird, the only laterconsolationwouldbe thatthe next day it wouldbe worse.However,the bglh-khgnahaddoors.175 The roadcontinuedto Houze-Sultan,wherethe postand in house was built oppositea largecaravansarai, 1867 had been just repaired.176The next stationwas Sadrabad(whichwas not oftenvisited)andthenPul-iDallak,whichhadanawfulpost-house.Ithadbeenbuilt in the samevillage.It was a oppositethe caravansarai sad and lonely place accordingto Brugsch,confirmed by Arnold,for therewas nothingbut the caravansarai and the post-house. Also, its bHli-khina had no windowsbutonly holes largeenoughto putone'shand wasvisiblefrom through.Everycornerof theapartment the plain.The openingswere so numerousthatArnold had to borrow empty sacks from the chIrvAdJror muleteer with which to close them. From the posthouse, the ground sloped to a stream, of which the waterswere as yellow as those of the Tiberaftera heavy flood and nauseous, with a flavour of sulphur and Epsom salts. He wondered how the soup made of this waterwould taste. Although he ate the soup, he does not tell the reader how he liked it.177From here one
THE CHAPAR-KHANA SYSTEM IN QAJAR IRAN
continuedto Qom, wherethe post-housewas situated just outsidethe city gate. Arnoldfoundit worthwhile "tonailtowelsovertheholesin thedoors,andto 'glaze' the windowswith linen,so thatwithinwe may have a littlelightand less wind."178Continuingto Passengan, which stood alone in the middleof nowhereand was builtoppositea caravansarai, andto Sissin,thetraveller arrivedat Kashan,which accordingto Brugschhad a clean post-housenext to one of the city gates.179 The followingstationwas at Kohroud,which,in 1860,had a new post-house.The post-housewas situatedin a grove of fruit-trees.The badh-khdnawas smallerthan usual."Whenthe beds (forMr.andMrs.Arnold)were set up, andourtwo-feet-sixtableextended,we foundit From necessarythatone,atleast,shouldsiton a bed."'180 Sou, via a plain where Arnoldsaw a ruin of a posthouse, one arrived at Murtsharagh(Murtschehar), which,accordingto Brugsch,hada small,newly-built, cleanpost-house.Accordingto Arnoldthe caravansarai andthe post-housewerethe only buildingsoutsidethe high walls of the village.181Ghesd,where therewas or unusualto observe,was the last nothingremarkable before Isfahan. The post-stationin Isfahanitself stop was situatednextto the Chehel-Sotun, whereone could havedinner.182 the nextstationwas at Mar, Continuing, a post-housein the mountains,which were Zell alSoltan'sfavouritehuntinggrounds,183 and then on to in there was no longera Mejar(Mahyar),where, 1906, The next stationwas Komaischa,which post-house.184 had wretchedlodgings accordingto Lycklama;then followedMaksoud-Bekwherethe post-housewas, as In 1860,Brugschobserved usual,outsidethevillage.185 thatthe post-stationat Yezdekhvastwas not worse or betterthanthe usualstatehe hadfoundfor thistype of buildingduringhisjourney,butfromits roof one hada wonderfulpanoramicview, while Arnold'smemoryof theplace(he stayedin thecaravansarai thistime)during a verycoldwinternightwas thatit was "almostenough to inducecatarrh."186 At Yazdekhvastthe roadbifurcated.Since ancient times,betweenthisvillageandShiraztherehadbeen a summer (sar-hadd) and a winter (garmsir) road.187We have no descriptionof post-houses on the summerroad. The first station on the longer winter road was at Schoulgistan,which, accordingto Lycklama,had a very bad post-house, which was, as usual, situated outside the village. According to Brugsch, the post-stationwas situated next to a water-wheel which contained enchanted fish; its water served both men and
275
Becausethenextpost-house,atAbadeh,had animals.188 such a badreputationArnoldstayedin the town in the It was thenonwards best room,whichwas a "shed".189 to Sjourmekvia Abadeh,the halfwaypoint.Thereafter to Ghirdab-Diehbed and then Kanne-Khourra.190At as at Khuneh-khorreh, the previouspost-houses,there was no food was available,recordedBrugsch,while Arnoldnotedthat"Wehave an abidingrecollectionof the bala-khanahat Khanikore;the cold was the most severewe hadexperienced,andthisone was one of the wasabouteightfeet mostwretched....Thebala-khanah squareandsevenfeethigh,blackwith smoke,andwith a hole for door-way or window on every side. ...
[thoughbelow zero]a frostywindblowingthroughthe wretchedplace,it wouldnot be possibleto have a fire. Having stuffedup the windows and door-wayswith rugs and stonesand sticksandplanks,we got through the night."'91In 1927,the post-housedid not exist any more, for HermanNorden writes "Except for the thereis nothingbut a tiny settlementof caravansary, Thenext fourhuts,surrounded by a twelve-footwall.192 stationwas at Diehbed,reputedlythe coldestplace in Iran,where the ndib had nothingto offer, not even firewood.193 After Dehbid, Arnold went to Khanikergan,12 miles further.It had no post-house, and his expectationsaboutthese only a caravansarai, wretchedlodgingshad not been low enough.He then went to Murghab,or Meshed-iMurghaub,wherethe post-housewas builtoutsidethe walledvillage.194 FromMorghab,thetravellerhadseveralchoices.He could ride on directlyto Puzeh,or Purehas Lycklama wrote it, which he considereda nice place, and was situatednext to Persepolis,and then via Zerghanto Shiraz. Or he could, as did Arnold, travel via Qavamabad(whichhadno relaystation,andwherehe renteda roomin the village),via Sidun'95to Sergoun, which location Arnold found very remarkable,and "walkingon theroofof the stables,whichis, as it were, he enjoyedthe scenery. the terraceof thebala-khanah", Finally,the travellerarrivedat Shiraz,wherethe posthousewas nextto the bazaar.196 On the route Shiraz-Bushire there were no posthouses, although there were the following post stages startingfrom Bushire:Ahmadi, Borasjun,Daleki, Konar Takhteh, Kamarej, Kazerun, Miyan-e Kotel, Dasht-e Arjin, Khaneh-Zenyun, Chenar-e Rahdar, and finally Shiraz. Travellersstayed in the caravansarais,or in the open, or in the villages. Arnold found two huts in Daleki whichhada bal?-kh~na,one of whichhe rented.197
276
JOURNAL OF PERSIAN STUDIES
Post stages from Bushire to Tehran Holmes
Brugsch
Lycklama
Wills
Stolze
Farsakhs
Shiraz Sergoun Parou
Shiraz Zergun
Shiraz Zarghan Puzah(Takht-eTa'us)
10
Zerghan
Shiraz
Seidon Meshed-i Moorghaut Dehbid
Surmeh Shooligistaun Yazdikhvast Maqsudbeg Qomishah Mahyar Isfahan Moorchehar Soh Kohrood Kashan Sensen Porsangom Qom Sadrawbad Kennarghird Tehrran
Morghab
Murghab
Dehebid Diehbed Khuneh-khorreh Kanne-Khourra Ghirdab-Diehbed Surmeh Sjourmek Abadeh Schulgistan Schoulgistan Yezdekhvast Yezegast Maksoud-Bek Komaischa Mejar Mar Isfahan Ghesd Murtschehar Murtsharagh Kuhrud Kashan Sensen Pasengan Qom Pol-e dallak Sadr-abad Houz-e Soltan
Seidun Kawamabad Murghab
Qavamabad Morghab
Dehbeed KhnanaKhora
Dehbid Khan-eKhurrah
10
Surmeh Abadeh Shurgistan Yzedkhast MaxsudBeg Kum-i-Shah Mayar Marg Ispahan Gez Murchicah
Surmak Abadeh Shulgistan Yazdikhvast Magsudbegi Qomishah Mahyar Marg Isfahan Gaz Murthshekhar Bidashk
8
8
Sou Kohroud Kashan Sissin Passengan Koum Pul-i-Dallak
Soh Kohrud Kashan Sinsin PassanGhum Kum Pul-i-Dellak
Kuhrud Kashan Sinsin Paisangan Qom Pol-e Dallak
Houze-Sultan Kenare-Gird Teheran
Hauz-i-Sultan Kanarigird Teheran
Houz-e Soltan Kenarehgerd Teheran
6
6 6 4 5 8 9 6 6 8 6 8 4 6 10 6
Source: Holmes, Sketches, p. 409 and references in the text.
The above is the summer road from Tehran to Shiraz, which was 135farsakhs or 540 miles. The next table shows that part of the Tehran-Shiraz route which was known as the winter road, because it
was used mainly duringthe winter.It branchedoff from Yazdekhvast, 92 farsakhs or 368 miles from Tehran. The remainingstretchbetween Yazdekhvastand Shiraz measured69farsakhs or 276 miles.
Post stages from Yazdekhvastto Shiraz
Yazdikhaust Deh Ghirdoo
6 8
Khoshkisir
6
Rezaabad Mayin Fathabad Shiraz
8 6 6 9
Total
69 or 276 miles
Source: Holmes, Sketches, p. 410 and references in the text.
THE CHAPAR-KHANA SYSTEM IN QAJAR IRAN
3. Thepost-road between Baghdad and Tehran
277
station.Thereafterfollowedthe stationsat Khanabad afterwhich the travellerarrivedat and Rabat-Kerim, Tehran.202
To Baghdad,one went via Hamadan,whichwas 8 stagesfromTehranand12 stagesfromTabriz,andfrom thereto Kermanshah in 6 stages.198 Thereis relatively little informationavailableon the Kermanshah-Tehran 4. Thepost-road between Tehranand Mashhad road. There was a post-roadbetween Tehranand FromTehranto Mashhadtherewere 18 stations.203 Kermanshahbut not betweenHamadanand Isfahan. availableaboutmost of Thequalityof the horsesleft muchto be desired,while Thereis not muchinformation otherwise,the serviceprovidedby the stationmasters them.Althoughtheroadwas easyandmuchtravelled,it wasbad,accordingto Brugsch.199 Inthe 1890s,between was alsoa veryboring,flatroad.KabudGumbazhad,in Kermanshah to Hamadan,Bighamfoundthe post very 1862, a good post-houseand drinkingwater,while the slow so thathis partytookto the caravanagainfor the next station,Aiwan-eKeif, was middling,accordingto The latterstationwas in a very lastpartof the road.200 CaptainMacKenzie.204 Of moderate conditionin 1881,however.205 Accordingto StolzeandAndreasandto Wills,the dilapidated stationsbetweenthe borderwith Iraq(Khanekin)and qualityin 1862,buttwentyyearslater"AtKishlak,we Kermanshah werethe following:Qasr-iShirin,Zohab, founda substantialbrickbuildingwith a largeguestandMahidasht.They did room,down the centreof whichran a long tablewith Miantak,Kerind,Harunabad notsupplyanymeasurements as to thedistancebetween spotlesstable-cloth,spreadout with platesof biscuits, these stationsnor a descriptionof the post-stations. apples, nuts, pears, dried fruits, and sweatmeats, Lycklamaprovides a descriptionof the route after beautifullydecoratedwith gold andsilverpaper,andat Kermanshah. FromHamadanto Tehranthepost-service intervals decanters of water. ... The fruits and biscuits he was, states,well organised.201 However,atMilaguerd wereshrivelledandtasteless,havingevidentlybeenthere the post-housewas bad, its blh-khjna was open on some months."206 CaptainMacKenziedid not find any threesides andhad no doors.Thenit was onwardsto badpost-houseon the roadto Mashhad.At Mai-a-Mai at Nishapureven very Zerehand Merek,continuingfrom thereto Noveran, the post-housewas comfortable, which had a picturesquestation.The stationnext was comfortable,and at Miyandashtexcellent,while the at 'Abbasabadwas the largestand most Biveran,and then Kushek,which was a badly-kept caravansarai Post stagesfrom Kermanshahto Tehran Lycklama Kermanshah Sahana Kenguewer Seadat-Abad Hamadan Milaguerd Zereh Merek Noveran Biveran Kushek Khanabad Rabat-Kerim Teheran
Wills Kermanshah Besitun Sana Kangawar Syudabador Assadabad Hamadan Marahkraba Zerreh
Noberand Kushek Khaniabad RobadKerim Teheran
Stolze Kermanshahan Bisetun Sihneh
Farsakhs
Kangavar Asadabad
6 4 6 6
Hamadan
3
Malagird Zarrah Marak Khabarah Noubaran Bibaran Kushak Khanabad Rebatkarim Tehran
6 6 4
Source:referencesin the text.
4 4 5 7 8 7 75 or 300 miles
JOURNALOF PERSIAN STUDIES
278
Post stagesfrom Mashhadto Tehran Farsakhs 6
Miles 20
Sharifabad Qadamgah Nishabur Shurab
6 6 8
32 20 40
Zaaferani
6
24
Sabzavar Mihr Mazinan Abbasabad Miyandasht Meiami
8 5 7 6 6 14
36 24 28 20 20 44
6 6
16 28
6
28
6 6 6,5 6,5 6 5 6
24 24 24 28 24 24 24
6
28
Holmes Mashhad
MacKenzie Mashad
Stolze Mashad
Sharifabad
Sharifabad Kadamgah Nishapur
Kadamgah Nishapur
Zehrferhaunee Ribat-I Zafarani Sabzivar Sabzwar Mehr Mihr Mesinoon Mazinan 'Abbasabad 'Abbasabad Miyandasht Miyandasht Mai-a-Mai Meyaumeh
Baker Mashad
O'Donovan Mashad
Armian
Shahrud Dehmollah
Shahrud Dih Mulla
Shahruf Deh-e Molla
Deh-
Damghan
Damghan
Damghan
Damghan
Koosha Aughooran Semnan Lashghird Dennummuck Kishlaugh Eywanikaif
Gushah Dhwan Semnun Lasgird Dih Namak Kishlak Diwan-iKaif
Gushah Ahuan Samnan Lasgerd Deh-eNamak Kishlak-eKhar Eivan-eKeif
Goocheh Aheyoon Semnan Lasjird Dehnamuck Kishlak Eywanee Keij
Kabout-i Goombuz Tehran Total
KabudGumbaz KabudGumbaz
Shahrud Deh Mollah
Mollah Gosbek-Aghivan
Tehran
Tehran
Semnan Deh Memek Kishlak Evankeif
Tehran 144
600 miles
Source:Holmes,Sketches,pp. 410-11 and referencesin the text. beautifulin the country.Only the stationsat Zafaraniand Sharifabadwere of moderate quality, while the one at Mihr was just small.207Beyond Mashhadthere was no In 1872, the Britishtraveller chapar-khlnainfrastructure. Marshreportedthat,on the roadfrom Mashhadto Herat, "I had to purchasehorses and ponies, ... as across this country there were no caravan-serais or Chapper horses."208
5. Thepost-road between Astarabad and Tehran From Tehran the post-road led in ten stages to Astarabad.209 The first post-house was Koord Muhuleh, followed by Chupar Kendeh, Ashreff and Sari, about
At Skirgau whichthesourcesdo notprovideparticulars. Baker after next station the Sari, got fair (Shirghior), were there a wretched was Ziraub station;also, ponies. to could no horses,and Baker'sparty get nothing eat. then The next stationwas Sufferabad(Surkurabad), continuingto the next post station,Firoskoh,where Brugsch (1861) had to suffer bad horses. Lovett observedin 1881thatthepost-houseof Firuzkuhwas in ruins and that "threesorrynags are kept out in the pasturesfor occasionalpostings."Thereaftercame the which had no next stationof Savadkuh(Sabbatkuh), to findout.The horsesatall,as Bakerhadthemisfortune thepost-house where at Serbendan was station following was difficultto find.Butthe extraeffortwas rewarded, for "This was a much better station. Carpetsand
THE CHAPAR-KHANA SYSTEM IN QAJAR IRAN
Post stagesfromAstarabadto Tehran Holmes KurdMahallehh
Stolze KurdMahalleh Livan
Baker
279
6. Thepost-road between Resht and Tehran
Farsakhs 4
On the Rasht-Qazvinroad there were six poststations.Because from Qazvinto Tehranthe stations 4 ChapperKhaneh were the sameas on the Tabriz-Tehran road,the status Ashraf Ashraf 7 of thesestationswill not be discussedhere.The station Nika Sari Sari Sari 8 houses on the Manjil-Rostamabad routemade a good 7 Sirghior Shirgah Skirgau most travellers.212 on left Rasht(via Having impression Zeeraub Zirab Ziraub 4 which also a was Arnold Peri-Bazar, Surkurabad post-station),213 Sorkhabad Sufferabad 5 Firuzkuh Firuzkuh Firoskoh 4 reachedhis firstpost-house."Weapproached a building Serbandon Sarbandan Serbendan 5 withnota soulin it, whichlookedlike a brick-built barn Bumahan Boomahoo thathadbeenlong desertedandhadfallenintoruin.At Asselek 10 Tehran Tehran eitherextremitywere the remainsof a brickstaircase, Tehran 4 62 or 248 which led, by steps that by ruin had become very miles difficult,to a loft or apartment openingup on a wooden Source:Holmes,Sketches,p. 403 andreferencesin the text. Our servants informed us that this was a platform. station,thattherewas none otherfor manymiles, and, cushionswereprovided,andplentyof eggs."Hereafter, that in fact, this was to be our resting-placefor the Arnolddid not mentionthe Unfortunately, one stationremained,whichwas Boomahoo,beforethe night."214 name of and this station, only identifiedit as beingin a travellerarrivedat Tehran.210 Despite the negative in small the forest. It was not Kudum,because opening experienceBaker had regardingthe availabilityof that was next his which he consideredto be the station, horses,othertravellers,such as Holmes,had a more horsesareto be best in Iran,andthereforeit musthavebeen Sangar,or, positiveone.He reportedthat"tolerable had all the way, but it generallytakes five days to as it was also knownDoshanbeh-bazar.215 TheKoudoumstation-house was"asmallone-storied accomplishthe journey,as it is impossibleto travelat save where windandrainhave white-washed, building, nightthroughthejungle."211 Post stagesfrom Rashtto Tehran Holmes
Resht
Wills Enzeli Peri-bazaar Resht Kudum
Stolze
De Windt
O'Donovan
Curzon
Farsakhs
Rasht Kudum
Resht Koudoum
Resht Kuhdum
9
Kudum
Imamzadeh Hashem Menzil Kharsan
Casveen SeferKhodjeh
7 Rustumabad Menjil
Rostamabad Manjil
Pah Chenar
Patshinar
Masreh Kasvin Abdulabad Safarkoja Sangerabad
Mazraah Qazvin
Manjil
Manjil Pood Chenar Qazvin
Rustamabad Menjil
6 8
Paichenar Mazreh Kazvin
Keredge Meanjub Teheran
Source.:Holmes,p. 406 and referencesin the text.
7 9 6 52 or 208 miles
JOURNAL OF PERSIAN STUDIES
280
disclosedthe brown mud beneath.A wooden ladder (withhalftherungsmissing)leadsto the guest-chamber, a largebareroom,devoidof furniture of anykind,with walls androtten,insecureflooring.A smoke-blackened numberof ratsscamperaway.... the guest-roomreveals six large windows, or ratherholes, for there are no shutters, much less window-panes."There was a chimney.Therewere only two horses,but a thirdhad been send for in a neighbouringvillage.216The persistenceof themythof theMiyanehbugattheManjil stationwas debunked by de Windt.Accordingto Arnold, the post-househada room,wherethe dustcouldnot be hadsix windowsandthree removed,andthe apartment doors."Inthe formerhalf the glass had gone, and the doorshadneverseena lock.In fact,locksarenotusedin Persia."Ella Sykes had pleasantrecollectionsof the station-house at Manjil,for it hada fireto warmoneself After by.217 Manjiltherewas Kharzan,218which most travellersdo not describe,and then Parchenar, where
level of the posttherewas nothingaboveground-floor toArnold,in "ahole house.Thelodgingswere,according in thewall,leading,uponthe samelevelas theyard,into whatwasa stableora dwellingroom,withno windowof anysort,darkbutforthefireof wood,whichwasburning unconfinedon the centreof the floor."He decidedto Next campin theopenairof thiswretchedpost-house.219 "mounted Arnold Mazara. Here at station camethe by a ladder,withrungsterriblywide apart,on the flatroofof andtherefounda littleroomwithtwo the ground-floor, woodendoors,whichalsoservedas windows."A decade atMasrahhadbecomedirty or so later,the station-house andtumbleddown,withits bili-khinain ruins.220 7. Thepost-roadbetweenTehranand Kerman roadhad 25 relay stations,of The Kerman-Tehran whichwe have only a partialdescription. Manyof the
Post stagesfrom Kermanto Tehran Holmes Kashan Boozabad Bawd Maabad Moghjoreh Natanz Ardastan Nehistaun Noin Nogoomabad Agdor Meybid Yazd Sir-Yazd Zein-udeen Kirmanshaw Shems Anor Bayauz Keshkoo Rustamabad Kabouter Khan Abdoollabad Robad Baughain Kerman
Stolze Kashan Abuzaidabad Khalidabad
DCR 1376
Goldsmid
5 6 5 5 3
Moghar Ardistan Jougand Nejistanak Na'in Nougumbaz Agda Chafteh Meybud Himmatabad Yazd Sar-eYazd Zein al-Din Kermanshahan Shamsh Enar Bajaz Kushku Bahramabad Kabutarkhan
Baghin Kerman
Farsakhs 40 fromTehran 5
Naugambaz Akda Chafta
7 5 6 9 8
Himmatabad
Kermanshahan Shams Anar Bayaz Khoshkuh
Kabutarkhan
Baghin
Zein-u-Din Karmanshahan Shams Anar
9 10 6 5 6 7 5 6 5 6 5 6 4 4 191 or 746 miles
Source:Holmes,Sketches,pp. 411-12 and referencesin the text.
THE CHAPAR-KHANA SYSTEM IN QAJAR IRAN
281
after on to Eirandibil."Thepost-stationwas a singleroomat post-housesin Kermanprovincewere constructed the when construction had started.221 When the groundlevel where I installedmyself with my three 1861, year GoldsmidmissionarrivedatChafta,theyfoundthatit was servants.Oil paperwas put on the windowsinsteadof deserteddue to dearnessof grain.222At Kermanshahan, glass andholes closedwith dungto keep the heat in." thechapar-khina was verygood,clean,andcomfortable He then continuedfive farsakhs to the next station, in In 1888,Brownepronounced new. it to be whichwas at Marand,and fromtherefivefarsakhsto and, 1865, the bestpost-househe hadseen.Thenextstationwas at Sofiyan,which was, accordingto Eastwick,"a pretty Shams,where there was nothingbut the post-house, village,with a tolerableupperroomin the post-house, whichwas in goodrepair,althoughin 1865it hadbeen wherelegionsof flies were waitingto receiveme, and brokeninto by the Bakhtiyaris andit was doorlessand showedme moreattentionthatI wished".AfterSofiyan In 1871 it was also deserted due to the famine, it was onwardsto Tabriz,whichpartof the routewas empty. whilein 1888Goldsmidconsideredit, "singularly good, sharedwithtravellerscomingfromTurkey.227 like all the post-housesbetweenYezd and Kirman."223 Thenfollowedthe stationat Anar,wherethe post-house was good,havingjustbeenputintoproperrepair.Bayaz 9. Thepost-road between the Turkishborder and alsohada post-housewhichwasnice,whileatKhoshkuh Tabriz the post-housewas cleanandwas recommended for its excellentbreadandwater.Kabutar Khanhada goodpostHavingleft Tabriz,one reachedthe Turkishborder houseandso hadBaghin.224 However,onlytwo decades in six stages.Thereweretwo routes;onevia Kilisakend to laterEllaSykescharacterised thepost-houseson theroad to Bayazid,andtheotherroutevia Dilman-Urumiyeh of of the some to Kermanas allbeingdirty.225 one is There description only Tessuj.228 post-housesconnectingTurkeywith Tabriz.It was a roadseldomtravelledby Europeansandthereforethere 8. Thepost road between the Russian border and availableon in. In fact,thereis is notmuchinformation Tabriz even one well-informedandwell-travelledsourcewho maintainedthat there were no post-houses at all FromtheRussianborderonereachedTabrizin three betweenthe TurkishborderandTabriz.229 Fortmunately, stages,accordingto Blau.226 Lycklama,who took this Clive Bighamleft a partialdescriptionof the chaparroadin 1866,did it in fourstages.The firstpost-house khinason thisroad,whichis ratherlate,datingfromthe stationon Iranianterritorywas on the otherside of the 1890s.Earliertravellershaveleft littlemorethanthelist Aras (Jolfa).FromthereEastwicktravelledto Galand of relay-stations.230 Accordingto Bigham,at the first border(i.e. KayahatfivefarsakhsfromJolfa,whileLycklamawent Iranianvillage,KilissaKeui,aftertheTurkish Post stagesfrom Erzerumto Tabriz Location
Holmes
Chebister Tasuche Khoi Zorawabad Kara-aineh
Stolze Tabriz Sufiyan Tsabistar Tasuj Khoi
Bigham Tabriz
Khoi Karaaineh Killissa
Turkishborder
Awajik Diadin Karaklissiah Molla Suleiman Khorassaun HassanKaleh Erzerum
Farsakhs 4 4 8 6 8 8 6
Keui
6 12 hours 12 hours 7 hours 15 hours 8 hours 6 hours
Source:Holmes,Sketches,p. 408 and referencesin the text.
JOURNAL OF PERSIAN STUDIES
282
Bayazid) there was a post-station but it was badly supplied with horses. At the time of his visit, the posthorses were grazing in the mountains. Through the interventionof the local governor, Bigham's party got horses and an escort till Kara Aineh, where the governor's province ended. Kara Aineh was a ruinous village with a post-house,but neitherhorses nor soldiers were available. The continued their journey, ,travellers to the next station at Khoi. At its post-house, nevertheless,
Bigham met with the post-master,who was clad in a blue frock coat and kulih.231 The last stationbefore reaching Tabriz was Sofian, which offered a better service, including a dinner, than Lycklama had received at Marand,coming fromthe Russianborder.232 However,to W.B. Harris, Sofiyan seemed "merely existing for the convenienceof a post-station."233 Thusit was a totalof 40 or about 200 miles to the Turkishborder and farsakhs from there about60 hoursor 180 miles to Erzerum.
Fig. 1. A billt (ticket)for the hire of a gri or lorri.
Notes
1 WillemFloor,EIr,art.'Chapar';AlgemeenRijksArchief (General States Archives, the Hague), VOC 2477 (12/4/1739), f. 495; Floor,Hukumat-iNadir Shah (Tehran,
1368/1989),p. 85. 2
J.M. Kinneir, A Geographical Memoir of the Persian
Empire(London,1813),pp.43-44. 3
EduardEichwald,Reise aufdem CaspischenMeere und in
die Caucasus(Stuttgart, 1834),p. 405, note.
4
R. Ker Porter, Travels in Georgia, Persian Armenia, AncientBabylonia, etc., 2 vols. (London, 1821), II, p. 617. 5 Amad6e Jaubert, Voyageen Armenie et en Perse (Paris, 1860), p. 288; J. M. Tancoigne,A Narrative of a Journey
intoPersia(London,1820),p. 328,discussedthesystemof post-horsesin Turkey,but he nevermentionedit in his of Iran.FraserfoundtheTurkishsystemrather description in effectiveness. J.B. Fraser,A Winter lacking 's Journey (Tatar)from Constantinopleto Tehran.2 vols. (London, 1838), vol. I, pp. 219-47.
THE CHAPAR-KHiANA SYSTEM IN QAJAR IRAN
6
Firaidun Adamiyyat,Amir Kabir va Iran (Tehran, 1348/1970),p. 330; HusainMahbubiArdakani,Tarikh-i
16
Mu'assasat-i tamadduni-yijadid dar Iran, 3 vols. (Tehran,
1354-68/1976-88), vol. II, p. 244; Yaghma, VI 7
(1332/1954), p. 352. James Morier, A Journey through Persia, Armenia and Asia Minor in the Years 1808 and 1809 (Philadelphia,
use of the chapar1816),pp. 266-67. The free-of-charge their food and otheramenitiesis khinas, horses,lodging, also confirmedby 'Abd al-RahmanRazzaq Dunbuli,
17
(Tehran,1351/1972),p. 139. "Wewere givento understand thatposts of eight,ten to twelvehorses,withthelikenumberof men,arestationed at distances of from 24 32 to to regular miles,fromTehraun theRussianfrontier." Therearee.g. stationsat Songorabad, SufferKoja,Qazvin,Siadeeun,Aubhaar,and Soltaniyeh andso on throughout the country.Lieut.Col. Johnson,A Journeyfrom India to England throughPersia, Georgia, Russia, Poland and Prussia in the Year 1817 (London,
1818),p. 172;KerPorter,Travels,vol. I, pp. 261, 265, for example,mentionsthenewlybuiltstables,inwhichhe slept the latterbeingone of the , in MiyanehandTickmadash, regularposts for travellers.Becausethe systembetween Tehranandthe Russianfrontierhadbeen "farmedout to some noblemenof the court,it had been subjectto very
19 20
21
22
23
24
vol. II,p. 101. OttoBlau, CommercielleZustandePersiens (Berlin, 1858),
1865),vol. I, pp. 174, 177;BaronC.A.de Bode,Travelsin LuristanandArabistan, 2 vols. (London,1845),vol. I, pp.
HenriMoser,A Traversl'Asie Centrale(Paris,1885), p. 444. Vaqayi'-yiittifaqiyyano. 371,24 Rajab1274;G.N.Curzon, Persia and the Persian Question, 2 vols. (London, 1892), vol. I, p. 250; Clive Bigham,A Ride ThroughWesternAsia
Polak,Persien, vol. II, p. 61; for other examplessee Adamiyyat,AmirKabirand Ardakani,Tarikh,and most
Jumadial-Awwal1267(invitesmerchants andotherpeople to sendtheirmailto the chapar-khdina on thedaysthatthe wagonswereleavingto othertowns.Passengerswerealso welcome,andcouldtravelwiththesewaggons;rest-places forpeoplewerebeingbuilten route). 26
(London,1840), vol. II, pp. 296-98; see also pp. 303, 307-8; 311-12,316 Op. cit., vol. I, pp. 4, 16-17. JosephWolff also had
problems in 1844 getting horses, even bad ones. See his Narrativeof a Mission to Bokhara in theyears 1843-1845 (New York, 1845), p. 142 14 George A. Bournoutian, Eastern Armenia in the Last Decades of Persian Rule 1795-1828 (Malibu, 1982), p. 95. 15 Op. cit., p. 405, note.
p. 30; de Bode,TravelsinLuristan,vol. I, pp.26, 28. Narrative,p. 146.He is theonlyauthorknownto me, who mentioneda relationship betweenthe caravanleadersand thepostmaster This needsfurither research. system. StolzeandAndreas, op. cit.,pp.29-30 (1 tuman= 10franks);
recently Firaidun 'Abdulifard, Tarikh-i pust dar Iran (Tehran, 1375/1997). Vaqayi'-yi ittifaqiyya, no. 30, 6
Persien, dos Land und seine Bewohner, 2 vols. (Leipzig,
13
Blau, CommercielleZustaude, p. 202; FEStolze and F.C. Andreas,Die HandelsverhaltnissePersiens (Gotha, 1885),
see ibid., and Binder,Au Kurdistan,p. 47. 25
or smallparcels,if p. 202. All letters,moneyremittances not sent by caravan,were sent by the post. J.E. Polak,
26-28, 192. 10 Henry Binder.Au Kurdistan(Paris, 1887), p. 44. 11 Op.cit.,vol. I, p. 361. 12 Idem, Travels in Koordistan, Mesopotamia, 2 vols.
411-12 (TehranHolmes,op. cit.,pp.406 (Qazvin-Rasht), Kerman),407 (Tehran-Tabriz). Safarnama-yi shimal, ed. MansuraIttihadiyya(Tehran, 1359/1980),p. 134.
(London, 1897), p. 95. Jean de Ponteves de Sabran observedthatthe chaparworea wide leatherbelt, like a corset,toprovidesupportto hisback,Notesde voyaged'un hussard(Paris1890),p. 197.Fora pictureof a chaparchi
great abuses." George Keppel, Personal Narrative of a Journeyfrom India to England, 2 vols. (London, 1827), 9
Bournoutian, op. cit., p. 95. Thesix stationswere"inTalin at Mastara(on the Georgianroad),in Sardarabad (at the in Karbi-Basar at in at fortress), lich-Kilisa, Gamrni-Basar Qamarlu,in Vedi-Basarat Sadarak,and in Sharurat Noreshen-Sufla." Johnson,A Journey,p. 172.
18 W.R. Holmes, Sketches on the shores of the Caspian, descriptive and pictorial (London, 1845), pp. 374-75; de Bode, Travelsin Luristan,vol. I, p. 4.
Ma'athir-i Sultaniyya, ed. Ghulam Husain Sadri Afshar 8
283
Rizaquli Khan Hidayat,Rawzat al-safa-yi Nasiri, 10 vols.
(Tehran,1339/1960),vol. X, p. 466; MirzaMuhammad 3 vols., ed. Taqi,Lisanal-MulkSipihr,Nasikhal-tavarikh, JamshidKiyanfar(Tehran,1377/1998),vol. III,p. 1514; 27 28 29 30
Vaqayi'-yiittifaqiyya,no. 30, 30 Shawwal 1267. Ibid., no. 133, 22 Dhu 'l-Qa'da 1269. Ibid., no. 184. Iran no. 589, 21 Safar 1283.
I'timad al-Saltana Mirza MuhammadHasan Khan, Muntazam-i Nasiri, 3 vols., (Tehran, 1298-1300/ 1880-83), vol. III, pp. 319, 332.
284
31
JOURNALOF PERSIAN STUDIES
Amin al-Dawla, Khatirat-isiyasi-yi Mirza 'AliKhan Amin
50
al-Dawla. ed. Hafez Farmanfarma'iyan(Tehran, 1341/1962),pp. 58-59. 32
Helmut Slaby, Bindenschild und Sonnenlhwe (Graz,
51
1982), pp. 131-32 [40.000/172=232tumans];Sayyid Muhammad'Ali Jamalzada,Ganj-i shayigan (Berlin, 33
34
1335/1916), pp. 134-35; 'Abdulifard,op. cit., pp. 57-58. FO 881/5392Reportby Mr.Herberton the InternalState
of Persia.7 December1886,p. 5. Curzon,Persia,vol. I, p. 247, note.
35
Sven Hedin, Zu Land nach Indien durch Persien, Seistan,
36
Beluchistan,2 vols. (Leipzig,1910),vol. I, pp. 108, 127, 132 (picturesof a duruskianda gari, respectivelyfor the of passengersandfreight);EugeneAubin, transportation La Persed'aujourd'hui (Paris,1908),p. 16.At the station of Akmezartherewereone ndib, threepostillonsand 10 horsesin 1906.See alsobelow,n. 119. See Fig. 1 forpictureof the bilit(ticket)of thiscompany, issuedforthehireof a g~rirorlorry.Theticketwas signed by the nd'ibandthe tahvildvlr (cashier).Afterit hadbeen usedthe wordbitil or invalidwas stampedon theticket. Holmes, Sketches, pp. 403-11; Stolze and Andreas, Handelsverhdltnisse, p. 29; see also tablesI-IX in PartII of thisarticle.
37
38
Sir Frederic J. Goldsmid, Eastern Persia, An Account of the Journeys of the Persian Boundary Commission 1870-
39
William Kirk Dickson, The Life of Major-General Sir Robert MurdochSmith (Edinburgh,1901), p. 212. Lady Sheil, Glimpses of Life and Manners in Persia
52
41 42
53
Trade and Commerce of Azerbaijan for the year 1898-99,"p. 9 (henceforthcited as DCR). The use of printedtadhkirasin Iranonly datesfrom 1851,but it is doubtfulwhetherthesewerealreadyused for the chapar systemat the time.Adamiyyat,AmirKabir,pp. 332-33; Sipihr,Nasikhal-tavarikh,vol. 3, p. 1512.On the use of writtentadhkirasin the 1830s, see e.g. Aucher-Eloy, Relation de Voyage en Orient de 1830 'a 1838. 2 vols.
(Paris,1843);vol. I, p. 287. 54
Polak, Persien, vol. I, p. 177. Sheil, op.cit., pp. 104-5; Bigham,op.cit., pp. 119-20;
55
Behind Polak,Persien,vol. I, p. 177;M.E.Hume-Griffith,
56
From Batum to Baghdad via liflis, Tabrizand Persian Kurdistan(Edinburgh,1896), p. 152. 46 Stolze and Andreas, pp. 29-30; Polak, op.cit., vol. I, p. 174, vol. II, p. 110. 47 Curzon,Persia, vol. I, p. 253. 48 Dunbuli, Ma'athir, p. 139; Hidayat, Rawzat al-Safa, vol. 10, p. 466; Sipihr,Nasikh al-tavarikh,vol. III, p. 1514. 49 Johnson,A Journey, p. 172, see also p. 217.
Moser, op.cit., p. 444; DCR 2291, p. 9; Stewart, Through George A. Bournoutian, Eastern Armenia in the Last Decades of Persian Rule 1807-1828 (Malibu, Calif.,
1982),p. 96. 57 J. Perkins,A Residence ofEight Yearsin Persia (Andover,
1843),p. 340. 58 59
Sun,2nded. (London,1893),p. 23. 45
A Ride, pp. 98-99.
Persia,p. 197;de Sabran,Notes,p.181,n. 2.
1909),p. 134.
44
Binder,Au Kurdistan,p. 44; Baker, op.cit., p. 306; Moser, Diplomatic and Consular Reports, 2291 "Report on the
(London,1856),p. 104.
Clouds in the East. Travelsand Adventureon the PersoTurkumanFrontier (London, 1876), p. 307. Polak, op.cit., vol. I, p. 174; Moser, A Travers l'Asie Centrale, p. 444; C.J. Wills, In the Land of the Lion and
the Land of the Imams. A Narrative of Travel and Residence 1871-1885 (New York, 1886), p. 121. " T.M. Lycklama Nijeholt, Voyageen Russie, au Caucase
A Travers, p. 444; Governmentof Great Britain,
the Veil in Persia and Turkish Arabia (Philadelphia, 43
327. Thismeantthatforeignsubjectscouldonly have formal via theirembassyor contactswiththeIraniangovernment when to ask the Ministerof such as needed consul, they to Affairs for permission hire post horses, Foreign e.g. which then issuedthe requiredorder.J. Bassett,Persia,
et en Perse.4 vols. (Paris-Amsterdam, 1873),vol. II,pp. to an order Polak refers to 28. provideassistanceto the 25, traveller.op.cit.,vol. II,p. 72, andso doesBaker,"if you have an orderfrom Governmentyou can hire them." Baker,op.cit.,p. 306; "Havingprocuredthe necessary orderforpost."EdmondO'Donovan,TheMervOasis,2 vols. (London,1882),vol. I, p. 366.
71-72,2 vols. (London,1876),vol. I, p. 163.
40
Travelsand Adventuresin the Persian Provinces and the Southern Banks of the Caspian Sea (London, 1826), p.
60
61
62
Blau, CommercielleZustdnde,pp. 203-4. Hidayat,Rawzat, vol. X, p. 371;Adamiyyat,Amir Kabir,
p. 331;Ardakani,Tarikh,vol. II,p. 244. Polak,Persien, vol. II, p. 61; H. Brugsch,Die Reise der nach Persien 1961-1862, 2 vols. K.K Gesandtschaft (Berlin, 1863), vol. II, pp. 363, 368. Lycklama, op.cit., vol. II, p. 25; Moser, op.cit., p. 444; Stolze and Andreas, op.cit., pp. 29-30; Binder, op.cit., p. 44; de Sabran,Notes, p. 87; Harry de Windt, A Ride to India (London, 1891), pp. 48-49. A Ride, p. 120.
THE CHAPAR-KHANA SYSTEM IN QAJAR IRAN
63
64
65
66
67
68
DCR2291,p. 9. Thisratestillappliedin 1906.Aubin,La
II,pp. 82-83, 386; de Panisse,La Russie,la Perse,p. 91;
Perse, p. 16.
Jane Dieulafoye, La Perse, la Chaldje et la Susiane
Lycklama,op.cit.,vol. II,p. 25; it was advisedto payafter, (Paris,1887),p. 66; Curzon,Persia,vol. I, pp.249-52; de notbefore,the servicewas renderedto get betterservice. Sabran,Notes,p. 87. StolzeandAndreas,op.cit.,pp. 29-30; "plusa tip forthe 77 Johnson,A Journey, p. 172. However,in 1834, Fraser foundthatthe fareofferedwas rathermeagre.A Winter post-boyof a coupleof qrfns at the endof the stage."de s Windt,op.cit.,pp. 48-49; "Presentto the chapparshagirt Journey,vol. I, p. 377, 379. or postilionfrom 10 shahisto 1 kranper stage."DCR 78 Moser, op.cit., p. 444. 2291,p. 9; Curzon,Persia,vol. I, p. 31;de Sabran,op.cit., 79 Stolze and Andreas, op.cit., pp. 29-30; Binder, op.cit., p. 44. p. 88. 80 Wills, op.cit., pp. 20-21; Arnold, op.cit., p. 233. StolzeandAndreas,op.cit., pp. 29-30; Binder,op.cit., p. 44, p. 382, n.1;Perkins,op.cit.,p. 341;Fraser,A Winter's 81 Sykes, ThroughPersia, p. 61. 82 Journey, vol. I, p. 334 (soorajee); de Bode, Travels in Ibid., p. 32; Curzon,Persia,vol. 1, pp. 55-56. 83 vol. de 88. Luristan, I, p. 88; Sabran,op.cit.,p. Arnold, ThroughPersia, p. 134; Curzon, op.cit., vol. I, p. de Windt,op.cit., pp. 48-49; Moser, op.cit., p. 444; 250. Fraser,however,reportedthatthechaparchiin Khoy wantedmoremoney;op.cit.,vol. I, p. 349. Hippisley Cunliffe Marsh, A Ride Through Islam 84 (London,1877),p. 85. Brugsch,op.cit., vol. II,p. 374. 85 de Windt, op.cit., p. 50. O'Donovan,op.cit., vol. I, pp. 324-25. 86 Maxime Siroux, Anciennes voies et monumentsroutiers Bigham,A Ride,p. 128. de la region d'Isfahan (Cairo, 1971), p.106; see also fig.
12 on p. 43 for a similarplan and plate XII, 4, for a picture.De Panissereported,for example,thata French ambassador hadthreehorseskilledwhenthe post-house collapsedafter having sufferedheavy rains and snow.
87
Stewart, ThroughPersia, p. 197. 88 MacKenzie, Safarnama, pp. 134, 145, 192. 89 Hume-Griffith,Behind the Veil, pp. 133-34. 90 Holmes, Sketches, 374-75. pp. 91
Bighamop.cit.,p. 119. Dependingon the importanceof the station10-25 horseswerekept.Moser,op.cit.,p. 444.
92
Persia, the Land of the Imams, p. 121. Op.cit., pp. 408-9.
Comte de Panisse, La Russie, la Perse, I 'Inde- souvenirs
de voyage1865-1866 (Paris,1867),p. 192. De Sabran, op.cit.,p. 180 reportedthat in 1889 the post-stationat Deh-Mollahhadcollapseddueto heavyrains,as well as thoseat AhovaneandMezinaneon the sameroute.Ibid., pp. 176, 188. 69
70 71
Binder, op.cit., pp. 73, 368, 373; Curzon, vol. I, p. op.cit., 249. Vaqayi'-yiIttifaqiyyano. 30, 30 Shawwal 1267. R.A. Arnold, Through Persia by Caravan (London,
1877),p. 153. 72 73 74
75
76
285
Binder op.cit., p. 380. O'Donovan, op.cit., vol. I, pp. 369-70. Lycklama,op.cit., vol. II,p.31. James Morier, A Second Journey through Persia ... between the Years1810 and 1816 (London, 1818), p. 361;
93 94 95 96
were not always available,and, if there, were of bad quality. Holmes, op.cit., p. 403. Ibid., p. 406. 99 Op.cit., vol. I, p. 321. A Ride, p. 54. 100oo 101 O'Donovan, op.cit., vol. I, pp. 324-25. 102 Holmes, op.cit., pp. 411-12. 97
98
103
Ibid.,p. 408.
104
Curzon, Persia, vol. I, p. 248, who providesa rather detailedanalysisof his appreciation of thepost-horse.See also Goldsmid,"Notes on EasternPersiaand Western
Brugsch,op.cit.,vol. II,p. 5. The descriptionof the post house is an amalgamof the following travelogues: Bigham, A Ride, p. 46, 73, 379; Stolze and Andreas, Die Handelsverhilltnisse, p. 29; Binder, Au Kurdistan, pp. 75, 79, 383, 421 and 434 for pictures of post-stationsand p. 47 of a chaparchi;Arnold, ThroughPersia, pp. 138, 230-32; Moser, A Travers,p. 444; Wills, In the Land, p. 25 with short standard descriptionof post-house; see also Lycklama, Voyage,vol.
Op.cit., vol. II, pp.455, 457. Holmes, op.cit., p. 407. Ibid., p. 410; de Sabran,op.cit.,p. 169 wrotethathorses
Beluchistan,"JRGS XXXVII (1867), p. 274-75 Richard Wilbraham, Travels in the Trans-Caucasian Provinces (London, 1839), p. 65. 106 Basset, TheLand, p. 121. 107 de Windt,A Ride, p. 50 108 DCR 2291, p. 9; see also de Sabran,Notes, p. 196. 109 O'Donovan, The Merv Oasis, vol. 1, pp. 333-34 105
JOURNALOF PERSIAN STUDIES
286
de Windt, op.cit., p. 49. 111 Johnson,A Journey, p. 172.
110
112 113
114 115
116
Lycklama,Voyage,vol. II,p. 25. Baker,Clouds in the East, p. 306, "Becausethe posthorsesareinvariablybadyou haveto urgethemon with the whip"."Theriderhas an instrumentof torture- a thickplaitedthongaboutfive feetlong,attachedto a short thick woodenhandle,and terminatingin a flat leathern crackerof eightor ten inches.It didnotphasethePersian horses",de Windt,A Ride,p. 51. "Thewhip is provided with a shortstickof hardandheavywood,coveredwith leather,and havinga big loop of the same,that it may hangat the wristwhennot in use. The lashis a roundof fourthongsof Hamadanleatherplaited,andis fromfour to sevenfeet long",Wills,In theLand,p. 23. DCR2291, p. 9.
124
Ispahanand Yezd for the year endingMarch20, 1914" (London 1915), pp. 9-10; DCR 4838 (Ispahan-Yezd 1910),p. 9. Forthesituationin theCaspianprovincesand servicefromReshtto QazvinandTehran,see DCR4398 Tradeof thePersianCaspianProvinces(1910),pp.24-27. H.G. Dwight,Persian Miniatures(New York,1917) p. 66. 125 Op.cit.,vol. I, pp.242, 254 (thisroadhadbeenbuiltby the ImperialBank of Persia,but laterhad been sold to an Iraniancompany).For a pictureof the diligencein use betweenTehranandQom,see ibid.,vol. I, p. 244. See also 126
127 128
Pilgrimage to Mecca 1885-1886. Edited, translated,and
Hume-Griffith,Behind the Veil,pp. 133-34. 118Polak, Persien, vol. II, p. 61; MacKenzie, Safarnama, p.
annotatedby Hafez Farmayanand Elton L. Daniel of photograph (Austin,1990),p. 11. Fora contemporary the guest-housesee FriedrichRosen, Persien. (Berlin, alreadyexisted 1926),p. 175. However,mihman-khinas at the beginningof the Qajarperiodandserved,as in the case of Armaghana,as the post-station.Johnson,A
135, indeedhad also to walkbetweenBagh andZanjan, as had Savage Landor,op.cit., vol. I, p. 268, who moreoverhadto dragthe exhaustedhorses. 119 DCR 2291, p. 9.
Stolze and Andreas,Handelsverhdiltnisse,p. 30. The post
thetriptook 14 to carriagewas alsoreferredas 'tarrantas'; 18 hours.DCR 1564,"Reporton theTradeandCommerce of theProvinceof GhilanfortheYear1893-94andof the provinceof Astrabadfor theyear 1892-93,"(1895),p. 7. "Thetarantasconsistsof a coach set on bars of wood insteadof steel springs."Basset, op.cit.,p. 175. For a see AlexandreDumas, contemporary drawingof a tarantas Au Caucase(Paris,1969),facingp. 64.
The Gate ofAsia (New York, 1916), p. 355. Hume-Griffith, op.cit., pp. 132-33;Hedin,Zu Land nach
Indien,vol. I, pp. 138, 140. For a detailedand more of theQazvinguestpositivedescriptionandappreciation A Shi'ite house see MirzaMohammadHosaynFarahani.
117
120
Aubin, La Perse, p. 256. E. CrawshayWilliams,Across Persia (London,1907),pp.
was 287, 289-90. The cost of wheeled transportation indeed very expensive.In 1912, to travel 250 miles in a carriage(berline)withfourhorses, (Qazvin-Hamadan) cost almost$100,includingtolls.Dwight,op.cit.,p. 28.
Sykes, ThroughPersia, p. 309; "thePersianpost-horsehas
ninelives".de Windt,op.cit.,p. 69;'"thePersianpost-horse is a mostwonderfulanimal.His endurance andpowerof E. Henry Savage recoveryare simply extraordinary". Landor,AcrossCovetedLands,2 vols. (New York,1903), vol. I, p. 270, andp. 278, witha pictureof thepost-horses. Op.cit., vol. 1, pp. 377, 382, 388.
DCR 5521, "Report on the Trade of the Districts of
Journey, p. 187, 185; Keppel, Personal Narrative, vol. II,
pp. 99-100 (Hamadan). 129
A YearAmongst the Persians, 3rd ed. (London, 1970), pp.
85-87, see also 179-80 (Shashgerd,Hasanabad),182 ('Aliabad)forotherlocationsof the mihman-kh~na. 130
Michael Myers Shoemaker,. The Heart of the Orient
131
121
ThroughPersia, pp. 216-17.
122
Ministerievan Waterstaat,Handel en Nijverheid(the Netherlands),Verzamelingvan Consulaireen andere
(New York, 1904), p. 110. He also wrote,p. 105, "At Menjilthepost-houseseemedclean." Op. cit, p. 63, 64; Hedin,op. cit.,vol. I, pp. 132, 137-38, 148 (Gordanskaja Gastawa)."ThePostCartService"had stationsat every 15 or 20 miles. F.A.C.Forbes-Leith,
Verslagen en Berichten, Legatie Teheran. Jaarverslag over 1892, no. 125 (1893), pp. 36-37. Savage Landor, op.cit., vol. I, pp. 47--48, 54-55 (more details on the toll and fares for transportationas well as the daily toll road revenues, see also vol. I, pp. 58-59. In addition to the toll and fare, the travellerwas expected to give a tip of 2 qrins to the drivers of both the landau and fourgon, ibid., vol. I, p. 63.
Checkmate:Fighting Tradition in Central Persia (New York, 1927), p. 211. Dwight, op. cit., pp. 29, 64; Hedin, op. cit., vol. I, p. 147. Dwight, op. cit., pp. 27, 29, 30, 32, 64; Hedin, op. cit., vol. I, pp. 142-43. E.A. Powell, By Camel and Car to the Peacock Throne (New York, 1923), p. 240 (with a photo of a post-carriage drawn by four horses). "Our train consists of a van and
123
132 133
134
THE CHAPAR-KHANA SYSTEM IN QAJAR IRAN
135
two broken-down broughams,eachdrawnby fourhorses abreast.Shoemaker, op. cit.,p. 103.
146
Hints for Residents and Travellers in Persia (London,
148
147
1914). The roadconnectingMashhadand Bojnordwas partof the so-called "Askhabadchaussee." Here a kaliska
or a kindof "victoria" movedpassengers,andthe British ConsulR.L. Kennionwas conveyedover 180 miles in four days: By MountainLake and Plain, Sport in Eastern
Persia(Edinburgh-London, 1911),p. 176-77. 136
137
138
Journey to the end of an era (New York, 1947), pp.
214-15 and218, see alsop. 221, wherehe mentionedthat the Torkomanshad plunderedthe chapar-khinasand severalcaravansarais. "Persian Caravan Sketches," National Geographic Magazine39/4 (1921)p. 367. Loc. cit. A pictureof the Iranianmail stageenteringthe city of Saveh, ibid., oppositep. 465. A pictureof the 'limited mail express' from Tehranto Isfahan."This vehicle is a combinationsleeper,day coach,and dining car.Treehundredmilesweretraversedin it alonga rough caravantrack, bumpingday and night, with opiumreeking driversand relays of horses - hitched four abreast- everytenortwelvemiles",ibid.,p. 433. "Itwas escorted by road-guardscontrolledby the notorious brigand,MashallasKhan (since hanged), whom the PersianGovernment is saidto have subsidizedto protect themailsandofficialpersonagesfromrobberies", ibid.,p. 432. A pictureof a typicalhaltwherepost-carriages and caravansstopped.In the middledistancenotethe Iranian mail stage drawnby fourhorses,ibid.,p. 433. Photoof mail-wagon(droshki)fromReshtto Tehran,240 milesof carriageroadat a cost of 50 centspermile, ibid.,p. 362; C. Amory Jr., Persian Days (Boston and New York, 1929),pp. 148, 180photosof droshkisandroads.
139
Weston, loc. cit.; Hall, op. cit., p. 221.
140
Ibid.,pp.217-18; see alsothescathingremarksby Savage Landor,vol. I, pp. 259-60, which showedthatnothing hadchanged. Dwight,op.cit., pp.29, 31, 32. Weston,op.cit., p. 367;Dwight,pp. 28-34. "The Op.cit., pp. 433, 441. Hallhad similarobservations. anddirtylittleteahouses post-stations, ruinedcaravanserais
141 142 143
144 145
where we halted to change relays were pretty uninviting. Their mud walls were strengthened by the bones of animals, their interiorsdark and fetid, the approachesto them leadingbetween skeletonsor half-pickedcarcassesof horses, camels, donkeys and goats."Hall, op.cit., p. 217 Moser, A Travers, p. 443 Sykes, ThroughPersia, p. 30.
287
O'Donovan,The Merv Oasis, vol. I, p. 319. JaneDieulafoye,Les Fouilles de Suse (Paris,1885),p. 71. SavageLandor,Across Coveted Lands, vol. II, pp. 279, 285; see also ibid.,p. 369, re.Nuskhietc.
A YearAmongst the Persians, pp. 178-79. Blau, Commercielle, p. 203; MacKenzie, Safarnama, p. 135. 151 Marsh,A Ride, p. 65. 152 de Windt,A Ride, p. 77. 153 A Ride, p. 104. 154 Lycklama,Voyage, vol. II, p. 84; EdwardB. Eastwick, Journal of a Diplomate 's Threeyears' residence in Persia, 149
150
197 2 vols. (London,1864),vol. I, pp. 196 (Saiyaidabad), no (Haji Agha), 197-98 (Dawatgar; village only a At Tikmatash,Eastwickremarked,there caravansarai). usedto be a station;Dieulafoye,LaPerse,p. 66 (Basmidj); Fraser,A Winters Journey, vol. I, p. 362, or Oojan;idem, Travels to Koordistan,vol. II, p. 310, who also mentions
andBosmeitch(p. 311). Thickmadash 155
156
157
Through Persia, p. 204; Wills, In the Land, p. 26; Lycklama, Voyage,vol. I, p. 85-88; op.cit., Journal, vol.
I, p. 201. Johnson,A Journey, p. 192; Fraser,op.cit., vol. II, pp. 307-8. Lycklama, op.cit., vol. II, pp. 91, 95; Eastwick, op.cit.,
vol. I, p. 202; Fraser,op.cit.,vol. II, pp. 306-7 travelled fromZenjanto Ak-Kend. via Armaghaneh 158
159
160
161
Lycklama, op.cit., vol. II, pp. 96-97; Eastwick, op.cit.,
vol. I, p. 204. Lycklama,op.cit., vol. II, pp. 98, 100; Eastwick,op.cit., vol. I, p. 204. Brugsch,Reise, vol. II, p. 368; Lycklama,op.cit., vol. II, op.cit.,vol.I,p. 205. op.cit.,p. 207;Eastwick, p.100;Stewart, Stewart,op.cit., p. 214; Lycklama, Voyage, vol. II, pp. 101-2 (Zenjan),120 (Soltanieyh);Eastwick,op.cit.,vol. II,pp. 206 (Zenjan),209 (Soltaniyeh).
162
Op.cit., p. 214.
163
Lycklama,op.cit., vol. II,pp. 134, 137, 140. Johnson,op.cit., p. 175;Fraser,op.cit., vol. II,pp. 303-4; Eastwick,op.cit.,vol. I, p. 211 (onlychangedhorses). Stewart,op.cit., p. 214. The Merv Oasis, vol. II,p. 332;Lycklama,op.cit., vol. II,
164
165 166
167 168
169
pp. 149-50; de Sabran,Notes, p. 98. O'Donovan, op.cit., vol. I, pp. 333. Lycklama,op.cit., vol. II, p. 168; Arnold, ThroughPersia, p. 157; Eastwick, op.cit., vol. I, pp. 213-14. Lycklama, op.cit., vol. II, pp. 169-70. Wilbraham reported in 1837 that the post-house "had recently been transferred from Shemiran to Sangarabad." Richard
JOURNALOF PERSIAN STUDIES
288
Wilbraham, Travels in the Trans-Caucasian Provinces
(London1839),p. 49. The upperroomhadno doorand fouropenwindows.Eastwick,op.cit.,vol. I, p. 216. 170
171 172 173
174
175
176
177
Lycklama,op.cit., vol. II, pp. 173, 363. Op.cit., p. 158. Bigham, A Ride, p. 126.
Brugsch,op.cit.,vol. II,p. 190;Lycklama,op.cit.,vol. III, p. 6; Stewart,op.cit.,p. 87. Blau, op.cit., p. 203. Lycklama, op.cit., vol. II, p. 364; Arnold, op.cit., pp.
199-200,205-6. Lycklama,op.cit., vol. II,p. 364.
Ibid., p. 338; Lycklama,op.cit.,vol. II,pp. 490, 494. Op.cit., pp. 400-1,403. 198 Blau, op.cit., p. 203. 199 Op.cit., vol. II, p. 2. 200 A Ride, p. 184. 196
197
201 202
203 204
Brugsch, op.cit., vol. II, pp. 273-75; Lycklama, op.cit.,
vol. II,p. 366;Arnold,op.cit.,p. 206-7. 178 Lycklama, op.cit., vol. II,p. 370;Brugsch,op.cit.,vol. II,
Voyage,vol. III,p. 530. Ibid., vol. III, pp. 531-32 (Milagerd),533 (Merek),
534-35 (Noveran),536, 540 (Biveran,Kushek),536, 540, 542 (Khanabad, Ribat-Karim, Tehran). Blau,Commercielle, p. 203. Manfred Schneider,Beitrdge zur Wirtschaftsstruktur und WirtschaftsentwicklungPersiens 1850-1900 (Stuttgart,1990), p. 40; accordingto de Sabran,Notes, p. 167, QonbadGumbazwas a miserablehole in the ground.
p. 272; Arnold,op.cit.,p. 209. op.cit., vol. II,pp. 373, 375, 380, 386;Brugsch, Lycklama, vol. op.cit., II,pp.261,268; Arnold,op.cit.,p. 221.
205
Stewart, ThroughPersia, p. 291.
206
230-31; Brugsch, op.cit., vol. II, p. 256; Lycklama, op.cit.,vol. II,p. 387. 181Arnold,op.cit., pp. 236-37; Lycklama,op.cit.,vol. II,pp. 389-90; Brugsch,op.cit.,vol. II,p. 251. 182 Lycklama,op.cit., vol. II, pp. 391, 397, 401; Arnold,
207
de Windt,A Ride,p. 77; Schneider,Beitrdge, p. 40; de Sabran,op.cit.,p. 179, observedthatQeshlaqwas a sad villagewithoutcharacter. Schneider,Beitrdge, pp. 40-43; Also, Eastwick,Journal, vol. II, pp. 136, 144, 146, 151-52, 156, 163, 165, 169, 178-79, 184,271, 276, 284, 286, 290; de Sabran,op.cit., pp. 181-203.
179
180Also description of the village by Arnold, op.cit., pp.
183
184
185
op.cit., p. 237. Lycklama, op.cit., vol. II, p. 444, Arnold, op.cit., pp. 259,
208 209 210
Baker,Cloudsin the East, pp. 74 (Skirgau,Zirab),75, (Saffarabad),76 (Serbendan,Boomahoo),77 (Tehran); Brugsch, Reise, vol. II, pp. 456, 458 (Firuzkuh, Notes Lieut.Col.BeresfordLovett,"Itinerary Savadkuh); of RouteSurveysin NorthernPersiain 1881 and 1882," Procs. RGS, II (1883), p. 68. Accordingto Eastwick, was betterthanthe op.cit.,vol. II, pp. 91, 99, Sorkhabad Zirab station,while the greaterpart of the stationof Bahamanhadfallendown
211
Sketches, p. 403 Appendix E. Binder,Au Kurdistan,pp.427-28; thepost-houses"onthe
296; Lycklama,op.cit., vol. II, p. 445, Arnold,op.cit., p. 296; Williams, Across Persia, p. 277. Lycklama, op.cit., vol. II, p. 447, Arnold, op.cit., pp.
296-97. Brugsch,op.cit., vol. II,p 123;Arnold,op.cit., pp. 300-1; Lycklama,op.cit.,vol. II,p. 450. 187 For a discussionof these two roadsin the seventeenth centurysee WillemFloor,"TheBandar'Abbas-Isfahan Route in the late Safavid Era (1617-1717)," Iran XXXVII(1999),pp. 67-94. 188 Lycklama,op.cit.,vol. II, p. 451; Arnold,op.cit.,p. 301; Brugsch,op.cit.,vol. II,p. 126. 189 Op.cit., p. 304.
186
190
191
212
road [between Resht-Tehran]were fairly clean and comfortable." Bigham,A Ride,p. 119. 213
De Penisse, La Russie, la Perse, p. 85.
214
ThroughPersia,p. 130. Ibid.,p. 138. de Sabran,op.cit.,p. 86 (reputedlythebestpost-stationin
Lycklama,op.cit., vol. II, pp. 451-52, 454, Arnold, op.cit.,
215
pp. 305, 307. Brugsch,op.cit., vol. II,p. 216; Arnold,op.cit.,p. 307.
216
192
Under Persian Skies (New York, 1928) p. 200.
193
Lycklama,op.cit.,vol. II,p. 455.
194
Op.cit., pp. 311-12.
195
Lycklama,op.cit., vol. II, p. 465, 490; Williams,op.cit., pp. 189, 192 (with map); Arnold, op.cit., p. 317, 319; the next stopwas the very cold post-houseat Sidoon,nearPersepolis.
Marsh,A Ride, p. 100. Blau, op.cit., p. 203.
217
218 219
Iran,but found sorely lacking in comfort);Arnold, op.cit., pp. 53-54. de Windt,A Ride,p. 62;Arnold,op.cit., p. 143;de Sabran, op.cit., p. 91; Ella Sykes, ThroughPersia on a sidesaddle (London, 1898), p. 309. De Penisse, op.cit., p. 95. Op.cit.,p. 145; de Sabran,op.cit., p. 94.
THE CHAPAR-KHANA SYSTEM IN QAJAR IRAN
220
221
Sykes,op.cit.,p. 306; Arnold,op.cit.,p. 149;de Sabran,
226
Blau, op.cit., p. 203.
op.cit., p. 97
227
Lycklama,Voyage,vol. II, pp. 28 (Aras),31 (Eirandibil), 32, 35 (Marand), 35, 37 (Sofiyan).Eastwick,Journal,vol. At 172-77. GalinKaya,a colonyfromTaleshwere I, pp. settledby NadirShah,"whostillspeaktheTalishdialectof the Persian tongue." S.G. Wilson, Persian Life and Customs(NewYork,1895),p. 50.
228
Blau, op.cit., p. 203. Stewart,ThroughPersia, pp. 188, 190. and "InPersiathechaparkhanehsaregovernment property,
1 Rajab1278, Iran(officialnewspaper) no. 510, Thursday, p. 315.
222
223
Goldsmid,EasternPersia, vol. I, pp. 170, 177 Idem,"Noteson EasternPersiaandWesternBeluchistan," JRGSXXXVII (1867), p. 279; idem,EasternPersia, vol. I,
224
pp. 170, 177.e DCR 1376, Persia-Ispahan-Reportof a Journeymadeto Yezd,Kermanand Shiraz,and on the Trade,and of the Consular District of Ispahan (1892-94), pp. 23 (Kermanshahan),24 (Shams, Anar), 25 (Bayaz, Khan,Baghin).Browne,A Year Khoshkuh),26 (Kabutar
229 230
Amongst the Persians, p. 462, 471, 592-93, 598-600.
However,whenEdwardStackstayedat thepost-houseof KabutarKhan the upperroom had no doors and was uninhabitable due to the strongwind.Whenhe came to he found thepost-housea ruin,so he wentto a fine Baghin caravansarai justoutsidethevillage:Six Monthsin Persia, 2 vols. (NewYork,1882),vol. I, pp. 194, 196. 225
289
Op.cit., p. 59; see also Savage Landor,Across Coveted Lands, vol. I, p. 409-30.
Fig. 2. Rue et Tchaparkhaneha Rabat-K&rim.
231
an orderfor horsesis all thatis required.In summerand in fourdays.In autumnthisjourneycanbe accomplished winterandspringfive or six days,sometimeseightor ten arenecessary"; Holmes,Sketches,p. 408. A Winter's A Ride, pp. 89, 91, 93, 95. Accordingto Fraser, Journey, vol. I, p. 333, the first Iranianpost station was Kara Eineh, followed by Zoharab(p. 346), while in Khoy
232
therewas nota poststation(p. 348). Lycklama, op.cit., vol. II,pp.35, 37.
233 From Batum to Baghdad via Tiflis, Tabrizand Persian
Kurdistan(Edinburgh,1896), p. 94.
290
JOURNAL OF PERSIAN STUDIES
Fig. 3. Tchaparkhanehde Koudoum.
Fig. 4. Tchaparkhanehde Tisi-Hutch (intirieur).
Fig. 5. Tchaparkhanehde Tisi-Hutch (extirieur).
THE CHAPAR-KHANA SYSTEM IN QAJAR IRAN
291
Fig. 6. The interior of Chappar Khana at Kohrut.
Fig. 7. Post-house at Kushku Bafra.
Fig. 8. Chapper Khaneh (Post House) [not identified].
BURIALSAND MEMORIALSIN PERSIA: FURTHERNOTES AND PHOTOGRAPHS By SirDenisWright Former President of the British Instituteof Persian Studies
The material given below contains additions to my previous articleson burialsand memorials of the British in Persia in Iran XXXVI (1998), pp. 165-73 and XXXVII (1999), pp. 173-74. I am deeply grateful to
ISFAHAN The New Julfa Cemetery (Armenian)
The gravesof WilliamBell, d. 1624, and Edward H.M.Ambassador Nick Browneandhis wife Dianafor takenin March1999;andto Paget,d. 1703,1arethe oldestknownBritishgravesin the Isfahanphotographs, Miss Joan Masters for those of Bushire, taken in Persia.TheirLatininscriptions,recordedin full by Sir February2000, exceptfor the photographof the grave Frederick G. Goldsmid in his Travels and Telegraph A.Th. Sterzel,for whichI am grateful (London,1874),p. 562, remainlegible.(Figs. 1-5.). of Commandant to Lady(Susan)Elliott.
(-4ASTTi cf-yoA
/__
Fig. 1. Diagramshowingposition of Bell gravestone(left-handside) in relationto hexastichon.
Fig. 2. New Julfa Cemetery,Isfahan.William Bell'sgrave, headstone.
293
294
JOURNAL
OF PERSIAN
STUDIES
Fig. 3. New Julfa Cemetery, Isfahan. WilliamBell's gravestone. The hexastich (see Fig. 1) is set at right angles to the main inscription.
Fig. 4. New Julfa Cemetery, Isfahan. Edward Paget 's gravestone, left-hand side.
Fig. 5. New Julfa Cemetery, Isfahan. Edward Paget's gravestone, right-hand side.
BURIALS
AND MEMORIALS
IN PERSIA:
Fig. 6. St. George's Church (Armenian), Bushire. St. George 's Church after war damage.
FURTHER NOTES AND PHOTOGRAPHS
295
Fig. 7. St. George's Church (Armenian), Bushire. WJ. Bird
Fig. 8. St. George's Church (Armenian), Bushire. Caroline Hayward
296
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OF PERSIAN
STUDIES
Fig. 9. St. George's Church (Armenian), Bushire. Haick Goolzad.
Fig. 10. St. George'sChurch(Armenian),Bushire. Tigran J. Malcolm.
BUSHIRE St. George's Church (Armenian) Both the church and adjoiningcemetery were badly damaged during the Iran-IraqWar of the 1980s, and many of the memorials recorded in my 1998 article2 have now gone; the five listed below are all that appear to have survived. Those of Haick Goolzad and Tigran Malcolm were not recorded in my earlier article, nor was that of the GermanA.Th. Sterzel. W.J. Bird, d. 14.10.1890.3 Mrs CarolineHayward,d. 19.10.1905.4 Haick Goolzad, b. 25.4.1875, d. 6.3.1941. TigranJ. Malcolm, b. 1.3.1843, d. 4.5.1920. CommandantA.Th. Sterzel,b. 25.6.1861 at Bautzen, Saxony, d. 16.9.1896 (Figs. 6-11). Fig. 11. St. George's Church (Armenian), Bushire. CommandantA. Th. Sterzel.
BURIALS
AND MEMORIALS
IN PERSIA:
The Goolzad and Malcolm headstones, inscribed in both English and Armenian, indicate that the deceased were members of the Bushire Armenian community and probably enjoyed British Protected Person status. Commandant Sterzel was captain of the 600-ton Persepolis, the Persian Navy's very first steamship, built at Bremerhavenin 1884; when Curzon inspected her at Lingeh in 1889 she'had a crew of forty Persian and Arabs and four Germanofficers.5
FURTHER
NOTES AND PHOTOGRAPHS
297
RAYSHAHR (RESHIRE) The old British Cemetery6 This was abandonedin 1963 and remains in a sorry condition (Fig. 12). The ruined headstone of Ernest H. Tayson'sgravewas photographedby PaulGotchin 1963: Ernest H. Tayson, d. Bushire 3.4.1906 aged 26. Leading Seaman on H.M.S. Hermes (Fig. 13).
Fig. 12. Viewof the abandoned cemetery.
Fig. 13. ErnestH. Tayson.
298
Notes
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4
5
1 See IranXXXVI(1998),pp. 165-66. Ibid.,p. 167. 3 Ibid.
2
6
Ibid. The Hon. G.N. Curzon,Persia and the Persian Question (London, 1892), vol. II, pp. 394-96. See Iran XXXVI (1998), pp. 167-68, and XXXVII (1999), p. 173.
SHORTERNOTICES ISLAMABAD PROJECT2000 By KamyarAbdi Museumof Anthropology,Universityof Michigan
The thirdseasonof archaeologicalresearchin the Islamabad Plainwas carriedoutfrom30 Aprilto 5 June, 2000 (forreportson the first(1998) andsecond(1999) seasons see Iran XXXVII, 1999: 34-44, XXXVIII, 2000: 162-63). In the thirdseasonwe continuedour surveyof the IslamabadPlaintowardsthe south-eastto the HarasamPlain and Tang-eMansouri,where we recordeda rangeof sites fromUpperPaleolithiccave sites to recentcemeteries,bringingthe totalnumberof sites recordedso farto 190. I have begunenteringthe survey data into a computerfile to facilitatefuture settlementpatternanalyses. The main researchgoal of the thirdseasonwas a moredetailedinvestigationof the settlementpatternof the MiddleChalcolithicperiod(c. 4500-4000 B.C.E.). The datacollectedduringourfirstand secondseasons of surveys of the IslamabadPlain suggest that the Neolithicperiodsettlementpatternconsists of small, scatteredsites of roughly the same size in close proximity to water sources, but by the Middle Chalcolithic perioda three-tiersettlementhierarchywas alreadyemergingin the Plain. By this time Chogha Gavaneh,with aroundthree hectaresof Chalcolithic occupation,was probablythe dominantcentreof the Plain.In additionto ChoghaGavaneh,we recordedat least five moundedsites largerthan one hectareand fourteenmoundedandunmoundedsites with less than one hectare of Middle Chalcolithic occupation. locationin the marginsof the surveyarea,as Peripheral well as shallowdeposits,suggestthata numberof these small sites may have been transhumant or nomadic campsites.Wealsorecordeda few cavesiteswitha crude sub-typeof MiddleChalcolithic potterywhichmay also a transhumant or nomadic represent occupation. In our first and second seasonswe openeda few exploratorycuts at Chogha Gavaneh. One of our stratigraphiccuts -
OperationW263 -
exposed Late
Neolithic to Late Middle Chalcolithicdeposits.The potteryfromOperationW263 includevarioustypes of
DalmaWare,some probablycomingfromAzarbaijan, someHalafsherdsfromnorthernMesopotamia, pottery the of Deh Luran and Susiana in the Plains typical lowlandsof south-western and 'Ubaid sherds from Iran, The excavated southernMesopotamia. pottery from Operation W263 was substantiallymore diverse, comparedto thepotteryfoundduringoursurfacesurvey of Middle Chalcolithicsites which form a rather homogeneous corpus of local Zagros Chalcolithic traditionssuch as Siahbidand Seh Gabi. The lithic materialfromOperationW263 also shows substantial diversity,as we foundexotic chertsfromthe Southern Zagros, Susiana, and the Middle Euphrates,and obsidian,whichperhapscamefromAnatolia. The discoveryof importedpotteryand lithics in Middle Chalcolithic deposits at Chogha Gavaneh suggestedto us, amongvariouspossibilitiesincluding exchange,thepresenceof a highlymobilecomponentin the Middle Chalcolithicpopulationof the Islamabad Plain.Thisinferenceis supportedby the discoveryof a numberof isolatedcemeteries,such as Hakalanand DumGar-iParchinehfurtherto the southin the Pusht-i Kuh area in Lurestan,which have been attributedto nomadicpopulationof the MiddleChalcolithicperiod. In ourthirdseason,we thereforeset as ourresearch objective an investigation of the transhumantor nomadic component of the Middle Chalcolithic populationin the IslamabadPlain.Earlyin the season we thereforerevisitedeverysmallMiddleChalcolithic site recordedduringthe firstand secondseasons,and afterassessingthelogisticsof theworkwe choseTuwah Khoshkehas the optimalsite fortest excavations. TuwahKhoshkehis a smallsite sittingon a natural hill slopein theTuwahKhoshkeh("DryValley"in local Kurdishdialect) about 10 km. west of the town of Islamabad.Test excavations at Tuwah Khoshkeh, fruitful.We opened althoughlimited,wereparticularly a 5 x 5 m. squareon thehighestpointof the siteto study the horizontal layout of the site and to collect
299
300
JOURNAL OF PERSIAN STUDIES
material,a 1 x 15 m. long trenchon the archaeological southernslopein orderto studythe verticalstructureof the site, andclearedthe pit dug by clandestinediggers as a deepsoundingto documentthe stratigraphy. In the 5 x 5 m. square(namedOperationA) we foundtwo superimposedlevels of occupationwith at least one withstonefoundations irregularovoid-shapedstructure whichin all likelihoodwerethe remainsof a campsite. The Long Trench revealed several layers of superimposedstone alignmentswhich may belong to similar structures.The Deep Sounding, however, suggests that the site may have been used on a
(perhapsseasonal)basisfora relativelyshort temporary period. materialcollectedduringourtest Thearchaeological excavationsis now understudy.I havebegunanalysing the potterycollectionwhichconsistsof predominantly roughwareanda smallpercentageof finepaintedware, of the MiddleChalcolithicperiod. both characteristic is material Thelithic beingstudiedby FerydounBiglari and HenryWright,and the faunalremainsby Marjan Mashkour.We plan to submit the final report for publicationin the nextfew months,beforewe returnto the field in the Springof 2002.
301
SHORTER NOTICES
ON THE EXACT DATE OF YESDN TEMUR'S ACCESSION TO THE THRONE,ACCORDINGTO NUMISMATICDATA By MichaelFedorov Ilmenau
In June1992,at the Narynstatecustomshouse,an attemptto smuggle a hoard of ancient silver coins across the border into China was thwarted. The confiscatedcoins were sentto KirghizRepublicKNB. As the only specialistin numismaticsin Kirghizstan, I was invitedto makeanexpertreporton thecoins,which provedto be largelya hoardof Chaghatayiddirhams and silverdinars.In my reportI stressedthe historical valueof the coinsandthe necessityof passingthemon to the KirghizRepublicStateHistoryMuseum.In 1994 the coins at last came to the Museum,whereI could studythemin detail. Theweightof thehoardis 1078.7gr.Thecoinswere morethan80%silver,andtherestwerecopperandlead. Thehoardcompriseda totalof 132 Chaghatayid dinars 30 14 dirhams Ilone (diameter, mm.), (17-18 mm.), Khaniddinar(30 mm.) and one Il-Khaniddinar(25 mm.). The coins were mintedbetweenAH 722 and 741(1322 to 1340-41) by the ChaghatayidKhans Kebek(1309, 1318-26),Eljigedey(1326),DuvaTemiir (1326-27),' Tarmashirin (1327-34), Changshi (1334-37) and YestinTemutr(1337-41) at mints in Transoxania (Bukhara,Samarqand, Tirmidh),in whatis now Kazakhstan (Otrar); in Eastern Turkestan (Amaligh);and in Afghanistan(Badakhshan).One dinarwasmintedby theIl-KhanidAbiNSa'id(1316-35) at Sultaniyyain Persia,and one Il-Khaniddinarhad neitherthe nameof the mint,the datenorthe nameof the ruler. Brokendownnumericallyby ruler,they comprised: Kebek, 10 (Bukharaand Samarqand);Eljigedey,3 (Samarqand);Duva Temuir,8 (Samarqand);Tarmashirin,72 (Bukhara,Samarqand,Otrar,Tirmidhand Almaligh);Changshi,13 (Tirmidh,Badakhshan, Otrar); and YestinTemiir,39 (Bukhara,Samarqand, Tirmidh, Badakhshan,Almaligh).Judgingby the sign (nishin) on it, one coin emanatedeitherfrom Tarmashirin or Three dinars could be not identified YestunTemtir. because of their poor state of preservation.Most followedby copiousemergethe coins of Tanrmashirin, Temtirand Duva Kebek, Changshi, Yestin Temtir,
Eljigedey.Fifty-onecoinsweremintedatTirmidh,48 at 9 at Otrar,2 in Badakhshdn Bukhara,29 at Samarqand, and2 at Almaligh. The coins of Tirmidh in the hoard are very interesting,as they providethe exact date of Yestin Temiir'saccessionto the throne.M.E.Massongavethe reignof thisKhanas "739-41/1338to 1340-41".2 C.E. Bosworthgives the beginningof his reignas "c. 739/c. 1338."3ThecoinsfromTirmidhof 737 showthatYestin Temifrstartedhis reignin thatyear,since bothhe and his predecessorChangshimintedcoinsin thatyear. this are: Coinsillustrating 1. Tirmidh.737/1336-37.Dinar.Changshi. Obverse.Withina loopedsquare: /
45-1&
3.1
Yi
.L-
/
i
\r
l
Margin:doublecircle(inner,solid line,outerbeaded). Reverse.Withinornamented quatrefoil: VTrV
/
ZIL/
h
LA4
In the middleof the field,Chaghatayid tamgha. on obverse. as Margin: 2. Tirmidh.737/1336-37.Dinar.YestinTemtir.Type1. Obverse.Withina loopedsquare: /J3A1 09ag. AZiA .i phh /Iy,1l si. outer solid circle double line, beaded). (inner, Margin: Reverse.Withinornamented quatrefoil:
vrv/
4A
;,.I /, ,a /,i.lt_.. In the middleof the field,Chaghatayid tamgha Margin:as on obverse.
t.
3. Tirmidh.737/1336-37.Dinar.YestinTemtir.Type2. Obverse.As in no. 2, butthe word JIS is not split in two partsandis placedon the secondline. Reverse. As no. 2.4
Notes
of the anonymous SM. Fedorov,"On the attribution Chaghataidcoins minted in 726-727 AH," Oriental
JOURNAL OF PERSIAN STUDIES
302
2
Numismatics Society Newsletter, no. 162 (2000), pp. 9-11. "Istoricheskii etyud po numizmatike dzagataidov (po
3
povody Talasskogo klada monet XIV v.)", Trudy
4
Sredneaziatskogo Gosudarstvennogo Universiteta, Novaya seriya, vol. CXI, Arkheologiya Srednei Azii, vol.
IV, p. 69, Tashkent,1957. The New Islamic Dynasties, a Chronological and Genealogical Manual, p. 248, Edinburgh,1996. The conditions prevailing in the Kirghiz Republic during the early 1990s prevented my obtaining a photographof these coins.
SHORTER NOTICES
303
TWO OBJECTSIN THE NATIONALMUSEUM OF IRAN By ZohrehRuhfar Islamic Museum,Tehran
Two unpublishedpieces of blue and white china in the collection of the Islamic Departmentof the National Museum of Iran will be introducedhere. Both objects come from Saveh and date to the Safavid period. The year of acquisitionis not known.
figure has his head turned towards his right shoulder and looks at a wine bottle, which is held in his right hand. The left arm and hand hold a large bowl, which is pressed against the figure's waist and hip.
1. Museum No. 9897, diam. 21 cm (Fig. 1). This plate shows a standing male figure set within an elaborate frame from which two streamers with illegible Chinese-like charactersemerge. At the top there is an ornate motif of intertwined ribbons terminating in a split leaf on either side. A row of stylised ropes with beads and ending in tassels appears on either side of the central frame; more beads are spread around the field. The central
This piece has been heavily restored and may have originally been the base of a dish. 2. Museum No. 9895, diam. 16.8cm, h: 3.3cm (Fig. 2). This blue and white dish shows the bust of a male figure wearing a turban. He wears a flowery coat over a hatchedundershirt.The head is slightly tilted to the side. A wine bottle with a cup placed on top is placed on either side of the human bust.
Fig. 1. Blue and white dish from Saveh. Photograph courtesy of the National Museum of Iran.
Fig. 2. Blue and white dish from Saveh. Photograph courtesy of the National Museum of Iran.
NOTES ON TRANSLITERATION FOR CONTRIBUTORS TO IRAN I.
OLD AND MIDDLE PERSIAN
It is recognised that no rigid lines can be laid down here, but it is suggested that the Old Persian syllabaryshould be transliterated according to the table in Kent, OldPersian.Grammar,Texts,Lexicon, p. 12; that for Manichaean Middle Persian and Parthian, the transliteration system given in AndreasHenning, MitteliranischeManichaica,vol. III, p. 66, should be used; whilst for Pahlavi, the table of alphabets given in Nyberg, A Manual of Pahlavi, new edition, p. 129, may be used as a reference for transcription. II.
ISLAMICAND MODERN PERSIAN
The system used for the Cambridge Historyof Islamshould be used here as far as possible. Consonants
(a) Arabic
b
. t "
th &
j t
s
,r
sh
6e
s
J fm
t
kh
' '
q k I
n * h
Md
kh d
J
z
J
j
w
'5y dh C gh S-a (in constructstate: r f -at) (b) Persian additional and variant forms. The variant forms should generally be used for Iranian names and for Arabicwords used in Persian. z g "p > v Ds zh Sch (c) The Persian "silenth" should be transliterateda, e.g. ndma. Vowels
Arabic or Persian Short: a u i
Long: I or a J•
t ii
Doubled '- iyy (final form i) Dipthongs ", au '5Sai
NOTES
1. The iadfa should be represented by -i, or after long vowels, by -yi, e.g. umard-yijdnki 2. The Arabic definite article should be written as al- or 1-,even before the so-called "sunletters", e.g. 'Abd al-Malik,Abu 'l-Nasr. 3. The macrons of Abfi and Dhfi (Zii) should be omitted before the definite article, e.g. Abu 'l-Abbas(but Abfi 'Ubaida). It is obvious that for the rendering of linguistic and dialectical material, and possibly also for contemporary literary and spoken Persian, this rigorous system of transliteration is inappropriate; contributors should use their discretion here. III.
GENERALPOINTS
1. Names of persons should be rigorously transliterated. 2. Conventional English equivalents (without macrons or diacritics) should be used for the names of countries, provinces or large towns, e.g. Khurasan, Shiraz. Otherwise, all place-names should be rigorously transliterated.Archaeologists are asked to be especially careful in representing the names of little-knownplaces at or near sites. 3. Modern Turkish names and words should be written in the current romanized Turkish orthography. 4. Where classical Greek and Latin renderings of Old and Middle Persian names exist, these familiar forms should be used for preference. 304
ABBREVIATIONS AARP AASOR AfO AIr AJA AJSL AK AMI ANET AO ArchAnz ArO AS BA Besch BASOR Belleten BGA Bib Or BMMA BSA BSOAS CAH CDAFI CHIr CIA CII Ell EI2
EIr EW IA IIJ IJMES ILN Isl JA JAOS JCS JFA JHS JNES JRAI JRAS JRCAS JSS KF LAAA MAOG MDAFA MDAI MDOG MDP MJ MMJ NC OIC OIP PZ RA REI SAA SAOC Sov Arkh SS St Ir Survey WdO WVDOG ZA ZDMG
Art andArchaeologyResearchPapers Annualof AmericanSchoolsof OrientalResearch Archivfir Orientforschung Acta Iranica AmericanJournalof Archaeology AmericanJournalof SemiticLanguagesandLiteratures AntikeKunst ArchaeologischeMitteilungenaus Iran Pritchard,AncientNearEasternTexts Ars Orientalis ArchiologischerAnzeiger ArchivOrientilni AnatolianStudies Bulletinvan de Vereeniging... de AntiekeBeschaving,The Hague Bulletinof AmericanSchoolsof OrientalResearch TtirkTarihKurumu:Belleten BibliothecaGeographorum Arabicorum BibliothecaOrientalis Bulletinof the MetropolitanMuseumof Art Annualof the BritishSchoolat Athens Bulletinof the Schoolof OrientalandAfricanStudies CambridgeAncientHistory Cahiersde la D616gation ArcheologiqueFrangaiseen Iran CambridgeHistoryof Iran Arabicarum CorpusInscriptionum Iranicarum CorpusInscriptionum Encyclopaediaof Islam, 1stEdition Encyclopaediaof Islam,2nd Edition EncyclopaediaIranica EastandWest,New Series IranicaAntiqua Indo-Iranian Journal International Journalof MiddleEast Studies IllustratedLondonNews Der Islam JournalAsiatique Journalof the AmericanOrientalSociety Journalof the CuneiformStudies Journalof FieldArchaeology Journalof HellenisticStudies Journalof NearEasternStudies Journalof the RoyalAnthropologicalInstitute Journalof the RoyalAsiaticSociety Journalof the Royal CentralAsian Society Journalof SemiticStudies KleinasiatischeForschungen Annalsof ArchaeologyandAnthropology,Liverpool Gesellschaft MitteilungenderAltorientalischen Memoiresde la D616gationArcheologiqueFrangaiseen Afghanistan M6moiresde la De16gationArcheologiqueFrangaiseen Iran MitteilungenderDeutschenOrientgesellschaft Memoiresde la MissionArcheologiquede Perse MuseumJournal,Philadelphia MetropolitanMuseumJournal NumismaticChronicle OrientalInstitute,Chicago,Communications OrientalInstitute,Chicago,Publications Zeitschrift Praehistorische Revued'Assyriologie Revuedes EtudesIslamiques SovietAnthropologyandArchaeology OrientalInstitute,Studiesin AncientOrientalCivilisation SovietskayaArkheologiya Schmidt,H., HeinrichSchliemmannsSammlungtrojanischer Altertiimer StudiaIranica 1938 A Surveyof PersianArt fromPrehistoricTimesto the Present,ed. A.U. Pope, Oxford, Die Weltdes Orients Wissenschaftliche derDeutschenOrientgesellschaft Veriffentlichungen Zeitschriftfir Assyriologie ZeitschriftderDeutschenMorgenlaindischen Gesellschaft
305
NOTES FOR CONTRIBUTORS Iran is a referredjournalwith a boardof editorialadvisers.The editorsareProfessorC.E. Bosworthand Dr. VestaCurtisand the editorialadvisorsare Dr. P.R.S.Moorey,ProfessorJ.M. Rogers and ProfessorDavid Stronach.In addition,articlesare sent to otherscholarsas appropriate. ArticlesforIran shouldbe submittedon disktogetherwith a hardcopy. The hardcopy shouldbe on one side of A4 paperor the nearestNorth Americanequivalentsize with double spacingand generousmargins. Carboncopies or photocopiesof typescriptare not acceptable.Notes shouldbe numberedconsecutivelyand placedat the end of the article.Photographsfor reproductionshouldbe, as far as possible, in the formof bright and sharpglossy black and white prints, and should be originalphotographs.In the case of reproductions, permissionfromthe authoror publishermustbe obtainedbeforehand.Wheneverpossible, contributorsshould submitoriginalline drawingsratherthanphotographicor otherreproductions. Authorsof articleswill receive 25 offprintsfree andmay orderadditionalones, at reasonableprices, in multiplesof 25. The Editorsshouldbe informedof any extraoffprintorderswhen the firstproofsof articlesare returned.
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