IRAN Journal of the British Institute of Persian Studies XL VOLUME
2002
CONTENTS Page
ii
Council............................... Governing Reportof theCouncil ...................
........ StoneToolProduction,DistributionandUse duringthe LateNeolithicandChalcolithic on the TehranPlain,Iran,by H. Fazeli,R.E.DonahueandR.A.E.Coningham.. TheAncientMervProject,Turkmenistan. Preliminary Reporton theFirstSeason(2001),by Tim Williams, KakamuradKurbansakhatov, et al.
.............
iii 1 15
...
TuwahKhoshkeh:A MiddleChalcolithicMobilePastoralistCamp-Sitein the Islamabad Plain,WestCentralZagrosMountains,Iran,by KamyarAbdi,GabrielNokandeh, Ali Azadi, FereydounBiglari,SamanHeydari,DariushFarmani,AkbarRezaii andMarjanMashkour......................... The Fortification andPalaceof NorthernGonur,by V. Sarianidi...........
43 75
The Ethno-linguistic Character of Northwestern IranandKurdistanin the Neo-Assyrian Period,by RanZadok .................... ..... SasanianPotteryin SouthernIranandEasternArabia,by DerekKennet .......
89 153
Paper and Metal: The Irony that Ensues: the Coinage of Mas'didof Ghazna (421-31/1030-40),by SoheilaAmirsoleimani................ A Noteon a UniqueIslamicGoldenFigurine,by AvinoamShalem...........
163 173
Reconsideringthe Life of MulldSadrdShirizi (d. 1641):Notes towardsan Intellectual ... Biography,by SajjadH.Rizvi .................... GardensandtheirSubalterns, John by Gurney............. Legations.and The Poet-Laureate Baharin the Constitutional Eraby HomaKatouzian........ The EarlyIranianStone"Weights" andan Unpublished SumerianFoundation Deposit,by JulianReade ........................ .....
181 203 233 249
SafavidBlueandWhiteBowlsandtheChineseConnection, by YolandeCrowe...... Shorter Notices... .....................................
257 265
Archaeological Reports............................
277
THE BRITISH
INSTITUTE
OF PERSIAN
STUDIES
A Registered CharityNo. 231161
c/o The British Academy, 10 Carlton House Terrace, London SW1Y 5AH ISSN 0578-6967
STATEMENTOF AIMS AND ACTIVITIES 1. TheInstitutehasanestablishment in TehranatwhichBritishscholars,menandwomenof learningversedin the arts,friendsof Iran,may resideand meet theirIraniancolleaguesin orderto discusswith them subjectsof commoninterest:the arts,archaeology, history,literature, linguistics,religion,philosophyandcognatesubjects. 2. TheInstituteprovidesaccommodation forseniorscholarsandforteachersfromBritishUniversitiesin orderthat refresh themselves at the of knowledgefromwhichtheirteachingderives.Thesameserviceis source theymay rendered to students who show being younger promiseof developinginterestsin Persianstudies. 3. TheInstitute,whilstconcernedwithPersianculturein thewidestsense,is particularly concernedwiththe developmentof archaeological techniques,and seeks the co-operationof Iranianscholarsand studentsin applying currentmethodsto the resolutionof archaeological andhistoricalproblems. 4. Archaeologicalexcavationusingmodemscientifictechniquesas ancillaryaidsis one of the Institute'sprimary tasks.Theseactivities,whichentaila freshappraisalof previousdiscoveries,have alreadyyieldednew historiandarchaeological evidencewhichis addingto ourknowledgeof the pastandof its bearing cal, architectural, on the modemworld. 5. Inpursuitof all theactivitiesmentionedin theprecedingparagraphs theInstituteis graduallyaddingto its library, is collectinglearnedperiodicals,andis publishingajournal,Iran,whichappearsannually. 6. TheInstitutearrangesoccasionalseminars,lecturesandconferencesandenliststhehelpof distinguished scholars for this purpose.It also arrangessmallexhibitionswith the objectof demonstrating the importanceof Persian cultureandits attraction forthe worldof scholarship. 7. The Instituteendeavoursto collaboratewithuniversitiesandeducationalinstitutionsin Iranby all the meansat its disposaland,when consulted,assistsIranianscholarswith technicaladvicefor directingthemtowardsthe academicinstitutionsin Britishuniversities. appropriate
MEMBERSHIP OF THEINSTITUTE c/o TheBritishAcademy,10Carlton Anyonewishingtojoin theInstituteshouldwriteto theMembership Secretary, HouseTerrace,LondonSW1Y5AH.The annualsubscription rates(1st January-31stDecember)areas follows: Fullmembership(U.K.only) ?25 Membernot receivingjournal ?8.00 Fullmembership(Overseas) ?30 or US$60 Studentmembership ?7.50 COPIESOFIRAN Fullmembersof the Institutereceivea post free copy of the currentissue of thejournalIraneachyear.Copiesof Iranmaybe obtainedfromthe PublicationsSecretary(addressas above)at the followingprices: Currentissue- singlecopiespurchasedby nonmembers ?30 or US$60 eachplus ?5/US$8per copy for postageandpacking(surface mailoutsideEurope) Backnumbers pleasesee publicationslist insidebackcover Thoseorderingfromoverseasmaypayin US dollarsorby sterlingdraftdrawnin Londonorby international money order.
IRAN Volume XL 2002 CONTENTS Page
GoverningCouncil ..................... Reportof theCouncil .......................
............
ii
...........
.. Stone Tool Production,Distributionand Use duringthe LateNeolithicandChalcolithicon the Tehran Plain,Iran,by H. Fazeli, R.E. DonahueandR.A.E. Coningham............... TheAncientMervProject,Turkmenistan. Preliminary Reporton the FirstSeason(2001),by TimWilliams, KakamuradKurbansakhatov,et al ............................
iii 1 15
TuwahKhoshkeh:A Middle ChalcolithicMobile PastoralistCamp-Sitein the IslamabadPlain, West CentralZagros Mountains,Iran,by KamyarAbdi, GabrielNokandeh,Ali Azadi, Fereydoun Biglari,SamanHeydari,DariushFarmani,AkbarRezaii andMarjanMashkour....... The Fortificationand Palaceof NorthernGonur,by V. Sarianidi................
43
The Ethno-linguisticCharacterof NorthwesternIranandKurdistanin the Neo-AssyrianPeriod,by Ran ................... Zadok................... ..
89
75
SasanianPotteryin SouthernIranandEasternArabia,by DerekKennet ............. 153 Paper and Metal: The Irony that Ensues the Coinage of Mas'ad of Ghazna(421-31/1030-40), by SoheilaAmirsoleimani..................... .......... ..163 A Note on a UniqueIslamicGoldenFigurine,by AvinoamShalem ................ 173 Reconsideringthe Life of Mulla SadrdShirtizi(d. 1641):Notes towardsan IntellectualBiography,by 181 ............ SajjadH.Rizvi...................... .. 203 LegationsandGardensandtheirSubalterns,by JohnGurney .................. The Poet-LaureateBahir in the ConstitutionalEraby HomaKatouzian..............
233
The EarlyIranianStone"Weights" andan UnpublishedSumerianFoundationDeposit,by JulianReade .
249
SafavidBlueandWhiteBowlsandtheChineseConnection, by YolandeCrowe ............
257
ShorterNotices
....
....................... ArchaeologicalReports...................
THE
BRITISH
............
INSTITUTE
.
......... .......
OF PERSIAN
STUDIES
Registered Charity No. 231161
c/o The British Academy, 10 Carlton House Terrace, London SW1Y 5AH ISSN 0578-6967
265 277
BRITISHINSTITUTEOF PERSIAN STUDIES (A RegisteredCharity)
GOVERNINGCOUNCIL President *ProfessorJAMES ALLAN, M.A., D.Phil. Vice-President *ProfessorROBERTHILLENBRAND,M.A., D.Phil., F.R.S.E. Honorary Vice-Presidents ProfessorA.K.S. LAMBTON,O.B.E, D.Lit., F.B.A. ProfessorD.B. STRONACH,O.B.E, M.A., F.S.A. Sir DENIS WRIGHT,G.C.M.G., M.A. Members *ProfessorSir JOHN BOARDMAN, M.A,. D.Phil., F.B.A. tProfessor C.E. BOSWORTH,M.A., Ph.D., F.B.A. *SHEILA CANBY, M.A., Ph.D. FARHAD DAFTARY,M.A., Ph.D. *PAUL LUFT, M.A., Ph.D. tVANESSA MARTIN,M.A., Ph.D *CHARLESMELVILLE,M.A., Ph.D CHRIS RUNDLE, O.B.E., M.A. LUKE TREADWELL,M.A., D.Phil. Honorary Treasurer *PETERKNAPTON, B.Phil., M.A., M.B.A., F.C.C.A. HonorarySecretaryand HonoraryLibrarian tROBERT GLEAVE,B.A., M.A., Ph.D. Joint Editors tProfessor C.E. BOSWORTH,M.A., Ph.D., F.B.A. tVESTA SARKHOSHCURTIS,M.A., Ph.D. Secretary VESTA SARKHOSHCURTIS,M.A., Ph.D. AssistantSecretary GABRIELEPUSCHNIGG,M.A., Ph.D. HonoraryMembershipand PublicationsSecretary PETERDAVIES,M.A. Auditors PRIDIEBREWSTER,29-39 LondonRoad, Twickenham,Middlesex TW1 3SZ.
c/o the BritishAcademy 10 CarltonHouse Terrace LONDON SW1Y 5AH
*Membersof ResearchSub-Committee tMembers of PublicationsSub-Committee
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REPORTOF THE COUNCIL Thepastyearhasbeenone of mixednews.Itwas withgreatsadnessthatwe learnedof DesmondHamey'sdeath late last year.Desmond'slong associationwiththe Institute,not least of all, his presidencyfrom 1995has left an relationsand IranianStudies.One particulararea of impressivelegacy of achievementin both Iranian-British Desmond'sconcernwas theexpansionof ouractivitiesin Tehran,andourprogressduringthe lastyearinthisregard is duein no smallpartto his dedicationandhardwork. The Institute'slibraryin Qolhakhasbeenopenfor use by BritishandIranianacademicsandstudents,staffedby andwe recordourthanks MrsMahbanouAdle.MrsAdlebuiltupthe libraryoverhertwo-yeartenureas Librarian, forherhardworkhere.InAprilof thisyear,she movedto another,full-timepostandwe wishhereverysuccessin the future.The Libraryitselfis currentlyclosedfor refurbishment, but,by the timeyou readthis,will be openwith a new librarianandincreasedopeninghours.Throughvariousagreementswithpublishersnegotiatedoverthe last year,the library'scollectioncontinuesto expand,and has many recentvolumeson IranianStudiesunavailable elsewherein Tehran. In additionto the libraryactivities,the Institutehas hosteda numberof well-attendedlecturesduringthe past and Drs JohnCurtis,VestaCurtisand year.ProfessorsJamesAllan, EdmundBosworthand RobertHillenbrand, LukeTreadwellhave all given lecturesin the Institute,attendedby membersof Iranianacademia,the museum servicesandthe diplomaticcommunityin Tehran.Thisis a majorstepforwardin the Institute'swork,beingthe first timein manyyearsthatwe havebeenableto presenta lectureprogramme in Tehran.Ourcontactswiththe Cultural the universitiesin Tehrancontinueto be and the archaeologicalinstitutes,the museums HeritageOrganisation, strengthened byjointresearchprojectsandco-operativeventures.Andif thatis notenough,BIPSnow hasa visiting MrPeterMorgan,who spendsa numberof monthseachyearstayingatthe Institutebuildingin Tehran, researcher, with our Tehranstaff.We have reasonfor guarded mattersin partnership dealingwith day-to-dayadministrative memberof staff to re-establisha permanent our Tehran activities and our intention optimismconcerning long-term in Tehran. deliveredthe AGM In London,the BIPS lectureshave been extremelywell attended.ProfessorHillenbrand New Perspectives"in November2000. This followed the Thirty-eighth Lecture,entitled"SaljuqArchitecture: AnnualGeneralMeetingof the Institutein which ProfessorAllan was presentedto the membershipas the new Presidentof the Institute.InJune2001, BIPShadthehonourto dedicatethe SnmmerLectureto a celebrationof the ninetiethbirthdayof SirDenisWright,HonoraryVicePresidentof the Institute.DrJohnGurneygave a marvellous and fascinatingaccountof the founding,and subsequentdevelopmentof the BritishLegationin Tehran,entitled "Legationsand Gardens,Sahibs and their Subalterns"(see below, pp. 203-32). A reportaboutthe birthday celebrationsandthe lectureeven appearedin the Iranianpress. BIPS has also co-sponsoreda numberof conferencesduringthe past year, in particularthe successful Unbound:ModemPoetryof the PersianSpeakingWorld",heldat the Schoolof OrientalandAfrican "Imagination Studiesin May,andthe "RoundTableon Anglo-Iranian Relations"heldin Tehranin June.BIPSprojects,including of FazliIsfahaniand SasanianCoins,Pre-MongolArchitecture, the Historyof Steel in Iran,the Aftal al-Taumarikh the MervPublications,continueto be funded.Otherssuchas Religionand Societyin QajarIranandQajarRock Reliefshavecometo anendandawaitpublication. New projectshaveemerged,whichwill beginin 2002. Itis hoped thatthe resultsof all researchwill be publishedin the nearfuture.BIPShas also madean agreementwith Curzon Pressto publisha seriesof monographson Iran.The series,entitledthe "BIPSIranianStudiesSeries",shouldsee its first publicationsin the near future. Finally, a few words of thanks. His Excellency Nicholas Browne, who has been British Ambassadorin Tehran since 1999, leaves his post at the end of the year. The Institutethanks him and his staff for his supportand advice over the past years. The Foreign and CommonwealthOffice in London has also given valuable advice over the past year, as have the staff of the Embassy of the Islamic Republic of Iran.We offer them all our thanks. The BIPS staff both in Tehran and London continue to serve us well. The Institute could not function in London without the dedication of Mr PeterKnapton, Dr Vesta Curtis and Mr Peter Davies. Mr Houman Kordmahiniand Mr Peter
iii
MorgandeserveourgratitudefortheirsterlingeffortsforBIPSin Tehran.Finally,the GoverningCouncilwouldlike to thankthe BritishAcademy,ourhostandsponsorin London,forprovidingBIPSwitha base andsupportfacilities fromwhichto carryoutourwork.Welook forwardto furthering ouractivitiesin thenextyear. ROBERTGLEAVE HonorarySecretary
JAMESALLAN President
iv
STONETOOLPRODUCTION,DISTRIBUTIONAND USE DURING ON THE TEHRAN THE LATENEOLITHICAND CHALCOLITHIC PLAIN,IRAN By H. Fazeli,R.E.DonahueandR.A.E.Coningham Universityof Tehranand Universityof Bradford
distributionand use of flaked stone technology,and complementsthe studyof ceramiccraftspecialisation alreadycarriedoutintheregion(Fazeliet al. 2001).The of the aim of this studywas to improveunderstanding late the craft in lithic specialisationduring changes The Plain. in the Tehran specificobjectives prehistory include:1)to identifythekindsof rawmaterialusedfor flakedstonetechnology,and,if possible,theirsources; 2) to reconstructthe reductionsequenceor "chaine operatoire"of the different raw materials; 3) to determinewhich sites may have been production centresfor raw materialsand sites thatwere principal importersof finishedstoneproducts;4) to examinethe evidencefor craftspecialisationof the technology;and 5) to evaluate if, as predicted,craft specialisation atwhich of metallurgy, increasesuntilthe advancement time lithic technologygraduallyreturnsto household As notedin an earlierpublication,we have production. dividedthe chronologicalsequenceof the TehranPlain into the following categories: Late Neolithic (c. 6000-5500 B.C.), Transitional Chalcolithic (c. 5500-4800 B.C.), Early Chalcolithic(c. 4800-4500 B.C.), Middle Chalcolithic(c. 4500-3500 B.C.) and Late Chalcolithic(c. 3500-3000 B.C.) (Fazeli et al. 2001: 56).
ABSTRACT
Preliminary investigationof lithicassemblagesfrom six late prehistoricsites on the TehranPlainprovides numerousinsightsintothe production,distribution, use andcraftspecialisationof flakedstonetechnology.The analyses include the study of the technological, of morphological, petrologicalandwearcharacteristics the assemblagesto reconstruct theproductionsequence for manufacturing stonetools, to identifythe kindsof rawmaterialused andtheirsources,andto assesshow selectedtools wereused.Theresultsindicatethatstone tool production was organised around a blade productionsystemwithsomematerialsworkedby craft specialistsand othersworked as part-timeactivities within the householdeconomy. There is a regional divisionin the use of rawmaterialsanda dramaticshift from use of good quality materialduringthe Late Neolithicthroughto the EarlyChalcolithic,to use of primarilypoor quality local material and limited quantitiesof veryhighqualityimportedmaterialduring the MiddleChalcolithic.Finally,the analysesindicate that the collapse of lithic craft specialisation with an increasein the use of coppertools corresponds duringthe MiddleChalcolithic.
SETTINGOF THE THEGEOGRAPHICAL TEHRANPLAIN
INTRODUCTION In 1997, the Universitiesof Tehranand Bradford andthe CulturalHeritageOrganisation of Iranbegana programmeof researchaimed at characterisingthe socialandeconomictransformations of theTehranPlain the Late Neolithic and Chalcolithic during period.In this research has concentratedon the particular, transformation of simple, Late Neolithic societies to morecomplex,hierarchical onesduringtheChalcolithic period.Thepresentwork,the preliminary investigation of a sampleof lateprehistoricsiteson the TehranPlain, has providednumerousinsightsinto the production,
1
TheTehranplainis locatedin northcentralIranat an elevationof between 800 to 1200 m. This semi-arid plainis boundedby the Alburzmountainsin the north andthe Kaviror desertin the south.It containssome inter-mountainous Namak, areas,suchas Bibisharbano, Seh-Payeh,Algaderand Hassanabadand some small saltylakes,suchas the lake of Kamalieh,whichdivide zones.The theplainintodifferentmicro-environmental with covered is water-transportedalluvial plain sedimentand it appearsthat the shiftingof the river
2
JOURNAL OF PERSIAN STUDIES
effecton human systemovertimehashadconsiderable settlement patternsfrom prehistoryto the present 1996; Fazeli 2001). The Tehran (Tehrani-Mogaddam rivers is both seasonalandpermanent plain irrigatedby that flow from the surrounding mountains.The main rivers are the Karaj,Shourand Jajrood.Irrigationis of possiblein manylocationsthroughthe manipulation the many streams,rivers and springsand from the relatively widespread water-bearinglayers below groundlevel, which enablethe buildingof channels
landformassemblageof bare,steep,ruggedmountains withdebris-strewn pediments,compounddeltafansand basinfloorsunderlined by mud,saltcrusts,ormarshland. Summertemperatures rise to over 500Cwhile winter can temperatures dropbelow freezing.The vegetation consistsof accumulated tamariskforestformingareas unsuitable foragricultural activities.
(qaniits).
LITHICSTUDIESOF THETEHRANPLAINAND THECENTRALPLATEAUSITES
TheAlburzmountainsencirclethe southernedge of the CaspianSea andcontinueeastwardto the northern highlandswith a relativelynarrowseriesof folds with extremelysteepridgesgenerallyover2000 m. inheight, but reachingnearly6700 m. in some places (Fisher 1968).The AlburzMountainscreatea climaticborder betweenthecoastalplainsof theCaspianregionandthe precipitation greatcentralplateauof Iranby obstructing fromenteringthe interiorof the country.Significantly, an annualsurplusof waterandseasonalsurplusesoccur in the AlburzMountains(Oberlander1968: 265). Its perennialrivers are maintainedthroughthe rainless summer and early autumn by snowmelt, which contributes to the springs. zoneis the desertbasin.The Thethirdenvironmental 1000 m. above sea lies level,exceptthesaltdesert plateau Dasht-eKavir.Thisis an inhospitable regionthatlies as low as 500 m. withsomeareascompletelyuninhabitable. The desert topography(kavir) is characterised by a
Priorto the completionof this studytherewas little information concerningthe stoneartefactsof the Tehran plain,althoughsomeverybriefreportsareavailablefrom the excavationsof Zagheh,locatedon the QazvinPlain (Malek1977),andHissar,locatedon the SemnanPlain (Schmidt1937;Bulgarelli1979).Schmidtwas the first to report,albeitbriefly,on the presenceof archaeologist stone artefactsat Hissarduringthe Late Chalcolithic (Schmidt 1937: 57-58). Although his assemblage consisted of a limited number of flint scrapers, perforators,flint arrowheadsand flakes, more recent excavationsin 1976have presentedfurtherinformation about the site's lithic technology during the Late NeolithicandBronzeAge (Bulgarelli1979).Inaddition, morethan500 artefacts werefoundatZaghehconsisting of blades,flakesandcores,includingtwo obsidianflakes (Malek1977).Thereare also some elaboratedarkgrey bladeswith trapezoidalcross-sectionsfromGhabristan
Fig. 1. View of the 1997 excavations at Cheshmeh Ali (Photograph: Coningham).
STONE TOOL PRODUCTION, DISTRIBUTION AND USE DURING THE LATE NEOLITHIC AND CHALCOLITHIC ON THE TEHRAN PLAIN, IRAN
(archivedin the Instituteof Archaeology,Universityof about however,thereis no detailedinformation Tehran), the contextof thesestoneartefacts.Unfortunately, most Chalcolithicsettlementsof the Tehranplain do not include stone artefacts due to site disturbance, activities,site formationprocessesand the agricultural or collectingof stoneartefacts by previousarchaeologists visitors.However,recentfieldworkhasidentifieda series of unknownsites on the Tehranplain which retain remarkable assemblagesof stonetools. METHODOLOGY The lithic assemblages analysed here were recoveredfromthe Cheshmeh-Aliexcavationin 1997 (Fig. 1) and the associatedsettlementsurvey of the Tehranplainin 1998(Fazeliet al. 2001)(Fig.2). During the survey,all stone tools visible on the surfaceof examinedsiteswerecollected,resultingin a totalof 424 stoneartefacts.A limitednumberof attributesselected in accordance with the research objectives were measured and recorded. Physical characteristics, includingmineral,colour,translucency,structureand textureof the artefactswereusedto categorisethekinds of stonerepresented in the assemblage,whichwerethen tested for goodness of fit using Inductively-Coupled Plasma-Atomic EmissionSpectrometry (ICP-AES:see Pollardand Heron 1996: 31-33). Technologicaland morphologicalattributesassociatedwith manufacture werealsorecorded.Thesepermittedthedevelopmentof a typologyforthe lithicassemblagesthatcorresponded well with productionstages. The tool forms were classified and, with the unmodified blades, were examined with a 10x power hand lens for edge modification caused by use and post-depositional processes.A small sample was examinedfor wear related to tool use at high magnificationwith an Olympus BH-KLM incident-light metallurgical microscopefollowingproceduresoutlinedby Donahue (1999) primarilyto assessthe potentialfor furtherusewearstudies.
3
logically, some of these sites, such as Chesmeh-Ali, extendacrossmorethanone phaseof the Chalcolithic, were but others,suchas ChakmakTepeandFakrabad, occupiedfor only a single period. Whilst style and decorationassistthe relativedatingof surfacefinds of ceramics(Fazeli et al. 2001), surfacefinds of stone artefactsarenotpossibleto date.Indeed,of the six sites in this study,only the stone artefactsof three sites, Cheshmeh-Ali,Fakrabadand ChakmakTepe, can be accuratelydated. The Cheshmeh-Alistone artefacts excavationand the come fromthe 1997 stratigraphic two othersites were occupiedfor a singlephaseonly. The sites of Sadeghabadi,Mehdikaniand Mafinabad wereoccupiedformultipleperiodsmakingthe datingof theirsurfacecollectedlithicassemblagesimpossible. RAWMATERIAL The purposeof raw materialidentificationis to monitor the distributionnetwork of lithic material of acrosstheregionandto developsomeunderstanding localities.Thiswill thedirectionof tradeandproduction help identify possible sources and whetherthere is controloveraccessto certainrawmaterials.Analysing the variousrawmaterialsof the Tehranplainandtheir is crucialto the studyexchangeof tools, distributions between controlor accessto sourcesandthe interaction Therelativeproportions of sitesduringthe Chalcolithic. raw material,by frequencyor weight,providethe first clues as to whichmaterialsmaybe local versusexotic. is enhancedwhenone examinesthe Thisunderstanding productionstages representedby the differentraw materialsat the differentsites. Variouskinds of stone were flaked in order to producestonetools.Mostof thematerialis chert(92%), however,obsidian,quartzand chalcedonyhave also beenrecovered.Analysisof the chertartefactsled to the identificationof seven furthersource categories.For simplification,these categories are labelled by the colourof each (Table2). At 35.6%,grey predominant chertis the most commonchertrecoveredacrossthe
region. This is followed by red and brown cherts at 25.2% and 21.9% respectively. It was not certain if RESULTSAND DISCUSSION these two cherts were from different sources since they are somewhat similar,but later analyses reveal that they Stone artefacts were recovered from six sites, were manipulatedand distributedvery differently.The Cheshmeh-Ali,Sadeghabadi,Fakrabad,Mafinabad, other cherts represent from 5.9% to 0.7% of the ChakmakTepe and Mehdikani(Table 1). Chrono- assemblage. Probably most cherts, quartz, and
JOURNAL OF PERSIAN STUDIES
4
j -Alborz Mountain, 11
o0
*MedTehrana
A52
4
1
0
F
CahakmkTepe
1*31-
'
Plaian S'Salt N
Seasonal Lake
River a
5
o
s
0
15
5230
5145
5115s30
20
a
Contour Line
Peak
__
the TehraninPlain, showing the sites Fig. 2. Map ofmentioned the text.
STONE TOOL PRODUCTION, DISTRIBUTION AND USE DURING THE LATE NEOLITHIC AND CHALCOLITHIC ON THE TEHRAN PLAIN, IRAN
chalcedonywere availablelocallyin the intermountain of theplainandtheAlburzMountains,althoughprecise source locationshave not yet been identified.Some cherts,particularlyred chertnodules and cores, had been water rolled and were thereforecollectedfrom streamsor riverbeds.Some of the raw materialsare likely to be exotic to the region,particularlythe tan chertandpossiblythe white chalcedony.The evidence for identifyingthese as exotic will be addressedlater. Obsidianis also exoticto the region. Thestoneartefactsof the Tehranplainaregenerally madefromfmine-grained, high qualityandhomogeneous rawmaterials,however,somematerials,suchas the red chertandthe quartzwouldhave beenmoredifficultto work, and shouldbe seen as generallyless preferred materialsfor stonetool production.The percentagesof raw materialvary quite dramaticallyacrossthe sites (Table2). Grey chertis the predominantmaterialat Cheshmeh-Ali,Fakrabadand Mafinabad,while red chertis predominant at Chakmak-Tepe, Mehdikaniand Sadeghabad, althoughgreychertis frequentattheselast two. Brownchertis commonat all sites,greenchertis frequentonly at Fakrabadand chalcedonyis frequent Tanchert,althoughrare,occursat only at Sadeghabadi. four settlements,and may only be missing from the othertwo sitesbecauseof smallsamplesizes. Obsidian is the only othermaterialmostlikelynot local andit is foundonly at Chakmak-Tepe. TECHNOLOGY All raw materialsexcept obsidianand yellow and flesh colour cherts indicate that they were worked within a bladeproductionprocess.The technological typesof artefactsincludeunworkedandtestednodules; prepared,prismaticandworn-outcores;corticalflakes, shatter,core fragments,miscellaneousflakes, crest blades,platformrefresherflakes, unmodifiedblades, formaltools, burinspallsandheat spalls.Althoughall sites are using blade production technology the percentages of technological categories varies acrossthevarioussites(Table3). Manyof substantially these artefact types can be linked to particular of the raw productionstages- fromthe procurement materialto the resharpening of the tool edge (Table4). As such they can be used as proxy measuresfor the relative importanceof differentproductionand use stagesforthe rawmaterialsat eachsettlement.
5
TOOLUSE All artefactswere examinedmacroscopicallyfor edge modification. Many artefacts from all sites displayedsome edge modification.Most often this consistedof largesnapfractures,or a seriesof fracture scarswith bendinginitiations,alternatingalong edges and sometimesassociatedwith small abruptfracture scars where edges were relativelysteep. These are of tramplingand other processesnot characteristics relatedto tool use (Donahue1999).Afterviewingwith a hand lens, eleven artefactswere selected for high magnificationwear analysis.Nine of the artefactsare from the site of Sadeghabadiwith one each from ChakmakTepeandMehdikani. Eight of the artefactshave wear tracestypical of cuttingsilica rich,herbaceousplantfibre.The surface wearof the edgesof theseartefactsvariessubstantially, partlybecauseof differentamountsof use,butprimarily from the effects of post-depositionalmodification. Nonetheless, microwear characteristicsinclude an extremelysmoothandverybrightlypolishedsurfacethat extendswell up the face from the edge. There are numerouspits and striationson the surfacethat are orobliqueto theedge. indicativeof motionperpendicular scarsresulting fracture have the many Generally, edges tools confirm These from post-depositional processes. most extensiveforms ouroriginalsuspicionsthatonlythe of microweararelikelyto survivein theseassemblages. Thesetoolsweremostlikelyusedas sickleblades.Some of thesesicklebladesaresimplebladesegments,butfour arebackedcrescents.Threebackedcrescentsarefromthe andoneis fromMehdikani. siteof Sadeghabadi SPATIALDISTRIBUTIONOF LITHIC MATERIAL The lithic materialselected for tool production varies between sites. An initial examinationof the relativefrequencyof the ten types of stone artefacts demonstrates a preference for raw material of the sites. to thegeographicdistribution corresponding locatedin sites that indicates The currentinformation the western and south-westernintermountainof the Arad Mountainsand salt lake of Kamiliyahcontain predominantlyred and brown cherts. Grey chert at sites locatednorthof KamiliyahLake predominates this system andsouthof Veramin.(Fig.3). Importantly,
JOURNAL OF PERSIAN STUDIES
6
Sadeghabadi
36'06 35
-
Fakrabad
26% 18%
Mountainr~1
3
-:Alborz
Mehdikani
12%•
Mafinabad
87%
42
CheshmehAli
000
Chakhmak Tepe
1 43
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preferencesfor raw material.
Brown n i,. '.' ' hite Chaceony'.
521
1
STONE TOOL PRODUCTION, DISTRIBUTION AND USE DURING THE LATE NEOLITHIC AND CHALCOLITHIC ON THE TEHRAN PLAIN, IRAN
7
Analysisof the relationshipof the lithicmaterialto technologicalstages of productionfor the region can show whethermaterialis being manipulated withinor outsidethe region.For example,the tan chertis found in the region only as blades or formaltools with no evidencethatcoresarebeingpreparedorworkedwithin the region(Table5). Thetanchertis alsothe onlylithic materialthathas been identifiedas havinghad blades produced using the technologically sophisticated technique of pressure flaking. This supports the hypothesisthatthismaterialis beingworkedoutsidethe regionandimportedas bladesandpossiblyas finished tool forms.Whitechalcedony,recoveredmostly from has a very high proportionof tool forms Sadeghabadi, andblades,butthereare also numerousmiscellaneous flakes and other artefacts.This would suggest that chalcedony is being brought to the settlement as preparedcoresthatarethen workedlocally.Although not certain,it is thoughtthatchalcedonyalso mightbe exotic to the region.The technologicalcharacteristics andproductionstagesof grey chertarevery similarto the chalcedony;it differsonly in thatits distribution is muchwiderandincludesatleastfourof the sites.There are no locally known sources of obsidianand it is therefore also considered exotic. The remaining materials,where frequenciesare adequatelylarge,all show evidence of procurement,core preparationand
materialsand if there were principalproducersand principalusersof the differentkindsof material. Only brown, red and grey cherts are found in frequencies adequate enough to examine their productiontechnologywithin individualsettlements. Eachkindof materialappearsto havebeenmanipulated quite differently,but similaritiesdo exist across the sites.For example,brownchertappearsin consistently moderatenumbersacrossthe regionno matterwhether settlementis red materialata particular thepredominant thereis a chertor grey chert(Table6). Interestingly, chert in brown tool forms of and, high proportion their cores of the may vary, proportions although Flakesand to toolfrequencies. frequencyis proportional bladesarealso common. The red chert occurs in large frequenciesat two sites.At ChakmakTepethereis muchevidenceforthe preparationand processingof cores as well as the manufactureand use of formaltools (Table7). This suggests that the inhabitantsof ChakmakTepe had directaccessto the rawmaterialsource(remembering that this is primarilya streamrolled material)and transported the nodules to the settlement. At the patternis somewhatsimilaralthough Sadeghabadi andthereis thereis less evidencefor corepreparation access and While much miscellaneousflake debris. processingof the lithic materialhere may be equalto that of ChakmakTepe,it is possiblethatpreliminary working of the nodules and cores is done prior to enteringthe village. It is not known if the prepared cores are broughtinto the settlementby locals or by traders. The grey chertshows much variabilityacrossthe settlements.At Cheshmeh-Alithere are numerous formaltools and bladesand a low proportionof core processing artefacts (Table 8). At Fakrabadthere appearsto be greaterbalance;therearenumerouskinds of cores,muchmoreflakedebris,andtools andblades It is areless thanhalfof thatobservedat Cheshmeh-Ali. at is chert that processed being grey hypothesised anotherlocality and transportedmostly as prepared cores to Fakrabad.At Sadeghabadithe technological
blade productionwithin the region. Each settlement may have procured and manipulatedthe variousraw materialsdifferently.Study of the association between lithic technological stages and raw material within each site should improve understandingof the distributionnetwork of the lithic
pattern is different again with many tools, but no unmodified blades, and three artefacts were produced by thermal shock. The white chalcedony assemblage from Sadeghabadiis technologically very similarto the grey chert from the site. Sample size potentially affects the reliability of these inferences.
of acquiringraw materialsdid not changethroughout the Late Neolithicand Chalcolithicperiods.Although the micro-regional variability had affected the settlementpatternin the plain,we lackanyinformation to ascertain whether such variability affected the distribution of rawmaterialsbetweenthese settlements or not. The followingdiscussionwill considerthe raw materialavailabilityand technologicalorganisationof the six Late Neolithicand Chalcolithicsettlementsof the Tehranplainbothtemporallyandspatially. THERELATIONSHIP OF LITHICMATERIAL AND TECHNOLOGY
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JOURNAL OF PERSIAN STUDIES
CULTURECHANGE:TECHNOLOGICAL AND CRAFT ORGANISATION SPECIALISATION
The analysisindicatesthatthereare changesin the number of lithic productionspecialists and in the organisationof labourfrom the Late Neolithicto the Early Chalcolithic.The distributionof raw materials andtoolreductionprocessesof theEarlyChalcolithicat Fakrabadis slightlydifferentfromthat at CheshmehAli. In the case of chert,Cheshmeh-Aliand Fakrabad communitieswerelargelydependentuponsourcesthat were probablyoutsidetheir directsphereof control. of production Thisscaleof organisation changedduring the Middle Chalcolithicwhen stone artefactswere producedpart-timeby the domestic household.All stages of productionare well representedduringthe Middle Chalcolithic(see Tables 11 and 12). This is indicativethat there was preliminaryprocessing of coresandtool formsatthe sites,unlikepreviousperiods when these processesoftentook place away fromthe settlement. It is interestingto observethat at the same time (MiddleChalcolithic)as theproductionsystemof stone tools throughoutthe region collapsed,metalworking becamewidespreadas a specialisedtask.It is possible the decline thattherisein the use of metalaccompanied withthischange,thetools of stonetools.In conjunction of the MiddleChalcolithicexhibita trendtowardsless and regularityin form,whereastools, standardisation such as scrapers and backed blades, were quite standardised duringthe LateNeolithic morphologically to Early Chalcolithic periods. With copper tools replacingstonetools therewould have been less of a marketfor stone tool craftspecialists,and this would make stone tool productioneven more a part of the domesticproductionsystem.The replacementof stone tools by metal tools resultedin a quantitativeand qualitativedecline in lithic technology during the MiddleChalcolithicperiod.
It is possibleto studythe temporalvariationsin the lithicindustriesby consideringthe periodof occupation of each site or of each site contextthat has specific chronologicalinformation(Table 1). Changesin the local manipulation of raw materialcan be notedfrom the LateNeolithicto the MiddleChalcolithic(Table9). Tools and blades dominatethe Late Neolithic, but continuouslydeclinein percentageuntilreaching29.8% during the Middle Chalcolithic.On-site processing (local production)of materialoccursprimarilyduring the LateNeolithicandthe MiddleChalcolithicand is characterisedby higher proportionsof decortication flakes, nodules and worn out cores. There are interestingpatternsin the raw materialas well. The Greychertdominatesfromthe LateNeolithicuntilthe EarlyNeolithicat a veryconsistent63-65%(Table10). This is followed by a suddenshift to the relatively poorerqualityredchertduringthe MiddleChalcolithic. Brown chert stays relatively stable throughoutall periodsat about25%with the exceptionof the Early Chalcolithicwhenit dropsto 13%.Thereareincreases in the use of exoticmaterialsandin the varietyof local materialsthroughtime. Assumingthat samplingerroris not causingthese contradictory patterns,it is suggestedthat duringthe LateNeolithiclocalcraftspecialistsprovidedthemeans for efficient productionand use of lithic material. andEarlyChalcolithicperiods Duringthe Transitional localproductionbecomesincreasinglyreplacedby offsite production,possibly as the lithic technological organisationbecomes increasinglymore structured. Duringthe Middle Chalcolithicthe lithic production system,includingtheroleof locallithiccraftspecialists, of highquality appearsto collapse.Yet,the importation finishedexotic tools continues.The amountof local CONCLUSION productionexpandsgreatly,but littleof this is by craft Thispilot studyof lithic assemblagesfromsix late specialistsusinggoodqualityimportedmaterialsuchas the white chalcedony.Instead,it appearsthat poor prehistoricsettlementson the TehranPlain showsthat quality local stone is procured and manufactured in tools as a part-time activity primarily within the domestic household. This suggests that there may be an increasingdivision of the populationbetween elites who have access to quality goods, and subordinategroups who find that they must depend on themselves to produce their requiredtechnological equipment.
there was substantial variation in the organisation of lithic technology throughtime and space. The results of this pilot study indicate that stone tool productionwas organisedarounda blade productionsystem, with some materialsworked by craft specialists and others worked as part-time activities of the household economy. It shows that there was a regional, territorialdivision in
STONE TOOL PRODUCTION, DISTRIBUTION AND USE DURING THE LATE NEOLITHIC AND CHALCOLITHIC ON THE TEHRAN PLAIN, IRAN
9
the use of raw materials and that there was a dramatic shift from use of good quality material during the Late Neolithic to the Early Chalcolithic to use of primarily poor quality local material during the Middle Chalcolithic. At the same time very high quality material appears to be imported, perhaps for an elite. Finally, it is evident that there is a major shift in the organisation of lithic technology with the Middle Chalcolithic correspondingwith an increase in the use of copper tools. It seems very likely that the collapse of lithic craft specialisationis a result of the increase in the role of metal. It is notable that this patternis differentto the pattern indicated by our study of the chemical characteristics of ceramics recovered from the study area (Fazeli et al. 2001). This difference in the productioncycles of differentmaterialsemphasises the complexity of the social and economic transformations which occurred in the later prehistory of the Tehran plain. Following the successful results of the pilot survey in 1998, we hope to enhance our study of these transformationswith a wider survey within the plain.
Bibliography
Acknowledgements
Pennsylvania. Pollard,A.M. and Heron, C. 1996. Archaeological Chemistry, Cambridge. Schmidt, E.E 1937. Excavation at Tepe Hissar, Damaghan,
The authors acknowledge the kind assistance and support of the University of Tehran and the Cultural Heritage Organisation of Iran. Part of this work was supportedby a grantfrom the BritishInstituteof Persian Studies.
Bulgarelli, G.M. 1974. "Tepe Hissar: preliminaryreporton a surface survey,August 1972",EW24, 15-27. Donahue, R.E. 1999. "The microwear analysis of the flint artefactsfrom Upper Ninepence", in A. Gibson (ed.), The Walton Basin Project: Excavation and Survey in a PrehistoricLandscape, 1993-1997, York, 100-26. Fazeli, H. 2001. Social Complexityand CraftSpecialisationin the Late Neolithic and Early Chalcolithic Period in the Central Plateau of Iran, unpublished Ph.D. Dissertation,
Universityof Bradford. Fazeli, H., Coningham,R.A.E. and Pollard,A.M. 2001. "Chemical characterisationof Late Neolithic and Chalcolithicpotteryfrom the TehranPlain",Iran 39, 55-71.
in CHIrI: TheLand Fisher,W.B.1968."PhysicalGeography", oflran, 3-111.
in CHIr T.M.1968."Hydrography", Oberlander, LI TheLandof Iran, 264- 79. Malek, S.M. 1977. Tepe Zagheh.:A Sixth Millennium B.C. Villagein the QazvinPlain of the CentralIranianPlateau, unpublished Ph.D. Dissertation, University of
1931-1933, Pennsylvania. Tehrani-Mogaddam, A. 1996. The First Millennium BC Cemeteryat Pishva, Tehran.
TABLE1. The chronologyand frequencyof stone artefactsfromthe LateNeolithicand Chalcolithic settlements of the Tehranplain. Site Name
Artefact Frequency
Cultural Periods
Cheshmeh-Ali
85
Late Neolithic to Middle Chalcolithic
Sadeghabadi
116
Late Neolithic to Middle Chalcolithic
Fakrabad
84
Early Chalcolithic
Mafinabad
15
to LateChalcolithic Transitional
ChakmakTepe
115
MiddleChalcolithic
Mehdikani
12
Transitionalto Late Chalcolithic
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TABLE 2. Lithic raw material variability (counts and percentages) of the Late Neolithic and Chalcolithic settlements of the Tehranplain. Site Name Raw Material Obsidian Brown Chert Flesh Chert Green Chert Grey Chert Quartz Red Chert Tan Chert Chalcedony Yellow Chert Total (no.&%)
Chakmak Cheshmeh Ali Tepe 2 1.8 0.0 29 25.4 18 21.2 2 1.8 0.0 2 1.8 5 5.9 10 8.8 57 67.1 4 3.5 2 2.4 58 50.9 1 1.2 2 1.8 2 2.4 4 3.5 0.0 1 0.9 0.0 114 100.0 85 100.0
Fakrabad Mafinabad Mehdikani 0.0 0.0 0.0 4 33.3 2 13.3 12 14.3 0.0 0.0 0.0 0.0 0.0 15 17.9 2 16.7 13 86.7 53 63.1 0.0 0.0 0.0 0.0 2 5 41.7 2.4 0.0 0.0 1 1.2 1 0.0 8.3 1.2 1 0.0 0.0 0.0 12 100.0 15 100.0 84 100.0
Sadeghabadi Total 0.0 2 0.5 27 23.7 92 21.7 2 0.0 0.5 2.6 25 3 5.9 16 14.0 151 35.6 4.4 11 5 2.6 41 36.0 107 25.2 4 3.5 9 2.1 16 14.0 22 5.2 2 1.8 3 0.7 114 100.0 424 100.0
TABLE 3. The percentages of technological categories from the studied settlements.
Technological Category Nodules Tested nodules Decortication flakes Crest blades Platform refreshers Polyhedral cores Worn out cores Blades Tool forms Retooling debris Miscellaneous flakes Heat spalls Total
Site Chakmak CheshmehSadeghAli Fakrabad Mafinabad Mehdikani abadi Total Tepe 0.0 0.0 1.8 0.0 0.0 1.2 0.7 0.0 0.0 0.0 0.9 0.2 0.0 0.0 6.1 13.3 16.7 15.8 5.9 4.8 9.0 1.8 4.4 6.7 0.0 5.9 1.2 3.3 0.0 0.0 0.0 0.0 1.2 0.0 0.2 1.8 0.0 0.0 0.0 0.0 7.1 1.9 10.5 11.4 0.0 8.3 2.4 2.4 7.1 9.6 12.0 13.3 8.3 7.9 23.5 9.5 24.6 23.8 21.9 26.7 8.3 34.1 16.7 1.8 0.0 0.0 0.0 0.7 0.0 1.2 40.4 39.6 34.2 40.0 27.1 58.3 56.0 3.5 0.0 0.0 1.8 0.0 0.0 1.4 100.0 100.0 100.0 100.0 100.0 100.0 100.0
STONE TOOL PRODUCTION, DISTRIBUTION AND USE DURING THE LATE NEOLITHIC AND CHALCOLITHIC ON THE TEHRAN PLAIN, IRAN
11
TABLE 4. Relationship of lithic technological categories and stages of production.
ProductionStep Stage Procurement of raw Stage 1: Bladecore material preparation Assessmentof quality
Stage 2: Blade production
MaterialEffects Debris/Residue Product Stage Signature ObjectWorked or other Nodule Various Stage1:Testedand Quarry untestednodules, shatter, sourcelocation Nodule TestedCore Corticalflakes,shatter corticalflakesand andtestednodules preparedcores
Shaping of core
Tested core
Preparedcore
Initial production of blades
Preparedcore
Crest blade and prismatic blade core
Cortical flakes, shatter, core fragments.Primary and secondary flakes of which some may be selected for furtheruse. Broken and misshapen Stage 2: Prismatic blade crest flakes, misc. cores, crest blades, platform refresherflakes secondary and tertiary
Reinvigorate blade
Prismatic core
Blades
Broken and misshapen
andworn-outcores
flakes. production
blades,platformrejuv.
Stage 3: Tool Shape tool forms shaping and Tool discard retooling
Blades and large Formal tools flakes Tools
flakes, misc. flakes, worn-out cores. Secondary and tertiary flakes Broken and worn -out
Stage 3: Tool forms and tool manufacturedebris (e.g., burin spalls)
TABLE 5. Relationship of raw material to technological category. This table with summary information indicates what stages of production and modification are performed for each material in the region as a whole. Exotic materials will tend to lack the archaeological signature for Stage 1.
Technological Category Nodules Tested nodules
Decortication
6
flakes Crest blades Platform refreshers Polyhedral cores Worn out cores Blades Tool forms Retooling debris
Misc. flakes
Raw MaterialCategory
Yellow Red Tan ChalFlesh Grey Green Chert Chert Chert Quartz Chert Chert cedony Chert Total 3 2 1 1 1
Ob- Brown sidian Chert
1
6
4 1 7 2 19 39 1
1 12 8 24 2
2
33
1
Heat spalls
Total
9
64
5
1
92
2
151
1 4 6
1
14 1 8 30 51 101 3
10
2
168
22
3
424
4
1 5 5
2 1 4
11 9 19
9
3
44
5 4
6
2
4
2
38
1
15
25
11
107
9
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TABLE 6. Percentages of Technological Categories of Brown Chert.
Technological Category Nodules Tested nodules Decortication flakes Crest blades Platform refreshers Polyhedral cores Worn-out cores Blades Tool forms Retooling debris Miscellaneous flakes Heat spalls Total
Cheshmeh-Ali 0.0 0.0 5.6 11.1 0.0 0.0 5.6 16.7 33.3 0.0 27.8 0.0 100.0
Site Mafminabad Fakrabad Sadeghabadi 0.0 0.0 0.0 0.0 0.0 0.0 0.0 0.0 10.3 15.4 8.3 0.0 6.9 0.0 0.0 3.6 0.0 0.0 0.0 0.0 0.0 0.0 0.0 3.6 13.8 0.0 0.0 21.4 6.9 15.4 8.3 7.1 24.1 30.8 25.0 25.0 0.0 0.0 0.0 7.1 37.9 38.5 58.3 32.1 0.0 0.0 0.0 0.0 100.0 100.0 100.0 100.0
ChakmakTepe
TABLE 7. Percentages of Technological Categories of Red Chert. Site Technological Category Nodules Tested nodules Decortication flakes Crest blades Platformrefreshers Polyhedral cores Worn-out cores Blades Tool forms Retooling debris Miscellaneous flakes Heat spalls Total
ChakmatTepe 3.4 1.7 19.0 5.2 0.0 0.0 13.8 8.6 19.0 0.0 27.6 1.7 100.0
Sadeghabadi 0.0 0.0 9.8 2.4 0.0 0.0 7.3 7.3 17.1 0.0 53.7 2.4 100.0
STONE TOOL PRODUCTION, DISTRIBUTION AND USE DURING THE LATE NEOLITHIC AND CHALCOLITHIC ON THE TEHRAN PLAIN, IRAN
TABLE 8. Percentages of Technological Categories of Grey Chert.
Technological Category Nodules Tested nodules Decortication flakes Crest blades Platform refreshers Polyhedral cores Worn-out cores Blades Tool forms Retooling debris Miscellaneous flakes Heat spalls Total
Cheshmeh-Ali 0.0 0.0 5.3 5.3 1.8 0.0 1.8 22.8 31.6 0.0 31.6 0.0 100.0
Site Fakrabad ChakmakTepe Sadeghabadi 1.9 0.0 0.0 0.0 0.0 0.0 0.0 20.0 6.3 1.9 0.0 0.0 0.0 0.0 0.0 11.3 0.0 6.3 0.0 1.9 0.0 7.5 0.0 0.0 15.1 31.3 40.0 1.9 0.0 0.0 58.5 30.0 37.5 0.0 10.0 18.8 100.0 100.0 100.0
TABLE 9. Percentages of Lithic artefact categories for the cultural periods.
Technological Category Nodules Tested nodules Decortication flakes Crest blades Platform refreshers Polyhedral cores Worn-out cores Blades Tool forms Retooling debris Miscellaneous flakes Heat spalls Total N
Late Neolithic 0.0 0.0 10.5 5.3
Transitional Chalcolithic 0.0 0.0 4.7 7.0
5.3 0.0 5.3 15.8 57.9 0.0 0.0 0.0 100.0 19
0.0 0.0 0.0 23.3 30.2 0.0 34.9 0.0 100.0 43
Cultural Period Middle Early Unknown Chalcolithic Chalcolithic Total 0.0 1.8 0.9 0.7 0.2 0.9 0.0 0.0 7.8 15.8 9.0 4.7 4.4 2.1 3.3 1.9 0.0 0.0 0.0 0.2 1.4 0.0 5.6 1.9 11.4 9.2 7.1 2.8 7.9 9.9 14.0 12.0 23.4 21.9 23.8 17.8 1.4 0.0 0.9 0.7 41.9 39.7 34.2 51.4 2.8 1.8 0.0 1.4 100.0 100.0 100.0 100.0 424 114 107 141
13
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TABLE 10. Percentages of lithic raw materials for the cultural periods.
Raw Material Obsidian Brown chert Flesh chert
Late Neolithic 0.0
Transitional Chalcolithic 0.0
26.3
25.6
0.0
0.0
Total 0.5 21.2
1.8
0.0
0.5
65.1
65.4
8.8
4.7 2.3
15.0 0.9
1.8
22.0 2.1
35.6 5.9
3.5
3.5
2.6
0.0
0.0
2.8
50.9
0.0
2.3
1.9
1.8
32.6 2.8
25.2 2.1
0.0
0.0
0.9
3.5
0.0
0.0
0.0
0.9
12.1 1.4
5.2 0.7
100.0
100.0
100.0
100.0
100.0
100.0
63.2
Green chert
10.5 0.0
Chalcedony Yellow chert Total
Unknown 0.0 23.4
0.0
Grey chert Quartz Red chert Tan chert
Cultural Period Middle Early Chalcolithic Chalcolithic 1.8 0.0 25.4 13.1
TABLE 11. Percentile distribution of production stages for the different raw materials for the entire assemblage and for artefacts with known stages.
Production Stage (%) Core Preparation Blade Production Tooling, etc. Other Total
Raw Material Category Chal- Yellow Tan ObRed Brown Flesh Grey Green sidian Chert Chert Chert Chert Quartz Chert Chert cedony Chert Total 0.0 4.5 9.9 16.8 0.0 9.1 0.0 6.5 50.0 6.6 20.0 33.3 10.6 4.5 0.0 0.0 18.2 14.0 19.6 4.0 0.0 4.6 0.0 24.5 27.3 17.8 44.4 0.0 36.4 28.3 0.0 26.5 20.0 66.7 63.6 55.0 100.0 36.4 51.4 55.6 45.7 50.0 62.3 56.0 100.0 100.0 100.0 100.0 100.0 100.0 100.0 100.0 100.0 100.0 100.0
TABLE 12. Percentile distribution of production stages for the different raw materials for the entire assemblage and for artefacts with known stages. Production Stage (%) Core Preparation Blade Production Tooling, etc. Total
Raw Material Category Chal- Yellow Red Tan ObBrown Flesh Grey Green sidian Chert Chert Chert Chert Quartz Chert Chert cedony Chert Total -0.0 22.0 12.5 0.0 14.3 34.6 12.0 100.0 17.5 45.5 -0.0 12.5 100.0 23.6 28.6 28.8 36.0 9.1 0.0 12.3 0.0 54.5 75.0 -57.1 36.5 100.0 52.0 0.0 70.2 45.5 -100.0 100.0 100.0 100.0 100.0 100.0 100.0 100.0 100.0 100.0
THEANCIENTMERVPROJECT,TURKMENISTAN PRELIMINARYREPORTON THEFIRSTSEASON (2001) et al. Kurbansakhatov, By TimWilliams,Kakamurad LondonandAshgabat
INTRODUCTION
Aims and Objectives
In the autumnof 2001 the Instituteof Archaeology, UniversityCollege London starteda new five-year collaborationwith the (2001-2005) Turkmen-British National Departmentfor the Protection,Study and Restorationof Historical and CulturalMonuments withinthe Ministryof Cultureof Turkmenistan. This marksthebeginningof a new projectto followon from the hugely successful InternationalMerv Project (IMP),directedby Dr GeorginaHerrmann(Instituteof Archaeology,UCL) and Dr St JohnSimpson(British Museum), in collaboration with Dr Kakamurad Kurbansakhatov (thenof the NationalInstitutefor the of the Cabinetof Ministers). Historyof Turkmenistan TheIMPcompletednineyearsof workatMervin 2000 (Herrmannet al. 2001). The directorsare now coordinatingtwo seriesof publications:one on the cities and their excavations, the other on the standing buildings.Threereportson the cities and excavations will dealwithGyaurKalaandwill be editedby St John Simpson:theseareLateSasanianRemainsin ErkKala, A SasanianResidentialQuarterin GyaurKala, and UrbanDevelopmentand Industryin GyaurKala;and one will be dedicatedto TheMedievalCity of Sultan Thefirstvolumein Kala,editedby GeorginaHerrmann. the standingbuildingseries,TheMonumentsof Merv: Traditional has alreadybeen Buildingsof theKarakum, published(Herrmann1999). Two furthervolumesare planned:Monumentsof a Silk Road Oasis: Mosques and Shrinesof MedievalMervand TheMausoleumof SultanSanjarat Merv,bothbeingundertaken byRobert Hillenbrand. The new AncientMervprojectis directedby Tim Williams (Instituteof Archaeology,UCL) and Dr Kakamurad Kurbansakhatov (nowof the StateInstitute of CulturalHistoryof the Peoples of Turkmenistan, CentralAsia and the East),with the help of assistant director Dr Gabriele Puschnigg (Institute of Archaeology,UCL).
15
Thereis a longhistoryof archaeological exploration at Merv. The site was intermittently explored thelate 19thandearly20thcenturies,before throughout a concentrated campaignof fieldworkby YuTAKE(the South Turkmenistan Archaeological Multidisciplinary Expedition)duringthe mid-20th century,and most Merv Project recentlythe work of the International
(IMP).
The new AncientMerv projecthas a numberof aims: over-arching * To improveourunderstanding of the survivaland resource. potentialof the archaeological * To undertake activeresearchintothe cities,to aid andresearch. in boththeirmanagement * To develop the informationbase upon which andinterpretation decisionsaboutthemanagement maybe taken. * Todevelopthelocalskillsbase. * To developactivemanagementof the archaeologicalresource. * To make researchdata availableto the widest academicaudience. Giventhe scale andcomplexityof the archaeology at Merv,encompassingover 1,000ha of enclosedurban space alone,it is importantthatthe projecthas a clear and sustainablefocus. It is clearly not possible to encompassall the potentialmanagementand research issues that Merv offers. The scale of what we can achievewill be conditioned,in part,by the resources thatcan be raised,but a numberof specificobjectives havebeenidentified. * The developmentof an integratedsite managementplan. * The identificationand tackling of specific issues. andconservation management * The creationof an information platformfor the the to landscape, encompass previouswork,the of essentialreferencecollections, establishment
16
JOURNAL OF PERSIAN STUDIES
andthedevelopment of a Geographic Information System(GIS). * Thedevelopment of a numberof research projects, aimed at improving our understandingand of the site,itshinterland, andits role interpretation in widersocial,economicand politicalspheres. Specificissuesinclude: -
Long-termurbandynamics-
as seen through
the developmentand infrastructure of Gyaur Kala. - The natureof the transitionbetweenGyaur KalaandSultanKala,andtheestablishment of theearlyIslamiccity. - The organisation and characterof the Seljuk city. -
The nature of Mongol Merv -
continuity,
reuseandchange. * To developeffectivedissemination strategiesto the resultof the workto the widest communicate to enable possible audiencesand, particularly, access for the academic communityto the materialfromMerv. internationally important The 2001 Season
conservationand curationof materialfrom the Merv project. The fortificationsof Abdullah Khan Kala - a survey of the defencesof this importantlate city, to sequence, providean initialphasingandinterpretative andto prioritisefutureresearchandconservation. and Surveyof ShahriyarArk - a re-examination of the sources (aerialphotography, survey comparison field surveyandsatelliteimagery)for the citadelof the Seljukcity,as a preludeto the developmentof a detailed mapof the area. An evaluation of standing historic structures within the ArchaeologicalPark - an assessmentof the currentcondition,researchand displaypotential, andconservation priorities,for all the standinghistoric structureswithin the core area of the Archaeological Park. This has been instrumentalin shaping our programme. emergencyconservation A survey of the canals and drainage systems within the ArchaeologicalPark and surrounding area - a surveyof the presentconditionandextentof drainagefeatures,andthe potentialimpactof drainage on the preservation andmaintenance of the site. A survey of modern agriculture within the ArchaeologicalPark and surroundingarea- a field surveyof the impactof currentagriculture,both as a platformformanagementdecisionsandas an aidto the of the aerialphotographic record. interpretation Conservationand site management- an initial overview of the most pressing management and conservation issues, in collaboration with the Parkstaff,to establisha programme for Archaeological futureaction. These activities are summarisedin more detail below.
A shortfield seasonwas undertaken at Mervfrom 10thSeptemberto 3rdOctober2001. The aimswereto assessthe currentconditionof the site,primarilywithin the boundsof the Archaeological Park,andto prioritise of research andtraining.The programmes conservation, activities were: principal Satelliteimagery and surveying- a programme to groundcheckthe satelliteimageof the area,acquired in the springof 2001, to improvethe surveybaseof the projectas a platformfor futuremappingwork. This work has createdthe first accuratebase map for the SATELLITE IMAGERYAND SURVEYING developmentof the projectGIS. A survey of previousinterventions- therehave by Marek Ziebart been numerousexcavationsinto the ancient cities but Introduction (mainly,althoughnot exclusively,archaeological), few have been accuratelylocatedor documented.This informationprovides an importantplatformfor research and management. Ceramic research - a rapid review of material relating to Merv in the Museum collections in Turkmenistan,to assess the potentialfor display and the development of reference collections, and to examine the training and support issues for the long-term
The site of Merv has been the subject of several years of site investigation and excavation, under the direction of the InternationalMerv Project (IMP). The types of investigative activity carried out during these seasons of fieldwork included fieldwalking, geophysical surveying, detailed excavation and surveying of structuralelements. Future work is likely
THE ANCIENT MERV PROJECT,PRELIMINARY REPORT ON THE FIRST SEASON (2001)
to include further excavation, geophysical and topographic survey, aerial photography and the monitoringof theerosionof sitemonuments.Theuse of satelliteimagerywas designedto providea meansby which all the disparateelementsundertakenthus far couldbe integratedintoa singlespatialframework, and alsoto providea meansby whichall futureworkcould be co-ordinated. Theprojectaimedto: * Establisha projectco-ordinate systemthatcould be re-instated forfutureworkon the site. * Derivea transformation relatingthe existinglocal co-ordinate to this co-ordinate system system. * Providea basemapfor the project,to serveas a backdropfor visualisationof the archaeological recordsandforthepurposesof digitisingstructural elementsof theancientcities.
Methodology
In orderto providea co-ordinate systemthatcouldbe re-instated andusedovera numberof years,a seriesof controlpoints were set up and their positionswere determined withintheInternational Terrestrial Reference Frame(ITRF),using dual frequency,geodeticquality GlobalPositioningSystems(GPS)receivers.TheITRFis a co-ordinatesystemthat is maintainedgloballyby a numberof scientificinstitutions usingultrahighprecision if all the controlpoint even geodetictechniques.Hence, markersestablished onthe sitewerelost orremoved,the systemcouldbe reinstatedsimplyby settingup a new markerand occupyingit with a GPS receiverfor 24 hours.Therepeatability of theco-ordinates of suchpoints is well within the level. +/-50mm. globally The base mapping problem was solved by the captureof 1 m. resolution1 commissioning panchromatic remote sensing data (Fig. 1) by IKONOS(a remotesensingsatelliterunby SpaceImaging,2which passedoverthe site in April2001, at a time selectedso as to minimise the masking effects of seasonal vegetation).Groundmeasurementswere requiredto correctly orient the image with respect to the ITRF coordinate system, and these were carried out during September 2000 (see Peter Dare in Herrmann et al. 2001, 13-14). The imagery supplied by Space Imaging was approximatelypositioned in the appropriateUniversal TransverseMercator3(UTM) zone. In orderto improve
17
the accuracy,several points of detail visible in the imagery must be determined accurately in an appropriateco-ordinate system (a process called registration).The positionsof the points of detailare then used to calculatea mathematical transformation, mappingeachpixel in the raw imageto its equivalent positionin the registeredimage.Any pointof detailin the registeredimage is then (withincertainaccuracy limits) in its true positionon the mappingprojection used. Professor Peter Dare (University of New Brunswick)carriedout the positioningwork required afterconsultation withMarek fortheimageregistration, Ziebart.The registrationof the IKONOSdata,andthe model, was undertakenby Cordelia photogrammetric Hall,whilstcompletingherMSc at UCL.Theaccuracy of the image,baseduponanalysisof of the registration of the raw datato UTM using the the transformation established control duringthe 2000 season,is ground withinthe specificationof +/-4m. (Fora fulleraccount of the technicalaspects of the work, see Dare and Ziebart2001.) Resultsandfuturework by TimWilliams& MarekZiebart The data provides an importantrecord of the conditionof the site at a point in time (April 2001). Given the scale of the ancientcities of Merv, field monitoringof everytrack,pathway,canal,etc., would The satelliteimageprovidesa be a huge undertaking. basemap(Fig.2), thatwill enablethese comprehensive and accuratelydocumented,and to be rapidly aspects futurechangesto be measured. the geo-referenced image Perhapsmostimportantly, at Merv,a base map time first for the has provided, capableof acting as the platformfor integratingthe other spatialdata.It provideda vital controlfor the season's fieldwork:an invaluablemeans of locating fields,canals,oldexcavations,etc.,withinthe extensive landscapeof Merv.It has also provideda base for the developmentof a GeographicInformationSystemfor the Park(see below). Given the scale of the site, the densityof control pointsin the areaneeds to be intensified.We plan to undertakefurtherGPS surveyworkin 2002 to provide additionalpoints in those areas where excavation, conservationandotheractivitiesareplanned.Oncethis
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Fig. 1. IKONOSremotesensing satellite image: a portion the image, taken in April 2001, covering the core area of the Archaeological Park (approximately4,000ha). Tothe right, the roughlycircular rampartsof Erk Kala, withinthe north wall of the massive city of GyaurKala, are clearly visible. Tothe left, lies the even larger city of SultanKala, with the curvingnorthern walled suburb,and a more rectangularsouthern one. Thecitadel of ShahriyarArk is visible as the irregularenclosure in the north-eastcorner of the city.At the bottomleft of the image, lies the roughlyrectangulardefensivecircuit of AbdullahKhan Kala, and to its left, thepartial remains ofBariam Ali Khan Kala, disappearinginto the moderntowtn.Scale bar: 100m intervals.
THE ANCIENT MERV PROJECT,PRELIMINARY REPORT ON THE FIRST SEASON (2001)
Fig. 2. IKONOS remote sensing satellite image: a detail of the Erk Kala area enclosing some 12 ha, showing vegetation, modern tracks, erosion gullies, canals, etc. Features, such as the area offlooding and the width of the defences, can be accurately measuredfrom the geo-rectified image, enabling future comparison and monitoring.
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has been done, the remainingdata collectioncan be managedby archaeological surveyors,withoutrecourse to complexgeodeticsurveytechniques.
These old excavations offer problems and opportunities.Few of the trencheshave ever been backfilledwhichcreatesconservationproblems:plants are growing in the relativelywell-wateredhollows, destroyingthe underlyingdeposits;exposed walls of PREVIOUSEXCAVATIONS: MAPPING, mudbrickareeroding;exposedwalls of firedbrickare CONSERVATION AND RESEARCH being robbed for modem uses; the sides of the by Tim Williams,with contributionsby Dave Gilbert, excavationsare collapsing,destroyingyet moreof the Julian Hill, Dylan Hopkinsonand Faith Vardy resource.However,theseinterventions alsorepresentan of the buried importantinsightinto the understanding Over the course of the last century,numerous archaeologicalresource at Merv. They have the archaeologicalinterventionshave been made into the potentialto providedetailedinformationon depthsof cities of Merv. These range from small-scale deposits, condition,survival and researchpotential. exploratoryholes to substantialexcavations.Some of Theyalso providewindowsintothe dating,layoutand thesehavebeenpublished,butmanyhave not, andthe developmentof the cities of Merv.Overall,they can locationof mostareimpreciselyrecorded.In September enhanceour abilityto providea moreeffectiveplatform walkoversurvey of informationfor the management,conservation, 2001, we undertooka comprehensive of the cities of ErkKala,GyaurKalaand SultanKala displayandresearchof the ancientcities. (includingits suburbsand the immediateextramural areas),in an effortto locate and documentall of the existinginterventions.At the same time we reviewed Futurework the existingaerialphotographicand satelliteimagery, andsoughtthe inputof ParkStaffandothers(primarily We are planninga campaignto consolidateand ProfessorTerkeshKhodjaniazov) the excavationsthat pose the most serious of backfill work the regarding whichtheywereaware. conservationthreats.We plan to recordthe exposed Throughthis process we managedto locate and archaeologyand, where appropriate, re-samplewhere documentsome 230 separateinterventionsinto the crucialresearchquestionsaboutthe developmentand archaeologywithinthe coreareaof the "AncientMerv" characterof the cities can be cost-effectivelyexplored. ArchaeologicalPark. Many, althoughnot all, were Therearesome cases wherethe structuresexposedare archaeologicalinterventions,undertakenover the last potentially a valuable cultural asset to the park, 100 years of explorationat the site. Most of the rest especiallyin presentingthe site to the visitor.Wehope werepartof militaryactivity(thearea,at varioustimes, to securetheresourcesto enablethesemonuments,such had functionedas a trainingarea),includingpractice as theFridaymosqueatthe centreof GyaurKala,orthe "foxholes",and "tanktraps".The currentconditionof FiruzGatein SultanKala,to be properlyunderstood, eachintervention was documented, withinformation on conservedand displayed.In the short-term,however, conservation management problems (vegetation some monumentswill be reburiedto avoid further growth, drainage,collapse, eroding structures,etc.) damageanderosion,whileresourcesaresought. recorded. There is an urgent need for an over-arching Considerable workremainsto be doneto attemptto frameworkof information,fundamentalto managing relatethe interventions resourceandfocusingnew research. observedon the groundwiththe the archaeological archivesandpublicationsthatweregeneratedby them. An importantplatformof informationexists:the IMP In some cases,the relationshipis simpleenough:with materialis currentlybeingpreparedforpublication,and some of the YuTAKEmaterialhas been published. others, it may not now be possible to be sure who undertook the work and what resulted from the However, considerableinformationremains in the excavation. The archives of many of the interventions extensiveunpublishedarchives,along with numerous reside with the Turkmen authorities, as part of the otherresourcessuch as photographsand accountsof YuTAKE programme, although some additional visits, spanninga considerableperiod of time. The material may be in Tashkentor St. Petersburg.Certain informationis spread across a numberof different records, unfortunately,may have been lost forever. archives,includingthosein Britain,Russia,Uzbekistan,
THE ANCIENT MERV PROJECT,PRELIMINARY REPORT ON THE FIRST SEASON (2001)
andTurkmenistan, and in a numberof formats.It has beenresearchedto varyingdegrees,andpublication,as always,has been selective:a wealthof informationon deposit survival, sequence, layout, economy, environments, etc., remains to be extracted and documentedfromthe extantwork.Muchof the earlier workat Mervalso remainsdifficultto access for both the Turkmen authorities and the international community.We hope to raiseresourcesto collatethis material,bringingit togethervirtually,if notphysically, in Turkmenistan, andthroughthe Internetto the wider academicandresearchcommunity. CERAMICRESEARCH by Dave Gilbert, Gabriele Puschnigg and Tim Williams
One of the majortasks withinthe ceramicsstudy this seasonwas to assessthe ceramicsfrom programme previousexcavationsat Merv,held in local museums andcollections.Whileconsiderable advanceshavebeen madein theunderstanding of the ceramictypologyfrom the excavationsof the last century,therehas been no Some of systematicattemptto collatethis information. the material has been published, in a variety of excavationled outputs.Thismaterialis of international significance, providing vital information on the development of local, regional and long-distance industries andtrade.Mervwas oneof thekeyhubsof the silkroutes,andanunderstanding of thedevelopment and use of bothplainanddecoratedwaresat Merv their fabrics,forms,stratigraphic context,etc.- will provide a valuabletool for our colleaguesworkingin Central Asia,China,India,Iranandthe MiddleEast. We planto developa referencecollectionfor both Turkmenand internationalcolleagues.The aim is to develop a physicalreferencecollectionof forms and London fabrics,to be madeavailablein Turkmenistan, and hopefully through other important partner associations, with a "virtual"reference collection available to the international community via the
Internet.The first steps along this road will be to document the existing collections and material, and to underpin this with the scientific analyses of fabrics, glazes, etc. This collection can then be enhanced and developed through carefully selected future excavations, targeting specific chronological and assemblage based issues. We also hope to undertake,
21
similarresearchworkontheYuTAKE fundspermitting, collectionsthatresidein theTashkentandSt.Petersburg archives,so thatthese can be fully integratedinto the developingceramicreferencecollection. In 2001, to startthis process,we undertooka rapid in surveyof thematerialavailablewithinTurkmenistan, the principalexcavationarchivesand museumstores. This providedsome valuableinsightsinto the quality andrangeof the materialfromMerv. MaryRegionalMuseum A rapid assessment was undertaken of the collectionsof the excellentMaryMuseum,to explore theirpotentialto developthe ceramicsequencefrom was Merv.VictorTurik,theMaryMuseumconservator, with access in this assisting process, extremelyhelpful to the materialand providingimportantbackground information.
Pre-IslamicceramicsbyGabrielePuschnigg A largeproportionof the pre-Islamicmaterialis on displayin therecentlyupdatedgalleries.Relativelylittle materialis heldin themuseumstores,althoughthereare a numberof complete, and semi-complete,vessels, includingmaterialfromUsmanova'sexcavationsatErk Kala(Trench7). Thereis potentialfor integratingthis materialintoa developingreferencecollectionforMerv ceramics,as it containssome good examplesof form and fabric, many of which can be relatedback to excavationrecords.
IslamicceramicsbyDaveGilbert overhalf of TheMuseumhas two largestorerooms: from material Islamic to each storeroomis devoted Merv,coveringthe periodbetweenthe 9th centuryand the 14thcentury.Therearebetween75-100 completeor semi-completevessels, withtens of thousandsof other sherds.Most of the completevessels are of display quality,whilea numberof the sherdsareof arthistorical and archaeologicalimportance.For example,one box contains500 sherdsof mouldedwares,many bearing untranslatedKufic inscriptions.The majorityof the material comes from Sultan Kala, with a smaller amountfrom GyaurKala, AbdullahKhan Kala and BairamAli KhanKala.
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The datagatheredby the International MervProject (IMP)hasalreadyenabledthechronologyof theIslamic ceramics in the area to be better understood.This will enablethemuseummaterialto be more information dated. closely Conversely,the museumcollectionwill greatlyenhancethe referencecollectionandtype-series throughthe abilityto studyintactvessels, usuallyonly in theexcavatedassemblagesas fragmented represented sherds. While it is likely that some of these wareswould have formed part of the trade caravansand been importedfromotherpartsof theIslamicworld,it is also probablethatMervis the sourceof some of the rarer wares found on more westerlyexcavations.Detailed and chemicalanalyseswill be extremely petrographic useful in this context.This materialis important,not onlyto the studyof ceramicswithintheMervOasis,but also to the regionas a whole.
this materialdates to the 1lth-12th centuries.This for analysisto materialprovidesa perfectcounterpart the mouldedwarematerialheldin the MaryMuseum. Pre-IslamicPottery:Asis Akhmedovs Collection by GabrielePuschnigg
Asis Akhmedov,former deputy directorof the ArchaeologicalPark,storedfinds fromthe last of the YuTAKEexcavationsconductedby ZamiraUsmanova in the late at Merv.Theseweremainlythoseundertaken 1980s,includingher excavationof Trenches7, 8 and9 in Erk Kala. The materialconsists of six boxes of fragmentedpotteryand smallfinds (such as glass and paintedwallplaster).A numberof complete pre-Islamic and semi-completevessels from the Parthianand Sasanianperiodarealsopreservedin the collection. This collection is of particularinterest,since it representsone of the best preservedcollectionsfroma The National Museum, Ashgabat YuTAKEexcavationaccessibletoday.Thanksto the Dave Gilbert and Gabriele Puschnigg accurate labelling of the pottery fragments, a by of the ceramicsequencein some of the reconstruction A limitedamountof timewas availableto examine Erk Kala trenches,particularlyTrench 7, could be the collections of the National Museum, and what undertaken. followsis only an initialimpressionof the collection. Due to the depth of stratificationat Merv, the The ceramicmaterialcomprisedsemi-completeand Achaemenidlevels oftenlie c. 15 m. or morebelowthe restoredvessels, and potteryand figurinefragments. modemgroundsurface:it is unlikelythatmanyfuture Most of them are labelled.A total of 10 boxes of excavationswill explore these levels. Usmanova's to study material,plus items that are on display,were noted. material,therefore,providesa rareopportunity Mostof the materialhasnot beenpublished. from the levels at earliest occupation pottery Merv.This Pre-Islamic: despite the uncertainties of its will not only help to developthe potterysequence,but value,someof thevesselprofilesprovide also has implicationsfor the evaluationof residual representative an interestingand usefulinsightinto wares so far not material.Suchearlypotteryshouldbe thin-sectioned for recordedby the IMPexcavationsin ErkKalaor Gyaur petrographic analysis.Thiswouldassistin testingsome Kala. Perhapsthe most importantare the red slipped of the YuTAKEhypotheses:for example,Usmanova's wares, as only small, mostly undiagnostic,fragments suggestionthat Yaz II and Yaz III fragmentswere havebeenfoundfromtheIMPexcavations(MEK1and distinguishedby temper(the differentcolour of the MGK5). quartz,micaelements,etc.) Figurines:there are a number of figurines and terracotta fragments,whichprovidea usefulparallelfor the materialfrom the IMP excavations(MEK1 and Futurework MGK5). Islamic: the Islamic moulded wares, many with Kufic inscriptions,are the best preservedpieces within the collection. They are all from a single assemblage, excavated by Lunina in the potters quarter of Sultan Kala. Due to the location of the finds spot it is likely that
It is important,beforewe undertakefurthersample excavations,that we understandthe potentialof the currentlyexcavatedmaterial.We need to ensurethat but we arenot simplyreplicatingexistinginformation, to developand ratherfocusinguponthe opportunities
THE ANCIENT
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refine the existing data set and research questions. There can be no doubt that further well-excavated sequences, with close attention to the problems of urban formation and depositional processes, will considerably assist in developing our understandingof the date, circulation and function of the ceramics at Merv. However, in order to focus our resources on sampling key chronological, technological, social or economic groups, we need to better understand the work that has alreadytaken place. The 2002 field-seasonwill focus uponthe cataloguing of importantgroupsfromthe above collections,to assistin the developmentof the referencecollection.
REPORT ON THE FIRST SEASON
(2001)
23
THE FORTIFICATIONSOF ABDULLAH KHAN KALA Annaev by Pierre Brun and Akmnohammed Continuingthe survey programmebegun underthe IMP, the 2001 field season focused upon the late medieval city of Abdullah Khan Kala, which lies about 1 km. to the south of its predecessor Sultan Kala (Fig. 1). According to historical sources, Abdullah Khan Kala was constructed in the 15th century. A walled suburb,Bairam Ali Khan Kala, was added to the west side of the city, possibly in the 18th century.Abdullah Khan Kala was abandoned,probably in the early 19th
Fig. 3. Abdullah Khan Kala. IKONOS remote sensing satellite image, showing the city s roughly rectangular plan, and the later 1t',esternextension of Bairam Ali Khan Kala. The corner and interval towers were clearly visible, as is the large Tower 10 in the middle of the north wvallof Abdullah Khan Kala. Some of the internal layout of the city is also discernible, particularly streets in the northern half of the city, and the citadel enclosure in the north-east corner Scale bar: 100m intervals.
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Fig. 4. AbdullahKhanKala: aerial view of the cityfrom the east. Thecitadel enclosurecan be seen in the rightcomer of the walled townand the remainsof the extension,BairamAli KhanKala, and the moderncity are in the background.
century.It was alreadyruinedwhen V.A. Zhukovsky undertookthe first survey of the remains in 1890 (Zhukovsky1894, 62-94). The only othersubstantive in 1950by O.V.Obelchenko, workwas undertaken who madethe firstto attemptto understand the evolutionof its fortifications by surveying and analysing the standingremains(Obelchenko1963,306-49). The Abdullah Khan Kala defences potentially providean interestingcomplementto the workalready undertaken on the defencesof SultanKala(11thto 13th centuries)(Brunand Annaev2001). If an early 15thof the walls is correct, centurydateforthe construction the study of the defences would encompass the transitionfrom pre-artillerymilitary architectureto architecture fully adaptedto the canon.
wall 706 m., northwall is 675 m., andwest wall 697m. The standingfortifications consistof a curtainwall with 54 towers, includingfour comer towers. The 18thcenturyhistorianMuhammedKazimsuggeststhatthe city originallyhad four gateways(Kazim 1938, 153). Two of these gates(the east andwest) are still visible, hasbeennearlycompletely althoughtheirsuperstructure Historical sources (Kazimop. cit.) suggested destroyed. that the north and south gates were blocked at the beginningof the 16thcentury.The city was surrounded by a moat,stillvisibletodayandpartlyflooded.Themoat hasbeenfilledin the south-western partof the city. A citadel(c. 237 m. north-southand 130 m. eastwest) occupiesthe enclosednorth-eastern comerof the The citadel walls into the city (Fig.3). facing city were also providedwith towers.Thereis a single identified gate,in the southwall. The fortifications of BairamAli KhanKala(Fig. 3) Basic description consistedof a curtainwall with intervaltowers and The city of AbdullahKhan Kala has a roughly comer bastions.It was also surrounded by a moat.A in 3 south wall 660 east was located the centre of the west wall. and m., 4): gate rectangular plan(Figs.
THE ANCIENT MERV PROJECT,PRELIMINARY REPORT ON THE FIRST SEASON (2001)
25
Fig. 5. BairamAli KhanKala: lookingnorthwardalong the west wall, with one of the intervaltowers on the left. Theinteriorof the north wall is visiblein the background. Therelativelywell preservedupper section of the north-westcorner can be seen at thejunctionof towver the walls. Scale 2m. Current condition
The state of preservationof the fortificationsis variable.The walls of AbdullahKhan Kala survive todayto a heightof 5 m. to 7 m., andvaryin thickness from3 m. to 6 m. The innerfortifications of the citadel are reducedto mounds2 m. to 3 m. in height.The defensivewalls of BairamAli KhanKala have been largelydestroyedin the southby the modemtown(Fig. 3): some of the west wall and most of the northwall survivesin an erodedstate(Fig. 5). Overall,the site is underconsiderablethreat.The modemcity of BairamAli, adjoiningthe historiccities to the southand west, is rapidlyexpanding.Although thewalledareasarewithintheArchaeological Park,and the WorldHeritageSite, they are subjectto isolated damagethroughrubbishdumping,brickrobbingand encroachment.The defences also suffer from the sappingeffect of the erosion.Largeareasare rapidly becomingunstable(Fig. 6). Survey of Abdullah Khan Kala
Fig.6 AbdullahKhanKala:exteriorof thesouthwalland 10 (fromtheeast).Theweathering of thewallface, Towver andtheunder-cutting evident. of thetowerfoundations,are
Aims The rapiddegradationof the fortificationsled the onthedefences, projectto launcha researchprogramme whichaimedto: * providea rapidrecordof the remains; * gather enough informationfor a preliminary phasingof the evolutionof the fortifications; * selectsectionsforfutureexploration.
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Approaches Thepreviousworkonthefortifications of SultanKala hasshownthevalueof surveyworkassociatedto smallscalesampleexcavations(BrunandAnnaev2001).The first stage was a detailedsurveyof the fortifications thisyear).Thiswill be followedby selective (undertaken small-scalesampleexcavations of thewall(scheduledfor The and north wallsof AbdullahKhan south,east 2002). Kalawere surveyedduringthe 2001 season.The work was carriedout between Ith Septemberand 30th Septemberwith the help of Ak MohammedAnnaev, GurbanAgadjanovandfive workers. Duringthe surveythe innerandouterfaces,andtop surface,of the walls were scrutinised.Eachstretchof curtainwall,eachtower,andanyspecialelements(such as bridges),wereidentifiedandnumbered.Wherethere wereextantbreachesin thewalls,causedby collapseor erosion,these were quicklycleaned(this involvedno excavation)anddrawn.Partof the mudplasterof each stretchof wall and tower (a 1 m. wide strip) was removedto revealits masonry,whichwas recorded.
upperpartof the wall,witharchesspacedevery2 m. to 2.75 m. A walkwaywasprobablybuilton thetopof the arches,butno traceof thisnow remains. Observed:southwall(Curtain 6);northwall(Curtain 2, Curtain4, Curtain12,Curtain13). (See primarywall in theexcavationof northCurtain 9, below.) Masonry 2
A wall built againstMasonry1, on an extended platformmadeof tyonm(or clay froma canal)mixed with sand. The base of the wall, made of layers of was 4 m. wide, narrowingto 3 m. at the top. qumqutyi, Abovethis,the wall was constructedof pakhsablocks (lowerpart)andmudbricks(upperpart).Towersin this masonrywere spacedevery 50 m. to 60 m. alongthe southwall, and every 30 m. to 60 m. alongthe north wall. Eachtowerwas c. 6 m. in diameterat the top. A walkway,witha firedbrickfloor,ranalongthe curtain walls andtowers.Ithadarchedcanonholes (0.45 m. to 0.5 m. wide,andc. 1.2m. high),about0.6 m. abovethe walkway.TimberbeamswerevisiblewithinMasonry2, Preliminary phasing possiblyfor strengthening. Thesurveyrevealedtheexistenceof 12distincttypes The excavationof AKK1 (see below) revealeda of masonrystructure.Five importantcomponentswere fausse braie (a secondwall line, built in frontof the This appearsto have been identified,whichare describedbelow in chronological mainline of fortifications). order.Theremainingseven masonry elements were builton the extendedplatformduringthe sameperiod. of oneto five,orsmallrepairs.These Accessto the braie(theplatformbetweenthe mainline probablyvariations arenotdescribedin thisinterimreport. of fortificationsand the fausse braie) was through vaultedposternsin boththe curtainwalls and towers. Theposternswerec. I m.to 1.35m. wide,andabout2.5 m. high(Fig. 7). 1 Masonry A wallbase,madeof pakhsa,survivedto a heightof Observed: south wall (Tower I to Curtain 5, 1.30 m. Mudbricksandfiredbrickswere used for the Curtains6-9, Tower 10, and Curtain11); east wall
Fig 7. AbdullahKhanKala: exteriorof the southwall, with 3 (front collapsedintervalToiw'er Masonry2). A blockedposternis visibleto the left of the tower Scale 2m.
THE ANCIENT MERV PROJECT,PRELIMINARY REPORT ON THE FIRST SEASON (2001)
(Tower1);northwall (Curtain3, Curtain4, Curtain69, Curtain10-12,Tower14 andTower15). (See additionalwall builtagainstthe primarywall, in the excavationof northCurtain9, below.)
27
Excavation of north Curtain C9 (AKKI)
A small excavation had been undertakenin September2000, wherethe collapsedstateof the wall provideda naturalsection throughthe fortifications. Thiswas brieflyreporteduponlastyear.4 3 Afterpreliminary Masonry cleaning,the areawasplannedand The Masonry2 wall was extendedby a new upper the sectiondrawn.Thesectionwas thenexpandedintoa portion.Accessto the braiewas blockedwithmudbrick trench 1.5 m. wide and some 27 m. in length, to Curtain9. Thisrevealedtwo successive infill,andtheMasonry2 walkwaywas levelledafterthe perpendicular canon holes had been blocked. A higher fighting walls andthe presenceof twofausse braie.Ceramics, analysis platformwas probablyconstructedabovethe levelled small finds and samplesfor archaeobotanical and for acceleratordating(AMS) were collected.A walkway,butthisno longersurvives. Observed:southwall (Tower1to Curtain5, Curtain systematicsamplingof the bricks from the different 6-9, Tower10, and Curtain11); east wall (Tower1); phasesof Curtain9 also took place.At the end of the northwall (Curtain3, Curtain4, Curtain6-9, Curtain excavation,the sectionwas backfilled. 10-12, Tower14, Tower15). Phase1 The base of Curtain9 consisted of a pakhsa platform,at least2 m. wide and 1 m. high (Fig. 8, 1). In frontof the wall a moathad been dug,perhaps originally as a quarryfor the constructionof the Thewidthof themoatwas between10 m. fortifications. and 20 m. Its depth could not be established(the waterin it today). of themoatstillhasstagnant depression Thewall abovetheplatformwas 4.25 m. wide atthe base, andsurvivedto a heightof 6 m. Thebase of the wall was constructedof pakhsa (2), 1.25 m. high, covered by a stronglycompactedlayer of clay (3), 0.5-0.6 m. high.Abovethis base,the lowerpartof the wall was madeof a rubblecore (5), with an outerface Masonry5 ofpakhsablocks(6) andan innerface of reusedyellow A repairto someof the Masonry4 towers,madeof andred firedbricks.The bricksof the innerface were mortar.Theupperpart andbondedwithmud-straw mortar. looselybondedwitha mud-straw greenishmudbricks, bondedwith a mudObserved:eastwall (Tower7, Tower11). mudbrick was of of the wall (7) strawmortar(Fig. 10). On the innerface of the wall, hadbeenusedto constructpillarsandarches, mudbricks Conclusions whichprobablysupportedthe walkway.Unfortunately, The preliminarysurveysuggeststhatthe evolution in this areathe top of the curtain,with any battlement of the fortificationsof AbdullahKhan Kala can be and walkway,did not survive.A plastercoating (8) as: summarised coveredthe whole curtain. * construction of a wall witharches(Masonry1); * erection of an additionalstrengtheningwall Phase 2 againstthe firstwall (Masonry2); * heightening of thestrengthened The phase 1 wall was strengthenedby the constructwall(Masonry3); * construction of a second wall against the ion of a solid additional wall against the north face previouswall (Masonry4); (Figs. 8 and 10), and by the erectionof afausse braie on * repairsto someof the towers(Masonry5). the outerplatform(Fig. 9).
Masonry4 An additionalwall was built against the earlier Masonry 1, 2 and 3 wall. It was constructedin alternatingcoursesof pakhsablocks (0.95 m. to 1.20 m. high)andbands(fiveto sevencourses)of mudbrick, bondedwitha mud-strawmortar.Timberbeamsappear to have been used to link Masonry4 to the existing wall. Observed:southwall (Curtain10 and Curtain11); east wall (Tower1, Curtain1, Curtain4 to Tower9, Curtain11-14);northwall (Tower1, Tower2).
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28
Merv,AKK1,City Northwall
Sectionof CurtainC9 (SouthernPart),1:50 Brun- September2000 P.R
Additional wall
Curtain C9
N
63
57
7
27
60
57 135 14
.W
32
72 --71
I65
1312
0
0
1
1
2m. 2m
Fig. 8. Abdullah Khan Kala: AKKI excavation, southern part of a section through the north wall of the city. Showing the primary wall (Curtain C9 - Masonry 1) and the additional strengthening wall (Masonry 2) built up against it (see textfor numbers).
Merv,AKK1,City Northwall
Sectionof CurtainC9 (NorthernPart),1:50 R Brun- September2000 N
----
New Fausse Braie
0 1
2 m.
Braie31
63
Fausse
Fig. 9. Abdullah Khan Kala: AKKI excavation, northern part of a section through the north wall of the city. Showing two phases of fausse braie in front of the main line of defences (see textfor numbers).
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MERV PROJECT,PRELIMINARY
The outerplatformat first extendednorthward, by some 11m.,withdepositsof moderately compactedsand (10) andwell compactedtuyunmixedwithsand(11). The additionalwall was very carefullybuilt,with a steppedprofile(Fig. 8). Its base was madefromlayers of qumquyi(12) protectedby a facing of strongly compactedclay (13). The curvedshapeof the basewas probablydeliberatelydesignedto serveas a berm.The lowerwall was builtof layersof qumquyi(14), c. 1 m. thickand 4 m. wide at its base. This was overlainby pakhsablocks(15), c. 1.5 m. thick,whichwas overlain by a singlecourseof firedbricks,somebroken(16).The upperpartof the wall was c. 3 m. wide and madeof mudbricksbondedwith a mud-strawmortar(17). The wall was coveredby a mud-strawplaster(18). In total,the additionalwall survivedto a heightof survived. 6.25 m. (Fig. 10).No walkwayor battlements
REPORT ON THE FIRST SEASON
(2001)
29
On the edge of the extendedouterplatform(11), a fausse braiehadbeen erected(Fig. 9). The basewas a core of qumquyimixed with sand (20). Its innerand outerfacesweremadeof stronglycompactedclay (21, 22). Firedbricks(24) wereusedas theouterfacing.The upperpartof thefaussebraiedidnot survive,probably removedduringthe nextphaseof construction. Phase3 Partof the northernface of the phase2 additional wall was repaired.The pakhsa outerface of the wall was cutback(25) andeightcoursesof horizontallylaid mudbrickswere inserted(26). Thesewere overlainby anda few firedbricks, two coursesof reusedmudbricks, setvertically(27). Therepairwas coatedwitha 20 mm. thickmud-strawplaster(28). Phase4 THE LEVELLING OF THEBRAIEAND THECONSTRUCTION OF A NEWFAUSSEBRAIE.
in The braiewas extendedsome3.75 m. northward, frontof the phase2fausse braie,usingtuyun(31). The braiewasthenlevelledwithqumquyi(32, 34) andblocks of clay(33),raisingtheheightby as muchas 2.2 m. The levellingwas overlainby a stronglycompactedlayerof pakhsa(35), c. 0.5 m. thick,whichalso actedas a new bermagainstthe phase2 wall. The northernend of the braie had a moderatelycompactedclay, mixed with tuyun(37), and was faced with a stronglycompacted fora new tuyun(38).Thesealsoservedas thefoundation of which of its inner face onlypart pakhsa fausse braie, survived. This was the last work on the (36) major in the fortifications recorded excavation.
Fig. 10. AbdullahKhanKala:AKKJ,the northwall of the city (CurtainC9) showingtheprimarywall (Masonry1) to the right,and the additional strengtheningwall (Masonry2), builtagainstit, to the left (see Fig. 7). Scale 2m.
wall sequence The post-defensive Some time after the phase 4 remodelling,the defensivewalls appearto have been abandoned.An importantdomestic occupation sequence, however, showsthatthe areahadnotbeendeserted. Outsidethe city walls (Area B) a small cooking installation,possiblya breadoven or tannur(41, 42), was dug into the braie. The areamay then have been abandoned,as a depositof clay andsand(46) included mudbricksandbits ofpakhsa,possiblyfallenfromthe phase2 wall andthe phase4fausse braie. A sequence of alternatingdomestic occupation, followedby depositsthat may have derivedfrom the
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wasrepeated. New tracesof collapseof thefortifications, domesticoccupationwere attestedby the presenceof anotherbreadoven (47, 48, 49), nearthe base of the wall,andan openfireplace(51). The phase2 additional nextphaseof possiblecollapse(52) was thensealedby thelasttracesof occupation: a smalloven(53, 54, 55, 56) andpossiblyassociatedashdeposits(57, 58, 59, 60). The interior sequence
Insidethe defensivecircuit(AreaA) sandylayers withash(64) weredepositedagainstthe interiorface of the phase I wall. These were followed by the of a bermof stronglycompactedclay (65). construction Onpurelystratigraphic grounds,theseareimpossibleto relateto the developmentof the externalsequenceof modificationsandrepairs. As with the exteriorsequence,alternatephasesof occupation,such as a cookinginstallation(68, 69, 70, 71), andash,possiblyfromhearths(74, 75, 77, 78),were interspersedwith phases of apparentabandonment, includingpossiblecollapsefromthe defensivewall (73, 76). Latercollapsedlayers(61, 62, 63, 79, 80) covered the area,apparently markingits abandonment. Future work
The surveyandexcavationof AKK1haverevealed an excitingandcomplexsequenceof evolutionfor the fortificationsof AbdullahKhanKala.The preliminary phasingwill no doubtbe modifiedwhenmoresections of the defencesareexplored. Theobjectivesof the planned2002 seasonare: * to completethe surveyof AbdullahKhanKala; * to explore the stratigraphic and chronological of the Khan Kaladefences; sequence Abdullah * to undertakea surveyof the defencesof Bairam Ali KhanKala,to establishits basiclayoutand sequence.
preliminaryassessment of the material suggests a sequencefromthe 15thto 20thcenturies. Phase 1
Theceramicassemblagecontainsa largeamountof residualsherds,rangingin date from the 9th to 13th centuries.The latestmaterialappearsto be stone-paste bowls,decoratedin underglazeblueof the 15thcentury. Thesevessels displaytraditionalIslamicelements,but Chinesedesignsintothe floral,vegetal also incorporate and lotus blossom patterns.However,there are no importedChinesepieceswithinthe assemblage. Phases 2 and 3
These phasescontainmaterialof a 16th and 17th centurydate:stone-pasteimitationsof porcelainbowls and dishes, with underglaze blue decoration, are common. Many sherds demonstratea significant Chineseinfluence.Copiesof "RockandWaveBorders", Sprays",and "Lotusflowers with "Chrysanthemum coiled stems and leaves" are presenton more local themoreutilitarian forms.Jars,jugs andbasinsrepresent are all of clay, not stoneThese of this wares period. paste,andglazedwitha darkbrown,mustardyellow or lightgreencolour. Phase 4
This phase containsa large quantityof residual sherds,rangingin datefromthe 12thto 14thcentury. However,thereis somematerialthatprobablydatesto the 17thto 18thcentury,probablylate Safavidblueand whitebowls,andthereis someevidencefor a brownish rimedge on somesherds,a type of decorationcommon on 17thcenturyChineseporcelain.
Thepost-defensive wall sequence ABDULLAH KHAN KALA CERAMICS by Dave Gilbert The excavation through the defensive wall of Abdullah Khan Kala (AKK1) providedthe projectwith its first stratified sequence of later Islamic pottery. A
The ceramic materialof this phase probablydates to the 18th and 19th century. The material is similar to assemblages from Rishtan, Bukharaand Samarkandin Uzbekistan (Kalter 1997). Some of the blue and white ware has a distinctive grey tinge to it, suggesting a late
THE ANCIENT MERV PROJECT,PRELIMINARY REPORT ON THE FIRST SEASON (2001)
date.Somematerialfromtheuppercontextsis obviously of a 20thcenturydate. SURVEYOF SHAHRIYARARK by Dave Gilbert and Dylan Hopkinson
Aerialphotographs, takenin 1977,covermostof the Ancient Merv Archaeological Park. These showed a
significantnumberof featureswithinthe Islamiccity.In the 1990s, the citadelof SultanKala, ShahriyarArk, was exploredas a test of the qualityof the imagery. Upstandingwalls and mound featureswere mapped duringan autumnseason,while duringthe winterthe areawas systematically re-surveyedto look for signsof wall linesthatbecamevisibledueto differentialdrying andsoil marks.The distinctionbetweenthesedifferent datasets was clarifiedduringthe 2001 field season. It is important to notethat: * unsurprisingly, not all the featuresthatappeared on the aerialphotographs were observedon the ground; * many of the soil marksobservedin the winter wherenotpickedup by the aerialphotographs; * number of the more ephemeral mounds, observablein the field, were not visible on the aerialphotographs. Thus, althoughthe aerial photographsshowed a considerableamountof detail,a mixtureof approaches yielded a more detailedplan. It also suggeststhatrethe settlementduringdifferentseasons photographing
31
(withvariationsin vegetationandmoisture)wouldyield moreinformation. datawill be plotted Theexistingaerialphotographic and interpretedthis winter. The differenttypes of field surveyof extant information (aerialphotographic, andstructures, andfieldsurveyof differential earthwork dryingand soil marks)will be mappedon different System(see layerswithinthe GeographicInformation below).A compositeplan,withclearreferenceto where the data was derived, will then be assembledfor publicationnextyear. AN EVALUATION OF STANDINGHISTORIC STRUCTURESWITHINTHE PARK ARCHAEOLOGICAL by Anne Upson and CatherineCavanagh
Therearea numberof standingmudbrickbuildings, manyof whichare examplesof a uniquearchitectural tradition,which are under considerablethreatfrom rain and, most especially,wind. rising ground-water, The prevailingnortherlywindhas removedthe face of exposednorthwalls: the risingdamphas undermined manymore(Fig. 11). The defensivecircuitsof Sultan Kala, its suburbs,and AbdullahKhanKala,face the same problems(Fig. 12). The northernface of the defenceshas beenerodedbackto its core:in the south, the interiorface has sufferedthe same fate. Thereare aspectsof the defensivecomplexthatnow only survive in limitedsections.One of the uniqueaspectsof Merv
Fig. 11. TheKepterKhanain ShahriyarArk: the base of walls beingunderminedby iweathering, risingiwaterand robbing.
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Fig. 12. The north wall of the citadel of Shahriyar Ark: showing surface weathering, ground water erosion, capillary action, and the runnels caused by water flowing down the face of the wall during the winter.
is the abilityof the visitorto appreciatethe scale of the urbanprocess:a largelyuninterrupted landscapeis laid out beforethem,enablingone to visualisethe scale of the cities. This is greatlyenhancedby the continuous natureof the defensivewalls, givinga focusto the eye whengazingacrossthevastexpanseof theseoncegreat cities. The loss of largestretchesof the circuit,all too possible at the moment,would severelydetractfrom this. Workduringthe 2001 field seasonconcentrated its effortson the standingstructuressurvivingwithinthe boundariesof the ArchaeologicalPark.This included six religiouscomplexes,togethercomprisingsome 24 individualbuildings,and 18 traditionalbuildingsof Thebuildings primarilyearthor mudbrickconstruction. have been studiedin some detailfromthe architectural andhistoricpointsof view, andthis previousworkby Dr GeorginaHermann(1999) was reliedon heavilyto providea backgroundto the currentwork. The main aimwas to providea detailedassessmentof eachof the buildings in order to identify conservation and managementpriorities,and to formulatea proposed programmeof archaeologicalrecordingand conservationworksforthe nextfive seasons. The individualassessmentof each buildinggave primaryconsiderationto the presentconditionof the structure,noting all structuraldefects such as cracks, and structural undercutting, damppenetration collapse, with surface defects such as erosion,peeling together and detachment.Previousinterventionswere noted, whetherfor investigationor repair,and the successof
of previousrepairsnoted.In addition,the vulnerability the building,andan assessmentof the mainrisksposed to its future survival,were also noted. The visitor potentialof each buildingwas also considered,taking into accountsuch mattersas location,ease of access, interestandaestheticvalue,andtheviews afforded.The architecturaland historic value of the building,its religioussignificance,itsrarityandgroupvaluewasalso assessed.Thesefactorswerethencorrelated to provide an overallassessmentof significance. Thisdetailedassessmenthasallowedthepreparation of a set of managementproposalsfor each building, for further settingout researchaims,the requirements and investigation,specialist analysis archaeological works recording,andproposalsfor futureconservation to the fabricof the building,all accompaniedby an indicationof the "priorityfor action"for each of the itemsidentified.The assessmentswereset outon a proformaassessmentsheet.Whereavailable,plansof the buildingshave been annotatedwith the locationsand extentof all structural defects,andmarkedup withthe location of the availablephotographicviews. These individual assessments will provide the basis for developing proposals for a programmeof archaeworks. ologicalrecordingandconservation Otherwork includedthe creationof a Glossaryof Termsused in architectural conservation(in English, Turkmen and Russian, French), to promote communicationbetween the differentteams on the project;anda detailedsitelocationplanof allthestanding structures consideredby theprogramme of assessment.
THE ANCIENT MERV PROJECT,PRELIMINARY REPORT ON THE FIRST SEASON (2001)
33
system,therefore,wouldbe bothproblematicin terms andunlikelyto be of benefit of long-termmaintenance, to the local community.The supposedrelationship betweenthe disrepairof some of the canals and the A surveywas undertaken of the mainwatercourses risingground-water mightalso be rathersimplistic,and and research in the ArchaeologicalPark.Thisaimedto: further monitoringis required.(See * locate and define the extents of the main "Conservation andManagement", below.) watercourses; * recordthe currentconditionof thewatercourses; * assesscurrentuse; WITHIN SURVEYOF MODERNAGRICULTURE * assess the impact upon the archaeologyand PARKAND THEARCHAEOLOGICAL SURROUNDINGAREA monumentsfromthe actionof water; * if possible,to attemptto broadlydatethe main by BryanAlvey, with AydogdyKurbanov and Jackie Keily watercourses andfeatures; * make appropriaterecommendations for action A surveywas carriedoutto determinetheextentand andresearch. The areawas intensivelywalked,andphotographs, nature of modem agriculturalactivity within and measurements anddocumentation werecomplied(Figs. outsidethe city walls of SultanKala,GyaurKalaand 13 and 14). Information fromthe satelliteimage,aerial ErkKala.TheareaaroundAbdullahKhanKalawasnot andRussiancontourmapswerealso used coveredthisyear,giventimeconstraints. photographs, the surveywere: The reasonsforundertaking to assess recent changes and to documentcurrent * To understandthe scale and extent of current condition. The surveywas ableto distinguishthe morerecent agriculturalactivity and to assess possible elements of the from damageto the monumentsby suchprocesses. systems agriculturaldrainage * To measurethe changein agricultural historiccanalsystemsof thecities.Italsosuggestedthat activity, some targetedcleaningand repairof the canalscould particularlysince the establishmentof the Parkin 1991. reduceareas of flooding and ponding,which would Archaeological * To the extent anddurationof agricultural benefit the adjacentmonuments.However, it also explore activity, to aid in the assessment of the suggestedthat much of the visible system no longer functionedwithin present-dayagriculturalactivity,in archaeologicaldata(such as aerialphotographs andearthworksurvival). of within the Park due to the reduction agriculture part * To addall suchdatato the MervGIS system. to the areasince its establishment (see below).Repairs THE CANAL AND DRAINAGE SYSTEMS WITHIN THE ARCHAEOLOGICAL PARK by Keith May and Gareth Watkins
Fig. 13. Thecanals of Merv:the canals around the site are in a varietyof states of repair Here an overgrownchannelstill holds water,providing drinkingiwaterfor the local herdsand supporting lush vegetationalong its banks,even in the late summerwhenthisphotographwi'astaken.
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JOURNAL OF PERSIAN STUDIES
Fig. 14. The canals of Merv: a canal running alongside the southern defences of Gyaur Kala. Here the canal is actively maintained, with running water. The silt has been cleaned from the channel within the last few years, as is evidentfrom the piles of material along the far bank.
* Areas under agricultureon the 1977 aerial with clearsigns of ploughingstill the changinglandscape: photographs, visibleon theground,butapparently no longerin IKONOSsatelliteimage (takenin April 2001) thisshowedthenearcontemporary landuse. Resolution use. * Areas under agricultureon the 1977 aerial was at 1 m. pixels,allowingmanyfield boundariesand withephemeral activities to be identified. This evidenceof ploughagricultural image photographs, it was on this visible on the and the base for the and survey, ing ground, no longerin use. provided map * that field boundariesand areas were markedup for Areas of level land but with no evidence of digitisingduringthe courseof the walkoversurvey(see ploughing today or on the 1977 aerial below). photographs. * Areas with other forms of modem land use High-levelvertical aerial photographs(taken in 1977) - these providedevidenceof the landscapein (buildings,trackways,watercourses,etc.), or the late 1970s, before the formation of the ancientlanduse (buildingsandmounds). Park. The of the was The initial analysisof the walkoversurvey data, Archaeological quality images with the earlier aerial photographic and variable,but they providedgood evidence of field along boundariesandareasundercultivation. information, cartographic suggeststhat: Theestablishment of theParkhaslargelystoppedthe Maps (publishedin 1955)- theseprovidedsome evidence of field boundariesand relatedagricultural damageof thearchaeological resourcethroughploughing within Park the area. thetightboundaries of the However, activity. Some areaswere clearlyundermodemagriculture Park,in mostplacesstoppingsome 15-20 m. outsidethe on the satelliteimage, such as those to the northand city walls, mean that significant areas of the southof GyaurKala(Fig. 1). In those areaswherethe archaeological landscapein the hinterlandof the cities currentlanduse was morecomplex,a walkoversurvey continue to be eroded. Huge areas of suburban was undertaken. The survey recorded current settlement,industrial activity,earlyagriculture, irrigation areunderthreat. conditions,andclarifiedboundariesandactivitiesseen andisolatedmonuments, on the satelliteimage. Areas of agriculturalactivity,probablyduringthe of fanning,have Areas were subsequentlyclassifiedinto six broad 19thand 20th centuryintensification obliterated areas of surface features bothwithin of land use: types large * Areascurrentlyunderagriculture. and outside the city walls. This has reduced the * Areas in which there was evidence of recent "legibility"of the aerial photographicdata in those of areasof settlementfrom agriculture,but that appearedto be unused/ areas,andthe interpretation will needto recognisethis. aerialphotographs fallowat the time of the walkover. Three cartographic resources were used to assess
THE ANCIENT MERV PROJECT,PRELIMINARY REPORT ON THE FIRST SEASON (2001)
35
developing both their expertise and resources,and providingsoundadvicefor the conservationof the site Detailedworkis underwaycorrelating the walkover andthe monumentsit contains. surveydata,using a GeographicInformationSystem, withthemap,aerialphotographic andsatellitedata.This will be used to explorein more detailthe changing Workin 2001 andto providebackdropdatafor patternof agriculture, the interpretationof aerial photographicsurveys. A broadreview was undertakenof the Archaeowill be Programmes developedto explorethe areas logicalPark,lookingatvisitornumbers,accesspatterns outsidethewalledcities,andtheArchaeological Park,to (includingtracksandpaths),signage,generalcondition establishprioritiesfor futureresearchandmanagement. (including drainage, vegetation, rubbish dumping, modemactivities),looting,etc.Thisworkis enablingus to develop a prioritisedplan to examine long-term CONSERVATION AND SITEMANAGEMENT monitoring,emergencyremedialaction,and priorities for recordinganddisplay.It has also provideddetailed by Louise Cooke, Gaetano Palumbo and Tim Williams on the conditionin 2001, as a reference documentation actionandreview. for future point Turkmenistanis a young state, and problems associatedwith the historicalenvironmentmight be perceivedas beingof secondarysignificance,afterbasic Futurework economic and social issues. The conservationand With the assistance of a generous grant from managementof the archaeologicalresourceat Merv, however,is not divorcedfrom such concerns.Local American Express through the World Monuments resources, awareness, education and training are Watch,a programmeof the WorldMonument Fund,we in factors a British/French/Turkmen achievable solutions to are important developing currentlydeveloping the protection and management of the resource. collaboration to begintacklingthe conservationissues. Tourism,landmanagement, education,skillsandcrafts, This will build upon the existing platform of are all capableof playingimportantroles in the local informationto provide a prioritisedprogrammeof and regional community. Any plans for the action.Thefollowingareaswill be addressed. ArchaeologicalPark have to be sustainable,clearly framedwithinthe capacityof local organisations, and with all relevantpartners. Firedbrickstructures developedin partnership The Archaeological Park, operating under the A prioritywill be to assessthe structural problemsof in Merv(theMausoleumof auspicesof the Ministryof Culture,providesthe key specificfiredbrickstructures monuments Ibn Zayd,the TimuridIwans,and the Mausoleumof managementagencyforthe archaeological of Merv.Any workwithinthe WorldHeritagesitemust SultanSanjar).An initialreporton the conditionand arisefromdecisionstaken,andsupported, by the Park. problemsof the monumentswill be compiledafterthe The staffat the Archaeological Parkalreadyhas a great fieldvisit(scheduledforMay2002).Whereappropriate, deal of expertisein dealing with the problemsof suchastheprevention small-scaleremedialconservation, managingthe complex, and fragile, archaeological of furtherwaterpenetration,will be undertaken.The landscapeof Merv.However,theyhave few resources, main thrustof the assessment,however,will be to beyond the expertiseof the staff: they are short of producea detailedproposalfortargetedconservation. Future work
essential equipment and infrastructure.In line with the new Central Asian Earth initiative, launched this year by UNESCO, our project seeks to develop the capacity of the Turkmen team, both from the Archaeological Park, and from other national agencies (the Ministry of Culture,and the State Instituteof CulturalHistory of the Peoples of Turkmenistan,Central Asia and the East),
Mudbrick structures
The aim of the currentprojectis to build on the currentplatformof information,bringingtogetherthe ArchaeologicalPark staff, CRATerre,and the UCL team,to:
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JOURNAL OF PERSIAN STUDIES
1) agreethose aspectsof structureswhich are "at risk"- where deteriorationis compromising structuralstabilityin the short-term.This will lead to a programmeof immediateremedial action; 2) select structuresthat representthe range of issuesfacingtheearthen degradation/conservation architecture at the site, for the programmeof longer-term experimentation.
westerncomerof GyaurKala,orin the suburban areato the west of SultanKala). 2. There is some suggestion that the existing channelsmay actuallyforma barrier,preventing the movementof the water-table(this may be supportedby the appearance,duringthe rainy season, of numerousshallowpuddlesbetween the drainagecanalsandthe citywalls). 3. The actionsof the vegetationwithinthe canals, such as the reeds, are impreciselyunderstood. Reedsmaybreakup the siltedlayerof the floor of the drainagecanal and thus facilitatethe Capacitybuilding:trainingin mudbrickremedialwork Initialtrainingand monitoringhave alreadybeen waters. flowingout of subterranean in two missions to CRATerre 4. The in Merv developed by quaternary deposits the area consist of conducted during 2001 and funded by UNESCO seams of sand (with grainsof differentsizes), to varying (Moriset2001a and 2001b). This will be enhanced sandyloam,loamandclay,waterlogged duringthe firstfield tripin 2002, whentrainingwill be degrees.The basic mappingof the underlying providedto the staff who will be undertakingthe geology,andits impactuponthe drainageof the emergencyrepairwork.Thiswill focus on the: area,is currently poorlyunderstood. * productionand selectionof materialsfor repair A programme to addressthese issues is now being work; developed with the Archaeological Park, local * proceduresfor documentinginterventions; landowners/farms andthe projectspecialists,to agree: * proceduresfor monitoringthe impact of the * targetedcleaningandrepair; * monitoring; work; * development of experimentalapproachesto * research. problems. Two follow-up visits will take place, to review progress,monitoroverallquality,andprovideadditional Mitigationof the impactof earlierexcavations specifictraining. Followingon from the resultsof the field survey (see above), a detailedand prioritisedprogrammeof work is being developedto mitigatethe detrimental The canaland drainagesystems impact of the numerousarchaeologicalexcavations The surveywork undertaken in 2001, to map the upon the resource.This will include proposalsfor existingdrainageschemesand documenttheir current recording(locationandarchaeological documentation); condition(see above),revealeda complexsystem of mitigation (including backfilling, consolidation, channels,manynow unused.TheinitialCRATerre report drainage,clearanceand ameliorationof vegetation (Moriset2001a) concludedthat one factor affecting growth);conservation (of exposedremains)anddisplay was the level of the waterbuildingspreservation high (of potentially significant remains as part of an and the concomitant with and chemical table, problems planfor the site). Thisneedsto integratedmanagement mechanicalerosion.Discussionswith the Park staff, be supplementedwith researchinto backfillingand as to how the consolidation however,raisedcomplexinterpretations methodology. The programmewill be co-ordinatedby Louise systemcurrently works,andwhatthe impactof cleaning or repairingthe canalswould be uponthe local hydrology. 1. There are clear instances where the silting or abandonment of channels has resulted in currently maintained channels moving large quantities of water to areas where they can no longer drain away, causing extensive flooding and salt-panning(for example, along the north-
Cooke, and developed in partnership with the ArchaeologicalParkstaff, to ensurethatthe programme is sustainable and fully integrated with developing strategies for tourism and display. It will also be fully co-ordinatedwith the on-going researchprogramme,to ensure that the researchpotential of the previous work is fully realised.
THE ANCIENT MERV PROJECT,PRELIMINARY REPORT ON THE FIRST SEASON (2001)
CONCLUSIONSAND THEFUTURE PROGRAMME In additionto the specificpointsmentionedin the sections above, there are a number of developing prioritiesfor futurework. New aerialphotographs Thereis anurgentneedto undertake a verticalaerial of the area, photographic survey supported by topographicdatagathering.Thiswill enableus to: * documentandanalysethe urbanmorphologyof the cities,and * develop a better understandingof the areas outsidethe mainwalledcities. Verticalaerialphotography doesexistforthecity.The extant is from Russian material takeninthe only coverage 1970sbuttherearea numberof problemswiththese:no negativescan be located;survivingprintsare damaged; thecoverageis incomplete; theyhaveno registration; they weretakenat variablealtitudes;thereis no rectification data;theyhavepoordifferential Nevertheless, exposures. the existingimagesclearlydemonstrate the potentialof such an approach,with good definitionof buildings, streets,canals,etc. (Fig. 15). Thereare problemswith differentiating buildingfunctionon the basis of broad as observed theaerialphotographs, not through plan-form, leastbecauseof the modularandcellularstructure thatis sharedacrossa varietyof structures, from houses to locational mosques.However,the scaleof the structures, attributes anddetailsof design,will makeit possibleto dividethevisibledataintobroadgenericgroups(domestic housing, hammams, suqs, caravanserai,madrasa, mosques,minarets,open spaces,field boundaries, etc.). The aim is to providea varietyof levels of dataand interpretation, managedand storedwithinthe projects Information Geographic System(seebelow). Intermsof urbanmorphology, themainpotentiallies with those elements of the sequenceclosest to the surfaceof eachof thecities:theearlyIslamicoccupation attheendof GyaurKala,theIslamiccityof SultanKala, andthe latercities of AbdullahKhanKalaandBairam Ali KhanKala.Thesearevitallyimportantsequences, perhapsespeciallyso at SultanKalawhere,by the early 13th century,some 350 ha were enclosedwithin its defensivecircuit,withanother200 haenclosedin walled suburbsto the north and south. Sultan Kala is an
37
outstandingexample of a large and complex urban settlement,from a vital periodin the developmentof withthe comingof Islamtheurbanlandscape, urbanism: andthe conductof dailylife, beganto change(Wheatley of theearly 2001).So muchof ourcurrentunderstanding of urban Islamiccity is basedupon the interpretation centresthat continueto be occupiedto this day: Fez, Cairo, Aleppo, Damascus, etc., provide important insightsinto the developmentof the Arabictown (e.g. Bianco2000;Kennedy1985),butwiththeproblemsand complexitiesof subsequenturbandevelopment.Their formhas been modifiedby over a thousandyears of occupation,with perhapsthe most dramaticchanges takingplace in the last threecenturies.SultanKala,in contrast, provides a snapshot of importanturban landscapefromthe 7th-8thto early 13thcentury,with to obscureitsmorphology. noneof thelaterdevelopment resource Outsidethewalledareasthe archaeological Aerial is notconfinedto individualstandingmonuments. show fieldwork and interveningbuildings, photographs gardens,orchardsand cemeteries,but at presentthe protectionfor these is limited.To the west of Sultan andthe"pottersquarter" Kala,forexample,caravanserai therobbingof pottery arebeingdestroyedby agriculture, tradeandothermodemactivities,such fortheantiquities as tracks and rubbish dumps. Analysis of aerial takenoverthepast25 yearsshowsthescale photographs of the loss, but is also enablingus to plan with the Parkfor the futuremanagementof the Archaeological combined areasmost at risk.New aerialphotographs, will and satellite withthe image groundsurvey, enable thislandscapeto be accurately mappedforthe firsttime. Developmentof a GeographicalInformationSystem (GIS)
Duringthecourseof the2001 fieldworkwe beganto developa GeographicalInformationSystem(GIS) to on modemland managethevastamountof information of areas use, irrigationsystems, flooding,belowground archaeologicalresource,standingbuildings,and the of past landscapes- integratingthese interpretations with historical maps, aerial photographyand the satelliteimageryacquiredearlierthis year.The latteris providinga geo-referencedbase map, a platformfor the otherspatialdata. integrating Thereis a considerableamountof workneededto digitisethe existingimagery(airphotos,maps,trench
Fig. 15. Sultan Kala: part of the 1970s Russian aerial photographic coverage, with the grey scales computer-enchanced to accentua streets and buildings. Scale bar: 10m intervals.
THE ANCIENT MERV PROJECT,PRELIMINARY REPORT ON THE FIRST SEASON (2001)
locations,etc.), and to integratethe existing surface scattersurveyandfield surveys,in orderto providean effectiveplatformfor new work.The developmentof the textualanddatabaseelementswill be substantial.
Futureexcavations On-going research is a vital component of successfullymanagingandsustainingthe archaeological resource, enhancing its interpretationand display. is beinggivento the sustainability Consideration of new excavations: there are numerous research archaeological withoutcompromising questionswhichcanbe addressed record(e.g.wherea uniqueaspectsof the archaeological or sequenceremains). singleexampleof a structure Therearenumerousresearchquestionsto whichthe cities of Merv can make a major contribution.The strengthsof the archaeologylie in the qualityof the recordof the archaeology whichsurvivesbelowground, the spatialscale of the resource,andthe shiftingnature of the urbansettlement.This has resultedin major phasesof urbanoccupationbeing relativelyaccessible as (nearthesurface)andwell-preserved (taphonomically well as physically). Merv is particularlyexciting as it provides a palimpsestof urbanlandscapes,withmigratingfoci. At variouspointswithinthesequenceentireurbanlandscapes lie closeto the surface,legiblethroughaerialphotograph and field survey,and explorablethroughmodemopen Theseprovidefantasticopportunities to areaexcavations. exploreissues of urbanorganisation (publicandprivate of properties, attitudesto space) space,the organisation and infrastructure and (watersupply disposal,rubbish, streetlayout and maintenance),as well as long-term trends,suchastradeandprovisioning (theconsumer city). Key chronologicalissues includethe scale of change withintheSasanianandAbbasidcities;whenandhowthe focus changedfrom GyaurKala to SultanKala;the and developmentof SultanKala;and the organisation formandstructure of theMongoloccupation. Theexcavationstrategywill builduponthe existing sampleof interventions,by using targetedand smallscale excavationsto date layoutsand explorechange. This strategywill also take accountof threatsto the resource,such as the spreadof the modemcemeteries withinthe suburbsof SultanKala, andthe erosionof structures,in planningwhere and how we should resourcethatis Merv. samplethe outstanding
39
Conclusions The Ancient Merv Archaeological Park provides an
importantecologicalresource,sustaininga numberof rarehabitats,plantsand wildlife. This reinforcesour needto developa sustainablemanagement planfor the WorldHeritageSite,whichencompassesall aspectsof this phenomenalsite. The ArchaeologicalParkis an appreciatedlocal resource:Park staff have already startededucationalprogrammeswith local schools, althoughresourcesare neededto develop access. At presentforeigntourismis not a majorfactor,although to the whatthereis providesan importantcontribution of The scale local and regional economy. tourism, however,is likelyto changeoverthe next decade,but to planforthis on a sustainable we have an opportunity basis, before the scale overwhelmsthe infrastructure andfacilities. TherearemanychallengesfacingMerv,in termsof bothmanagementandresearch.Whatis so excitingis the willingness of so many participants- the Park,the Ministryof Culture,academic Archaeological and scholarly institutions in Turkmenistan,the internationalcommunity (not least UNESCO, the MetropolitanMuseum of Art, New York, and the Instituteof Archaeology,UCL) - to take up the challengeof developinga sustainablefuturefor this uniquesite. ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS Fundingfor this firstfield seasonwas providedby grantsreceived from the Max van BerchemFoundation, Geneva, the Metropolitan Museum of Art, New York,
and through the core support of the Institute of Archaeology, University College London. We are
indebtedto all oursponsorsfortheirgeneroussupport. We are deeplygratefulto ourTurkmencolleagues, without whose support and interest it would be impossibleto operate.We would particularlylike to thank Drs Mukhammed Mamedov and Ruslan Muradovof the National Departmentfor the Protection, Study and Restoration of Historical and Cultural Monuments, Ministry of Culture,and Rejeb Dzaparov, Director of the "Ancient Merv" Archaeological Park. Their enthusiasm and commitment to the research, understanding and conservation of the outstanding sequence of cities at Merv makes the project a truly
40
JOURNAL OF
SIAN STUDIES
worthwhileexperienceforus all. Wearealsogratefultc VladimirZavyalov,of the Instituteof MaterialCulture, the Archaeological Park for letting us use theil St.Petersburg, brokehis ankleon another unfortunately accommodation,especially as they allowed us tc expeditionin CentralAsiajustbeforehe was duetojoin overspillintotheoffices!Rejeb'steam,especiallyRejet us:he was sadlymissed. Akmedov,ArkadiiKlimkinand AnnamuradOrazov. The project could not take place without the hasalsocontributed and dedication and support of my co-director, Dr greatlyto theworkundertaken, thethoughtsaboutits futuredirection.Thanksalsogo tc Kakamurad Kurbansakhatov. His organisational skills, the membersof thehouseteam,Berdi,TerkeshAnnaexv dedicationto theproject,andcommitment to the siteare andAgamurad,who didtheirbestto makeour staysc inspirational. enjoyable. Special mentionmust also go to the irrepressible We continue to benefit from the support thal KathyJudelson,who not only undertookinvaluable UNESCO, and especially Junko Taniguchi, theii liaisonandtranslation work,butalsobecameourguide ProgrammeSpecialistfor the Asia-PacificRegionand to Turkmencustoms:her enthusiasmfor the country SpecialProjectsfor Cities, has offered.Junko'shard andits peoplesmakesa hugedifference. work and commitmentto the region has seen the The defensive survey of Abdullah Khan Kala, initiativesforthe reportedon here by PierreBrun,couldnot have taken developmentof a numberof important area,not least the launchingthis year of the Centram place withoutthe hard work and dedicationof Ak AsianEarthprogramme. Mohammed Annaev, Gurban Agadjanov, ably In developingthe approachesto the conservation supportedby Meylis Agadjanov,EutshDurdiev,Hal andstabilisation of earthenarchitecture at Mervwe are Bairamo,andBachimBerdiev. all indebtedto the knowledgeand driveof S6bastien Thanksalso go to AydogdyKurbanov(National Morisetof CRATerre-EAG in Grenoble,andto a grant [nstituteforthe Historyof Turkmenistan of the Cabinet fromAmericanExpress,throughtheWorldMonuments of Ministers), who engaged with this, his first Watch,a programof the WorldMonumentFund,which archaeological project,with enthusiasm,matchedonly is enablingus to develop a French-Anglo-Turkmen by his passionto masterthe Englishlanguage.He was collaboration. able to attenddue to the kind offices of Professor Workin the field was greatlyfacilitatedby the loan Aydogdyev,Directorof the NationalInstitutefor the of surveying,computingand photographicequipment Flistoryof Turkmenistan of the Cabinetof Ministers, by the LandscapeResearchCentreand,throughthem, who kindlycontinuesto provideus with supportand theloanof Handspring palmcomputers,kindlydonated encouragement. by the HandspringFoundation,which considerably The workin Turkmenistan was made easierby the enhancedourabilityto recordinformation in the field. effortsand supportof H.E. the BritishAmbassador, Work on the satellite imagery has progressed FraserWilson, and his wife, Janet. The care and rapidly,thanksto the co-ordinationand effortsof Dr attentionwe receivedduringsomepotentiallydifficult MarekZiebart,andthehardworkof CordeliaHall(both lays in Septemberwas muchappreciated. Otherstaffat of theDepartment of GeomaticEngineering, :he Justin and made us feel Jane, University Embassy,especially CollegeLondon),who rectifiedthe imageandprovided verywelcome(andprovidedmuchneededsuppliesof us with an essentialtool for our work in the field. :onicwater). ProfessorPeterDare (Universityof New Brunswick) In England,H.E. the TurkmenAmbassador,Chary has alsokindlycontinuedto provideadviceandsupport Babayevandhis staff,especiallyVadimShiriyev,have to the process. :een constantsources of supportand advice. Their The projectcouldnot have takenplace withoutthe :mthusiasmfor the project, and the long-term supportandinvolvementof the manystaffwho gave of :onservationand presentationof Merv,is a sourceof theirtime- andin manycases donatedtheirholidays nuch encouragement. Collaboration with ourTurkmen - to the project:BryanAlvey,PierreBrun,Catherine :olleagueshas beenconsiderablyenhancedby H.E.the Cavanagh,Louise Cooke, David Gilbert,JulianHill, ambassador'sefforts. ProfessorV.M. Masson, of the State Instituteof Dylan Hopkinson,JackieKeily, Keith May, Gaetano Palumbo,Dominic Powlesland,GabrielePuschnigg, cultural History of the Peoples of Turkmenistan, Anne Upson, Faith Vardy, and Gareth Watkins. ?entral Asia and the East, has been a long-term
THE ANCIENT MERV PROJECT,PRELIMINARY REPORT ON THE FIRST SEASON (2001)
and supporterof the archaeologyof Turkmenistan, His the continued for especiallyMerv. support project, not leastthoughthe effortsof his staff,have madethe developmentof a new and ambitiousprogrammeof conservationandresearcha moreachievablegoal. A specialacknowledgement is due to Dr Georgina who the Herrmann, trulypioneered workat Merv.She has undertaken a nine-yearprogrammeof researchthat has fundamentallychangedour understanding of the site and its context. Withouther efforts, it is no exaggerationto say, thattherewould be no projectat Mervtoday.Her workdirectlyled to the development of the dig house centreat the Park,andperhapsmost importantlyto the recognitionof Merv and its long-term future, World Heritage Site status in 1999. The latter raised the profile of the site, within both Turkmenistan and the wider world, and provided a platform for the activities that are being undertakentoday. We could not attractthe attention,or the potentialfunding,thatthe site now receives without the platform of work that Georgina achieved during those years. Her publication on the monuments of the Merv oasis (Herrmann1999) is not only a testament to her hard work and scholarly endeavour, but also to the breadth of her vision: the boundariesof the Merv oasis are vast, and while many faced with 1,000 ha of walled city would have felt that they had a sufficiently large challenge, Georgina strove to understandthe broaderlandscape of the oasis and to explore all of the standing structuresof the region. Her dedication is beyond question and I feel particularly fortunateto be able to follow on from such an amazing platformof work and enthusiasm. A final thanksgoes to ProfessorPeterUcko, Director of the Institute of Archaeology, University College London, for both involving me in the projectand having the imagination to see the potential of Central Asia studies and the Institute'scontributionto these.
1 m. resolutionmeansthateachpixel in the digitalimage represents1 m. on the ground. 2 http://www.spaceimaging.com/ 3A mappingprojection. Theexcavationwas citedas "sectionof Curtain8"in the 4 reporton the 2000 season (Brun and Annaev 2001, 41-42). The survey of the north wall undertaken this season, however, revealed the presence of an additional tower, and thus Curtain8 has now become Curtain9.
41
Bibliography Bianco, S. 2000. Urbanform in the Arab World,London. Brun, P. and Annaev, A. 2001. "TheMedieval Fortifications", in Herrmann,G. et al., Iran 39, 25-34. Dare, P. and Ziebart,M. 2001. "Overthe Silk Road: bringing satellite imagery down to earth", GPS World, Vol.12, No.4. Feh6rviri,G. 2000. Ceramicsof the Islamic Worldin the Tareq Rajab Museum,London. Herrmann,G. 1999. MonumentsofMerv, TraditionalBuildings of the Karakum,London. -, KurbansakhatovK., Simpson St J. et al. 2001, "The InternationalMerv Project, Preliminary Report on the Ninth Season (2000)", Iran 39, 1-34. Kalter, J. 1997. Ceramics of the Eighteenth to Twentieth Century in Uzbekistan;Heirs to the Silk Road, 332-36, London. Kennedy, H. 1985. "From Polis to Medina: urban change in late antique and early Islamic Syria", Past and Present, 106, 15-26. Lane, A. 1957. Later Islamic Pottery, London Kazim, M. 1938. "Kitab-i-Nadiri", Vol. 2, Moscow-
by P.P.Ivanova. Leningrad,translated Moriset, S. 2001a. Planning of a SystematicMonitoringfor a Selection of Monuments at "Ancient Merv" World Heritage Site, Turkmenistan:report on first mission,
UNESCO& CRATerre. -
2001b. Planning of a Systematic Monitoring for a Selection of Monuments at "Ancient Merv" World Heritage Site, Turkmenistan:report on second mission,
UNESCO& CRATerre. Obelchenko, O.V. 1963. "Gorodishcha Starogo Merva
v svete Abdulla-Khan-Kalai Bairam-Ali-Khan-Kala rabot YUTAKE 1950g." (The City-Sites of Old Merv Abdulla-Khan-Kalaand Bairam-Ali-Khan-Kala- in the
by YUTAKEin 1950s),in Trudy lightof workundertaken YuTAKEXII, Ashkhabad,249-308. Puschnigg, G. 2000. A Diachronic and StylisticAssessment of the Ceramic Evidencefrom Sasanian Merv, unpublished. PhD thesis, University College London. Wheatley, P. 2001. The Places where Men Pray Together Cities in Islamic Lands, University of Chicago Press. Zhukovsky, V.A. 1894. Drevnosti Zakaspiskogo kraya. Razvalinystarogo Merva, Materialypo arkheologiiRossii
(Antiquitiesof theRegionbeyondtheCaspian.TheRuins of AncientMerv),SaintPetersburg.
TUWAH KHOSHKEH: A MIDDLE CHALCOLITHIC MOBILE PASTORALIST CAMP-SITE IN THE ISLAMABAD PLAIN, WEST CENTRAL ZAGROS MOUNTAINS, IRAN By KamyarAbdi, GabrielNokandeh,Ali Azadi, FereydounBiglari, Saman Heydari,DariushFarmani,AkbarRezaii and MarjanMashkour DartmouthCollege, Iranian CulturalHeritage Organisationand CNRS
INTRODUCTION
butuponcloserinspectionwe discovereda pit andsome left by clandestinediggersin a futile debris,apparently The role of mobilepastoralistsin the historyof the attemptto findancientartefacts.In andaroundthe hole Near East - ancient and modem - is unquestionable, and the debriswe found a few pot-sherdsand some but archaeological techniquesfor recognisingthe sites small pieces of bone. Initiallymost sherds seemed of pastoralactivityarenotwell developed.Thestudyof undiagnostic.Therewas, however,one small painted TuwehKhosheh,a small site of the fifth millennium sherd which seemed to belong to the Middle B.C.E.in the WestCentralZagrosMountains,provides Chalcolithicpaintedtraditionof the region. anopportunity to developanintegrated suiteof methods We recordedthe site as ID108, namedit afterthe for evaluatingpastoralsites. valley(sinceno one in the areaseemedto knowof any It is usefulto providea definitionfora numberof the particular namefor it) and,becauseof its configuration terms used in this paper: "Campsite":a type of andmarginallocation,made a note of it as a possible settlementwith temporarydwellings occupiedfor a mobilepastoralistcampsite.The ceramicsindicateda limitedtime. fifthmillenniumB.C.E.date. "Pastoral": a modeof production concernedwiththe exploitationof domestic animals.In this case oviRESEARCHOBJECTIVES caprines.Pastoralismoccursin a continuumfromfully to mobile sedentary (village-based herding) fully The firstandsecondseasonsof ourresearchin the (nomadicpastoralism). "Mobilepastoralism": a formof pastoralismwhich IslamabadPlain (1998-99) includeda survey of the involves the movement of the herd beyond an Plainandstratigraphic excavationsat ChoghaGavaneh zone, usuallyone dayto a few day'swalk - the site with the longest history of Holocene agricultural fromthe village. occupationon the Plain (Abdi 1999, n.d.a).Evidence "Transhumant a form of fromthe surveysuggeststhat duringthe Neolithicto pastoralism": specialised mobile pastoralismwhich is still based on sedentary Early Chalcolithicperiod, settlementpatternsin the settlements,but which involvesseasonalmovementof IslamabadPlain consistedof small, scatteredsites of the herdbetweenpasturesand some use of campsites. roughly the same size in close proximityto water The extremeform of mobile pastoralismis "nomadic sources.However,significantchangesseem to occur Thisis a modeof subsistence pastoralism". (i.e.,a wayof duringthe Middle Chalcolithicperiod(c. 4800-4200 which relies on living), primarily pastoralism, involvinga B.C.E.).First,ChoghaGavaneh,witharound3 hectares high degree of mobility,includingthe changingof of occupation,appearsto have become the major dwellings,andlivingin a successionof campsites. sedentarycentreon the Plain. Second,in additionto TuwahKhoshkehis a small site in a valley by the ChoghaGavaneh,we recordedat least 18 mounded samenameto the west of the IslamabadPlain(Fig. 1). siteslargerthan1 hectareanda further26 moundedand The site was discoveredduringthe second survey unmoundedsites of less than 1 hectare,all of Middle season of the IslamabadPlain (Abdi 2000). At first Chalcolithicoccupation.Peripherallocation in the sight,the site seemedlike a naturallow rise at the foot margins of the survey area and shallow deposits of the rockycliffs formingthe northside of the valley, suggestedto us thata numberof smallunmounded sites,
43
JOURNAL OF PERSIAN STUDIES
44
Hamandan
K4
N
Islamabad haho
0
5
10 kmkm
15 `\, \h;eV"
'"\h"~~;2~~I
:~~~
Fig. 1. General map of western Iran, the Islamabad Plain and the location of TmvahKhoshkeh.
such as Tuwah Khoshkeh,may have been mobile pastoralistcampsites. In our first and second seasonswe openeda few exploratorycuts at ChoghaGavaneh(Abdin.d.a).One of ourstratigraphic cuts- Operation W263- exposed Late Neolithic to Late Middle Chalcolithicmaterial. Ourexcavations,althoughsmallin scale,yieldeddirect evidenceof (1) subsistencein the formof domesticated plants(e.g., wheat,barley,chickpeas)andanimals(e.g., sheep,goat,cattle,pig), (2) socialactivitiesin the form of clay figurinesandiconographically richceramics,(3) craftactivitiesin the formof stonetools, andpossibly activitiesin theforma stampsealand (4) administrative tokens. These finds indicate that the Middle Chalcolithicsedentarycommunityat ChoghaGavaneh was a fairlycomplexsociety with considerableinterandintra-community interaction. Whatseemedstrikingin ourexcavationsat Chogha Gavanehwas the diversityof the potteryrecovered comparedto that of surfacepick up at otherMiddle
Chalcolithicsites on the Plain. During our surface survey of Middle Chalcolithicsites we found local ZagrosChalcolithicpottery,i.e., Black-on-Buff,RedandBlack-on-Red White-and-Black, (LevineandYoung in In contrast, OperationW263 at Chogha 1987). Gavaneh,in additionto the local ZagrosChalcolithic of otherareas, ceramics,we foundpotterycharacteristic such as varioustypes of Dalma Ware,representinga ceramictraditionextendingfromAzarbaijan to Central and Vidale Black-on-Buff 1987), Zagros(Henrickson pottery,typicalof the Deh LuranandSusianaPlainsin the lowlandsof southwesternIran(Le Breton 1958; Hole, FlanneryandNeely 1969;Dollfus 1983a,1983b; Delougaz and Kantor 1996), and Ubaid pottery of southernMesopotamia (Ziegler1953;Safaret al. 1981; Oates1983).Thisis alsotrueforthe lithicmaterialfrom ourexcavationsatChoghaGavaneh,as we foundexotic chertspossiblycomingfromthe SouthemZagros,Deh Luran,and the MiddleEuphrates,and also obsidian, whichcouldhavecomefromAnatolia.
TUWAH KHOSHKEH
The test excavationsat TuwahKhoshkehhad five main researchobjectives:(1) to recoverfaunal and floralsamplesin orderto establishwhetherornotit was andfeaturesin a pastoralsite,(2) to recoverarchitecture orderto establishwhetheror not it was a transhumant pastoralistor nomadicpastoralistsite, (3) to recover itemspertainingto subsistenceactivitiesin orderto see how much the inhabitantsrelied on pastoralversus products,(4) to recoveritemsof dailyuse agricultural with embellishmentsin order to assess the social relationsof the peoplein this smallcommunityto those in the large center,(5) to recoveritems obtainedin exchange in order to assess whether or not the inhabitants either transported goods from their hinterlandto the centre or receivedgoods from the centre.
The discoveryof potteryand lithics from remote areas in Middle Chalcolithic deposits at Chogha such Gavanehsuggestedto us, amongotheralternatives as exchange,thepresenceof a mobilecomponentin the MiddleChalcolithicpopulationof the IslamabadPlain responsible for transportingsuch items over long distances. It is importantto note that the Middle Chalcolithicperiod may have been the time when nomadicpastoralismemergedin the ZagrosMountains as a specialisedsubsistencestrategy(Henrickson1985). Thishypothesisis supported by the discovery,furtherto the south in the Pusht-iKuh area in Lurestan,of a to nomadsand numberof isolatedcemeteriesattributed datingto the LateMiddleChalcolithicperiod(Haerinck andOverlaet1996). Thanksto ourtest excavationsat ChoghaGavaneh to the we alreadyhadarchaeological samplespertaining subsistencestrategy of the sedentaryagriculturalist populationof the Middle Chalcolithicperiod in the IslamabadPlain.In our thirdseason,in the Springof 2000, we thereforeset as our researchobjectivean investigationof the mobilepastoralistcomponentof the MiddleChalcolithicpopulationof thePlain.Earlyin the thirdseason in April 2000, we revisitedevery small MiddleChalcolithicsite recordedin precedingseasons and and,afterassessingthe archaeological preservation as the chose Tuwah Khoshkeh we logisticalaccess, optimalsite fortest excavations.
LAND FORMSAND SOILSOF THETUWAH KHOSHKEHVALLEY The TuwahKhoshkehValley(Fig. 2) is on average about 100 m. higherthan the IslamabadPlain, thus around1400-1500m. a.s.l. The Valleyis about6 km. long and between 1.5 to 2 km. wide. Geologically speaking,theTuwahKhoshkehValleyis a smallsyncline witha northwest-southeast axis,closedon thenorthwest, but open towardthe southeast.The generalareais of Ravand
SBed
.500.
?
45
" .
..1400
Eroeine e
uvumremnants
t
Fig. 2. Physiographic map ofthe Tuivah
Khoshkeh Valley.
46
JOURNAL OF PERSIAN STUDIES
karsticlimestoneof the Oligo-miocene period.Thiskarst structureis typical of the folded Islamabadarea and provides some supplies of undergroundwater. The limestoneformations of theTuwahKhoshkehValleyare whitish or buffish usually yellow. Outcropsexhibit withstratarangingfrom0.40to 1.0 regularstratification, m. in thicknessanddippingatanglesof 20 to 40 degrees. The Tuwah KhoshkehValley is located at the marginof the IslamabadPlain, and thereforeshares many geomorphologicaland hydrologicalsimilarities with the latter (Heydari2001). The Valley's close proximity to vast mountain ranges to the south, especiallythe Kuh-eSefid,has creatednumerousdeep V-shapedgorges which flood with water for only a shortperiodof time duringthe wet seasonof the year. The southernpart of the Tuwah KhoshkehValley consistsof at least four long and deep canyons,each
with a distinctlocal name(see Fig. 3). These canyons are used by contemporarynatives, especially the nomads,who use themfor accessingpasturesin higher elevations.In spite of periodicfloods throughthese watersourcein theValley defiles,thereis no permanent today. Soils andvegetationin the TuwahKhoshkehValley changeas a functionof slope.Fineandcoarsesediments depositedin variouslocalesin the Valleyrespectively indicate periods of steady alluviationunder wetter conditions and periodic flash flooding under drier conditions.The KhorehTawhills to the northhave a gentleslopewith a relativelythinlayerof surfacesoil, all thatremainsafterlongperiodsof exposureto natural elements. The Kuh-e Sefid hills to the south have sharperslopeswith cliffs androckyoutcrops.Hills on bothsidesarepartiallycoveredwithscatteredoaktrees
0
1
2 km
1400
S1500 Ravand R.
Sar Tuwah Canyon
.
STuwah ID
\
189
B
Khoshkeh
) .1400
.ni
-uwa-hShiy
Canyon I.
"
Z
ID188Canyon
uarw0
n K
11 S" Fig. 3. Topographic map of the Tuwah Khoshkeh Valleyshowing the location of the site of Tuwah Khoshkeh, other sites recorded during intensive survey, and the nomadic tent-sites at the time offieldwork.
TUWAH KHOSHKEH
thatcontribute to thepreservation of the soil. Thepollen evidence from Lake Zeribarabout 200 km. to the northwest(vanZeistandBottema1977),indicatesthat the oak forest was much denser during the fifth millenniumB.C.E.,the time of the MiddleChalcolithic period(furthercommentson palaeoenvironment below, under"Discussion"). Themarginalcolluviain the Valleyis now partially coveredwithagricultural fields.Mostof the agricultural fields are locatedin the Valleyfloors with finer silty sediments.The vegetationof the valley floor priorto cultivationis not known.
47
Zagrosto the southwest,wheretheirwinterresidence (garmsir) is located. These nomads do not own fields in the TuwahKhoshkehValley,but agricultural claimto have somefields in theirgarmsir.Theirmode and of subsistenceis entirelydependenton pastoralism, some of its with the of villagers products they exchange Amirabadfor grainandothercommodities. In additionto the latter,two nomadichouseholds from the Khali (Khaledi) tribe of the Kalhor confederacyspendthe springin the TuwahKhoshkeh Valley.One of thesehouseholdsbelongsto the Salman lineageof the Khalitribe,who spendwintersin Poshteto ye ImamHasanandsummersin Sarab-eSharafabad Gharb. The other the town of Islamabad-e of the north MODERNLAND USE AND SETTLEMENT IN householdbelongsto the Rajablineage of the Khali THETUWAHKHOSHKEHVALLEY tribe, who spendwintersin the Naft-Shahrarea and summersin the ChamRavandareafurthersoutheaston About70%to 75%of the TuwahKhoshkehValley the IslamabadPlain. is coveredwith agriculturalfields. These are mostly Further,eightnomadichouseholdsspendspringat owned and maintainedby residentsof the Amirabad the thresholdof the TuwahKhoshkehValley,summer village, the only sedentarysettlementin the area, aroundthevillageof Amriabad,andthenmigrateto the locatedat the thresholdof the Valley.Accordingto the Ben-TaviareaaroundGilan-eGharbin winter.Besides 1996census,244 households,comprising1,280people, pastoraleconomy,the latterpractisemeagreagriculture live in 202 residentialunits.Thecommoncropsinclude while in the TuwahKhoshkehValleybutclaimto have we failedto record chickpea,wheat, barley, and lentils. Although dry- fieldsin theirgarmsir.Unfortunately is the norm,severalvillagershave dug deep the exactlineageandtribeof the latterpeople,butthey farming wells to irrigatesome of theircrops,mostlywheatand also belongto the Kalhorconfederacy. Most nomadichouseholdspitch theirtents on the sugarbeets.The wells in the Valleyareusuallydeeper than those of the Islamabad Plain and reach northernfoothillsof the rockyhills to the southof the watertables at a depthof around50 m. Valley (Fig. 3). The nomadsgave four main reasons underground belowthesurface.Thevillagersof Amirabadaremostly for theirpreference:(1) the beddingslope in the latter fromthe Khalitribeof the Kalhorconfederacyandare area is down towards the south, consequently thereforerelatedto nomadicpastoralistsoccupyingthe underground wateremergesin close proximityto the Valley. tents, (2) the surfacesoil in the areais rathershallow, During our excavations at Tuwah Khoshkeh, hence unsuitablefor agriculture,and thereforethe 15nomadicfamiliesutilisedpasturagein villagers of Amirabadhave no claim on the land and approximately the Valley. Five to six nomadic householdsof the the nomads can use it freely, (3) the area receives Koleh-Patribeof the KurdishKalhorconfederacyuse slightlymoreprecipitationdueto its somewhathigher the TuwahKhoshkehValleyon a seasonalbasis(forthe elevation,andthereforehas betterpasture,(4) the area locationof nomadiccampsites duringour excavation is closer to the passes nomadsuse in their seasonal see Fig. 3). Thesenomadsarrivein the Valleyin early migration. springand stayuntillate spring,whenthey migrateto the environsof thetownof Homeil,about40 km.to the THE SITE OF TUWAH KHOSHKEH southeast,wheretheKoleh-Patriberesides.Oneortwo householdsremainin the Valley,but once the others The site of Tuwah Khoshkeh is located about 7 km. haveleft the ValleyforHomeil,theymove closerto the to the west of the town of Islamabadand about 3 km. to village of Amirabad.They spendthe summerin the Valley and migrateto the Dar-Balutand Zaleh-Zard the west of the village of Amirabad (Fig. 3). The site, areasin the environsof Gilan-eGharbfurtherdownthe located in a strategicposition within the Valley, has the
JOURNAL OF PERSIAN STUDIES
48
following advantages:(1) it is centrallylocatedwith immediateaccess to differentpartsof the Valley.Its
Beforebeginningthe excavationsour surveyteam of HeydariandBiglarimappedthe slope on whichthe location in front of the Sheytan Ba-ar and Darwnvand site was sitting(Fig. 5). The mostprominentfeatureat Zard passes to the south, providesthe site with a thesitewasa pileof rocksclearedawayfromthenearby communicationroute,yet protectsit from occasional field by the villagers.There were very few surface floodsfromthesecanyons,(2) the soil aroundthe siteis sherds,but one could see rocks protrudinghere and of finer grain and betterqualitythat the rest of the therebetweenbushes. Weexcavatedin threelocations:(1) OperationA, a Valley,(3) the site'slocationon the south-facingslopes 5 x 5 m. squareon the highestpointof the site, (2) the provideamplesunshine. TuwahKhoshkehsits on a naturalrise about2 m. Long Trench,a 1 x 15 m. rectangleon the southern higher than the surroundingslope (Fig. 4). This slope of the site, and(3) the Deep Sounding,a lx 1 m. protrusionis in fact a smallcolluvialfan producedby squarewhere clandestinediggers had alreadydug a flow fromthegullyabove,as indicatedby a studyof the pit. in the DeepSoundingbelow sedimentswe encountered a depthof 2 m. (see below).It was hardto estimatethe exact dimensionsof the site as surface indications, Operation A especiallysherds,were scarce,and the site is entirely coveredwith chickpeabushes.But, we thinkthat an OperationA was a 5 x 5 m. squareplacedon the area with a 15 m. radius would be a circular highest part of the site, in the hope of finding irregular remainsso that we could take samples architectural reasonableestimate. fromwell-definedcontexts(Fig.6). EXCAVATIONS Excavation Procedure
Thesite of TuwahKhoshkehis locatedin themiddle of a 3 hectare chickpea field. As our planned seasonwe excavationsinterferedwith the agricultural had to negotiatewith Sheikh-MoradPour-Akbari,a residentof the Amirabadvillage andthe ownerof the chickpeafield, andcompensatehim for the damageto his cropas a resultof ouractivities.
We learnedfrom the farmersthat they had only recentlybegunto use mechanisedtools to ploughtheir fields, and this particulararea has always been to ploughdueto theshallowdepthof surface problematic soil andthe largenumberof rocks.Thisturnedoutto be trueas afteronly about10 cm. we beganto encounter scatteredrocks.Whenwe clearedthe entire5 x 5 m.
Fig. 4. General view of the site of TuwahKhoshkeh
duringexcavations.View from the south.
TUWAH KHOSHKEH
49
Fig. 5. Topographic map of the slope with the site of Tuvah Khoshkeh (marked by the extant of surface remains), and the location of excavated areas.
JOURNAL OF PERSIAN STUDIES
50
Fig. 6. General viewvof Operation A. Zone 4 I
Zone 3 I
II
0 ~o
tto,
•g
"•
CTJ,
Q FN]
[-•
I,
" I
,
I
Zone
EA
_________
~b
i
I
2Zone
1
2m
trenchto a depthof about15cm.,we exposeda scatterof rockswithlittleidentifiable pattern.Thematrixin which theserockswerelocatedwas a gravelysedimentmixed withsherdsandpiecesof bone.Welabelledthisas Layer I andmappedthe distribution of rocks(Fig.7).
Fig. 7. Rock scatter at Layer I, Operation A.
Aftercompletelyclearingthe areaof loose sediment we beganto probethe rockswithan awl andto remove the ones thatwerenot in directcontactwithotherrocks below or besidethem.Oncethese "loose"rockswere removedwe beganto noticea patternof stonealignments
TUWAH KHOSHKEH
(Fig. 8). We clearedand recordedthese alignmentsas LayerII. As excavationswent deeperthe patternsin rocks became clearer and we began to see more we beganto findcrushedjarsinsitu Further, alignments. in severalloci, usuallynextto the stonealignments.
trench-
51
which we call Wall 1 - seems to be about40
cm. wide,formedby settinglargerockson a northwestWall I extendsbeyond southeastaxis. Unfortunately, theboundaries of ourexcavation,andthereforeits exact is unknown. configuration Wall1 seemsto be relatedto a longerwallabout1.70 m. to the southwest(Wall2). A longerextentof Wall2 was excavated,so we arein a betterpositionto assessits Architecture and Features, of Layer alignment,configuration, and structure. Bothwalls use Itis hardto saymuchaboutthearchitecture I, as it has been disturbedby prolongederosionand the sameconstruction techniqueof aligninglargerrocks recent ploughing. We shall thereforefocus on the on thelowercourses,smallerrocksontheuppercourses, featuresof LayerII. However,we do not dismissthe andthenstickingcobblesin betweento stabilisethem. possibilitythatwhatwe labelledas LayerI is in factthe Wall 2 is not straightand shows a bendtowardsthe uppercoursesof LayerII, crumbledandtossedaround middle.In the spaceformedby WallI andWall2, there afterthe site was abandonedand, especiallyin recent arethreeprominentfeatures.Features21 and22 consist of pieces of completejars smashedin situ. Feature26 times,as a resultof humaninterference. Whatstandsoutin the architecture of LayerIIis two comprisesa few largefragmentsof anotherjar. To the northwestcomerof the trenchthe remainsof stone alignmentsin the northernsectionof the trench The to the northeast of the another wall was found(Wall3). Unfortunately, Wall3 comer alignment (Fig. 8).
Wall3
o f2 Wall
F1 421
lot
201
(I ,
lott204
F
275
F24 lot
N
AE
0
I
2m
1
,
,
i
203
Fig. 8. Excavated features and stone alignments at Layer II, Operation A.
JOURNAL OF PERSIAN STUDIES
52
also extendsbeyondthe limitsof the excavation,butwe managedto exposethetopsof therocksusedinthiswall, andbelievethatitjoins Wall1 aftermakinga turnto the northof thetrench.Thereis anemptyspacebetweenthe end of Wall2 andthe beginningof Wall3, rightto the southwestof Feature21. Thisgap,about0.5 m. inwidth, seemsto havebeenthe entranceto the structure. To the southwestcomerof the trenchanotherstone alignmentwas found.Thisfeature,labelledWall4, runs almost parallel to the eastern wall of the trench. thiswallwas in a badconditionandhard Unfortunately, to discern.At least two coursesof large rocks were found,butwithoutthe typicalsmallercobblesusedfor stabilisingthem.Thismightsuggestthatthis was not a wall buta platform.To the eastof this wall werefound pieces of two, perhapsthree,smashedvessels in situ, along with a few pieces of fine paintedware which seemedto belongto the samevessel (Feature23). This was the only place that morethantwo pieces of fine paintedwarewerefoundtogether. In additionto the walls and featuresdiscussed above,we founda few otherfeaturesthatdid not quite fit with ourperceptionof the architectural remains,but couldnotbe easilydismissedas meaningless.Onesuch featureconsistedof two piles of rocksbetweenWall2 andWall4. Bothpiles consistof largerocksusedin the lower courseand smallerrocksin the uppercourse,a patternconsistentwiththewalls.Moreover,to the south of the westernpile, we foundthe remainsof a smashed vessel in situ (Feature25). This furthersuggeststhat thesetwo piles mayhaveoriginallybeenpartof a wall. However,whencomparedto Walls2 and4 theirlower elevationssuggestthatthey may belong to an earlier Thesameargumentcanbe made phaseof construction. about anotherpile of rocks with in situ pieces of a smashedvessel (Feature24) to the southof Wall2 and partiallyattachedto it.
stabilisedby puttingsmallercobblesbetweenthem.The matrix surrounding these rocks consistedof gravely material. sedimentmixedwitharchaeological As withOperation A, we usedanawlto probeloose rocksand removethe ones thatdid not seem to be in directcontactwith otherrocks.Once a fairnumberof rockswereremovedin thismanner,a veryroughpattern of rockalignmentsbeganto emerge.However,due to the smallareaof exposure,the exactconfiguration and natureof thesealignmentsremainedobscure. One particular area,between8.25 m. and 10.45m. the was devoidof rocks,andit mightbe trench, along assumedthatthis representedan open space between structures. This areawas nonethelessrichin pot-sherds of bothcoarseandfinetypes,butthe percentageof fine paintedsherdswas very low. From14 m. to the end of the Trenchalsoyieldedno rocks,butit is mostprobable that this representedthe naturalsoil. The maximum depthreachedat the northernend of the Long Trench was 50 cm. below the datumwhich, consideringthe
The Long Trench
WeopenedtheLongTrenchon the southernslopeof the site to explorethe verticalstructureof the site (Fig. 9). The Long Trenchbegan 2 m. to the south of OperationA and extendedall the way to the valley floor (Fig. 10). In all, the Long Trench measured 1 x 15 m. In the Long Trench,too, we encounteredpiles of irregularrocks right below the surface soil. Most rocks were largerboulders,
Fig. 9. General view'of the Long Trench.
TUWAH KHOSHKEH
53
with the lowest slope of the site, roughlycorresponds of the Deep Sounding. point TheDeep Sounding To the southwestcomerof OperationA, an areaof about 2.5 m. x 1.5 m. was dug out by clandestine diggersto a depthof about1.2m. In fact,it was thispit and debristhatcaughtour attentionduringour survey andleadto the discoveryof the site.Inthe debrisleft by the clandestinediggersone could see pot-sherdsand bones.In the pit,we couldsee a few coursesof rocks. As we wereworkingon OperationA andthe Long Trench,we decidedto take advantageof the labour invested by the clandestinediggers and study the of the site by clearingandexpandingtheir stratigraphy a as Deep Sounding(Fig. 11).Therefore,in an area pit of 1 x 1 m. we beganclearingthe debris,exposingthe coursesof rock and collectingin situ archaeological material.Excavationsin the Deep Soundingcontinued to a depthof 210 cm.belowthe datum.Ourexcavations in the Deep Soundingrevealedfourlayers(Fig. 12) : Layer1:the surfacesoil,maximum10 cm. in depth, withmanyrootsandotherplantmaterial. Layer2: from 10-125 cm. below the datum.This layerconsistedof irregularcoursesof rocksthatmaybe partof stonealignments.Thefill betweentherockswas a sandyandgravelysediment,lightbrown(7.5YR5/3) in colour.In this sedimentwe foundpieces of coarse ware and fine paintedand unpaintedware,as well as smallpieces of charcoalanda few molluscshells. Layer3: 126-173 cm. below the datum.No rocks werefoundin thislayerwhichconsistsentirelyof a silty deposit,mediumbrown(5YR5/4)in colour,mixedwith some archaeological material,especiallysherdsof fine redware,pieces of charcoalandbone. Layer4: 174-210 cm. belowthe datum:virginsoil. A fine silty deposit,light brown(7.5YR4/4)with no material. archaeological MATERIALCULTURE
Fig. 10. Plan of the Long Trench.
Tuwah Khoshkeh was not particularlyrich in materialculture.In additionto almost80 kg. of pottery, we only foundsome lithicartefacts,a handfulof small finds,andseveralhundredanimalbones.
54
JOURNAL OF PERSIAN STUDIES
EAST WEST
Mediumsand and subangular: 5YR 4/2 "darkreddish gray"
-
o
'
-O pot
Coarse sand with granules: 7.5YR 5/3 "brown"
sherds
-
shell
100 cm
burntbone J.i
Finesand: 5YR 5/4 "reddishbrown potsherds."
Virginsoil: very fine sand -
7.5UR 4/4 "brown"iiiiiiiiiiiiiii
Fig. 11. Workat the Deep Sounding.
.
. .. .
.
.
iii~.~iiiii.~....................i~i
.
.
.
.
. .. .
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
- 200 cm
Fig. 12. Thestratigraphyof the Deep Sounding. Pottery
Short-neckedjars (Fig. 13: 1, 5, 6), 8 to 16 cm. in
rimdiameter,9.5 to 21 cm. in height,and 1.8to 2.7 cm. Table1 presentsthe sherdcountsandweightsfrom in bodythickness. Mediumneckedjars (Fig. 13:9), 8 to 10 cm. in rim differentexcavationloci. The pottery from Tuwah Khoshkehcan be dividedintotwo generaltypesbased diameter,unknownmaximumdiametersor height. Restrictedbowls (Fig. 13: 7), 24 to 32 cm. in rim on the overallqualityof the fabric:CoarseWare(Fig. and Fine Ware diameter,12 to 16 cm. in height,and 1.2 to 1.9 cm. in 13) (Fig. 14). CoarseWare:includesthe largerportionof pottery. bodythickness. Mediumbowls withflat base (Fig. 13: 3, 4), 19 to 38 CW is characterised by a relativelysoft fabrictempered with largeand small fragmentsof vegetal matterand cm. in rim diameter,11 to 18 cm. height,and 2 to 4.5 occasional small bits of whitish grit (probably cm. in bodythickness. Oval basins (Fig. 13: 2, 8), 26 to 36 cm. in rim limestone).CW fabricrangesin colourfromlightbuff is 8 to 12 cm. in height,and 1.2to 2.1 cm. in to reddish CW dimensions, (2.5Y6/6) light pink (2.5YR6/8). is thickness. thus the core only partiallyoxidised, body poorly fired, Ring-based shallow basins (Fig. 13: 10), 14 to 26 especiallyin largerspecimens.The surfaceis covered with a thin slip mediumbuff (10YR8/4) in colour. cm. in rimdiameter,6 to 9 cm. in height,and 1.2to 2.2 cm. in bodythicknessbelowthe rim. Commonformsinclude:
TUWAH KHOSHKEH
55
Fig. 13. Coarse Ware.
Fine Ware:Characterised by hard,well-firedfabric, with fine sand inclusions,and slipped. In terms of fabric,FW ranges in colour from buff (2.5Y6/3) to reddishpink (5YR6/6), but the slip is usually buff (2.5Y8/3). FW occurs in both plain and painted variants. The painted designs are predominantly geometricandexecutedin verydarkbrown(7.5YR8/1) to black(GLEY22.5/5PB).Commondistinctivemotifs includeboldchevrons(Fig. 14:2, 6, 7, 15, 18)androws of diamondswithobliqueparallellinesas filler(Fig. 14: 12, 13, 17, 24). Common forms include small to mediumbowlswitha varietyof forms,includingsimple open examples(cf. Fig. 14: 8, 9, 11), deep examples with ledge rims (cf. Fig. 14: 10, 13, 14), restricted
examples(cf. Fig. 14: 6, 7), andbell-shapedexamples (cf. Fig. 14: 11, 12, 14), and smallto mediumjars or pipkinswithverticallyperforated lugs (Fig. 14:3, 5). The Fine WarefromTuwahKhoshkehfits withthe and Black-on-Redtraditionsof Red-White-and-Black, the LateMiddleto EarlyLateChalcolithicperiod.The closeststylisticparallelsarewiththeLateSiahbidPhase in the Mahidashtand KangavarPlains to the east (Levine and Young 1987), the ParchinahA cemetery assemblagein Posht-i Kuh (VandenBerghe 1987; HaerinckandOverlaet1996)andwith the Farukhand Suse Phases(Wrighted. 1981)in the foothillsof Pusht -i Kuh to the south,all datingto the mid to late fifth millenniumB.C.E.
56
JOURNAL OF I
Fig. 14
IAN STUDIES
e Ware.
TUWAH KI
Table 1. Sherd count from tes
57
IKEH
-avations at Tuwah Khoshkeh
Operation A, Layer I Type
Count
Maximum dimension
Form
Total Weigl (in g)
Rim
Body Base
(in mm)
Fine Plain Buff Ware
15
55
-
15
-
30
Fine Painted Buff Ware
9
50
1
8
-
35
Fine Plain Red Ware
73
220
4
69
-
35
Fine Painted Red Ware
5
35
-
5
-
30
Coarse Ware Zone 1 (SE) Zone 2 (SW) Zone 3 (NE) Zone 4 (NW)
122 202 57 39
390 2300 1650 1800
4 -
122 202 53 35
4
80 65 70 90
Operation A, Layer II, Lot 201 Type
Count
Total Weig] (in g)
Maximum dimension
Form Rim
Body Base
(in mm)
Fine Plain Buff Ware
237
3450
11
226
-
30
Fine Painted Buff Ware
15
52
-
15
-
30
Fine Plain Red Ware
99
230
7
92
-
20
Fine Painted Red Ware
18
53
5
12
1
28
Coarse Ware Feature 21 Feature 22 Feature 26
3508 28 64 4
43,844 1380 2910 240
86 8 6 -
3420 15 58 4
2 5 -
30-114 40-90 40-120 80
Operation A, Layer II, Lot 202 Type
Count
Form
Total Weig (in g)
Rim
Maximum dimension
Body Base
(in mm)
Fine Plain Buff Ware
4
180
4
-
-
50-70
Fine Painted Buff Ware
1
10
-
1
-
30
Fine Plain Red Ware
16
850
16
-
-
40-70
Fine Painted Red Ware
3
120
2
-
1
28
58
JOURNAL OF PERSIAN STUDIES
Operation A, Layer II, Lot 202 continued... Count Type
Coarse Ware Feature 23-1 Feature 23-2 Feature 24 Feature 25
Operation
29 41 66 6 39
Total Weight (in g) 8265 1750 3275 280 1932
Form Body Base Rim 12 3 2 4
12 31 60 4 8
2 7 4 2 27
Maximum dimension (in mm) 80-120 30-170 20-150 30-80 20-190
A, Layer II, Lot 203
Type
Count
Total Weight (in g)
Form Body Base Rim
Maximum dimension (in mm)
Fine Plain Buff Ware
1
80
1
-
-
100
Fine Painted Buff Ware
1
15
1
-
-
70
Fine Plain Red Ware
2
25
-
2
-
50
43
3570
3
40
-
40-180
Fine Painted Red Ware Coarse Ware
Operation A, Layer II, Lot 204 Type
Count
Total Weight (in g)
Form Rim Body Base
Maximum dimension (in mm)
Fine Plain Buff Ware
3
125
1
1
1
80
Fine Painted Buff Ware
1
15
1
-
-
30
Fine Plain Red Ware
2
10
-
2
-
30
Fine Painted Red Ware
18
53
5
12
1
28
Coarse Ware
301
2450
24
267
10
60-120
Long Trench Type
Count
Total Weight (in g)
Rim
Form Body Base
Maximum dimension (in mm)
Fine Plain Buff Ware
8
125
1
6
1
30-70
Fine Painted Buff Ware
7
20
-
7
-
15
Fine Plain Red Ware
13
75
-
13
-
20-30
TUWAH KHOSHKEH
LongTrenchcontinued... Type
Count
Total Weight (in g)
Rim
59
Form Body Base
Maximum dimension (in mm)
Fine PaintedRed Ware Coarse Ware
219
219
4290
-
30-70
Deep Sounding Type
Count
Total Weight (in g)
Rim
Form Body Base
Maximum dimension (in mm)
Fine Plain Buff Ware
3
52
-
3
-
40
Fine PaintedBuff Ware
1
14
1
-
-
30
Fine Plain Red Ware
-
-
-
-
-
30
Fine Painted Red Ware
8
35
-
8
-
30-40
Coarse Ware
145
8230
14
124
7
60-120
Lithic Artefacts
butinhabitantsof TuwahKhoshkehusedthistype of chert
Thetestexcavationsat TuwahKhoshkehyielded75 chippedstone pieces (Table2). Of these the largest numbercame from OperationA (53 pieces), which, with the exceptionof three pieces from LayerI, all come fromLayerII. The remainingpieces came from the Deep Sounding(15 pieces)andthe LongTrench(7 pieces).Recoverytook place withoutsievingandthus thelithicsampleis biasedtowardlargerpiecescollected duringexcavation;smallerpieces such as tiny flakes
foronlysomeof theirtools.Therearealso 14examplesof finereddishorbrownishchert,a varietyfoundinhillsnear the centreof the plain 15 km. eastof TuwahKhoshkeh andthenortheast edgeof theplain45 km.eastof oursite. (BiglariandAbdi1999:6). In additionto the local cherts,thereareothertypes of fine chertthatarenot foundon the IslamabadPlain, of TuwahKhoshkehhad suggestingthatthe inhabitants contactwith otherareas.Theseincludefourteenflakes of mottledgreyanda denticulated scraperof fineglossy
and microliths may have been overlooked, As Tuwah Khoshkehwas only occupied a few times duringa relativelyshortperiod,the chippedstoneartefacts can be studied as a single assemblage. The bulk of the sampleconsists of varioustypes of chertand a few pieces of siliceous sandstoneand other stone types. The small TuwahKhoshkehvalley has no chertsources.The closest local sourceis locatedabout8 km. to the northeast,where it occursas nodulesofa coarse,mediumgrey chert,and a fine transluscenttan chert (Biglari and Abdi 1999: 6). Fourteenpieces of mediumgrey chertand threepieces of fine transluscentbandedtanchertwere found.Both blades andflakes arecommon.These local chertsarecommon in the Chalcolithiclayersof ChoghaGavaneh(Wrightn.d.),
opaquered material(probablyjasper) the closest known source of which is on the southern slope of the Maiwaleh Mountainto the north of KermanshahPlain, about 80 km. to the northeast of Tuwah Khoshkeh (Biglari and Heydari 2001). However, there may be a more local source not yet discovered. There were three large flakes from a single core of fine darkbrown chert common in Posht-i Kuh, about 140 km. southeastof the IslamabadPlain. Other fine cherts of unknown origin, such as Fine White Chert,Fine bandedtan and grey, and Oolitic tan and red cherts, were occasionally used for making blade tools. The known locations, however, suggest that the people of Tuwah Khoshkeh had contacts with both the northand the south.
JOURNAL OF PERSIAN STUDIES
60
Table 2: Lithics from Tuwah Khoshkeh10.5
Locus Artifact Type
OperationA Layer 1 Layer 2
Long Trench
Deep Sounding
Sub Total
Total Count
Total %
Tools Blades and flakes
Notch/Denticulate
Pointed Piece
Denticulate Scraper
Retouched bladelet
Truncatedflake
Utilizedflake
Utilized blade
MdGry with sheen FnBnT-G Other
FnWht -
2: 5g 1 3g 1 Ool]
2: 2g -
R/G FnTrT Other
1: 1g -
1: 8g 1FnG:
1: 23g
FnWht Other
-
1: ig -
R/G Other
-
R/G Other MdGry Other R/G MdGry FnWht FnBnT Other R/G MdGry FnWht FnBnT Other
-
2 1 1
2 6
30%
2 1 2
5
20%
1 1FnMtRG: -
12
10%
1:29g -
1 -
1
5%
-
1: ig -
1 -
1
5%
-
1: 2g -
--
1
5%
-
-
-
-
1
1
5%
-
1: 10g 2: 2g 1: 4g 1: 5g
-
-
1 2 1 1 -
1MdT: 4g
1
-
Total
5% 22
100%
Debitage Core
Flake
MdGry Other
-
R/G MdGry FnWht FnMtRG FnDkBr Other
-
-
-
1: 18g FnMtl 2: lg 7: 7g 9: 23g 3: 46g 6: 6g
Ig
-
-
1
-
-
1
2
3.6%
3: 18g 1: 13g 4: 3g 3: 2g -
2: 9g 1: 4g 2: 4g -
-
-
7 9 4 14 3 6
43
72.7%
61
TUWAHKHOSHKEH
Debitage...
Locus Artifact Type Blade
OperationA Layer 1 Layer 2 1: 3g 1: -g
-
-
-
-
-
MdGry FnWht FnBnT Other
1: lg -
Bladelet
Other
1 Ob: -g
-
-
Chunk
R/G MdGry FnMtRG Other
-
1: llg 1: 7g -
-1: g
R/G MdGry Other
-
1:
-
-1
Other
Long Trench
Deep Sounding
1 OolT: 2g -
-
1: -g Htd: 1g
Sub Total
Total Count
Total %
1 1 1 1
4
1
1
1.8%
1 1 1 -
3
5.4%
1 1 1
3
5.4%
55
Total
100.0%
75
TotalCount Material Varieties by Weight R/G MdGry FnWht FnMtRG FnDkBr
-
11g 7g 23g 46g
18g 13g 3g 2g
9g 4g 4g -
-g -g -g -g -g
Other
There is only one piece of obsidian (a broken
bothedges on bothventralanddorsalfaces.Based on
bladelet), which has the greenishhue typical of Nimrud Dag in easternAnatolia, 630 km. to the northeast.This source, however, has not been verified with neutron activation analysis, Tools and used pieces comprise 27% of the total sample, which mainly consists of blades and flakes with sheen, notched/denticulated pieces, and used blades. Six blades and flakes with sheen are present in the sample. These artefactshave nicking, which occurs along the edges with sheen and may have been caused by use. Except for one broken flake with a polishing stripe of 5 mm. (Fig. 15: 10), all the tools have polishing as a narrow stripe of 1-3 mm. along one or
experiments by Korobkova (1999), reaping domestic cereals results in a 3-7 mm. polishing along both faces, while tools used for reaping wild cereal and grass have a narrowpolishing stripe of 1-3 mm. This observation leads us to suggest that, due to their narrow polishing stripe,tools discovered at Tuwah Khoshkeh, were used for reaping wild cereals and/or grass for fodder. Determiningtheir exact function will, however, require future microwear and archaeobotanical analyses. If these artefactswere used for reaping cereals or fodder, the presence of the blades and flakes with sheen indicates late spring-early summer occupations at Tuwah Khoshkeh.
JOURNAL OF PERSIAN STUDIES
62
I
8
_
7
9 ,
-.-...
8
,
12
10 i
%
14
13
1
-,
Fig. 15. Lithic artefacts.
Of the chippingdebris,nearly73%are flakeswith the rest consistingof blades,a few bladelets,chunks, debrisand2 cores.Thecoresareof theamorphous flake andpyramidalflaketypes.It is likely thatmanyof the flakes struckfrom such cores were used in various cuttingtasks,butonlyuse-wearstudiescanconfirmthis.
theTuwahKhoshkehlithicassemblage In summary, is characterised by a high proportionof blades and flakeswith sheenandnotchanddenticulated pieces in some indicate which tool groups, specialised may activitiesrelatedto the cuttingand sawing of animal tissues,grass,or wood.
63
TUWAHKHOSHKEH
Table 3: Attributes of Blades and Blade Segments from Tuwah Khoshkeh Locus
No.
Al
1
Al
2
A2 A2
3 4
A2
5
A2
6
A2 A2 A2
7 8 9
A2
10
A2
11
A2 A2 A2 A2 A2 A2
12 13 14 15 16 17
Wd
Thk. Scars
2.16
.86
.17
3
2.41
1.32
.19
3
.71
Cmp Cmp
6.17 5.93
2.22 1.41
.57 .52
3 2
10.45 4.22
Cmp
5.80
1.36
.49
3
5.39
3.15+
.92
2
20.45
1.57 1.45 1.34
.56 .40 .34
2 3 3
3.78 2.85 2.32
Fig.
Material
Part
.1
Obsidian
Px
O-FnBdT-R
Ds
FnRed FnWht FnBdT
-
.8 .7 -
.13 -
.2 -
.3 .4 .5 .6
Ln
Wt.(gm) Usage .42
O-OllT-R
Cmp
7.63
MdGry MdGry O-OllT-R
Px Px Px
3.91 3.62 3.75
FnRed
Med
2.62
.97
.28
2
.87
MdGry
Med
3.88
1.28
.42
2
- 2.50
FnWht MdGr MdGr FnWht O-FnBdG-T FnRed
Med Med Med Med Med Dstl
3.18 4.05 2.65 3.18 4.27 2.23
1.15 1.26 1.26 1.38 1.67 1.95
.20 .43 .25 .40 .35 .35
4 3 3 3 3 3
.84 - 3.30 1.51 - 2.30 1.75 1.53
Small Finds Only five small finds were recovered from excavations at Tuwah Khoshkeh, four of which came from OperationA (Fig. 16). SF1. (Fig. 16: 1). A rhomboidal "bead-seal", longitudinally perforated, probably with an incised double-diamond design on one surface. Material: greenish-black (GLEY 1-3N) stone, perhaps chlorite. Maximum length 14 mm., width 6 mm., perforation diameter2 mm. From OperationA, Layer I. Probablya brokenpiece of a pendant-seal.Cf. Herzfeld 1933: Abb. 13, EH TG 2403; Hole et al. 1969: Fig. 103n (Tappeh Sabz, Bayat Phase);Buchannan1984: 34, Nos. 236-237. SF2. (Fig. 16: 2). A rounded and perforated potsherd with chipped circumference,made of the typical coarse, straw-temperedware, with some limestone and fine sand inclusions. Fabriccolour light red (2/5YR7/6), with traces of wash. Maximum diameter 37 mm., maximum thickness 21 mm. From OperationA, Layer I, 110 cm. south, 230 cm. east, depth 44 cm. Probablya spindle whorl. SF3. (Fig. 16: 3). An elongated and pyramid-shaped piece of sandstone with a rectangular broken base. Surfaces partially abraded.Colour light reddish brown (2.5YR7/3). Height 48.7 mm., base length 35.7 mm.,
Irr.Lt.Rt.,Cnr.Pol Irr.Lt.Rt Irr.Ret
Alt.Cnr.Ret
Sd Lt.Shn/Irr.Rt:1 Lt.Shn/Irr.Rt: 1 Sd Lt.Shn/Irr.Rt:lSd Lt.Shn/Irr.Rt:2 Sd 2 Nchs
base width 23.2 mm. From OperationA, Layer II, 160 cm. west and 100 cm. north, depth 48 cm. SF4. (Fig. 16: 4). A rectangularcube-shapedpiece of sandstone with one edge chipped off. Colour light brown (7.5YR6/3). Maximum length 66.2 mm., maximum width 29 mm., maximum thickness 37.1 mm. From OperationA, Layer11,90 cm. south, 200 cm. east, depth 50 cm. SF3 and SF4 may have been used for working hide or leather, but determining their exact function will requiremicrowear studies in the future. SF5. (Fig. 16: 5). A broken piece of a perforated semi-rectangular shaped limestone. Colour grey (5YR6/1). Surviving length 45.8 mm. (estimated maximum length about 75 mm.), maximum width 56.7 mm., maximum thickness 17.9 mm. and perforation diameter11.0 mm. From Layer 2 in the Deep Sounding, 74 cm. below the datum. According to our workers, objects like this are used today by nomads to tie their leather bags. They have also been interpretedas loom weights (Wrighted. 1981: 147-49).
Faunal Remains Test excavations at Tuwah Koshkeh yielded more than 800 faunal elements. The preliminarystudies were
JOURNAL OF PERSIAN STUDIES
64
1 3
0
cm
3
5
4 Fig. 16. Smallfinds.
carriedout at the Instituteof Archaeologyof Tehran University.Some sampleswere takento Laboratoire d'AnatomieCompareeof Museumd'HistoireNaturelle in Paris. MostfaunalremainswererecoveredfromOperation A andthe Deep Sounding.Bone preservationis poor. Only50%of the remainscouldbe identifiedin the first examinationof the sample.The mean weight of an
(10%)or Capra(goat)(7%).The bones of Bos (cow) arealsopresent,butonly constitute5%of the remains. It is noteworthythat 10% of the remainsbelong to mediumto largewild mammals.The most important wild animalis Sus (boar)followedby the gazelle. A singleboneof a cervid(deer)(cf. Cervuselaphus)was A few bonesbelongingto carnivores also encountered. were identified,of which one belongedto the dog
individual bone fragmentis 4 g. (Fig. 17). On average,
(Canisfamiliaris).
identifiedbonesweigh 8 g. andunidentifiedones 1.5 g. seemsto be significant.Moreover,many Fragmentation of the bones were unidentifiedbecause of surface concretions. Most of the bones (750) arefromoperationA, and 50%havebeenidentified(Fig. 18).Themajorityof the remainsbelong to Ovi-Caprines(85%)of which less than 20% could be allocatedto either Ovis (sheep)
TherelativeamountofNISP andboneweights(Fig. themost constituted 19)indicatesthatthe Ovi-Caprines followed the of resource meat site, by cow, important boar and gazelle. The imposingpercentageof OviCaprinebonecanbe considereda pastoralsignatureand forms a particularfeature of the Tuwah Khoshkeh faunalassemblage.In fact, a statisticalapproachto a global characterisationof the Holocene faunal
TUWAH KHOSHKEH
65
9 8 7 6 5 4 3 2 1-
0 Unidentified
Identified
All Bones Fig. 17. Weightof bonefragments.
80 Cap=Caprine,G = Gazelle,Ce=Deer,Carniv= Carnivores 70 60 50 40 30 -
U %NISP
20 -
E
-
%
MNI
Fig. 18. OperationA, Numberof Cap
Ovis
Capra
Bos
G,B Ce, & Carniv
Sus
Sus=
assemblages of Iran (34 sites analysed) by means of relative proportionof species has been attemptedusing CorrespondenceAnalysis (Mashkour2001: figs. 55, 57, 61). The hierarchical classification (Mashkour 2001: fig. 62) indicates one major junction defined by the opposition of hunting and animalhusbandry.Withinthe group of sites associated with husbandry another distinction can be made by means of the relative importance of Ovi-Caprines versus Bovines. Tuwah Khoshkeh is classified among the second group, stressing its pastoral character.We can more precisely characterise the economic pattern of the people of
Identified Specimens (NISP) = 365,
MinimumNumberof Individuals(MNI) 48. Tuweh Khoskeh throughthe study of the age at death of the Ovi-Caprines.However, it should be noted that such interpretationof herd demography and seasonality are not easy when the available data are so sparse (50 teeth for Tuwah Khoshkeh) and when they date to a chronological phase (Middle Chalcolithic period, covering several centuries). At this point, given the environmental and geographicallocation of the site, the questionof seasonal movements can be posed. Seasonal movements are traditionally practiced by nomadic or semi-nomadic people, generallydefined in the ZagrosMountainsunder
JOURNAL OF PERSIAN STUDIES
66
80
Total bone weight= 3015 g
70 60 50 40 30 20
0
Bos
Cap
Fig. 19. Operation A. Relative bone weight
per taxonomicgroup. Totalbone weight = 3015 g.
Gaz
Sus
30---
Caprine
25
.Ovis
-
-
Capra Whole
5 20
0
0 -
0-6 m
6-12 m
l-2y
2-3y
3-4y
4-6y
6-8y
8-0ly
Fig. 20. TuwahKhoshkehkill-offpatternfor Caprine(m = month,y = year). Numnber of teeth = 49. MNI12. the rubric of "vertical transhumance".This practice, often reportedby ethnographers(cf. Barth 1961; Digard 1981; Black-Michaud 1986), is necessitated by the topographicand climatic configurationof the Zagros in which lush pasturesfor Ovi-Caprineherdsflourishin the lowlands in the winter and the highlands in the summer (Hourcade et al. 1998). Archaeozoology offers methodological tools to investigate the question of seasonal movements. Besides microscopic methods
such as dental cementum which requires a timeconsuming and sophisticated technical approach (Lieberman 1994; Liebermanet al. 1990) with variable resultsfor mammals(Rissman,n.d.; Burke and Castanet 1995), the most common tool for understandingherd managementstrategiesand,by extension,the questionof its seasonal movement, is to use kill-off patternsbased on the age of death of the animals (Ducos 1968; Payne 1973; Vigne and Helmer, 1998).
TUWAHKHOSHKEH
67
100 90 80--
Killoffpattem
70
SurvivorshipCurve
----
60-504030 -
20-
0 -,
0
0-6 m
6-12 m
1-2y
2-3y
3-4y
4-6y
6-8y
8-10y
Fig. 21. TuwahKhoshkeh.Theoreticalmortalityprofile of Caprineherd.
The estimationof kill-offpatternsfor Ovi-Caprines at TuwahKhoshkehwas appliedusing the stages of toothwareafterPayne(1973).Thepercentagesfor age classeswerethencorrected to randomise theeffectof the of young animalsto adults with over-representation more resistantteeth (Vigne 1988). Forty-nineteeth, belongingto 12 individuals,wereanalysedin this study (Fig. 20). Obviouslya highpercentageof youngsheep were killed betweenthe ages of 0-12 months,and of thesemostwerebetween6-12 months.Theinformation forjuvenilegoatsis limited.Relativelyhighpercentages of the animalswere killed at 2-3 years, followedby between 4-6 years. No kill-off has been observed between3-4 years.Olderanimalsof 8-10 yearsarerare,
Caprine herds during the occupation of Tuwah Khoshkeh. Also, in dealing with the problem of seasonalityof human occupationand, by extension, andnomadismthrougharchaeozoological transhumance referencemodelforwhat data,we stilllacka prehistoric a nomadiccampsitekill-offpatternof sheep and goat does exist, documentation wouldbe like. Ethnographic butagainit hasnotbeencollectedwitharchaeozoological questionsin mind, which requirelong-termstatistical observations in the field and comprehensive analysis(cf. Dahl andHjort1976).Even demographic thoughthis datawould be accessiblefor the case of modemnomads,it shouldbe emphasisedthatfor many reasons,includingdramaticsocial changesandmarket
but they are present in the sample. The survivorship curve, which is a demographic expression of Tuwah Khoshkeh Ovi-Caprine flock (Fig. 21), suggests that 60% of the herd lived until the age of two years; this reduces sharplyafterthe age of six years. On the basis of this information,a mixed exploitation for meat and secondaryproducts,more for dairyproducts than fibreproducts,can be suggested.However,the poor and imprecise characterof this data (not to mention the complexity of the animal exploitationproducts- meat, milk and secondary products - for which archaeozoologists get a negative image through the kill-off patterns),pose serious handicaps for proposing a solid argumentin favour of a seasonal exploitation of Ovi-
demands (Gilbert 1975; and personal observationsby Mashkouramongthe Bakhtiaritribein 2001), thereis not necessarily a direct relation between the present exploitationof animalsand that of prehistorictimes. The complexity of the interpretationof the data is evident in Cribb'swork (1984) based on the surface collection of sheep/goatmandiblesfrom a summer camp of the tentdwelling Yiriik of southern Turkey. Nevertheless, in spite of all these theoreticaland practicalconstraints,the case of TuwahKhoshkehis interestingenough, given its archaeological context, to warrant a more thorough analysis (Mashkourand Abdi 2002). The faunal material from Tuwah Khoshkeh can be compared to that of contemporary layers at Chogha
JOURNAL OF PERSIAN STUDIES
68
%Teeth 100 90 80 70
50 40 30
20 10
Age 0-6m 6-12m Payne(1973)
A &B
TouvehKhoshkehn=31
Kill-off %
survival%
C
0-6
1-2y
2-3y
3-4y
4-6y
6-8y
8-10
D
E
F
G
H
I
m 6-12 m 1-2y
2-3
3-4y
8-10y
19.8 43.0 6.6 16.5 0.0 4-6y9.9 6-8y2.5 80.2 37.2 30.6 14.0 14.0 4.1 1.7
1.7 0.0
Fig. 22. Kill-off pattern for Caprine at TuwahKhoshkeh. %Teeth 100 90 80 70 60
50
30 20
Age 0-6m 6-12m Payne(1973) A &B C
l-2y D
2-3y E
3-4y F
4-6y G
6-8y H
ChoghaGavanehn= 38 0-6 m 6-12 m l-2y 2-3y 3-4y 4-6y 6-8y 8-10y Kill-off % 11.3 28.2 14.1 16.9 2.8 9.9 8.5 8.5 88.7 60.6 46.5 29.6 26.8 16.9 8.5 0.0 survival %
Fig. 23. Kill-off pattern for Caprine at Chogha Gavaneh (after Redding n.d.).
8-10y 1
TUWAHKHOSHKEH
69
Gavaneh- the majorsedentarysite with the longest historyof Holoceneoccupationon theIslamabadPlain, studiedby RichardRedding(n.d.).The kill-offpattern from Chogha Gavanehhas been transformedto be comparablewith those from TuwahKhoshkeh(Figs. 22-23). Althoughthe dentalremainsarenot abundant (n = 38), the two profiles nonethelessshow some differences.At ChoghaGavanehthe exploitationof the Ovi-Caprine seems to have had a more mixed character,probablywith less exploitationof dairy products.Only 10%of the animalsarekilledin Classes A andB comparedto 19%for TuwahKhoshkeh.It is notablethat fewer animalsare killed in Class D at Tuweh Khoshkeh.Also the exploitationof wool is more clearlydemonstrated by a higherpercentagein old age classes (H and I) at Chogha Gavaneh. Therefore,it can be arguedthat Chogha Gavaneh showsa morediversifiedexploitationof productsfrom Ovi-Caprinescomparedto Tuweh Khoshkeh,which seems to be slightly more specialised in function. However, these data should be used with caution because of the small quantityof availablematerial. Having admitted this weakness, considering the differencebetweenthe two profilesand knowingthe archaeologicalcontextof both sites - at least more precisely for Chogha Gavaneh as a sedentary settlement- it is possible to arguethat the kill-off patternof TouwehKhoshwehis a more punctuated patternof animalexploitation, The subjectdiscussedaboveis of greatimportance for archaeologists for the generalunderstanding of the evolution of human behaviour.A new approachis currently under investigation (Mashkour, n.d.; Bocherenset al. 2001) in which chemical markers (stableisotopes 813C, 615N,6180) are used to detect
perspectiveon what was emergingfrom the ground. Ali-Akbar Eyvani, an elderly nomad from the Shabankareh lineageof the Khalitribe,paid a visit to our work, and without any prior knowledgeof our researchobjectives,immediatelypointedout that this was partof a nomadicsettlement! Mr.Eyvani'sconclusionwas basedon the similarity betweenthe excavatedstructuresand featuresandthe present-day nomadic constructiontechniques. He informedus thatin garmsir(i.e., summerpasturessuch as the Tuwah Khoshkeharea) the nomads build a circularstructureabout 2 m. wide, by laying larger rockswidth-wiseatthebottom,smallerrocksin several coursesabovethem, and filling the gaps with smaller boulderswithoutanymortar.Thiskindof structure does not have an oven, a waterjar,nor any otherfacilities, andis only usedas a lambpen.An openingin the wall providesthe herd with a way to enter and exit the structure. Residentialstructures,on the otherhand,are more the size of the structure elaborate.Initially,a rectangular tent is built,using boulders,to protectthe inhabitants from the cold and wild beasts. The walls of this structureareusually50 cm. wide andabout1 m. high. Afterwards,the interiorand exteriorsurfacesof the walls areplasteredwith mudplasteror kah-gelto keep insectsandrodentsaway.Further,a shallowchannelof about20 cm. is usuallydugaroundthe outerwall of the structureto divertthe rainwater.The interioredges of thewall arealsocoveredwithchikh,a shortfencemade withshoots.Theseresidentialstructures alwayshavean oveninsidefor cooking(see alsoFeilberg1944). WhileMr.Eyvani'sdescriptionof the structureof a lamb pen, as contrastedwith that of a dwelling, is immenselyinsightfulandshowssome correlationwith
cyclic movements of herds. This should document the origin of vertical transhumance in the Zagros Mountains. The project is based on an experimental program on animals from a nomadic context (the Bakhtiari territory in southwestern Iran), in order to build up a reference model for an archaeological application.TuwahKhoshkeh and Chogha Gavanehare among the sites chosen to documentthis question,
the stone alignments we found in Layer II, it nevertheless must be evaluated against other archaeologicalevidence from Tuwah Khoshkeh. Perhapsthe first question that we need to answer is the function of Tuwah Khoshkeh. The discovery of domestic materialcultureleaves little doubtthat Tuwah Khoshkeh was a settlement. However, one should ask whether the site was a permanent or temporary settlement. The vast majority of sedentary settlements have been found to form nucleated villages with a compact core, usually with an average population of 200 or more, whereas temporary settlements usually range between less than 10 to 50 people (Murdock 1969). It is difficult to provide an exact area of the site
DISCUSSION While excavating at Tuwah Khoshkeh, we had the privilege of meeting a local nomad and learning his
70
JOURNAL OF PERSIAN STUDIES
dueto disturbances, lackof surfaceevidenceanddense floralcoverage.However,a 15 m. radiuscirclewould seemto be a reasonableestimate.Thisallowsfor a total areaof about0.07 hectares,which,even withthe most generousof estimates(cf. Kramer1980), would be about14peopleat anygiventime.Thisis a farcryfrom the minimumnumberfor a smallvillage,butneatlyfits with a nomadiccampsitesize. A numberof criteriahave been isolated,mostly foridentifyingmobilepastoralist sitesin archaeological, the Zagrosregion(Hole 1978, 1979, 1980): 1. Mobile pastoralistsites shouldbe locatedwith respectto seasonalpasturesandmigrationroutes,rather thanwithregardto arablelandsandclose proximityto majorsourcesof water. 2. Mobilepastoralistsites shouldprovideevidence for repetitiveseasonaloccupation. 3. Mobilepastoralistsitesshouldshowevidencefor small groups of temporary dwellings built with minimuminvestmentof timeandlabour. 4. Artefacts from nomadic pastoralistsites, in particular,should represent a range of activities associatedwith a self-sufficienthousehold.Thosefrom transhumantpastoralistsites may be more limited feweractivities. representing Thelocationof TuwahKhoshkehmayprovidesome clues as to its function.Earlierwe mentionedthatthe siteenjoysthreeimportant (1) it is centrally advantages: locatedwith immediateaccessto differentpartsof the Valley,(2) the soil aroundthe site is of finergrainand betterqualitythatthe restof the Valley,thusproviding for betterfloralcoverageandhencegreaterpasture,(3) the site's locationon the southernfoothillsprovides ample sunshine, and (4) under wetter climatic conditionssuchas the MiddleChalcolithicperiod,with
constructionmaterial.The constructionmaterial,i.e. rocksof differentsize, andthe construction techniques, i.e. no mortaris used to build the wall, point to a temporary construction known as khoshkeh-chin whichis usuallyappliedwhere (literally"dry-laying") people, especiallynomads,intend on spendinglittle timeandefforton a temporarystructure (Feilberg1944; see also Edelberg1966-67). These observationsindicate,beyond a reasonable doubt,thatTuwahKhoshkehwas, in fact,a temporary campsitefor people with a mobile way of life. A to morethanone campsite,however,can be attributed economic activity, including huntersand gatherers, pastoralists.Among pastoralistnomads,transhumant thesealternatives, as MarjanMashkourarguedabove,a pastoralistsignatureis evidentin the faunalremains. Puttingthese lines of evidencetogether,it seems safe to arguethatTuwahKhoshkehrepresentsa nonsedentary,temporarypastoralistcampsite.The next questionis to whichone of thetwo formsof pastoralism it canbe attributed; full-fledgednomadicpastoralismor transhumant pastoralism? As we mentioned, contemporary nomadic pastoralisthouseholdsuse the TuwahKhoshkehValley on a seasonalbasis alongtheirmigratoryroute.These contemporary nomadic pastoralists form entire households including women and children. If we assumethatdomesticunitshada similarrangeof people and activitiesin the past, we can arguethat similar settlement characteristics existed in the Middle Chalcolithicperiod.Wewould,therefore,expectto see a material culture exhibiting the whole range of activities associated with a complete household, including food procurementand processing, craft activities and social activities. Obviously,we only
more oaks and more springs, there would probably be more water sources and thereforebetterpastureson the north side of the valley. We also mentioned that, nowadays, nomadic pastoralists pitch their tents opposite the site in the northernfoothills of the southern part of the Valley. However, in our conversations with the nomads, they alludedthat they would preferto be in the area around the site, but it is unavailable to them because the northem part of the Valley is owned by villagers of Amirabadand underregularcultivation,and any infringementby the nomads would create tension between them and the villagers. One important line of evidence indicating that Tuwah Khoshkeh was a temporary campsite is the
excavated a portion of the site, but even in this small area one would have expected to see a sample of the artefacts used in different activities, especially considering that in Layer II a large portion of one structure,a smaller portion of another structure,and a considerable portion of the open area between them, was broughtto light. The materialcultureis, however, limited. Obviously, we no longer have access to items made from perishable materials,which might have provided a ratherdifferent picture of the range of activities carriedout at the site. The pottery from Tuwah Khoshkeh has a narrowrange of forms, with the larger vessels associated with food productionand the storage of food missing. Among the
71
TUWAH KHOSHKEH
the site of TuwahKhoshkehas a smallfinds,no.2, theperforated We interpret potterydisc,is perhaps a spindlewhorl,andfindno. 5, as the localworkers temporary pastoralist bytranshumant occupied campsite fieldsin the from flocks the similarobjectsusedby nomads taking agricultural away pointedout,resembles for tying their leatherbags. Further,the lithic alluvialplainto grazingfieldsin the moreperipheral theseherders consistsof primary toolsusedfora limited areas.As indicated culture, bythematerial assemblage but a few entire of of consist or tools used for and did not households, members activities, range reaping a from households more to the of one or consideration should be village, nearby perhaps butchering. Special given adultswho,accompanied narrowpolishingstripeof 1-3 mm. on someblades younger bytheirtrustysheepwildcerealsand dog, were capableof fendingfor themselvesin the theywereusedforreaping suggesting in the wasnotrequired butwhosepresence of fodder wilderness, grass.Thisinitselfmaypointtotheprovision activitieswhichprovidedfor the larger for the flock, ratherthan full-fledgedagricultural agricultural subsistence. activities.But moreimportant is the absenceof any portionof the household's Duringtheir which Tuwah utilities at mill residence Khoshkeh, mayhaveranged stones, processing (e.g., grindingslabs, herderswere these a few to weeks, querns,abraders, pounders,etc.), whichone would froma few days not only by witha self-sufficient nomadic evidentlyexploitingthe localresources, expectto see associated wilddeer fodderfortheirflockbutbyhunting moreon pastoralism providing household,even one dependent thanagriculture. basedonthearchaeological andboars. Therefore, seemsmorelikelyto have evidence,TuwahKhoshkeh Puttingvariouslinesof evidencetogetherit seems beena settlement usedbytranshumants, rather thanone safeto arguethatby theMiddleChalcolithic period,a usedbyfull-fledged nomads. Plain largepartof the alluvialplainin the Islamabad wasbroughtundercultivation, thusleavinglittleland forgrazingflocksin theimmediate vicinityof villages. flocksneededto be the gregarious CONCLUSION Moreimportantly, kept away from the agriculturalfields to avoid to crops.Therational Intheintroduction I the irrecoverable tothispaperpointedoutthat response by damage to thisproblem in the theMiddleChalcolithic a mobilecomponent was population surveyevidencesuggested Underthis oftranshumant MiddleChalcolithic of theIslamabad Plain. thedevelopment pastoralism. population Nowthatourtestexcavations atTuwah Khoshkeh seem systemthe flocksweresentto grazein theperipheral to supportthis proposal,we need to addressthe areasof thePlainsuchastheTuwahKhoshkeh Valley, andlessthan2 km. of theplaceof TuwahKhoshkeh in only7 km.fromChoghaGavaneh, question important sites in the thesocio-economic of theIslamabad Plain fromthe clusterof MiddleChalcolithic organisation Kuh to thenorth intheMiddleChalcolithic Arkavazi springareaacrosstheSefid period.
zone 6
5640?70BP
zone 5a/5b 7500BC
6890+80BP
7000BC
6500BC
6000BC
5500BC
5000BC
4500BC
4000BC
3500BC
Calendardate
Zone
Uncalibrated
5640 +/- 70 bp Upper 6 5a/5b transition 6890 +/- 80 bp
Calibrated: 16-66%
26-95%
4550-4360 B.C.E. 5850-5660 B.C.E.
4680-4340 B.C.E. 5980-5630 B.C.E.
Fig. 24. Uncalibrated and Calibrated dates for zones 5b/c and 6 from Lake Zeribar.
72
JOURNAL OF PERSIAN STUDIES
(Fig. 2). This was within one day's walking distance but
it waswell beyondthelimitof agricultural fieldswhere, thanks to the wetter Middle Chalcolithicclimate,
Acknowledgments
Test excavationsat TuwahKhoshkehwere made
pasturesabounded.
possible by NSF Grant No. BCS-9910660
The evidencefrom TuwahKhoshkehconformsto the palaeoenvironmentaldata pertaining to the
researchreceivedby KamyarAbdi.IWeare dissertation gratefulto JalilGolshan,theDeputyforResearchof the
emergence of pastoralismin the Zagros Mountains.The pollen diagrams from Lake Zeribar (van Zeist and
Iranian Cultural Heritage Organisationfor granting a permitto work at TuwahKhoshkeh. The team consisted
Bottema 1977) provide some evidence of vegetal changesin the CentralWesternZagrosMountainsas we
of Ali Azadi,DariushFarmani,GabrielNokandeh,and Akbar Rezaii (of the Iranian Cultural Heritage
move from colder, drier, early Holocene to warmer,
Organisation),Koroush Roostayi, Saman Heydari, and
for
wetter, middle Holocene. Of the pollen diagrams FereydounBiglari (now at the Centerfor Paleolithic published for Lake Zeribar (van Zeist and Bottema 1977: fig. 22), zones 5b, 5c, and 6 from pollen cores I and II can be attributedfrom the Middle Neolithic to the Middle Chalcolithicperiods (Fig. 24). In zone 5b one can see an increase in oak pollen, while later in zone 5c there is a sharp drop to half the previous level, while pistachio and ash (both quality woods suitable for making bows and arrows and other tools) go up. Later in zone 6, oak increases to three to four times more than its level in earlierzone 5c. Whatstandsout in terms of differencesin vegetation related to pastoralism in zones 5b/c and 6 is a genus commonly used for fodder and a species indicating over-grazing.Most importantly,in zone 5c one can see a radical increase in Rumex, a common fodder, while with zone 6 there is a sudden increase in Sanguisorba minor, a common indicator of over-grazing. Another indication of over-grazing in zone 6 is the fairly frequent occurrence of Rheum and Anisosciadium. These tragacanthicplants enter various Artemisia and even segetal habitats,indicatingthe lack of competition resulting from over-grazing (Zohary 1973: 491). In summary,conditions for grazing were excellent during much of the Middle Chalcolithic Period, but at the end of this period, i.e. about 4200 B.C.E., there is evidence for overgrazing, Putting the archaeologicaland palaeoenvironmental evidence together,it seems safe to argue that a rational economic behaviour, in this case the development of mobile pastoralism by the Middle Chalcolithic population of the IslamabadPlain, helped them, in the short-term,to adaptto the environmentof this highland valley with its limitedand dispersedresources,and,in the long-term,led to the emergenceof full-fledgednomadic pastoralismin just a few centuries(Abdi n.d.b.).
Research, Iran National Museum), and Mozaffar Zarrinkouh(Departmentof Archaeology, Abhar Azad University) who all contributedto this reportin one way or another.Thanks are also due to MarjanMashkourfor studying the faunal remains on a short notice, and Eric Rupley for generating Figure 24. Henry T. Wright should be applauded for reading and commenting on earlier drafts of this report, especially for his critical commentaryon lithic analyses.
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Gilbert, A.S. 1975. "Modem nomads and prehistoric pastoralists: the limits of analogy", The Journal of the Ancient Near Eastern Society of Columbia University 7,
Wing of the Fertile Crescent: Late Prehistory of Greater Mesopatamian Lithic Industries, BAR International Series 760, Oxford, pp.18-20.
SeriesII, Copenhagen. Ethnographic
-
the myth or the reality",in S. Kozlowski,TheEastern
pp. 53-71. Kramer,C. 1980. "Estimatingprehistoricpopluations:an 1983."Onthe originsof specializednomadicpastoralism ethnoarchaeologicalapproach",in L 'Archdologiede in WesternIran", WorldArchaeology 15, pp. 105-19.
l'Iraq du ddbutde l'dpoque Niolitique h 333 avant notre
ere. M. T. Barrelet,ed. Pp. 315-334. Paris. Haerinck,E. andOverlaetB. 1996. TheChalcolithicPeriod ParchinehandHakalan,LuristanExcavationDocuments Le Breton, L. 1957. "The Early Periods at Susa, Vol.I, Brussels. Iraq 19, pp. 79-124. Relations", Mesopotamian Henrickson, E.F. 1985. "The early development of Levine,L.D. andCuylerYoung,Jr.,T. 1987."A summaryof the cermaicassemblagesof the centralwesternZagros pastoralismin the CentralZagrosHighlands(Luristan)", LA20, pp. 1-42. from the middleneolithicto the late thirdmillennium
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B.C.", in Prehistoire de la Mdsopotamie: La Mesopotamie prohistorique et 1'exploration recente du djebel Hamrin, Paris, pp. 15-53. Lieberman, D.E. 1994. "The biological basis for seasonal increments in dental cementum and their application to archaeological research", Journal of Archaeological Science 21, pp. 525-39. Lieberman, D.E., Deacon, T.W. and Meadow, R.H. 1990. "Computer image enhancement and analysis of cementum increments as applied to teeth of gazella", Journal ofArchaeological Science 17, pp. 519-33. Mashkour,M. 2001. Chasse et dlevage du NMolithiquea 1'Age du Fer dans la plaine de Qazvin (Iran). Etude archdozoologique des sites de Zagheh, Qabrestan et Sagzabad. UnpublishedPhD Thesis, Universit6de Paris I, Pantheon-Sorbonne. - n.d. Recherchesur I 'originede la transhumanceverticale au Moyen-Orient a' travers '&tudedes isotopes stables (13C, 15N, 180) des tissus squelettiques des caprines. Constitution d'un modele experimental pour des applications archeozoologiques, Fyssen Grant. Mashkour,M. and Abdi K. 2002. "Archaeozoology and the question of mobile pastoralist campsites: the case of Tuwah Khoshkeh", in H. Buitenhuis et al. (ed.), Archaeozoology of the Near East, vol. V, Groningen. Murdock, G.P. 1969. "Correlation of exploration and settlementpatterns".D. Damas (ed.), in Contributionsto Anthropology: Ecological Essays. Proceedings of the Conference on Cultural Ecology, August 3-6, 1966. National Museums of Canada Bulletin No. 230. Anthropological Series No. 86. Pp. 129-150. Ottawa. Oates, J. 1983. "Ubaid Mesopotamia Reconsidered", in T. Cuyler Young Jr. and P.E.L. Smith (eds.), The Hilly
Flanks: Essays on the Prehistory of SouthwesternAsia Presented to RobertJ. Braidwood, pp. 251-81, SAOC 36, Chicago. Payne, S. 1973. "Kill-off patterns in sheep and goats. The mandibules from Ashvan Kal",Anatolian Studies 23, pp. 281-303. Rissman, P .n.d. "Sedentary agriculture and transhumant pastoralismin early western Iran:seasonal determination using annualrings in teeth", unpublishedmanuscript. Redding, R.W. n.d. "Analyses of faunalremainsfrom the first season", in Abdi, n.d.a. Safar,F., Mostafa, M. A. and Lloyd S. 1981. Eridu, Baghdad. Vanden Berghe, L. 1987. "Luristan, Pusht-i Kuh au ChalcolithiqueMoyen (Les Necropolis de Parchinahet de Hakalan)", in Prdhistorie de la Mdsopotamie: la Mesopotamie prdhistorique et I'&xplorationrecente du djebel Hamrin. Pp. 91-126. Paris. Van Zeist, W. and Bottema S. 1977. "Palynological investigations in western Iran", Paleohistoria 19, pp. 19-95. Vigne, J.-D. 1988. Les mammiferespost-glacibres de Corse. Etudes archdozoologiques, XXVIe suppl6ment i Gallia Pr6histoire,Paris. - and D. Helmer. 1998. "Nouvelles analyses sur les d6buts de l'61evagedans le Centre et l'Ouest m6diterran6ens",in J. Vaquer (dir.) (ed.), Le NMolithiquedu Nord-Ouest modditerraneen XXIVeCongres Prihistorique de France, 25. vol. pp. 129-46, Wright,H.T. n.d. "Chippedstone artifacts",in Abdi, n.d.a Ziegler, C. 1953. Die Keramik von der Qala des Haggi Mohammed,Berlin. Zohary, M. 1973. Geobotanical Foundations of the Middle East, Stuttgart.
THE FORTIFICATION AND PALACEOF NORTHERNGONUR By V. Sarianidi* Moscow University
Theancientcityof Gonurfoundedin thebasinof the ancientriver delta of the Murghabappearsto be the originalpoliticalcapitalof the landof Margush,which is mentionedin the Bisituninscriptionof Darius.The landof Margush(ancientMargiana)was situatedin the east of presentday Turkmenistan and owed its origin to the partly migrationof peoplefromthe farWest.The newcomers appreciated the fertile soil and the abundanceof waterin the alluvialplainof the ancient riverdeltaof the Murghab,wherealreadyat the end of the third millenniumB.C. a centre of ancientNear Easterntypehaddeveloped(Sarianidi1998:83-89). Inthecentreof thefuturecitya fortification of about 1.5ha.was immediatelyconstructed by thenewcomers, a largepartof whichwas occupiedby the monumental palace,while the otherpartsof the buildingswere of domestic, administrative and presumably sacred function(Fig. 1). Beforethe construction of the fortification therewas anothersmall buildingat this place - perhapsthe provisionalresidenceof the ruler- whichis suggested by remainsof wallslocatedmainlyin the easternpartof the fortification. Thevastmajorityof foundationsof the fortification, however,lie immediatelyon virginsoil. Mouldedsundriedbricks40-42 cm. x 22-25 cm. x 12-15 cm. in size served as the primarybuilding materiallaidin claymortar.Thewallswerecoveredon both sides with clay plaster temperedwith finely choppedstraw.To judge from the largewidth of the main officialhalls (Rooms 194, 188, 196 and others), the roofs were flat and were apparentlysupportedby wooden columns,as suggestedby the charredpoles morethan5 m. in lengthfoundin thethronehall. Thedoorwaysbetweentheroomswereupto 70 cm. wide and 170-80 cm. high.Better-preserved doorways arealmostarch-shaped, slightlynarrowingtowardsthe top. Thefortification is builton a smallnaturalelevation, whichwas levelledbeforehandandpartlycoveredwith a thicklayerof clayplasterandbrickwork.
75
was Mostprobablythe innerpartof the fortification built first, startingwith the palace,and only then the outerdefensivewalls were constructedenclosingthe whole complex of the fortification.The plan of the fortificationforms an irregularparallelogramwhich mightbestbe explainedby anerrorof thebuilders,who failed to calculatethe exact sizes of the individual As a result,the eastwall of the fortification structures. is almost8 m. longerthanthe west wall (Fig.2). Four rectangulartowers were built on each side aroundthe wholeperimeterof the defensivewall with supplementary comertowers/bastions(Fig. 3). In the middleof eachof the fourdefensivewallstherewas an entrancegate, of which only the northern,apparently the maingate,was fully excavated. Withineach tower there was usually a fireplace, of which servedboth for heatingand the preparation the of doubt food, provingbeyond any presence a permanentgarrison of soldiers, who guarded the fortificationday and night.All towershad doorways leading to the corridorthat surroundedthe internal buildingsof the fortificationon all foursides. Three main periods can be distinguishedin the historyof the fortification. anduse of Tothefirstperiodbelongthe construction the fortificationandits interiormonumentalstructures. The betterpreservedpartsof the defensivewall have slits (averagesize 35-25 cm.) at a height arrow-shaped fromthe floorof the corridor. cm. of 125-130 Inthe secondperioda greatfireoccurredresultingin of thepalaceandruinationof manyof the abandonment the structures.After a considerableperiod of time, however,in which single burials(with grave goods) weredugintothe ruins,the fortificationandits interior were restored. Occasionally,on the inside of the ontop of the trampledashlayerof theprevious corridor, fire, evenly spacedrectangularpilasterswere set up, presumablyto counteractthe sloping and possible collapseof the externalwall.At the sametimethe outer andnearthe face of the exteriorwall was strengthened
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roo
-
StraeSQUARE
194C'c19e
192 18t
163
,
83
1960,
18
154
HALL
INNER
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rite com
253
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108
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I
- Cultcomplex - Officialhalls
S117
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-
UR
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King's
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- Cells complex
_
S-
ritescomplex Burial Sand rooms
Sl11---
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Livingquarters
- Administrative mm
Lcomplex
Fig. 1. Gonurfortification and internal structures.
Fig. 2. Gonur palace andfortification. Isometric projection by M. Fataliyev.
THE FORTIFICATION AND PALACE OF NORTHERN GONUR
77
Fig. 3. Gonurfortification and northiwesterncorner bastion.
northerngate (at least)a supportstructurewas builtto obstructthe advanceof possibleenemies.These facts show indirectlythat the fire which destroyedthe fortificationshouldbe attributed to a militaryinvasion ratherthandomesticcauses. withthisrestoration Simultaneously manybuildings of the palace were restructuredand resumedtheir originalfunction.In the thirdperiodthe palacefinally ceasedandwas usedby ordinarypeople,who adapted many of the previous structuresfor domestic and industrial use. They constructed fireplaces and industrialinstallations,includingpotter'sworkshops. One such potter'skiln is distinguishedby its size: a lengthof 7 m. makingit the largestof thisperiodin the whole of CentralAsia. It has two fireboxesanda large production firingchambersuggestingthe simultaneous of severaldozensof vessels. In the fourthand final period these people also abandonedthe palace,andthe ruinsof the fortification andthe palaceweretransformed intoa cemetery. The constructionof the fortificationandthe palace belongs to the last centuriesof the thirdmillennium to the lastcenturiesof B.C., andthe finalabandonment the second millenniumB.C. Furthermore, the above mentionedsingle burialsat the end of the firstperiod andpalace pointto a possiblegap,whenthefortification were left in ruinsafterthe fire for some time and the structureswere not re-used until their complete restoration. The fortificationwith its massive defensivewalls enclosedthe monumental palace,occupyingthe largest part, aroundwhich (though nowhere directly interlinked)the domesticquarterswere located,wherethe
servantsand the soldiersof the fortificationgarrison lived. In the easternpart of the fortificationlay the administrative complexandthe so-called"complexof cells"withanotherdomesticquarterin between. If a visitor some four thousandyears ago had the fortificationfromthe northernside, he approached would have seen the high and blind walls of the fortificationwith the arrow-shaped slits andprominent towers. Enteringthe fortification throughthe narrowcentral the visitor would have reachedthe small palace gate, square, on either side of which lay domestic and economicbuildings,where the servantsand soldiers possiblylived.Inthe northwestern partof thisdomestic from the usual quarter,apart buildings,therewerealso rooms (Rooms255, 257) withspecificnichesin special the shapeof blindwindows,pointingto theirspecial, probablycult-relatedfunction,where the inhabitants mighthave performedtheirdailyrituals.The structure of the dividedhearthin Room257, whichpresumably servedto preparesacrificialmeat,providesadditional evidence. Eachof thesedomesticmicrostructures is separated fromthe northern faceof thepalaceby anoddly-shaped street. Rightbeforethe eyes of the visitor,standingin the palacesquare,the blindfrontface of the palacewould have appeared,in the centreof whichwas a peculiarshapedpropylonwith two doorwaysand reinforced comers,similarto the propylonof the famouspalaceat Knossosin Crete(Evans1928:fig. 118). The visitorstandingin the palacesquarecouldnot have knownthatbeneathhis feet extendeda complex
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Fig. 4. Drainage system in the Gonur palace square.
ceramic sewagesystemconsistingof specialinterlinked pipes, whichhelpedto directwaterdrippingfromthe roof of the palace in times of heavy rain outsidethe boundariesof the fortification(Fig.4). Throughthe double passage of the propylonthe visitor would have reachedthe official part of the palace,the audiencehall consistingof two largerooms (Rooms 188 and 194) linkedby a very wide doorway with a low doorstepand a woodenpost in the centre (Fig. 5). Analogousdoorwayswith similardoorsteps are known from ancient palaces at contemporary AlalakhandUgarit.This architectural featuredoes not have a local apparently origin, but most probably
reflects the influenceof ancient Greek monumental architectureon the eastern Mediterraneanregion (Woolley1955:225), andnow,we maysuggest,alsoon Margiana.Presumablysuch unusuallywide entrances with low doorstepandpost in the centrewereusedfor theconstruction of foldingdoorsin buildingsof special, official and ceremonialcharacter.To the same group also belongsthe audiencehallof the Gonurpalace. The interiorof the firstroom of the audiencehall (Room 194) is undecorated apartfromwhitepaintand seems modest.Onthe contrary, the wallsof the second room (Room 188) show so-called blind windows, specialwideandblind(notopen)niches,whosecomers are decoratedin the formof threeindentedsteps.The same blind windows, but dating to a much earlier period,the fourthmillenniumB.C., are known from northernMesopotamia,at TepeGawra,wherethey are a local north Mesopotamiandevelopment. Blind windows with the function of altars decoratedthe Mitanniansanctuaryat Tell Brak (Oates 1987) and duringthe beginningof the firstmillenniumB.C. they are knownin Iranat Hasanlu(Dyson 1989),BabaJan (Goff 1970:144, 146,fig. 3), in easternAnatoliaatTilla Tepe (French1986: fig. 1), and in Mediaat the fire temple of Tepe Nush-i Jan (Roaf and Stronach 1973:134,135 fig.5). Thereis good reasonto assume that "blindwindows"had a symbolicmeaning.It is interesting that the public and doubtless sacred buildingswiththeirblindwindows,the structureof the divided hearthsin Room 100 of the fire temple of northernGonur, Room 185 and the "ceremonial" complexof the Gonurpalace,resemblethe structureat Tilla Tepe in Anatoliaand share a common origin (Sarianidi1998:fig. 63). Blindwindowsarenotknown in CentralAsia beforethe end of the thirdmillennium B.C. and appearsimultaneouslyin the monumental architecture of Bactria(the sanctuaryin the palaceof and (temenosof Gonur,firetemple Dashly-3) Margiana andpalaceof Gonur).This suggestsindirectlythatthe occurrenceof this featurehere is the result of an invasionof interrelated peoples,whobroughtwiththem to their new homeland specific traditions of monumental architectureas an architecturalsouvenir. The early occurrenceof sanctuarieswith blind windows at Tepe Gawra shows that there are good reasons to assume thatthey were invented by northMesopotamian architects.The wall of Room 188 of the "audiencehall" was decorated with four very narrow, but high and vertical niches (Fig. 6), closely resembling the wall
THE FORTIFICATION AND PALACE OF NORTHERN GONUR
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Fig. 5. Gonurpalace, audiencehall and doorwaywithpost (place of columnindicatedby standingman).
decorationsof the thronehall at the palaceof Knossos (Niemeier1987:fig. 1). Althoughthe exactmeaningof the blind windows and doorstepswith centralpost remainsunclear,all thesearchitectural elementspointto a special functionof these rooms in the Margianian palace,where possibly official receptionstook place. Two furtherdoorwaysoppositethe propylonleadfrom the audiencehall intothe innerhall (Room 119).Here the northernand southernwalls are decoratedwith narrowverticalniches of the type describedabove. Fromhere,the visitor,turningleft twice, would have reachedthe largethronehall (Room 196). Herein the well preservedspecialnicheon the frontwall opposite the entrancestoodmostprobablythe throne,on which the rulerof the ancientlandof Margushsat. The niche with the postulatedthrone was not situatedin the centreof thewall,butto one side,closely resemblingthe locationof the thronein the palaceof Mariin Mesopotamia. The interiorof the thronehall is distinguishedby particularsimplicity and modesty, apart from the double niches in the shape of a "swallow'stail"builtinto eachof the fourcomersand also the snow-whiteclay plasterwhich is not only preservedon thewalls,butalsoon thefloor.It shouldbe notedthat all these architectural details,includingthe doubleniches in the shape of a "swallow'stail",are in the Near knownfromthe monumentalarchitecture East,suchas the palaceat Mari. The function of the three structures located immediatelybehindthe thronehall,butnot linkedto it by a commondoorway,is unclear.Consideringthatthe
centralroom(Room197)has a doorwayto the outside, this isolated microstructuremight have had an independentfunction.The centralroom, Room 197, room.Inthewesternwallof leadsto a smallrectangular this smallerrooma hearthwas built,which indirectly suggeststhattheseroomswereusedforritualpurposes. The easternwalls of Rooms 196, 197 and 119form the externalfaqadeof the palace.A wide, ornamental doorwaywas builtin thecentreof theeasternwallof the inner hall (Room 119). Therefore,the "innerhall" significantplacein the layoutof occupieda particularly the palace fromhereone couldgaindirectaccessto everyotherroomof thepalace. Througha wide doorwayin the west wall of the "innerhall"the visitorwould have reachedthe small entrancehall with niche (Room 154), and then the special "ceremonial complex". The main central structureof this complex(Room 185) is decoratedon theinsidewithsix "blindwindows",whicharearranged in pairs.This pointsto its cult-relatedand ceremonial character(Figs. 7, 8). The unusuallylarge divided and hearth,situatedalmostin the centreof the structure elevated on a special platformof 0.5 m. in height, providesfurtherevidencefor this assumption.Wemay thereforeassume that the hearthsof such complex wherea narrowfireboxwas separatedfrom structures, served theneighbouring largechamberby a low barrier, of sacrificialfood. forthe preparation The doorwayfrom this buildingleads to several smallerrooms linkedto each otherby doors.Two of theserooms(Rooms 192 and 193) also have a divided
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Fig. 6: Gonurpalace and audience hall with verticalniches in the eastern wall.
Fig.7. Gonurpalace and complexof "ceremonialrituals" Isometricprojectionby M. Fataliyev
Fig. 8. Gonurpalace and royalresidentialcomplex. Isometricprojectionby M. Fataliyev
THE FORTIFICATION AND PALACE OF NORTHERN GONUR
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hearth built into their partitionwall. The special rituals, particularlywith the close location of the functionof these structures with "blindwindows"and dakhma. hearthswas discussedabove(sacredroomno. 100,the Oppositethe dakhmawas the "king'sresidence", fire temple).Room 185 togetherwith the otherrooms wherethe rulerandhis wholefamilylived(Fig. 8). The most probablyrepresenteda smallpalacesanctuary, in originallayoutwas modifiedwhenit wasreoccupiedby whichthe familyof therulercouldperformtheirrituals ordinarypeoplein thethirdandfinaloccupationperiod andsacrifices. of the palace. This makes the identificationof the the "ceremonial hall" surrounded Perhaps nearby by original function of the structuresvery difficult. threecorridors(Room 170)was functionallyrelatedto Nevertheless,it is possible to determinethat this the complex.Apartfromits largesize,the unusualplan complexwas dividedby a seriesof narrowstructures, of Room 170 also suggests a special ceremonial stretchingfromeastto west,intotwo evenparts.In each function.The structurehas only two walls (northand of thema largeroomwas constructed(Rooms253 and south),since the easternand westernwalls represent 416 respectively),largerthan all the others,perhaps wide doorways with reinforced comers and low servingas an innercourtyard.The problemof light is doorstepswithwoodenpostsin the centre,similarto the crucial in monumental buildings, so that such abovementioneddoorstepof the "audiencehall". constructions were of great importance. This is of Asia Buildingsof such a layoutare so far unknownin demonstrated by the monumentalarchitecture NearEasternmonumentalarchitecture. An exceptionis Minorandin particular the of Knossos. by palace the site of Mohenjo Daro which shows certain The division of the domestic part of the royal similaritiesin the layoutof the palacewith a central residenceintotwo sectionspossiblyreflectsthe division cult-related room,enclosedby corridors,andwith two intoa "male"and"female"half,as practisedin the East of the walls missing (Dhavalikarand Atre 1989: fig. in laterperiods.In any case, the exactidentificationof 20.4). We can only assumethat the ceremonyof the the remainingrooms of the residenceproved to be ritualsacrifice,which startedin the "ritualcomplex", impossible.It can onlybe pointedoutthatamongstthe was completedin this centralhall. This is further roomsof theresidencethereis a narrowroom,233,with supportedby the presence of interlinkingrooms a dividedhearth,which mighthave been used for the betweenthe two complexes. of the daily sacrificesof the king'sfamily. preparation Fromthe "innerhall"(Room119)throughthe wide Room 339 obviouslyhad a specialfunctionwith some doorwaywith a low doorstep,reinforcedcomersand kind of podiumin the northernfrontwall, decorated centralpost for the constructionof a foldingdoor,the with a niche with archedwindows from which the visitorwouldhave reachedRoom 118, andfromthere "complexof the cells" on the oppositeside could be Room 117,the latterbeinga kindof courtyard withtwo seen.In conclusion,theroomsinthe southernhalfof the opposingdoorways.The westerndoorwayled into the king's residencewere most likely used for domestic isolated, but highly importantcomplex including purposes,suchas bedrooms,diningroomsetc. Rooms91, 92 and94, interconnected On the south side a perimetercorridorabutsthe by doorways. The special significance of this complex is king's residence.Three doorwaysfrom this corridor underlined by Room92, whereabouttenbodiesranging leadoutsideintoa square,wherethe depositsatthetime from infantsto adultshad been placed in a random of excavationappeared Duringthe hopelesslydisturbed. a kind third and final period of the palace it had been manner,suggestingthatthiscomplexrepresented of dakhmawherethe bodies were taken.Considering transformedinto a rubbishdump. If necessary,the the locationof the dakhmaoppositethe entranceto the king's family could have stepped through these domesticarea,we mayassumethattheseweredeceased doorwaysintothe square,withoutleavingthe premises relativeswho livedprobablyin the "king'sresidence". of the fortification,andthrougha narrowalleywayto To the northof this lay a court(structure93) with the easterngateof the fortification andfromthereto the two "blindwindows"builtintothe easternwall, andan nearbyfiretemple. wall with a centralpost The"storerooms",consistingof threeadjacentlong open doorwayin the northemrn and reinforced comrners. These reinforced comrners rectangularstructures (115, 210 and 221), were markedthe exit fromthe court,which(consideringthe accessiblefrom the same southerncorridor.A thick "blindwindows")might have been relatedto burial layerof wheatgrainwas preservedon one of the floors.
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In the surrounding smallerroomsseveraldozenstorage vessels for food were found, some of which were buriedin theground.Thiscomplexof rooms apparently served to storefoodforthefamilyof theking obviously livingnearby. Twospaciouscourtyards, "A"and"B",werelocated in the western part of the fortification.A corridor surroundedthe inner courtyard"B". Immediately adjacentto the northand southof bothcourtyardslay the two so-called "sand rooms", representingan architects. intriguingenigmaof the Margianian Bothstructures mirroreachotherin planandconsist of a numberof completelyenclosedroomswithoutany doorways.The walls werenot plasteredandthe rooms werefilledwithpuresandfreefromanyinclusions.All these archaeologicalfacts suggest that originallythe "sandrooms"were conceivedas sand foundationsor Accessto the top specialplatformsfor a superstructure. of both"sandrooms"was onlypossiblethrougha broad andascendingramp,builtfromstairs;eachof whichis 15-20 cm.high.Thestairswereall coveredwitha thick clay plasterforminga slope up the ramp.The better preserved(atthetimeof excavation)northern rampwas about1.5 m. high in relationto the level of courtyard "B",althoughit is possiblethatthe sandplatformwas evenhigheroriginally. both of the "sandrooms"each Characteristically have a massive brick "pillar",squarein plan, which mostprobablyreachedhigherthanthe sandyinfillingof the platform.Winding stairs aroundthese "pillars"
possiblylead upstairsto a firstfloor.Such"supporting pillars",though smallerin size, are known from the palace in Alalakh on the eastern coast of the aroundwhich windingstairsare built Mediterranean, floorof the building. the first to leading On the presumedfirstfloor some kindof "viewing mighthavebeenlocated,fromwhichancient platforms" astronomerscould have observedheavenly bodies, basedon whichthey made astrologicalpredictions.In in anycase,theskytogetherwiththe stars Mesopotamia, wasregardedaspropertyof thekingorstateandallowed of to be madefor the determination exactobservations both agrariancalendarsand horoscopes.At the same time it shouldbe notedthatthe originalmeaningof the "sandrooms"of thepalaceof Gonur,hithertounknown awaitsfurther in NearEasternmonumental architecture, hearth oppositethe investigation.There is a divided northernrampnearthe southernwall of Room 42 and thefloorupto thebeginningof therampwaspavedwith bricks.As repeatedlymentioned,these specialhearths of sacrificialmeat,while the servedfor the preparation themselves sacrifices mighthavetakenplace on top of the "sandrooms". A uniquebuildingis locatedbetweenthe two "sand rooms",which receivedthe name "complexof burial rites"(Fig. 9) andoccupiesroughlyhalf of the western wing of the palace.The entranceto the complexwas fromcourtyard"A",which was possiblylinkedto the burial rites practised in this complex. We note immediatelythat all the rooms in this complexwere
Fig. 9. Gonur palace and complex of "burial rites". Isometric projection by M Fataliyev.
THE FORTIFICATION AND PALACE OF NORTHERN GONUR
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Fig. 10. Gonur palace and complex of "burial rites" with hearth in Room 48.
coveredwithwhiteplasterinside,sometimesin several layers.Thiswas not only appliedon the walls,butalso on the floors. Moreover,the plaster was not only observedin the interior,butwas appliedoutside,on the frontfagadeof the "burialrites complex".The latter, fromcourtyard"A",has two doorwaysclose together, oneof whichis coveredwithclayplasterandleadsfrom courtyard"A" into the spacious Room 54 with a fireplace and chimney near the western wall. The seconddoorwayleads fromcourtyard"A"into Room 45. An openingfrom room 45 leads into Room 48, whichhada specialfunctionin thewholecomplex.This assumptionis basedon its unusuallayoutin the formof deepniches,threeon eachwall,anda big fireplacewith chimneyandtracesof sooton the inside.Onthefloorin the centre of the room a small round hearthwas
constructed.There were slightly burntbricks in the centreandashesabove(Fig. 10). A narrowroom,no. 55, perhapsa kindof storeroom, was probablya supportivestructure.It was connected via a doorwaywiththe neighbouring Room81. Onthe floor of this room was a defined roundpit with a diameterof 90 cm. filled with loamy deposits.In the mainoccupationphasea smallopeninghadbeenmade throughthewesternwallof thebuildingnearfloorlevel. Here three ceramic tubes were installed, sloping towardsthe outsidedrainingwastewaterto the outside (Fig. 11). Two identical pits of similar size with loamy depositswerelocatednearbyin the floorof Room 163, on the south side of which a divided hearthwas constructed,suggestingits use for the preparationof
Fig. 11. Gonur palace, complex of "burial rites " and drainage outside Room 81.
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Fig. 12. Gonur palace, complex of
"burialrites" and hollo with burnt animalbones.
sacrificialfood. In the middleof the westernwall there was a heavilyburntfireplace,coveredby two bricks. A doorwayfrom Room 163 leads to the spacious Room 161,the wallsandfloorof whichhadup to three layers of white gypsum plaster.A rectangularbrick construction was locatednearthe easternwall,whichat the time of excavationcontainedaccuratelylaid whole brickson theinside,a techniqueusuallypractisedin cultrelatedbuildingsfor safe protectionfrom desecration. Finally,a smallroundshallowpitwaslocatedonthefloor of Room83 filled with burnedanimalbones(Fig. 12), which is characteristiconly for buildingsof ritual function. This has clearly been establishedin the excavationof thesanctuaries of Margiana, thefiretemple of Gonur,and of Bactria,the sanctuaryin Dashly-3. Duringexcavationof this structurefiguralinlayswere foundon the floorof two rooms,chiselledfromwhite stoneandobviouslybelongingto boxes. Thiswhole structureseemsto havebeen connected withfuneraryritualsperformed beforetheburialof royal in the nearbycemetery.This is indicatedby persons Room81 withits speciallybuiltdrainagesystemandthe nearbypitwithits loamyfilling,whichderivedfromthe waterheld therein.Consequently, we may assumethat rites related to the funerary washingof the bodieswere above the and performed pits, thewaterusedfortheritual couldhavebeendirectedthroughthedrainto theoutside. An unusuallynarrowsmall room (no. 55) was located between room 81 and the above mentioned Room 48, where the equipmentnecessary for the washingmighthave been storedand wherethe body
mighthavebeenkept,sinceanidenticalsmallroomwas locatednext to the dakhmain the palaceof northern Gonur (Fig. 1, Room 94). Such assumptionsare as suggestedby funeraryritualsof the Zoroastrians, in are documented the Videvdat, they accordingto which "in a specialroom adjacentto that, wherethe deadbody lay, a fire was keptburningthreedays and threenights"(Khismatulinand Kryukova1997:219). This is reminiscentof the "complexof burialrites", wherein Room48 a smallfirewas keptin thehearthon thefloor,whilein Room81 thewashingof thedeadwas performed.The characteristic slightlyburnedbrickin this hearth recalls the custom widespreadamongst Iranianpeoples,who to this datestillpractisethisritual "...sothattherewill not be furtherdead"(Khismatulin andKryukova1997:222). We may furtherassumethat apartfrom the usual doorin the fagadeof the micro-complexof the "burial rites" of the Gonur palace another"opening"was constructed,which to a certain extent reflects the Zoroastrian customs described in the Videvdat, accordingto whichthedeceasedwasbroughtinthrough the door (symbolisinghis birth)and carriedoutside throughanopeninginthewallspecificallymadeforthis purpose(symbolisinghis death),so thatbothsymbolise the idea of birthand deathrespectively(Khismatulin andKryukova1997:223). The complexof the "burialrites"is so faruniquein CentralAsia. For the first time there is documented evidence for the characterof the funerarycustoms atthe endof practisedamongstthepeoplesof Margiana
THE FORTIFICATION AND PALACE OF NORTHERN GONUR
the thirdmillenniumB.C. The mainritualmighthave been the washing of the deceased, althoughit is assumedthatthis is a lateritualwhichthe Zoroastrians took overfromneighbouring peoplein medievaltimes. Thisquestionneedsto be consideredin the lightof the evidencedescribedabove. archaeological Although many rituals that would have been and performedin this complexstillrequireclarification new furtherdefinitionthrough evidence, archaeological it is already possible to assume that their main characteristic appearsto have been the endeavourto the protect "pureelement"soil fromdesecration by dead bodies.Thisis demonstrated the interior of by plastered the structures, andin the firstinstancethe floors,by the "opening"in the frontwall and in particularby the wateroutside. drainagein Room81, directingthe"dirty" No doubtsremainabouttheeffortto protectthesoilfrom contactwiththe evil-smellingbody,whichappearsto be a majorruleof Zoroastrian burialrites. Furtherevidencefor this is also providedby other facts,suchastheashylayeronthefloorof archaeological the above-mentioned dakhmaandtheprevailingpractise of bumingthe graveswith fire beforethe deceasedare in the burialsof the cemeteryof buried,as documented Gonur.Theseandotherfactsandobservations showthat the funerarycustomsof the ancientcitizensof Margiana find, thoughin a modifiedway, their continuationin Zoroastrian burialrituals,as in the Videvdat. from the above-describedmicro-structures Apart thatall formedpartof the ancientpalace,threefurther micro-structures were locatedin the easternpart,but not the palace. belongingto the fortification,
o
i
4
O
rOHYP.Ancr'Ei .AM:2QO
85
In the southeasterncomer of the fortification,the "administrative complex"is situated,the mainplan of which forms a large T-shapedcorridor(Rooms 350, 427, 453) with spaciousroomsof clearlynon-domestic functionarrangedaroundit. Here might have been and several accommodatedthe palace administration levels of civil servants.They obviouslylived in the whichconsistedof the nearbydomesticmicro-complex, structures. economic usualdomesticand Unfortunately the whole layoutof this complexappearsto have been destroyedin the thirdperiodby lateroccupation,so that the originalplanof thebuildingsherewas modifiedto a high degree. Nevertheless, it shows that the administrativecomplex together with the adjacent domesticbuildingswas separatedfromthe palaceby a broad"street"turningroundthe comer. comer of the Finally,in the oppositenortheastern fortificationthe "complexof cells" was situatedan buildingof long andunusually enigmaticsquare-shaped m. to narrowchambers up 1 high,describedas cells(Fig. 13).The"complexof cells"is locatedinsideanenclosed frontwallis notparallelto space.Itsnorthern square-like thesouthern wall,whichis probablyexplainedby thefact that duringthe constructionof the nearbydomestic complexthe planningof the latterwas extendedon the southernside. In this case the "complexof cells"was erectedslightlylater than the other buildingsof the fortification,and at least afterthe constructionof the nearbydomesticcomplex,but within the first main sunkintovirginsoil period.A roundpitof 7 m. diameter, covered was This by the cells pit supportsthis. ontopof it, leavingno doubtaboutits earlier constructed
Fig. 13. Gonur palace and "complex of cells". Isometric projection by M Fataliyev.
86
JOURNALOF PERSIAN STUDIES
Fig. 14. Gonurpalace and "complex of cells ". Generalview.
dateof construction. Thefactthatthe"complexof cells" was establishedoutsidethe boundariesof the palace proper,but withinthe systemof the fortificationin a specificallyenclosedplacetestifiesto its specialfunction. The insidesof the hollow cells were coveredby a layerof clay plasterandto a heightof 1 m. abovethe floor) with an uninterrupted ceiling commonto all of them(Fig. 14).At the time of excavationthe entrances to the cells appearedto have been blockedby bricks, which is usually practisedin relation to religious buildings,in order to avoid possible desecrationin subsequentperiods. Similarbut muchlargerstructuresare knownfrom the religious architectureof the Hittite kingdomin WesternAsia. Consequentlythe "complexof cells" thatwas mightrepresenta formof sacredarchitecture in the former homeland of the widespread peoplesthat hadcometo Margianaandwhichtheyhadbroughtwith themin the formof an architectural souvenir. The palaceof northernGonuris uniquenot only in CentralAsia but in the entireAncientNear East.The palace stands out as a complete architecturalform, whichcouldnot havehadits routesin CentralAsia. The architecture of the Margianapalace,as already discussedabove,leadsus to northernMesopotamia and in particular theLevant,wheremonumental architecture reflectsthe influenceof the Aegeanworld. There is good reasonto assume that the people migratingfromthe Levantto Margianatook withthem their particulartraditionsof both sacredand secular architecture. At the sametime,it shouldbe notedthatat
the momentall these parallelsindicateonly tentative theories.The directionof the presumedmigrationof peopleremainsto be clarifiedby futurearchaeological discoveries. The fortification andpalaceof Gonurpromptus to re-examineold views on the social life of Margiana. Thereis no doubtthatherealreadyexisteda kingship,a complexsocial stratification includingearly forms of Gonur did not posses an external slavery.Although defensivewall,thereis good reasonto identifyit as the originalcity centre of the local districtin complete accordancewith the definitionof an ancientcity, as suggestedby I.M.Dyakonov(1973:30) manyyearsago. fromRussianby GabrielePuschnigg. *Translated
Bibliography M. and Atre,S. 1989. "Thefire cult andvirgin Dhavalikar, sacrifice:some Harappan rituals",in: J.M.Kenoyer(ed.), OldProblemsandNewv Perspectivesin theArchaeology of SouthAsia,Madison, Wisconsin,fig. 20.4. Dyakonov,I.M. 1973,"Problemy Vavilonskogo gorodaii tys. n.e. (Problemsof the Babyloniancity),in Dyakonov,I.M. et al. (eds.), DrevniyVostok:Gorodai Torgovlya(The AncientOrient:CitiesandTrade),Yerevan. at Hasanlu:an Dyson, R. 1989. "TheIronAge architecture essay".Expedition31. Evans,A. 1928. ThePalace of Minosat KnossosV, Part11, London.
THE FORTIFICATION AND PALACE OF NORTHERN GONUR
French, D. 1986. " Tille Tepe", in Kazi Soniclari Toplantisl, Ankara,fig. 1. Goff, C. 1970, "Excavationsat Baba Jan,1968:thirdpreliminary report",Iran VIII, 141-156, pls. I-IV. Khismatulin,A. and Kryukova,V. 1997, Smert'i Pokhoronny Obryadv Islame i Zoroastrizme,St. Petersburg(Death and BurialCustomsin Islam andZoroastrianism).
87
Niemeier,W.D. 1987. "Onthe functionof the 'throneroom' in the palace at Knossos", in The Function of the Minoan Palace, Goteborg. Oates,D. 1997. "Excavationsat Tell Brak".Iraq, XLIX, Roaf,M. and Stronach,D. 1973. "TepeNush-i Jan,1970:second interimreport",Iran XI, 129-138, pls. I-VIII. Athens. Sarianidi,V. 1998. Margianaand Protozoroastrianism, 1955. Oxford 1955. L. Alalakh, Woolley,
THE ETHNO-LINGUISTICCHARACTEROF NORTHWESTERNIRAN AND KURDISTANIN THE NEO-ASSYRIAN PERIOD By RanZadok Tel-AvivUniversity
INTRODUCTION (see in generalGrantovskiy1998, 17-37; 123ff.).l The purposeof this articleis to establishthe ethnolinguistic characterof that part of Iran which is delimitatedin the eastby Dasht-iKavirandthe Elburz range,in the northby the Araxesriver(the borderof Iranwith the republicof Azerbaijan)andthe Kara-su river,in the west by a hypotheticalline west of Lake Urmiaincludingthe Hakkarimountainsand most of IraqiKurdistanandthe piedmontof the Zagros.In the south, it includesLuristandown to the hypothetical border of Elam. The chronologicalframeworkis betweenc. 1000andc. 600 B.C. Thisis dictatedby the documentation. The only documentdatablebeforethe end of the tenth centuryB.C. originatesfrom BitAbdadani(below, 4.7) and is early Neo-Babylonian. The later documentationis almost exclusivelyNeoAssyrian,mostlyroyalinscriptions,lettersand queries to the Sun-god.Thisdocumentation startswithTukultiNinurtaII, i.e. fromc. 890 B.C. (cf. below,3.7.1.2, 1) andendswithAshurbanipal. PertinentUrartiansources areavailablefromthe end of the ninthcenturyandthe first two-thirds of the eighth century B.C. Their informationis confinedto the northwestern sectionsof the territoryunderdiscussionhere.In addition,a single Aramaicinscriptionhas recentlybeen discoveredat Bukanon Manneanterritory.Regardingperiodisation, the mostsensiblesub-periodsare: (1) c. 1000-745B.C., i.e. beforeTiglath-pileser II, when several campaignsof AshumasirpalII were directed against regions of Kurdistanand eastern Urartu. ShalmaneserIII and his two successors conductedthe first Assyrian campaignsdeep into northwestern Iran(Mannea,Parsuaand Gizilb/punda). ThefirstAssyrianprovinceon Iraniansoil, Zamua,was establishedsometimebefore810 B.C. Therewas also an intensiveUrartianinvolvementin thatpartof Iran then.(2) 744-705 B.C., the reignsof Tiglath-pileser III and SargonII (no pertinentactivitiesare recordedin
89
ShalmaneserV's shortreign).These greatconquerors conducted a series of intensive campaigns in than Iranresultingin a deeperpenetration northwestern his immediate successors. and thatof Shalmaneser EI Tiglath-pileser III establishedthe provincesof Parsua andBit-Hamban,whereasKi'esi(m) andHarharwere into the Assyriansystemof provincesby incorporated Sargon II. (3) 704-600 B.C. The activities of Sennacheribwere confinedto partsof Kurdistan.The long Assyrianrulemusthavebeenthe mainreasonfor the secondarystate formationof Media (see Brown 1986, 1987-90, 1988), which startedin his time and seemsto have culminatedin the reignof his successor, and Itwas alsotriggeredby the Cimmerian Esarhaddon. There of Media. is evidence of invasions Scythian of the in the Manneanexpansion Assyrian periphery province of Zamua at that time. The attemptsof to penetrateas far as the Salt Desertand Esarhaddon Patisuarra didnot stopthe consolidationof Media.As a result, Ashurbanipal'sactivitiesin northwesternIran wereconfinedalmostexclusivelyto Mannea,Assyria's Media.Eventually, closest neighbourin northwestern an have become the lattermight ally of Assyriaagainst the Medes andtheirallies in the last generationof the Assyrianempire,presumablybecausethe Manneans did not wantto be absorbedby the emergingMedian state. is insufficient.NonThe pertinentdocumentation is not considered material written(i.e. archaeological) below,sincematerialculturegenerallydoesnotprovide unambiguous evidence for the ethno-linguistic of the identificationof its bearers.The reconstruction the of character territory under ethno-linguistic discussionis based mainly on the indirectevidence, whichis entirelyprosopographic-onomastic consisting of a sample of 221 individualsand 475 toponyms (including14 individualswith damagedandirrelevant anthroponymsand 28 damagedtoponyms;these 42 damagedanduncertainnamesare not includedin the statisticsbelow).Toponymyis of a muchinferiorvalue
90
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for ethno-linguisticclassification,since it inevitably preservesa certainamountof fossilised substratum forms (cf. the pessimistic reflections on the NA toponymyfromIranby Speiser1930, 169),but in our case a considerablenumber of of toponyms are "dynamic",i.e. originallyanthroponyms. (Old Iranian, andothers).Inthiscasethereis Kassite,Hurro-Urartian good reasonto thinkthatmany of them are basically temporary and productive rather than fossils. Toponyms,whicharerecordedin morethanoneperiod, are countedonly once - in the periodof theirearliest occurrence.Divinenamesandappellativesareveryrare
view of the advancing(Indo-)Iranianisation of the territory under discussion. This substratum is heterogeneousandvariesfromregionto region.Much of it belongs to entirelyunknowndialects. Only a minoritycan be identified,with various degrees of plausibility, with recorded languages, like HurroUrartianand Elamite.Anothersegmentis identicalor relatedto the onomasticonof theKassites.Althoughthe relevantrubricbelow (e.g., 1.13, c) is for the sake of conveniencecalled"Kassite",whatI actuallymeanare "namesof Kassites".It shouldbe remembered thatnot a singleKassitetexthas comedownto us. All we have are a few appellativescontainedin lexicallists. At the (perhaps Bagabartu and possibly aspastu).2 No more than58 individualsaredocumentedbetween1000 and very end of the "documentary hierarchy"are the two 745 B.C. Thebest-documented ancient of the most is B.C. 744-705 territoryunderdiscussion, groups period with at least 134 individuals.The last period(704-600 viz. the QutiansandLullubians.The formeris used as B.C.) is poorlydocumented,with only 26 individuals. an anachronistic designationforhighlandersin the first This is in accord with the intensity of Assyrian millenniumB.C. (cf. e.g., Tadmor1994,67 ad Ann. 13, involvementin Iran (cf. above). The documentation 8). The Surgadiansare characterised as "Qutians"by from all the periods is of an uneven geographical SargonII(Levine1972,38, ii, 34),just astheManneans distribution. The best-documented regionsareMannea and the inhabitantsof southern Bit-Sangibutiare andEllipi.Botharethe firstpoliticalentitiesin Greater describedas "Qutians"by Esarhaddonand TiglathMediacoveringa considerable whilethe other pileserII respectively.Harhar(a)was (at least in one territory, Median entities were just chiefdomsruled by "city version) the eponymous ancestor of the "Gutian lords"(sg. bel-iiliin NA; the hypotheticalOld Iranian dynasty"(Hallo 1957-71, 711, comparesKarahar).It sourceof thisdesignationis notknown,cf. below,4.4).3 seems that in all cases the Assyrian usage of this Manneaand Ellipi were in a way precursors(but anachronisticdesignation is conditioned by their hardlynuclei)of the Mediansecondarystateformation. geographicalposition,but at least twice the term is The materialfromZamua(13+16+3),the upperDiyala appliedto the Urartiansand theirneighboursas well basinandadjacentregions,as well as fromNairi/Parsua (Grayson1996, 104: Shalm.II A.0.102.28,41; 233: the (28) is considerable,but it refersto numeroustribal Adad-narri 1II A 104.2010, 11f.). [a]rGu-tu-zu, entities. It should be pointed out that the available warroirsof the mountains,may referto the people of materialseemsto be sufficientonly for determining andNamri,who the Sunbu,Hubulkia,Allab/pria(/Paddira) ethno-linguistic character of the territory under precedethem(in a brokencontext,A.0.102.1002,3'ff.; of this inscriptionto Shalmaneser discussion,butnot its ethno-linguistic composition:for the attribution HIby sucha taskthematerialis too scanty.Themethodological Grayson1996, 172f.is tentative,cf. below,8.8; Qutium problems involved with the utilisation of purely is spelled with Gu- also in the above-mentioned onomasticmaterialfor ethno-linguistic characterisation inscriptionof Adad-nardri IH).4As fortheLullubians,it aredealtwithby Zadok1997d,214.Theyseemto be less is not even clear whetherthey have ever formed a Iranand Kurdistansince distinctethno-linguisticgroup.The ascriptionof any complicatedin northwestern here, only rarely,do we encounterdeportees,and the corpusto a distinctive"Lullubian" groupis doubtful(cf. materialconsistsalmostexclusivelyof individualsof the Astour 1987, 29, n. 189; 37f. with n. 259). The highest echelons. Nevertheless,the samples from certain regions are not negligible (regions with number of individualsin bracketsin descendingorder): 7 (49), 6 (33), 2 (29), 1 (27), 8 (27), 4 (20), 3 (15), 5 (8). The main problem,which is posed by the analysis of the material,is the extent of the preservationof the pre(Indo-)Iraniansubstratumamong the local populationin
treatment of the "Lullubian"onomasticon by Speiser (1930, 91f.) is necessarily tentative and overly optimistic. In fact, there are hardly any discernible name-components in this restricted corpus. Moreover, there seems to be a late and secondary geographical extension of Lullubum (see Klengel 1987-90, 166f.) and there is no definite delimitation between Qutium
THE ETHNO-LINGUISTIC CHARACTER OF NORTHWESTERN IRAN AND KURDISTAN IN THE NEO-ASSYRIAN PERIOD
andLullubum.Qutiumseems to overlapLullubumto someextent:Mt.Nimugis locatedin Qutiumaccording to a lipur litany (Reiner1956, 134:41),but this is a relativelylateliterarysource.Onthe whole, a clear-cut differentiation of the considerable linguistically unaffiliated onomasticon cannot be attained as a specific ascription to the languages of the autochthones.5 Onthe descriptivelevel, one canat best between names which have homonymsor separate parallels in other regions (notably toponymic interregional duplicates) and entirely isolated and toponyms.In such circumstances, anthroponyms sufficeit to pointout(andeventuallyquantifywherever applicable) the percentage of Old Iranian names comparedwith the pre-Iranianones. The comparable materialcomespartlyfromthe earliersitesin theregion or near it, such as OB Sularrdand MB Nuzi. For practicalreasonswe use, in additionto purelylinguistic criteria,also non-linguisticones in our classification below, such as pre-firstmillenniumnames (direct evidence),toponymswhicharehomonymouswithprefirst millenniumones or comparablewith them. The existence(or ratherpersistence?)of severaldiscernible name-elements(suchas kingi,ka/intand -aus), which arepeculiarandintrinsicto theregionunderdiscussion, enhancesa somewhatmore nuancedtreatmentof the material.In addition,onehasalwaysto bear unaffiliated in mindthe practicesandconventionsof the Akkadian scribes, and to reckon with folk etymologies and generations-old Mesopotamian designations of indigenouslocaleson the Iranianplateau.A glimpseat the practicesof the Akkadianscribesis offeredby the case of the 25 regionswhosenamesstartin Bit-.Onthe face of it, theycanbe classifiedas hybridtoponyms(all genitivecompoundsfromthe syntacticpoint of view) consistingof a Semitic initial component(Bit-, i.e "house;temple;place;domain;tribalterritory, region") as nomen regens, followed by a non-Semiticname as nomenrectum(mostly (mostly an anthroponym)6 KassiteandIranian).7 However,an examinationof the best-documented casesrevealsthattheyarepurelynonSemiticto beginwith.TheformswithBit-areusedonly by the Assyrian scribes. Therefore they are not classified below as hybrid.Bit- of Bit-Abdadaniis secondaryin view of the earliestformsAb-da-da-niand if it is the Eg. 'pttn(4.7).Thesameappliesto Bit-Barrua same regionas Urart.Ba-ru-a(-ta,see below, 7.10.2). Thereis good reasonfor thinkingthatBit-Barrnawas named after a recordeddynast,but the case of Bit-
91
Abdadaniis different:it seems that it was artificially adjustedto the "system"of tribalterritoriesby adding Bit- to an existingname,analogousto the case of BitZamani(recordedas early as the thirteenthcentury B.C.,Nashef1982,74, see Zadok1985c,83).Likewise, 3.3, 18 belowis not a genuinehybrid. On the whole, there is an intensive interaction between anthroponymyand toponymy.No less than thirtytoponymscontainanthroponyms(with various degreesof plausibilitymost of those startingwith Bit-, cf. below, 11) or originatefromanthroponyms (without modification:6.7.6;6.9.3.1;7.2.1, 1 7.15.8 andperhaps 1.1.1, 6; 2.1.4; 2.3.5; 2.3.14; 3.1.1, 1; 3.7.2, 3; 4.7.1; 6.9.1.4;6.9.4.2;7.11;8.9.6.1, 12).Theremaybe atleast of a basically Iranian one case of re-interpretation anthroponymby the Akkadianscribes (see below, 4.12,aad 4.4, 3 andcf. 5.5.2, 1). A briefsketchof the historyof researchis in place here. Manynameswere etymologisedas earlyas the end of the nineteenthcenturyandthe beginningof the twentiethcenturyby Justi,Hiising,Scheftelowitzand Herzfeld,butthe firstsynthesisin the formof a special was writtenby Diakonoff(1956a).Thiswas monograph followed by anothermonographwhich is entirely devotedto the onomasticon(Grantovskiy1970). The latter,whose analysisis very thoroughand generally biasandhis reliable,is notfreeof a certain"pan-Iranian" too are sometimes solutions (see optimistic etymological Diakonoff1970, 111,n. 37). Muchprogresshas been madein HurrianandKassiteonomastics,a largeamount of new materialhasbeenpublishedandmanytextshave recentlybeen re-edited(by Parpola,Grayson,Borger, Frahmand,aboveall, Fuchs)so thattime is ripe for a work utilising the full range of availablematerial. Grantovskiy'scomprehensivetreatmentis now the subjectof a thoroughandsystematiccriticalexamination resultingin a soundupdatingby Schmittin Parpola, RadnerandWhiting1998.Thisrelievesme of a detailed Thefinal treatment of mostof theIraniananthroponyms. statement of incorrect is the this article for trigger writing Radner(1999, 198)thatMedianis notanIndo-European language.Inthe followingpagesit will be demonstrated that the long-establishedclassification of Median as an Iranian dialect (see, e.g., Schmitt 1987-90) has despite the lack of Median texts - an adequate documentation (almost exclusively linguistic onomastic).8 This is not to belittle the massive contribution of Radner to Neo-Assyrian studies, includingAssyro-Medianrelations.
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1. MANNEA AND ADJACENT REGIONS (see Arutyunyan 1985, s.vv.; Salvini 1998)
si-a (Millard1994, 34f.: 798 B.C.; following a campaign
to Manneain 799 andprecedinga campaignto Namriin 797 B.C.).12Bothmighthavebeenlocatednot farfrom and Andia were Zig/k/qirtu basicallyindependent theborder,perhapsneartheAssyrianprovinceof Zamua. More locales of Manneaare recordedin Piepkom (see VeraChamaza1994, 115f., but cf. Fuchs 1994, 447ff.) and Allab/priabelonged only temporarilyto 1933, B, iii, 45ff. (cf. Borger1996, 34f.; 2 aboveand Mannea.Accordingto Diakonoff(1985a, 72f.),whodoes 1.11.1, 1 below are included as well) from not elaborate,Taurla,Dalaya,Subi (Tabrizregion)and Ashurbanipal'stime: 6. l""At-ra-a-na/ni or un"Te-ra-a-na Sunbialsobelongedto Mannea,butthisis veryuncertain. (47; cf. Parpola 1970, 55f.), 7. ""nAr-si-ia-ni-i' (58; 1.1. Mannea "proper" 1.1.1. Geographical extent and toponymy (see Boehmer 1964, 15ff.; Kashkai 1976) The ending of NA hkrMa/Man-na/nu-A+A, kurMa-anna-A+A, Man-A+A (Parpola1970, 236f.; > OT Mny, cf.
between 8. u""A-za-qa-ia/na-ni [63] and Harsi?), 9. ur"E (72; is it (or IA)-ri-is/iS-te-ia-na(71), 10. ""'Bi-ir-(ru-u)-a a variantof 8.8, 4 below?), 11. un'Gu-si/su-ne-e. 7, 8 are
to be soughtin southwestManneaneartheborderof the adjacentAssyrianprovince.The same may apply to 13. ""a'Aia-aSi?(-)dan-na-su, 9-11. 12. ,IA+A-u.-si-a', 14. (below, 2.1.4), ""'Pa(?)-•[-....-n]a-su."1'B/Pu-su-ut/tti which belonged to Mannea in the middle of the seventh
Thelatter Postgate,1987-90,340a)is to *Manna(Urartian Min&a, centuryB.C.,is followedby 15. ,"nAl•-di-ia-am". DiakonoffandKashkai1979,53f.) likethatof NA Ma- is followed by 16. ""'Ur-ki-ia-mu-un, 17. "n'Ar/Up-pi-i&, da-A+A (etc., > Aram. Mdy) is to Mida-; the ending is
adjustedto the NA and Aramaicgentilicsuffix. The earlierforms,viz. Mu-un-na(Grayson1996,54: Shalm. III,A.0.104.8, III,A.0.10.2.10,iii, 34; 213: Adad-n~idri 8) and kIrMan-an-ai(829 B.C., Grayson 1996, 83:
18. ""'Si-hu-u-a, and 19. ""'Na-zi-ni-ri. The royal city 20.
was explicitlysituatedin Mannea Si-me-ri(-)Ha-di-ri accordingto an Urartianinscription(a compoundname?
see DiakonoffandKashkai1979,25, 81). ""'U-i-hi-ka-a alternatively belongedto B/Puktu(below,2.1.4, 1).
A.0.102.16,307),arestillwithoutthisending.9 The locationof 1. " 'Zi-ir-ta(Grayson1996, 70: A.0.102.14, 166; 828 or 827 B.C.), "mln-zir/zi-ir-ti/tu 1.1.2. Prosopography and anthroponymy (1, 2, 4-8 (Fuchs 1994, 439),"1'I-Jir-te (Lanfranchiand Parpola rulers;see Boehmer 1964, 14) 1. U-da-ki (829 B.C., Grayson 1996, 70:Shalm. 1H 1990, 204 r. 6), the permanentcapitalof Mannea,is unknown(cf. Levine1980).ItsidentitywithAram.Zctr, A.0.102.14, 164f.; OIran.);2. Ir-an-zi/zu,Ir-an- su' (last a seatof the god Haldiat the end of the eighthcentury thirdof the eighthcenturyB.C.;see e.g., Tadmor1994, B.C.
y bZtr, Lemaire 1998, 16f., 5'; LHidy,12',
98 ad St. I, B, 15'); 3. Urart.A-ka-'-a (atyp.), deputy of
(Hl.dy see 28), is not beyonddoubt(see Eph'al1999, 119f.). Mannea, time of Rusa II (c. 730-714 B.C., Melikilvili Salvini(1982,386f.)pointsoutthattheoriginalregionof 1971a, 231f.: 286, 3); 4. A-za-a, 719-716 B.C. the Haldi (NA dHal-di-a, e.g. Thureau-Dangin seeFuchsandSchmitt1998h)s. of Ir-an-zu 1912, (OIran./atyp., andbr.of 5. Ul-lu-su-nu 368)10 cult was Musasir,which is fairly close to the (seeFuchs1994,416);6. Ah-seBukanregion,andits environsas faras the notheastemrne-ri (NB), Ah-&e-(e)-ri,Ah-se-e-ra, Ah-&i-ra(Hurr.?see section of Assyria proper. The possibility that Fuchs and Schmitt 1998a), time of Esarhaddonand Esarhaddon plannedto senda messengertogetherwith Ashurbanipal;7. U-(a-)al-li (-i) s. of Ahseri in an Arameanscribe([h"]A.BA Ar-ma-A+A) to Manneamay time(Piepkom1933,B, 54, iii, 86; U-li-i Ashurbanipal's be gleanedfrom Starr1990, 58, r. 10. 2. "n'(I-)zi-bi-ia is perhapsdefective,cf. Borger1996,35). 8. E/I-ri-si-in(Fuchs 1994, 429); = "u'Uz-bi-a,U-zu-bi-i[a] (Piepkom 1933, PrismB, iii: 47, cf. Borger 1996, 34), modem Zivya (see Godard 1950, 5; Adamec 1976, map I-20-D has "Ziviyah"which is very probablyfor Zivya);3. ""'Ar-meet(-ta), Ar-ma-et, Ur-me-e(orIA)-te in central Mannea (Fuchs 1994, 424; Borger 1996, 34). 4. ""'Sa-an-ha,11 is mentioned togetherwith 5. "n'U-lu-&i-a (Lanfranchiand Parpola 1990, 217, 5f.). The latteris identicalto ""'Lu-u-
ni, E-ri-si-IA-nis. of 7 (Borger 1996, 36) is very probably Hurrian.9. Belihabfi might have been a Manneanruler according to Diakonoff 1985a, 102 (without a transliterationand with a wrong reference!). Very few commoners'names are mentionedin the sources: 10. In-s/zab/p-ri (Mannean city lord? I-zir-te is mentioned in the same letter; Sargon II's time, Lanfranchiand Parpola 1990, 204, 11). 11. Abat-&arri-
THE ETHNO-LINGUISTIC CHARACTER OF NORTHWESTERN IRAN AND KURDISTAN IN THE NEO-ASSYRIAN PERIOD
93
usur, a Mannean emissary, is mentioned then 1.4. Regions (1-4, 6) and settlements (5, 7-9) (Lanfranchiand Parpola1990, 171 r. 4, see Parker situated south of Lake Urmia 1998a). 12. Ri-pa krMan-na-A+A' (634 B.C., cf. Zadok apud Radner 1999, 204 ad 64, 7: Ri-pi). 13. Gi-
ki-i, a Manneaninterpreter undated,Fales (targumanu, andPostgate1995, 31, 6, see Lapinkivi[andSchmitt] 1998),atyp. TheManneanZi-ba/ma-gais recordedin Sipparon 15.II.527/6 B.C., accordingto MAH 16452 (I should like to thankthe Mus6ed'Artet d'HistoireandDr. J. Chamay,Geneva,forpermissionto quotethistablet;for Manneansin the Achaemenidperiodsee Zadok1979b, 171f.).
It is not explicitlystatedthattheselocales,whichare recordedto Urartianinscriptions(numbersin brackets refer to Diakonoffand Kashkai 1979), belongedto Mannea.Alternatively, they mighthave been situated on formerKilzaneanterritory(cf. below,3.2). 1. k'A-la-t? (a mountainousregion, 5), 2. kurAr-tar(87), mu-[...] (12); 3. kurUr-ia(95), 4. kuq"T-er-[t]u(?)-bd 5. u"rU-ba-a-ru-GI-il-du(92; attributiondoubtful), 6. k"rK[u]/lL[u]-[...]-ru-pi-ra (116), 7. urEr/lIr-ki-u-ne (32; 3-7 arementionedin the samesource),8. ""'Me/Mi-naap-su(-ne",56) and 9. "r"Du-qa-ma-a(27; 8, 9 are
mentionedin the samesource).
1.2. On the Mannean- Urartian border (in
northwestern Mannea;for 1-7 see Fuchs1994,s.vv.) 1. in'Suk/Su-u-ki-a (gent. Su-uk-ka-A+A,perhaps = Zu-uk-ka-A+A),132. ""'Ba-a-la(gent. "un'Ba-la-A+A), 3. a•nA-bi-ti-ik-na (gent. . i.,nmA-bi-ti-ik-na-A+A); 4. "nPa-a/ap-pa(atyp.) is juxtaposed with 5. "n'La-lu-ukboth bordering on nu/ni (gent.. "h"'bLa-lu-uk-na-A+A, 6. kurMa-al-la-u Kakm6). (ThureauIarMa-al-la-a-ut,
1.5. Zig/k/qirtu 1.5.1. Geographical extent and toponymy kurZi-g/k/qir-te/tu/tu, gent. kurZi-g/k/qir-ta-A +A, lu*Zi-gir-ta-A+A(see Fuchs 1994, 471 and below, 17; cf. A7rZi-ki/qi-ra-A+A, kurZi-ki/qi-
-ti-a,Lanfranchi
andParpola1990, 164, 6 and 15 resp.)is thoughtto be was a mountain between withlater(A)sagarta-(seeHerzfeld1938, 171; Mannea identical Dangin 1912, 172) andUrartuwiththe fortressof 7. un1U?-qa-ia (Thureau- Grantovskiy 1970, 272; the CVC signs G/K/QIR,GIR Diakonoffand areindifferentto vowel quality). Dangin1912, 167;Urart. A•-ka/qa-ia-i, Kashkai 1979, 13f.), near the entranceto 8. kurZa-ra-an1. "1'Pa-ar-da(Thureau-Dangin 1912, 84 ; Fuchs 2. I7-I?-tar-a-uda. 9. Da-ar-ba(-ne, Diakonoff and Kashkai 1979, 25). of was the 1994,453) capital Zig/k/qirtu. and the districtof 3. 10. k71rSu-ut-bi wasnamedMan-na-A+A by theUrartians ra-a flowed between ""T'Pa-an-zi-i& kurA-u-ka-ne'-e (Thureau-Dangin 1912, 79; the 1912, 169, 172). (Thureau-Dangin withUg/j n by Herzfeld1938,174is dueto identification in addition,Ug/jinis locatedtoo muchto the assonance; 1.3. Wigdig north). Boehmer (1964, 18 with n. 43) cautiously (a mountain)mightbe suggeststhat4. kr U-as-di-RIK-ka kur dueto assonance.5. this is of but local name Urart. the Uaus, "Uis-di-i' (Thureau-Dangin1912, 91), kurl land Kashkai GI-i'-ti(Diakonoff 6. UrUSak-ta-tu-u',7. uruNa-an-zu,8. uruKa1979,92f.),mighthave -19g-ta-ip-pa, beensituatednorthof Maragheh(see Diakonoff1985a, a-ba-ni, 9. "ruGur-ru-su-pa(the identificationwith Garras 80). by Herzfeld1938,174is dueto assonance),10."urRa-ak1.3.1. Geographical extent and toponymy 1. kurUL-a-(ut)-u&,2. kurZi-mur (near kurj-a-uu, Thureau-Dangin1912, 145; cf. Fuchs 1994, 470f.).
1.3.2. Prosopography and anthroponymy Ba-ag-da-at-ti (OIran.),governor of Wi~dii, 717 or 716 B.C. (see Fuchs [and Schmitt] 1998j).
si (87; OIran.),11.uruGim-da-ak-rik-ka,12. urIBa-ru-nak14. unSi-te-ra, 15. uruTa-as-ta-mi, ka, 13. u,•U-ba-ba-ra,(Thureau-Dangin 16. ""'Te-sa-am-mi-a 1912, 88); 12 (actually 13, but 12 is a stereotypic number, cf. just below) walled cities with 84 unnamed villages in their vicinity (12x7, a stereotypic/"typological"number like the seven settlementssituatedat the foot of Mt Ubianda in Armarili according to Thureau-Dangin 1912, 270-72).14 17. ~'Pa-a-a-te, where the Zig/k/qirtean (ruler, "*Zi-gir-ta-A+A) suggested to supply horses, was
94
JOURNAL OF PERSIAN STUDIES
presumablyin Zig/k/qirtuor near it (Lanfranchiand Parpola1990,169, 11and4, 6 [Zi-],9 resp.).
beenrejected(withoutreason)by Diakonoff(1985a,69, n. 1),18who followed Levine (1974, 111). The latter of Missi with M~etibecause rejectedthe identification of his localisationof Parsuain the northernMahidait. 1.5.2.Prosopography and anthroponymy Nevertheless,there are two weak points in Levine's 1. Mi-ta-at-ti,Mi-ta-at-tithe Zig/k/qirtean(Thureau- argumentation: 1. Levine'ssoutherlylocationof Missi is basedon Dangin 1912, 141; Me-ta-at-<>ti,80; Hurr.?), 714 B.C.; 2. A!-da-ku!-pa, the envoy (h"MAH)of the the identification of Missi with",'Me-su(Levine1974, ruler 114 with n. 114, followingMelikigvili1949, 58f., n. 5 Zig/k/qirtean ([klr]Zi-ki/qi-ri-ta-A +A, undated, Schwemer1998). andDiakonoff1956a,158;cf. Grantovskiy1970, 142; Kashkai1977, 46). As statedby Fuchs (1994, 451), "l'Me-sumust be differentiatedfrom the region of 1.6. Andia Missi.Mesurefersto a townsituatedbetweenAziruand Simaki in western Zamua (Grayson 1991, 205ff.: 1.6.1.Geographicalextentandtoponymy AshurnasirpalII A.0.101.1, ii, 52f., 82f.; 246: 1. klrAn-di-ut(Grayson 1996, 213: A.0.101.17, iii, 34, 36; see Liverani 1992, 55 with Adad-ntrr-i HI A.0.104.8,9), An-di-a(Parpola1970, 19 with refs.) is previouslit.; 8.9.2.1below).19It shouldbe remembered thoughtto be a regionof Mannea(cf. Fuchs1994,421). that Manneareachedcertainpoints on the borderof It is noteworthythat the crownprinceof Andia was eastern Zamua in the period of its maximum accompanied by a Manneanemissary(see below, 1.6.2, southwestemexpansion(the first half of the seventh 2. kirTu-a-ia-di is a region of Andia (Fuchs 1994, 2). centuryB.C., cf. below, 1.11.1),butit nevercontrolled The locationof Mt.BAD-hu(Grayson1996,213: westernZamua.Moreover,Fuchs (1994, 451) argues 465). Adad-nardiHI A.0.104.8, 10) and its relationship(if thatMissiwas the easternmost regionof Mannea. 2. Levine (1974, 116) states that "the [Urartian] any)to Andiaareunknown.15 inscriptionindicatesthat Tash-Tepewas Mannean,or Manneanterritory". In ratherit was Urartian-controlled 1.6.2.Prosopography and anthroponymy both Samsi-AdadV and Adad-naritri HI Missi (gent. 1. Te-lu-se/si-na (716-715 B.C.)rulerof Andiyaand Mi-sa-A+A)occursonly in summaryinscriptions. Manneangovernor(see Fuchs 1994, 415; poss. Hurr.1. "U'Su-an-da-hu-ul, (Levine ,1niSu-un-da-hu-ul in Missi (see Fuchs1994, Urart.); 2. Ia-la-[xx], the crown prince of Andia 1972,34, ii, 13)- probably (Lanfranchi and Parpola 1990, 171, 1), was 460). 2. In'Pa-an-zi-i" 1912, 76, 79), (Thureau-Dangin a Mannean Fuchs fortress in Missi For a commoner "u'Pa+-za-si(see 1994, 454), accompaniedby emissary. named An-di-A+A,i.e. "Andian",in the Ninevite nearAndiaandZig/k/qirtu. 3. ,uZu-ur-zu-uk-ka/Du-urdocumentation (682/1B.C.) see Zadok1994b,49b. du[k]-ka,a fortressin Manneaposs. = ""Si-ir-da-ak-ka in Missi 1912,52) = U"rZi-ir-da-ak-ka (Thureau-Dangin (Fuchs1994,74; Olran.?). 1.7. Missi
1.7.1.Geographicalextentand toponymy karMi-is-si (Thureau-Dangin1912, 51; also kurMi-issi, Mi-si, see presently) is probably the same place as
Urart.MStd (-ta is extantin Urartiantoponymy,see Arutyunyan 1985, 138f., 142f.).l6 It is hesitatingly identified with either modem Tash tepe (Diakonoff and Kashkai 1979, 57; Diakonoff 1985a, 69, cf. Herzfeld 1938, 164f.: near Tash Tepe) or Hasanlu (Salvini 1982, 390f.; 1983, 225f., claiming that Melta/Hasanlu was part of Urart. Par-sti-a, i.e. Parsua, not Mannea).17 However, subsequently the former identification has
and anthroponymy 1.7.2.Prosopography Da-A+A-uk-ka/ki/ku, governor(of Ullusunu;timeof SargonII) of an unknownregion of Mannea(Missi cf. Diakonoff1985a,80, n. 1; accordingto Grantovskiy, see and Schmitt Fuchs OIran., 1998v). 1.8. Kumurdu kirKu-mu-ur-da-A+A(gent.) of Mannea (Borger 1996, 34: B iii, 60 = C iv, 72) was equated with Ur III
THE ETHNO-LINGUISTIC CHARACTER OF NORTHWESTERN IRAN AND KURDISTAN IN THE NEO-ASSYRIAN PERIOD
Humurtuby Diakonoff1956a,282 withn. 3; 1985a,73. Levine (1974, 115) is not aware of Diakonoff's identification,which may eventually facilitate the location of Kumurdu,perhapstowardsthe southern sectionof Mannea.
95
(Grayson1996, 71: Shalm.III A.0.102.14, 181f.; cf. [kurS6c]-Las-gan(?)-A+A from 784 B.C., Dalley and Postgate1984, 145,iv, 16 and 1.14,d below).Theyare +A (restoredin view precededby 3. "n'-bu-ri-sa-A of IurF?)Ga-bu-ri-.saL-A+ A4' in Grayson 1996, 83: A.0.102.16, 329, cf. below, 2.2.3), kurAn-di-A+A(= 1.6 above) and 4. k/rx.x-bi-ra-A+A(cf. Grayson 1996, 83:
1.8.1. Geographical extent and toponymy Mt Ha-ar-si (= Harsi? cf. Edzard 1957-71 and
was situatedon Har(ra)na A.0.102.16,330).Apparently Thecapitalof to Allabria. Mannea the way from proper
below, 4.9.1, 2) is describedas situatedat the "head" Har(ra)na was 5. unlMa-sa-s'u-ru(Grayson 1996, 83: district.u"Ha-ar-&u(Tadmor A.0.102.14,169). (SAG)of the Kumurdean Ann. 46: was on III'swayto 1994, 11, 1) Tiglath-pileser It is to Urart.Wa,related Bit-Abdadani (cf.below,4.9.1). ar-si-taaccordingto DiakonoffandKashkai(1979,98). 1.10.2. Prosopography and anthroponymy Thelatteris veryprobablythe sameplaceas Wa-ar-svu Su-lu-su-nu of [kuriH]AR-na, 828 B.C. (Grayson 1996,83: A.0.102.16,311'). (Wa-ar-&e/li) from OB Sufarrc4(Eidem 1992, 90a with refs.).TroopsfromPA-ar-sikarelistedwithtroopsfrom otherplacesincludingKu-mu-ur-a-at-t[e]. Theformeris a variantof Wardu.Is the latterform (listed as an 1.11. Allab/pria but anthroponym by Eidem1992,95a,s.v. Kumur-atte, cf. Ziegler1997,791)20relatedto Kumurdu? 1.11.1. Geographical extent and toponymy kr/,uniAl-lab/p-ri-a,unAl-la-ab/p-ri-a, kurAl-lalab/pri-a, gent. kurAl-lab/p-ra/ri-A+A,Al-la-ab/p-ra-A+A
(Parpola1970, 12 with refs.), was a state between Manneaand Parsua(see KinnierWilson 1962, 112f.; cautiouslyconsidersthe readingRa-A+A-<>di- Fuchs 1994, 418f.; VeraChamaza1994, 97). Levine jca-de-e),the Kumurdeans'fortress commanderin (1994, 138) suggestsa locationin the Sanandajvalley time. Ashurbanipal's (poss.too farto the south).It is firstmentionedin 842 B.C. (Grayson1996,40: Shalm.IIIA.0.102.6,iii, 62f.). It is noteworthythata certainbirdof the mountainsis 1.8.2.Prosopography and anthroponymy
Ra-A+A-da-di-'a-de-e (/-di-i; Borger 1996, 34
1.9. Surika?and environs
was a Manneandistrictborderingon kirSu-ri-ka-as' Karallaand Allab/priain 714 B.C. (Thureau-Dangin 1912,31; see Levine1977a,137).It included1. "'Si-nihi-ni(Thureau-Dangin with 1912,35; the identification Senna/Sanandajby Herzfeld 1938, 164 is due to assonance).The rivers2. Rap-pa-aand 3. A-rat-ta-a were on the way from Sumbi(8.8 below) to Surikal. The latteris at best a homonymof the land of Aratta (see the commentof Vallat1993, 18 on Gordon1960, 132withn. 63 andYusifov1986,87).
1.10. Har(ra)na 1.10.1. Related places (all gentilics) 1. kurHAR/HiR/MUR-ra-na-A+A is mentioned in 828 B.C. before the district of 2. kurSa-ia-jga-na-A+A
defined as "Allab/prian"in SB (il-lab/p-ra-A+, illa-bar/pdr-A+Amuen,see von Soden 1959-81, 372a, s.v.; with a- > i-; CVC signs like BAR may also render /CC/).
1. unPad/t-d/ ti-ra was the capitalof Allabriaas readas Sur-di/dir-,but earlyas 842 B.C. (alternatively see Grayson1996, 40 ad A.0.102.6, iii, 62f. , who prefers Pad-; the sequence unmAl-lab/p-ri-A+A, "n'ZALAG-A+A,k'urPad-dir-A+A in Grayson 1996,
172f.:Shalm.IIIA.0.102.1002,4' is tertiarystemming from the secondarysequence for which see below, is 2.1.1.1).In c. 817 B.C. (at the latest),uruPad/t-d/ti-ra described as the easternmost point of the Assyrian empire (Grayson 1996, 184: Shamshi-Adad V A.0.103.1, i, 7). krPad/t-d/ti-ri (Winckler 1889, 170, (Weidner1941-44, 41, 22) is mentioned 12), ,~,'Pat-ti-ri togetherwith Karallain SargonII's time, notably in 716 B.C. (gent. Iur1Pad-dir-A+A,Weidner 1941-44, 43, 12, 16, cf. Fuchs 1994, 453). The town belonged to Mannea
96
JOURNAL OF PERSIAN STUDIES
in Ashurbanipal's time. This accords well with the maximum expansion of Manneatowards Zamua during the first half of the seventh century B.C. (cf. above, 1.7.1).- 2. kurLa-a-ru-e-te, a districtof Allabria,included the fortress of 3. ""'La-ta-&e-eopposite Sinhini of
Surikasin 714 B.C. (Thureau-Dangin 1912,37). 1.11.2.Prosopography and anthroponymy (allrulers) 1. Ia-an-zi-bur-ia-cis', king of Allab/pria,c. 842 B.C.
be soughtmuchmoreto the south(Vallat1993, cxxi, 280 differentiatesTikril from OB Tukri'). Tikri' is associatedwithHaralli/Aral(1)i (Karalla?cf. Dellerand ad Stol (1976,41f. withlit.) is Postgate1985,71a 119). of the opinionthat Ti/ukriiwas located in Luristan, whereasVallat(1993, 80) advocatesa locationof both Tikri' and Harallu in southeasternIran. Is the from OB Su'arra (Eidem anthroponym Ta-ak-ri-&u-ut
1992, 132,26) a gentilicof a variantof Tikri'?Nothing
is known about 3. l"RI-d[a?-A+A],who are mentioned
(Grayson1996,40: Shalm.1I A.0.102.6,iii, 63), Kass. (see Brinkman1976-80a); 2. Ar-ta-sa-rifrom Pad(* text SUR)-di-ra, 829 B.C. (Grayson 1996, 70: A.0.102.14, 171; see Radner[and Schmitt] 1998d),
together with the Manneans and Siri'eans in Esarhaddon's time (Starr1990,28, 11).
OIran.;3. Bli-apla-iddina, 716 B.C. (Fuchs 1998g); 4.
1.13. Linguistic analysis of the anthroponymy(27 100%; severely damaged names, viz. 1.6.2, 2, are not taken into account; the same applies to 1.1.2, 9, which is dubious)
1.12. Adjacent regions
(a) Old Iranian (4 = 14.81%):829 B.C.: Ar-ta-sari (1.11.2, 2; see [Radnerand] Schmitt 1998d); U-da-ki (1.1.2, 1) < *Hu-da-ka- (to *Hu-daih-with Avestan
I-ti-irulerof Allab/pria,711B.C. (Fuchs1998a,24, ii.d, Ass.12;Ass. 16), atyp.
1.12.1. Surd/ta (or Padda/Patta)
is firstmentionedin 716 B.C. (Levine ""'Pat/Sur-ta
parallels,see Grantovskiy1970, 186f.:9).-717 or 716
1972, 38, ii, 33). The identification with PAD/Sur-da
B.C.: Ba-ag-da-at-ti (1.3.2, 1) < *Baga-data- (see Justi
seemsplausiblein view of the geographicalcontext:It was on the way fromKarallato Nikkur(presumably in Parsua)accordingto the itineraryof Sargon II.
1. A-da-a from Surda, 713 B.C., atyp. (Fuchs 1998b, 1).
1.12.2. Karalla kurKar-al-la/li/lu/lu4, gent. KAR(a)-la-A+A (Fales and Postgate 1995, 125, 8; R6llig 1976-80) was near Zamua and Surda. Levine (1972, 31) locates it in the plateau around Lake Zeribor (cf. Levine 1977a, 137;
Fuchs1994,442; VeraChamaza1994,96). 1. A&&ur-l'i,716 B.C.; 2. A-mi-tag-gi,and his sons 3. At-ka-A+[A]-x and 4. At-ka-a-a-DUG (all from 713
B.C., Fuchs1998c, 1998d,FuchsandSchmitt1998d).
1895, 57a; Scheftelowitz 1905, 274; [Fuchs and] Schmitt 1998j).- Time of Sargon H: Da-A+A-ukka/ki/ku (1.7.2, 1, see Schmitt 1973; [Fuchs and] Schmitt 1998v).- (b) Old Iranian or atypical (1 =
3.7%):A-za-a(1.1.2,4; see [Fuchsand]Schmitt1998h; too short for an unambiguouslinguistic affiliation).- (c) Kassite (1 = 3.7%): la-an-zi-bur-ia-is' (1.11.2, 1, cf. Balkan 1954, 58).- (d) Hurro-Urartian (1 = 3.7%): E/I-ri-si-in-ni,E-ri-si-IA-ni(1.1.2, 8; cf. MB I-ri-&e-enni, Gelb et al. 1943, 220b, 255b; Fuchs and Schmitt 1998b'); for -IA- cf. perhaps E(or Ia)-ri-is/i&-te-IA-na (1.1.1, 9) and Ur-me-e(or IA)-te ( Ar-me-et(-ta), Arma-et, 1.1.1, 3).- Just possible (1 = 3.7%): Te-lu-se/si-
na (1.6.2, 1) apparentlyendswith Hurr.-Men"brother" or a relatedform(cf. Gelbet al. 264b;Diakonoff1956a, 207, n. 3; 1985, 71 with n. 1; hardly Kassite as hesitantlysuggestedby Balkan1954, 178).-Doubtful
(2 = 7.4%): Mi/Mi-ta-at-ti, -ta-at-ti (1.5.2, 1, see 1.12.3. Other Diakonoff 1985, 71 with n. 1; hardly Iranian as 1. "a'Gu-mu-sa-nu/ni (Harper 1892-1914, 616, NA, understood by Herzfeld 1938, 171 and Grantovskiy undated)is mentionedtogetherwith Mannea.2. "'7Ti-ik- 1970, 273) and 1.1.2, 6.- (e) Atypical (4 = 14.81%):Ari-i&(Lanfranchiand Parpola 1990, 217 r. 1) might have da-a (1.12.1, 1), A-ka- '-a (1.1.2, 3), both short and been located near the Mannean border, not far from ubiquitous;Gi-ki-i (1.1.2, 12, cf. Tallqvist 1914, 277b; [Lapinkiviand] Schmitt 1998); Kiki with dissimilation, Ulu.ia and Sanha. There is no need to compare (with cf. Zadok 1995a, 439; common to several unrelated Parpola 1970, 352, s.v.) Tikril with Sig/kris, which is to
THE ETHNO-LINGUISTIC
CHARACTER OF NORTHWESTERN NEO-ASSYRIAN PERIOD
dialects);1.11.2,4.- (f) Akkadian(3 = 11.11%):1.1.2, 11, 1.11.2, 3, 1.12.2, 1.- (g) Unaffiliated, but not entirely isolated (3 = 11.11%): Ir-an-zi/zu, Ir-an-rsu1
(1.1.2, 2), cf. perhapsOB I-la-an-zufrom Suiarrdi of a liquid/nasal (Eidem1992,50, 16', withinterchange due to the presenceof two such consonantsin this name); U-(a-)al-li(-i, 1.1.2, 7), cf. perhapsNE U-al (Scheil 1907,259 r.4, cf. Zadok1991,225, n. 2) on the one hand and the toponym "n'U-al-li-anear Enzi (Parpola1970, 362; cf. Astour1987, 56f.) in a HurroUrartianspeakingregion on the other. Ul-lu-su-nu (1.1.2,5) was comparedwithSu-lu-su-nu(1.10.2, 1) by Melikilvili1949,71. It has nothingto do withMB Ullu-un-zi(pace Boehmer 1964, 18 with n. 45).- (h) Unaffiliated and isolated (7 = 25.92%): A!-da-ku!-pa (1.5.2, 2, cf. SchmittapudSchwemer1998),A-mi-tag-
Si (1.12.2,2;see [Fuchsand]Schmitt1998d),Ra-A+A-
IRAN AND KURDISTAN
IN THE
97
(Gelb et al. 1943, 24b, 204f.). Ti-ik-ri-i'(1.12.3, 2) of Tukri',a toponymfrom looks like a quasi-homonym the second millenniumB.C.- (c) Old Iranian (1 = 1.21%): At-ra-a-ni/Te-ra-a-na (1.1.1, 6) < -ana-(pro-)
patronymicof Atr- "fire"(cf. Yusifov 1986, 93, n. 42 whose analysisis imprecise),cf. LB At-ru-ba/ma-nu-and Tu-ra-ba-na-'for one and the same individual (HilprechtandClay 1898, 18, 11 and28a, 15 resp.;see Zadok 1977a, 115: 2.4.1 and Dandamayev 1992, 49:75).- Just possible (4 = 4.87%): U-a&-di-RIK-ka
(1.5.1, 4) < *Vstra-ka- "pasture"(see Zadok 1977b, 77a with n. 2); Ra-ak-si (1.5.1, 10) < *Rxri- (see
Grantovskiy1970, 273). Za-ra-an-da (1.2, 8, see Grantovskiy1971, 276) is apparentlyhomonymous with the hypotheticalforerunnerof modemZarandin eastern Media; 1.5.1.- Doubtful (2 = 2.43%): U-a-(u)u&(1.3.1, 1) < * Vahu& "good"accordingto Grantovskiy
da-di-sci-de-e (/-di-i, 1.8.2; its problematic segmen-
by 1970, 274, but doubtis cast on this interpretation
tationis discussedby Diakonoff1956a,282 withn. 3); 1.1.2, 10, 12; 1.12.2,3,4.
Zi-ir-daUrart./Ws /. Zu-ur-zu-uk-ka/Du-ur-du[k]-ka, ak-ka (1.7.1, 3), poss. = Si-ir-da-ak-ka < *Zrd(y)a-ka-
(i) Summary. Chronological distribution: 1000-745: 4 = 14.81%; 744-705: 16 = 59.25%;
(see Grantovskiy1970, 269f.; 1971, 310), with d/z However,the formwith- castsdoubt interchange.21
744-705/ 704-600: 2 = 7.4%;704-600: 5 = 18.51%.- on an Iranianderivation.- (d) Old Iranian or HurroEthno-linguisticclassification:1000-745(4 = 100%): Urartian? (1 = 1.21%): Melikilvili (1949, 60) was of Old Iranian 2 = 50%; Kassite 1 = 25%; Isolated 1 = the opinionthatE(orIA)-ri-is/i-te-ia-na(1.1.1,9) ends 25%.-744-705 (16 = 100%):Old Iranian2 = 12.5%; in OIran.-stana-.However,casts doubton this Old Iranianor atypical 1 = 6.25%;possibly Hurro- derivation.Since the segmentationis not certain,one Urartian 1 = 6.25%; Hurro-Urartian? 1 = 6.25%; may comparethe ending-IA-nawith thatof Urartian atypical 3 = 18.75%; Akkadian 3 = 18.75%; toponyms such as Sa-ar-da-ur-ri-a-na, Su-ru-du-ri-aunaffiliated,but not entirely isolated 1 = 6.25%; 'ni', Su-ur-du-ra- a-nu < *Sarduri-ana (cf. Tadmor in Aiadi unaffiliatedandisolated4 = 25%.-744-705/ 704-600 1994, 126, n. 26) and perhapsun"Ar-gi&-ti-ut-na = Kassite 1 1912,287).- (e) (3 = 3.65%). (2 = 100%):Atypical 50%;unaffiliatedandisolated (Thureau-Dangin 1 = 50%.- 704-600 (5 = 100%): Hurro-Urartian1 =
1 = 20%;unaffiliated,but not 20%;Hurro-Urartian? = isolated unaffiliatedandisolated2 = 1 20%; entirely 40%.
1.14. Linguistic analysis of the toponymy (82
=100%;severelydamagednames,viz. 1.1.1, 14; 1.4, 2, 6; 1.10.1, 4; 1.12.3, 3 arenot takeninto account) (a) Pre-first millennium (2 = 2.43%): kurKu-muur-da-A+A (1.8) < Ur III Humurtu. Hu-mur-ti is recorded as an anthroponymin MB (Balkan 1954, 55). Mt Ha-ar-si (1.8.1; presumably = Ha-ar-&u).- (b) Homonymous with pre-first millennium (2 = 2.43%): A-rat-ta-a (1.9, 3) may be compared with the anthroponymsA-ra-at-tu4,Ar-ra-at-ta from MB Nuzi
With -ya& ("land", a common element in Kassite
toponymy):1.1.1, 12,and15.A-di-ia-acj,whichcanbe a homonymof theanthroponym A&-di-a-s'u (Dalleyand Zadok 1994b,48b). The Postgate1984, 145,iv, 18, cf. beforeMar-dukcontext in a broken mentioned latteris a-ti and A&-de-e-li(?)-t'ufrom 784 B.C. Members of
various ethnic groups are mentionedin the same document(see Dalley and Postgate1984 256 ad loc. and cf. [k"rSci]rLa`-gan(?)-A+A, above, 1.10.1).Other: (I-)zi-bi-ia, Uz-bi-a, U-zu-bi-i[a] (1.1.1, 2; see Boehmer 1964, 18f. with n. 58) is with droppingof the initial vowel like (I-)-zir/zi-ir-ti/tu, (I-)zir-te (1.1.1, 1, cf. Melikilvili 1949, 61f., n. 2).- Just possible (2 = 2.43%): For Na-zi-ni-ri (1.1.1, 19) see Balkan 1954, 170f., s.v.v. nazi and -niri, who is followed by Boehmer (1964, 18f. with n. 60). Si-hu-u-a (1.1.1, 18) is possibly based on the theophorouselement Sihu.- Doubtful (1 =
JOURNAL OF PERSIAN STUDIES
98
1.21%): Al-lab/p-ri-a, Al-la-ab/p-ri-a, Al-lalab/p-ri-a
(1.11.1), cf. perhapsthe MB anthroponym I-la-ap-ri(ia), I-la-ap-ri-ia-am(Gelb et al. 1943, 219b, 320a).- (f) Hurro-Urartian (2 = 2.43%): An-di-a/lt (1.6.1, 1) may
be based on the *ant-, which is productivein the Hurrianonomasticon,e.g. in MA "1rAn-di-a-be/bi in Nairi (Grayson1991, 21: Tigl. I A.0.87.1, iv, 74; cf. Salvini 1967, 51, n. 8). -a/ti is an internalAssyrian variationof the Akkadiancase ending,cf. MA "n'A-diin Assyriaproper(Nashef1982,4f.). zi/a,NA "n'A-di-a Pa-ar-da (1.5.1, 1) is based on part- which can be representedby the late OB anthroponymBa-ar-ti (Salvini1996,57, ii, 12, cf. Zadok1999,?2). Pa-ar-da can render neither OIran. *Frada- nor *ParOa- (pace Grantovskiy 1970, 273).- Doubtful (6 = 7.31%): Ur-ki-
ia-mu-un(1.1.1, 16), cf. perhapsUrart.Ur-ki-a(-ne, DiakonoffandKashkai1979,95) on the one handand
-
if the segmentation is correct -
MA Un-za-mu-ni
(Grayson1991,21: Tigl.I A.0.87.1,iv, 74) on the other (see Salvini1967,51;Nashef 1982,272: unzais extant in MB Nuzi, + -n). Ar/Up-pi-i&(1.1.1, 17) - Boehmer
Ar(1964, 18, with n. 53) comparesthe anthroponym bi-vu(MB Nuzi, Gelbet al. 1943,205), whichmay be based on Hurr. arp-, but -w is still without parallel in this case. Su-an/un-da-hu-ul (1.7.1, 1) , cf. Boehmer
1964, 18withn. 52; Zadok1986,245:ii, 1; 1999, 11 (hul). A-bi-ti-ik-naand La-lu-uk-nu/ni(1.2, 3, 5) contain
-C-nV(cf. Zadok 1995a,443). Is 1.2, 1 based on zuk (cf. Gelb et al. 1943, 278f.)?- (g) Hurro-Urartian or atypical (1 = 1.21%): Pa-a/ap-pa (1.2, 4) is either
atypical(shortandubiquitous,cf. e.g., the OB andMB anthroponym Ba-a-pa,Salvini1996,59, iii, 31, Gelbet al. 1943,243a)orperhapsUrart.baba"mountain".(h) Akkadian? (1 = 1.21%): Is HAR-ra-na-A+A (1.10.1,
1; the firstsign has also the values hir, hur,mur-and kin-)a residualAkkadianname (basedon Harran)or an Akkadianised form? It may be compared (Lanfranchiand linguistically with ",n,'HAR-ra-ni-a Parpola1990, 133 r. 4), which was on the way from Hubu'kia to Assyria (poss. > modem Rania, see Lanfranchi 1995, 136), "n'HAR-ra-a-ni-a("in Kurdistan" accordingto Starr1990,364bad 23, 7), and NE Ha-ra-an (not the same place as cautiously suggested by Hinz and Koch 1987, 623).- (i) Unaffiliated, but not entirely isolated (10 = 12.19%): Pa-an-zi-i&(1.7.1, 2), cf. the anthroponymsPa-an-zi[i] (Fales and Postgate 1995, 219, iii, 10) and OB PiQn-i' from Suiarra (Eidem 1992, 49a) as well as NA "1'Pe-en-za-ain Subria (possibly identical with ""'Be•-
en-zu, see Kessler 1995, 63) with Cle/iC2C3:
ClaC2C3
below, 2.6). Withan earlier (cf. Ni-ih-ri-a/Na-ah-ri-a, OB from Su'arrd(cf. 8.12,i below): toponymicparallel - Si-me-riof--Ha-di-ri(1.1.1,20, if the segmentation is correct).1.1.1, 5 has an earlierhomonym,viz. the U-lu-si-iafromMB Nuzi (see Gelbet al. anthroponym 1943, 271a), cf. perhapskur/unLu-si-a beyondthe Nal the Urartian border on (Tadmor1994, range(larNa-al) 301 with refs.), perhaps a case of toponymic interregional duplication (cf. Astour 1987, 35). Pat/Sur-da/ta(1.12.1)22may be homonymouswith RAE aSu-ur-da/ti(Vallat1993, 264) on the one hand and perhaps (Tadmor 1994, 126: ",nA-&ur-da-A+A Summ.1, 27, behindthe Nal range)on the other,if the latterbeginswitha secondary(NA) a- (cf. below,6.11, b). Comparealso Sur-ti,son of a Zagroskingin a letter from OB Sugarra(probablyHurrianaccordingto Eidem1992,50), as well as theMB anthroponyms Surti (Cassin and Glassner1979, 133b) and Sur-te-e-a (Sur-teiaaccordingto Gelb et al. 1943, 259b) from Nuzi. Si-ni-hi-ni(1.9, 1) - both Sini and hini are recorded(Gelb et al. 1943, 216f., 257b), but they are never combined. I?-ta-ip-pa (1.5.1, 5; perhaps homonymouswith 6.7.4 below) is hardlyIranianas understoodby Grantovskiy (1970,273); anelementiitseems to be discerniblein Urartiantoponymy (see Salvini 1967, 60; cf. Diakonoff and Kashkai 1979, 45f.). Na-an-zu(1.5.1, 8) is too short for a reliable analysis;in addition,-nz- is also found in toponyms dialectswere referringto placeswhereHurro-Urartian Pat-ti-ri Pad/t-d/ti-ra/ri (the (1.11.1, 1), spoken.NA in uncommon not is transcriptions interchanget/d of non-Semiticnames) may be homonymouswith OAkk. Pci-ti-riki,Ba-ti-rik(Rasheed 1981, 114, 10; 132, 13) in JabalHimrin,Ba-ti-ir(Ur III or earlyOB, poss. modemSar-iPil-i Zohab,in the landof Halman (Edzard1973;Speiser1930, 88f.;Frayne1992, 64ff.). ForBatirsee K6nig 1928;cf. Diakonoff1985,38 (in a Lullubiancontext).Perhapsit is a substratumname Pat-ti-ri with a Lullubianconnexion.Pad/t-d/.ti-ra/ri, probablyhas nothingto do with MA kurPa-i-te-riof Nairi (pace Streck 1899, 152). Mi/Mi-is-si, Mi-si (1.7.1) is apparentlyhomonymouswith Me/Mi-su(cf. below,8.9, 1) on Lullubeanterritory. Kar-al-la/li/lu/lu4 by Deller (1.12.2) is comparedwith Haralli/Aral(1)i andPostgate(1985, 71bad 119;fork-/ 0- in a different milieusee Durand1994, 388, n. 28; 1997, 604, n. 68). WhetherLB ka-ra-al-la,a kindof silverornament(see Joann~s1989), has anythingto do with Karalla (or
THE ETHNO-LINGUISTIC CHARACTER OF NORTHWESTERN IRAN AND KURDISTAN IN THE NEO-ASSYRIAN PERIOD
99
2. PARSUAAND ENVIRONS (H)aral(l)i)eludesme.- (j) Unaffiliatedand isolated = The last of Streck 1900, 308ff.; Levine 1973, 20f.; 1974, (44 53.65%): syllable (I-)zir/zi-ir-ti/tu, (I(see and Pa-ar-da 1.5 106ff.;cf. Arutyunyan1985, s.vv.; Salvini 1998) )zir-te, Zi-g/k/qir-te/tu/tut (1.1.1, 1, and 1.5.1,1), whicharenot recordedin Urartiantexts, has nothingto do with -ta of Urart.Me~ta((1.7.1; pace Meliki'vili 1949, 58f.). U?-qa-ia(1.2, 7), which is 2.1. Explicitly in Parsua based on Olran. huska- accordingto Grantovskiy (1970, 276:58),is not necessarilyOld Iranianin view 2.1.1. Parsua "proper" ANDTOPONYMY EXTENT of the UrartianformA&-ka/qa-ia-i.Thereare no sure 2.1.1.1. GEOGRAPHICAL Parsua iruPcir-su-a, examplesof NA - for Olran.*vahu-.Therefore kurPa-ar-su-a&, (k"rPar/P6r-su-a, A-ui-ka-nd-e (1.5.1, 3) cannot render Olran. Thureau-Dangin1912, 38) was on the way from as suggestedwith due reserveby Eilers Laruete (in Allab/pria)to Missi accordingto the *Vahukana(1955, 228). 1.5.1, 6, 13, 15 are also not Old Iranian itineraryof Sargon Il's eighth campaign(ThureauIIIannexedthe two (pace Grantovskiy1971, 273; the identificationof Dangin1912,37ff.).Tiglath-Pileser 2 to Assyriain 744 1.5.1, withmodemHaita riidby Herzfeld1938, 174 provincesof ParsuaandBit-Hamban is due to assonance).U-i&-di-il(1.3; Urart.U-GI-i"-ti B.C. (see Tadmor1994, 166ad Summ.7, 37 and98: St. seems to rule out a linguisticcomparisonwith MA I B, 9'f.). Qal'ehPasw! not far fromSolduzmay be a cf. Nashef 1982, 142 with lit.). The fact that survivalof the name Parsuaaccordingto Minorsky k'rI&-di&, 1.5.1, 11, 12 end in -ka does not prove thatthey are 1957, 78f. (cf. Sayce 1882, 389; KinnierWilson1969, Iranian,as -kais also commonin Hurrian(a diminutive llf.). QaPeh PaswE is far enough from the southem or ratheran honorificmarker,see Wegner1988, 150), shoreof LakeUrmia.This locationis still compatible but what precedes -ka in these toponyms is not with the conclusionof Levine(1974, 112)thatParsua explicablein Hurrianterms.1.1; 1.1.1,3, 4, 7, 8, 10, 11, was raided, but not conquered by Urartu. His 13; 1.2, 2, 6, 7, 9, 10; 1.3.1, 2; 1.4, 1, 3-5, 7-9; 1.5.1, localisation of Parsua northwest of the Mahida't, 8, 9, 14, 16, 17 (despiteBoehmer1964, 18 withnn. 53, includingthe northernend of the Mahidaititself (near 56, 57a); 1.6.1,2;1.9, 1.9, 2; 1.10.1,2, 3, 5; 1.11.1,2, Ravansar,Levine 1974, 106ff.;1977a, 138f.;followed 3; 1.12.3, 1. by VeraChamaza1994,97ff.),doesnotnecessarilyrule (k) Summary. Chronological distribution: out its extensionto the north,as far as Qal'ehPasw6. 1000-745: 22 = 26.82%; 744-705: 43 = 52.43%; Levinedoesnot definethe easternborderof Parsua,but 744-705/704-600: 1= 1.21%;704-600: 16= 19.51%.- statesthatMannealay to the north.This statementcan Ethno-linguistic classification: 1000-745 (22 = be relativisedconsideringthattherearehardlyanyfixed 100%): homonymous with pre-first millennium 1 points of delimitationof Mannea in the west-southwest, time.Qal'ehPasweis on 1 (4.54 at leastbeforeAshurbanipal's (4.54%);Kassite? 1 (4.54%);Hurro-Urartian 1 (4.54 %); Akkadianised?1 Hubugkian as impliedby Reade1978,140,fig. %); Hurro-Urartian? territory, 2 andLiebig 1991, 33f. Levine (1977b, 181) is of the (4.54%); unaffiliated, but not entirely isolated 4 unaffiliated and isolated 13 (18.18%); (59.09%).- opinion that the Mahida't was the critical area in the 744-705 (43 = 100%):homonymouswith pre-first competition between Assyria and Urartu on the millennium1 (2.32%);possibly quasi-homonymous hegemonyin Mediaandpointsout(Levine1974, 110f.) with pre-firstmillennium1 (2.32.%);possibly Old thatParsuais recordedtogetherwithNiqquandTuglia' Iranian3 (6.97%);Old Iranian2 (4.65%);Kassite 1 (= Tuplia') in Tiglath-pileserIl (Tadmor1994, cf. 4 (9.3 %);unaffiliated,but presently).However,this does not bearon its location (2.32%);Hurro-Urartian? not entirely isolated 6 (13.95%); unaffiliatedand anddoesnot supporta southerlyextensionof Parsua.23 isolated24 (55.81%).-744-705/704-600 (1 = 100%): In fact, in these summary inscriptionsParsuaprecedes possiblyOld Iranian.-704-600 (16 = 100%):Pre-first Bit-Kapsi (Tadmor 1994, 124:Summ. 1, 18; 132: millennium2 (12.5%);Old Iranian1 (6.25%);Old Summ. 3, 6') and Bit-Zatti, Bit-Abdadani, Bit-Kapsi Iranian or Hurro-Urartian?1 (6.25%); Kassite 2 (Tadmor 1994, 164f.:Summ. 7, 29, 35). All these (12.5%);possiblyKassite2 (12.5%);Hurro-Urartian? regions are to be sought north of the Great Khorasan 2 (12.5 %);unaffiliatedandisolated6 (37.5%). Road. The generalgeographicalorderof these summary
100
JOURNAL OF PERSIAN STUDIES
inscriptionsis discussedby George(1996, 369, n. 14). Zadok 2001 presentsthe sections where the Iranian regionsarelisted. there are at Regardinggeographicalarrangement, leastthreegroupsof regions,namelya southern(Nos. 1-9,24 32-35), northern (Nos. 12-17, 19-21) and an eastern one (Nos. 18, 24-26, 36-41). Most of the remaining regions are mentioned only once. The longest list (A) seems to form an almost full circle, namely from the southwest(notablyNamri, Tuplia' and Bit-Barrua)to the north (notablyBit-Abdadani, Bit-KapsiandSibur),thento the southeast(Uparyaand B/Pustus) and southwest (Til-A'uri). In this case 36-41, which are to be soughtfurthereast, form an appendix.It is clearthereforethatParsuais associated with the northerngroup, i.e. the regions which are generallysituatednorthof the GreatKhorasanRoad. This is in agreementwith Forrer(1921, 90), who locates Parsua more to the north, roughly east of Sanandaj.He is followed by Reade (1978, 139) and Zimansky(1990, 14). The latter criticises Levine's southernlocationof Parsuaandpointsoutthatit was an extensiveterritory.The inscriptionsof Shalmaneser III (basicallydescribingthe campaignof 843 or 842 B.C.) containa constantgeographicalsequencefromnorthto south, viz. kurMu-un-na, kurAl-lab/p-ri-a, kur/urupr-su-a,
uuAb-da-da-a-ni/kurAb-da-da-a-nu,uu/kurHa-ban, and kurTug*-li-ia-Ba kurZALAG/kurNa-mumur (Grayson 1996, 40ff.: A.0.102.6,iii, 61ff.; A.0.102.10,iii, 34ff., cf. A.0.102.13, 2'ff.). The sequence kurMu-un-na,
uPair-su-a, uuAl-la-ab/p-ri-a, kurAb-da-da-ni, and kwTug*-li-ia-Si (Grayson kurHa-ban kurZALAG, 60: 1996, A.0.102.12, 19f.) is secondary(a shorter version is containedin the fragmentGrayson 1996, 114f.:.A.0.102.37,
10'f.). 27 kings of klrPar-su-a
deliveredtributein 835 B.C. afterShalmanesser IIIhad his Namri completed campaignagainst (Grayson1996, 68: A.0.102.14, 120, see Levine 1977b, 178; Salvini 1982, 391; Vera Chamaza 1994, 99; no specific kingdoms and rulers are recorded).This is not a numberandhencecredible. stereotypic("typological") In 829 B.C. Shalmanesser m receivedtributefroman unspecified number of Parsuan kings, but he had to conquer the cities of other rulers of Parsuawho did not submit to him (Grayson 1996, 68: A.0.102.14, 172f.; in the following year he had to repeat his activities). It is evident that Parsua was not a consolidated political unit, but rather a cover name for many small entities governed by city rulers, whose foreign policy was not
A detailedlist of "allthekings necessarilycoordinated. of Nairi",who deliveredtributeas a resultof the third campaign(end of the 820s or beginningof the 810s, presumablysometimebetween821 and 819 B.C.), is preserved in Grayson 1996, 186: Sam'i-Adad V, A.0.103.1, iii, 45ff. This list enumeratesat least 27 rulers(or 28, see Grantovskiy1970, 192f.,209, butcf. below,2.1.4.1).Althoughthereis no evidencethatthey ruledoverregionsof Parsua(Diakonoff1985a,56, n. 2 defines their territory in very general terms: "mountainous regionsof the Zagrosandwest of them" [the end of his statement is less defensible; for "Greater"Nairi, cf. Liverani 1992, 107]), it is remarkablethattheirnumberis almostidenticalwith thatof the Parsuankings,who arementionedabout20 years earlier,i.e. virtuallyin the same generation.In addition,it standsto reasonthat the arenaof Sam'iAdadV's campaignincludedParsua.It can be argued thatNairihererefersto northwestern Media(including Parsua)as well. It is statedthatSam'i-AdadV wentto Nairiin his secondcampaign,in the courseof whichhe defeatedS/SAR-si-naof Zamua,U'pina (Ibpuiniof Urartu)andthe people of Sumbi,andreceivedtribute from the kings of Nairi. In the course of his third campaignto Nairi, Sam'i-AdadV received tribute fromHubu'kia,S/SAR-si-naof Zamua,the Sumbeans, Manneans,Parsuansand Taurleans,and he marched againstMissi, Gizilb/pundaand the Medes (Grayson 1996, 184f.:A.0.103.1,ii, 16ff.).Nairiin Adad-nar~iri ili's time is just a geographicalterm(see Salvini1967, 23). Thisappliesto Samsi-AdadV's time as well. 1. "'Sca-la-ha-ma-nuand 2. "l'Ki-ni-ha-ma-nu with23 unnamedsettlements) of Parsuaare (juxtaposed; recordedin 828 B.C. (Grayson1996, 71:Shalm.III A.0.102.14, 186, cf. 83:A.0.102.16, 335'f.). Urart. Parguaincludedthetownsof 3. Sa-a-ri-tui and4. Qu-ut-a and Kashkai 5. 1979, 67, 79). khrNi-kip-pa (Diakonoff 1912, 15, 418, see Streck1999)may (Thureau-Dangin tentativelybe Urart.Nigibe in Parsua(Diakonoffand Kashkai1979, 60), in which case the settlementof Nigibe might have been situated on Mt. Nikippa. Nikippawas adjacentto Sumbi(below,8.8), whichwas situatedin northemrn Zamua.Is SB kurNi-kap(Reiner thesame 1956,129ff.,132:27;a sourceofhulalu-stones) place?(CVCsigns like KAP are indifferentto vowel quality;the variantIr-kapmay be due to a copiyist's error,IR beingNI with an extrawedge).6. *Ginguhtu (extant in the gent. "''Gi-in-hu-uh-ta-A+A)is identical with ""'Ga-an-gu+-uh-tu (perhaps in Niksamma
THE ETHNO-LINGUISTIC
CHARACTER OF NORTHWESTERN NEO-ASSYRIAN PERIOD
accordingto Fuchs 1994, 435; cf. below, 2.1.1, see Wafler1975,280,n. 1448,cf. Billerbeck1898, 101f.,n. i (Harper1892-1914,556r. 10;see 1), and",Ki-gu-uh-t Diakonoff1956a,211,n. 3, cf. Grantovskiy1970, 193). The latteris mentionedtogetherwith 7. "'nKi-za-ha-si and Harhar(= Kar- Sarru-ukin).umNi-kur,Media, Mannea,MazamuaandHabbanare also mentionedin the sameletter.However,theletterhasneithera specific affiliation geographicalcontextnor an administrative (cf. Diakonoff1956a,211,n. 3). 8. ",'Ni-kur (gent."unNiik-kur-A+A,see Billerbeck1898, 78f.) is mentioned after Bit-Ab-da-da-niand Bit-Sangi[()], and before Sassia'u (Tadmor1994, 46 : Ann. 10:9f.; 11:5;744 B.C.). There is no definite proof that Nikkur was situatedin Parsuaas understoodby Forrer(1921, 89; Diakonoff1985a,62, n. 2 is of the opinionthatNikur was the capitalof Parsua),the moreso since Parsuais not mentionedin this passage (but the passage is damaged).Tadmor(1994, 47) comparesNikkurwith Ni-ik(?)-ktir(Levine 1972, 39, ii, 33; his campaignin Parsuaincluded Ganguhtu,cf. Wafler 1975, 268ff., 280f. with n. 1450), which is mentionedbetween
IRAN AND KURDISTAN
IN THE
101
2.1.4. B/Pu'tu EXTENTAND TOPONYMY 2.1.4.1. GEOGRAPHICAL
urB/Pu-u?-tu,whichexplicitlybelongedto Parsuain
828 B.C. (Grayson1996, 71:Shalm.III A.0.102.14, 186),is identifiedwithUrart.B/Putit/6 (Diakonoffand
Kashkai, 1979, 23 and map after 127) and urmB/Pu-suut/tt (Borger1996,33, C iv, 45f.; see Diakonoff1956a,
282, n. 2; Grantovskiy1970, 141).It seemsto be a pre-
is Iraniantoponym (see below, 2.6). "urB/Pu-uS/su-tu/tut not identical with k'rB/Pu-us-ti-is(or B/Pu-us-tu-us), a
districtof MedianearBa"it-ili(below,7.12.1),whichis muchto the south(see Billerbeck1898, 91, n. 2 and Diakonoff1991, 14, n. 5, pace Streck1900, 310 [cf. 308,n. 1], Salvini1982,391 withn. 48 andArutyunyan includedthe settlementsof 1. "r"U-i1985,61). B/Pugtu to hi-ka-a(alternatively Mannea)and2. Qa-du-qa-ni-u' as well as the districtof 3. Satiraraya,whichmaybe the same as Satiri/o (Diakonoffand Kashkai1979, 65f., 80; cf. the Urartianprovince k"rSi-at-te-ra, Lanfranchi
and Parpola1990, 90, 13?).25 Satiraraya included4.
,,urA-b/pur-za(-ne) and Satirfio. The latterhad 5. ,""Gidi-ma-ruandpossibly the sub-districtof 6. "krMa-al-ma-
Karalla-+) Surta/Pattaand Surgadia(from
li-i-e (DiakonoffandKashkai1979,3, 36, 53). Both 7.
there he proceededto Hundirand Ki'esi). The first section of SargonII's itineraryin 716 B.C. (Levine
"unSi-ti-ut-ar-ia (related to 3 above?) and 8. u~'Pi-
(Mannea -
1972, 36f., ii, 26ff.) is: Mannea --> Karalla Surta/Patta-* Nikkar-> Surgadia-+ Hundir(Ki'esi). It -
ir4(URU)-ri-a (Grayson 1996, 71: Shalm. III A.0.102.14 183f.) belonged to 9. kuIrX-[XX](listed
betweenAndiaandParsua;828 B.C.;includedanother can be concludedthat Parsuaborderedon northern 22 unnamed settlements).They might have been Zamua and Mannea, and was situated west of locatedon the way to B/Puitu.mSa-ti-ri-A+A (Grayson looks like 186: 1996, Sam'i-AdadV, A.0.103.1,iii, 63) Gizilb/punda. a gentilicof an NA equivalentof Satirfi/6.Diakonoff 2.1.1.2. PROSOPOGRAPHY ANDANTHROPONYMY (1956a, 167,n. 1) considersthispossibilityandrenders It appearsatthe end of a long "theSatireanArtasirari". Ur-si kurGi-in-hu-uh-ta-A+A,end of the 820s or RN + gentilic,whereas a has of the which list of sometime between 810s pattern kings beginning presumably 821 and819 B.C. (Grayson1996, 186:Sam'i-AdadV, herewe haveat best gentilic+ RN. Grantovskiy (1970, becauseit +A as ananthroponym A.0.103.1,iii, 58; Kass.). 209) regardsSa-ti-ri-A is precededby a Personenkeil.In this casethe political 2.1.2.Surgadia was annexed to the province of ""'Sur-ga-di-a Parsuaby SargonII (see Levine 1977b, 181; Fuchs 1994,461). 1. Na-ah-ri (Hurr.-Urart.?)and 2. Sapg-larri, both 716 B.C. (Levine 1972, 38, ii, 34f.).
2.1.3. Niksamma "unNi-ik-sa-am-ma was also annexed to the province of Parsuaby SargonII (Fuchs 1994, 453).
entity of both Sa-ti-ri-A+A and Ar-ta-si-ra-ri cannot be determined.Are we to deal here with a case of chiasm?
This is tentatively suggested here in view of the resemblance of mSa-ti-ri-A+A to SatiriI/ and the
possibility that a geographicaldeterminativemay interchange with a Personenkeil in a cuneiform inscription. 10. kIrAr-ha/hu-uiwas located south of Lake Urmia in the vicinity of B/Puhtuaccordingto Diakonoff and Kashkai 1979, 10. The fact that B/PuLtu was in Manneanhands in the middle of the sixth centuryB.C., may indicate that it was situated not far from the Mannean-Parsuanborder.
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JOURNALOF PERSIAN STUDIES
2.1.4.2.PROSOPOGRAPHY ANDANTHROPONYMY Ar-ta-si-ra-ri(OIran.),endof the 820s or beginning of the 810s (presumablysometimebetween821 and 819 B.C.). 2.2. Mentioned in other sources as well (gentilics;
end of the 820s or beginningof the 810s presumably sometimebetween821 and 819 B.C.)
2.2.1.Taurlu At least 1trTa-ur-la-A+A is listed afterPair-su-a in Grayson1996, 184: Sam'i-AdadV A.0.103.1,ii, 40). Its rulerwas 1. Ba-ar-zu-tathe Taurlean(62; Iran.?). 2.2.2.Hundur(notneartheTaurus mountains as stated by Levine1972-75e)
2.3.2. Harmi'andu 1. A-ma-HAR"nIHAR-mi-iS-an-da-A+A (45f.).
2.3.3. Parsana 1. Za-ri-&ti(OIran.)hirPa-ar-sa-ni-A+A (46; OIran.).
2.3.4. Kipabarutaka 1. Sa-na-su hArKi-pa-ba-ru-ta-ka-A+A (47f.).
2.3.5. Ustala +A (48f.). 1. Ar-da-ra-a (OIran.) "-rUs-ta-c-7a-A
2.3.6. Gingibir 1. Ta-a-ta-a-i(OIran./atyp.)"krGi-in-gi-bir-A+A (50).
1. Za-ri-Su" ',nHu-un-du-ur-A+A(47).
2.2.3. Kibarus, 1.
Pa-ru-us-ta (OIran.)hrKi-ba-ru-a-A+A (51f. cf. Ga-bu-ri-sa-A+A, 1.10.1 above?).
2.3.7. Arima 1. Bi-si-ra-in kIrA-ri-ma-A +A (51). Arimeans (lharA-ri-ba/ma-A+A)are mentioned
320-300 yearslaterin documentsfromthe archiveof the Egibi sons who were based in Babylon. A
2.2.4.Kinuku 1. Su-ma-a
(49f.; cf. ,'Ki-na-ki the
k'rKi-nu-ka-A+A in Gizilb/punda (butit was firstcitywhichwas conquered razed,destroyedandburnedaccordingto Grayson1996, 185: A.0.103.1, iii, If.). This is perhapsnot a discrepancy,
seeing thatthe accountof Samsi-AdadV's third(and
promissorynotefor7.33minasof silver(creditorNabfsumu-liRir s. of Tabneadescendantof Epe'-ili;debtor s. of Itti-Marduk-balitu descendant Marduk-nasir-apli of Egibi)has atleast 12 witnesses(eightwithAkkadian namesof whomseveralhavesurnames),the sixth-ninth witnessesare:
second)campaign"isvery confusedandseem to follow no
A-ta-ri-ba/ma-a-ni, [Ku?]-ut-tak-ki klrA-ri-ba/ma+A A+A, Sa-si-s~c-ku[x]-na-us'-man-nuhkrA-ri-ba/ma-A
order,butthe placesmentionedspanall of geographical Iranian to Levine1977b,178,n. 5. Kurdistan" according
damaged so it is impossible to establish the exact order
2.3. Petty states which might have been situated in northwestMedia, includingParsua (end of the 820s or beginning of the 810s, presumablysometime between
821 and819 B.C.;cf. Diakonoff1991, 15;see above
2.1.1.1, 2.1.4 and below, 3; all the names of the states are in the gentilic form; figures in bracketsrefer to lines in Grayson 1996, 186: Samli-Adad V, A.0.103.1, iii, 45ff.; attributionto Parsuatentative)
2.3.1. Babaruru 1. Si-ra-fis-mehrBa-ba-ru-ra-A+A(45).
(BM 31530 = Bertin2805, r. 4'f.; the witnesses'list is of the witnesses with Akkadiannames); 15.XH.-
Darius I (presumably in the last decade of the sixth centuryB.C. when Marduk-nasir-apliwas active). - In
Strassmaier 1897,458 andduplicateBM 30856 (Bertin s'z 2799) Me-e-gi-bar/mas-u
lm-b/pu-ku-A+A is the
creditorandSirkus. of Iddinadescendantof Egibithe debtor. The debt is to be repaid to Me-en-na-' the messenger of of Me-e-gi-bar/ma-Ai6.The first witness and the last two witnesses (fifth and sixth) are U-di-ia, U-ma-ar-za-na-' and '"Im-b/pu-ku-A+A. Ka-ci•-u-tu They are preceded by a Choresmian(third) and Sa-akkit-ta 1"Gi-ma-ra-A+A("Cimmerian", i.e. Scythian; fourth); only the second witness bears an Akkadian name with a surname (Babylon, 23.XI.505/4 B.C.).-
THE ETHNO-LINGUISTIC
CHARACTER OF NORTHWESTERN PERIOD NEO-ASSYRIAN
BM 30818 (= Bertin 2837, [S]u?-up-pa-tu4, -.VII.Darius I) lists several witnesses with a mixtureof Iranian and pre-Iraniannames, like those of the The sixth-tenthwitnessesof BM 30877 Imb/pukeans.17.XIIa.-DariusI) (= Bertin2773 ; Husseti-'a-Bel-.tir, viz. Sa-as-su-Pu, are Imbukean ("n,'m-bu-ku-4t-A+A), Me-e-ga-ra-ba/ma-s'-su, Ka-tu-tu,Me-na-', and B/Pu-
(tenth= lastwitness).Theyarelistedafterfour ri-ut-qu witnesses with Akkadiannames, Akkadianfathers' names and surnamesand a fifth witness bearingan Akkadianname and an Akkadianfather'sname (see Eilers1940,213-19). 2.3.8. Wila +A (53). It may be homonymous - if not identical - with Ur III Pi-ilk (Sigrist 1984, 4, 10). 1. A--pa-aiS-ta-ta-uk,OIran.
IRAN AND KURDISTAN
IN THE
103
2.3.16. Ginzina ANDTOPONYMY EXTENT 2.3.16.1. GEOGRAPHICAL kurGi-in-zi-na-A+A(59), cf. 1. uruGi-ni-zi-na-nu (Tadmor1994, 106:St. II, B, 31') , which is followed by 2. lin'Sad-bat and 3. u'Si-sa-rad-x). These towns
probablyformedone political-economicentity as the 120horsestakenby Tiglath-pileser IIIin 737 B.C.were deliveredby thesetownstogether. ANDANTHROPONYMY 2.3.16.2. PROSOPOGRAPHY 1. Ba-a-ra, OIran.
2.3.17. Kindutaus +A (59). 1. A-ru-a (OIran.)kurKi-in-du-ta-uS-A
,krU-i-la-A
2.3.9. Kingi'tilenzah 1. A-ma-ma-ai kurKi-in-gi-is'-ti-le-en-za-ah-A +A (53; Kass.).
2.3.10. Masirau' 1. Has/TAR-si-hu,Kass.? k7rMa-si-ra-u'-A+A(54; Hurr.-Urart.?).
2.3.11. Luksa 1. Ma-ma-ni-i kurLu-uk-sa-A+A (55).
2.3.18. Dag(?)ri 1. Ki-ir-na-ku-uskurDag(?)-ru-u"-A+A(60).
2.3.19. Zuzarura +A (61). 1. Za-ba-nu kurZu-za-ru-ra-A
2.3.20. Gingirda 1. Ir-ti-za-ti (OIran.)kurGi-in-gir-da-A+A (61).
2.3.21. Nanitum 1. Su-ut-a,(atyp.) krNa-ni-tim-A+A (63).
2.4. Adjacent regions 2.3.12. Dimama 1. Za-an-zar klrDi-ma-ma-A+A(55; both atyp.).
2.3.13. Simguri 1. Si-ra-a-s kurSi-im-gu-ri-A+A (56).
(gent.)is includedin a reportof a kirZa-li-pa-A+A to SargonII. Nikurandhostile Parsua from messenger Manneaare also recordedin the same source(Harper 1892-1914, 165;Hurr.?). 2.5. Linguisticanalysisof the anthroponymy(29 = 100%)
2.3.14. Abdana 1. Gi-i&-takrAb-da-na-A+A (57) - haplographyfor Abdadanu?
2.3.15. Asati 1. A-da-da-a-nu (prob. OIran.)krA-sa-ti-A+A (57).
(a) Old Iranian (8 = 27.58%; all from the end of the 820s or beginning of the 810s, presumably sometime between 821 and 819 B.C.): Ar-da-ra-a (2.3.5, 1; see Schmitt [and Talon] 1998); A-ru-a (2.3.17, 1) < *Arva(see [Radner and] Schmitt 1998f, of. Scheftelowitz (2.3.8, 1; see [Radner 1905, 275);26 A&-pa-ci&-ta-ta-uk
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and] Schmitt 1998i), Ba-a-ra (2.3.16.2, 1) < *Bra-
(Grantovskiy1970,216f.:30,cf. Diakonoff1956a,167, n. 1; [Fuchsand] Schmitt19981),Ir-ti-za-ti(2.3.20, 1; see Scheftelowitz1905,275; Diakonoff1956a,167,n.
speaking region.- (h) Unaffiliated and isolated (10 = 34.48%):Ma-ma-ni-it (2.3.11, 1) is thoughtto be Old
Iranianby Grantovskiy(1970, 211f.:23),but this is implausibleas NA <ma->cannotrenderOIran.l/v/-.Ki1; Grantovskiy 1970, 72, 210:21), Za-ri-Su"(2.2.2, 1; ir-na-ku-us'(2.3.18, 1) is non-Iranianaccordingto 2.3.3, 1, see Grantovskiy1970,214:25f.).Ar-ta-si-ra-ri Diakonoff1985, 56, n. 2 (despiteGrantovskiy1970, (2.1.4.2)< *Rta-srira([Radnerand]Schmitt1998e,cf. 217f.:34).Za-ba-nu(2.3.19, 1) is hardlyIranian(cf. 1970, 209f.;Scheftelowitz1905,275);NA Diakonoff1985a,56, n. 2; despiteScheftelowitz1905, Grantovskiy -forI/rtwas explainedby Diakonoff1970, 111,n. 275; Grantovskiy1970, 216: 28), cf. Bi-bi-i (atypical) 37 (cf. [Radnerand]Schmitt1998e)as -<si-ra-ri>for son of Za-ba-nuin a deed fromAssur,datableto 633 *srtra- by substituting -<sir>- for *-sr- after the B.C. (Baker 1998b). Si-ra-a-u (2.3.13, 1) is nonmorpheme boundary.While accepting the Iranian Iranian,cf. perhapsSi-ra-ds'-me in thesamelist (2.3.1, 1, etymology,I am not quitesurewhetherthe spelling-si- cf. Grantovskiy1970,218, n. 35; Diakonoff1985a,56, ra-ri is not an allusionof the Akkadianscribeto the n. 2). 1970,218,n. (2.3.2, 1;cf. Grantovskiy A-ma-HAR mythologicaltoponym Sirara. In other words: the 35; Waters1998a),A-ma-ma-cs' (2.3.9, 1, cf. Diakonoff spellingmaybe dueto folk etymology.-Probable(2 = 1985a, 56, n. 2; Waters 1998b), Bi-si-ra-in (2.3.7, 1, cf. 6.89%):A-da-da-a-nu(2.3.15, 1, see Diakonoff1956a, Diakonoff 1985a, 56, n. 2; Fuchs 1998e), Sa-na-su 167, n. 1; [Radnerand] Schmitt1998a).Pa-ru-us-ta (2.3.4, 1; cf. Grantovskiy1970,218; Diakonoff1985a, (2.2.3, 1, see Diakonoff1956a, 167, n. 1; Grantovskiy 56, n. 2); andSu-ma-a(2.2.4, 1, non-Iran.accordingto 1970, 207f.:18).- Doubtful (1 = 3.44%): Ba-ar-zu-ta Diakonoff1985a, 56, n. 2, despiteGrantovskiy1971, (2.2.1, 1; see [Fuchs and] Schmitt 1998o). - (b) Old Iranian or atypical (1 = 3.44%): Ta-a-ta-a-i (2.3.6, 1;
see Grantovskiy1970, 217:31, cf. Ta-at-t[i-i],below, 5.5.3).- (c) Kassite (1 = 3.44%): Ur-si (2.1.1.2), cf. Balkan 1954, 87, s.v. Urgiwith NA <s> for foreign <4>
(not Iranian,pace Grantovskiy1970, 218, n. 35; cf. Diakonoff 1985a, 56, n. 2).- Doubtful (1 = 3.44%): Does Has/TAR-si-hu(2.3.10, 1, cf. Diakonoff 1985a, 56, n. 2) end with -Sihu?- (d) Hurro-Urartian (1 =
3.44%):Na-ah-ri(2.1.2, 1) is possibly relatedto the HurrianPN Ni-ih-ri-ia (Gelb et al. 1943, 239a), accordingto Zadok(1979a,298:20;thetoponymNi-ihri-ahasa variantNa-ah-ri-a,bothOA, cf. Nashef1991, 88).- (e) Atypical (2 = 6.89%): Za-an-Zar(2.3.12, 1) is
217:33). (i) Summary. Chronological distribution: 1000-745: 27 = 93.11%; 744-705: 2 = 6.89%.- Ethno-
linguisticclassification:1000-745 (27 = 100%):Old Iranian8 (29.62%);probablyOldIranian2 (7.4%);Old Iranian?1 (3.7%);OldIranian/atypical 1(3.7%);Kassite 1 (3.7%); Kassite? 1 (3.7%); atypical 2 (7.4%); butnotentirelyisolated(3.7%);unaffiliated unaffiliated, andisolated1 (3.7%).-744-705 (2 = 100%): possibly Hurro-Urartian 1 (50%);Akkadian1 (50%).
2.6. Linguistic analysis of the toponymy (48 =100%;
2.1.4.1, 9 and2.3.16.1, 3 arenot counted)
neitherIranian(cf. Diakonoff1985a,56, n. 2; despite Grantovskiy1970,213f.:24) norAkkadian(as may be implied by Tallqvist 1914, 247a),27 but with a of liquids/nasals. reduplicated syllableanddissimilation is not Su-uJ-a(2.3.21, 1) necessarilyOld Iranian(as understoodby Grantovskiy1971, 217:32),as it is too short for an unambiguouslinguistic affiliation.-(f) Akkadian(1 = 3.44%):2.1.2, 2.- (g) Unaffiliated,but
(a) Pre-first millennium? (1 = 2.08%): *Wil(a) (2.3.8), cf. Ur III PI-il'? on the one hand(PI with the
not entirely isolated (1 = 3.44%): Gi-iS-ta (2.3.14, 1; cf. Grantovskiy 1970, 218, n. 35, Diakonoff 1985a, 56, n. 2, and [Fabritius and] Schmitt 1998c) may be compared with Ki-is-ta (see Zadok apud Radner 1999, 204 ad 64) and with the toponym wr"Kid-tan/ta-anin Kummuh (Tadmor 1994, 300 with refs., see Salvini 1976-80; Arutyunyan1985, 112f.), a basically Hurrian-
speaking region.- (b) Homonymous with pre-first millennium names (2 = 4.16%): B/Pu-us-tu, B/Pu-suut/tut(2.1.4), cf. the Simaikian anthroponymUr I B/Pu&u-ud/du,Pu6(?)-Ju-ud(Zadok 1991a, 229:52) and the MB anthroponym B/Pu-us-su-ut/tu (Hi6lscher 1996, 57b). Ni-kip-pa(2.1.1.1, 5), cf. from MB ""•'Ni-ki-ip-pa Emar (see Zadok 1991b, 49). Is it containedin MIBSu-
readingwi is very commonbeforethe middleof the secondmillenniumB.C.) andthe anthroponyms U-e-li,
U-i-li (Sarg.), U -e-li (Ur III, Zadok 1994b, 34b, 39b, 40b, 41b). *Wil(a)may be quasi-homonymouswith r,,r
-il-lanearkEribi andKumuheastof the Euphrates (Tadmor1994, 184:Summ.9, 21'), a basicallyHurrian-U
THE ETHNO-LINGUISTIC CHARACTER OF NORTHWESTERN IRAN AND KURDISTAN IN THE NEO-ASSYRIAN PERIOD
uh-ni-ki-pa(Gelbet al. 1943,258b;thereareno other nameswith&uhni-)andUr IIISu-ni-ki-ip(Zadok1993, 226:26, 1)?- (c) Old Iranian (2 = 4.16%): Pa-ar-su-a, Parr/P-su-a, Par-su-tu-a, Pa-ar-su-a/d1i (Parpola
1970,274f.;see Grantovskiy1970, 133ff.;2.1.1.1);Paar-sa-ni-A+A(gent., 2.3.3; see Eilers 1954, 356f., n. 192; Grantovskiy 1970, 219f.:36). Originally
105
*kenk-"togird".Eilersdidnot mention Indo-European the ancientoccurrencesof kingi-,perhapsbeingaware that an Indo-European derivationfor such an ancient element is problematic.Ki-in-du-ta-us-A+A(gent., (gent.,2.3.10) arehardly 2.3.17) andMa-si-ra-us-A+A Iranian(Grantovskiy1970, 220 has no etymology). end in -aus (forkind-cf. below,7.17) Theyapparently
anthroponyms (all doubtful; 3 = 6.25%): U&-ta-cd-sd- like MA Am-ma-us,Da-am-na-us',E-za-a-us',Hu-us-saA+A (2.3.5), gent. of *Ugtaiu < *VJita-aga-(< *ViJtaus, Sa-ra-da-us, Sa-ra-us (Nashef 1982, 4, 119f., 133, aspa-)? Ab-da-na-A+A (2.3.14) - haplography for 229) and NA Ad-da-u[s] (below, 8.3.1, 4), Hal-ha-la-us'
Abdadanu?or -ana- (pro)patronymic of *Abda-?(cf. Grantovskiy1971, 220). Pi-ir4(URU?)-ri-a(2.1.4, 8) renders *Friya- according to Grantovskiy(1970, 187:10),butcastsdoubton thisinterpretation.(d)
regions(cf. (Parpola1970, 143), all in Hurro-Urartian Zadok 1995a, 443). Ki-pa-ba-ru-ta-ka-A+A (gent.;
2.3.4), has no Iranianetymology(Grantovskiy1970, 220;Hurr.haskipa-,Gelbet al. 1943,227b).Satiraraya Kassite (1 = 2.08%): hkrKi-in-gi-if-ti-le-en-za-ah-A+A (2.1.4.1,3) maybe the sameas Satirfi/6(Diakonoffand (gent.,2.3.9).Balkan(1954, 98) analysesthis toponym Kashkai1979,65f., 80) on the onehandandNA unSi-tias *kin-gis-tili-n-sah comparingthe MB anthroponym u-ar-ia (2.1.4.1, 7) on the other. Satiraraya included
Kas-til-en-sah (< kai(+)til+en+sah. In my opinion, we
haveherepresumably a lateformthereofwithhaplology or anotherform of phonotacticalsimplification,i.e.
Satirii/6. Si-ti-ui-ar-ia and Sa-ti-ri-A+A are hardly
Iranian(as understood by Scheftelowitz1905,275f. and 1970, 187,209; cf. Ivantchik1993, 121)in Grantovskiy * + view of Urart.Satiraraia kV&-tilKing(i)- (a purely toponymic component) (if bothformsreferto the same en-sah). The fact that kingi- precedes here an place,cf. Diakonoff1985a,56, n. 1). HAR-mi-i&-an-daKassiteanthroponym, doesnotnecessarily A+A (gent.;2.3.2) was comparedwith Harmasunear unmistakably meanthatthistoponymiccomponentis of Kassiteorigin Habruri/Kirruri (-ante/iis alsofinal,cf. Gelbet al. 1943, = the Cf. Doubtful (but possibilityexists). below,g.(1970, 194).With -ur (cf. Eilers (1 201a)by Grantovskiy Is Ni-kur CVC like KUR Zu-za-ru-ra-A+A are n. 2.08%): (2.1.1.1,8; 1954,364f., 218): (gent.;2.3.19)is signs indifferentto vowel quality)linguisticallyrelatedto perhapsbased on a form *Zuzar-which seems to Kass.nikir(Balkan1954,170)?-(e) Hurro-Urartian(3 resemble the base of Suiarri (*Siuar-, for Snuar-dcf. = 6.25%): The second component of Sa-la-ha-ma-nu Eidem1992,56, n. 44 who comparesthe anthroponyms and Ki-ni-ha-ma-nu (2.1.1.1, 1, 2) may be compared Simnar, Si&~ara).Although NA generally has in with Hurr.hamana(Gelb et al. 1943, 213a; cf. MB foreignnameswhichelsewherearespelledwith <:> as klrHa-ma-naki,which is listed after Halman and well, e.g. kurAn-za-an(cf. below, 3.10, for &/z Burratta-,Nashef 1982, 116). Za-li-pa-A+A(2.4, cf. interchange, which is extant in most of the of Hurriannames see &alipatMB Nuzi (Gelbet al. 1943,250a;addA-[a]r-&a- Mesopotamiandocumentation li-ip, Ar-sa-li-be, Cassin and Glassner 1979, 3 la; for &/z Richter1998,131;Durand1997,604ff.,nn. 72, 94 , 312, cf. below, 3.10) .- (f) Atypical (2 = 4.16%): Di-ma-ma500 and possibly 98, 182), the preservationof /?/ in A+A (gent., 2.3.12; with a reduplicatedsyllable)and modemSeimnaracastsdoubton a "genetic"connexion 2.1.1.1, 4.- (g) Unaffiliated,but not entirelyisolated between *Zuzar-and Susarri. Ba-ba-ru-ra-A+A(gent., (14 = 29.16%): Gi-in-gir-da-A+A(gent.; 2.3.20), Gi-ingi-bir-A+A (gent. , 2.3.6; cf. Grantovskiy1970, 209) and Ga-an-gu+-uh-tu(/Gi-in-hu-uh-ta-A+A, Ki-gu-uh-tut,
2.3.1; for -ur cf. Kir-ru-ri/Hab-ru-ri,8.2?).- Hu-un-du-
with kingi-or a relatedform 2.1.1.1, 6) are apparently
ur-A+A(2.2.4; with severalhomonyms:3.3, 14, 19; 7.4.1.1,cf. ad 4.11.2.1,1).- Gi-in-zi-na-A+A (gent.),cf. An element kinz is listedin "ruGi-ni-zi-na-nu (2.3.16.1).
(see Hiising 1901, 322f.). Diakonoff 1956a (138, n. 4) cautiouslyrenderedit as "fortress(?)" or "settlement(?)" (in Lullubian, Qutian or "Mihranean"),but he did not repeat it in his revised English version (Diakonoff 1985a). Perhaps he had in mind the modem Iranian names with Kang, which Eilers (1956, 190) renderedas "*Festung" and interpretedas originating from Proto-
Gelb et al. 1943, 227. It has probablynothingto do with Kinza < WSem. *Qid~-. Is Si-im-gu-ri-A+A (gent.; 2.3.13) the outcome of uruSi-kur(Grayson 1991, 152: II A.0.99.2, 84, 86, 88), MA Si-ik-ku-ri Adad-narilri are mentioned (both together with kurSa-ap-pa-ni, Nashef 1982, 229f.) with a dissimilation?Is Sikki~ruan Akkadianisedform? (cf. CAD S, 258b, s.v., g). Cf. the
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mountainname kurSi-kur-ra-biin Lullubum(Reiner A+A,Borger1956,52 :Nin.A, iii, 60; akrA&i-gu-za-A+A, 100:Mnm. B, 21; an ally 52: B, ii, 29; is 1956,129ff.,134:44,providedthevariantSi-gan-ra-bi k'rAs-ku-[za]-A+A, who are the due to a of GAN Manneans, justbefore alwaysmentioned secondary,presumably copyist'serror, 2. from KUR see with two extra Irad cf. Ivantchik1993, 94); Bar/Pair-ta-tu-a (Starr him, originating wedges, kap above, 2.1.1.1, 5).- (h) Unaffiliated and isolated (19
1990, 20, 2, 6, r. 7) = Iporzo0nls of Herodotus(probably
to Ivantchik1993,93f., 156, = 39.58%):2.1.2is notIranianas understood by Herzfeld the successorof I according (1947, 729f.; cf. Grantovskiy1970, 314); Ki-nu-ka-A+A 206f.;see Fuchs[andSchmitt]1998o),OIran. (2.2.4; cf. Ki-na-ki ?), 2.1.1.1, 3, 7; 2.1.3; 2.1.4.1, 1, 2, 4-6, 10; 2.2.1; 2.2.3; 2.3.7; 2.3.11; 2.3.15; 2.3.16.1, 2;
2.3.18; 2.3.21 (mostly gentilics). (i) Summary. Chronological distribution: 1000-745: 41 = 85.41%; 744-705: 7 = 14.58%.- Ethno-linguistic classification:
1000-745(41= 100%):Pre-first 1 (2.43%); millennium? with millennium names 1 homonymous pre-first Old Iranian 2 Old (2.43%); (4.87%); Iranian,originally anthroponyms(all doubtful;3 = 7.31%);Kassite 1 2 (4.87%);atypical2 (4.87%); (2.43%);Hurro-Urartian: unaffiliated,but not entirely isolated 14 (34.14%); unaffiliatedand isolated15 (36.58%).-744-705 (7 = withpre-firstmillennium names1 100%):Homonymous Kassite? 1 Hurro-Urartian 1 (14.28%); (14.28%); andisolated4 (57.14%). (14.28%);unaffiliated
3.1.3. Puluadd and environs ANDTOPONYMY 3.1.3.1. GEOGRAPHICAL EXTENT (refs. to
DiakonoffandKashkai1979,wherepreviouslit.is listed; cf. Kessler only 1, 2 explicitlybelongedto Puluad&; 1995,65) Urart.1. hkrPu-lu-a-de-e(aroundmodemSeghendel, a royal city 64); 2. =uLi-ib-li-u-ni-e, "u'Li-ib-li-u-ned, 6. (50).- 3. kurU-.u-lu,4. kurB/Pu-qu,5. kurGI-ir-dti-ne, kurGI-ti-ha-ne, 7. kurTu-i-DU (3-7 on the way from Tabrizto Ardebil, 23, 37, 97).
ANDANTHROPONYMY 3.1.3.2.PROSOPOGRAPHY 1. Ka(?)-d[i]-a-ut, mid-eighth century B.C. (MelikiMvili1971a, 417, 2).
3. NORTHWESTERN MEDIA cf. also (cf. above,2.3; Arutyunyan1985, s.vv. andPecorella1994)
3.2. Kilzanu kurG1/Kil/Kir/Hab-za-nu (cf. G.G. Cameron apud
Levine 1980, 606) seems to have been locatedon the shoreof LakeUrmia(cf. Salvini1982,fig.2 laterSakasene) southwestern Azarbaijan, after394, rectifyingSalvini 1967, 67 map mI;Russell 3.1.1. Regions, settlements and ethnic groups, which 1984,194f.andmapon 199;Liverani1992,23f.).Postgate are mentioned in association with Scythians (k1urAs/A'- (1987-90,342)is of theopinionthatKilzanumighthave beenlocatedonwhathasbecomelatera Mannean territory. gu-za-A+A) Reade(1978, 139f.),Zimansky(1990, 9f.) and Liebig 1. kurKu-uk-ku-ba-a, 2. [rl]"UD-pa-ni;3. ,nRa-mada-ni (Starr1990, 65 = Ivantchik1993, 234f.:32),3f. (1991,33) locateKilzanuon the southernshoreof Lake was beyondRamadani.Mannea Urmia (Reade 1979, 177f. cautiouslyconsidersthe (OIran.).4. blrAr-ri-i andSig/kris(butnot Tuaiadi,see Fuchs1994,465) are possibilitythatit includedHasanluas well). Thereis no also mentionedin the samedocument.5. In-da-ra-A +A evidencethatHarrana, (cf.above, SasganaandGab/purisa were probablyallies of the Manneansaccordingto 1.10.1) belongedto Kilzanu or were relatedto the Ivantchik1993, 194 ad 17 (but I doubthis tentative Kilzaneans (paceBillerbeck1898,155f.). 1. A-su-a of Kilzanu(Grayson1996, 9: Shalm.III localisationof this groupnearthe Elamitefrontier). 3.1. Near Greater Mannea (presumablyin northern
3.1.2. Scythian rulers based in northwest Iran (Esarhaddon'sreign) On Scythian penetration to northemrn Mannea, see Diakonoff 1956a, 250; Kashkai 1977, 37f. 1. IB-pa-ka-A+A(OIran.)the Scythian ("n'As-gu-za-
A.0.102.1, 38); A-su-ut,A-sa-a-ut (Grayson 1996, 15: A.0.102.2, i, 28 and 21: A.0.102.2, ii, 61 resp.); Su-ut-a the Kilzanean (Grayson 1996, 148f.: A.0.102.87, 1), 859-856 B.C. (see Na'aman 1997; Zadok 1997b; Radner and Schmitt 1998h); 2. U-pu-utfrom Kilzanu, 828 B.C. (Grayson 1996, 71: A.0.102.14, 181). Both names are atypical.
THE ETHNO-LINGUISTIC CHARACTER OF NORTHWESTERN IRAN AND KURDISTAN IN THE NEO-ASSYRIAN PERIOD
3.3. Bit-Sangibuti (barenumbersreferto linesin 1912,unlessotherwiseindicated) Thureau-Dangin This region was located east of Urartu,possibly southof GodarChayaccordingto Salvini 1982, 387. Zimansky1985, 40ff.; 1990, 15 locatesit moreto the north,in the plain of Khoy (this is implied also by Liebig 1991, 35f.). The name of this region is preceded only once by Bit- (kilrE-Sa-an-gi-bu-ti,see
Fuchs 1994, 429 and VeraChamaza1995-96, 106). The otherthreeoccurrencesarewithoutBit- (Parpola 1970, 303). 1. klrBa-ri(188) was anotherdesignationof BitSangibuti. 2. kurDa-la-A+A (189) was a district of Bit-
107
Russell 1984, 195f.;Boehmer1993-97; Fuchs 1994, 451; VeraChamaza1995-96,248ff.). 1. uniZap-pa-ri-a,828 or 827 B.C. (Grayson 1996, 83:Shalm. III A.0.102.16, 325') - cf. Urart.kurZa-pajax-ut-e, modem Zibarwest of the GreaterZab, 90 k.m.
west of U'nu (see Diakonoffand Kashkai1979, 76); and perhaps2. uruSi-ha-naand (betweenMusasirand Hiptuna)3. "rA-la-mu(Lanfranchiand Parpola1990, 139, 5 and 136, 5 resp.). and anthroponymy 3.4.2.Prosopography
Ur-za-na ruler of Musasir, 714 B.C. (Thureau-
Dangin 1912, xii, seal, 1; 309; see Fuchs 1994, 416),
between Ur-za-an-na (Parpola 1987, 30, 4'), Ur-za-na, Ur-zaSangibuti.Herzfeld(1938, 171) differentiates this regionandthe homonymouswesternMedianone (a-)ni, Ur-za-na-a(Lanfranchi andParpola1990,245b (below,7.3; cf. Arutyunyan1985, 165f.).3. lnlA-ni-ai- with refs.); Urart. Ur-za-na (cf. Salvini in Pecorella and ta-ni-awas on the borderof krSa-an-gi-bu-te between Salvini1984,93); OIran. "n'U&-qa-iaand 4. "i'Tar-ut-i-"ITar-ma-ki-sa (Tabriz
accordingto Herzfeld1938,173providedit is nota case
of assonance) in hIrDa-la-A+A(184). "u'A-ni-as'-ta-ni-a
3.5. Sahi
is also listed amongthe settlementsof Aiadi (284). 5. kurSa-hi was presumably not far from Mannea
Ul-hu and 6. ""'Sar-du-ri-hur-da on the foot of 7. Mt. Ki&-te-er (212, Urart. cf. Grantovskiy 1970, 276
(Kass./atyp.).
referringto Melikisvili 1960, 411; Arutyunyan1985, 207f.;Zimansky1990, 18f.;Fuchs1994,443 compares
1. Ga-a-gi(atyp.),the citylordof Sahi(cf. Fabritius 1998a),is mentionedtogetherwithhis sons2. S/Sar-a-
8. kurKi&-pal).-On the peaks of 9. Mt. Ar-za-bi-a (21
ti (or S/Sar-ra-a-[ti]) and 3. Pa-ri-hi/ha afterBirisihadri
settlements,a stereotypicnumber,viz. 7x3):
of Mediasometimebetween663 and649 B.C. (Borger 1996,37:B iv, 4f.; cf. Diakonoff1985a,116).
10. "',Hu-ur-nu-ku,11. "n'Ha-ar-da-ni-ia, 12. "unGi13. 14. zu-ar-zu, "1'Sa-a?-zi-is-sa. u",Hu-un-du-ur-na elfi
(235; cf. Grantovskiy1970, 283ff.) is identifiedby Arutyunyan(1985, 233) with modemKundur40 km. 3.6. Kakkam fromthenortheastern of comerof LakeUrmia,northwest - Mannean name of Urartu Tabrizand southeastof Marand.28 khrKa-ak-me-e/-mi-i [quasi-homonymous withKunduri,c. 12 km. SE of Tabriz]15. [...]-a(?),16. accordingto Fuchs1994,440f. Astour1987, 10 withn. 41 regardsKakme as an archaicusage in NA royal u"nU-at-zu-un-za,17. un'A-ra-zu, 18. Alu &amSi-ni-a,19.
just below, which un'Hu-un-du-ur-nasaplfi (236); 20. 11'El-[...],21. ['un...]- inscriptions - but cf. hlrKa-ak-kam 23. ru'Zi-ir-ma,24. "unS/Sur-zi-i, seemsto referto a Medianpettypolity nak,22. "n1Si-it-tu-ar-zu, in Media, 711 B.C. of kurKa-ak-kam 1. 25. un'El-ia-di-ni-a (237); 26. "rDa-ag/k/q-[...], 27. [=u...], A•'-pa-ba-ra 28. 29. 30. "[l'Sur-zi-al-di-u, "u'Ar-mu-na, IruKi-in-a~i-ta- (Fuchs1998a,41, vi.b, 20), Olran. ni-a (238). Between Mt. Ar-za-bi-a and 31. Mt. Ir-ti-a
(254;see Salvini1982,387a). 3.7. Hubulkia and environs 3.4. Musasir and environs 3.4.1. Geographical extent and toponymy "m'/kurMu-.sa-.sir/si-ru (Urart.Ardini,i.e. "thecity"par excellence, see Salvini 1982, 389; Salvini 1993-97;
3.7.1. Hubulkia EXTENT 3.7.1.1. GEOGRAPHICAL ANDTOPONYMY Presumably in the HakkMiriregion (see Levine 1972-75d; Salvini 1982, 386; Russell 1984, 194ff.; Kleiss 1989; Liverani 1992, 24f.; Vera Chamaza
108
JOURNAL
OF PERSIAN
STUDIES
1. Ma-ag-du-bi "u'Ma-da-hi-sa-A+A, 829 B.C. 1995-96, 246f.), but Reade (1979, 178) proposesto locate Hubu'kia "in the Ushnu-Rowanduz-Pizhder- (Grayson1996, 70:Shalm.IIIA.0.102.14, 163 (in 82: Mahabadquadrangle"(see in more general terms A.0.102.16, 299: [larMa]-al-hi-s[a-A]+rAl). Kinnier Wilson 1962, 108ff.). He is followed by Lanfranchi(1995, passim, esp. 137; cf. Liebig 1991, 33f.),butMedvedskaya (1997)vigourouslyadvocatesa 3.9. Linguisticanalysisof the anthroponymy(15 = 100%) location in the Hakkdhri is region. "n'Hu-bu-us-ki-a defined as capital of Nairi (Thureau-Dangin1912, (a) Old Iranian (5 = 33.33%). 829-c. 819 B.C.: Dawas a fortress of Hubu.kia 306f.). "n'Si-la-ia (Grayson ta-na, Da-ta-a, Da-di-i (3.7.1, 3, see [Fuchsand] Schmitt 1996,21: Shalm.II A.0.102.2,ii, 64). 1998z).- 714 B.C.: Ur-za-na-a, Ur-za-(an)-na, Ur-za3.7.1.2. PROSOPOGRAPHY ANDANTHROPONYMY
1.A-pa-akingof Hubudkia, sometimebetween890 and 884 B.C. (Grayson1991, 180: Tukulti-Ninurta II c. A.0.100.6,4), atyp.;2. Ka-a-ki,Ka-ki-aof Hubugkia, 857-852 B.C. (Grayson 1996, 8ff.: Shalm. III A.0.102.1,i, 23 andA.0.102.2,i, 20 resp.),atyp.;3. Data-na of Hubu'kia,829-c. 819 B.C. (Grayson1996, 82ff.: A.0.102.14, 161; 16, 296), Da-ta-a of Hubulkia (Grayson1996,70:Shalm.III A.0.102.14,177),Da-dii the Hubu'kian(Grayson1996, 184: Sam'i-AdadV A.0.103.1, ii, 37; see Fuchs [and Schmitt] 1998z), OIran.;4. Ia-an-zu-ut,king of Hubugkia,714 B.C. (Thureau-Dangin1912, 306; Kass., see Brinkman 1976-80). It is doubtfulwhether[U]r-ma-ak-in-n[u], Ia-u-7-1-[xxxx]and [A-t]a-a-id-ri,who are mentioned in
a damaged letter from Hubu.kia (Lanfranchiand Parpola1990, 196, 7, 9, 11), actuallyoriginatedfrom there.
(a-)ni (3.4.2; *Vrzana-,see Grantovskiy1970, 298ff.:64, cf. Scheftelowitz 1905, 275).- 711 B.C.: A&-pa-ba-ra (3.6, 1).- Esarhaddon's time: I&-pa-ka-A+A(3.1.2, 1,
see Diakonoff1956a,245f. with n. 5); Bar/Pir-ta-tu-a (3.1.2,2; see [Fuchsand]Schmitt19980).-(b) Kassite(1 = 6.66%): Ia-an-zu-Pu(3.7.1, 4, originally a title).- (c) Atypical (5 = 33.33%): Su-ru-a/A-su-a/A-su-uz/A-sa-a-u"
1971, by Grantovskiy (3.2, 1; not Iranianas understood Kilzanean the is and 295). Su-ut-a homonymous fairly withSu-ut-a, the citylordof Suhmein the contemporary heartlandof Urartu(Grayson 1996, 20: Shalm. III A.0.102.2, ii, 46), but it is - like U-pu-u(3.2, 2) and 3.5,
1, 3.7.1, 1, 2 - too shortfor an unambiguous linguistic affiliation.-(d) Unaffiliated (4 = 26.66%):3.1.3.2, 1; 3.5,
2, 3; 3.8, 1. (e) Summary.Chronologicaldistribution: 1000-745: 6 = 40%; 744-705: 4 = 26.66%; 704-600: 5 = 33.33%.-Ethno-linguistic classification: 1000-745 (6
= 100%):Old Iranian1 (16.66%);atypical4 (66.66%); unaffiliated1 (16.66%).-744-705 (4 = 100%): Old Iranian2 (50%); Old Iranianor atypical 1 (25%); unaffiliated1 (25%).- 704-600 (5 = 100%):Old Iranian
3.7.2. Places near Hubu'kia
1. ",'Nu-ra-A+A andParpola1990, 11r. (Lanfranchi
5'; gent., not far from Hubulkia); 2. Al-lu-ri-ut-
2 (40%);atypical1 (20%);unaffiliated 2 (40%).
a
mountainbetween Hubu'kiaand Musasir(ThureauDangin 1912, 324); 3. "t'A-ni-su (Hurr.?) was presumablyin the Pizhdervalley(see Lanfranchi1995, 136f.).It seemsto be the precursorof the hypothetical centreof the regionAvtcrlvl, whichHoffmann(1880, i.e. moreto the west 249) soughtin Rovanduz-Sidek, (cf. Medvedskaya1997,205).
3.10. Linguistic analysis of the toponymy (53 =100%; 3.3, 15, 20, 21, 26, 27 are not counted) (a) Pre-first millennium (1 = 1.88%):Ka-ak-me-e/mi-i (3.6) - Ka-ak-me is recorded as an anthroponym at OB Sugarra(Eidem 1992, 118, 5).29-(b) Old Iranian < (3 = 5.66%): Ra-ma-da-ni (3.1.1, 3) *RK ma-dEna-
(Zadok1979a,301:5,butit is to be renderedas "resting-
3.8. Madahisa/Malhisa On the way from Hubulkia to Mannea (cf. Streck 1899, 165:6; Lanfranchi 1995, 135); gent. "*'Ma-da-hisa-A+A, [ +rMa]-al-hi-s[a-A]+AT.
place, retreat";for -dina- cf. Eilers 1954, 334, n. 130). RegardingSa-an-gi-bu-te (3.3), the spellings with Sin-/ Sun- for the homonymous region Sa-an-gi-bu-te/ti (7.3 below) do not preclude the Old Iranian etymology *(A)sangavati- (see Herzfeld 1938, 173; Eilers 1954, 282 with n. 109; Grantovskiy 1970, 229f.; and 4.12, a
THE ETHNO-LINGUISTIC CHARACTER OF NORTHWESTERN IRAN AND KURDISTAN IN THE NEO-ASSYRIAN PERIOD
below) as bothare CVCsigns whichareindifferentto vowel quality.It is doubtfulwhetherSi-in-gi-[...]refers to anyof theregions;3.1.1.-(c) Old Iranianor HurroUrartian (1 = 1.88%):Ar-za-bi-a (3.3, 7) may be Old
Iranianaccordingto Grantovskiy (1970, 291ff.:63),but Diakonoff1985b,602bconsidersthepossibilitythatthe word for "eagle"is originallyHurro-Urartian. The Kessler which anthroponym (cf. 1998a), Ar-za-bu-tut mayhavethe samebase,is hardlyIranian.-(d) Kassite. Just possible(1 = 1.88%):In-da-ra-A +A (3.1.1,5) may be a gentilicof indar(Balkan1954,78).-Doubtful(2 = 3.77%):Sa-hi(3.5;cf. Balkan1954, 114),butthename is too shortfor an unambiguouslinguisticaffiliation. Tar-Pu-i-Tar-ma-ki-sa (3.3,4) is thoughtto be Iranianby Grantovskiy (1970, 280:61f.). However, Tar-ut-i resembles the first component of the Kassite anthroponymTarwa-Sah(cf. Balkan 1954, 84, 183).-
109
Unaffiliated,but not entirelyisolated(11 = 20.75%): "ZuA-ni-as-ta-ni-a (3.3, 3) is not necessarily Iranian as
understoodby Grantovskiy1970, 279. For -tania (extantin 3.3, 30 as well, for a differentsegmentation, viz. Kin-aitania, see Balkan 1954, 192) cf. 'La-ap-si-
ta-ni-aof Unqi (Tadmor1994, 148: Summ.5, ii, 15).
Ar-mu-na (3.3, 29) is actuallyhomonymous with [undIr-
mu-na,a townwhichwas presumablysituatedbetween Ukku and Dilr-Sarru-ukin (Lanfranchiand Parpola > i- is recordedin NA). Both 1990, 288, 6'; asettlementsweresituatedin Hurru-Urartian regions.Arri-i (3.1.1,4) is too shortfor anunambiguous linguistic affiliation.Arr-is perhapsHurrian(cf. Gelbet al. 1943, in view of Ar-ra205a) and is potentiallypre-Iranian ad/Ar-ra-e(?) fromOB Su-arra(Eidem1992, 88a with refs.). Hu-un-du-ur-na(3.3, 14, 19; cf. Grantovskiy 1970, 283ff.) can be quasi-homonymouswith the
(e) Hurro-Urartian (2 = 3.77%): Sar-du-ri-hur-da,Ul-
mountain Ku-un-du-ur-ra/Kin-dur-nain the Hurrian
hu (3.3, 5, 6, cf. Grantovskiy1970,276).-Doubtful(10
myth of Kumarbi(poss. related to Hurr. kuntari(3.1.1, 1) accordingto Otten1976-80).Ku-uk-ku-ba-a (see maybe comparedwiththefemalenamesfKu-ku-ba Durand1997,610, n. 166adDurand1983,664 ad 407, ii, 9) and MB fKu-uk-ku-be/bifromNuzi (Cassinand Glassner1979, 85b; femalenamesbasedon kukk-are not infrequentat MB Nuzi, cf. Gelbet al. 1943,229a);
= 18.86%): Is Gil/Kil/Kir/Hab-za-nu(3.2) based on a Hurr.kel? (cf. Gelb et al. 1943, 225)? (with z/&,NA has for Anfan, Parpola 1970, 20). Si-it-tuonly hkrAn-za-an ar-zu (3.3, 22) - for arz cf. un'Gi-zu-ar-zu (3.3, 12) and unBal-du-ar-za of Aiadi, where "unAr-zuu"nA-lu-ar-za,
1912,281ff.). gu is recordedas well (Thureau-Dangin Does the anthroponym[Z]u-ar-zu-ar-za(Fales and Postgate1991, 10,i, 6) endin thiselementas well? Sur-
Ki&-te-er,Ki&-pal(3.3, 7, 8). Is Zap-pa-ri-a (3.4.1, 1)
Za-pa-rifrom linguisticallyrelatedto the anthroponym OB Su'arri (Eidem 1992, 100awith refs.)?Al-lu-ri-u A-ni-s'u (3.7.2, 2; with a homonymousriverAl-lu-ri-a),cf. the may be homonymouswith the anthroponym from OB Alalah(Wiseman1959, 28:269, 58; cf. also MB anthroponym Al-lu-ru(s. of Hu-un-ni)from Tall Durand 643 fA-ni-is-ki-ba-al, fA-ni-i-hu-ul-pi, 1997, Imlihiye(Kessler 1982, 77f.: 9 r. 4). Mu-sa-sir/si-ru with n. 581). Da-la-A+A (3.3, 2), cf. perhaps the (3.4) is hardlySemitic(paceAstour1987,22, n. 133); anthroponymTa-le-e-iafrom MB Nuzi (Gelb et al. the name of the Zamuanruler Mu-sa-si-na(below, 1943, 262a) on the one hand and Ur III Da-la-a-un 8.9.2.2, 1) seemslinguisticallyrelated.-(j) Unaffiliated (Hilgert1998,304, obv.i, 20) on the other.ForA-la-mu and isolated (19 = 35.84%): Hu-ur-nu-ku (3.3, 10) (3.4.1, 3) cf. (with -un which is commonin Hurro- renders*Xvarnukaaccordingto Grantovskiy(1970, Urartiantoponymy)MA kurA-la-mu-un (Nashef 1982, 296).However,WesternOldIranianhas *farnah-.Only 11; prob. on the GreaterZab). Si-la-ia (3.7.1.1) is muchlaterwas Avestanxvaronah-adoptedas a learned apparentlybasedon dil(cf. Neu 1996, 62 with n. 12); word in WesternMiddle Iranian.Ma-da-hi-sa-A+A/ 3.3, 16, 29.- (1)Atypical(1 = 1.88%):Ba-ri (3.3, 1) is (3.8) is apparentlywith d/1 [Ma]-al-hi-s[a-A]+WAl not necessarilyIranianas understoodby Grantovskiy interchange.The toponymis not Iranian(for such an (1970, 280) seeing that it is too short for an interchangein Iraniansee Eilers 1954, 322, 350, 361; zi-al-di-ut(3.3, 28) may end in Haldi. A-ni-su (3.7.2, 3)
unambiguouslinguistic affiliation, the more so in view of the occurrence of the name-component-Ba-(a)-ri in the early NA toponym Til-Biiri referringto a place in northeasternBabylonia, a region without any Iranian toponyms.- (g) Akkadian-West Semitic (1 = 1.88%): 3.7.2, 1.- (h) Hybrid (Akkadian and non-Semitic; 1 = 1.88%): 3.3, 18 (not a genuine hybrid, cf. above).- (i)
1956, 215). Hu-bu-us~-ki-a(3.7.1; the segmentation implied by Astour 1987, 27, n. 176 is very uncertain), Ir-ti-a (3.3, 31; see Salvini 1982, 387a), A-ra-zu (3.3, 17, cf. Zadok 1976a, 72, n. 126); 3.1.1, 2; 3.1.3.1, 1-7; 3.3, 11, 13, 23-25; 3.4.1, 2. (k) Summary. Chronological distribution: 1000-745: 13 = 24.52%; 744-705: 33 = 62.26%; 704-600: 7 = 13.2%.- Ethno-
110
JOURNAL OF PERSIAN STUDIES
linguistic classification: 1000-745 (13 = 100%):
Hurro-Urartian?2 (15.38%); unaffiliated,but not entirely isolated 2 (%); unaffiliatedand isolated 9 (69.23%).-744-705 (33 = 100%): Pre-firstmillennium 1 (3.03%); Old Iranian1 (3.03%); Old Iranianor atypical1 (3.03%);Kassite?1 (3.03%);Hurro-Urartian 2 (6.06%); Hurro-Urartian?8 (24.24%); hybrid 1 (3.03%);Akkadian1 (AkkadianandHurro-Urartian) but not (3.03%); unaffiliated, entirely isolated 8 (24.24%%);unaffiliatedand isolated 9 (27.27%).704-600 (7 = 100%):OldIranian2 (28.56%);possibly Kassite 1 (14.28%);Kassite?1 (14.28%);unaffiliated, but not entirelyisolated2 (28.56%);unaffiliatedand isolated1 (14.28%).
821 and 819 B.C., Grayson1996, 185:Sam'i-AdadV A.0.103.1,iii, 5; poss. Olran.). 1. Ki-a-rathe Karsib/putean. 4.3. Urag
endof the 820s or beginningof the 810s "n'U-ra-ciA, (presumablysometime between 821 and 819 B.C., Grayson1996, 185:Samsi-AdadV A.0.103.1,iii, 10). 1. Pi-ri-d'a-a-ti(14), OIran.
4.4. Siba/ur(see VeraChamaza1994, 109) 4.4.1. Geographical extent and toponymy
4. GIZILB/PUNDAAND ENVIRONS
1. "n'Si-BAR-A+A (gent.), end of the 820s or of the beginning 810s (presumablysometimebetween 821 and 819 B.C., Grayson1996, 185:Sam'i-AdadV k'rGi-zi-il-b/pu-un-di,kurGi-zil-b/pu-un-da, kurGi-zi+A il-b/pu--da, gent. kurGi-zil-b/pu-un-da-A A.0.103.1, iii, 19). The readingSi-magfor Si-BAR, (Parpola1970, 134 with refs.; cf. Streck1900, 298f.; whichis suggestedby Fuchs 1994,459 (assumingthat is unlikelyin view of the R611ig1957-71) was locatedbetweenMannea/Missi Simaikiis its forerunner),30 and Media (in the Zanjan-(ai valley accordingto forms un'Si-bu-urand ",'Si-bur(-A+A) below, as well Diakonoff 1985a, 79; see Fuchs 1994, 435; Reade as i"i'Su-ba-r[a]on the border of Saparda(Fuchs 1979, 176 locatesit betweenZanjanand the Caspian 1998a, 48 r. 8); 2. "unNi-ru-tak-ta (Tadmor1994, 70: Ann. 14, 10). Sea). 4.1. Sassias'
4.4.2. Prosopography and anthroponymy 1. mEN.URU,end of the 820s or beginningof the
4.1.1. Geographical extent and toponymy Gent. "n'Sa-si-a-•ci-A+A, end of the 820s or
810s, presumablysometime between 821 and 819 B.C., is probablynotthe ruler'sname,buthis Assyrian title, see Frahmand Fuchs 1998, who compareother cases of titles understoodas anthroponymsby the
beginningof the 810s (presumablysometimebetween 821 and 819 B.C., Grayson1996, 185:Samsi-AdadV A.0.103.1, iii, 3f.; the mountainof antimonywas to S.). It canbe presumablyon theway from"m'Ki-na-ki with 1. Tadmor compared 1994, 46: ""'Sa-as-si-a-sdU`, Ann. 10, 12;cf. Grantovskiy1970, 194;Kass.?),which is followed by 2. l'n1Tu-ta-aJ--diP.
4.1.2. Prosopography and anthroponymy Ti-ta-ma-sci-kathe Sasialean.
4.2. *Karsib/putu Gent. ""'KAR-si-b/pu-ta-A+A, end of the 820s or of the beginning 810s (presumably sometime between
Assyrians, viz. Mari•' Yanziand Pir'u. 2. Ta-nu-us,737
B.C. (Tadmor1994,71 ad Ann. 14*, 12;OIran.;poss. ruler of Sibur according to Grantovskiy 237; mentionedafter"u'Si-bu-ur).31T. is mentionedaftera report(Tadmor1994,70: Ann. 14*, 10f.)on Bur-da-da of =Ni-ru-tak-ta."n'Si-bu-uris mentionedimmediately after the account of Bardada's capture, where it reportedthathis cities were destroyed,devastatedand set on fire and ""'Si-bu-urwas despoiled. 3. Bar-rdalor Bur-da-da of un4Ni-ru-tak-ta, 737 da of "n'Si-BAR B.C. (see Tadmor 1994, 107 ad St. II B, 34') is very probablythe same person as j-ar-da-at-t[i] (716 B.C., Levine 1972, 44, ii, 65) and Bir-ta-tu of "7'Si-bur-A+A (714 B.C., Thureau-Dangin 1912, 48; see Fuchs and Schmitt 1998m, 1; 1998r).
THE ETHNO-LINGUISTIC CHARACTER OF NORTHWESTERN IRAN AND KURDISTAN IN THE NEO-ASSYRIAN PERIOD
4.5. Appatar
111
4.8. Mentioned together with Bit-Abdadani (both 744 B.C.; Tadmor 1994, 50: Ann. 12, 12)
1. Zi-zi-i of l1nAp-pa-tar, 714 B.C. (Thureau-
Dangin 1912, 64; see Fuchs 1994, 417), atyp.;cf. 4.6 just below.
4.8.1.Halpi[...] 1. Mi-ki-i (Hurr.?)of u"iHal-pi-[...].
4.6. Kit(i)pat(a)
4.8.2.[...] "u'Ki-it-pat (Thureau-Dangin1912, "rnKi!-Yti-pa'-ta,
1. U-zak-kuof
',np[...],
Olran./pre-Iran.
71; poss. Kass.). 1. Tu-na-kuconqueredKitpat sometime before Tiglath-pileserIII's campaignin 744 B.C. (Tadmor 4.9. On the way to Bit-Abdadani 1994,46: Ann. 11, 4), OIran.2. Za-la-A+Aofu~Ki-itThe two campaignsof Tiglath-pileserIII to the 1912, 64). Both pat-A+A,714 B.C. (Thureau-Dangin Zizi and Za-la-A+A are describedas city lords of klirGi- Zagros(744 and 737 B.C.) and theirlong-termeffect are discussedby Levine (1977b, 180f.):basicallythe zi-il-b/pu-un-di.3. Bu-zi-i (OIran.),an inspector (qjpu) from unrKi!-rti-pal-ta(undated;Fales and Postgate 1995, GreatKhorasanRoad and aroundit, with the regions see Kessler[and lying on the roaditself turnedinto Assyrianprovinces 31, 5, who renderqjpu as "delegate"; andthe otherentitiessubjectedto Assyriaas vassals. Schmitt]1998). 4.7. (Bit-)Abdadani
4.9.1. Various locales (744 B.C.; Tadmor1994, 46: Ann.
11,1). 4.7.1.Geographicalextentand toponymy If"u'Ha-ar-su,whichwas situatedbetween1 and2 (poss. Kassite) was on the way below is identicalwith Ha-ar-si(1.8, 1), thenthe way "l'Ab-da-da-a-ni from Parsuato Bit-Hamban(Ha-ban,Grayson1996, from the westernZagrosto Bit-Abdadaniwas partly time. 40: Shalm.III A.0.102.6, iv, 4f., see Vera Chamaza controlledby Manneain Ashurbanipal's later It in was or near 1. that = lurKu-?Fa-na (poss. 1994, 106). Gizilb/pundaseeing ",•,Ku-Si-a-na-as' ad 83 Ivantchik to 4.6 of 1993, 185f.:12),2. "n'Ha"n'Ki-it-pa-at-ti-a(= Kitpat, above) Gizilb/punda according of III'stime ar-sa-A+A (originally a gentilic Ha-ar-?u); 3. u"nScibelongedto Bit-Abdadaniin Tiglath-pileser (Tadmor1994,46: Ann. 11,4, see Herzfeld1938, 163). na-as-ti-ku, 4. ,"~nKi-ki-ta-ra,5. 1nuA+A-ut-ba-ak This is the earliestoccurrenceof the compoundform followed by 6. kurHa-li-ha-ad/t-ri (see Streck 1900, (also Thureau-Dangin1912, 39). 369f.)and Uz-ha-ri(cf. 4.9.2.1,1just below). khrBit(E)-Ab-da-da-ni Ab-da-da-niis possiblyKassite.Theearliestoccurrence of the toponymis Eg. pttnin a Ramessidetopographic list (endof the secondmillenniumB.C., see Edel 1980, 4.9.2. Bit-Zatti ANDTOPONYMY EXTENT 66, 71f.).Ab-da-da-nais recordedin c. 1000-950B.C. 4.9.2.1. GEOGRAPHICAL Ann. 11, 3; OIran.) Elamites and Lullubians are 1994,46: hUrE-Za-at-ti (Tadmor (Diakonoff1978). possibly mentionedin the same documentas well as 1. u"la- included 1. "n'Us/z-ha-ri(perhaps < Sargonic Zahara sub!-bu-'A+Al. presumablynorthwestof Elam,see Edzard,Farberand Sollberger 1977, 193 with previous lit.; possibly 4.7.2. Prosopography and anthroponymy 1. Si-li-is-ru-uh (Elam.?), c. 1000-950 B.C.; 2. Mannu-kima-saba of Bit-Ab-da-da-ni, 744 B.C. (see Tadmor1994, 51 ad Ann. 12, 11).
identical with A-za-ha-ar, a region of Simagkiin the Ur IIIperiod, see Zadok 1991a, 229). Vallat(1993, 305, s.v. Zahara)is of the opinion that Zahara"doit &trelocalisi en Balutchistan iranien au dans les environs immndiats".However, Vallat (1993, cxxivf.) does not
112
JOURNAL OF PERSIAN STUDIES
ruleout an alternativelocalisationin westernIran.The fact that Sar-kali-'arrimentions a victorious battle against Elam and Zaharain the neighbourhoodof Ak'ak and Sakaliseems to strengthenthe case for a localisationof Zaharain northwestern Iran,providedthe observationof Hallo (1957-71, 709) that Sakaliis a veiled allusionto Qutiumis correct. 4.9.2.2. PROSOPOGRAPHY ANDANTHROPONYMY
Ka-ki-i,rulerof Bit-Zattior an adjacentplace, 744 B.C. (Tadmor1994,46: Ann. 11,3),atyp. 4.10. Urganika
4.12. Linguistic analysis of the anthroponymy(20 =
100%) (a) Old Iranian (8 = 40%): End of the 820s or
sometimebetween beginningof the 810s (presumably < 821 and819 B.C.):Pi-ri-'ci-a-ti(4.3, 1) *Pari-`(y)Kiti(Grantovskiy1970, 195f.:14).- 744 B.C.: Ba-at-ta-a-nu (4.11.2.2, 1, see [Fuchs and] Schmitt 1998q); Mi-ta-a-ki
(4.10.2, 1; see Grantovskiy1970, 233); Tu-na-ku(4.6, 1; see Grantovskiy1970,227:39).-737 B.C.: Ta-nu-us (4.4, 2) < *Tanu-"body"(see Grantovskiy1970,237); U-?u-ru-[u](4.11.1) < *Hu-sravah-(see Zadok 1996).714 B.C.: Pa-a-uk-ku (4.11.2.2, 3).- Undated: Bu-zi-i (4.6, 3, see [Kessler and] Schmitt 1998).- Doubtful (1 = 5%): Bar--dal-da/ Bur-da-da/Bir-ta-tu, U-ar-da-at-ti
4.10.1. Geographical extent and toponymy 1. ""'Tai/Ur-&a-ni-ka, 744 B.C. (Tadmor 1994, 48: Ann. 11, 9 [bis]; OIran.);2. ""'Ki-AN/il-pal was probably
(4.4, 3; 737-714 B.C.;see [Fuchsand]Schmitt1998m, In view of the last spelling,it may 1, 1998r:"Iran."?). be basedon vrd-"toincrease,thrive",cf. Av.varcdaOa-
4.10.2. Prosopography and anthroponymy
"Wachstum,Zunahme, Mehrung", with NA for OIran. /va/ (the CVC signs BAR/BIR/BUR are indifferentto vowel quality) if one accepts that NA renders -vati-, cf. ad 1"1KAR-si-b/pu-ta-A+A
Mi-ta-a-ki,744 B.C. (Tadmor1994,48: Ann. 11,8), ruler(presumably of Ur'anika),Olran.
4.13, e) and kuirSa-an-gi-bu-te (3.3) < *(A)sangavati-
4.11. Bit-Kapsi and environs (737 B.C., Tadmor 1994, 70: Ann. 14, 10f.)
the primaryform compared with Bar-dcl-da/ Bur-da-
situatedbetweenumTaS/Ur-'a-ni-ka andBit-Kapsi.
(gent., 4.2) < *Karjivati-"ploughman"(see below, "richin stones"(see Herzfeld1938, 173;Eilers 1954, 282 withnn. 108, 109;Grantovskiy1970,229f.).If this is correct,then U-ar-da-at-tilooks like interpretation da/Bir-ta-tu.It is noteworthythat the spellingsBar-
4.11.1. [xx]-x-ru-ta 1. U-9u-ru-[u"], OIran.
4.11.2. Bit-Kapsi ("nE-kap-si/DUMU-mKap-si, see Vera Chamaza1994, 107; equatedwith modernQazvinby Reade 1979, 180, providedit is not a case of assonance) 4.11.2.1. GEOGRAPHICAL EXTENT ANDTOPONYMY 1. "l'Kar-ka-ri-hu-un-dir(Tadmor 1994, 49: Ann. 11,11), 2. kurA-bi-ru-us(cf. 4.12.2 just below). 4.11.2.2. PROSOPOGRAPHY ANDANTHROPONYMY 1. Ba-at-ta-a-nuDUMU mKap-si,744 B.C. (Tadmor 1994,48: Ann. 11,10; see Fuchs [and Schmitt] 1998q), OIran.; 2. U-pa-ci&DUMU "'Kap-sisought refuge on Mt. A-bi-ru-us in 737 B.C. (Tadmor1994, 70: Ann. 14, 9 = 88: Ann. 14, 7); 3. Pa-a-uk-ku of ""'E-Kap-si,714 B.C. (Thureau-Dangin1912, 45), OIran.
dal-da/ Bur-da-da resemble Bir-dDa-(ad-)da,the NA
renderingof Aram.*BrDd (cf. Zadok1978a,57f., 62, 106ff.,and [Fuchsand]Schmitt1998m,1). Are we to deal here with a folk etymologymade by Aramaicspeaking Assyrian scribes?- (b) Old Iranian or preIranian (1 = 5%): U-zak-ku(4.8.2.1) < OIran. *Aujaka- (Zadok 1996, 13), but cf. U-za-ka from OB Sugarra (Eidem 1992, 135, 20).- (c) Hurro-Urartian(?) (1 = 5%):Mi-ki-i (4.8.1.1), cf. MB Nuzi Mi-ki-ia, Mi-ik-ki-ia
(to mikk"Hurr.?" accordingto Gelbet al. 1943,234b).(d) Elamite? (1 = 5%): Si-li-is-ru-uh (4.7.2, 1; cf. Diakonoff 1978, 61) -ruh is productive in the Elamite onomasticon(cf. Zadok 1984a, 36f.: 200), but filis is so far not recorded in Elamite.- (e) Atypical (3 = 15%): Ka-ki-i (4.9.2.2), Zi-zi-i (4.5, 1), both short and ubiquitous; Za-la-A+A (4.6, 2; cf. Grantovskiy 1970, 204).- (f) Akkadian (2 = 10%):4.4, 1 (title) and 4.7.2, 2.- (g) Unaffiliated, but not isolated (1 =5%): Ki-a-ra (4.2, 1).- 0(h)Unaffiliated and isolated (2 = 10%): Ti-
THE ETHNO-LINGUISTIC CHARACTER OF NORTHWESTERN IRAN AND KURDISTAN IN THE NEO-ASSYRIAN PERIOD
ta-ma-ci`-ka (4.1.2, 1) is hardlyIraniandespiteHiising 567f. (cf. Grantovskiy1970, 195).Grantovskiy 1900b, (1970,237f.:40)thoughtthatU-pa-ais' (4.11.2.2,2) starts with OIran.upa-, but what follows U-pa- did not receivean adequateexplanation.Thenameis too short foranunambiguous linguisticaffiliation.(i) Summary. distribution: 1000-745: 5 = 25%; Chronological 744-705: 15 = 75%.- Ethno-linguistic classification:
1000-745(5 = 100%):OldIranian1 (20%);Elamite?1 (20%);Akkadiantitle 1 (20%);unaffiliated2 (40%).744-705 (15 = 100%): Old Iranian 8 (53.33%); Old
Iranianor pre-firstmillennium 1 (6.66%); HurroUrartian?1 (6.66%);atypical3 (33.33%);Akkadian1 (6.66%);unaffiliated1 (6.66%). 4.13. Linguistic analysis of the toponymy (25
113
entirely isolated (4 = 17.39%): Kar-ka-ri-hu-un-dir
(4.11.2.1,1) was comparedby Billerbeck(1898, 1898, consists 79, n. 2) with Hu-un-dir.Kar-ka-riapparently of a reduplicated syllable,like the base of Gi-ir-gi-ra-a name,cf. (below,6.2.4, poss. an onomatopoeic-acustic Eilers1954,341,n. 149 infine);Ki-AN/il-pal (4.10.1,2; cf. Mt Kilpal with Streck1900, 337, n. 3?); U-ra-as' (4.3) is possiblyIranianaccordingto Grantovskiy1970, 203:15,butcomparetheMA/MBtoponymUrasfe from the secondhalf of the secondmillenniumB.C., which (referringto a mountain may be quasi-homonymous in northeastern Babylonianear the Assyrian range Nashef see 1982, 272f.; Deller and Postgate border, et al. 1943, 273a). Ku-si-a-na-as' cf. Gelb 1985, 75f.; (4.9.1, 1, basedon a formlikeKu-&i-ia,Gelbet al. 1943, 230f.; cf. Balkan 1954, 152) ends in -nas, cf. MA Kullihhina&,Mu(r)qunas' (Nashef 1982, 171, 197f.;
Zadok1995a,443, andperhapsBalkan1954, 169).-(h) Unaffiliatedand isolated (9 = 36%):Kap-si(4.11.2) hasno convincingIranianetymology(cf. the attemptof (a) Pre-first millennium(1 = 4%):Ab-da-da-na, Grantovskiy1970,233;withthereadingkab-siit would be due to NA popularetymology).Si-bu-ur(gent. SiAb-da-da-(a-)ni(4.7.1; < anthroponym;cf. Balkan 1954, 29; Grantovskiy 1970,177;Zadok1979a,294:1,despite bur/BAR-A+A), Su-ba-r[a] (4.4) is hardly Kassite Hinz 1975,17).-(b) Gentilicof a pre-firstmillennium (despiteGrantovskiy 1970,203).TheIranianetymology = Ha-ar-gci-A+A of of Ni-ru-tak-ta(4.4.1, 2) suggestedby Grantovskiy toponym (1 4%): (4.9.1, 2; Ha-ar&u;cf. 1.14above).-(c) Pre-firstmillennium?(1 = 4%): (1970,240),is verydoubtful;4.1.1,2; 4.5;4.9.1,3-5. (i) 4.9.2.1, 1.- (d) quasi-homonymouswith a pre-first Summary.Chronologicaldistribution:1000-745:7 = millennium toponym? (1 = 4%): Gi-zi-il-b/pu-un-da/di 28%; 744-705: 18 = 72%.- Ethno-linguistic (4), cf. UrIIIGi-zi-lik(EdzardandFarber1972,62f.)on classification: 1000-745 (7 = 100%): Pre-first the IranianPlateau(in messengertexts;once preceded millennium1 (14.28%);quasi-homonymous witha pre1 and by NIM) perhapsSarg. Gi-gi/zP-li/nik(Edzard, first millenniumtoponym? (14.28%);possibly Old Farberand Sollberger1977,61; alternatively relatedto Iranian 1 (14.28%); Kassite 1 (14.28%); possibly Gi-zi-in/ni-,cf. below, 6.11), but a physical identity Kassite 1 (14.28%); unaffiliated,but not entirely cannotbe demonstrated.(e) Old Iranian(1 = 4%):E- isolated 1 (14.28%); unaffiliated and isolated 1 Za-at-ti (4.9.2.1) < *Zata- (presumably originally an (14.28%).- 744-705 (18 = 100%) : Pre-first see 1 (5.55%); gentilic of a pre-first Just millennium? anthroponym, Grantovskiy1970, 228:40).= millennium toponym 1 (5.55%); Old Iranian possible (2 8%): Ta?/Ur-?a-ni-ka(4.10.1, 1; see Grantovskiy1970, 233; prob.not relatedto the Ur III (presumablyoriginallyan anthroponym)1 (5.55%); toponymUr-?a-anh,cf. Astour1987,22, n. 129),KAR- possiblyOldIranian1 (5.55%);OldIranian?1 (5.55%); si-b/pu-ta-A+A (gent.,4.2; see Herzfeld1938, 166;cf. possiblyKassite1 (5.55%);Kassite?1 (5.55%);HurroEilers 1954, 330 with n. 108; Grantovskiy1970, Urartian?1 (5.55%); unaffiliated,but not entirely isolated 3 (16.66%); unaffiliated and isolated 7 195:13).- Doubtful (1 = 4%):A-bi-ru-us(cf. 4.11.2.1, 2; < *Abi-raudah-?).-(f) Kassite (1 = 4%)%):la-sub!-bu(38.88%). =100%;4.8.1; 4.8.2; 4.11.1 and4.12.2, 4 arenot takeninto account)
FA+A1(4.7.1, 1; see Diakonoff 1978, 63 ad loc.).- Just
possible (3 = 12%):Sa-as-si-a-&t'(4.1.1, 1; with -yas), Ki-it-pat(4.6; Ki-it-pa-at-ti-ais possibly a NA nisbe, cf. Balkan 1954, 172, s.v. pata and Zadok 1995a, 442; hardlyOIran.despite Grantovskiy1970, 194); Ha-li-haad-ri (see below, 6.10, b).- (g) Unaffiliated, but not
5. EASTERN MEDIA 5.1 and 5.2, 5.3 are described as "distantMedes" in Borger 1956, 34: Klch A, 32f. and 54: Nin. A, 35
114
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OF PERSIAN
STUDIES
respectively (time of Esarhaddon).Vallat (1993, 5.4. Other districts (time of Tiglath-pileser III) cxxxviiff.) advocatesa locationof 5.1 in Khorasan, and5.3 in or nearthe Pamir. 5.4.1. Geographical extent and toponymy 5.1.1, 2 in Badakhshan 1. ktrU?-qaq-qa-a-na(Olran.)and2. klIrSi(!)-ik-ra-ki (Tadmor1994, 164:Summ.7, 32). The lattermay be 5.1. Patusarra identicalwith"u'S/Sik-ra-Wal (Tadmor1994, 106:St. II, B, 42') seeingthataccordingto thephotograph (pl. 37), 5.1.1. Geographical extent and toponymy thereis enoughroomto restore-[ki] on the edge and 1. skrPa-tu-uw-ar-ra/ri near it. Cf. perhapsOld Elam. Si-ik-ra-[...](Farber (OIran.) bordering on the 2. Salt Desert (Bit-tcabti,E MUN) and 3. kIrBi-ig/k-ni/nu. 1975, 81, 83f., r. iii', 25' ; Vallat1993, 241, s.v.). 3. Thelatter(alsoTadmor1994,295, index,s.v.)is hardly krjTi(!)-ik-ra-rak-kPi(Tadmor1994, 166:Summ.7, 37) is the forerunnerof ApIaKatvoa of Ptolemy (pace Vera recordedin the same summaryinscriptionbeforeBitChamaza1994, 110; for a plausiblelocalisationof I-tar,Sibur,Ariarmi,Mdt-tarlugallk, andSilhazi- a list see Andreas where who of II is followed 1893, Tiglath-pileser erectedhis royal places by ApaOKCCtva Herzfeld 1938, 175f.;cf. Eilers 1954, 339f., n. 147). image. All these places - except for Silhazi - are to Big/kni may be identical with modem Alvand be sought in inner Media. The same may apply to accordingto Levine 1974, 118f.,but if the identityof Tikrakki.Thelatterwasregardedas a variantof hlrSi(!)RamandawithmodemRlimandis correct,thena more ik-ra-ki (see Eilers 1954, 329f., n. 107 in fine; easterlylocation(beyondtheAlvand)forBig/kni(such Grantovskiy1970,241ff.),butthey arenot necessarily as Demavand,see Winckler1889, 1, xxvii, n. 3; cf. identicalaccordingto Tadmor1994, 166 ad loc. Billerbeck 1898, 93f.; Eilers 1954, 309, n. 1) is required. and anthroponymy 5.4.2.Prosopography of uniS/Sik-ra-rai[-ki(?)] (Tadmor1994, [...]-'xW-ba-a 5.1.2. Prosopography and anthroponymy 106:St. II, B, 42'). 1. E-pa-ar-na/ni (see Fuchs [and Schmitt] 1998y) is mentioned together with 2. Si-dir-pa-ar-na/ni (both OIran.)or alone (E-pa-ir-na, Starr 1990, 64, 10). 5.2. Urakazabarna (east of Arazia', see Billerbeck
1898, 76)
5.5. Perhaps in this region or more to the west 5.5.1. Andarpatianu ",nAn-dar-pa-ti-[a-nu] is mentioned together with
the Salt Desertin a damagedtext fromEsarhaddon's reign(Starr1990,64, 5; no cleargeographicalcontext, 1. Ra-ma-te-ia (OIran.)city lord of "n'U-ra-(a-)-ka- see Streck 1900,358f.;VeraChamaza1994, 110,n. 283 za-bar-na (Borger 1956, 54: Nin. A, iv, 34); Ra-ma-tain fine). Diakonoff (1985a, 103, n. 2) makes the A+A city lord of "n'U-ra-ka-za-ba-nu (Parpola and unfoundedstatement"notfarfromQazvin". Watanabe1988,28, 6; cf. Diakonoff1985a,108). 714 B.C. 1. Ma-aci-dak-kuof "unAn-dir-pa-ti-a-nu, Diakonoff 1956a,262, 1912,48), cf. (Thureau-Dangin 5.3. Partakka "n'Pa-ar-tak/tdk-ka, "n'Pa-ar/ra-tuk-ka (Borger 1956, 54: Nin. A, iv, 33 ; OIran.). 1. Up-pi-is (OIran.?)city lord of "I'Pa-ar-tak/tcik-ka (Borger 1956, 54: Nin. A, iv, 32; cf. 111:Frt. E, obv. 3: [...] city lord of "n'Pa-ra-tuk(text: NI)-ka); 2. Za-na-sa-na (Borger 1956, 54: Nin. A, iv, 33; Ofran.?)city lord of "u'Pa-ar/ra-tuk-ka.
n. 2 ; 2. Pa-ar-kul-kou(?) from hkrAn-dir-pat-ti-a-nu,
711 B.C. (Fuchs1998a,41, vi.b.25).
5.5.2. Karzitali (time of Esarhaddon) "~n'Kar-zi-ta-li(Parpola and Watanabe1988, 28, 6); karKar-zi-[ta-li...], ["I'Kar-zi-ta-[li...] (poss. Kass.) is mentionedafterthe Salt Desert and beforeE-pa-ir-na(of Patularra,5.1.2 above) in the damagedtext Starr 1990, 64. Diakonoff(1985a, 103, n. 2; 108) was of the opinion
THE ETHNO-LINGUISTIC CHARACTER OF NORTHWESTERN IRAN AND KURDISTAN IN THE NEO-ASSYRIAN PERIOD
thatKarzitaliwas apparently nearSiburandmighthave to the of Harhar belonged province (withoutfoundation). 1. Bur-da-dicity lord of Kar-zi-ta-li(Parpolaand Watanabe1988,28:6;cf. FuchsandSchmitt1998m,2). It is also mentionedtogetherwith the Salt Desert, andBit-Tatt[i...]in a damagedtext (Starr Andarpatianu no cleargeographicalcontext). 64, 8; 1990,
115
1905, 274; Eilers 1971); Pa-ar-tak/tak-ka, Pa-ar/ra-
tuk-ka(5.3; cf. Diakonoff1956a,263; apparentlythe same toponym as the CVC-signs TAK/TUKare indifferent to vowel quality) - cf. [...P]a-ar-ta-ka-nu (6.9.3.5)?; U?-qaq-qa-a-na(5.4.1, 1, see Zadok 1979a, 301:7).- Doubtful (2 = 18.18%):Bi-ig/k-ni/nu(5.1.1, 3)
< *Bigna- ? (see Hiising 1900, 127); for other suggestionssee Eilers 1954, 309, n. 1 infine.- If Ti(!)ik-ra-rak-kP(5.4.1, 3) is not identicalwith Si(!)-ik-ra-ki,
5.5.3.Bit-Tattl[..]
xxxx]is mentionedtogetherwith the E-mta-at-t[i-i Salt Desertand Andarpatianu in a damagedtext from Esarhaddon'sreign (Starr 1990, 64, 8; no clear geographical context).
then it wouldbe homonymouswith RAE Ti-ik-rcik-ka see Mayrhofer (Vallat 1993, 279, s.v. Tikrak(k)a(s), or Old Iranian atypical(originally 1973,8.1633).-(c) an anthroponym;1 = 9.09%): Possibly Ta-at-t[i-ixxxx]
(5.5.3, if correctlyrestored).-(d) Kassite (1 = 9.09%): Kar-zi-ta-li(5.5.2)seemsto containtheKassiteelement karzi (Balkan 1954,61, cf. H•lscher 1996, 118f.). 5.6. Linguistic analysis of the anthroponymy(8 = However-ta-liis poorlydocumented,cf. perhapsKipta-li (Gelbet al. 1943,262a);kip-is extantnot only in 100%;5.4.2 is not counted) Hurriannames,butperhapsalsoin namesfromMarha'i (a) Old Iranian(5 = 62.5%):714 B.C.:Ma-is'-dak- andGasur(see Gelbet al. 1943,227b).(e) Kassite or ku(5.5.1,1, seebelow,7.16).-Esarhaddon'stime:E-pa- Ilurro-Urartian (1 = 9.09%): An-dir-pa-ti-a-nu,Anar-na/ni, E-pa-cir-na(5.1.2, 1; see Fuchs and Schmitt 1998a'), Si-dir-pa-ar-na/ni(5.1.2, 2) < *Cira-farnah-
(see Diakonoff1956a,261; cf. Schmitt1992b);Ra-mate/ti7-ia, Ra-ma-ta-A+A (5.2, 1) <
in
*R~nma-tav(y)aview of thevariantRamatha(see Diakonoff 1956a,262, n. 3), butthe reconstruction of the secondcomponentis notcertainin view of spellingssuchasRa-me/mi-ti-i, Rama-ti7-i for a homonym(7.6.2, 4 below). Bur-da-di (5.5.2,1) cf. FuchsandSchmitt1998m,2).- Doubtful(2 = 25%): Za-na-sa-na (5.3, 2) < *Zana-xiana-? (cf.
Scheftelowitz1905,276;Diakonoff1956a,262, n. 3 [or non-Iran. withreduplicated of syllablesanddissimilation sibilants?]);Up-pi-is(5.3, 1, see Grantovskiy1970, 237f.).-(b) Unaffiliated(with a reduplicatedsyllable; 1 = 12.5%): 5.5.1, 2. (c) Summary. Chronological distribution: 744-705: 2 = 25%; 704-600: 6 = 75%.-
Ethno-linguisticclassification:744-705 (2 = 100%): OldIranian1 (50%);unaffiliated 1(50%).-704-600 (6 4 Old Iranian Old 2 (33.33%). 100%): (66.66%); Iranian?
dar-pa-ti-[a-nu] (5.5.1; cf. Diakonoff 1956a, 262, n. 2)
may containandar(cf. Hurr.antar,Gelb et al. 1943, 201a; Balkan 1954, 153 has only -indar, but the interchangea-/i- is recordedin NA).- (f) Akkadian(1 = 9.09%): Bit-tCibti(5.1.1, 2) is merely a generic term.(g) Unaffiliated and isolated (1 = 9.09%): U-ra-(a-)was U-ra-ka-za-ba-nu ka-za-bar-na, (5.2)
by Herzfeld1938, 170 etymologisedas *Vrka-zbarnafar-fetched conclusion with a Hinz 1975, 271) (cf. Diakonoff 1985a, 108), regardingits localisation(cf. but cannot render *Vrka-, and the
is questionable.The of -za-ba/bar-na/nu reconstruction name is more likely non-Iranian.(h) Summary. Chronological distribution: 744-705: 6 = 54.54%;
704-600: 5 = 45.45%.-Ethno-linguisticclassification: 744-705 (6 = 100%) : Pre-first millennium? 1 (16.66%);Old Iranian1 (16.66%);Old Iranian?2 (33.33%);Kassite/Hurrian1 (16.66%);Akkadian 1 (16.66%).-704-600 (5 = 100%):Old Iranian2 (40%); Old Iranianor atypical 1 (20%);possibly Kassite 1 (16.66%);unaffiliated1 (20%).
5.7. Linguistic analysis of the toponymy (11 =100%) (a) Pre-first millennium? 1 (9.09%): Si(!)-ik-ra-ki (5.4.1, 2) if Old Elam. Si-ik-ra-[...] is a precursor thereof.- (b) Old Iranian (3 = 27.27%) Pa-tu-ul-arra/ri (5.1.1, 1) < *Pittui(h)uvar- (see Scheftelowitz
6. "INNER" MEDIA (in contradistinctionto Syromedia, cf. Forrer 1921, 93f.; Diakonoff 1956a, 339; a rathervague term; including also geographically unspecified locales)
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6.1. The section of Sargon IH' itinerary basically between B/Pustus and Bit-Kapsi (see Zadok 2000a)
the Iranian-speakingcontinuum)and the toponym HaptlKivq(in easternPersis or Carmania,poss. mid. Pers. Btrikiin, see for both names Junge 1949). NA
SargonII'sstagesafterB/Pustusare: Datumbu -+ Karzinii -- Pimakan (received the
tributeof BarikanuandKu[x]ti)-- Saka(receivedthe tributeof Harzianuand Kaitdnu) Darueriver -+ -thetributeof Rimanda-* Imisa(wherehe alsoreceived of It can be Bit-Kapsi;pacification Ayalaia). arguedthat included two politicalentities,whose lTrPir-na-ka-an and "u'Ku-x-ti capitalswere "u'Ba-ri-ka-nu (Levine 1972, ii, 61). The same may apply to klrSa-ka-a,where Sargon
renders/pa-/ as well. In this case we mayhave a homonymreferringto a localein the heartlandof Iran. "'nBa-ri-ka-nu 1912, 49) is followed (Thureau-Dangin 2. in Levine knrSa-ka-a 1972, 42, ii, 61f. Thelatteris by not the same as ""uSa-ak-kaof Tiglath-pileser III
(Tadmor1994,76: Ann. 5, 4), whichwas not in Iran. 6.1.3.2. PROSOPOGRAPHY ANDANTHROPONYMY 1. Sa-tar-ba-nu, 716-711 B.C. (Levine 1972, 42, ii,
1912, 49); [Sa]II receivedthetributeof anothertwo polities,viz. "'IHa- 61); Sa-tar-pa-nu(Thureau-Dangin ar-zi-a-ni and ["ndKa-ia-[ta-nu](Levine 1972, 42, ii, 62). (Fuchs1998a,41, vi.b,34;Olran.),rulerof tarr-Lpa-nu Barikdnu. 6.1.1. Datumbu and Kanzabakani 6.1.1.1. GEOGRAPHICAL EXTENT ANDTOPONYMY 6.1.4.Ku[xlti 1. aIrDa-tu-um-bu is followed by 2. k1rKa-an-[za-b]a1. Up-pa-[x] of ",nKu-x-ti,716 B.C. (Levine 1972,
[ka-ni],ErKa-ra-ba-ka-ni (Levine1972,42, ii, 58, 60), 42, ii, 61). 716 B.C. Wasthe formerthenameof the regionandthe latterits capital?Thelatteris alsorecordedin 714 (""'Kaan-za-ba-ka-ni,Thureau-Dangin1912, 47) and 711 B.C. (k•rKa[n]-[za_-Lab-ka(?)-nu,Fuchs 1998a, 41, vi.b, 27). 6.1.1.2. PROSOPOGRAPHY ANDANTHROPONYMY
Us-ra-a,716 (Levine 1972, 42, ii, 60) - 711 B.C. (Fuchs1998a,41, vi.b, 27), OIran. 6.1.2.Karzindi 6.1.2.1.GEOGRAPHICAL EXTENT ANDTOPONYMY 1. ""'Kar-zi-nu-u(identical with Kar-zi-na , see
6.1.5. Harzianu 1. Za-ar-du-ka-a of "unHa-ar-zi-a-ni, 716-711 B.C. (Levine 1972, 42, ii, 62), Za-ar-duk-ka(Fuchs 1998a, 41, vi.b, 29), Za-ar-du-uk-ku of unHa-ar-zi-a-nu
1912,49), OIran. (Thureau-Dangin 6.1.6. Kaitinu 1. I?-te-'suj-ku(?) and 2. A-u-a-ri-sa-ar-rnuz,both city lords of u"'Ka-i-ta-nu(OIran.?)in 711 B.C. (Fuchs
1998a,41,vi.b, 30f. andG.FrameapudFuchs1998,41,
below, 6.11) is followedby 2. (Levine k'rPir-na-ka-an 1972,42, ii, 60f.; Vallat1993,43, s.v. seemsto identify it withBa-ri-ka-nu,whichis unacceptable).
n. 123 ad loc.; IA-te-su-uk-k[aof un']Ka-ia-[...], Levine 1972, 42, ii, 62).
6.1.2.2. PROSOPOGRAPHY ANDANTHROPONYMY Hir/Sar-ru-ti 1. city lord of "1'Kar-zi-nu-ti,714-711
6.1.7. Ri.manda kurRa-ma-an-da(Levine 1972, 42, ii, 63; OIran.), modern Riumend(see Zadok 2000a).
B.C. (Thureau-Dangin 1912,48; Fuchs1998a,41, vi.b, 33: LHir/LSar-), OIran.
6.1.3.1. GEOGRAPHICAL EXTENTAND TOPONYMY
6.1.8. ur[ux..] 1. Si-ta-[xx], city lord, 716 B.C. (Levine 1972, 42, ii, 63).
1. kirBa-ri-ka-a-nu (Fuchs 1998a, 41, vi.b,34) may be homonymous with the hypothetical Old Iranian source of the ethnonym naptKcivtot (HlaptKavot, referring to tribes in two opposite borderlandswithin
6.1.9. Arnasia/Irnisa kurAr-na-si-a (= hrqlr-ni-sa, see Fuchs 1994, 446).
6.1.3. Barikinu
THE ETHNO-LINGUISTICCHARACTEROF NORTHWESTERNIRAN AND KURDISTANIN THE NEO-ASSYRIAN PERIOD 1. Si-tir-pa-su-ra-a of larlr-ni-sa,716 B.C. (Levine 1972, 42, ii, 64) , Ofran. 2. Ar-ba-ku city lord of k'rAr-na-si-a,711 B.C.
(Fuchs1998a,41, vi.b, 32), Olran. 6.1.10.Hu[...] 1. Ba-a[t?(-x))]-t[i]-gur of 716 B.C. un'Hu-[....], delivered his tribute in the (Levine 1972, 42, ii, 64)
This is an camp of SargonII in the land of Irnmisa. indicationof geographicalproximityof Hu[...] and but not necessarilyof politicaldependenceas Imrnisa, be may impliedby Fuchs1998f. 6.1.11.Ayalaia 1. carA+A-la-i[a] near the river 2. Na-x-ku-[...] (Levine 1972, 44, ii, 66).
117
Fuchs 1998c); U-zu-ma-an-da of uruKi-si-la-ha, 714
B.C. (Thureau-Dangin 1912,46). OIran.? 6.2.3Kir-Ka~'ifKarkasia kur/l1r"Kar-ka?-?i-i (Starr 1990, 364f. with refs.) is the same place as ur?Kcir-ka-si-a(see Streck 1900, 360, with previous lit., who rendered it as the "Wall of the Kassites"; perhaps Bit-kiri according to Diakonoff
1991, 17,n. 14). of K., 716 B.C. (Levine1972, 1. Sum-m[u]-uls-ra!-a 44, ii, 69);2. Bur-bu-a-su,711B.C. (see G. Frameapud Fuchs 1998a, 41, n. 125 ad vi.b, 36); 3. Ka-a6-ta-riti/Ka~-ta-ri-ti(Esarhaddon'sreign; Starr1990, 363 with refs., OIran., see lxf. with n. 255; cf. Fuchs and Schmitt 1998p). There is no proof that the latter ruler was
identicalwith Opa6ptrqsof Herodotos(see Ivantchik (refs.areto Starr1990) 1993,80f.).Ka'taritithreatened Ki'esi (43), Kiribtu(44), Subara(48), U'iii (49) and Kilman (51).
6.2. Presumably on the way back westwardsfrom Bit-Kapsi Imisa --->Urattas (where Sargon II received tribute from [...], [x]hagabta,Karkasia,Ginkirand Rurqu).
6.2.4.Usisi [lnmU.-.-i-fi (Starr 1990, 49 r. 3) was sieged by
cf. Diakonoff 1985a, 104f., 106). Ka'taritu/X'a0rita,
Cf. perhaps 1. Ak-ku-us-suof urnU-si-is?-[xx] (Thureau-
6.2.1.Urata/us
Dangin 1912, 48; U-si-[...]accordingto the editionof
u'rU-rat-t-1us-(Levine 1972, 44, ii, harU,-ra-ta-as, 68f.; Kass.?).
Mayer 1983, 72).
6.2.1.1. TOPONYMS [unix]-ha-gab-ta-apresumably in or near Uratas (Levine 1972, 44, ii, 69).
6.2.5. Ginikir (= Girgiri?) Levine (1972, 50 ad 44, ii, 69) compares u"nGi-in-ki-irof Tiglath(but not identifies) it with u"nGi-ir-gi-ra-a 6.3 and to the on above, (cf. Bit-Kapsi way pileser I at 35-2 near modem 47-19). Sanandaj Gargar perhaps 1. Bur-bu-a-zu,716 B.C. (see G. Frame apud Fuchs and Schmitt 1998s, 354, 2 infine; Kass.).
6.2.1.2.ANTHROPONYMs 1. Bur-bu-a-su of hkrU-rat-tzi-'us-, 716 B.C. (Levine
1972,44, ii, 69; Kass.).Levine(1972, 50 ad 69) states "Burbuasu of Urattusis probablyto be identifiedwith Burburazuof Bit Ibtar".He expressesthe unlikely opinion that Urattuswas renamedBit-Ibtar(= 6.5 below)by the Assyrians(cf. below,6.11, h). However, his suggestionwas not adoptedby Fuchsand Schmitt
6.2.6. kurRu-ur'-q[u-...] 1. [x(x)]-an-x-nu,716 B.C. (Levine 1972, 44, ii, 69).
1998s, who differentiatebetween both rulers. 6.3. On the way to Bit-Kapsi (near Bit-IAtar) 6.2.2. Kisilaha 1. A-za-m[a(?)-a]n(?)-da xx presumablyof "[...] in or near Uratas, 716 B.C. (Levine 1972, 44, ii, 68, see
1.
2.
(Kass.
,,,Ki-in-di-gi-a-su "u'Ki-in-kal-an-gi, /Hurr.?), 3. "n'Ki-in-gi-al-ka-si-iS, 4. an'Ku-b/pu-ul-hati(sic)-di-il, 5. 6. ur"'jU-pu-•{u, 1"AH-si-pu-na,(uruGi-ir-
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gi-ra-a) 7. '"7'Ki-im-ba-a4-ha-ti (737 B.C.; Tadmor1994,
70: Ann. 14*,7).
6.6.1. Toponymy kIrRu-zu-afRut-u-a (Tadmor 1994, 296, s.v.),
OIran./atyp. 6.4. Mentioned together with Bit-Kapsi 6.7. Localisationand attributionto this region tentative 1.-lrBit(E)-Ur-zak-ki (Tadmor 1994, 296 with refs.;
(Tadmor1994, 296, s.v.; OIran.).2. 1krBit(E)-Sa-an-gi is neither the same as Bit-S/Sak-ki(7.1.1, 3 OIran) Diakonoff below; pace 1956a, 160, n. 4) nor is it identicalwithBit-Sangibuti (see below,7.3).
6.7.1.
Ni~,i Ni-6a-A+A, KrNi-i.-sa-a (Tadmor 1994, 132 ad ,-,oq Summ.3, 7' and 164:Summ.7, 30 resp.),Ntcmatov
ns6iov, was possiblynortheastof Ecbatana(cf. Streck 1900, 332; Hanslik 1936; OIran.).A more specific localisation, viz. with Dastaba, was suggested by 6.5. Bit-Igtar and environs Schwarz(1910-36, 5, 554f.; with manyhomonymous places,cf. Eilers1987,65, 70 ontheonehandandBailey 6.5.1. Geographical extent and toponymy 1975, 309f. on the other),but Diakonoffand Kashkai withMissi [Messi]). 1979,57 advocatean identification h'lr'lnE-dXV/1INNIN (Tadmor 1994, 296, s.v.; Thureau-Dangin1912, 46, see Vera Chamaza1994, LikeNtomatov irt6iov,Missiwas famousforits horses 108) is not mentionedin ME "togetherwith Bit- ("Missean",(k"r)Mi-sa-A+A, e.g., Katajaand Whiting Tazzaki"(pace Diakonoff 1978, 64, who followed 1995, 88 r. 9; 90, 9.12.r.3;104, r. 2.6; 109, 8.15.r.5). K6nig 1965, 129, n. 9) . ME has ",Bi-it-ta-sak/riv- However, this is hardly a valid criterion for an ESSANA (Vallat 1993, 49, s.v. Bit-Tasak-Jarri),which identification,as several regions of GreaterMedia has nothingto do with Bit-Taz-zak-ki; the lattercan be suppliedhorses:forinstance,KushitehorsesfrominParread ~1rBit(E)su-a arementionedin KatajaandWhiting1995, 104,8. Ur-zak-ki(6.4, 1 above). 6.5.2.Prosopography 6.7.2. Urem/nzan and anthroponymy Bur-bu-ra-zuof Bit-IStar,714 B.C. (Thureauu"',U-re-em-za-an, Fiuru'"-re-en-[za-an] (Tadmor 1994, 164:Summ.7, 30 and 132:Summ.3, 7' resp.; Dangin 1912, 46), poss. Kass. OIran.?) 6.5.3. Sagbita
on theway fromGizilb/punda ""'Sag-bi-ta (Sibar)to Arazia' was the capital of 1. Ha-na-si-ru-ka(no Personenkeil.r)the Mede (klrMa-ta-A+A;end of the
820s or beginningof the 810s, presumablysometime between 821 and 819 B.C., Grayson 1996, 185f.: Sam'i-AdadV A.0.103.1, iii, 32). This capitalis not necessarilyidenticalwith Bit(E)-sa-ag-ba-at(despite Streck1900,330), whichreflectsa differentform. 6.6. Amate and environs 1. IA-rbit(sic)-ta-ar-rrui, 737 B.C. (Tadmor 1994, 72 ad Ann. 15, 5; after a lacuna it is reportedin line 6 that [I.?] escaped to k'rA-ma-te, a district opposite the Ru-ti-a mountains) - same name as la-ti-rbit-irPof 'rrAi-[mat](Tadmor 1994, 107 ad St. II B, 33').
6.7. 3. Ra'usan kurRa-'-z•-sa-an (Olran.?) may belong here if the
sequenceSibur , Uremzan,Ra'usanin the Summary inscription Tadmor 1994, 164:Summ. 7, 30 is significant. 6.7.4. I'teuppu (Fuchs 1998a, 41, vi.b, 18) is perhaps un"IR-te-up-pu homonymous with "nl?-ta-ip-paof Zig/k/qirtu(above, 1.5.1, 5; see Levine 1977a, 141). It is not clear whether it is identicalwith lnq-ta-hup, which is recordedin a damaged letter (Parpola 1987, 32, 8) dealing with Urartuand mentioning a Mannean emissary (cf. Saggs 1958, 199 adND 2608 = NL 46). 1. I&-te-su-kuof 'I'-te-up-pu, 711 B.C. (Fuchs 1998a, 41, vi.b, 18).
THE ETHNO-LINGUISTICCHARACTEROF NORTHWESTERNIRAN AND KURDISTANIN THE NEO-ASSYRIANPERIOD
6.7.5.Gizinikissi/Nikisi kurNi-ki-si is perhaps the same as k'rGi-zi-ni-ki-is-
si/Gi-zPi-in-ki-is-si (Tadmor 1994, 132: Summ. 3, 7';
164: 7, 30; cf. 297 bottom,index s.v.) accordingto Tadmor1994, 106 ad St. II, B, 32'. The latter is definitelynon-Iranian (Zadok1979a,300:4) and(pace Streck1900,332), probablynot identicalwiththe later Ga(n)zaka(OSyr.Gnzg/k,JewishAram.Gnzk),Arab. Ganzaq/h(or Kaznd) in Atropatene(modem Taht-i Soleimansoutheastof Maragheh,see Weissbach1910), whichis an Iraniantoponym. 1. Ug-ru-utof kurNi-ki-si(737 B.C.),OIran. 6.7.6. KSiribtu (Starr1990,44 = Ivantchik1993, 224f.: 28; '""Ka-rib-ti
119
6.9.1.2. KITKU[.] 1. A-ma-ku of uruKit-ku-x(Tadmor 1994, 106:St. II,
B, 34') is homonymouswith the toponym 6.9.3.1 below. 6.9.1.3. KAZUQiNZANI 1. Ra-ma-te-ia of UnUKa-zu-qin-za-FnP (Tadmor
1994, 106:St.II,B, 36'), OIran. 6.9.1.4. MIvsITA 1. U-i-ta-na of in'Mi-?i-rtal (Tadmor 1994, 106: St. II, B, 39'), OIran. 6.9.1.5. W•ZAKKA(?) 1. A-mi-ta-na (OIran.) of unIU-i-zak-'kad(? Tadmor
1994, 106:St.II, B, 40'). Esarhaddon's was threatened time).ThefactthatKhribtu by Kaitaritiof Kfir-Kaisiand its Akkadianname may 6.9.1.6. URBA[.] in westernMedia. favoura locationsomewhere 1. [...]-par-nu-u (the restoration [Sa-ta]- is unfounded) of inrUr-ba-x (Tadmor 1994, 106:St. II, B, 41'), OIran.? 6.8. Unspecified Median rulers Media (kurMa-da/ta-A+A, see Fuchs 1994, 444f.; Vera
Chamaza1994,103ff.); kurA-ma-da-A+A(Grayson 1996, 68:Shalm. III 1970,111). A.0.102.14,121;see Grantovskiy
OFZABZIQI 6.9.1.7. APINUNU ANDBIRTU 6.9.1.7.1. TOPONYMY 1. u"A-pi-nu-nu(Saggs 1974, 210 and pl. 36: NL
Jsa 100, 8) is mentionedtogether with 2. u"rBir-te
u"nZab-zi-qi (hardly for Erinziqi, cf. Tadmor 1994, 49
ad 12).
6.8.1.Esarhaddon'sreign Ma-mit-ar-[?u],[Ma-mi]-ti-ar- u, ally of Ka'taritiof
Klr-Kalli (Starr1990,41, 4, 7).
ANDANTHROPONYMY 6.9.1.7.2.PROSOPOGRAPHY
[B]ir-an/dba-ri-[d]s',[uruA(?)-pi(?)-n]u(?)-na-A+A, time of Tiglath-pileser m (Saggs 1974, 211 ad 12;
Baker1998a),Kass. 6.8.2. Ashurbanipal's reign Bi-ri-is/si-ha-ad-ri city lord of Media, sometime between 663 and 649 B.C. (Borger 1996, 37: B iv, 3; C, iv, 130), Kass.?
6.9. No geographical context (exclusively in lists -
cf. the methodologicalremarksof Levine 1974, 106
6.9.2. 714 B.C. (Thureau-Dangin1912, 43ff.; line in brackets) 6.9.2.1. MaL (KASS.) 1. U-zi-i of "uMa-a-li (43), OIran.
6.9.2.2.NAPPI 1. U-a-ki-ir-tuof uruNa-ap-pi (44), OIran.
-
except for 6.9.1.7.2, 6.9.4.2 which are recorded in a letter and a query to Samal respectively) 6.9.1. 737 B.C. 6.9.1.1. QARQIlERA 1. FUkl-sa-tarof unrQar-FqP-&e-ra(Tadmor 1994, 106: St. II, B, 33'), OIran.
6.9.3. 711 B.C. (refs. are to Fuchs 1998a) 6.9.3.1. AMAKKI 1. Ma-ci-da-ku (OIran.) of unA-ma-ak-ki (41, vi.b, 17). The toponym is homonymous with the anthroponym6.9.1.2, 1 above.
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STUDIES
6.9.3.2. HA[X]TAKANA 1. [Upl-pa-am-rmaita from "nHa-[x]-ta-ka/sar-na
Grantovskiy 1970, 236f.:48).- 711 B.C.: Ar-ba-ku
(41, vi.b, 16 withn. 118),Olran.
cf. Scheftelowitz 1905, 275), Ma-cis'-da-ku(6.9.3.1, 1, see below, 7.16); [Upl-pa-am-rmajia (6.9.3.2, 1) <
6.9.3.3. [..]SANa 1. 'Su(or Ku?)-tir-noa of "n'[x(x)]- rsal-n"a-a (40,
(Tallqvist1914,270b [cf. 242b]: *Upama-"uppermost"
vi.b, 15 withn. 117).
6.9.3.4. ZAZAKNU 1. [...] of (41, vi.b, 35). [,1]rZa-:a-ak-nu 6.9.3.5. PARTAKdiNU 1. [... of vi.b, 37). 1?"rPad-ar-ta-ka-nu(41,
(see [Fuchsand]Schmitt1998e; (6.1.9, 2) < *Arba-ka-
"Iran.upama 'summus'"; see Grantovskiy 1970, 237f., 328; Hinz 1975, 244 with lit.).- Esarhaddon's reign: Ka-ad-ta-ri-ti/Ka?-ta-ri-ti(6.2.3, 3); < *XsaOrita-(see Justi 1895, 176a; Htising 1900b, 563f..; cf. Diakonoff 1985a, 104f., 106).- Doubtful (4 = 12.12%):737 B.C.: Does [...]-par-nu-u (6.9.1.6, 1) end in farnahvai?- 716 B.C.: Sum-m[u]-ut-ra!-a (6.2.3, 1).- 714-711 B.C.: Hir/Sar-ru-ti(6.1.2.2, 1) and U-zu-ma-an-da(6.2.2, 1,
see Grantovskiy1970,325 and236f.,318:85resp.).-(b) Kassite (5 = 15.15%):Bur-bu-ra-zu(6.5.2, 1), is in all
6.9.4.In Esarhaddon'sreign 6.9.4.1. IZAYYU 1. [..] city lord of url-za-A +A (Parpola and
Watanabe1988,28, 6). 6.9.4.2. AMUL ""'A-mul(Starr 1990, 63, 3, 5: [...], 10, 11 [bis; once: [...], 13: ""'[xx],r. 11, 12, 13) is not Amol in Hyrcania(< Olran. *Amrda-!).
probabilityKassite(Zadok 1976c, 388a, followed by [Fuchs and] Schmitt 1998s), cf. [B]ir-an/dba-ri-[~i] (6.9.1.7,2), on whichBaker1998astates:"Aram.with Kassitedivine name or purelyKassite".The second alternativeis the only plausibleone as pointedout by Zadok 1976c, 388a. The translationofferedby Baker "Son of Barias"(following Saggs 1974, 211 ad 12) should thereforebe eliminated.Bur-bu-a-zu/su(6.2.1.2,
1; 6.2.3, 2; 6.2.5, 1) is very probablythe outcomeof Bur-bu-ra-zuwith -r- > o.- Doubtful (1 = 3.03%): The
same shift can be exemplifiedby Bi-ri-is/si-ha-ad-ri
6.10. Linguistic analysis of the anthroponymy(33
(6.8.2) and Bi-si-ha-dir (7.4.1.2, 1). Both Bur-bu-ra-zu
100%;6.1.4, 1; 6.1.8, 1; 6.1.10, 1; 6.2.6, 1; 6.9.3.3,
(a compound)and Bi-ri-is/si-ha-ad-ri (prob.such, see [Fuchs and] Schmitt 1998p) have two r-s. Is it an indicationthatthe latteris also Kassite?The fact that-
1; 6.9.3.4, 1; 6.9.3.5, 1; 6.9.4.1, 1 are not taken into account) (a) Old Iranian (16 = 48.48%). 737 B.C.: A-ma-ku (6.9.1.2, 1, see Zadok 1986, 247; [Fuchs and] Schmitt
1998b)is homonymouswith the Old Iraniantoponym 6.9.3, 1 above. A-mi-ta-na(6.9.1.5, 1, see Zadok1986, 247; [Fuchsand]Schmitt1998c),Ra-ma-te-ia(6. 9.1.3, 1, cf. above, 5.6, a), U-i-ta-na(6. 9.1.4, 1, see Zadok 1986, 247), FUk'-sa-tar (6.9.1.1 , 1, see Grantovskiy 1970, 70f., 316:74; cf. Zadok 1976c, 388, n. 14), US-ruzi(6.7.5, 1, see Zadok 1996).- 716 B.C.: Si-tir-pa-ku-raa (6.1.9, 1) < * CiOra-pasu-sira- (with haplology, cf. Zadok 1976c, 388b).- 716-711 B.C.: Sa-tar-ba/pa-nu (6.1.3.2, 1) < *Xia~ra-pana- (see Scheftelowitz 1905, 275; Zadok 1976c, 388, cf. Sa-tar-pa-nu, Grantovskiy 1970, 68, 71, 74, 209, 316, 323f.); Za-ar-du/duk-ka-a, Za-ar-du-uk-ku(6.1.5, 1, see Grantovskiy 1970, 253); US-ra-a(6.1.1.2, 1) < *Ulra- "red"(cf. Zadok 2000a, n. 4).- 714 B.C.: U-a-ki-ir-tu(6.9.2.2, 1, see Grantovskiy 1970, 318:79); U-zi-i (6.9.2.1, 1) < *Uzya- (see
ha-ad-ri is precededby Ha-li- in the toponym Ha-li-ha-
ad-ri (above,4.9.1, 6) may strengthenthe case for a Kassite derivation.-(c) Hurro-Urartian? (3 = 9.09%): I,-te-su-uk-k[a (6.1.6, 1; 6.7.4, 1; an l9-te-rsu_(?)-ku, ivt- seems to be discernible in Urartian element
(6.1.6, toponymy,see 1.14 above).A-i'-a-ri-sa-ar-'nui 2; cf. [Fuchsand] Schmitt 1998f) - A-ti-a-ri- looks like
"field"(butsuchan elementis recordedin Hurr.awvarif nota variantof thananthroponymy) rather toponymy ewvri"lord"(cf. Gelb et al. 1943, 210f., s.v. env) and sa-ar-nu may be comparedwith &arni (see Richter 1998, 133 and MB Nuzi ",,,,ar-ni-ta-ki in Assyria, Fincke 1993, 247; for the second component cf. Gelb et al. 1943, 261f., s.vv. tak (-take), takk).-(d) Unaffiliated and isolated (4 = 12.12%):Ak-ku-us-su(6. 2.4, 1; cf. Lapinkivi 1998) is perhaps Elamite according to Grantovskiy 1970, 325, but this is very doubtful. The Old Iranianetymology of Ma-mit-ar-[.i], [Ma-mi]-tiar-ti (6.8.1), which is suggested by Grantovskiy(1970,
THE ETHNO-LINGUISTIC CHARACTER OF NORTHWESTERN IRAN AND KURDISTAN IN THE NEO-ASSYRIAN PERIOD
325), is implausibleas NA <ma->cannotrenderOlran. /v/-. Ha-na-si-ru-ka (6.5.3, 1) -
NA <s> does not
render- forall we know- anyOldIranianphoneme. In addition,it is unlikelythatthe Assyrianscribeuseda rare value for SI (such as :i) for a foreign name. Thereforethe attemptat an OldIranianetymologydone (1970,204f.:209;252) is unsuccessful; by Grantovskiy 6.6, 1. (e) Summary. Chronological distribution:
121
anthroponym6.9.1.2, 1 above.- Just possible (7 = 14.28%): U-i-zak-rkal(?6.9.1.5), poss. < *Vij-aka-(see
Zadok1986,247:3;cf. Eilers1954,333f.,n. 125;344f., n. 158; 1987, 50). Ra-'-ti-sa-an (6.7.3) may render *Rausana-(see Zadok1981-82, 137;cf. Zadok1976a, 76:9). E-Sa-an-gi (6.4, 2, see Grantovskiy 1970, Ba-ri229:42);less likely originallyan anthroponym. ends in which is -akinaka(-a)-nu(6.1.3.1,1),probably 1000-745: 1 = 3.03%; 744-705: 29 = 87.87%; common in Old Iraniantoponymy (Zadok 1976c, 704-600: 3 = 9.09%.-Ethno-linguisticclassification: 388a). It may be homonymouswith the hypothetical 1000-745 (1 = 100%):Unaffiliated.-744-705 (29Old Iraniansource of the ethnonym Hacptuiavtot/ 100%): Old Iranian 15 (51.72%); Old Iranian?4 FacpiKavot.Pir-na-ka-an(6.1.2.1, 2) may end in the Kassite 5 3 Hurro-Urartian? same suffix (basedon *Farnah-?CVCsigns like PIR (13.79%); (17.24%); but not 2 are indifferentto vowel quality).Sa-ka-a(6.1.3.1, 2), (10.34%); unaffiliated, entirely isolated = (6.89%).-704-600 (3 100%):OldIranian1 (33.33%); which is recordedas early as 716 B.C., can render Kassite?1 (33.33%);unaffiliated1 (33.33%). *Saka-"Scythian"(cf. Mayrhofer1973, 8.1478), in which case it would be the earliestattestationof this group in Media. Koa-i-ta-nu (6.1.6) 6.11. Linguistic analysis of the toponymy (50
=100%;6.1.4, 6.1.8, 6.1.10, 6.1.11, 2; 6.2.1.1, 6.2.6, 6.9.1.2; 6.9.1.6, 6.9.3.2, 6.9.3.3 are not takeninto account)
if the reading is
correct,then it may be an -aina-(pro-) patronymicof kaita*kaita-, cf. Av. "astrologer"or sim. (cf. Gershevitch1967, 156f.;Grantovskiy1970,267). Koai-ta-nuis less likely pre-Iranian (cf. Gelb et al. 1943, 222a, s.v. kai-: Qa-(i)-it-ta).- Very doubtful (2 = 4%):
(a) Homonymous with pre-first millennium names? (2 = 4%): Mi-Fi-rtad(6. 9.1.4) is possibly pre-
Iranian(cf. perhapsthe anthroponym Mi-iS-?i-tafrom MB Nuzi [Hurr.?Gelb et al. 1943, 235a]) ratherthan Olran.*Masita-(see Zadok1986,247).A-mul(6.9.4.2), cf. perhaps the Ur III anthroponymE-mul/mu-ul (D'Agostino1998, 56, v, 2; 58, v, 3; both messenger texts;theinterchange a/e/i- is recordedin NA).- (b) Old Iranian (6 = 12%): Ra-ma-an-da (6.1.7) derives from *hirem-;[...P]a-ar-ta-ka-nu(6.9.3.5), cf. 5.3. Ma-da/ta-
A+A,A-ma-da-A+A(6.8; see Grantovskiy1970, 111); fora- see Streck1899,139,n. 1;Zadok1978d,164f.,n. 3 and cf. ""'E-a-sil-a-ni(Frame 1999, 47 < Bit-Sildni);
a- is extantas earlyas OldAssyrian,cf. a-ba-ru-limfor OB pa-ru-li (CAD B, s.v. burulli, cf. Bilgig 1954, 75;
Hecker 1968, 15: 7c), A-hu-ru(see [Berlejungand] Zadok1998),A-si-ha< Eg. Siha (left unexplainedby Radner 1998d). For Ni-i'-sa-a (6.7.1; Ni-Ia-A+A is
presumablyadaptedto the NA gentilic form) see Scheftelowitz 1905, 274; Grantovskiy1970, 240; Eilers 1954, 329f., n. 107; 1987, 64ff. on the one hand and Bailey 1975, 309f. on the other.- Originally anthroponyms: (ac)Preceded by Bit-: -Ur-zak-ki(6.4, 1) < (see Zadok 1979a, 300:3).- (f3) *Vrz-akaHomonymous with anthroponyms: A-ma-ak-ki (6.9.3.1) < *Ama-ka- is homonymous with the
(6.7.2, see Diakonoff1956, 203, n. 2). U-re-em-za-an
Ru-t'i-a/fRul-u-a(6.6.1) may render *Ravah- (Zadok
1986, 247), but is too short for an unambiguous linguisticaffiliation(cf. below,j).- (c) Perhaps Old Iranian or Akkadianised (1 = 2%):Kar-ka-si-a(6.2.3)
- Grantovskiy(1971, 322, n. 18) suggestsan Iranian etymology, viz. *Ka(h)rk/rya-, in which case Kiir-ka?-
si-i "Wallof the Kassites"wouldbe a folk etymology madeby the Assyrianscribes.-(d) Kassite (2 = 4%): Ma-a-li (6.9.2.1, cf. Balkan 1954, 164f., s.v. mali "man"). Sag-bi-ta (6.5.3), E-sa-ag-ba-at (7.4.4) are
differentforms, but have the same base (see below, 7.17). Both are hardly "pre-Median" (pace Medvedskaya 1995 and Diakonoff 1996, 13).32Doubtful (1 = 2%): Kar-zi-nu(-zi,6.1.2.1, 1) may begin
withkarzi(cf. above,5.7, d). It is writtenKar-zi-nakin the sectionof the SargonGeography(Horowitz1998, 74, 57, cf. 90, 93) which includesthe Lullubiansand several regions ending in yas, viz. Ak-ri-ia-Jiz,Qfil-[i]adiki, S/Sur-gi-ni-ia-adband Ha-an-da-ki-ia-ik'.- Very doubtful (1 = 2%): Is U-rat-tzi-..u, U-ra-ta-as (6.2.1) linguistically related to the toponyms MB B/Pu-ur-ratMA **"/"n'Mu-rat-ta&d/ME takI, [MI]u-ur,"''B/Pu-rat-tai, ra-at-tal (in northeasternBabylonia in the piedmont of the Zagros) and B/Pu-ru-tag/Abi-rat-tal(Balkan 1954, 45, 93, 98, see Nashef 1982, 197f.) or a later form of
122
JOURNAL OF PERSIAN STUDIES
them?-(e) Kassite or Hurro-Urartian?(2 = 4%):Kiin-di-gi-a-su(6.3, 2) endsin either-ya&,in whichcaseit might be Kassite, or perhapsHurr.-kias'e.Gi-zi-in/ni-kiis-si (6.7.5) - ki-is-si, ki-(iz)-zi appearsin Kassite and Hurriannames (Gelb et al. 1943, 228 and Balkan 1954, 64f.). Are Gi-zi-in/ni- and Gi-ni-zi- (above, 2.3.16)
linguisticallyrelated(with a metathesis)?-(f) HurroUrartian (?2 = 4%): A+A-la-i[a] (6.1.11, 1) is
linguisticallyrelated to ",'A+A-le-eof Armariliin Urartu(Thureau-Dangin 1912,271;cf. Gelbet al. 1943, 219a, s.v. jal-?). I&-te-up-pu (6.7.4) is perhaps homonymous with 1.5.1, 5.- (g) Atypical (3 = 6%): I-
za-A+A (6.9.4.1) is too short for an unambiguous I-zi-ia (late linguisticaffiliation,cf. the anthroponym OB, Eidem1992, 137, 4; Salvini1996,61, iv, 10);Giin-ki-ir (6.2.5; = Gi-ir-gi-ra-a? cf. above, 4.13); 6.2.4.(h) Akkadian (2 = 4%): Bit-I&tar/Issjr(6.5.1) was
hardly renamed by the Assyrians as assumed by Billerbeck(1898, 84 with n. 3), since we happento know thatMedianplaceswhich were renamedby the Assyriansgenerallybegin with ki~r(+ DN or RN). Kciribtu (6.7.6) denotes "greeting, blessing" (also recordedas a NB/LB anthroponym).(i) Unaffiliated, but not entirely isolated (5 = 10%): Ki-in-rka'-an-gi and Ki-in-gi-al-ka-si-i' (6.3, 1, 3) begin with kingi- (cf.
above,2.6, e). Ka-(an-)za-ba-ka-ni (6.1.1.1,2) may be basedon kanz-(cf. ad kinzabove,2.6, e). Does Da-tuum-bu(6.1.1.1,1)havethe sameendingas Putumbi(on the way fromthe Patnito Halman,W.G.Lambertapud Klengel 1965, 361)? Ki-si-la-ha(6.2.2, for lah(a) cf. Zadok 1991a, 227).- (j) Unaffiliated and isolated (14
= 28%):ThehomonymyofA-ma-te/-A'-[mat] (6.6) and Ru-ui-a(6.6.1) with two coevalAramean neighbouring tribes in Babylonia(cf. Zadok 1985b, 56, 69) seems coincidental.The same appliesto the resemblanceof Ha-ar-zi-a-nu, Ha-ar-zi-a-ni (6.1.5) with OA Ha-ar-zi-
wu/uf-nain centralAnatolia(Nashef 1991, 54f.). The comparisonof U-pu-&u(6.3, 5) with the anthroponym U-pa-cis(4.12.2, 2), which was made by Billerbeck (1898, 85), is based on assonance. A-pi-nu-nu (6.9.1.7.1, 1) - for Olran.api- cf. D.N. Mackenzie apudSaggs 1974,211 ad 8, butwhatfollowsis hardly Old Iranian. 6.1.9, 6.2.5, 6.3, 4, 6, 7 (cf. Diakonoff 1985a, 56, n. 1), 6.9.1.1, 6.9.1.3, Zab (hardly for ERIM)-zi-qi (6.9.1.7.1,2), 6.9.2.2, 6.9.3.4. (k) Summary. Chronological distribution: 1000-745:2 = 4%; 744-705: 44 = 88%; 704-600: 4 = 8%.- Ethnolinguistic classification: 1000-745 (2 = 100%): Old Iranian 1 (50%) ; Kassite? 1 (50%).- 744-705 (44 =
100%):Homonymouswithpre-firstmillenniumnames 1 (2.27%);OldIranian8 (18.18%);possiblyOldIranian 7 (15.9%,of which at least 2, i.e. 4.54%are originally Old Iranian?1 (2.27%);Kassite?2 anthroponyms); 2 (4.54%);Hurro(4.54%);Kassiteor Hurro-Urartian? Urartian?2 (4.54%);atypical1 (2.27%);Akkadian1 (2.27 %); unaffiliated,but not entirely isolated 5 (11.36%); unaffiliated and isolated 14 (31.81%).704-600 (4 = 100%):quasi-homonymous withpre-first 1 Old Iranianor names millennium (25%);perhaps Akkadianised1 (25%);atypical1 (25%);Akkadian1 (25%).
7. WESTERN MEDIA 7.1. Namri and Bit-Hamban (see Levine 1973, 22f.;
Herzfeld1968, 23f. followedby Reade 1978, 137f.: Namriin the Mahida't). 7.1.1. Geographical extent and toponymy (1-4 in Namri, 5 in Bit-Hamban) 1. ",'Si-hi-sa-la-ah,2. "1'Bit(E)-Ta-mul (cf. E-sa-mul of Harharwith Streck 1900, 348, n. 2?), 3. uirBit(E)s/dak-ki,4. "I'Bit(E)-'e-e-di(Grayson 1996, 68: Shalm.
in Namri II A.0.102.14,14f.;835 B.C.).A watercourse is simplydeignatedas I7-Nam-ri-tein Grayson1996, 40: A.0.102.6,iv, 10 (cf. Levine 1973,23). According to the same source(iv, 5ff.), Bit-Hambanwas situated east of Namri:ShalmaneserIII reachedNamri from Abdadanivia "unHa-banin 843 B.C. Babilunidid not belongto Mannea(despiteBoehmer1964, 17), but is nameof Namriaccordingto Diakonoffand theUrartian Kashkai1979, 17f.,s.v.Babilu(foranotheropinionsee below, 7.4.4); 5. [1•,lKi-mir-ra (Fuchs 1994, 443). 6. reign;Starr1990,38 r. 3) is [u,,nIA-u-uh(Esarhaddon's Bit-Hamban. 7. nl'Ir-r-u(?)f-muis with juxtaposed mentionedin the sameletteras kurHa-ban,but thereis no geographicalinformation(Lanfranchiand Parpola 1990,226, 11).8. Bit-Nergal(see below,7.1.2).
7.1.2. Prosopography and anthroponymy 1. Marduk-mudammiqcontrolled also Bit-Nergal, Suhurzuand Niqqu (in TupliaS)in 842 B.C. (Grayson 1996, 40: Shalm. UI A.0.102.6, iv, 7, 13); 2. Ia-an-zu-ti king of Namri, 842-835 B.C. (Grayson 1996, 67f.: A.0.102.14, 112) was originally from Bit-Hanban(DUMU mHa-an-ban, Grayson 1996,
THE ETHNO-LINGUISTIC CHARACTER OF NORTHWESTERN IRAN AND KURDISTAN IN THE NEO-ASSYRIAN PERIOD
67: A.0.102.14, 95; Kass., see Brinkman1976-80,
123
7.4. Kigesi(m) and environs
259). 7.4.1. Ki'esi(m) "proper" 7.2. Suhurzu(Suha/i/urzu)
urKi-gi-su, unKi-ge-si-im, W'rKi-?i-siur,,Ki-?e-si/su, un'Ki-dc-as-su was a city (renamedKair-Nergal)and
imr, an Assyrianprovincein Media (Parpola1970, 210f. 7.2.1. Geographical extent and toponymy with refs.; Fuchs 1994, 443). Levine (1977b, 181) The reading 1. cirSu-hur-zu (ratherthan Su-mur-zu, locates it in the general vicinity of the Mahidait. Tadmor1994,304 with refs.),gent.laurSuz-hur-za-A+A Perhapsit was in or nearmodemNajafabad(15 km. inview of the northeastof Kangavar).The location suggestedby (Tadmor1994,48: Ann.12,4) is preferable MB anthroponym Su-hurr-zifrom Nuzi (Gelb et al. Diakonoff(1991, 16, 18), viz. on the upperreachesof was situatedin Tuplia' the Sefid-rudeastandnorthof Harharis unfounded. 1943, 135b,258b).""'Su-hur-za 40: Shalm.III A.0.102.6,iv, 14; 828 (Grayson1996, ANDTOPONYMY EXTENT B.C.). Tuplia'(Tub/plia'or Tug/klia',for b/g, p/k see 7.4.1.1. GEOGRAPHICAL KinnierWilson1962,113),whichwasbasicallya Kassite uruHu-un-dir(Levine 1972, 38f., ii, 36, 37) might region,is merely a geographicalterm. It was in all have been the capital of Ki'esi - if we rely on the fact probabilityadjacentto Namri,presumablymoreto the that SargonII encampedthere when he conquered southwest. is mentionedin a letterdealing Ki'esi - perhapsat or nearNajafabad,accordingto [u,'dSu-hur-zu with an Assyrian camp in 2. ""'U-ra-mu (poss. near Bit-
Barri,seeParpola1987,15ad 13,4.9, timeof SargonI). Urammuis hardlyidenticalwithMBUlammewhichwas in theNuziregion(see Fincke1993,319ff.).
Reade 1995, 39 (cf. Fuchs 1997-98, 405f.).
OFRULERS ANDANTHROPONYMY 7.4.1.2. PROSOPOGRAPHY 1. Bi-si-ha-dir "ruKi-?i-sa-A+A, 744 B.C. (Tadmor 716 1994, 48: Ann. 11,12),Kass.?2. B&l-&arra-usur,
B.C. (Levine1972,38, ii, 36). 7.2.2.Prosopography and anthroponymy 1. Tu-ni-ithe Suhurzean(ruler,744 B.C.),Kass.
INASSUR 7.4.1.3. HUNDUREANS/HARHARnrEs
whetherkurSi-in-gi-[...], 1224, r. 3, belongs here as well) belonged to either Bit-Hamban or Harharaccording to Fuchs 1994, 445. 1. Da-su-uk-ku(see Fuchs [and Schmitt] 1998y; preIran.) and 2. Ki-ba-bi&-Je (Parpola 1987, 14, 13; both 707 or 706 B.C.) lived in either Bit-Sangibuti or Ellipi.
intoa professional froman ethno-linguistic transformed one,presumably "specialistporters"(seePostgate1995, 405f.).Whatis presentedbelowis not a comprehensive but prosopographyof the Hundureans/Harharites, and names with several individuals noteworthy designations.
in the city of arerecorded Hundureans/Harharites oftheAssyrian thelastgeneration Assurduring empire. from the of descendants were 7.3. Bit-Sangibuti people presumably They Medianprovinces.It cannotbe proventhat their as this seemsincompatible weredeportees, Billerbeck(1898, 80f.) erroneouslyidentifiedthis ancestors to deportpeoplesfromthe tendency region (not the Urartianhomonymousone) with Bit- withtheAssyrian Sangi. He is followed by Levine (1977a, 142f.) and east to the far west ratherthanto Assyriaproper. fromtheirnames,whicharetypicalto thecity Diakonoff(1991, 16withn. 11;cf. VeraChamaza1994, Judging with assimilated Both of must be that Assur,theywerealreadyculturally differentiated, 105f.). regions seeing few listed are in and the the same anthroponyms, Assyrians. Only very they togethertwice one This is Tadmor1994,164f.:29f., 34f. has exclusivelyfathers'names,are non-Semitic. summaryinscription: settledin Assur astheirancestors presumably Bit-Sangibuti and Bit-Sangi. k"rE-Sa-an-gi-bu-te/ti; expected decadesof the last in the several earlier, generations (Tadmor kurSin-gi-bu-te,gent. lklrSin-gi-bu-rtaO-A+rA' a certain latest. the at B.C. ad 98 St. s.v. However, cf. 1994, I, B, 15'; 296, index, Bit-S.; eighthcentury discernible is cohesion of amongthe easily OIran.);kurSun-gi-bu-t (Harper1892-1914, 174, 11; degree whose Medes and "u'Sa-la-[..]are mentioned;it is doubtful Hundureans/Harharites, designation was
124
JOURNAL OF PERSIAN STUDIES
"*GAL "nIHu-runT-dir-A+[A](poss. sometime bewhich presumablynot the sameplace as ,ln'Sa-ag-bat, tween647 and612 B.C.,see FalesandJakob-Rost1991, is mentionedtogether with Elam (Winckler 1889, 88 ad 39, 7);A''ur-Wlik-pani s. of Summa-ASlur Il4*Har- 124, 137f., cf. Zadok1985b,49). har-A+A, 630-622 B.C. (see Radner 1998e). mkuIrHar-
har-A+A actedas a principalin a damageddeedwhichis witnessed,amongothers,by LU-turammanni-ASSur (date lost);Bi-ir-na-aactedas a witness(FalesandJakob-Rost 1991, 87f.: 39, 10); Pir-na-a[O]f. of Summa-[A''ur], 642 B.C. (Fales and Jakob-Rost1991, 36, see Deller 1984,238);Ba-tu-tus. of Pi-ir-a-na-a(619 B.C.;Fales andJakob-Rost 1991,109f.:52, 16f.;136:App.2, r.4'f.) is etymologisedas WestSemiticby ZadokapudDeller 1984, 239, n. 54. Bi-ir-na-a(641 B.C.) was perhapsa Hundurean(cf. Berlejung1998). Summa-A''urs. of
1. Ma-ki-ir-tuof unE-Sa-ag-bat,714 B.C. (Thureau-
Dangin1912,44). 7.4.5. Silhazi lhirSi-il-ha-zi(cf. 7.4.4 just above) belonged to the
province of Kilesi accordingto Fuchs 1994, 445 (mentionedin Tadmor1994, 72: Ann. 15, 11 before Til-AS'uri which is to be sought more to the southwest).
P[ir-(a)-na]-a (Fales and Jakob-Rost 1991, 78f.:35, 4;
deedconcerning a realestatetransaction byHundureans). 7.4.6. Armangu (= Urumangu/Uriangi?) The samedocumentis witnessedby Muiallim-AsWur a town near Ki'esim (see Fuchs s. ,,'Ar-ma-an-gu, of Har-bi-sa-su (line28 on 80).Thelattermaycontainthe 1994,424), is perhapsidenticalwithNB ""'U-ru-manKassitetheophorous elementHarbe. gu (see Zadok 1985a, 330f.) and",nU-ri-an-gi(ThureauDangin1912,44). The latterwas ruledin 714 B.C. by 1. Ki-ta-ak-ki,OIran. 7.4.2. Halhubarra/Harhurbarban ""'Har/Ha-ar-hu-bar-ban in
Kisesim
(cf.
see Diakonoff1956a,208; cf. Forrer1921, Halhubarra, 92; Fuchs1994,437) 1. An-zi-i of "l'Hal-hu-bar-ra,714 B.C. (Thureau-
7.4.7. Bit-Uargi krEUU-mar-gi, 4-rEU-ar-gi nearKi'esim(seeFuchs
1994,429), OIran.
Dangin1912,43; see Radner1998c). 7.4.3. KILAMBTIn
""'Ki-lam-ba-a-ti (Kass.) was near Ki'esim (see Fuchs 1994,443; VeraChamaza1994, 106f.).
7.4.8. Bit-Hirmiimi was situated near Ki'esim (see ,UrE-Hi-ir-ma-mi Fuchs 1994, 427).
1. Pa-A+A-uk-ku of ""'Ki-lam-ba-te, 714 B.C.
1912,43), OIran. (Thureau-Dangin 7.5. Harhar and environs 7.4.4. BIT-SAGBAT khrE-Sa-ag-ba-at (Tadmor 1994, 164:Summ. 7, 31), lirE-Sa-ag-bat was situatednear Kisesim (see
1994,428f. (ad Levine 1972,38, ii, 40), who suggests
Levine(1972-75b; 1974, 116;cf. Vallat1993, 83) suggestslocatingHarharin centralor easternMahidast. He believesthatHarhar withits surrounding was territory the easternmost limitof theAssyriandirectcontrolin the Zagros.Herzfeld(1968,32) andReade(1978, 140f.)are morespecific:theysuggestthatit layfurthereast,towards NihavandandMalayer.Thelattersuggestslocalisingthe
(following Grantovskiy 1970, 114, cf. Diakonoff and Kashkai 1979, 17f.) that Dannutu &amir-Babili is the same as Urart.Babiluni (cf. above, 7.1.1). There is no absolute certainty that Bit-Sa-ga-bi (presumably Kass.) is the same place as Bit-Sa-ag-bat/ba-at. Pace Levine (1972, 32; 1974, 110 with n. 73), the latter is
city ofHarharin TepeGiyan.It is difficultto determinethe and southernlimits ofHarhar. eastern,northemrn The stages of Sargon II's itineraryfrom Harharto B/Pustus (716 B.C.) are: Harhar Zakruti Kurab/pli (received the tribute of Saparda, [x]kullu, Bigalli, Sig/kris and Bit-
Fuchs 1994, 428f.; VeraChamaza1994, 107).
krE-! was in Dan-ni-ti DUMU Sa!-ga-bi ~i K[A.DINGIR.RAki (...)], i.e. "the fortress of the Babylonian(s)" (= kurSi-il-ha-zi), according to Fuchs
-
-
THE ETHNO-LINGUISTICCHARACTEROF NORTHWESTERNIRAN AND KURDISTANIN THE NEO-ASSYRIANPERIOD
125
Uargi) -> Mt. Abrau[x] -- Arussa -- Pattus river -- Uquta -+ Arusaka -- AnzaknE (near Uriyakku) Upuriya (received the tribute of Arati'ta) --
7.5.4. N~rtu and environs "PROPER" 7.5.4.1. NARTU
B/Pustus.
1. [ur]uKi-in-za-faor-ba-[r]a (Fuchs 1994, 443); 2. Bit(E)-mRa-ma-tu-a- the lower river region near Harhar (see Fuchs 1994, 428), -mRa-ma-ti-a(Levine 1972, 40, ii, 45; OIran.).
--
7.5.1. Harhar "proper"
EXTENT ANDTOPONYMY 7.5.4.1.1. GEOGRAPHICAL
kur/uruHar-har/ha-ar, uruHar-ha-a-ra, gent. uruHa-
ar-ha-ra-A+A,refersto both the city (renamedKirSarru-ukin)andthe province(Fuchs 1994, 437). The
ANDANTHROPONYMY 7.5.4.1.2. PROSOPOGRAPHY (all city not rulers of Nrtu, capitals specified, 714 B.C.,
name has forerunnersfrom the Ur III and OB periods
1912,42) Thureau-Dangin
if not earlier(see EdzardandFarber1974, 91: Kcirahar, Ha-ra-har [hapax, unpubl.];Groneberg1980, 131: Kcr-harkl;cf. Frayne1992, 69f.). Reade (1978, 140, n. 22) doubts this identification, but it is defensible in view of other instances of toponymic continuity,suchas Ur III SigrisandSissirtum(below, 7.10.1.1, 7). 7.5.1.1. GEOGRAPHICAL EXTENT ANDTOPONYMY (1-3 not necessarily belong to Harharproper,but are
did
mentionedin the courseof a campaignto its environs, notablyArazia';a case in pointmaybe thatof 4) 1. "ruKu-a-ki-in-da,2. uruHaz-za-na-bi,3. uruE-samul, 4. uruKi-in-ab/p-li-la(Grayson 1996, 68.:Shalm. II A.0.102.14, 122f.; cf. Ku-ur-ab/p-li,below, 7.5.5.1, 2), 5. "ruKi-es'-lu(renamed Kir-NabiB, Fuchs 1994, 422, 443), 6. ,"nAn-za-ri-a(renamed Kir-dId-tar or Kar-Adad). 7. nruE-mBa-ga-ia/-A+A, -Ga-ba-ia (OIran.), renamed Kir-dI&-taror Kir-Adad (Fuchs
1994,426). 7.5.1.2. PROSOPOGRAPHY ANDANTHROPONYMY Ki-ba-ba,city rulerof Harhar,c. 721-720 B.C., atyp.
7.5.2. Qantau (mentionedtogetherwith mQa-an-ta-a-u/Qi-in-da-a-ju uKi-in-ga-ra-ku,renamedKir-Sin, Fuchs 1994,443). 1. U-zi-tar of unQa-an-ta-a-`, 714 B.C. (Thureau-
Dangin1912,45), OIran.? 7.5.3. Kingaraku uruKi-in-ga-ra-ku(or Ki-&e-er-ga-ra-ku?),possibly in Harhar(Thureau-Dangin1912, 45). 1. Ma-ii -da-A+A-uk-ku,714 B.C. (Thureau-Dangin 1912, 45), OIran.
1. Uk-sa-tar (poss. = U-ak-sa-tar in Harper 1892-
1914, 64 fromSargonII's time accordingto Ivantchik 1993, 82), 2. Du-re-si and 3. Sa-tar-e-&u(OIran.).
7.5.4.2. BiT-BMiRI 1. Sa-tar-e-&u(OIran.)and 2. Pa?-ru-ra-su were city rulersof krBit(E)-Ba-a-riandkuBit(E)-Bar-ba-ri in 711 B.C. (Fuchs 1998a, 41, vi.b, 21f.) - presumably respectively, i.e. S. of Bit-Bari and P. of Bit-Barbari. rather Urart.krBa-ru-a-tais identicalwithBit-Barra(a)
thanwithBit-Bari(see below,7.10.2).Bit-Barbari may be merely homonymouswith ME Bi-it-ba-ar-ba-ri (Vallat1993,44). 7.5.4.3. BIT-BARBARI See 7.5.4.2 just above. 7.5.4.4. ARA(N)ZIAN (gent. krA-ra-zikrA-ra-an-ze-(e-)?U", kurA-ra-zi-[EJi]
wastheupperregionof NartunearHarhar(see cia-A+A) Streck1900,344, n. 1;Fuchs1994,423). Frahm(1997, 123b) rejectsthe identificationsuggestedby Tadmor (1994, 49 ad Ann. 11,12; implied by Reade 1978, 138,
fig. 1) of the geographicalreferentof the variantform ,ruE-ri-in-'zP-a-s'U
with uruEl-en-za-ci• of Bit-Barrila
(below,7.10.2, 1). Tadmor'ssuggestionshouldnot be rejectedoff hand;it is acceptableonly if at a certain stage Ellipi took control of a region belonging to the
Assyrianprovinceof Harharsometimein Sennacherib's reign if not slightlyearlier.The interchanger/1 is not uncommonin formshavingmorethanone liquid/nasal. 1. Mu-nir-su-ar-ta the Arazialean (Grayson 1996, 186: SamSi-AdadV A.0.103.1, iii, 38 - on his return from the third campaign), end of the 820s or beginning of the 810 (presumablysometime between 821 and 819 B.C.); 2. Ra-ma-te-ia of kurA-ra-zi-[c], 744 B.C. (Tadmor1994, 48: Ann. 12, 1), OIran.
JOURNAL OF PERSIAN STUDIES
126
7.5.5.Zaqrite and environs This regionshouldbe locatedimmediatelyeast of the Mahida't,perhapsin the Bisutunarea(see Levine 1974, 118). 7.5.5.1. GEOGRAPHICAL ANDTOPONYMY EXTENT
1. ",'Zaq-ru-te 1912,47; see Vera (Thureau-Dangin Chamaza 1994, 108) is mentioned before 2. un'Ku-urab/p-li (cf. 7.5.1.1, 4 above) and 3. k"'Bi-gal-i(cf. 7.5.7
just below). 7.5.5.2. PROSOPOGRAPHY ANDANTHROPONYMY 1. [...]-rial, 737 B.C. (Tadmor1994, 106: St. B, ii,
7.5.9.Sig/kris ANDTOPONYMY EXTENT 7.5.9.1. GEOGRAPHICAL is pre1. "unSi-ig/k-ri-is/si (gent. "ruSi-ig/k-ri-is-A+A)
as earlyasUrII, see EdzardandFarber Iranian(recorded cf. Vallat 1993,cxiv,241). Sig/krisbelonged 1974, 181, to Harharaccordingto Fuchs 1994,445. 2. larAb-ra-ui[sa?] (Levine1972, 40, ii, 49) is hardlyidenticalwith of Tiglath-pileser kArA-bi-ru-us I1 (above,4.11.1,2). ANDANTHROPONYMY 7.5.9.2. PROSOPOGRAPHY (BOTH OIRAN.?) 1. x-pa-aor-nu-a the Sig/krisean,711 B.C. (Fuchs
1998a,41, vi.b, 14); 2. Ha-TAR-nacity lord of Sig/kris, time of 714 B.C. (Thureau-Dangin 43); 2. Ba-ag-pcirar-na, Esarhaddon OIran. 1912,47), (ParpolaandWatanabe1988,28, 6). 7.5.6.Possiblyin "Greater"Harhar
7.6. Uriyakku
1. klrU-ri-qa-te(see Fuchs 1994, 469). 2. ",'Ku-lu-
man(nearKermanshah, Parpola1987,237bs.v.ad 73, 8; 7.6.1. Geographical extent and toponymy in brokencontext;to Harharaccordingto Diakonoff IRU-ri-ak-ki/ku, 'arU-ri-ia(?!)-ka, unUr-ia-ka/ku, 1985a,87, n. 1),"n'Ki-il-man (poss.Hurr.)wassituatedat gent. kbrU-ri-ka-A+A,""'Ur-ia-ak-A+A,was a region the entranceof the pass of Saparda(",,Sa-pcir!-du,Starr nearHarhar(see Fuchs 1994,469; OIran.).1. "unDi-riis-ta-a-nu(Fuchs1994,430; OIran.). 1990,51, 5, 6, 10,r.7;Esarhaddon's reign;thereadingof the secondsignwas suggestedby Diakonoff1956a,269, n. 1) andwas underthreatfromKaitaritiof K~r-KaNsi or and anthroponymy Dusanni of Saparda; and 3. "n'Ha-al-b/pu-[u]k-nu in 7.6.2.Prosopography (1, 2, 4 N~rtu/Harhar OIran.;) (see Fuchs1994,465 and436 resp.). 7.5.7.[x]kullu 1. U?-[...] of khr[x]-kul-lu(Levine 1972, 40, ii, 47) deliveredtributeat n"'Ku-ur-ab/p-li(mentionedafter
Zaqrtte) together with Da-i-ku of Saparda, and presumablywith the rulersof arBi-gal-i,Sig/krisand Bit-Uargi(cf. Levine1972,40, ii, 48).
1. Ka-ra-ak-ka of hairU-ri-ia(?!)-ka, 716 B.C. (Levine 1972, 42, ii, 55), Kar-ak-kuof krU-rUi-ka-A+A,
714 B.C. (Thureau-Dangin 1912, 49), Ka-rak-kufrom uniljr-ia-ku or "theUriakean"(unUr-ia-ak-A+A, Harper
1892-1914, 713, 6 and 12 resp.), 2. Ir-tuk-ka-nu,city
lord of r"iUr-ia-ka, Sargon II's time (Harper 1892-1914, 128, r. 6; 1046 [cf. Postgate1974, 116] r. 2'). In both letters it is reported about Harharand the Medes; 3. Up-pi-te (OIran.?), city lord of uruUr-ia-ku,
SargonII'stime (Harper1892-1914,645, 12f.);4. Ra7.5.8. Saparda crSji-ppir-da(in Harhar,see Diakonoff1985a, 107;
cf. Streck 1900, 346f.; Vera Chamaza1994, 108f.), gent. "hSa-pair-da-A+A kurSa-pdr-da,[kdrSaa-pa-ar-da, with 366a (NB; Starr1990, refs.; Kass.?). 1. Da-i-ku of Saparda,716 B.C. (Levine 1972, 40, ii, 47), OIran.(Fuchs [and Schmitt] 1998p); 2. Da-ri-i of k'rSa-pcir-da,714 B.C. (Thureau-Dangin 1912, 47), OIran.; 3. Du-sa-an-ni ruler of Saparda, time of Esarhaddon(Starr1990, lxf. with n. 255; 45, 4; 50, 6: [an-ni]; 51, 4, 7: [Du-sa-a]n-ni, r. 5: [D]u-; see Fabritius [and Schmitt] 1998a).
me/mi-ti-i, Ra-ma-ti7-i, coeval with Karakku's son,
SargonII'stime (Harper1892-1914,713, 8, 10). 7.7. Uquta 77.7.1.Geographical extent and toponymy 1. (Levine 1972, 40, ii, 52), krU.-qu-ut-ti ,rU.-qti-ta (Fuchs 1998a, 41, vi.b, 19) is preceded by 2. arA-ru-ussa (OIran.) and 3. I7-Pa-at-tu-us (Levine 1972, 40, ii, 51f.). It is followed by 4. iArA-ru-sa-ka (OIran.) and 5. lrAn-za-ak-nd-e(Levine 1972, 42, ii, 54, 56 resp.).
THE ETHNO-LINGUISTIC CHARACTER OF NORTHWESTERN IRAN AND KURDISTAN IN THE NEO-ASSYRIAN PERIOD
7.7.2. Prosopography and anthroponymy
U-ar-za-an,711 B.C. (Fuchs 1998a,41, vi.b, 19), OIran.
7.8. Upa/urya 7.8.1. Geographical extent and toponymy unU-pa-ri-a(Tadmor1994, 107:St. II, B, 37'), kurUpur-ia (Levine 1972, 42, ii, :56), Up-pa-ri-a/Up-pu-ri-ia
was eastof Harhar(seeFuchs1994,466) between1.Mt. Pa-at-ta-asi-su-unand 2. Mt. Da-ru-ut-eand includedthe regionof 3. IarRe-ma-nu-ti(see Fuchs 1994,456). Mt. Da-ru-ut-eis homonymous with 4. I7-Da-ru-e (Levine
127
ANDTOPONYMY EXTENT 7.10.1.1. GEOGRAPHICAL 1. umMar-u-bi-if-ti, UrUMu-ru-u-biumaMar-u-biv-ti/tu, is Fuchs see Edzard
1994, 450) 1987-90, si (capital, perhapsthe same place as OP Maru-,LB Ma-ru-',a fortressin Media,presumablyin its westernpart(Von
Voigtlander1978, 23:45); 2. "uA-li-i-na, 3. urAn-da-appa(?), 4. lrHal-di-ni-se (Fuchs1998a,40, vi.b, 3ff.), 5. u?rHu-ba-ah-na (see Fuchs 1994, 438), 6. unAk-ku-ud-du uruSi-si(Luckenbill1924, 28, ii, 16).33 7. uruSi-is-si-ir-ti,
ir-tu/tuz (Parpola1970,324 withrefs.;andUr IIISi-si-ir-
tumlh,see Edzardand Farber1974, 245, s.v. Zizirtum) in Sennacherib'stime, but belongedto Ellipi (Bit-Barrna) was a fortressof the Assyrianprovince of Harharon the
time(Starr1990,77, 2, Ellipianborderby Esarhaddon's 1972,42, ii, 56 and63 resp.;OIran.).Fora homonymous 5, r. 1). It seems that 8. uHa-dal/ri-pa (Harper mountainandriverin the sameregion(veryprobably 1892-1914,645, 9) belongedto eitherEllipiorHarhar. relatedtopographically), compareEilers1954,313f., n. ANDANTHROPONYMY 23 infine;Astour1987,21 withn. 126. 7.10.1.2. PROSOPOGRAPHY 1.Ba-ru-uPa-rru`-4 theElippean,843B.C.(Grayson 1996, 40f.:Shalm.II A.0.102.6, iv, 21f., see Frahm [and
Schmitt]1998), Iran./Elam.;2. Tal-ta-athe Elippean 1. Mi-it-ra-ku,737 B.C. (Tadmor1994, 107 ad St. (Tadmor1994,98: St. I, B, 11'); Ta-al-ta-afromEllipi 1912,42; Fuchs1994,408f.);uncleof II, B, 37'), OIran.;2. Si-ta-qu-PI,737 B.C. (Tadmor (Thureau-Dangin a personagefromEllipi(see 3. St. 106: Kass.? of II, B, 35'; presumablyOIran.) 4-6; 1994, A-zu-uk-tti, 7.8.2. Prosopography and anthroponymy
,,n,rO(? subject to collation)-pa-ri-a; 3. Sa-tar-pa-nu of ku[r]Up-pu-ri-a, 711 B.C. (Fuchs 1998a, 41, vi.b,
Fuchs 1994, 408), poss. Iran.or Hurr.;4. A&--pa-ba-ra/ri, Is-'pa]-[ba-a-ra]king of Elippi (nephew I&-pa-ba-(a-)ra,
24), OIran.
of Dalta,SargonII'stime,see Fuchs1994,410),OIran.; brotherof Aspabara 5. Lu-tu-ut (Parpola1987,16r.6; 17, 6); Lu-du-P(Harper1892-1914, 128, 9, 13, 17), Elam.?;
7.9. Aratista (a1rA-ra-ti-i`-ta,kurA-[ra]t-is!-ta, u,•Arat-is!-ti) 1. Ma-it&-dak-ka ofkhrA-ra-ti-i&-ta, 716 B.C. (Levine of Ma-s'-dak-ku 1972, 42, ii, 58), uruA-rat-is!-ti,714
6. Ni-bed-e nephewof Daltdandcousinof I'pabara,time of SargonII and Sennacherib(see Fuchs 1994, 413), Kass.?7. Tu-ni-icity lordof krEl-pa-A+A (Parpolaand Watanabe1988, 28, 6), Tu-ne--e(Starr 1990,76, r. 2) in
Esarhaddon's reign,Kass.
B.C. (Thureau-Dangin 1912,49; see Fuchs1998,41, n. 120), Ma-[a6]s-dzik-kuof kurA-[ra]t-is!-ta, 711 B.C.
(Fuchs1998a,41, vi.b, 28); OIran.
7.10.2. Bit-Barria kurE-mBa-ar-ru-u,E-Bar-ru-utin Ellipi (Luckenbill 1924, 28, ii, 25 and 59, 31 resp.) is very probably a
Levine 1974, 104f.;Fuchs 1994, 432f.; Vera Chamaza1994, 102f.)
dynasticname,presumablynamedafterthe Elippean rulerBa-ru-ut (7.10.1.2,1 above,cf. FrahmandSchmitt 1998). It was annexedto the provinceof Harharby
7.10.1. Ellipi "proper" According to Medvedskaya (1999, 63f.), Ellipi was situated in Pish-i Kuh as far east as Kuh-i Garin. Her Western neighbours were Bit-Hamban, Halman and TupliaSand the eastern ones were AraziaS,Harharand Media.
Sennacherib(see Levine 1974, 117). Bit-Barri;arather than Bit-B&riresembles Urart.krBa-ru-a-ta(i.e. Ba-rua; -tci being an Urart. suffix) from the time of Argilti I, i.e. the early eighth century B.C. If the Urartian toponym refers to Bit-Barria (cf. Diakonoff [and Kashkai] 1979, 18f., who does not preclude an identification with Bit-B~iri),then this would be the
7.10. Ellipi and environs (see Streck 1900, 76f.;
128
JOURNAL OF PERSIAN STUDIES
earliestattestationof this region,abouthalf a century afterthe eponymousdynastis mentioned. 1. ,nEl-en-za-as'(Luckenbill1924, 28, ii, 27; cf.
7.13.3.Uiadaue
um-ma-ah-lu/lu4 (Luckenbill1924,28, ii, 23; 68, 14 and togetherwith Sissirtuin 58, 31).
7.14. Dananu
kurU-ia-da-u-e(see Fuchs 1994, 470).
above, 7.5.4.4; renamed Kar-Sin-ahhe-eriba),2. "u'Ku-
7.10.3.Harhar/Ellipi
is to be soughteastof Harhar(see Fuchs karDa-na-nu 1994,429),likeUiadaue,B/Pustis,Agazi,andAmbanda, whicharealsomoreto theeast(Streck1900,353f.).
1. As-ru-ka-(a)-niand 2. A-ma-ka-niare recordedin
the undatedletterHarper1892-1914, 1454, which is datableto SargonII's time (see Radner[and Schmitt 1998g).It concernsKuluman,Sig/krisandEllipi.Both areprobablyOlran. anthroponyms 7.11. Parnuatti a region east of Ellipi (see Fuchs kurPa-ar-nu-at-ti,
1994,453; OIran.).
7.15. Presumably in southwestern Media (for such a
locationof 7.15.1, 7.15.7, 2 see Billerbeck1898, 82, 87ff.). On pettypolitiesin southwesternIrancf. Boucharlat1998, 147f. with lit. 7.15.1. (see VeraChamaza1994, 107f.) Bit-Zualza, 1. Hu-um-be-e of 714 B.C. u•iE-Zu-al-za-a~, Hum-be-e[rulerof Bit1912, 46); (Thureau-Dangin Zualza],time of SargonII (Parpola1987, 15, 14), Elam. presumably
7.12. Ba 'it-ili and environs b'rBa-'-it-i-li, Ba-'-it-DINGIR was located on the
borderof Ellipi(Fuchs1994,425). It is not necessarily Bayio*•ava
7.15.2. Bit-Matti 737 B.C. (Tadmor1994, 70: Ann. 14*, kurE-Ma-at-ti,
andTuplias. 6; 88:Ann.4, 3) is listedbetweenBit-Zualza'
< *Bagastina, modern BisutOn (pace
Hiising1898,361; see Billerbeck1898, 1; Streck1900, 7.15.3.Karzibra "krKar-zi-ib-ra(Kass.?), gent. kurKar-zi-ib-ra-A+A (below, 7.15.7, 3; cf. Grantovskiy1970, 321f.). The recorded 1. settlement is Fuchs ",'E-ri-id-ta-na only (Diakonoff1956a,203) is notnecessarilyidenticalwith (see in Kurdistanas understoodby Arutyunyan Ba'it-ili included several districts 1994, 433; OIran.). Kar-Siparri Fuchs 1994, 418, 421 s.vv.), viz. 2. klrAm-ba-an-da, 1985, 102f.with previouslit. Does modemKar-zabar (see 3. [knr]Ab/p-sa-hu-ut-ti, and 4. ArA-ga-zi. (17 milesbelowZanjanat 36-48 48-14) originatefrom 352) and has nothing to do with hir/,,nPi-(it-)ta-(a-)nu
a homonym of Karzibra? 7.13. Regions near Ba 'it-ili
7.13.1.B/Pustis,B/Pus/ltus hrB/Pu-us-ti-is(see Fuchs 1994, 429), KhrB/Pu-us-tuus, karB/pu-uS-tu-u[s]. 716 B.C. (Levine 1. Ra-zi-is'-tuof AwrB/Bu-us-tu-us, 2. A-ri-ia 1972, 42, ii, 58), Olran.; city lord of rB/Pou711 B.C. (Fuchs 1998a, 41, vi.b, 26, see u&-tu-u[s], Fuchs [and Schmitt] 1998f), Olran.
7.13.2. Utirna k'rU.-tir-na
(see Fuchs 1994, 470).
7.15.4.Otherregionsfrom737 B.C. 1. k"rA-ri-ar-ma(Tadmor1994, 74: Ann. 16, 1: 104: St. II, B, 28'); k"rA-ri-ar-mi(Tadmor 1994, 164:Summ.7, 31; OIran.?), 2. kurTarlugall/,3. urSarakl-su-uk-ni(Kass.?), 4. krA-ra-qu-ut-tu(poss. OIran.), and 5. R"rGu-kin-na-na(Elam.?) are mentionedbetween Amate and Silhazi (Tadmor1994, 72: Ann. 15, 7; 16, 1). %ir•,•);
7.15.5. Bit-Taranziyu (listed between TupliaS and khrE-TAR-AN-aza-A+A Parsua,Tadmor1994, 124:Summ. 1, 18).
THE ETHNO-LINGUISTIC CHARACTER OF NORTHWESTERN IRAN AND KURDISTAN IN THE NEO-ASSYRIAN PERIOD
7.15.6. ?emai' NB 1. kurSe-ma-i and 2. u"nIl-tir-ga-zi(see Zadok
129
1. Hum-ba-re-ei city lord of ur"Na-ah-si-mar-ti
reign;ParpolaandWatanabe,1988, 28, (Esarhaddon's is to be name.Thereforehis territory Elamite a The former is an bore 1985a, 179, 291f., s.vv.). perhaps 6) Media in south-southwest residueof Ur HI Sima'kiwhich is localisedby Vallat soughtsomewhere (Elamite (1993, cxiiiff.) in the Shahdadregion (southeastern politicalinfluencewas discerniblein Ellipi). Iran).However,thereis no definiteproof for Vallat's localisation. 7.16. Linguistic analysis of the anthroponymy(49 =
100%;7.5.5.2, 1 and7.5.7, 1 arenot counted) 7.15.7.Parnakku Esarhaddon's (gent. campaignagainst1. hIrPcr-na-ki arPar-na-ka-A +A,Borger1956,34, KlchA, 28;Nin.B, iii, 22 and 51, Nin. A, iii, 56 resp.)tookplacein 677/6 B.C. at the latest(see Ivantchik1993, 81 withprevious aredescribedas dwellersof 2. Tillit.).ThePamakkeans Tadmor 1994,73 adAnn. 15, 12).They (cf. A&&`uri/T7'r in the tongue of the were named 3. kr/unlPi-(it-)ta-(a-)nu of 4. Mi/Mi-hi-ir-a/ih-ra-(a-)nu(Borger 1956, 34: people
Klch A, 29; 51: Nin. A, iii, 58). Pit(t)inu is hardly identicalwithearlierPadain(paceDiakonoff1985a,102) and has nothingto do with Ba'it-ili(7.12 above;see is not identicalwith Zadok 1981, 135f.).kairPcr-na-ki in R~hion the Elamiteborder(pace unBit(E)-mB/Pu-na-ki
Diakonoff1985a,63).Pamakku mighthavebeenlocated not far fromEllipi,if the arrangement of kArP6r-[na-ki] after Ellipi in Borger 1956, 100, Mnm. B, 20 is significant.If "unPar-na-ka-A+A(originallya gentilic) doesnotreferto a homonymous place,thenPamakkuis recordedalsoin Ashurbanipal's time.B 79 andenvelope (638 B.C., foundin Assur)recorda loanof 1.5minaof The silver (with interestin case of non-repayment). debtorsare Ku!-lu-'-Issars. of Gu-'- zi-i, the prefect and as well as DaTri-abifia (?aknu)of "n'Par-na-ka-A+A Sulmu-ire' (commandersof fifty). All the debtors impressedtheirseals.The creditorsareBalassu(also a prefect)and Zari(NUMUN-i,see Weszeli1998).The deed is witnessedby Ha-di'-sa-a, Na-din-A+A,Nabfiand as well as (a prefect), by Inurta-gSmil ahhb-en-ba from both Does it that imply Nippur Nippur. Nabfi-(e)riba, was on the way betweenPamakayuandAssur?All the principalsandthe witnessesbearAkkadiannames,but since Esarhaddondoes not reportthat he deported
(a) Old Iranian (20 = 42.85%).744 B.C.: Ra-mate-ia (7.5.4.4, 2).- 737 B.C.: Mi-it-ra-ku (7.8.2, 1) <
*Mi0ra-ka-is the earliestoccurrenceof a Mithraname on Iraniansoil (see Zadok1986,247:3;Tadmor1994, 106f. ad loc. aptly adding it to the comprehensive documentation presentedby Schmitt1978).-716 B.C.: Da-i-ku(7.5.8, 2; see [Fuchsand]Schmitt1998q);Razi-is-tu (7.13.1, 1) < *Razifta- (see Hinz 1975, 204;
KaZadok1976c,388a).-716-714 B.C.:Ka-ra-ak-ka, rak-ku,Kar-ak-ku(7.6.2, 1) < *Kar-aka-(Grantovskiy
1970, 266f.; cf. Zadok 1976c, 388, n. 11).- 716-711 B.C.: Ma-&s'-dak-ka/ku, Ma-[a]&-dfik-ku(7.9, 1; -duik-
as a CVC sign is indifferentto vowel quality) < *Mazdaka(Grantovskiy1970,253ff, cf. Scheftelowitz 1905, 275).- 714 B.C.: Ba-ag-pdrar-na(7.5.5.2, 2; see
[Fuchs and] Schmitt 1998g); Da-ri-i (7.5.8, 1) < *Daraya-(or a similarform, see Grantovskiy1970, 324f. andcf. [Fuchsand]Schmitt1998w);Ki-ta-ak-ki (7.4.6, 1; see Grantovskiy1970,267); Ma-adc-da-A+Auk-ku(7.5.3, 1, see Grantovskiy 1970, 253f.); Pa-A+A-
uk-ku(7.4.3, 1) < *Payuka-(Grantovskiy1970, 259, 317:77); Uk-sa-tar (poss. = U-ak-sa-tar, 7.5.4.1.2, 1, see Hiising 1899b, 139); and Sa-tar-e-su (7.5.4.1.2, 3;
see Scheftelowitz1905, 275; Grantovskiy1970, 316, 322:88).-711 B.C.:A-ri-ia(7.13.1, 2, see [Fuchsand] Schmitt1998f);Sa-tar-e-su(7.5.4.2, 1, seejust above); Sa-tar-pa-nu (7.8.2, 3, cf. above, 6.10, a); U-ar-za-an
(7.7.2, 1) < *Varzana-(see Hiising 1900a, 128; Grantovskiy1970, 328).- Sargon II's time: Ir-tuk-kaof nu (7.6.2, 2), presumably-5na-(pro-)patronymic
*Rta-vahu-ka-(Zadok 1979a, 296:13) or of Rtu-ka-(cf. Zadok 1997a, 2). As/z-ru-ka-(a)-ni,A-ma-ka-ni(7.10.3, 1, 2). The latteris Old Iranianand the formerprobably Pamakkeans,it is difficultto assumethatPamakayurefers such according to Schmitt [and] Waters 1998 and to a settlementof Pamakkeansin Mesopotamia. [Radner and] Schmitt 1998g (no definite etymology); A&-pa-ba-ra/ri,I&-pa-ba-(a-)ra(7.10.1.2, 4) < *Aspa7.15.8. Nahlimarti baira- (Scheftelowitz 1905, 275; [Fuchs, Gesche and] "'Na-ah-&i-mar-ti (gent. "'Na-ah-&i-mar-ta-A+A; Schmitt 1998); Ra-me/mi-ti-i, Ra-ma-ti7-i (7.6.2, 4) is Kass.). presumably a variant of Ra-ma-te/ti7-ia (see
130
JOURNAL OF PERSIAN STUDIES
necessarilyElamite(paceHiising1900b,560f.; 1900c, 83f.;cf. Diakonoff1956a,208, n. 5).- (g) Akkadian(2 see Zadok1996).-714 B.C.:Du-re-si(7.5.4.1.2,2, see = 4.08%): 7.1.2, 1; 7.4.1.2, 2.- (h) Probably pre[Fuchsand]Schmitt1998z).-SargonII's time: 7.10.3, Iranian (1 = 2.04%): Da-su-uk-ku (7.3, 1), cf. Ur III 1.- Doubtful (6 = 12.24%):714 B.C.: Ma-ki-ir-tu Da-&u-uk(see Gelb 1944, 101; a clear Old Iranian (7.4.4, 1) may render *Vahu-krta-(suggested by etymologycannotbe obtained,cf. [Fuchsand]Schmitt Diakonoff1956a,214f., n. 1, followedby Grantovskiy 1998y).-(i) Unaffiliated(4 = 8.16%):Ki-ba-bi&-&e (7.3, 1970, 318:79, 86), like U-a-ki-ir-tuwhich precedesit 2; cf. Grantovskiy1970, 309), An-zi-i (7.4.2, 1; an (6.9.2.2, 1, 6.10, a), only if it is a scribalerrorfor *U- elementanz-is listedin Gelbet al. 1943,201; hardly< ma-ki-ir-tu(unlikeElamiteNA <MA>-doesnot render yanzi as understoodby Grantovskiy1970, 317). MuGrantovskiy1970, 234f.; cf. 5.6, a above).- Just possible (3 = 6.12%): 737 B.C.: Sci-ta-qu-PI(7.8.2, 2,
OIran.*/v/-).Ma-ki-ir-tuwould render *Mcihi-krta-(the
nir-su-ar-ta (7.5.4.4, 1) -
precursorof Maikerd,see Grantovskiy1970, 318:80). This is probablya defective spelling, as one would expect -<*Ma-hi/l>-for the first component(cf. Hinz 1975, 156f.).34U-zi-tar(7.5.2, 1, see Grantovskiy1970, 236f.; 318:83) or non-Iran.?-711 B.C.: x-pa-a r-nu-a (7.5.9.2, 1) if it endsin -*farnahvi.-SargonIU'stime: Up-pi-te (7.6.2, 3, see Grantovskiy 1970, 238).-
hardlyOld Iranian(despiteGrantovskiy1970, 206); 7.5.4.2, 2. (j) Summary.Chronologicaldistribution: 1000-745: 4 = 8.16%; 744-705: 41 = 83.67%; 704-600: 4 = 8.16%.-Ethno-linguisticclassification:
1970, 318), cf. the toponym Tl-mHu-um-bi (Luckenbill 1924, 40, iv, 70), which is juxtaposed with uBit(E)mB/Pu-na-kiof RIi (on the Babylonian-Elamiteborder, cf. Zadok 1976, 388, n. 9), 36 and Hu-um-bd-e(Kataja and Whiting 1995, 53 r. 11).- Doubtful (1 = 2.04%): Lu-du/tu-ti(7.10.1.2, 5, cf. Zadok 1984a, 27:135a?).- (f) Atypical (1 = 2.04%): Ki-ba-ba (7.5.1.2, 1) is not
ofMB A-QA-ciS?Deller (1976, 38f., cf. Fadhil 1983, 11) (he is followed by suggests the reading A-penax-c4 Fincke 1993, 28f.). Would it not be simpler to identify A-qa-cd with Agaz? In this case it would be with g/q and -S/z (Sarg. and Ur f = MB Nuzi , cf. above, 2.6, g).- (d) Old Iranian (14 = 14.58%):A-ra-qu-ut-tu (7.15.4, 4), poss. < *HararvatI- (see Hiising 1899b,
what precedes -ar-ta is
1000-745 (4 = 100%): Old Iranian? 1 (25%); Old
Iranian or Elamite 1 (25%); Akkadian 1 (25%); unaffiliated1 (25%).- 744-705 (41 = 100%):Old Esarhaddon's time: Du-sa-an-ni (7.5.8, 3; see Iranian21 (51.21%);possiblyOld Iranian3 (7.31%); Fabritiusand Schmitt 1998a), Ha-TAR-na(7.5.9.2, 2).OldIranian?4 (9.75%);possiblyOldIranianorHurrian Old = Iranian or Elamite (b) (1 2.04%):Ba-ru-fi/Pa- 1 (2.43%);Kassite 1 (2.43%);Kassite?2 (4.87%); 1 (2.43%);Elamite?2 (4.87 'rut-u(7.10.1.2, 1; see [Frahmand]Schmitt1998with Kassiteor Hurro-Urartian previouslit.).-(c) PossiblyOld Iranianor Hurrian(1 %);atypical1 (2.43%);Akkadian1 (2.43%);probably = 2.04%): A-zu-uk-tui(7.10.1.2, 3, see [Fuchs and] pre-Iranian1 (2.43%); unaffiliatedand isolated 3 Schmitt 1998g; cf. Grantovskiy 1970, 309).- (d) (7.31%).-704-600 (4 = 100%):Old Iranian?2 (50%); Kassite (3 = 6.12%): Tu-ni-i/Tu-nd-e(7.2.2, 1, 7.10.1.2, Kassite1 (25%);Elamite1 (25%). see Balkan is with 7, 1954, 52, 84, 184) homonymous Tu-ni-ia from Adad-narariIII's reign (Kataja and 7.17. Linguistic analysis of the toponymy (96 Whiting 1995, 8, 13).35 Ia-an-zu-ut(7.1.2, 2) is =100%;7.5.7, 7.5.9.1, 2 are not counted) originally a title (cf. above, 3.9).- Doubtful (3 = 6.12%):Ni-be-e (7.10.1.2, 6, cf. Grantovskiy1970, 309f.). Tal/Ta-al-ta-a(7.10.1.2, 2) is non-Iranian (a) Pre-firstmillennium(4 = 4.16%):Har-har/hato Diakonoff n. 1956a, 208, 5 and Zadok ar, Har-ha-a-ra(7.5.1) is not with a reduplicated according 1990, and perhapsHurrianaccordingto Grantovskiy syllable(pace Hiising1900c,84) in view of the earlier are formKcir(a)-har; 1970,309. However,Hurro-Urartian 7.1a;7.5.9.1, 1; 7.10.1.1,7.- (b) Preanthroponyms not recordedin southwesternMedia duringthe first first millennium? (1 = 1.04%): 7.15.6, 1.- (c) millenniumB.C. Itmaybe Kassite,cf. Ta-al-ta-eatMB Homonymouswith pre-first millenniumtoponyms Nuzi (Cassin and Glassner 1979, 138). Bi-si-ha-dir (1 = 1.04%):A-ga-zi(7.12, 4) is homonymouswithUr (7.4.1.2, 1, see above, 6.10, b).- (e) Elamite (2 = 1I A-gaz'a (Sarg.A-gaz-z- from Gasuraccordingto 4.08%): Hum-ba-re-el (7.15.8, 1, see Zadok 1984a, Sigrist 1979, 168; these formsand theirgeographical fromAg-zi-aandA-gareferentshouldbe differentiated 11f.: 48; 36:198; 51:C/5.2); Hu-um-be-e (7.15.1, 1), Hum-be-eis probablynon-Iranian(cf. Grantovskiy za-r[i],pace Frayne1992,81ff.).Is A-gazk a forerunner
THE ETHNO-LINGUISTIC CHARACTER OF NORTHWESTERN IRAN AND KURDISTAN IN THE NEO-ASSYRIAN PERIOD
401; Eilers1954,281 withn. 107;329f.);E-ri-is'-ta-na (7.12, 1) < *Arya-staina(see Scheftelowitz1905,274; Grantovskiy1970,332f.);Di-ri-is-ta-a-nu(7.6.1, 1, see 1970,332;cf. Scheftelowitz1905,274).AGrantovskiy ru-us-sa,A-ru-sa-ka(7.7.1, 2, 4) < *Aru'a- and *Arusa-
131
differentiatedthese forms since he adopted the implausibleOld Iranianetymologyof Herzfeld1938, 167).-Doubtful(2 = 2.08%):Kar-zi-ib-ra(7.15.3;with karzi? cf. above, 5.7, c) and Sa-WakA-su-uk-ni (7.15.4, 3; cf. Kass. &ag and suk-ni, Balkan 1954, 179?).- (h)
ka- respectively(see Zadok1976c,388b);Da-ru(-ut)-e Kassite or Hurro-Urartian(2 = 2.08%):Su-hur-zu/ (7.8.1, 2, 4) is based on *Dru- '"wood"(see Zadok Su-hur-za (7.2.1, 1) is homonymous with the Su-hurur-zifrom MB Nuzi (Gelb et al. 1976c, 388b). U-ri-ak-ki/ku(7.6.1) < *Vaya-ka- (see anthroponym and 1943, 135b,258b). SiSuhurmay be identicalwith the Grantovskiy 1970, 188); E-Sa-an-gi-bu-te/ti; Sin(Balkan1954,83, gi-bu-te,Sun-gi-bu-tu (7.3; cf. above,3.10, b; 4.12, a).- firstcomponentofKass.Suhur-galdu namesas well). Originally anthroponyms:E-mBa-ga-ia/-A+A (with 178,cf. 115f.forthiselementin Hurrian metathesis -Ga-ba-ia, 7.5.1.1, 7) -
Scheftelowitz
(1905, 274) compared Ba-ga-ia/-A+A with the Phrygiandivine name Bagaios (see also Diakonoff 1956a, 146 with n. 1; Grantovskiy1970, 313f.:73).-
Sa/Si-pcr-da, Sa-pa-ar-da (7.5.8) resembles the last component of the anthroponymSu-uh-ka-ba/pa-ar-du
fromMB Nuzi (Hurr.?see Gelb et al. 1943, 251a, but suh is recordedin Kassitenames as well, cf. Richter 1998, 127)andtheMA toponymlrSe-papr-di-ireferring Bit(E)-mRa-ma-ti/tu-ia(7.5.4.1.1, 2), E-U-mar-gi, -Uto a region in Na'iri (Nashef 1982, 247), a Hurrianar-gi (7.4.7) < *Hu-arga- (see Zadok 1976c, 387b) ratherthan *Hu-marga-as suggestedby Grantovskiy speakingarea.-(i) Hurro-Urartian(1 = 1.04%):Ku-lu1970,312f.:71 for-U-mar-gibeforethe spelling-U-ar- man, Ki-il-man (7.5.6, 2) is perhaps related to Hurr. gi in Levine 1972,40,ii, 48 becameknown;-< MAR>- Kilu-mana(cf. Zadok1986, 246, ii, 4), in which case stands for the glide; and perhaps Bit(E)-Ba-a-ri Ku-lu-manmaybe withNA vowelharmony.-Doubtful (7.5.4.2), Pa-ar-nu-at-ti (7.11) < *Farnahvati- (see
Scheftelowitz1905,274; Grantovskiy1970,296, 332).Doubtful (2 = 2.08%): A-ra-ti-i'-ta, A-rat-is!-ti (7.9; with st/&tinterchange),A-ri-ar-ma/mi(7.15.4, 1; see
Diakonoff1956a,201, n. 2; 203,n. 2).- (e) Old Iranian or Kassite (1 = 1.04%): Par-na-ki (7.15.7, 1), cf. MB
(1 = 1.04%): E-Ma-at-ti (7.15.2), cf. perhaps MB Ma-
at-te-a/e/ia(Hurrianaccordingto Gelb et al. 1943, 233f.; comparableonly if it is not a compound).-(j) Elamite? (3 = 3.12%): Hal-di-ni-&e(7.10.1.1, 4, cf. halti-, Zadok 1984a, 9:25?), Si-il-ha-zi (7.4.5) = Dan-niti M'DUMUK[A.D1NGIR.RA'(7.4.4)], i.e. "thefortress
Pir-na-qu(H61scher1996, 168), which is probably Kassitein view of B/Pur-na-ak-ki(cf. Zadok 1994b, to vowel 48a;CVCsignslikepir/pir/purareindifferent Old Iranian or Elamite quality).-(f) (1 = 1.04%),EmBar/Ba-ar-ru-.z (7.10.3),a probabledirectevidencefor
of the Babylonian(s)".A connectionof Akk. dannu is tempting with Elam.&ilha-k,bothdenoting"strong", but scarcely probable since -(a)zV is hithertonot recordedas a namecomponentin Elamite(thereis no proofthatPur-na-zufromMarha'i,Zadok1993, 223,
the type Bit + PN.- (g) Kassite (7 = 7.29%): Na-ah-simar-ti (7.15.8) presumably contains Kass. nahzi
Grantovskiy1970, 240).- (k) Atypical (1 = 1.04%):
"protection"(Balkan 1954, 71f., 169; cf. Hilscher 1996, 146) and marti,a variantof the Kassitedivine nameMarutta?accordingto Balkan1954, 165.If nahzi is a variantof nazi,thenthistoponymoriginatesfroma late form of the commonKassiteanthroponym Nazi-
1.1, 8, is an Elamite name); Gu-kin-na-na(7.15.4, 5; cf. 7.5.4.3.- (1)Atypical/Akkadian (1 = 1.04%):7.14.- (m)
Akkadian (7 = 7.29%; the renamedplaces 7.4.1; 7.5.1.1, 5-7; 7.5.1; 7.5.2; 7.10.2, 1 are not counted):
172),E-Sa!-ga-bi(7.4.4),cf. gagab(Balkan1954, 140, whichrefersto the sameplace, 179);E-Sa-ag-bat/ba-at,
Nirtu (7.5.4.1) is a genericterm and there is good reasonforthinkingthatthefollowingtwo toponymsare also such.Zaq-ru-te(7.5.5.1,1) andRe-ma-nu-ti(7.8.1, 3) are presumablybased on zaqru(m,SB, LB, von Soden 1965-81, 1514b;> Zoypos? see Eilers 1954,
has the same base with dropping of -a- presumably because it was shortand unstressed.The same applies to Sag-bi-ta (6.8.1, cf. 6.11); 7.1b. With -yas: Tuplia (Tub/plia~or Tug/klias,for b/g, p/k see Kinnier Wilson 1962, 113). For a hypothetical relationshipbetween Ara-an-ze-(e-)Ju/A-ra-zi-[d]/E-ri-in-zil-a-Ju and uruElen-za-JiS see 7.5.4.4 above (Grantovskiy 1971, 182f.
330f., n. 110; cf. Durand 1991, 88) "high, steep" (said of mountains) or "massive" (foundations of citadels, especially in Sargon II's inscriptions) and NA ramlinu "merciful"respectively.In the same manner,I7-Nam-rite (cf. 7.1.1) is hardly an indigenous name, but means simply "theNamriancanal".Is Tarlugall?(7.15.4, 2, of. Eilers 1954, 329f., n. 107 infine) the outcome of a folk
Marutta?. Ki-lam-ba-a-te/ti (7.4.3; see Balkan 1954,
132
JOURNAL OF PERSIAN STUDIES
etymology? Bit-s'e-e-di(7.1.1, 4). Bit-s/lak-ki (7.1.1, 3)
may denote "harrowed"(field, &akku, OB, SB, peripheralMB) or "silted"(sakku,OB, MB, NB, SB); 7.1.1, 8.- (n) Partly Akkadian? (1 = 1.04%). Assyrianised (with vowel hamony andSt > ss): Mar-uzbi-iw-ti,Mar-ut-bis'-ti/tu, Mu-ru-ut-bi-si(7.10.1.1, 1) is
apparentlya compoundtoponym.The firstcomponent
resembles -
if the segmentation is correct -
OP
Maru-,LB Ma-ru-',in whichcase the secondone may be NB biitu"fortress", placedatthe endlikethemiddle andmodemIraniancomponentswith -dlz,-duz"idem" (cf. Eilers 1954, 300, 311, 347, 358, 361, 381; 1956, 203; extantin Nowduzas well).37-(o) West Semitic (Aramaic)?(1 = 1.04%):7.12.- (p) Unaffiliated,but not entirely isolated (19 = 19.79%): Ki-in-ga-ra-ku (7.5.3), Qa-an-ta-a-fi/Qi-in-da-a-u`(7.5.2), Ku-a-ki-in-
Ir-?um-ma referringthe canalnearMarad(Edzardand Farber1974,270).-(q) Unaffiliatedand isolated(26 = 27.08%). (a) Partly Akkadianised: 7.4.8; 7.15.1; 7.15.5(allwithbit-;not genuinehybrids,see above,o); (7.15.7, 2).- (13)Others: Ar-ma-an-gu, il-A&-&uri/TI'r (7.4.6; Urumangu/ U-ri-an-gi, NB ",nU-ru-man-gu Uriangi? < /*Arvang/, /*Urvang/?), Pi-(it-)ta-(a-)nu (7.15.7, 3), Mi/Mi-hi-ir-a/ih-ra-(a-)nu (7.15.7, 4).7.1.1, 1, 5, 6; 7.4.2; 7.5.1.1, 2; 7.5.6, 1 [kurU-ri-qa-te,
presumablyto Akkad.urriqu"yellowstone"(MB, SB, von Soden1965-81, 1497a)],3; 7.7.1,3, 5; 7.8.1;7.8.1, 1; 7.10.1.1,2, 3, 5, 6, 8; 7.10.3, 2; 7.13.1; 7.13.2. (r) Summary.Chronologicaldistribution:1000-745: 16 = 16.66%;744-705: 70 = 72.91%; 744-705/ 704-600: 3 = 3.12%; 704-600: 7 = 7.29%.- Ethno-linguistic
classification: 1000-745 (16 = 100%): Pre-first millennium2 (12.5%);Kassite2 (12.5%);Kassiteor Hurro-Urartian1 (6.25%); Akkadian 3 (18.75%); unaffiliated,but not isolated4 (25%);unaffiliatedand isolated 4 (25%).- 744-705 (70 = 100%):Pre-first millennium1 (1.42%);homonymouswith pre-first millennium toponyms 2 (2.85%); Old Iranian 10 (14.28%, of which 5 = 7.14% are originally possibly Old Iranian1 (1.42%);Old anthroponyms); Iranian?3 (4.28%);Kassite 2 (2.85%);Kassite? 2 1 (1.42%);Hurro(2.85%);Kassiteor Hurro-Urartian 1 Hurro-Urartian? 1 Urartian (1.42%); (1.42%);Elamite 1 si-hu-te from Calah, 616 B.C. (Jursa 1998). Bi-gal-i 1 (1.42%);Elamite?2 (2.85%);atypical/Akkadian 1 (1.42%);Akkadian4 (7.5.5.1,3), cf. perhapsthe OB anthroponym Bi-ga-an (1.42%);atypical/Akkadianised referringto a Qutian(Finkelstein1972, 271, 6, 7; 337, (5.71%);partlyAkkadian?1 (1.42%);Akkadianised1 5; cf. 51aindex,s.v.:"seealsoPi-qac-ilu" [in 152,8]). U- (1.42%); West Semitic (Aramaic)? 1 (1.42%); the I-wa- unaffiliated,but not isolated13 (18.57%);unaffiliated ia-da-ut-e(7.13.3), cf. perhaps anthroponym da-ta-efromOB Su'arra(Eidem1992, 136,64;perhaps and isolated 22 (31.42%).- 744-705/704-600 (3 with haplologyor a later form).Ki-in-za-Fa r-ba-[r]a 100%):Pre-firstmillennium?1 (33.33%);possiblyOld withkinz-,cf. above,2.6, g). U- Iranian 1 (33.33%); unaffiliated and isolated 1 (7.5.4.1.1,1;apparently Uk- (33.33%).-704-600 (7 = 100%):Pre-firstmillennium1 (7.7.1, 1),cf. the OB anthroponym qu-ta/U-qu-ut-ti ku-tufromChagharBazar,Talon1997,8, 3, cf. Gelbet (14.28%);OldIranianor Kassite1 (14.28%);Kassite1 al. 1943, 271a, s.v. ukk). E-Ta-mul(7.1.1, 2), cf. E-sa(14.28%);unaffiliatedandisolated4 (57.12%).
da (7.5.1.1, 1), for the componentsking-, -kind-cf. Hilsing 1899a,89f.; Streck1900, 338, n. 1. Hu-un-dir (7.4.1.1)is linguisticallyrelatedto Hu-un-du-ur-na (see above, 3.10, i; CVC signs like DIR are indifferentto vowel-quality).u"nU-ra-mu(7.2.1, 2) is presumablya pre-Iranian toponymin view of the anthroponymfU-ramu from OB ChagharBazar (Talon 1997, 137 with refs.).It is not clearwhetherAn-za-ri-a(7.5.1.1, 6) is linguisticallyrelatedto RAEaAn-za-ir/ri(NE 'An-sar, presumablyin Persis,Vallat1993, 16).Ab/p-sa-hu-ut-ti (7.12, 3) is homonymouswith the anthroponym Ab/p-
mul (7.5.1.1, 3)?; Ki-?e-si/su, Ki-si-su, Ki-?e-si-im, Kifi-si-im, Ki-ia-as-su (7.4.1), cf. perhaps Ki-wew-lu (7.5.1.1, 5); Ki-in-ab/p-li-la (7.5.1.1, 4) cf. perhapsKuur-ab/p-li (7.5.5.1, 2; poss. due to interchange of liquids/nasals);Am-ba-an-da(7.12, 2) has nothing to do with (Bit-)Hamban, seeing that LB has "nFrKal-am-pada-' (not Hamban!) for OP Kampanda- (RAE Ka4-umpan-tat, Von Voigtlander 1978, 24:47, pace Billerbeck 1898, 105, n. 2), cf. perhapsthe anthroponymAm-battu (Waters 1998c). Ir-'ru(?)l-mu (7.1.1, 7) - If the reading is correct, it may be homonymous with Ur m
8. KURDISTAN 8.1. Habhi 1. Bu-ut-bus. of Ba-bu-a/Bu-ba-a (both atyp.) of Niltun, 883 B.C. (Grayson 1991, 198: AshumasirpalII A.0.101.1, i, 67 and 242: A.0.101.17, i, 89 resp., see Liverani 1992, 27) was flayed in Arbail (see Fuchs 1998f).
THE ETHNO-LINGUISTICCHARACTEROF NORTHWESTERNIRAN AND KURDISTANIN THE NEO-ASSYRIAN PERIOD
8.2. Habruri/Kirruri and environs
8.4. Ukku and environs
8.2.1.Geographicalextentand toponymy 1. unA-ri-di/du (beyondthepassof 2. kurSi-me-si,see Billerbeck1898,46 withn. 1)waspresumably thecapital of Hab/Kir-ru-ri Liverani 3. Mt An-da-ru1992, (see 22); ut-ta(Thureau-Dangin 1912,425; Hurr.);4. uruHi-ip-thna (see Levine 1973, 16; 1976-80b;cf. VeraChamaza 1995-96,252f.).Theregionof 5. kirLa-da-a-ni(withthe mountains6. Ur-ru-ub/p-nu and7. I?-ru-un), whichwas accessiblethroughthe passes of Habruri/Kirruri and borderedon theLowerZab,is describedas inhabited by Lullubians(Grayson1991, 172f.: Tukulti-Ninurta II A.0.100.5,30ff.). The late and secondarygeographical extensionof Lullubum(see Klengel 1987-90, 166f.) doesnotnecessarilyapplyto thisregion,whichwasvery - to Lullubum, close- if notadjacent themoreso since we cannot determine with certainty the original extensionof Lullubum. geographical
8.4.1. Ukku "proper"
133
1. Ba-zi-ia,Ukkeanprince,time of SargonII (see Parker 1998b); 2. Ma-ni-IA-e king of Ukku (uruUk-ki; originally) of the land of kurDa-A+A-ein the time of
Sennacherib(Luckenbill1924, 37, iv, 13f., cf. Parker 1998b). 8.4.2. Near Ukku EXTENTAND TOPONYMY 8.4.2.1. GEOGRAPHICAL
1. 7Iaruri"Pa-lA-e (Lanfranchiand Parpola 1990, 129
s. 3), 2. Mt.A-na-raand3. Mt. Up-pa(Luckenbill1924, (cf. above, 8.4.1, 2). 37, iv, 18), 4. curDa-A+A-e ANDANTHROPONYMY 8.4.2.2. PROSOPOGRAPHY time of A-da-a, ruler, Sargon II (see Fuchs 1998b,
2), atyp.
8.2.2.Prosopography and anthroponymy 8.5. Kummeand environs(allfrom the time of SargonII) 1. Ni-i-ni,Ni-in-ni(atyp.)of "UA-ri-di/du, 857 B.C. 1. A-ri-e, [A-ri-]-IA-eruler of Kumme (see Parker (Grayson1996, 8: Shalm.Il A.0.102.1, 16 and 14: A.0.102.2, i, 16 resp.);2. Tur'i-Issdrs. of Ha-ru-u-i, [andSchmitt]1998),Hurr.ratherthanOIran.;2. A-ri-apresumablyfrom H. (alternativelya Calahite?),629 za-a, A-ri-za-a, U-ri-za-a (co-ruler of Arie or his son? B.C. (Postgate1976, 135f.:29, A, 2f.), mighthavehad see Parkerand Radner 1998); 3. Ba-bi-su-[x](see a Hurrianfather'sname. Parker 1998a) ; 4. E-hi-IA-e (poss. West Semitic like 6, 8.3. Hargu
cf. Vanderroost1998); 5. E-zi-L4-e(see Pempe 1998); 6. Ga-ma-lu (see Fabritius 1998); 7. Ku-ma-A+A (Lanfranchiand Parpola 1990, 100, passim); 8. Bi-ri-aun (see Parker 1998c), Hurr.-Urart.;9. B/Pu-re-e (see
8.3.1.Geographicalextentand toponymy The tributeof 1. Hargu(gent.kuHAR-ga-A+A, see Levine1972-75a)wasdeliveredinHab/~r-ru-ri together withthatof Simesi,2. krSi-me-ra(modernDagt-i-Diana? see Liverani1992,22, poss.witha homonymous placein 4. u"AdZamua,cf. Levine1977a,137),3. u•nUl-ma-ni-a, in 883B.C.(Grayson da-u[s]and5. " [HAR]-ma-sa-A+A 241: II A.0.101.17,78; see Levine 1991, Ashumasirpal Russell 1972-75c; 1984,194)andtogetherwiththatof 2, 3, 5 and 6. i'rSi-ri/ri-iW(-A+A,gent.) in 857 B.C. (Grayson1996,8: Shalm.II A.0.102.1,17f.,listedbefore
Parker1998d),Hurr.-Urart.?
Kilzanu).nsku~rSi-ri-if(Starr1990, 366b with refs.) is also
8.7. Tumme(see Liverani 1992, 19f. with previous lit.; the localisation of Salvini 1967, 65 near Lake Urmia is too much to the north)
mentioned togetherwithMannea.
8.6. Aira (probably near Kumme and the Urartian border) 1. Sa-ni-IA(-e) (city lord of) ur•A-i-ra,Sargon II's
time (Lanfranchiand Parpola1990, 245a with refs.), probablyHurr.-Urart.
8.3.2. Prosopography and anthroponymy
a Hargean,SargonII'stime(Lanfranchi kurTum4-me was delimitatedby the mountains1. nrAKu-4IA-ka-a, and 3. krE-ti-ni. The latter stretched andParpola1990, 149,21). ru-ni, 2. k•rUJ-ri-ni
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intoZamuaas well (differently Liverani1992,53). Are 18, 24, 25, 27 (generallyfollowingSpeiser1928 in the the toponymsE-ri-na(OB Su-arrdi, of mostlocaleswithmodemsites).Dagara Eidem 1992, 88b identification withrefs.,see 56 andcf. Astour1987,22) andMAkIrA- andKisirtuin WesternZamua(theformerin thebasinof ri-in-ni (Nashef 1982, 37) related to *krU-ri-ni?(cf. the TauqChai accordingto Levine 1989, 86) are not perhapsU-ru-na,whichis describedas a frontier-place includedherebecausetheywereruledandpresumably of Lullubumin the "Sargongeography",Weidner inhabited- at least partly- by Arameans.Like Sumbi, 1952-53, 4, 12, cf. also Frayne 1992, 74f.). The no rulersareassociatedwiththe followinglocales: was situatedbetween2. 1. "n'Me-su settlements4. "n'Li-be-e (poss.the maintown),5. ""'Su',rSi-ma-ki(near 6. and not far from the Diyala, see 7. of and 8. the unIA-ru-be-e ur-ra, "u'A-b/pu-qu, un'A-ru-ra region Dagara arealsorecorded(Grayson1996,196f.:Ashumasirpal 3. and Liverani 1992,51) arrA-zi-ru (modemAzmir?see II see above,1.10.1. Speiser1928,25 withn. 45, providedit is not a case of A.0.101.1,i, 46f.).For"unHAR-ra-ni-a assonance). 4. 8.8. Sumbi khrSu-um-bi(to be kept apart from Su-bi, pace
ifBa-a-ra (Diakonoff 1956a, 102, n. 4;
frombothBit-B-tri 156f.;OIran.?)is to be differentiated northeastern and Babylonia,pace (7.5.4.2) Til-Bari(in Billerbeck1898,25). The suggestionof Frayne(1992, 80) that Ba-ra-mu/Bar-ra-an/Bar-me-um is the
is Herzfeld 1938, 166 and Yusifov 1986, 87) was forerunnerof Bira is unacceptable.5. ,umHu-du-un presumablypartof InnerZamua.Sumbiwas situated mentionedafterAmmali(below,8.9.7). between alrNi-kip-pa(above, 2.1.1.1, 5) and 1. kr(U-pa-a
1912,15,418).Thelittleriver2. B/Pu(Thureau-Dangin flowed between uz-ia them,38presumablyon the way from Manneato Assyriaif Fuchs'srestoration(apud Frahm1997-98,402 ad 98f., 17') is correct.Forfurther ramifications,such as the conditionalinclusion of 8.9.8.1, 3-6 in Sumbi,see below ad 8.9.8.1, 6. The earliestoccurrencesarefromthe late 820s or the early sometimebetween821 and819 B.C., 810s (presumably gent. kIrSu-un-ba-A+A, Grayson 1996, 184f.: Sam1i-
AdadV A.0.103.1,ii, 31, 39), unlessthe ascriptionof to A.0.102.1002, which has khlrSu-un-ba-A+A, Shalmaneser is valid but (see Grayson1996, 172f., 1I his statementthat"allthe namesgiven occurin textsof Shalmaneser In" is imprecise; it may alternativelybe ascribed to Adad-nartir III, see above, 0). Seven
8.9.1. Inner Zamua ANDTOPONYMY EXTENT 8.9.1.1. GEOGRAPHICAL
*Idu(gent.lhr/nl-d/ta-A+A, cf. Frayne1992, 80) is to be soughteastof the passof ?uB/Pu-na-isandnot far from Lake Zeribor,where the Idean warriorstook refuge. Shalmaneserm crossedthe Kullarpass and establisheda fortressin InnerZamuain 843 or 842 B.C. (Grayson1996,A.0.102.6,iii, 58ff.)beforeproceeding to Mannea.It is not known whetherthis unnamed fortressis the sameas the one whichwas laternamed Dir- Tukulti-apil-Ecarra(cf. below, 8.9.8.1, 6). ANDANTHROPONYMY 8.9.1.2. PROSOPOGRAPHY 1. Ni-ig-de-ra and 2. Ni-ig-de--ma from Inner
mountains(actuallysix, but seven is a stereotypic Zamua(Grayson1996,52: Shalm.UI A.0.102.10,ii, 8, number)were situatedon the way from Sumbi to but the detailed account in Grayson 1996, 36: Surika' (above, 1.9; Thureau-Dangin 1912, 28f., see A.0.102.6,ii, 11 and 104:A.0.102.28,42, has only NiLevine 1973a, 19; 1974, 114; VeraChamaza 1994, 96): 3. IkrSi-na-hul-zi, 4. (a variantof 1.1, 11
'rrBi-ru-at-ti above?the Assyrianscribe comparedit with Akkad.
beriftu "remote"),5. lhrTu-ur-ta-ni,6. 'krSi-na-bi-ir, 7. and 8. ?krSu-2u-ia (= krSu-u(-a), below, kurAh-Ju-u-ru, 8.9.6.1).
8.9. Zamua See Billerbeck 1898, passim, esp. 38ff.; Liverani 1992, 46ff., 104f., 126f., 136f., 146, 151 and figs. 4, 5,
ig-de-ra/Ni-ig-di-a-ra), Ni-ig-di-a-ra and Ni-ig-de-
-ma (Grayson 1996,65: A.0.102.14, 51f.; the former from Idu); Ni-ig-de-ra,
Ni-ig-de-ra-ma
(Grayson1996,75:A.0.102.16,25), both 854 B.C. 3. S/SAR-si-na s. of Me-eg-di-a-ra (= Ni-ig-di-a-ra) is mentioned (without specifying his capital, see Diakonoff 1985a, 61) in the course of Sam~i-AdadV's second campaign to Nairi and Sunbu, and his third campaign to Nairi, Hubulkia and Sunbu at the end of the 820s or beginning of the 810s (presumably sometime between 821 and 819 B.C., Grayson 1996, 184:A.0.103.1, ii, 23f., 38).
THE ETHNO-LINGUISTIC CHARACTER OF NORTHWESTERN IRAN AND KURDISTAN IN THE NEO-ASSYRIAN PERIOD
8.9.2. B/Punasu 8.9.2.1. GEOGRAPHICAL EXTENT ANDTOPONYMY
1. unrB/Pu-na-a-si, kurB/Pu-na-is(Grayson 1991,
204: Ashurnasirpal II A.0.101.1,ii, 52f.) was situated inside2. Mt. Ni-mus= LullubianKi-ni-ba/pa(modem Pir OmarGudrun,see Billerbeck1898, 26; cf. Speiser 1928, 18 andLiverani1992,48, 53) in westernZamua. 8.9.2.2. PROSOPOGRAPHY ANDANTHROPONYMY 1. Mu-sa-si-na king of 881 B.C. ,nB/Pu-na-a-si,
II A.0.101.1,ii, 35); (Grayson1991,204: Ashumasirpal 2. A-na-re-e the B/Punesean (kurB/Pu-ne'-sa-A+A), 854
B.C. (Grayson1996, 104:Shalm.I A.0.102.28,42, see Schramm1973,82, 87ff.;Radner1998a). 8.9.3. Dilr-Lullume 8.9.3.1. GEOGRAPHICAL EXTENT ANDTOPONYMY 1. MA Dfir-Lullume> NA Dfiru (see Unger 1938)
whichis mentioned maybe identicalwithMA kurDu-ri, together with kurU-za-mi-a(> NA Zamua?, Nashef
1982, 278); 2. La-ar-b/pu-sa(see Liverani1992, 48). The formeris definedas Kirtiara'scapitalwhereasthe latteris describedas his fortress(i~ludanniitu).
135
8.9.5. Sipirmena kurSi-pir-me-na,klrSi-pi-a-me-na (Grayson 1991, 207: Ashumasirpal II A.0.101.1, ii, 75 and 248: A.0.101.17, iii, 97 resp.; see Liverani 1992, 54; cf. Speiser 1930, 56f.) was probablynear Arzizu.
8.9.6. Zamri (see Liverani 1992, 52f.) ANDTOPONYMY EXTENT 8.9.6.1. GEOGRAPHICAL was presumablynear Sumbi if krSu-u 1. u•rZa-am-ri is the same mountainas Su-u-ia (= 8.8, above). 2. kurLaa-ra was not far from 3. unA-ra-ak-di(-a, renamed Tukulti-AsSur-asbat, perhaps near Suleimaniyah accordingto Levine 1989, 86f.) and Hudun (8.9.2.1, 2) according to Grayson 1991, 207f.: Ashumasirpal II A.0.101.1, ii, 76ff. Arrakdiwas one stop before 4. [Ba]according to the Fart-zu-un-di/B[a]-ar-zu-u[n]-d[i] Zamuaitinerary(Levine 1989, 76f., 11ff.;= 12 below?). 5. kurBi-di-ir-gi(see Liverani 1992,52), 6. I7-Lcl-lu-u (prob. modem Takabiaaccordingto Speiser 1928, map and Liverani 1992, 53), kurE-ti-ni(= 8.7, 3 above), 7. 17E-di-ir (modem Shalar or Qizilta according to Speiser 1928, 27 and Liverani 1992, 53), urSu-u.,8. rE-la-ni-.P,
9.
(nearBanehaccordingto Liverani1992, ,rSa-b/pu-a and 12. 11. 10.
8.9.3.2. PROSOPOGRAPHY ANDANTHROPONYMY
u'rAm-ma-ru, u"A-ra-si-ik-du, 54), uruPdr-si-in-du (Grayson 1991, 206f.: A.0.101.1,
Ki-ir-ti-a-ra, 881 B.C. (Grayson 1991, 204: II A.0.101.1,i i, 40);Ki-ir-te-a-ra(ii, 69; Ashumasirpal 246:A.0.101.17,53);cf. Levine1973a,19.
ii,60ff., poss. modem Parazan according to Speiser 1928, 28f., cf. Liverani 1992, 54; OIran.?);13. 'urI-ri-tu, and 14. "urSu-ri-tu. ANDANTHROPONYMY 8.9.6.2. PROSOPOGRAPHY
A-me-ka, 881 B.C. (Grayson 1991, 206:
8.9.4. Arzizu 8.9.4.1. GEOGRAPHICAL EXTENT ANDTOPONYMY
1. uMAr-zi-zu waspresumably near2. Qu-un(Hurr.) bu-na(cf.Liverani Mattila 1992,54; 1998);3. un~Ar-si-indu. 4.
is identifiedwith modem Mt. Avroman
•rNi-is-pi
(seeLiverani1992,49f.,whoregards5. Mt.Ga-am-riand
6. Mt.E-di-nuastwopeaksof Mt.Ni'piandpointsout
AshumasirpalII A.0.101.1, ii, 61), poss. OIran.
8.9.7. Ammali/Mamli (poss. modem Nammal,see Speiser 1928, 26; Liverani1992, 51)
1. A-ra-ds'-tu-a,881 B.C. (Grayson 1991, 205:
that of was situatedbetweenthesetwo AshumasirpalII A.0.101.1, ii, 50), OIran. 1'B1n-ru-tuDagara was a sacred mountain among the peaks). Ni'pi Lullubians: wasworshipped dNi-if-ba atBatir(inHalman, Edzard 44: and 8.9.8. Unspecified cf. above,1.14; 1973,76, ii, dN[i-fls-ba) also at Simurrumu (Gelb and Kienast 1990, 379f.:13, 16, 49) in the Ur I and Old Babylonianperiods. 8.9.4.2.PROSOPOGRAPHY ANDANTHROPONYMY (BOTH AYP.) 1.A-ta, 881 B.C. (Grayson 1991,207: Ashumasirpal II A.0.101.1, ii, 73); 2. Da-da-a rulerof Arzizu, Sargon II's time (see Mattila 1998).
ANDTOPONYMY EXTENT 8.9.8.1. GEOGRAPHICAL 1. zInAt-li-la/Diir-A.&uris possibly modem Bakrawa (see Speiser 1928, 28; 1930, 100 with n. 52; Liverani 1992, 55f.). Is 2. uruBan-ba-la (one stage after Atlila/Dtir-ASlur)relatedto MB Pa-an-ba-li , a Kassite name of Babylon (see Balkan 1954, 90f.; cf. Nashef 1982, 47)? If this is so, then it would be another
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indicationof Babylonianpresencein Zamua(notablyin nearbyAtlila)presumablyduringthe earlypost-Kassite period(cf. F.E.Peiserin Schrader1890, 272 ad v, 1; Brinkman1968, 154f. with n. 929; Liverani1992, 55 with n. 236). The itineraryfrom Atlila/Dir-AS'urto LakeZeriborconsistsalmostentirelyof localeswhich servedin all probabilityas Assyrianoutpostsagainst Mannea and changed hands between Assyria and Mannea,viz. 3. Halsu ?a Gur-A+A(namedafterthe Gurreans,a West Semitictribe in the service of the Assyrians), 4. Gupni?a Bil-Harrtn, 5. Halsu &aAdadrimanni, and 6. Dfir-Tukulti-apil-Egarra (Levine 1989,
8.11. Linguistic analysis of the anthroponymy(27 =
100%;8.5.3 as well as the gentilics8.5,7 and and"Lulubean" 8.9.8.2, 2, i.e. "Kummean" respectively,arenot counted) (a) Old Iranian (1 = 3.7%): 881 B.C.: A-ra-ai-tu-a
(8.9.7, 1 see [Radnerand] Schmitt 1998c).- Just possible (2 = 7.4%):881 B.C.: A-me-ka(8.9.6.2, see [Radnerand] Schmitt 1998b).- 717 B.C.: Pa-ra-'-u (8.9.8.2, 1) may render *Parva- "first"(see Zadok 1976, 388b).- (b) Old Iranian or (rather) HurroUrartian (1 = 3.7%): A-ri-e, [A-ri]-IA-e (8.5, 1)
-
78f., 26ff.; see Zadok 1995a,434f.; Lanfranchi1995, [Parkerand] Schmitt 1998 follows Grantovskiy's 134f.). The last point was probablyon the Mannean Iranianetymology. However, a Hurrianderivation borderin the time of Tiglath-pileser Il, who received seemsplausible,seeingthatA-ri-(i-)iais very common therethetributeof Iranzukingof Mannea.Dfir-Tukulti- in theHurrianonomasticon(cf. Gelbet al. 1943,203b). apil-Egarra(the originalnameis unknown,cf. above, In addition,the ending-IA-eis extantin othernames 8.9.1.1) was consideredpart of Sumbi if Fuchs's fromKummeandneighbouring regions(see presently), restoration(apudFrahm1997-98, 402 ad 98f., 17') is whicharenot Iranian,but seem to belongto a Hurrocorrect.The same may apply to stages 3-5 on this Urartianmilieu.-(c) Probably Hurro-Urartian(2 itinerary.All these outpostsstartwith dfiruor halsu 7.4%): Sa-ni-4IA(-e,8.6, 1), cf. Sa-a-nd-e, Sa-a-ni (Gelb "fortress"which amply define their function. The et al. 1943,249a, 250b) andperhapsUrart.Sa-nd-e-hi+A (Lanfranchi ne (Melikilvili 1971b, 271f.: 455, 4). Is Sa-ni-i gentilicof thetoponym7. kirKu-mi-sa-A and Parpola1990, 202, 9) is recordedin a document (merchant,Lanfranchiand Parpola1990, 224 r. 14; fromZamua(see Zadok1995a,434); 8. M"'HAR-ti-iS(-acted or was based in Arzuhina)the same name? A+A) (gent.,see below,8.10, 2). SeveralnamesfromKummeandenvironsendin -JA-e (8.4.1,2, as well as thetoponymDa-A+A-e,8.4.2.1,4). 8.9.8.2. PROSOPOGRAPHY ANDANTHROPONYMY Is this an indicationthat they are basically Hurro1. Pa-ra-'-u, Birtu (presumablyin Zamua, cf. Urartianalthoughthisis not apparentfromtheirbases? Levine 1973, 18f. with n. 69), 717 B.C., concerning Bi-ri-a-un(8.5, 8) is probablyUrartianaccordingto horses; horses from Mannea are mentionedin the Parker1998c.- (d) Hurro-Urartian?(3 = 11.11%): precedingentry (cf. Postgate 1974, 21: 7.2.5), poss. B/Pu-re-e (8.5, 9), cf. B/Pur-ra (Neu 1996, 398 and OIran.; 2. Lu-ul-lu-pa-[A+A], time of Sargon II
andParpola1990,138,6'), i.e. "Lullubean" (Lanfranchi (gent.;a commoneractivenortheastof Assyriaproper); 3. La-ar-ku-ut-lacity lord of kurZa-mu-u-a, time of Esarhaddon and Watanabe 1988,28, 6). (Parpola
passim)? E-zi-L4-e(8.5, 5) may be comparedwith MB (DUMU) E-zi-ia (H6lscher 1996, 76a) and (DUMU) E-
ze-e (fromTaanach;for a WestSemiticetymologysee Sivan 1984,205). Ha-ru-u-i(8.2.2, 2), cf. perhapsMB Nuzi Ha-ru-ia (Hurr.?see Gelb et al. 1943, 214a).- (e)
Atypical(shortandubiquitous;5 = 18.51%):8.2.2, 1, 8.4.2.2, 8.9.4.2, 1, Bu-u"-bu,Ba-bu-a/Bu-ba-a (8.1, 1), 8.10. Bit-Kilamzah and environs (702 B. C.)
Da-da-a(8.9.4.2,2; Mattila1998:"lallative").(1)West Semitic (1 = 3.7%): Ga-ma-lu (8.5, 6, not Akkadian,
1. "n'E-"mKi-lam-za-ah (Luckenbill 1924, 26, i, 72; 2. Kass.); ""'Ha-ar-di-i?-piwas comparedwith unHARti-ii(-A+A, mentioned together with Zamua, cf. Liverani 1992, 91) by Diakonoff 1956a, 158, n. 2; 3. "lruBit(E)-mKu-bat-ti (Luckenbill 1924, 73; both annexed to the province of Arrapha).Levine (1973b, 313f.) is of the opinion, that unlike Bit-Kilamzah, 2, 3 might have been situatedmore to the west.
see Zadok1995a,436).- (g) PossiblyWest Semitic (1 = 3.7%): E-hi-IA-e (8.5, 4, cf. Vanderroost1998).- () Unaffiliated, but not isolated (6 = 22.22%): Is the first component of La-ar-ku-ut-la (8.9.8.2, 3, cf. Grantovskiy 1970, 125) related to La-a-ra (8.9.5.1, 1) and La-ar-b/pu-sa (8.9.3.1, 2)? For names ending in d/tiara, viz. Ki-ir-te/ti-a-ra (8.9.3.2, see Grantovskiy 1970, 122:3 for unsuccessful attempts at an Iranian
THE ETHNO-LINGUISTIC CHARACTER OF NORTHWESTERN IRAN AND KURDISTAN IN THE NEO-ASSYRIAN PERIOD
etymology) and Me-eg-di-a-ra, Ni-ig-di-a-ra, Ni-ig-dera-ma, Ni-ig-de--ma (8.9.1.2, 1, 2), see Hiising
1898, 360; Streck 1900, 262, n. 1; Speiser 1928, 18 (hardlyHurrianas the names from Nuzi, which are quoted by Speiser, actually end in -atal; the offeredby Speiser1930, 113,n. 92 is also interpretation and Diakonoff1956b,66. Ba-zi-ia(8.4.1, 1) unlikely) canbe comparedwiththe toponymkurBa-zi,kurBa-a-za referringto a regionin the nearbysouthernArmenian Plateau(cf. Astour1987, 23); Mu-sa-si-na(8.9.2.2, 1, cf. 3.10 above).- (i) Unaffiliated and isolated (5 = 18.51%):8.3.2, 1; 8.4.1, 2; 8.5, 2; 8.9.1.2,3; 8.9.2.2,2. (j) Summary.Chronologicaldistribution:1000-745: 11 = 40.74%; 744-705: 14 = 51.85%; 704-600: 2 =
7.4%.-Ethno-linguisticclassification:1000-745(11 = 100%):Old Iranian1 (9.09%);possiblyOld Iranian1 (9.09%);atypical3 (27.27%);unaffiliated(Lullubian?) 3 (27.27%);unaffiliated(with parallels) 1 (9.09%); unaffiliatedand isolated2 (18.18%).-744-705 (14 = 100%):possiblyOldIranian1 (7.14%);possiblyHurroUrartian 1 (7.14%); probably Hurro-Urartian2 3 (21.42%); atypical 2 (14.28%); Hurro-Urartian? (14.28%); West Semitic 1 (7.14%); possibly West Semitic 1 (7.14%);unaffiliated3 (21.42%).-704-600 (2 = 100%): unaffiliated (Lullubian?) 1 (50 %); unaffiliatedandisolated1 (50 %). 8.12. Linguistic analysis of the toponymy(84 =100%)
137
92 with n. 21) pointsout that -nt- is also recordedin Anatolian names (and in several pre-Iranian onomastica).In Zamua -nt- is extant in Ar-si-in-du (8.9.3.1,3) as well.39I cannotregardBar-sa-ma-nuas a forerunnerof Pdr-si-in-du (pace Frayne 1992, 80). Ba-
a-ra (8.9.2.1) < *Bdra-(Grantovskiy1970, 125f.; cf. Bit-Bdiri,7.5.4.2), but the form is too short for an linguisticaffiliation(cf. ad 3.3, 1 above).unambiguous (e) Kassite (2 = 2.38%): E-mKi-lam-za-ah(8.10, 1, see Balkan 1954, 92), E-mKu-bat-ti(8.10, 3), both of the
Doubtful(2 = 2.38%):Hatype Bit- + anthroponym.ar-di-i'-pi (8.10, 2) was compared with urHAR-ti-i?(-
A+A, 8.9.8.1, 8). The latteris perhapslinguistically relatedto MA unHi-ir-di-i' (Nashef 1982, 128).- (f) Kassitised (1 = 1.19%): 8.9.8.1, 2.- (g) HurroUrartian (3 = 3.57%): Ar-zi-zu (8.9.4.1, 1, cf. Speiser
1930, 91, n. 16; Gelb et al. 1943, 203b, 278b) is Ar-ze-zereferring homonymouswith the anthroponym to atleasttwo differentindividuals(Kessler1998b).Anda-ru-ut-ta(8.2.1, 3; hardlyOIran.despiteEilers1988, 440a, index,s.v.) is basedon Hurr.antar-,cf. the MB An-ta-ra-tifromNuzi (Gelb et al. 1943, anthroponym 201a?), as well as An-da-ri-a, An-da-re-e, [An-di-r]i-a
(an Urartiangovernor,Radner1998a:"meaningunkn., prob. Urar .";var.An-du-ra-a,Piepkorn 1933, 57, n. 13:
in Mlt-Lullube(Zamua, VAT7947). MA uruAn-da-ri-a Nashef 1982,31) is homonymous;8.8, 5.- (h) Atypical (8 = 9.52%): B/Pu-zu-ia(8.8, 2, cf. Eidem 1992, 56b ad B/Pu-e/i); Da-A+A-e, Pa-IA-e (8.4.2.1, 1, 4); 8.4.1;
8.4.2.1,3; 8.8, 1, 8; 8.9.1.1.-(i) Akkadian(4 = 4.76%; = renamed places 8.9.6.1, 3, 8.9.8.1, 1 are not the (a) Pre-first millennium (11 13.09%):Ni-mus' (LullubianKi-ni-ba/pa,8.9.2.1,2); Ni-is-pi(8.9.4.1,4, counted):8.9.8.1, 3-6.- Doubtful (2 = 2.38%):I7-Lcdldeified as dNi-is'-ba).Frayne (1992, 73f., 79, 83f.) lu-ut(8.9.6.1,6) may denote"theLullubianriver"(the CVCsign LALis indifferentto vowel quality;for nctru regardsA-ri-ik-ti-in and Sa-b/pu-e as forerunnersof Ara-ak-di(-a,8.9.6.1, 3; hardlyHurrian,pace Speiser "river"+ adjectivein the masculinegendercf., e.g., 1930, 145, n. 86, who presented a different N/LBNdirula-bi-ri,Pohl 1933,51, 10);8.8,4 (withfolk segmentationon 143) and Sa-b/pu-a (8.9.6.1, 9) etymology,cf. Bj-ru-tu8.9.4.1?).-(j) West Semitic(2 respectively.Ad-da-u[s](8.3.1, 4; MA A-da-us);8.1; = 2.38%):8.9.6.1, 14, 8.9.7.-(k) Unaffiliated,but not 8.2; 8.5; 8.7; 8.9.3; 8.9.3.1, 1.- (b) Pre-first entirely isolated (11 = 13.09%): Si-na-hul-zi (8.8, 3), millennium?(2 = 2.38%):8.7, 2; 8.9.- (c) Possibly cf. MA umrHu-ul*-zaon Tiir-'Abdin(Nashef 1982, homonymouswith pre-firstmillenniumtoponyms(2 130f.).Si-me-ra(8.3.1,2) canbe comparedwiththe OB = 2.38%): Si-ri-is' (gent. Si-ri&/ri-i&-A+A, is 8.3.1, 6) toponym Si-me-ri-n[ik]i,Si-me-er-ri-ni, the Hurrian possibly homonymous with Se-er-&um,Se-er-&i,Se-re&e(cf. Astour 1987, 33f.). Is 8.3.1 linguistically related to MA HAR-ga-mu? (cf. Nashef 1982, 119f.; Astour 1987, 20)?- (d) Old Iranian? (2 = 2.38%):Pr-si-in-du (8.9.6.1, 12; = B[a]-ar-zu-un-di, 8.9.6.1, 4?), cf. Av. (Yalt 13, 123) Par&inta (Eilers 1954, 328; cf. Grantovskiy 1970, 125) or non-Iranian:Speiser (1930,
gentilic Si-me-er-ri-we from Sularri (Eidem 1992, 89b Fincke 1993, with refs., cf. MB Nuzi runSi-me-ru-un-ni, 253f. and Astour 1987, 8) and perhaps Si-me-ri(-)Ha(located much di-ri, above, 1.1.1 infine and u"rSi-mir-ra more to the northwest, on the Urartianbordernear the province of the rab-&aqd, Tadmor1994, 126: Summ. 1, 30). Su-um-bi (8.8) may be linguistically related to the
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OB anthroponym Su-um-bi-kafromTikunani(Salvini 76, 1996, vii, 31).- With -un (common in Urartian toponymy):8.2.1,4, 7; 8.9, 5; with-nt-(cf.just above): 8.9.4.1, 3; 8.9.6.1, 4.- 8.7, 2, 3, 8 resembleseveral toponyms in Urartu (cf. Salvini 1967, 65).- (1) Unaffiliated and Isolated (32 = 38.09%): Bi-di-ir-gi
(Kwasmanand Parpola1991, 181, 1: -t[a-a-ma],4: pa[r]-; 182, 3) < *Fratama- (see Tallqvist 1914, 180b),
683 B.C. (cf. Zadok 1976c, 388f.).- U-ri-ia-a (Kwasmanand Parpola1991, 91, 7; 681/0 B.C.) is Canaanite,Akkad.(cf. Zadok 1978b, 59b) or OIran. *Varya-"thedesirable"(cf. Zadok1978c,73b).-Pa-ar-
(8.9.5.1,2) is hardlyHurrianas understoodby Speiser 1928,21, n. 36. I cannotagreewith Frayne1992, 80f.
nu-u-a -
that Ba-na-a-za-NI/a is a forerunnerof B/Pu-na-a-si, B/Pu-na-is (8.9.2.1). 8.2.1, 1, 2, 5, 6; 8.3.1, 3, 5; 8.4.2.1,
Grantovskiy 1970, 325).- Pa-ra-an-'a-ka,
2; 8.7; 8.6, 4-7; 8.8, 6 (cf. Si-na-hul-zi?),7; 8.9, 1-3; 8.9.3.1, 2, 5, 6; 8.9.4.1, 2; 8.9.5; 8.9.5.1, 7; 8.9.6.1, 1, 2, 7, 8, 10, 12; 8.9.8.1, 1. (m) Summary. Chronological distribution: 1000-745: 58 = 69.04%; 744-705: 16 =
19.04%;744-705/704-600:6 = 7.14%;704-600: 4 = 4.76%.-Ethno-linguisticclassification:1000-745 (58 = 100%):Pre-firstmillennium10 (17.24%);pre-first millennium?2 (3.44%);homonymouswith pre-first millennium toponyms 2 (3.44%); Old Iranian?2 (3.44%;originallyanthroponyms); possiblyKassite 1 1 Hurro-Urartian (1.72%); (1.72%);atypical1(1.72%); Akkadianised?2 (3.44%);West Semitic 2 (3.44%); unaffiliatedbut not entirely isolated 11 (18.96%); unaffiliatedandisolated23 (39.65%).-744-705 (16 = 2 (12.5%);atypical6 (37.5%); 100%):Hurro-Urartian unaffiliated but not entirely isolated 2 (12.5%);
possibly Ashurbanipal's time (Kataja and
Whiting 1995, 63, 6'; see Zadok 1990 and cf. A''ur,
sometimebetween647 and612 B.C. (Zadok1997c,6).U-di-ni (alternatively Akkadian), undated (prob. Sargonid;FalesandPostgate1991, 112r. 3). Verylittle fromthe last decadeof pertinentmaterial(presumably the seventhcenturyB.C.) is containedin Radner1999 by me apud (severalnamesaretentativelyinterpreted Radner 1999): 202 ad 63f. - Pu-la-ia and [N]u-ul-li (both Kass.); 205 ad 65: Ku-un-na (cf. Kass. kun(a)?); Da-e-tu-zu-ib-'mut- cf. the toponym Da-tu-um-bu? Ku-un-za-ri - cf. MB Nuzi Ku-uz-za-a-ri, OB Mari
Ku-za-ri;Ku-ia-an-na- cf. the homonymoustoponym (above,4.9.1, 1) andKass.kus-(Balkan1954, 152). 10. GENERALSTATISTICS Anthroponymy(207 = 100%)
unaffiliated and isolated 6 (37.5%).- 744-705/704-600 (6 = 100%):Kassitised 1 (16.66%); Akkadian3 (50%);
Chronological distribution: 1000-745: 58 = Akkadian-West Semitic1 (16.66%);unaffiliated butnot 28.01%; 744-705: 122 = 58.93%; 744-705/704-600: 2 entirelyisolated 1 (16.66%);704-600 (4 = 100%): = 0.96%; 704-600: 25 = 12.07%.- Ethno-linguistic Kassite2 (50%)possiblyKassite 1 (25%);atypical1 classification.1000-745 (58 = 100%):Old Iranian13 (25%). (22.41%); Old Iranianor Elamite 1 (1.72%); Old Iranianor atypical1 (1.72%);probablyOld Iranian2 (3.44%);possiblyOldIranian1 (1.72%);OldIranian?1 9. COMPARATIVE MATERIAL (1.72%);Kassite 2 (3.44%);Kassitetitle 1 (1.72%); Kassite 1 (1.72%);Elamite? 1 (1.72%); atypical 9 IndividualsfromMediaorbearingIraniannamesin (15.51%); Akkadian 1 (1.72%); Akkadiantitle 1 Assyria proper(with variousdegrees of plausibility; (1.72%);unaffiliatedwith parallelsfrom the Hurrowhereverapplicable):40 Urartianregions 1 (1.72%);unaffiliatedwith parallels arrangedchronologically A Mede(Mad-A+A) is possiblyrecordedas earlyas from the Lullubian(?)region 3 (5.17%);unaffiliated 738 B.C. togetherwith a certainBar-zi-i(see Zadok with otherparallels1 (1.72%);unaffiliatedandisolated 18 (31.03%).-744-705 (122 = 100%):homonymous 1976c, 388b; the readingof the formeris just one of several alternatives to KUR-A+A, cf. Zadok 1997d, 213). Another occurrence of the latter (an identical or homonymous Bar-zi-i) dates from 734 B.C. It is linguistically related to Bar-zi-ia-[a] (undated, Fales and Postgate 1995, 133, iii, 9).- Ku-ta-ki (cf. n. 23 above).- A-bi-e&-ta-am-ba, time of Sargon II (see Breckwoldt and Schmitt 1998).- Par-ta-am-ma
with pre-first millennium names 1 (0.81%); homonymous with pre-first millennium names or Old Iranian1 (0.81%); Old Iranian48 (39.34%); Old Iranian or atypical 2 (1.63%); Old Iranianor Hurro-Urartian1 (0.81%); possibly Old Iranian4 (3.27%); possibly Old Iranian or Hurro-Urartian1 (0.81%); Old Iranian? 8 (6.55%); Kassite 6 (4.91%); Kassite? 2 (1.63%);
THE ETHNO-LINGUISTIC CHARACTER OF NORTHWESTERN IRAN AND KURDISTAN IN THE NEO-ASSYRIAN PERIOD
4 (3.27%);Hurro-Urartian? 8 probablyHurro-Urartian Kassite or Hurro-Urartian? 1 (6.55%); (0.81%); Elamite?2 (1.63%);atypical9 (7.37%);Akkadian6 (4.91%); West Semitic 1 (0.81%); possibly West Semitic1 (0.81%);unaffiliatedwithinternalparallels1 (0.81%); unaffiliated and isolated 15 (12.29%).744-705/704-600
(2 = 100%): atypical 1 (50%);
unaffiliatedand isolated 1 (50%).- 704-600 (25 = 100%):Old Iranian7 (28%);Old Iranian?4 (16%); Kassite 1 (4%); Kassite? 1 (4%); Hurro-Urartian 1 1 (4%);Elamite1 (4%);atypical (4%);Hurro-Urartian? 1 (4%); unaffiliatedwith parallelsfrom the HurroUrartian withparallelsfrom regions1 (4%);unaffiliated the Lullubian(?) 1 andisolated region (4%);unaffiliated 6 (24%).-In all periodstakentogether:(a) OldIranian 67 (32.36%); (b) Old Iranianor (rather?)HurroUrartian1 (0.48%); (c) Old Iranianor Elamite 1 (0.48%);(d) Old Iranianor pre-Iranian1 (0.48%);(e) Old Iranianor atypical2 (0.96%);(f) probablyOld Iranian2 (0.96%);(g) possiblyOld Iranian5 (2.41%); (h) possiblyOld Iranianor Hurrian1 (0.48%);(i) Old Iranian? 14 (6.76%); (j) Kassite 11 (5.31%); (k) Kassite?5 (2.41%);(1)Hurro-Urartian 2 (0.96%); (m) 2 probablyHurro-Urartian(0.96%);(n)possiblyHurroUrartian1 (0.48%);(o) Hurro-Urartian? 9 (4.34%);(p) Elamite2 (0.96%);(q) Elamite?2 (0.96%);(r)probably pre-Iranian1 (0.48%);(s) atypical22 (10.62%);(t) Akkadian6 (2.89%);(u) WestSemitic1 (0.48%); (v) possiblyWestSemitic 1 (0.48%);(w) unaffiliated,but not entirelyisolated11(5.31%);(x) unaffiliated(witha reduplicatedsyllable) 1 (0.48%);(y) unaffiliatedand isolated36 (17.39%).
139
regions 8 (5.06%); parallelsfrom the Hurro-Urartian unaffiliatedwith parallels from the Hurro-Urartian with parallelsfromthe regions?5 (3.16%);unaffiliated 2 unaffiliated withparallels Lullubian(?) region (1.26%); from the Lullubian(?)or Hurro-Urartian regions 6 with parallelsfromthe Lullubian(3.79%);unaffiliated Qutian(?)regions(kingi,ka/inz)4 (2.53%);unaffiliated andisolated withinternalparallels8 (5.06%);unaffiliated = 66 (41.77%).- 744-705 (236 100%): pre-first millennium2 (0.84%);gentilicof a pre-firstmillennium toponym1 (0.42%);pre-firstmillennium?2 (0.84%); homonymous with pre-first millennium names 5 with pre-first (2.11%);possibly quasi-homonymous Old Iranian 22 (9.32%); names millennium 1 (0.42%); 1 Old Iranianor atypical(originallyan anthroponym): 9 (0.42%);possiblyOldIranian11(4.66%);OldIranian? (3.81%);Kassite3 (1.27%);possiblyKassite1 (0.42%); 5 (2.11%);HurroKassite?7 (2.96%);Hurro-Urartian 1 Urartian?16 (6.77%);Kassite or Hurro-Urartian 3 or Hurro-Urartian? (1.27%); (0.42%); Kassite 1 (0.42%); Elamite 1 Akkadianor Hurro-Urartian (0.42%); Elamite? 2 (0.84%); atypical 8 (3.38%); Akkadianor atypical 1 (0.42%); Akkadianisedor 1 atypical1 (0.42%);Akkadian7 (2.96%);Akkadianised (0.42%);partlyAkkadian?1 (0.42%);West Semitic withparallelsfrom 1 (0.42%);unaffiliated (Aramaicised) the Kassite or Hurro-Urartian regions 2 (0.84%); with parallelsfromthe Lullubian-Qutian(?) unaffiliated regions (kingi,ka/int,ka/inz)8 (3.38%);unaffiliatedwith
regions 4 (1.69%); parallelsfrom the Hurro-Urartian from the Hurro-Urartian unaffiliatedwith parallels withparallelsfromthe regions?10 (4.23%);unaffiliated ElamiteorHurro-Urartian regions1 (0.42%);unaffiliated with parallelsfrom the Elamiteterritory1 (0.42%); = butrelatedto anothertoponymin the same unaffiliated, Toponymy(447 100%) 10 region (4.23%);unaffiliated,but relatedto another and Chronological distribution: 1000-745: 158 toponymin the sameregion?1 (0.42%);unaffiliated 35.34%;744-705:236 = 52.79%;744-705/704-600:10 isolated85 (36.01%).-744-705/704-600(10 = 100%): = 2.23%; 704-600: 43 = 9.61%.- Ethno-linguistic pre-firstmillennium?1 (10%);possiblyOld Iranian2 classification. 1000-745 (158 = 100%): pre-first (20%); Kassitised 1 (10%); Akkadian 3 (30%); millennium13(8.22%);pre-firstmillennium? Semitic 1 (10%);unaffiliated,but not 3 (1.89%); Akkadian-West with homonymous pre-first millennium names 5 isolated(with-nt-) 1 (10%);unaffiliatedandisolated1 (3.16%); quasi-homonymouswith pre-firstmillennium names? 2 (1.26%);Old Iranian4 (2.53%);Old Iranian?5 (3.16%);Kassite 4 (2.53%);Kassite or Hurro-Urartian1 (0.63%);possibly Kassite 1 (0.63%);Kassite?5 (3.16%); Hurro-Urartian2 (1.26%); Hurro-Urartian?3 (1.89%); atypical3 (1.89%);Akkadian3 (1.89%);Akkadianised? 3 (1.89%); West Semitic 2 (1.26%); unaffiliatedwith
(10%).- 704-600 (43 = 100%): pre-firstmillennium 3 (6.97%); quasi-homonymouswith pre-firstmillennium names? 1 (2.32%); Old Iranian5 (11.62%);Old Iranian or atypical 1 (2.32%); perhaps Old Iranian or Akkadianised 1 (2.32%); Old Iranian or Kassite 1 (2.32%); Old Iranian or Hurro-Urartian?1 (2.32%); Kassite 5 (11.62%); possibly Kassite 5 (11.62%);
140
JOURNAL OF PERSIAN STUDIES
Kassite?1 (2.32%);Hurro-Urartian? 2 (4.65%);atypical 2 (4.65%); Akkadian 1 (2.32%); unaffiliatedwith parallelsfromthe Hurro-Urartian regions?2 (4.65%); and 12 isolated unaffiliated (27.9%).- In all periods takentogether:(a) pre-firstmillennium18 (4.02%);(b) 6 (1.34%);(c) gentilicof a pre-first pre-firstmillennium? millenniumtoponym1 (0.22%);(d) homonymouswith pre-first millennium names 5 (1.11%);(e) quasihomonymous with pre-first millennium names 1 withpre-first (0.22%);(f) possiblyquasi-homonymous millenniumnames 1 (0.44%);(g) quasi-homonymous with pre-firstmillenniumnames?3 (0.67%);(h) Old Iranian 31 (6.93%); (i) Old Iranian or Kassite 1 1 (0.22%); (0.22%);(j) Old Iranianor Hurro-Urartian Old Iranian or 1 Elamite (k) (0.22%);(1)OldIranianor atypical(originallyan anthroponym): 1 (0.22%);(m) possibly Old Iranian13 (2.90/o);(n) Old Iranian?14 (3.13%);(o) Old Iranianor Hurro-Urartian? 1 (0.22%); 1 (0.22%);(q) (p) perhapsOldIranianor Akkadianised Kassite 12 (2.68%);(r) Kassite or Hurro-Urartian 2 Kassite 7 (0.44%);(s) possibly (1.56%);(t) Kassite?13 (2.9%);(u)Kassite(verydoubtful)1(0.22%);(v) Kassite orHurro-Urartian? 3 (0.67%);(w) Kassitised1 (0.22%); 7 (1.56%);(y) Hurro-Urartian? 21 (x) Hurro-Urartian (4.69%);(z) Elamite1 (0.22%);(a') Elamite?2 (0.44%); (b') atypical13 (2.9%); (c') atypicalor Akkadian1 (0.22%);(d') atypicalor Akkadianised1 (0.22%);(e') Akkadian14 (3.11%);(f') Akkadianised 1 (0.22%);(g') Akkadianised? 3 (0.67%);(h') Akkadian-West Semitic2 (0.44%); (i') hybrid (Akkadianand non-Semitic 1 (0.22%);(j') partlyAkkadian?1 (0.22%);(k') West Semitic2 (0.44%);(1') West Semitic(Aramaicised)1 (0.22%);(m') unaffiliated,but not entirelyisolated74 andisolated164(36.68%). (16.55%);(n') Unaffiliated
plausibility)the largestgroup(22.21-7.4%).Elsewhere the Kassiteswerethe second-largest and group("Inner" Western Media: 18.18-15.15% and 12.24-6.12% respectively;NorthwesternMedia and Parsua:6.66% and 6.88-3.44%respectively).Onlyin Manneaandits environs,whichwere on the Urartianborder,werethe Hurro-Urartians the second-largestgroup (14.8-3.7% compared with 3.7% Kassites). The ethnic characterisation of Manneanaturallyrefersonly to its ruling class, as very few commoners'names are mentionedin the sources.The evidencefor the ethnolinguisticcharacterof the Manneans(843-c. 600 B.C.) was convenientlysummarisedby Boehmer1964. His conclusionsweregenerallyaccepted(cf. Kashkai1977, esp. chap. 2). Boehmer is of the opinion that the Manneanswere a Hurriangroupwith a slightKassite admixture (cf. Kashkai1977,39f. withlit.).Itis unlikely thattherewasanyethno-linguistic unityin Mannea.Like otherpeoplesof the Iranianplateauthe Manneanswere subjectedto an ever increasingIranian(i.e. IndoEuropean)penetration.Boehmer'sanalysisof several and toponymsneeds modificationand anthroponyms Melikilvili(1949,60) triedto confinethe augmentation. Iranianpresencein Manneato its periphery, pointingout that both Daiukkuand Bagdattiwere active in the peripheryof Mannea,butthisis imprecisein view of the fact thatthe names of two earlyManneanrulers,viz. UdakiandAzi, areexplicablein OldIranianterms.The absurdityof the pan-Turkic approachof Yusifov(1986, to the ancient toponymyof Azerbaijanis selfpassim) evident.Thenorthwesternmost expansionof OldIranian anthroponymyreachedMusasir and Hubugkia.The statementsof Levine1972-75dandSalvini1982,386b, namely that the names of the Hubugkianrulersare probablyHurrian,shouldbe corrected:one is Iranian, two areatypical,andoneis Kassite.Thelatteris actually 11. SOMECONCLUSIONS a title, which was common among Kassites, but Diakonoff(1985a,61) was of the opinionthatit might Thereis littledoubtthatGreaterMediaunderwenta havebeenoriginallya Qutiantitle.Liverani(1992, 139) process of Iranianisationduring the Neo-Assyrian points out that Hurriananthroponymsseem to be period.The Iranianswerethe largestgroup(maximum confinedto Urartuand its immediatevicinity.41This 45.37 - minimum32.36%)in GreaterMedia.All the includesKumme,a regionwherethereis good reason otherdiscemrnible ethno-linguistic groups(non-Iranians; for thinkingthat dialects relatedto Hurro-Urartianwere forthe problemof ascriptionto "Lullubian" see above, spoken. 0) arefarbehind.Next cometheKassites(7.72-5.31%) The relationshipbetween the anthroponymyand the and the Hurro-Urartians (6.74-0.96%).The Iranians toponymy of each region is not without interest. The were the largest group in all of the seven Median Iranian toponymy prevails in Eastern Media regions (1-7). Only in Kurdistan(excludingZamua) (54.54-27.27%), "Inner"Media (32.28-12%), Western were the Hurro-Urartians (with various degrees of Media (18.74-14.58%) and Parsua (10.41-4.16%). It
THE ETHNO-LINGUISTIC CHARACTER OF NORTHWESTERN IRAN AND KURDISTAN IN THE NEO-ASSYRIAN PERIOD
141
has the same percentageas the Kassitetoponymyin continuethe Middle Babylonianpracticeof naming andenvirons(16-4%).TheHurro-Urartian regions after Kassite and other tribes, notably BitGizilb/punda Media Hamban.This practicewas later appliedalso to the toponymyprevailsin ManneaandNorthwestern Iraniantribes. of the ever-expanding (10.95-2.43% and 22.63-3.77% respectively)which territories onUrartu.InbothregionstheIranian bordered toponymy is thesecond-largest and 7.54-5.66% (9.72-1.21% group etal. notinvonSoden1965-81andE.Reiner Abbreviations respectively;Kassite toponymyhas 7.29-3.65% and Oriental 5.65-0% respectively),whereas in the regions with The Institute, AssyrianDictionaryofthe (eds.), 1999, dominant Iranian toponymy Kassite is almost Chicago,BaM = BaghdaderMitteilungen,BNF = Beitrdge zur Namenforschung,KZ = Zeitschriftfir vergleichende everywhere the second-largest group (Parsua: Media12-4%andWesternMedia 4.16-2.08%;"Inner" Sprachforschung,PNA 1 = Radner,K., Parpola, S., and The has limited Zamuan 11.46-7.29%). Whiting,R.M. 1998 (eds.), TheProsopographyof the Neotoponymy Kassiteand Hurro-Urartian MA 8.12 An-da-ri-a, (cf. AssyrianEmpire,1: "A-G",Helsinki;RECA = Paulys above) components (5.95-2.38% and 3.57% Realencyklopiddieder classischen Altertiimer, Stuttgart 1894-. Gent.= gentilic. respectively). Iranian is the second-largestgroup for Museum oftheBritish theTrustees I should liketothank (4.76-2.38%).Onthewholethereis a fairlyhighdegree B.M. tablets. from of accordbetweenthe toponymyandthe anthroponymy to My unpublished quote permission to improve of mostregions.Thereis a certainpersistenceof pre-first Dr.R. Rockaway, kindlyconsented colleague, areNA cuneiform millenniumtoponyms(8-4.23%).In addition,thereis a All the transcriptions myEnglishstyle. is as r. r rendered Sonant remarkable indicated. of toponymswhichseemto be unlessotherwise representation intrinsicto the regionunderdiscussion(such as kingi, ModemPersianandKurdishtoponymsarenot givenin a ka/ind,ka/inz,-aus).Thereis somereasonto suspectthat exceptforafewcases,wheretheirown transcription, phonetic of Fora detaileddiscussionof theNA are residues discussed. dialects. As is they pre-(Indo)Iranian etymology namessee Grantovskiy the Iranian Old substratum is better rules of 1970, rendering expected, pre-Iranian represented below in thetoponymythanin the anthroponymy. No less than 67ff.The sectionson geographyandprosopography orderwherever 16.55%of the toponymsare linguisticallyunaffiliated, in chronological arearranged applicable. but have parallelsmainly in neighbouringregions, 2 Forthelattercf. vonSoden1965-81,75aandfortheformer ones. The low percentageof n. 10below. includingHurro-Urartian Akkadiananthroponyms and toponymsaccordswell 3 OnecanaddMAErrupi(seeGelbin Gelbet al. 1943,219). withtheBabylonian Is Sa-tar-ba/pa-nu(below, 6.1.3.2, 1) < OIran. *yXaOrainfluence,whichwasalreadya thing of thepast(especiallydiscernible in Southwestern 1970,68, Media, paina-(Scheftelowitz1905,275; cf. Grantovskiy cf. Tadmor1994,72f. ad Ann. 15, 71, 74, 209, 316,323f.;Zadok1976c,388)originallya title notablyBit-Hamban, as well? Diakonoff 1991, 15: "lordsof townships"(~ Iran. (1.12.2, 1) is probably l1f.). At leastone anthroponym LB "hfiandonthesamelineof reasoning dueto Assyrianinfluenceor upbringing (as a prominent vispati,dahyupati < 44 ad in the 1949, Ebeling hostage Assyriancourt?). mar-za-na-pa-ta *vrzana-pati-,cf. Most of the 25 regions,whose names begin with 73, 22). Media(7.10.2;7.15.1; 4 IS Qm'Qu-ut-ta Bit42,arelocatedin southwestern (Thureau-Dangin1912, 304) based on Qutin whichit wouldbe a reminiscence 7.15.2andperhaps7.15.5),theupperDiyalabasin(7.1b; likeAkkad.Qut-i-um, Road(7.4.7;7.4.8;7.5.1.1, of the Qutians? Qu-ta of Tiglath-pileser III is just a 7.3),neartheGreatKhorasan 7; 7.5.4.1.1,2; 7.5.4.2;7.5.4.3 andpossibly7.4.4), the homonymof Qutaat the foot of Mt. Nipur(notidentical centralZagrosand its piedmont(8.10, 1, 3). Several withit as understood by Astour1987,23, n. 141). 1956a ( 138, n. 4) tentatively 5 whose names Diakonoff with to be Bitare in For instance, regions, begin sought the sectionof "Inner"Mediawhichis not too far from ascribeda certaintoponymicelementto Lullubian, Qutian or "Mihranean". the Great Khorasan Road (4.7; 4.9.2; 4.11 and presumably5.5.3; 6.4, 1, 2; 6.5;
being a generic
6
(in additionto Barrita):-Ramatua,Bit-+ anthroponym
Bit-ti.bti, term, does not belong here). Such Bagaia,-Kilamzah,-Kubattiandpossibly-Uargi,Matti,toponymsare not Barbari(+ divinenameonly-Itar). in Manneaandits environs(3.3 is generally encountered writtenjustSangibuti).Mostof theseregionsarelocated 7 Bit-+ Kassite:4.7;7.1b;7.4.4;8.10,1, 3;Bit-+OldIranian: in a basicallyKassiteterritory, andthe elementBit-may 4.9.2;6.4, 1, 2; 7.3; 7.4.7;7.5.1.1,7; 7.5.4.1.1,2; 7.5.4.2;
142
JOURNALOF PERSIAN STUDIES
Bit-+ Hurro-Urartian? 7.15.2; Bit-+ atypical:7.5.4.3; Bit-+ 8
9
anunexplained element:7.4.8;7.15.1;7.15.5. Theverygeneralandratherimpressionistic of description the speechof the inhabitants of Sipirmenais no proofthat theyspokeMedian(paceBillerbeck1898,34 withn. 1).At bestonemaysurmisethattheirdialectdifferedfromthatof theirneighbours. It cannotbe proventhat-as here is analogousto -a? of Parsu(m)ai(cf. Levine1974, 106f.,n. 35) as the latteris surely an Indo-Iranian toponymwhereasthe linguistic affiliationof Manna?cannotbe established (cf. Diakonoff 1956a,162,n. 5).
20
21
10 For the name of the goddessdBa-ag-bar-tu,spouse ofdHal-
di-a,see Schmitt1980,191. 1 Parpola1970, 331, s.v. compares (Johns 1901, r',1&iS-an-ha
12
13
920, 2), which is recordedin a tiny fragmentwithout contextand date(presumably a geographicallist as it is followedby =~A-du-ma, andanothertwotoponyms). The statementof Levine(1977b, 179,n. 8) that"thelast timethatManneais mentioned is priorto Tiglath-pileser HIII 807 B.C."is to be corrected accordingly.
22 23
to do with Parsuain the Zagros.The restoration[... Pa]r-sa-
whichis suggestedby G. mas (fromP. to Bit-B/Punaki), FrameapudGrayson1996,193: V,A.0.103.4, Samni-Adad 32' (cf. 25'; presumably 812 B.C.), is geographically and Parsuas Theexistenceof a southern historically implausible. as early as the beginningof the seventhcenturyB.C. derivation thecaseforanOldIranian of NE Kustrengthens Zadok ud-da-ka-ka 388 ad Hu-nu1983,117f.;1984b, (see ka-ka(paceHinzandKoch1987,see Zadok1991a,236f.).
time(Katajaand Whiting1995,50, r. 34) a settlementof from
Zu-uk-ka-A+,4?
"'Zu-ka-A+A
is
tentatively (and without comment) translated as "mercenaries" on 54. 7 14 "'B/Pu-b/pu-zu, 11'Hu-un-du-ur,"",A+A-le-e, urusi-ni-idin Aiadi (ardi pa-la-a, l"'Si-ni-ut-nak,cf. •m'Ar-de/di-lU-nak with"u'Siposs. Urart.arde"city"+ unak,cf. '"'Si-ni-ui-nak ni-ik-pa-la-awhich precedes it!); for ardi- cf. ""'Sar-ii-ardi-i (Thureau-Dangin1912, 282ff.), '"'Ar-na,""'Sar-ni-i(to
Hurr.&arni cf. Richter1998,133and6.10,c below?). as an appellative '5 It is rendered pit-huby Oppenheim1969, who does notoffera translation, butrefersto Ebeling 281, 1933,64, n. h: "Loch,Grube".Thispassageis not listedin von Soden1965-81,869, s.v.pithu:"Einbruchstelle". 16
A possibility that Missi is a NA form with .it > ss does not
Ku-ud-da-ka-kais basedon Olran. *Kauta-,cf. NA Ku-ta-ki
24 25
26
seem impossible:anotherexampleof this shifton Iranian soil seems to be MarubiSti> Mu-ru-z~-bi-si(see below, 17
'8
'9
7.10.1.1,1). Cf. Zimansky1990, 9f., who pointsout thatMestawas situatedeastof Kilzanu. But not in the main text where "Megta(Messi...)"is retained. This Zamuantown is listedtogetherwith the Mannean to the regionin Parpola1970,246f.;the spellingsreferring Manneanregionshouldbe transferred to the lemmaMissi on 248.
Hardly< OIran.*Pata-"guarded"(pace Zadok 1976, 388b). withAnganin theaccount whichisjuxtaposed krrPay-su-a?,
of Sennacherib's eighthcampaign(691 B.C.),is theearliest mentionof Persis(seeDiakonoff1985a,88)andhasnothing
Is "'lZu-ka-A +A of ""'Ba-as-re-eL6-I from Ashurbanipal's deportees
Kullar(a mountainand Ku-la-r[u]in line 11is presumably see R6llig1980-83),in whichcaseit possiblya settlement, wouldbe its earliestattestation. inthetoponymyof the Anotherexampleof d/zinterchange Lake is of Urmia possibly""'Za-an-zi-zl-na (856 region in Aiadi(714 B.C.),whichmay B.C.) and"n'Da-ia-zu-na referto one andthe sameplaceaccordingto Salvini1982, 387 (cf. Liebig 1991, 32; linguisticaffiliationunknown). The latterformdoes not look like a variantof the former (the difference may be due to the considerable of ,"'Za-an-zi-u-na gap).A quasi-homonym chronological much (withthe sameinterchange) may be "n'Da-an-zi-un moreto the south(Tadmor1994, 76: Ann. 5, 5). Eilers to the same (1976,227, n. 3) comparedd/z of D/Zurzukka in Kassite names Streck 1900,331 (cf. already interchange withn. 1;Scheftelowitz1905,276).
27
28
(As 09644r.7, 724 B.C.,courtesyof K. Radner)< *Kautaka-"young,small",cf. MPers.kZag "child,infant", NPers. "child" kldak 1895,89:871). (cf.Hiibschmann Nos. 1-5, 8, 9 arecertainand6, 7 probable. Urart. Satiraraya is not identical with Ur III Se-ti-ir-&ad
(paceAstour1987,34). Arwnva (practicallya homonymof Arua) is a primary toponym(Fadhil1983, 58b; cf. Fincke 1993, 55; MB also in view of the Nuzi).Arwais not necessarilyHurrian occurrence of the homonymousanthroponym very early Ar-waat TallBWdar (Ismailet al. 1996, 187c,index,s.v.) whereno Hurriannamesarerecorded(datedbeforetheir intotheJezireh). penetration a For seeminglyhomonymousAkkadianword cf. von Soden1965-81,247a.Za-an-za-ru-ru (Johns1901a,782, basedon thesameform. 11)is apparently There are severalhomonymous places,e.g. Kundurnear Qom at 34-35 50-19 and near Qazvin. For ancient
THE ETHNO-LINGUISTICCHARACTEROF NORTHWESTERNIRAN AND KURDISTANIN THE NEO-ASSYRIANPERIOD
143
homonymscf. Vallat1993, 145, s.v. Kunturrun(cf. also
-0 Ul-ka-a(cf. Zadok1997d,213,n. 5) is notincludedhereas thereis no ampleproofthathe actuallylived in Assyria whichhavethe samebase). proper. 29 Is Ka-ma-zifromtherea lateformof thetoponymHamazi 41 A certaindegreeof continuityand preservation of the with kfor earlier hlike NA for Hurrian onomastictraditionis discernible (presumably Kumurdu especiallyat the Humurti, 1.8 above)? Ka-ma-zi is classified as an s. of Ha-at-tubeginningof theIronAge,e.g.:Sa-di-dte-'up hi (kingof Ur-ri-tf-na-dis inPanaru, by Eidem(1992,94a ad 124, 10),butit can anthroponym Grayson1991,15:Tigl. be interpreted as a toponymin view of the structure of the I A.0.87.1,ii, 44), mentionedafterKi-li-dte-'up s. of Ka-lilist("oneKamazi-garment" likeothergarmentsdefinedby and of king Subria(Lanfranchi dte-gup;Hu-te-'up/su-pu GN in line8f.)andthefactthattheonlyclearanthroponym Parpola1990, 244a with refs.);Ik-te-'upking of Subria accordingto the context (line 6) is preceded by a (Borger 1956, 86: AsBbE 6), [...]-x-gi-te-iu-up(from Personenkeil. Subria,Borger1956, 105:Gbr.II, ii, 22). Does Sa-us-ka30 Sima'ki of Semai'(below,7.15.6). maybe theforerunner [xx] (the(xx)] of Li-li-T,Parpola1987,48, 2 f., 7) begin 3' "IsheTuniof Sumurza inAnn.12:47'- Tadmor's with theHurrian elementSauska?Severallate question theophorous markis inplacehere,as bothformsaredefinitelydifferent. MAtoponymsreferring to placesinthesouthemArmenian 32 MA fromMari [urluAr-ru-hu-un-du (Grayson 1991, 21: Tigl. I plateauare homonymouswith anthroponyms andlate OB Tikunani(cf., e.g., Zadok2000b,B, 2, 5, 6). A.0.87.12,9'), whichwas perhapsin Habhi(see Nashef 1982, 39) and is tentativelyetymologisedas OIran. However, most of the Urartians'names (cf., e.g., "mit Eilers is too Lanfranchiand Parpola 1990, s.vv. Mu-sa-ni, Na-ra-ge-e, 1988, See(n)?" (see 2) *Harax'antearly and isolatedin such a westerlyterritory. In addition,the Sa-ku-a-ta-a, Si-ip-li-a, Su-it-ka-a,Su-na-a, Tu-'-ia, Tu-utKunturruk(k)an,144f. and modem Kundur&nin Fars,
correspondenceMA for /*har/- is inadequate.
A+A, Tu-ki, Tu-un-ba-un)have no clear parallels in the
it cannotrepresent Therefore a pre-Median toponym.
very rich Hurrianonomasticonof the thirdand second millenniaB.C. Leavingout the fourtoponymswith Bit- whichreferto settlements (7.1.1,2-4, 8, allin Bit-Hamban).
33 A-ku-da-A+A, the name of the herald (nagiru) of Kirbit
(Borger1996, 181, 38), may originallybe a gentilicof
42
Akkuddu.
4 The possibilitythat the Assyrian scribe intentionally betweentwo employedthisspellingin orderto distinguish homonymoussuccessiveindividualsat the cost of an inaccurate is unlikely. rendering 35 Ur-ru-da,which is mentionedin line 11 of the same document,was comparedby me (Zadok1979a,299:32) with U-ru-da-a/ Opoz6fs,Ypo6rSs.Theseformsarenot derivedfrom*Hu-rauda(Justi1895,133,cf. Bartholomae 1904,1836f.)in viewof Wrwd(see Henning1952,178,A. 3). An Iranian etymologyforTu-ni-i(Zadok1979a,299:29) seemsless likely. 1998aregardBu(r)naklki andB/Pu-na36 CapraroandParpola as but the namesare ak-ka(withoutelaboration) Elamite, ratherKassite. The same applies to Bur-nu-ka-A +A andParpola1998b). (Capraro 37 Thissegmentation, aswellas a Babylonian of interpretation -bistu,is possibleif one assumesthatin writingthevariant -bi-si-the Assyrianscribesunderstood the -it- as primary (notas anoriginal-rt-). 38
A connexionbetweenthis riverandthe settlementB/Pu-e
),
whichis recordedat OB Sularr~(Eidem1992, 88a with refs.),cannotbe established. 39 For a list of toponymswith -nd- see Eilers 1954, 280f. (manypre-Iranian ones).
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SASANIAN POTTERYIN SOUTHERNIRAN AND EASTERNARABIA By DerekKennet Departmentof Archaeology,Universityof Durham
INTRODUCTION sitesof the Sasanianperiod Veryfew archaeological have been identifiedfrom SouthernIranand Eastern Arabia.Inpartthisis becausea securely-dated Sasanian ceramicassemblagehas not yet been isolatedin this region, making it impossible to recognise with confidence the ceramic wares upon which the of archaeological identification sitesnormallydepends. The problemis exemplifiedby EasternArabia,where moresystematicarchaeological considerably surveyhas been publishedthanfrom SouthernIran.'The Eastern ProvinceSurvey(Pottset al. 1978),the al-HasiSurvey (Adamset al. 1977; Whitcomb1978), and Larsen's survey of Bahrain(Larsen 1983) were expectedto produceevidenceof the Sasanian-period activitythatis attestedby historicalsources.2However,each of the surveyshad difficultyin establishinga distinctpottery corpuswithwhichto do this.Whitcombflatlyadmitted that at al-Has?he was completelyunableto isolatea corpusof Sasanianmaterialfromthe surveycollection
(1978: 99). In BahrainLarsenattemptedto establisha set of six LateParthian/Sasanian "typefossils"(Larsen 1983: 252-53, fig. 55), but Potts has since reviewed these,pointingoutthattheyare,in fact,moretypicalof the Seleucid and Parthianperiods (Potts 1990ii: 108-10). For the Eastern Province Survey Potts proposeda numberof Sasanianwares, but acknowledgedthatit was difficult,if notimpossible,to identify Sasanianpotterywithconfidence(Pottset al. 1978:12). Of course it is possible that there was very little occupationin the areas covered by Sasanian-period but these surveys, only once the ceramicassemblageis properlyunderstoodcan we be certainof this. Similar problemswould be faced by archaeologicalsurveyin SouthernIran. potteryassemblagefrom Clearlythen,a firmly-dated the Sasanianperiod is a fundamentalfirst step to theSasanianperiodin thisregion.Theaim understanding of the presentpaperis to addressthis by describinga recentlyexcavatedandsecurelydatedassemblagefrom Kush3in Ras al-Khaimah(United Arab Emirates).
N
- -
-
IRAN
Siraf
BAHRAIN
SAUDI
-UKUSH
ARABIA
SkSuhar
50
km
OMAN
Fig. 1. Locationof Kush. 153
JOURNAL OF PERSIAN STUDIES
154
Althoughanalysisof the Kush assemblageis still in characterisation of the Sasanian progress,a preliminary materialshouldfacilitatethe identification of sites and our of therebyimprove understanding Sasanian-period occupation. KUSH Kush(Fig. 1) is anarchaeological tell on thecoastof Ras al-Khaimah70 km. to the southof the Straitsof Hormuz(Kennet 1997). It is so far the only deeplystratifiedsite in the regionfrom which unambiguous evidenceof SasanianandEarlyIslamicoccupationhas been broughtto light.The excavatedsequenceat Kush datesfromthethird/fourth to theearlyfourteenth century A.D., andcan be beenbrokendownintofifteenphases or eight periods.PeriodI, which is the earliestso-far excavatedatthesite,canbe datedto theSasanianperiod. The principalaim of the work at Kush was to excavatea deepquantifiedsequenceandforthisreason the exposed remains of Period I architectureare somewhatlimitedin extent.Theyconsistof a complex of mud-brickstructures, someof whicharepreservedto almosttwo metresin height.The buildingsappearto have been deliberatelydestroyedandlevelledbeforea substantial mud-brick towerwas constructed in thevery lateSasanianorEarlyIslamicperiod(PeriodII).Itis not clear if the site was defendedin PeriodI, but a large numberof trilobate,tangedironarrowheads havebeen found in these layers that might suggest a military function. Furtherdiscussion of the Sasanian-period occupationat the site will be presentedin future publications. THE SASANIANASSEMBLAGE The PeriodI assemblageconsistsof 3,439 sherds, including284 diagnosticsherds(i.e. sherdsotherthan
bodysherds)thathavebeenfully classified.A detailed descriptionof the most abundantceramic classes definedin the PeriodI assemblageis given below and theiroccurrencethroughtheKushsequenceis tabulated in Table1. The most abundantpotteryin the assemblagewas alkaline glazed ware with a light-colouredfabric (TURQ).Similarmaterialis foundin contextsdatedto betweenthe Hellenisticand EarlyIslamicperiodsin Mesopotamia and surroundingregions. Sasanian TURQcan only reliablybe distinguishedfromearlier andlatermaterialby the vessel forms,butthe colourof the weatheredglaze may also be useful.The glaze of almostall sherdswas badlyweathered;morethanhalf to pale yellow, the remainderto pale blue. This differencemay be partlydue to burialconditions,but the compositionof the glazemusthavealteredthrough time because yellow-weathered glazes are more common in Sasanian levels than they are in the overlyingEarlyIslamiclevels. This is despitethe fact thatburialconditionsatthe site arebroadlysimilar. The most commonunglazedcourse wares of the Sasanianperiodare extremelyhard-firedearthenwares whichareall madefroma similarclayfollowingsimilar techniques,but aresub-dividableon the basisof form, body-colourand decoration(CLINKY,SMAG and LISV). By analogywith othertypes of potteryit is in believedthatthesethreeclasseswere manufactured SouthernIran,but thereis as yet no firm evidenceto provethis.CLINKYwas the mostcommonin Sasanian levels butin the overlyingEarlyIslamiclevels (Period II) SMAGbecamemorecommon. Oneof the mostdistinctivepaintedfinewaresof the wareor FOPWmakesup a Sasanianperiod,"Namord" significantpartof the Sasanianassemblageat Kushand appearsto continuethroughoutthe Sasanianperiod. Torpedojars (TORP)are transportjars, the Sasanian equivalent of the amphorae of the classical Mediterranean, and are widely distributed in thoughtheyappearnotto be so common Mesopotamia,
TABLE1: Quantification of classified sherds from the Kush sequence (sherd count by period). TURQ SMAG CLINKY LISV FOPW TORP
I 479 9 41 6 30 5
HII 194 31 9 19 7 4
III 124 32 3 11
IV 59 11 3
V 99 16 1 7
5
1
3
VI 66 6
VII 45 3
17 1 5
3 1
VIII 350 20 7 22 3 3
SASANIAN POTTERY IN SOUTHERN IRAN AND EASTERN ARABIA
to the south.They have a cream-coloured sandybody andarenormallycoatedwith bitumenon the insideto of liquids. allowthe transport In addition,34 sherdsof SouthAsianpotterywere foundin PeriodI levels thatare not listedin Table 1. Theseincludesherdsof a crudeimitationof IndianRed PolishedWareandotherwaresthatseemmostlikelyto andSind.The originatein theareabetweenMaharashtra of South Asian pottery in the high proportion It is clearevidencefor assemblageis quiteremarkable. tradecontactwith South Asia, althoughwhetherthe vessels,manyof whichappearto be cookingpots,were tradedfor theirown value or for theircontentsis still Kervranhas recentlypublishedsimilarSouth uncertain. AsianpotteryfromSasanianandIslamiclevelsat Suhar in Oman,suggestingthatcontactsbetweenthis region andSouthAsiawerequitewidelyestablished atthistime The South Asian material from Kush 1996). (Kervran be more discussed in a will fully forthcoming paper. Table1 showsthe occurrenceof the mainPeriodI classes throughthe sequence. Clearly most classes continued to circulate after the Sasanian period, the althoughit is necessaryto take into consideration of be that can on high degree residuality expected a site such as Kush. CLINKY and deeply-stratified FOPWoccurpredominantly in PeriodI andthe amount of TURQ declinedmarkedlyin PeriodII and later. SMAG,althoughpresentin PeriodI, is morecommon in the post-Sasanian levels. THECERAMICCLASSES TurquoiseAlkalineGlaze (TURQ)(Fig. 2) TURQis coatedin analkaline,paleyellow,green,or turquoiseglaze. The clay is most commonlygrainy, andlight-coloured (Munsell2.5 Y 8/4). The quartz-rich glazeis unstableandweatherseasily. This class is abundantin the lowerphasesat Kush. Thechemicalinstabilityof the glazeandits tendencyto weathermakeit difficultto classify.As a preliminary step TURQwas subdividedinto TURQ.Y(yellow to mustardyellowtint)andTURQ.B(blueto whitetint). In the regionTURQis foundat a numberof early Islamicsites suchas Siraf(Tampoe1989:figs. 45-47), al-Qustir(PatitucciandUggeri1985:fig. 92) andA'Ali ('Ali) (Sasaki 1990: 114; figs. 2 and 3). At Susa the
155
sequenceshows clearlythatit was in use untilthe end of theninthcentury(Kervran1977:fig. 25 152).TURQ is also knownfromEarlyIslamictradingsites around the ArabianSea suchas Shangain EastAfrica(Horton 1996:274-77) andAksum(Munro-Hay1989:315). Itis generallythoughtthatTURQwas manufactured in southernIraq, possibly in the vicinity of Basra, though other productioncentres may have existed (MasonandKeall 1991:52). Themostcommontypesareillustratedin Fig. 2. Type94 Simple straight-sidedbowl. The rim has a trough on the interior giving a very distinctive form. This type is commonly found at ed-Dur and nearby Gallah in contextsdatableto the third/fourthcentury (Lecomte 1993: fig. 3 2-6; Mouton 1992: 127-28, fig. 108 2-6, 136 3-4). bowlwithan almostcarinatedshape 93 Shallow Type anda thickened,troughedrim.Foundat edDur in contextsdatableto the third/fourth century(Mouton1992:fig. 108 10). 62 Fine, curved-wall bowl with a slightly Type rim. thickened,upward-pointing with a bowl A small 33 simple,roundedrim. Type a verticalrimwhichis with jar Type64 Thick-walled squaredand everted,and oftenhas a trough on top. A band of cordon decorationis sometimespresentjust belowthe rim. Bowl witha simple,roundedrim. 25 Type TABLE2: TURQtypes- sherdcountbyperiod of the mostcommontypes. 94
I 64
93 62 33 64 25
12 11 5 4 7
II
III
IV
V
VI
VII
VIII
4 4
1 3
2 17
13 9
3 14
8
Table2 showsthe occurrenceof the most common TURQ types through the Kush sequence. Taking types94, 93 and62 arethe residualityintoconsideration mostdiagnosticSasaniantypes.Type33 is too rareand badly definedto be very reliable.Types 25 and 64 appearto havecontinuedin use beyondPeriodI.
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Type 94
Type93
62 Type
Type33
1
1
Type
Type25
N
10cm
Fig. 2. TURQ (TurquoiseAlkaline Glaze ware).
64
SASANIAN POTTERY IN SOUTHERN IRAN AND EASTERN ARABIA
157
Type 81
10cm
Type 87 Fig. 3. SMAG(SmallGrey Vessels). Small Grey Vessels (SMAG) (Fig. 3)
The fabriccolour is darkgrey (Munsell4/N) but somevesselsareoxidisedred(2.5 YR 6/8). Thevessels are thin-walled,very hard fired and dense. SMAG seems similarto the "Brittleware" found at Siraf, thoughthe formsare different(Tampoe1989: 14-15, fig. 9; Williamson1972:type 5). Vesselstendto be small,narrow-necked jarsandjugs withcomplexforms.Themostcommontypesin Period I areshownin Fig.3. Parallelstothesetypescanbe found in lateSasanianandearlyIslamicassemblagesfromIran andEasternArabia(e.g.Kervran andHiebert1991:fig. 7 3 5; Lamberg-Karlovsky 1970:fig. 3 b; Stronach1978: fig. 1246; Whitcomb1987:fig. D c q, E n, H n.).
10cm
Fig. 4. CLINKY(ClinkyEarthenware).
varyingfrom weak red (Munsell2.5YR 6/3) to dark reddishgrey(2.5 YR 5/1),whilstthe coreis red(2.5YR 6/8-5/6).Theoutersurfaceis roughandpitted.Thebody This ware is hard-firedwith a sub-conchoidal is usually7-8 mm. thick.The sherdsmakea metallic fracture.The surfaceis normallydarkerthanthe core, clinkysoundwhentappedtogether,hencethe name. Clinky Earthenware (CLINKY)4 (Fig. 4)
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This class is not describedelsewhere.Thereareno close parallelswith the pre-Sasanianmaterialfrom Mleiha and ed-Dur althoughMouton's "ciramique fine" mighthave elementsin common(Mouton1992: 97, 129). The same could be said for the "Red earthenware" and "Brittleware"describedfrom Siraf (Tampoe 1989: 11-15, figs. 1-9). The types have andto parallelsfromSasaniancontextsin Mesopotamia the south.The types are shownin Fig. 4. Type81 has been foundin contextsdatableto the fifth centuryat Khatt(Kennet1998:fig. 5, 11 12, fig. 6, 19) andhas also been found on Sasaniansites in the Bushire Peninsula(Whitcomb1987:fig. D m). Type87 has also beenfoundin the fifth-century contextatKhatt(Kennet 1998: fig. 6 20 21). It is also attestedin the PIR D depositsat ed-Dur(Mouton1992:fig. 113 17) as well as late Sasanian contexts in Mesopotamia (e.g.
Kawamata1991:fig. 21 69 andfig. 25; Moorey1978: SP-7/8 15; Venco Ricciardi 1970/1: figs. 89-91; Whitcomb1985:fig. 76 g,i). Large Incised Storage Vessels (LISV) (Fig. 5)
Thesevesselsgenerallyhavea heavy,well firedand strongfabricwith a roughfractureanda metallicring. The fractureis often sub-conchoidal.There are a numberof differentfabricswithinthe class, suggesting morethanoneproductioncentre.Thesurfaceis usually washedor lightlyburnishedandthe walls arenormally thickerthan 10 mm. The exterioris decoratedwith a rangeof deeply incisedwavy lines, crosses,dots and sometimescordondecoration.Theformsarelargejars. Similar vessels have been found at JaziratalGhanemin thenorthernMusandam peninsula(de Cardi 1985:fig. 3 175;de Cardi1975:fig. 8 1 5 9; Simpson 1992: 258). They have also been found in contexts periodatsitesin broadlydatableto the Sasanian/Islamic 1978: as Iransuch Pasagardae(Stronach fig. 124, 5), Qasr-iAbuNasr(Whitcomb1985:figs. 17, 18, 40-45, 1970:fig. 3 77-79), TepeYahya(Lamberg-Karlovsky B, D), SirjHn(MorganandLeatherby1987:group28) andQal'a-yeDukhtar(Huff1976:Abb.6, c; Taf.46, 4; Taf. 48, 2; Huff and Gignoux 1978: Abb. 24-31). Simpson has pointed out further parallels from GhubayraandKangavar(Simpson1992:245). Related vessels have also turnedup at Ras Hafunin Somalia (Smithand Wright1988: 123, fig. 7 L M) and in the ComoroIslands(Wright1984:fig. 15e). As no exampleswerefoundin the thirdandfourthcenturycontextsfromed-Dur(Mouton1992;Lecomte 1993)the class seemsmostlikelyto originateafterthat date. At KhattLISV did not occur in a small fifthcenturycontext,butone sherddidoccurin theoverlying deposit(Kennet1998: fig. 5 6). Its occurrencein an apparentlyninth-centurycontextin Bahrainconfirms the factthatit continuedin use intothe Islamicperiod (Sasaki1990:fig. 6 33).
Fine Orange Painted Ware(FOPW) (Fig. 6)
10cm
Fig. 5. LISV (Large Incised Storage Vessels).
This is a wheel-made, fine-bodied earthenwareup to 4 mm. thick. It has a smooth fracture and a reddishyellow body (Munsell 5YR 6/8), with a thin red slip or paint. Designs are painted on the exteriorin black paint.
SASANIAN POTTERY IN SOUTHERN IRAN AND EASTERN ARABIA
159
1993:201). Potts' datingis convincing,but only as a terminuspost quem, as it is possible that FOPW continuedin use into the fourth centuryA.D. and beyond.The sherdsfrom the Kush sequencecan be placedin Potts"latergroup. TorpedoJars (TORP)(Fig. 7) Thefabricis hard-fired, (Munsell7.5 reddish-yellow YR 8/6) to paleyellow(2.5 Y 8/4) andverysandy,with denseangularsandgrains.Thesurfacehas a smoothbut slightlysandy feel. The interioris often coatedwith bitumen.Vesselsare thick-walled(12 mm.) largejars witha gentlyslopingshoulderanda thickened,rounded rim;ribbingis commonon the exterior. Thesevessels areknownas "Torpedo jars"or "ringneckedhandle-lessstoragejars"(Simpson1992:291).
Fig. 6. FOPW (Fine Orange Painted Ware).
Themostcommonvesselis a finebeakerwitha slightly flaringverticalrim. This class is known eitheras "FineOrangeWare with PaintedDecoration" (WhitehouseandWilliamson 1973:38) or "Namord" ware(Sajjadi1989).It was first reportedby Stein(1937: 175)andhas sincebeenfound at numeroussites such as Tepe Yahya (LambergKarlovsky1970: fig. 4) and Jaziratal-Ghanem(de Cardi1972),at ed-Dur(Mouton1992:fig. 111 1-7), in Fars,Kirman,Baluchistan,andthe northerntip of the Oman Peninsula (e.g. Williamson 1972: 104; Whitehouseand Williamson1973: fig. 6), as well as Qana'in Yemenin contextsdatableto the latesecondto fourthcentury(Sedov 1996:21-23, fig. 6 2-7). Pottshasrecentlyreviewedthedatingevidencefrom ed-Dur,which is less than50 km. fromKush.He has proposeda subdivisioninto an earlyvariety(first/early secondA.D.)anda latevariety(thirdA.D.)(Potts1998). The datingof the latergroupis based on associated Sasanianglassated-Durwhichis, in turn,datedby coins at sites such as Choche,Kish and Nineveh (Lecomte
Fig. 7. TORP (Torpedojars).
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160
They have a lengthy typological development from the Parthian to the early Abbasid period and are found throughoutMesopotamia and to the south (ibid.: 292). Torpedo jars have also turned up in levels dated to between the third and the fifth century at Ras Hafun in Somalia (Smith and Wright 1988: fig. 9 a-h).
Iran and Eastern Arabia and they can therefore confidentlybe expectedto occur on Sasanian-period sitesin the region. I
andKennet,below. Butsee Priestman Forreviewsof historicalsourcesforthe Sasanianperiodin EasternArabiasee Bosworth1983;Piacentini1984;1985; Potts1990ii:228-263, 328-348;Smith1954. 3 KOsh. 4 This class is not relatedto the class of potterycalled (Haerinck1983:41-42). "Clinky" by Ghirshman levelsassociatedwith 5 TheC'4datecomesfromoccupation a largemud-brick towerthatwasbuiltin PeriodIIon topof the flattenedremainsof the main Period I Sasanian occupation.The sample(BM-3169)gave a resultof 1340 +/- 35 BP (A.D.645-710 at 68%confidence). 6 I am deeply gratefulto Soren FredslundAndersenfor pointingoutthesesherdsanddiscussingthemwithme,and to FlemmingHojlandforhis kindhelpandhospitality. 2
DATING Period I is dated by the presence of Fine Orange Painted Ware (FOPW) in its lowest levels, giving a third/fourthcentury terminuspost quem, and by a C'4 date on in situ twigs from the rake-outof a hearthin the overlying Period II deposits giving a seventh-century terminusante quem.5The Period I assemblage at Kush is similarto, but also significantlydifferentfrom,the PIR D assemblageat nearbyed-Dur(Mouton 1992: 127-32). For example fish plates do not occur at Kush but are common in the PIR D at ed-Dur (Mouton 1992: 127) whereas bowls of Kush TURQ type 94 occur in both assemblages (Mouton 1992: fig. 108). This reinforces the conclusion that the Period I assemblage at Kush is slightly laterthan the PIR D occupationat ed-Dur.
CONCLUSION This paperhas describedthe principalclasses of the Sasanian ceramic assemblage present at Kush, but pottery can be very localised in its distributionand it is therefore necessary to establish that the Kush assemblage was more than a local phenomenon.To this end the WilliamsonCollection of potteryfrom Southern Iranwas inspected and, although it is not yet possible to be specific about precise locations, it is clear that sherds of SMAG, CLINKY,FOPW and LISV occur frequently amongst material picked up by Williamson from sites along the Iraniancoast between the Minab Delta and the Bushire Peninsula, and also possibly further inland (Priestmanand Kennet, below.). In addition inspection of material from the Danish excavations at Qala'at alBahrain and Barbar in the Moesgird Museum, Arhus has establishedthat, in additionto the published sherds of FOPW, sherds of SMAG, CLINKY and LISV are also presentthere.6 In conclusion it is possible to statethat, althoughthe productioncentres of these classes is not yet known, it is certainthat they were widely distributedin Southern
Bibliography M. andal-Mughanam, Adams,R.McC.,Parr,P.J.,Ibr-ahim, cAlI reconnaissance Arabian "Saudi 1977. S. archaeological 1976 : the preliminaryreporton the first phase of the surveyprogram", archaeological comprehensive Atlal 1: 21-40. Bosworth,C.E. 1983."Iranandthe ArabsbeforeIslam",in E. Yarshater (ed.),CHIr3,1:593-612. de Cardi,B. 1972."A Sasanianoutpostin NorthemOman", Antiquity46: 305-10.
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1975."Archaeological surveyin NorthernOman,1972", EW 25: 9-75.
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1985."Further surveyin Ras al-Khaimah, archaeological U.A.E.,1977",OriensAntiquus24/3-4: 164-240.
Haerinck,E. 1983. La ceramique en Iran pendant la periode parthe (ca.250 av.JC - ca.250 ap.JC). Typologie, chronologieet distribution,IA, supplement2, Ghent. Horton, M.C. 1996. Shanga, the Archaeology of a Muslim TradingCommunityon the Coast of East Africa, Memoirs
of theBritishInstitutein EasternAfrica14, London. auf Qal'a-yeDukhtar1975", Huff,D. 1976."Ausgrabungen AMI9: 157-73.
- and Gignoux, P. 1978. "Ausgrabungenauf Qal'a-ye DukhtarbeiFiruzabad1976",AMI11: 117-50. nearTellsGubbaand M. 1991."TelOlHamediyvt Kawamata, Songor:PartIII.(Japanese)", al-Rafidan12:249-59.
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Kennet, D. 1997. "Kush: a Sasanian and Islamic-period archaeologicaltell in Ras al-Khaimah(U.A.E.)", Arabian Archaeologyand Epigraphy8: 284-302. - 1998. "Evidencefor 4th/5th-centurySasanianoccupationat Khatt,Ras al-Khaimah",pp. 105-16 in C.S. Phillips, D.T. Potts and S. Searight (eds.), Arabia and its Neighbours. Essays on prehistorical and historical developments presentedin honour of Beatricede Cardi,Abiel II, Brepols. Kervran,M. 1977. "Les niveaux islamiquesdu secteuroriental de l'Apadana,II. - Le materiel ceramique", CDAFI, 7: 75-161. - 1996. "Indian ceramics in Southern Iran and Eastern Arabia:repertory,classification,chronology",pp. 37-58 in H.P.Ray and J.-F.Salles (eds.), Traditionand Archaeology;, early MaritimeContactsin the Indian Ocean. Proceedings of the International Seminar Techno-Archaeological Perspectives of Seafaring in the Indian Ocean 4th cent. B.C. - 15thcent.A.D. New Delhi, Feb. 28 - March4, 1994, New Delhi. - and Hiebert, F. 1991. "Sohar pr6-islamique. Note in K. stratigraphique", Schippman, A. Herling and J.-F. Salles (eds.), Golf - Archaologie: Mesopotamien, Iran, Bahrain, Vereinigte Arabische Emirate und Oman, InternationaleArchiieologie,6: 337-48. Lamberg-Karlovsky,C.C. 1970. Excavations at Tepe Yahyia, Iran, 1967-1969, Cambridge: American School of PrehistoricResearchBulletin 27. Larsen,C.E. 1983. Life and Land Use on the Bahrain Islands, the Geographyof an AncientSociety, Chicago. Lecomte, 0. 1993. "Ed-Dur,les occupationsdes 3e et 4e s. ap. J.-C.: Contexte des trouvailles et matdrieldiagnostique", pp. 195-217 in U. Finkbeiner (ed.), Materialien zur Archdologieder Seleukiden-und Partherzeitim siidlichen Babylonienund im Golfgebiet,Tiibingen. Mason, R.B. and Keall, E.J. 1991. "The 'Abbasidglazed wares of Siraf and the Basra connection:petrographicanalysis", Iran 29: 51-66. Moorey, P.R.S. 1978. Kish Excavations1923-33, Oxford. Morgan, P. and Leatherby,J. 1987. "Excavatedceramics from Sirjan".in J. Allan and C. Roberts (eds.), Syria and Iran. Three Studies in Medieval Ceramics. Oxford Studies in IslamicArt 4: 23-172. Mouton, M. 1992. La Peninsule d'Oman de laJin de I 'cdgedu fer au debutde la piriode sassanide (250 av. - 350 ap. JC), These de Doctorat, Universite de Paris I (Panth~onSorbonne)[Unpublished]. Munro-Hay,S.C. 1989. Excavationsat Aksum,Memoirs of the BritishInstitutein East Africa 10, London.
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Patitucci, S. and Uggeri, G. 1985. Failaka insediamenti Rome. medievali islamici, ricerchee scavi nel Kuwvait, Piacentini, V.F. 1984. "La presa di potere sasanide sul golfo Persico fra leggenda e realta",CLIORivista trimestraledi studi storici 20/2: 1-38. - 1985. "Ardashiri Paipakdin and the wars againstthe Arabs: working hypothesis on the Sasanian hold of the Gulf', Proceedingsof the SeminarforArabianStudies 15: 57-77. Potts, D.T. 1990. The Arabian Gulf in Antiquity, 2 vols., Oxford. - 1998. "Namordware in SoutheasternArabia",pp. 207-20 in C.S. Phillips, D.T. Potts and S. Searight(eds.), Arabia and its Neighbours,Essays on Prehistoricaland Historical Developmentspresented in Honour of Beatrice de Cardi, Abiel II, Brepols. - Mughannum, A.S., Frye, J. and Sanders, D. 1978. "Preliminaryreport on the second phase of the Eastern Province survey 1397/1977T',Atlal 2: 7-27. Sajjadi, M. 1989. "'A class of Sasanian ceramics from southeasternIran",Rivistadi Archeologia 13: 31-40. 1988/89", Sasaki, T. 1990. "Excavations at A'Ali Proceedings of the Seminar for Arabian Studies 20: 111-29. Sedov, A.V. 1996. "Qana'(Yemen) and the IndianOcean the archaeologicalevidence", pp. 11-35 in H.P. Ray and J.-F. Salles (eds.), Traditionand Archaeology, early Maritime Contacts in the Indian Ocean. Proceedings of the International Seminar Techno-ArchaeologicalPerspectives ofSeafaring in the Indian Ocean 4th cent. B.C. - 15th cent. A.D. New Delhi, Feb. 28 - March 4, 1994, New
Delhi. Simpson, St.J. 1992. Aspects of the Archaeology of the Sasanian Period in Mesopotamia,D.Phil. Thesis, Oxford University [Unpublished]. Smith, M.C. and Wright,H.T. 1988. "The ceramics from Ras Hafun in Somalia: notes on a classical maritimnesite", Azania 23: 115-41. Smith, S. 1954. "Events in Arabia in the 6th century AD", BSOAS 14: 425-68. Stein, M.A. 1937. Archaeological Reconnaissances in North WesternIndia and South Eastern Iran, London Stronach D. 1978. Pasagardae, a report on the excavations conducted by the British Instituteof Persian Studiesfrom 1961 to 1963, Oxford. Tampoe, M. 1989. Maritime Trade betwteenChina and the West.An Archaeological Study of the Ceramicsfrom Siraf (Persian GulJ), 8th to 15th centuries A.D., BAR InternationalSeries 555, Oxford.
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Venco-Ricciardi,R. 1970/1. "Sasanianpottery from Tell 5-6: 427-70. Mahuz",Mesopotamia D.S. 1978."Thearchaeology of al-Hasaoasisinthe Whitcomb, Islamicperiod",Atlal2: 95-113. -
1985. Before the Roses and the Nightingales,Excavations at Qasr-IAbu Nasr, Old Shiraz,New York. 1987. "Bushire and the Angali Canal",Mesopotamia 22:
311-36.
D. andWilliamson, A. 1973."Sasanian maritime Whitehouse, trade",Iran11:29-49. A. 1972."Persian Gulfcommercein the Sasanian Williamson, and the first two centuries of Islam",BastanShenasi period va Honar-e Iran 9-10: 97-112.
of theComoroIslands:the Wright,H.T.1984."Earlyseafarers Dembeniphaseof the IXth- Xth centuriesAD",Azania 19: 13-59.
PAPERAND METAL:THE IRONY THATENSUES. THE COINAGEOF MAS'UD OF GHAZNA (421-31/1030-40) By SoheilaAmirsoleimani Universityof Utah, Salt Lake City
In his Tarikh-iMas'Midi, the joumal-cum-history of events at the court of Mas'fidof Ghazna(421-31/ 1030-40),Abu 'l-FadlBayhaqitells of courtintrigues, Mas'5id'swine drinkingand huntingtrips, and the escalatingconflict with the SaljuqTurkmenswhich eventuallyresultedin the Ghaznavids'loss of Khurasan in 431/1039-40.Bayhaqi'sworkis consideredthe most detailedand accuraterecordof this periodof Iranian court history.'As a high-ranking secretaryat Mas'Wd's and a witnessto its daily activities,he wrote28 years afterthe loss of Khurasanto the Saljuqsandunderthe auspices of the much-diminishedGhaznavidrule in Ghaznaand India.Using bothnumismaticandtextual sources,I aim here to analysethe ten-yearhistoryof Mas'id's most importantmints in the contextof the conflict.I will also give information Ghaznavid-Saljuq on the coinswhichrelateto the narrativeof events. Among Mas'udof Ghazna'svariouswesternand easternPersianmints in his ten-years'rule, the four mints of Nishapur,Ghazna,Herat and Balkh rank highest. While Nishapurand Ghaznaproducedboth gold andsilver,Heratwas solely a gold mintandBalkh a silvermint.2I proposeto discussherethe activityof the gold andsilvermintswithinthe Ghaznavidpolitical framework,concluding with a discussion on the hierarchyof the mints. For the first four years,421-24/1030-33, all three gold mints of Nishapur,Ghaznaand Herat minted dinars.Forthe remainingsix years,Nishapurremained relativelysteadyin its mintingof dinars,whilethe mint of Ghaznaseemsto havesloweddownconsiderably. As forHerat,I havenotencountered coins of this mint, any with the exceptionof the year 427/1035-36. Thusthe most activeperiodfor all threemintswas the firsthalf of Mas'5d'sreign,when he establishedhis legitimacy and rule and appointedofficialsfor positionsat court andin the provinces. In seekinglegitimacy,Mas'id soughtthe approval of two 'Abbasid caliphs: al-Qddir, who died in 422/1030-31,andhis son, al-Qa'im.Inthe tenthmonth
of the year422/1030-31,Mas'id heededthe adviceof his firstvizier,AhmadHasanMaymandi,by going to Balkh, ratherthan, "followingthe traditionof the father",by pillagingIndiantemples.3One of Ahmad Hasan'sreasonsfor such advice was the news of alQadir'spoorhealthandhis impendingdeath.Thenews of thecaliph'sdeathreachedMas'Odshortlyafterwards, in the eleventhmonthof 422/1030-31.4TheGhaznavid spy systemhad informedMas'id beforethe arrivalof the new caliph'smessenger.So whenMas'fidaskedhis BUNasrMushkdn,howto vizierandhis chiefsecretary, proceed in the face of al-Qadir'sdeath, the former advisedhim to hide the news until the messenger's arrival.Evenwhenthe messengerarrivedon 22 Dhu'1422/10 December1031, Mas'id did not receive the first of the new year. Ahmad Hasan him until H.ijja advisedthat the Fridayprayershouldcontinuein alQadir'sname. Indeed, the three principal cities of Khurasan, Nishapur,Herat,andBalkh,andthe capitalof Ghazna, all minted coins with al-Qadir'sname in the year 423/1031-32. From the highly productivemint of Ghaznafor this year,thereare fourvarietiesof coins, concerningthe two 'Abbasidcaliphs:dinarswith alQadir'sname alone;with the names of both caliphs; with al-Qa'im'snamealone;andin one instance,with no caliph'sname at all.5 The dinarsand dirhamsof Nishapurappear with two formulas of inscription concerningthetwo caliphs.Whileone set of dinarsand dirhamsonlyhasal-Qadir'snameas thereigningcaliph, in anotherset, the deadcaliph'snameis accompanied On the by the nameof al-Qa'imas his heir apparent.6 I that have Balkh of dirham 423/1031-32 seen, only as the name reigningcaliph.7As appears onlyal-Qadir's for Herat,I havenot beenableto decipherthe nameof the caliphon the only 423/1031-32 dinarof Heratthat I haveseen.8 The messengerof the new caliph, after having deliveredal-Qa'im'sletterto Mas'id andreceivingthe latter'soathof allegiance,left Balkhon 22 Muharram
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423/15 January1032. The fact thatthe messengerdid not returnwith al-Qa'im'snew investiturefor Mas'uid until 424/1032-33 did not hinder the minting of 423/1031-32 coins which bore only the new caliph's name in the capitalof Ghazna.9Yet I have not come across any 423/1031-32 coins from the other three mints,bearingthe new caliph'snamealone.By the end of Muharram 423/1031-32,Mas'udhad bothreceived themessengerwithanofficialletterfromthenew caliph and had written an oath of allegiance which the messenger was carrying back to al-Qa'im.10 Consideringthe symbolic importanceof 'Abbasid approvalandthe efficiencyof the Ghaznavidpostaland intelligencesystem,it is likely thatby the end of this month,Mas'id had sent messengersto the officialsof Nishapur,Herat and Ghaznato announcethe news concerningthetwo caliphs.Despitethisnumismaticvs. textualevidence,which opens the gate for conjecture about the possible dates of minting, one cannot determinethe time of mintingfor the 423/1031-32 coinswithanycertainty.Onecanonlyassertthat,in the beginningof the year,dies with the name of al-Qadir werestillused.And at somepointduringthe year,dies withthe nameof the new caliphwereordered.Whatis even more curiousand surprisingis the existenceof 424/1032-33 coins which bore the name of al-Qidir. The conclusionthatC.E.Bosworthhas drawnfromthe placementof the nameof the,by then,long deadcaliph is thatthe sultanwas doingthisas a bargaining tacticto get his demandsmetby the new caliph."1 The only knowninstancein which the Ghaznavid amir took the field in these first five years was the plunderingof the Indiantemple S.rs.ti in the year 424/1032-33.12Sincethis fell somewherebetweenthe middleandthe latterpartof 424/1032-33,recordedin one of the lost parts of Bayhaqi's History, our knowledgeaboutthisvictorycomesfromothersources. Somegive the 424/1032-33datefor thisvictory,while at least three sources have recorded the year 425/1033-34.13A 424/1033 dinarof Heratwith the wordfathon top of thereversefieldalsosuggeststhatit was actually424/1032-33in whichMas'id conquered
activitytaperedoff at all threemints.In 426/1034-35, that is the very middle year of Mas'tid'srule, only Nishapuris knownto haveminteddinars.It was in this yearthatMas'id sentoff troopsto fightthe Saljuqsin a pitched battle for the first time. This followed the Saljuqs'requestfrom the sultan to grant them the territoriesof Nasa and Farava.15 The Saljuqsdefeated the Ghaznavidtroops, and consequently,the sultan the Saljuqsnot onlyNasdandFaravabutalso "granted"
S.rs.ti and that he went to Herat afterthis conquest. An even more plausible explanation for the word fathz, considering the local nature of Islamic mints, is the show of force againstthe TurkmensaroundHeratin this year.14 In the second half of Mas'id's reign, when the conflict with the Turkmen Saljuqs escalated, minting
Begtughdi, Stibashi's campaign also resulted in a Ghaznavid defeat.23But this time, the Saljuqs assumed a different attitude. In the aftermath of the defeat of 426/1034-35, the sultan had not only granted the
Dihistan-.16 Afterthis defeatof 426/1034-35, Mas'Uid went to Heratfor lack of fodderaroundNishapur,andwiththe exceptionof huntingtripsto areasaroundBalkh and Mary al-Raid,the amir stayed away from Khurasan altogetherforthenextthreeyears."I have encountered coins fromNishapurandGhaznafor thesethreeyears, but only 427/1035-36 coins for Herat. Turkmen disturbancescontinued in Khurasan in the year 427/1035-36,andthe Saljuqswereemboldenedenough by the beginningof the next yearto ask the amirfor a The Ghaznavid grantof Mary,Sarakhsand Bavard.18 vizier'sstrongshowof forceagainstthe Saljuqsaround Heratresultedin the Turkmensretreatingto Nasd and Far~va.By the endof theyear428/1036-37,Mas'tidput an even greaterdistance between himself and the troublesin Khurasan by intendingto departforghazvin India.19The word appearson top of the reverse fath. dinarsfor bothyears.20One might fields of Nishapuri attribute such a display of victory on coins of 429/1037-38to Mas'id'sconquestof theHansifortress (called Qal'at al-'Adhrd',"the Virgin Fortress"),in India.21But the appearanceof fath on the coins of 428/1036-37canbestbe explainedby the strongshow of forceagainsttheTurkmens aroundHerat.Thoughthe coinsforthesetwo yearsdo not shareany similardies, anotherpossibilityis thattheytell of the same"victory". Consideringthe chronologyof events,this must have beenthe vizier'svictoryagainstthe Turkmens.22 Afterthe victoryat Hn?siin 429/1037-38,Mas'tid orderedthe army commanderSiibashito fight the pitchedbattle. Saljuqsin the secondGhaznavid-Saljuq Like the battle in 426/1034-35 of anothergeneral,
SaljuqsNasa, Fariva and Dihistanbut had also sent them the Ghaznavid insignia of office as well as ceremonialattireandhats.24The messenger's reportthat
PAPER AND METAL: THE IRONY THAT ENSUES. THE COINAGE OF MAS'UD OF GHAZNA (421-31/1030-40)
165
the Saljuqshadmadefun of suchpompandceremony, andhadstampedon the hats,contrastssharplywiththe laterSaljuqcompliancewiththe conventionsof rulein the year 429/1037-38. In this year, Tughril symbolicallyassumedpower by sitting on Mas'id's thronein Nishapur.25 Evenpriorto Tughril'sarrivalin the city, anotherSaljuqleader,IbrahimYinal,had the Fridaysermonpronouncedin Tughril'sname.26From the text of Bayhaqi'sHistory,we knowthatthe battle took place in the ninth month of the year and that Tughrildidnotarrivein Nishapurforatleastanother22 days. Yet the date on a dinarof Nishapurdoes not accordwith this chronologyof events that Bayhaqi presents.It is a 428/1036-37 one bearingTughril's name.27This numismaticvs. textualdiscordopensthe gateto conjectureaboutSaljuqrelationswiththepeople of Nishapur.28 In the year430/1039-40,the mintof Nishapuralso struckdinarsbearingthe new politicalleader'sname.29 It was only in 430/1038-39 that Mas'id came to Khurasanand personallyfoughtthe TurkmenSaljuqs duringthelasttwo yearsof his rule.Yetby thislatedate, the Saljuqleadershad becomeemboldenedenoughto entertainideas of greatness,and thus fought more ferventlythanthey had done before.While Mas'id's commandersBegtughdiand Siibashihad initiatedthe battlesof 426/1034-35 and 429/1037-38, it was the Saljuqs who began and continued the fight in 430/1038-39.30Theydidso in spiteof the Ghaznavids' moderatesuccesses in the battles of 'Ali-dbadand Talkhab.Afterthis last battle,Mas'id happilyrodeto Sarakhs,where,uponseeingthe Saljuqforces,he was surprisedanddejected.Inthe two-dayconflictbetween the two groups,in whichthe SaljuqleadersandMas'fid did not participate,the tired and hungryGhaznavid troops fared worse. Thus when the vizier suggested sending a messengerto the Saljuqs,pretendingto negotiatea trucewith themwithoutthe knowledgeof the sultan,Mas'id accepted.The Saljuqsseemto have playedalongwiththe vizier'sscheme.Butaccordingto themessenger'sreport,theyalreadyentertained ideasof greatness.31
sufferedfrom lack of food and fodderin these two years,thenomadicSaljuqs,usedto theharshconditions of steppelife, withstoodthe adverseconditionsbetter thanMas'5d'stroops.By the timeof the decisivebattle at DanddnqinnearSarakhson 9 Ramaddn431/30May 1040, the two armieshad foughtin battlesas well as engagedin skirmishesandchases.32 During the course of pursuing the Turkmens, Mas'Udhadsentoff a few officialsto reclaimthe cityof Therefore,when Mas'Odand his troops Nishapur.33 cameto thecitytowardsthe endof Rabi'II431/January 1040, the governorof Khurasan,Suri, had not only procuredfodderbuthadalsoputon a new coveringfor Mas'id'sthronewhichthe SaljuqleaderTughrilhadsat on two yearspreviously.It was afterthe Ghaznavidreoccupationof the city, and, most likely, before the Ghaznavidsleft Nishapurat the end of JumadaII 431/March1040thatthe dinarof Nishapurwas struck.34 Ontop of the obversefield of thisdinar,the wordzafar appears.SinceMas'id hadreclaimedthe city "'victory" sucha of Nishapuraftertwo yearsof Saljuqsuzerainty, is understandable. dinars on of Nishapuri display victory But the word zafar, once consideredagainstboth the aftermath of the battleof TalkhabandagainstMas'id's statementto one of his officialsduringthe pursuit,tells quitea differentstory.ThoughTalkhabendedwith the Saljuqs' flight, in the subsequentconflict with the the Saljuqsfaredbetter,whencethevizier's Ghaznavids schemeof a truce.Afterthis truce,at the Ghaznavids' unsuccessful pursuits,if onecould request,andMas'Gd's at speakof a Ghaznavid"victory" all, it wouldhaveto be the recoveryof the city of Nishapur,retakenbefore Mas'id's arrival.The juxtapositionof the word zafar againstMas'5d'sstatementon thetrailof pursuitallows was thusdisplayed one furtherto surmisethat"victory" on the gold of the metalfor a very specificgroupin Nishapur,namely,the urbannotables.Mas'5dtold the governorof Khurasan,Suhi,"[You]shouldgo towards Nishapurand seize the city, since the letterof Bu 'lhas of Nishapur, whois thepostmaster MuzaffarJumahli, arrived.He has emergedfromhis hidingplaceandthe 'Alavis are one with him, but the notableshave been
The last year of Mas'Gid'srule was the year of chase and pursuit. Mas'id went from place to place in chase of the Turkmensand fodder, before he and his people were put to flight in the battle of the Dandanqmn.By time of this battle, the Ghaznavid soldiers had engaged in unsuccessful chases which had only resulted in fatiguing them and their mounts. Though both armies
causing trouble so that [you] need to seize the city."35 When Mas'id arrivedthere on 27 Rabi' 11/22January 1040, Sui seems successfully to have gained control of the city and to have quelled any oppositionto Ghaznavid rule, given the fact that the notables of the city went as far as the village of Khaj.n to welcome the sultan. The new covering on the sultan's throne and Mas'id's
166
JOURNAL OF PERSIAN STUDIES
residencein theShadyikhGardenharkedbackto theold orderin Nishapur.Yetin less thantwo months,Mas'5d andhis officialswereforcedto leaveNishapurfor Tos andthenSarakhsin searchof fodder.By thetimethetwo sides faced each otherat Dandanqn in 431/1039-40, they were both sufferingfrom exhaustion,thirstand hunger.Onthathot dayof 9 Ramadin431/1040,it was the lack of water which brought about the final Ghaznaviddefeat.Once Mas'fidorderedthe troopsto move towardsthe only pool, sincehe believedthe five wells in the fortresswould not sufficehis largearmy, orderwas broken.Many disheartenedsoldiersjoined theircomradeswho hadalreadydefectedto the service of the Turkmens. Mas'id andhis loyalarmychiefsand courtiers,fatiguedanddishevelled,madetheirwayback to thedistantcapitalthroughGhir.Theyweregreetedby the noblewomenof Ghazna,who clothedandconsoled them.36 Mas'5duponhis Bayhaqispeaksof an embarrassed returnto the capital.After receivingthe news of yet anotherdefeataroundBalkh,Mas'5dgave way to fear. In responseto the courtierswho triedto dissuadethe amir from leaving for India, he responded,"If the enemiescomehere,Bu 'l-QZsimKathirhas goldwhich he cangive outandbecometheministerof war.Bu Sahl Hamdavialso has gold, and can obtainthe vizierate. It is likely TahirandBu 'l-Hasan[cando] likewise."37 thatthe 431/1039-40 dinarsof Ghaznawere struckat some point in the last threemonthsof this year,and before Mas'td left for Indiawith everythingthat he couldtake,i.e. his treasuryandwomenfolk.38 In the three silver mints of Balkh, Nishapurand Ghazna,as in thegoldmints,themostactiveperiodwas the firsthalfof Mas'fid'sreign.No dirhamsof theyears 426/1034-35 and 431/1039-40 have so far been identified.Notwithstanding the apparentnon-existence of dirhamsforthesetwo years,thereareno dirhamsof Balkh for the year 427/1035-36, and no dirhamsof Nishapur for the years 421/1030, 425/1033-34, 428/1036-37 and 430/1038-39. For Ghazna, only dirhams of the years 421/1030, 422/1030-31 and 425/1033-34havebeenidentified.39
identified,andfor the year430/1038-39,only dirhams of Balkh.Fortheyear430/1038-39,one canestablisha relationshipbetweenthe Ghaznavidmilitarypresence in Balkhandthe activityof themint.Giventhe factthat the Ghaznavidtroopsspentthe first part of this year thata dirhamof Balkh aroundBalkh,it is not surprising carriesa messagewhichtells of its havingbeen struck specificallyforthe cavalry.Thewordfaris,dividedinto the syllablefar andthe lettersin, appearson the right and left sides of the obversefield respectively.40 The inactivityof the mintof Nishapuris explicablefor this year,giventhe Saljuqpresencethere. BothGhaznaandNishapurrankhighas gold mints. But while Ghaznaalso emergesas an importantsilver mint,in Khurasan,Balkhseemsto havebeenthe main centrefor strikingdirhams.UnderMas'fd, Nishapur remainedthe Ghaznavidcommercialand economic capitalin Khurasan.It is not, therefore,surprisingthat the reverse of the dinars and dirhamsof Nishapur carries the same formula of inscriptionthroughout Mas'id's ten-yearrule. Two of Mas'td's four titles, NJsir Din Allah and Allah, which he jH-Ifi.z'Ibd receivedfromthe caliphal-Qadir,alwaysappearon the reverseof Nishapuricoins. One can distinguishthe coins of Nishapur from the other mints by the appearanceof these two titles on the reversesides. A 421/1030dinarof Heratis theonlycoinof anothermint with a variationon the two titleson the obverse.41 Thetwo othertitleswhichMas'fidreceivedfromal-
A comparison and contrast of the gold and silver chartsindicatesthe inactivityof both the gold and silver mints in the years 426/1034-35 and 430/1038-39. However, one cannot draw a definitive conclusion about the activity of the mints, considering the numerous unidentified dirhams in existence. For the year 426/1034-35, only Nishapuri dinars have been
on the coins of Ghazna and Herat. Both cities minted coins on which appeared Mas'td's kunya of Aboi Sa'id.44There are also coins with variationsof the titles Unlike the coins Nasir Din Allah and Hf-aiz 'JbtdAllath. of Nishapur, those of Ghazna and Herat do not carry these two titles together.Rather,the formertitle and its variant (Nasir Din Allah, al-NaVirli-Din Allah) appear
Qadir,Zahir KhalifatAllah and al-Muntaqimmin A 'da-'
Allah, only appearon the coins of Ghaznaand Herat. Both cities minted coins on which appearthree of Mas'id's titles from al-Qadir only in the year 422/1030-31 (al-Muntaqim min A 'da' Allah,
only KhalifatAllah and al-Nasirli-Din Allah).42The.Zahir othercoin I have come acrosswherethese threetitles appearis a 423/1031-32 dinarof Herat.43The early mintingof coins with all threetitles is understandable. Mas'id was at the height of his power in this early period,and, so it seems, wishedto displayhis power withsuchsymbolismas titles. AmongMas'5d'seasternmints,titlesvarythe most
PAPERAND METAL:THE IRONY THATENSUES. THE COINAGEOF MAS'UD OF GHAZNA(421-31/1030-40) on some coins from both mints.45However, I have only seen a variantof the title, i.e. 'IbadlAllach, on Haravi dinars.46 .Hafiz Allah, al-H.afiz li-'Ibad Other than variations on titles, Haravi dinars also stand out from the dinars of Nishapur and Ghazna due to their lighter gold colour. It is difficult to differentiate Haravi dinars from those of Ghazna and Nishapur on a colour basis without determining the gold content of coins from all three mints. Nevertheless, Haravi dinars seem to have been singled out, given the textual evidence as well. One of the only two mints which the secretaryBayhaqi mentions by name is, in fact, that of Herat,the other being Nishapur.47Other than Bayhaqi, the most famous panegyrist of Mas'id, the poet Manichihri, also speaks about Haravi dinars in two of his poems.48 The city of Balkh, close to the northernborders of Khurasanand a strongholdagainst the onslaught of the Turkmensand the Qarakhanidmarauders,also emerges as an importanteconomic centre for the cash payment of Ghaznavid troops. Neither Nishapur nor Balkh escaped the destructionbroughtby the Saljuqs and their Turkmens. After the Danddnqdndefeat, the price of land was so devalued in Nishapur that a piece of property which sold for 1000 dirhams per juftvar in 426/1034-35, and for 200 dirhams per jufivar in 431/1039-40 was priced at one man of wheat. Even at such a devalued price, Bayhaqi reports,no one would buy the property.49 After Dandlnqan, Mas'0d and his courtiersfled the destruction of Khurasanby going to Ghazna. Mas'(d then fled from there, fearing that the Saljuqs would attackthe capital. That never happened.Though it was Khurasanwhich had been the scene of destructionfor most of his reign, by the second month of 432/1040-41, Mas'5d had worked himself into a state of paranoia about the Saljuqs' danger to his capital. His fear for Ghazna recalls his aunt's sentiment about the hierarchy of importanceof the Ghaznavidprovinces. In a letterto her favourite nephew, in which she told of Mahmid's death, Khuttaliurged Mas'ud to hurryback to Ghazna. She said, "The principal [territory]is Ghazna, .Hurra-yi and then Khurasan,and the rest are all minor."50Despite Hurra-yiKhuttali'ssentimentand Mas'id's fears, it was Khurasanwhich was both economically and militarily the principalprovince, and it was the loss of Khurasan which led to Mas'ud's fears for Ghazna.He accordingly left for India,but was killed by a few of his own military commandersin the Indianfortressof Giri.51
167
Bayhaqischolarssuchas MujtabaMinovi,C.E.Bosworth and MarilynR. Waldman, who have studiedthe Tarikh-i Mas ii fromvariousperspectives, allcomment onBayhaqi's balancedand detailedreporting.Minovi considersthe historian of thereignof Mas'udtrustworthy in tellingabout the eventsof his own time, but not reliablein re-telling historicaltales of earlierperiods(p. 140). Bosworth,the foremosthistorian of the Ghaznavids, has a detailedsection on the sourcesforthe studyof theearlyGhaznavids in The Ghaznavids.TheirEmpirein Afghanistanand EasternIran,
994-1040, and regardsBayhaqi'sHistoryas the most sourceforthestudyof thisperiod(p. 10).Waldman important also notesBayhaqi'sattentionto accuracyand detail,and studiesBayhaqias a historian-turned-philosopher (p. 124).
Fora collectionof articlesonvariousaspectsof Bayhaqi's Abu '-Fadl Bayhaqi.For more History,see the }adnainma-yi
recent studies of Bayhaqi'swork, see Sayyid Ahmad Pazhfihish-i dar i'lvim-i tcrikhi va Kazarnni's Tarikh-i Bayhaqi, b5 dhikr-i havadith-i jughrdafiyvi-yi zaman-i nivisanda; Julie S. Meisami's Persian Historiography to the End of the TivelfthCentury, pp. Husayni
articles"Truthsand 79-108; andSoheilaAmirsoleimani's Lies.IronyandIntriguein Tarikh-i Bayhaqi"and"Women in Tarikh-i Bayhaqi". Twoarticlesby C.E.Bosworthareespeciallysignificant in relationto issuesdiscussedin thisstudy:"TheTitulature of the EarlyGhaznavids", and"TheImperialPolicyof the Early Ghaznawids",reprintedin The Medieval History of Iran,Afghanistanand CentralAsia, pp. 210-33 and49-82. 2
The ANS 1980.35.48coppercoin of Balkhis an obvious indication thatBalkhwas alsoa coppermint.However,the to inability identifyothercoppercoinswhosemintnames have been eraseddoes not allow me to commenton the copperof Balkh.A muchmoreambitiousprojectneedsto be undertaken, inwhichonewouldfocusontheinscriptions andthe epigraphyof the undatedandunmintedfulusand dirhamsof Mas'idin orderto identifythemintnamesof a largenumberof his coins. Minor Mas'5dian mints included those of Ray (424/1032-33Av/WK1130;424/1032-33Av/Tiibingen), (423/1031-32Av/SpinkTaisei(Zurich)27/405), Hamadlan Mary al-ROd(427/1035-36 Ar/ANS 0000.999.7236), Isfahan(426/1034-35AvTtibingen).Also noted are the mintsof Valvilij(Ar/BM),al-Biyr (426/1034-35Av),and (Ar). Andarvab
3
Bayhaqi,pp. 374-75. Ibid.,pp. 378-79.
4
5 Dinars of Ghaznawith al-Qaidir'sname alone: ANS 45; SpinkTaisei31/445.Dinarsof 1966.136.8;Hennequin
168
6
7
8 9
10
12
JOURNALOF PERSIAN STUDIES
Ghaznawithbothcaliphs'names:Sourdel226-29. Dinars of Ghaznawith al-QW'im's namealone:Sourdel232-33, 234;Thomas21 and22. Dinarsof Ghaznawithno caliph's nameatall:Sourdel230.I havenotbeenableto decipher the nameof the caliphat thebottomof theobversefieldin the ANS 1967.101.5dinarof Ghazna.Also,I cannotcomment on the inscriptions of the dirhamsof Ghazna,sinceI have only learnedaboutthemfromMr.StephenAlbum,whose cataloguedidnotincludeallthecoininscriptions. Dinarsof Nishapurwithal-Qidir'snamealone:WK 1129. Duringthe seminarat the ANS, I also lookedat another dinarof Nishapurwith only al-QAdir's name,whichMr. Albumhad kindlysent me from his stock,now in the TiibingenMuseum.Dirhamsof Nishapurwith al-Qidir's namealone:ANS 1927.179.79; TiibingenEHI A3; Zamb. 449. Dinarsof Nishapur withal-Qidirandal-Qi'imasheir ANS 1965.87.3and1972.288.51. apparent: Dirhamsof Balkh with al-Qidir'sname alone: ANS 52 and53. 1966.126.39; Hennequin ANS 1967.54.2. Bayhaqi,pp. 470-74.
Bayhaqigives the texts of both al-Qi'im's letter and Mas'id'soathof allegiance,pp.391-402. Zambaur notedcoinsfromHamaddin andNishapurforthe year424/1032-33whichbearonly the nameof al-Q'adir, WNZ(1914). 129-30, 133, nos. 449-50, 458. Bosworth attributes the mintingof suchcoinswiththe nameof the dead long caliphto Mas'Od'swithholdinghis complete loyaltyuntilthe returnof the messengerof the caliphalQd'imsometimein the year424/1032-33,"TheImperial Policy",p. 66. Bosworthexplainsin a footnoteaboutthisfortress,"Srsvati or Sarsiiti(?),modernSarsiwah,nearSahlranpfir in India", ibid., p. 57.
Sourceswiththeyear424/1032-33forthisvictory,(Gardizi, p. 427; MuqimHaravi,p. 279; Badafini,p. 302; Firishta, 391;Haydari, pp.494-95;Harshakah Ray.pp.524-25).But bothIbnal-Athir, and the author of the T7rikh-i 433, p. Al/f, the 425/1033-34. 869, p. give year coinfromMr. "4 SpinkTaisei31/445.I alsolookedata similar Album'sstock,now at Tiibingen,overthe 1992 summer seminarattheANS. Wedonothaveanyrecordof theshow of forceagainstthe Turkmens, if it, indeed,occurred.We have of to disperse only Bayhaqi'sreport Mas'fd'sintention theTurkmens fromaroundHerat,p. 512. Thechainof eventswhichledto the Saljuqs'requestfrom 'thesultanfora placeto liveinvolvedMas'0d'spolicyinthe tributary provinceof Khvarazmandthe Saljuqs'conflict withthe localrulerof Jand,Shaih Malik.Fora summary 13
16
"7
18
'9
20
of the nomadicSaljuqsin Khurasan,see consideration Bosworth's The Ghaznavids,pp. 205-26. For the conflict,see ibid.,pp.241-49. Ghaznavid-Saljuq Forthedetailsof this426/1034-35defeat,see Bayhaqi,pp. 628-32,andal-Husayni, pp.6-12. The 427/1035-36ANS 000.999.7236coin of Mas'fidis whereMas'(dwent fromthemintof Marval-ROd, probably huntingin this year.Bayhaqireports,p. 651, "Andon 9 Jumadid forhunting, Thursday, al-15la,theamirprepared andwentto thevalleysof Maryal-Raid." Ibid.,pp. 660--61.
Ibid.,pp.698-99. Mas'iddeclaredhis intentionof leading such an expeditionto his courtierstowardsthe end of 428/1036-37.He conquered theHiinsifortresson 20 Rabif I in 429/1037-38(Bayhaqi,pp. 703-4). withthewordfathon The428/1036-37dinarsof Nishapur ANS 1922.211.89; ANS top of the reverse field: ANS 1968.216.4;Ost1304.I alsolookedata 1972.288.57; similar dinar of Nishapurfrom Mr. Album's private collection.The 429/1037-38dinarsof Nishapurwith the wordfathon topof thereversefield:ANS 1947.72.1;ANS 1972.288.58;Sourdel255. Amongthe428/1036-37set of of thecoinin Ostrup's coins,I havenotseenthephotograph Also,amongthe429/1037-38setof coins,I have catalogue. of thecoinin Sourdel'scatologue. notseenthephotograph nowinthepossession InMr.Album'sGhaznavid collection, of theTiibingenMuseum,therearethe428/1036-37dinar EHIBI, andthe429/1037-38dinar ofNishapur,Tijbingen thereareno of Nishapur, EHi Tiibingen B2. Unfortunately, Sourdelhas the word referencesto the coins' inscriptions. zafar on topof theobversefieldon a 428/1036-37dinarof Nishapur (254). In fact, Sourdel has catalogued a 427/1035-36dinarof Nishapurwiththewordzafaron top of theobversefield.Noneof theother427/1035-36dinars of NishapurthatI have come across(ANS 1972.288.56; ANS 1922.211.88; Stephen Album's stock, now in Tiibingen)displaythe word zafaron top of the obverse field. Also, none of the textual sources refer to "victories" overwhelming againstthetwoforemostenemies the the leader of empire;namely, sons of the Qarakhanid 'Alitigin,or the TurkmenSaljuqs,which would warrant sucha displayof victoryon coins.Bayhaqi,p. 649, reports werecausingforthepeople thetroublesthattheTurkmens in thisyear.Uponreceivingthisnewsfromthe of Khurasan governorof Khurasan, Mas'Odconsultedwithhis courtiers and decidedon sendingan armyof 10,000cavalryand 5,000 infantryto Khurasan,ibid., p. 650. Could the 427/1035-36 coins with the word zafar on top of the obversefieldbe thehistoricalrecordof thisarmy'svictory
PAPER AND METAL: THE IRONY THAT ENSUES. THE COINAGE OF MAS'UD OF GHAZNA (421-31/1030-40)
againstthe Turkmens?Or could Sourdel,who himself expresseddoubtsaboutthe correctnessof the date,have simplymisread427 for429? 21
22
23 24
25
26
34
BMC521;Thomas59;Tuibingen ANS 1954.253.3; EHi B3.
35
Bayhaqi, p. 805. For an insightful analysis of the
relationshipbetweenthe notablesof Nishapurand the
See Bosworth,"TheImperialPolicy",p. 57; andalso Sayyid Ahmad Husayni Kazarini, op.cit., p. 544. This author mentions thatthis fortressstill exists underthe name Hansi
andthatit is located72 milesnorthwestof Delhi.He also gives referencesto otherworks in whichthe fortressis mentioned. Forthevizier'sletterto Mas'5dabouttheformer'ssuccesses see Bayhaqi,p.687. againsttheTurkmens, Forthedetailsof thisdefeat,see ibid.,pp.717-20.
centralgovernmentin early mediaevaltimes (tenth-twelfth
centuriesA.D.),see RichardW.Bulliet's,ThePatriciansof NishapurA Studyin MedievalIslamicSocial History. 36
flight, see Bayhaqi, pp. 834-41, and for the return to
Ghazna,see p. 862. On the topicof womenin Bayhaqi's History,see my study"Womenin T7arikh-i Bayhaqi".
37 Bayhaqi,p. 899. EG9 D5; ANS 1993.40.7.The ANS 1985.93.2;Tiubingen
38
ANS 1993.40.7 dinarof Ghaznadisplaysa word on top of
discussesthe Saljuqs'attitudein his sectionon Mas'Od's downfall.Bosworth,p. 242,pointsouttheSaljuqs'surprise attheirownvictoryintheyear426/1034-35,andtakesnote of the factthat,at thispoint,the Saljuqleadersdidnotyet think of themselvesas a unitedbody. In negotiations 39 followingthe Saljuqvictory,the threeleaderssent three differentmessengers to Mas'id'scourt. 732. Bayhaqi,p. of Bayhaqi,p. 731, quotingfroma letterby thepostmaster 4o
thereversefieldwhichhaspuzzledme.Itdoesnotresemble thezahirli- 'Ilahwhichappearson the otherANS dinarof Ghaznaforthisyear.K. AllinLuthersuggestedthe word,
41
mentionsthata crywentupinthemosquewhenthesermon was pronouncedin Tughril'sname. ANS 1964.23.2.
28 Unfortunately,I have not been able to comparethe
428/1036-37 Nishapuri dinar of Tughril with the 428/1036-37 dinars of Mas'Od.Did the notables of Nishapur,as K. Allin Luthersuggestedin a conversation aboutthisnumismatic vs. textualdiscord,tryto appeasethe Saljuqs through minting in Tughril's name? By had lost Nasa,Farava,and 428/1036-37,the Ghaznavids Dihistdin to the Saljuqs,andhadbeenaskedto "grant" the citiesof Mary,SarakhsandBavard.Weknowthatafterthe vizier's successfulshow of force in Herat,the Saljuqs mostlyretiredto Nas5 andFaravafor a while.Couldthe Saljuqs' close vicinity in Nasa have caused the Nishapuri
authorities to mintinTughril's nametowardstheendof this year? 29
Ghaznavid Forthe detailsof the battleandthe subsequent
Ibid., see pp. 640-45. In The Ghaznavids, Bosworth
Nishapur who wrote to Mas'Od from his hiding place,
27
169
I leamed about a 430/1038-39 dinar of Nishapur with
namefromMr.Album. Tughril's 30
Bayhaqi,pp. 750-67.
3'
to theSaljuqs, Ibid.,pp.773-79.TheGhaznavid messenger Hakim Mutavvi'i, reportedto the vizier that, despite their expressionsof servitude,the Saljuqshad ideasof kingshipin
mind,p. 778. 32 Ibid.,pp. 802-8. 33 Ibid.,p. 809.
42
zahiriyya.
421/1030 dirhams of Ghazna: Tiibingen EG9 C4; TiibingenEG9 C6. 422/1030-31 dirhamsof Ghazna: TiibingenEG9 D2. 425/1033-34 dirhamsof Ghazna: TiibingenEG9D3. ANS 1927.179.73. Forthefourtitles,seeBayhaqi,p. 53.OnMas'ld'stitles,see ANS of theEarlyGhaznavids". Bosworth,"TheTitulature 1986.126.9;TiibingenEGO1Fl; SpinkTaisei31/445.Mr. Albumhas suggestedto me thatthe wordon top of the obversefield isfl Rajab.Mas'id receivedthe news of his fatherMahmid's death and his brotherMuhammad's accessionto thethronein distantIsfahanin the lastdaysof this month. He seized the Ghaznavidthrone from andsoughtcaliphalsanctionby writingto alMuhammad, of going about Qadir Mahmfd'sdeathandhisownintention Before to Khurasan(Bayhaqi,pp. 18-19). arrivingin Khurasan andin the lastdaysof Jumidi I1421/1030,the sultanreceivedthecaliph'sletterformallybestowingonhim the westernandeasternpartsof the Ghaznavid territories, andsentoff copiesof this letterto Heratandothercities. Giventhe factthatRajabfollowsJumidaII,it is plausible thatMas'id sentlettersto the officialsof the cityto mint coinswhichwoulddisplaythemonthby whichhe received the approvalof the politicallyweak but morallyand symbolicallypowerful'Abbasidcaliph. There are also 421/1030dinarsof Ghaznaand Heratwhich displaythe monthof Jumidi II (TilbingenEB8 C5; TiibingenEGI0 E6).Inthecaseof thesetwo dinars,it is moreplausiblethat it wasthenotablesin favourof Mas'ud'srulewho ordered themintsto strikecoinsin thenameof thefuturesultan. Herat:Sourdel222;Ghazna:Sourdel223-25.TheseHaravi al-DinAllJih andGhaznadinarsdisplaythevarianton Nas.ir
170
43
44
45
46
47
48 4~
50
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on the obverse side and al-Muntaqimmin A'dc' Allaihand Zahir KhalifatAllah on the reverseside. Also the kunyaof Abi Sa'idappearson the reverse,andthe ism Mas'Odon the obverse side of these coins. ANS 1967.54.2. The titles appearin the same orderon this Haravidinaras those on the 422/1030-31 coins of Heratand Ghaznamentionedabove. Herat: Sourdel 222; ANS 1986.126.9; Ghazna: ANS 1966.136.8; ANS 1993.40.7; Hennequin 45-46; Sourdel 223-25; Sourdel226-29; SpinkTaisei31/445; Thomas pp. 168-69 (nos. 23-23a). I also saw four uncataloguedcoins with the kunva of AbO Sa'id from Mr. Stephen Album's collection (two Haravidinarsand two Ghazna ones), now at the TiibingenMuseum. All four coins also displayedthe ism Mas'fidb. Mahmad at the bottom of the obverse side. There are also coins from Sourdeland Thomas collections with the ism Mas'Odb. Mahmud:Sourdel230; Thomaspp. 168-69 (nos. 23-23a). Among the Haravi dinars, I have come across four coins with the honorifictitle NTlsirDTnAlliTh,only one of which was catalogued at the time I was studying the coins of Mas'6d at the AmericanNumismaticSociety in New York (Spink Taisei 31/445). The other three coins were in Mr. Album's collection at the time. The Haravidinarswith the varianton this title on the obverse side: ANS 1967.54.2; ANS 1986.126.9; Sourdel222. Ghaznadinarswith the title Din Allah: ANS 1993.40.7; ANS 1966.136.8; ANS NaS.ir 1985.93.2;Hennequin45-46; Sourdel226-29; SpinkTaisei 31/445; Thomaspp. 158-59 (nos. 23-23a). Therewere also two uncatalogueddinarsfrom Mr.Album's collection,now at Tiibingen. Ghazna dinarswith the title al- N4isirli-Din Allah: Sourdel 223-25; Sourdel 230; Sourdel 231-33; Thomasp. 167 (no. 21); Spink Taisei 31/445. ANS 1967.54.2; ANS 1986.126.9. Formentionof coins of Herat,see Bayhaqi,pp. 17, 274 and 315. I am gratefulto ProfessorBosworthfor bringingto my attentionthe passage about Nishapuricoins in Bayhaqi, p. 597. Divain,pp. 127, 144. Bayhaqi,pp. 811-12. Ibid., p. 14. Bosworth persuasively argues that, " ... expansion into Indiawas the true historicalmission of the Ghaznawids...", despite such statementsas that of Hurrayi Khuttali.This "historicalmission" is especially evident, considering the fact that after the loss of Khurasan,the Ghaznavidssurvived as a dynasty,largely in India, for yet anothercentury,"The ImperialPolicy", p. 56. Bayhaqi,p. 944.
Bibliography
I. PrintedPrimarySources a. Arabic al-Husayni,Sadral-Din 'All, Akhbciral-dawla al-Saljiiqiyya,ed. M. Iqbal,Lahore,1933. Ibn al-Athir,al-Kaimilfi '-ta -ikh,ed. C.J. Tomberg, Leiden, 1851-76. b. Persian anon., Tmrikh-iA/lf, pp. 772-954 in Nafisi, Dar piramfin-i Bayhaqi. Tarikh-i Sist&n,ed. M.S. Bahar,Tehran,1314/1935. anon., TMrikh-i Badeiini, Muntakhabal-tavfrikh,pp. 292-318 in Nafisi, op.cit. Bayhaqi, Abu 'l-Fadl, 7hrikh-i Mas'iidi, ed. 'A.A. Fayyaid, Mashhad,1971. Firishta,Gulshan-iibrahimi,pp. 318-425 in Nafisi, op.cit. Gardizi,Abo Sa'id 'Abd al-Hayy b. Dahh•k b. Mahmud,Zayn Tehran,1363/1984. al-akhbir, ed. 'Abd al-Hayy .Habibi,pp. 517-29 in Nafisi, HarshakahRay (?), Majma' al-akhbir, op.cit. Haydari,T-rikh,pp. 425-517 in ibid. Manichihri, Divimn,ed. Muhammad Dabir-Siyliqi, Tehran, 1363/1984. Mirkhvdnd, Rawidatal-safa, ed. Ridfi Quli Khin, Tehran, 1270-74/1853-56. Muqim Haravi, Tabaqdt-i akbari, pp. 264-92 in Nafisi, op.cit. Rlvandi, R-ahatal-sudfirva-zyatal-surfir,ed. M. Iqbil, London, 1921.
H. PrintedSecondarySources radncma-yiAbu '/-FactiBayhaqi,Mashhad,1971. Amirsoleimani, S., "Truthsand Lies. Irony and Intrigue in Tarikh-iBayhaqi",IranianStudies,XXXI/2 (Spring 1999), pp. 243-59. - "Womenin -arikh-iBayhaqi",Der Islam LXVXIII(2001), pp. 229-48. Bosworth,C.E., The Ghaznavids.TheirEmpirein Afghanistan and EasternIran, 994-1040, Edinburgh,1963. - "TheTitulatureof the EarlyGhaznavids",OriensV (1962), pp. 210-33, repr. in The Medieval History of Iran, Afghanistanand CentralAsia, no. X, London, 1977. - "The Imperial Policy of the Early Ghaznawids",Islamic Studies, Journal of the Central Institute of Islamic Research,Karachi I/3 (1962), pp 49-82, repr.in ibid., no. XI. Bulliet, R.W., The Patricians ofNishapur A Study in Medieval IslamicSocial History,Cambridge,Mass., 1972.
PAPER AND METAL: THE IRONY THAT ENSUES. THE COINAGE OF MAS'UD OF GHAZNA (421-31/1030-40)
Husayni Kdizarani,Sayyid Ahmad, Pazhiihish-i dar i Tam-i tarikhi va jughrfiy7'ii-yi Tarikh-i Bayhaqi, ba dhikr-i havadith-izaman-inivisanda,Tehran,1374/1995. Meisami, J.S., Persian Historiographyto the End of the T7velfth Century,Edinburgh,1999. Minovi, M., "The PersianHistorianBayhaqi",pp. 138-40 in Historiansof the Middle East, ed. B. Lewis and P.M.Holt, London, 1962. Nafisi, Sa'id, Dar pirdmiin-i Thrikh-i Bayhaqi, Tehran, 1352/1973. Waldman,M.R., Towardsa Theoryof Historical Narrative.A Case Studyin Perso-IslamicateHistoriography,Columbus, Ohio, 1980. HI. Numismatic Sources Album, S., Marsden's Numismata Orientalia Illustrata, New York, 1977. - Catalogue of Ghaznavid coins, unpublished(now at the TiibingenMuseum). The AmericanNumismaticSociety collection (New York). Hennequin. G., "Monnaies gaznawides d'une collection particulibre",Annales Islamologiques, XX (1984), pp. 223-83, andpls. 55-69.
171
Kazan,W., Catalogue of Islamic Coins, Beirut, 1983. Lane Poole, S., Catalogue of Oriental Coins in the British Museum,II-UI, London, 1876-77. Mitchiner,M., Oriental Coins and their Values.The Worldof Islam, London, 1977. Ostrup,J., Cataloguedes monnaiesarabes et turquesdu cabinet royal des medailles aut Musee national de Copenhague, Copenhagen,1938. Sourdel,D.. Inventairedes monnaiesmusulmanesanciennesdu nusee de Caboul,Damascus, 1953. TheSpinkTaisei/ZurichAuction31: Coins ofthe Islamic World,
New York,1989. Thomas, E., "On the Coins of the Kings of Ghaznf', JRAS,IX (1848), pp. 267-386. - "Note on Col. Stacey'sGhaznicoins",Journal ofthe Asiatic Society of Bengal XXI (1852), pp. 115-27. - "SupplementaryContributionsto the Series of Coins of the Kings of Ghaznf',JRAS,XVII (1859), pp. 138-208. von Zambaur,E., "Contributiona la numismatiqueorientale", WienerNumismatischeZeitschrifiXXXVI (1904) 43-122, XXXVII (1905), pp. 113-98. - "Nouvellescontributionsa la numismatiqueorientale",ibid. XLVH(1914), pp. 115-90.
A NOTE ON A UNIQUEISLAMICGOLDENFIGURINE By AvinoamShalem Universityof Munich
Unlikethe diversefieldsof researchconcerningthe study of Islamicminorarts,in which, in additionto historicalevidence,artefactsare usuallyorganisedand groupedaccordingto datedobjectsand those bearing thatallowus a relativelysecureattribution, inscriptions the study of gold jewellery of the mediaevalIslamic worldis left in the dark.DatedIslamicgoldenjewellery is simplyabsent.Moreover,the literarysourcesusually fail to provideus with the sufficientinformationfrom whichone can indubitablyidentifythe survivingvisual evidencewiththewrittenmaterialin hand.Researchers, therefore, aim to establish a history for Islamic jewellerywhile arrangingthe materialevidenceeither aroundthe relativelysecuredexcavatedobjectsor on of jewellery in Islamicart, the visual representations both of which, it shouldbe stressed,could be served only as a terminusantequemforthe studiedartefacts.' Inthislight,methodsof researchbasedon similaritiesin style or techniqueshouldhesitantlybe acceptedas a or datingandmighttherefore propertool for attribution only offera plausibledateor placeof manufacture. This is also the case of the small golden figurine discussedhere.The aim of this shortstudyis, firstand foremost,to presentto the readersfor the firsttimethis uniquepiece and to proposean Islamicoriginfor it. This, in the hope thatsome othersimilarpieces might come to light andhelp to establisha relativelysecure groundforthis figurine. Thegoldenfigurine(Figs. 1, 2) was presentedto me in May 1998,in a seminarthatI heldattheUniversityof Munichforthatspecificyear.Lateron, the studentwho broughtit kindlyprovidedme with some information concerningthe allegedprovenanceof this artefact.The following details given here are based on her short writtenaccount.Accordingto her, the presentowner Fig. 1. Figurine,gold, granulatedopenwork(frontside. fromMunich,Mr.Linsenmeier, boughtthis artefactin Photo: GaborFerencz). not 1996 from a friend,whose name is unfortunately mentioned.The lattersaidthatthe artefactwas partof the inheritance left to him by his grandfather. owner cannotbe attested,and the genealogyof this theinformation Unfortunately, gatheredfromthepresent objectremainsunknown.
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It is a statueof a beardedmanwhostandsupstraight at attentionwith his feet togetherand his armsat his sides;the armsareslightlyopenedandthe palmsof his handsandhis fingersgentlyreston the lowerpartof his hips,just above the top of his legs. He wears a long outergarmentwith an open V-frontand long sleeves andhasalsoa shirtwithmostprobablya roundopening, which is partiallyseen beneaththe V-openingof the outergarment.He also wearsa pairof baggydrawers. The drawersappearbeneaththe lower part of his garmentandaretightlysecuredto his ankles.A slightly hoodedcap coveringthe earsrestson his head,andhis feet are protectedby a pair of flat shoes. His face is characterised by thickheavyeyebrows,almond-shaped big eyes, a big moustacheanda pointedbeard. A closer observationrevealssome furtherdetails, whichareexecutedwith remarkable care.Thesearein fact pieces of jewellery.A largeand long necklaceis worn aroundhis neck and hung over his chest,just along the large V-openingof his outergarment.The necklaceconsistsof granulatedflowers similarto the six-petalledones on the figurine'ssurface.However, each of the necklace'sflowers bears, in addition,a bigger golden orb at its centre.An armlet,which is made of braidedwired and adornedwith a central granulatedflower, appearson each of the figurine's upperarm.A braceletappearson the figurine'swrists. Thelatterconsistsof a relativelywide andsmoothwire, whichis decoratedon each side with a granulated thin wire. A granulatedflower decorationappearson the frontside of the twistedwire, which runs aroundthe figurine'swaist.Thissuggeststhatthe figurine'srobeis tied aroundthe waistby a girdle. Apart from the hands, moustache,beardand, to some extent,eyebrowsand nose, the whole figure is Fig. 2. Figurine, gold, granulated openwork (rear side. made by a remarkableand extremelyfine granulated Photo: Gabor Ferencz). openworktechnique.In fact, the whole openwork surfaceis strengthened by goldenwires,whichformthe Thefigurinemeasures7.5 cm.in length.Itsmaximum basic structureof this figurine.The main, or perhaps arethoserunningaroundthe widthmeasures2 cm.,andits depthmeasures0.7 cm. It key,wiresof this structure mustbe notedthat,althoughthefigurineis hollowed,it is skull, neck, waist and the lower part of the outer relativelyheavyandweighs25 gr.It is madeentirelyof garment.Thesewiresarealso securedandtiedto each gold of a deepyellowishcolour,whichhas a nice warm otherby an additionalwire,whichrunsverticallyalong lustre.The the frontside of the figurine'sbody.All thesewiresare patinaslightlytingedwith yellow-brownish in Small areas onthe also strengthened is a condition. by a furtherone, whichwindsround relativelygood piece located surface are These are each of them.Someadditionaltwisted and round along figurine's slightlydamaged. andon theback wires runningfrom the neck to the centre of the on thechest,justbelowthe leftshoulder, of the figurine,mainlyon the upperbackandaroundthe figurine'schestandalongthe frontandrearside of the lower sectionof the garment,just below the girdle,as upperarmsandshoulders.
A NOTE ON A UNIQUE ISLAMIC GOLDEN FIGURINE
175
granulated openworktechnique,the handsareexecuted in a differentway.Thepalmsof the handaremadeof a flat sheetof gold, to whichgoldencirclesaremounted and which is only partially perforated.The gaps between the fingers, throughwhich the flat golden sheets can be clearlyseen, are markedby thin wires with granulation.Small golden circlesare attachedat the tip of each finger, indicating fingernails.The moustache,eyebrowsandnose aremadeoutof slightly curved and granulatedwires, and the pointedbeard consistsof straightwiresjoinedtogether,eachof which ends with a small goldenorb. It shouldbe notedthat some areason the outergarmentare decoratedwith slightlydifferentpatterns.It is likelythatthe goldsmith achievedthese variouspatternsby creatingdifferent hollowedspacesbetweenclustersof granulated circles. For example,a geometricalpattern,mainlyconsisting of trianglesand a rhombus,can be clearlyseen on the rearside of the garment,in the rectangular arealocated below the in between the thin twisted wires. just girdle, The techniqueof granulatedopenwork,sometimes also calledgranulated latticeworkor iajourgranulation technique,in whichtinyspheroidsof goldarecolloidto a surfaceor, as in this case, to a wiredsurfaceandare also hard-solderedto each other, is a remarkably difficulttechnique.Accordingto Keene,"Sincein this colloid hard-soldering ('colloid' becausethe alloying and thus solder-making element,invariablycopper,is appliedin a chemicallydividedstate),the wholepiece is broughtto a temperaturedangerouslynear the meltingpointof the gold,the firingof suchworkmust be donewiththe mostexpertcontrol".2 Decoratingjewellerypieces with gold granulesof variedsizes was probablyknownin the earlymediaeval Islamicworld.Buttheearliestvisualmaterialof Islamic Fig. 3. Reconstruction of thefigurine s wviredstructure (drawing: A Shalen). goldjewellerywith granulatedopenworkknownto us at presentis usuallydatableto andassociatedwith the well as aroundthe figurine'sankles,serveas a further Fatimidperiod. This factor,and the relativelyrigid the whole structure(Fig. 3). The theoryof MarcRosenbergon the battleof granulation supportstrengthening superbgranulated openworkcoverstheentiresurfaceof and filigree, in which the latter won, have caused this figurineand is held by the wired structure.The Jenkinsand Keene to suggest, albeit cautiously,that granulatedopenworksurfaceis madeof small golden some datable Fatimidjewellery, which is partially ringsof thinwiresattachedto eachother.Theringsare decorated with granulation, might illustrate the last decoratedwith tiny goldenorbs,namelygranules.Six phase of this "battle",at least in Fatimid Egypt.3 orbsappearon each ring.The orbs are organisedin a But the question of whether this specific technique circle and cover the entireedge of each of the rings. was also in use in otherregions of the mediaeval Islamic Thus a refined, minute and granulatedpattern is world, especially in Mesopotamia, Iran and also the achieved.The patternconsists of small six-petalled northern parts of India, has not yet been thoroughly flowers hollowed in their centre.As opposedto the explored. For example, the use of granulation for
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decorating gold jewellery, though not necessarily alwayson wiresandin openworktechnique,was most probablyknownin the 'Abbasidperiod,to which two armletsin the FreerGalleryin WashingtonD.C. (no. 58.6) and in the MetropolitanMuseumin New York (HarrisBrisbaneDick Fund,1957.57.88)mightattest.4 Moreover,the largeamountof silverandgoldenbeads andearringsdecoratedwithtwistedwiresandgranules whichwereexcavatedin Russiaandaredatedbetween the ninthandthe thirteenthcenturies,suggestthatthis type of decorationwas probablyalso knownin Greater Iran.5Yet the huge lacunain the historyof mediaeval Islamicjewellery rendersit impossibleto conclude whetherthis figurineis indeeda pre-Fatimidwork.It must be admittedthat a pre-Fatimiddate is a very temptingsuggestion,for this figurinerecalls,to some extent,the famousstatueof the caliphin the Umayyad palace of Khirbatal-Mafjar(second quarterof the eighth century). But our knowledge of Umayyad jewellery is extremelyrestricted,since the surviving materialis practicallynil.6 To the best of my knowledge,this figurineis the only sculptured openwork piece decorated with granulation. The other pieces of hollowed gold jewellery,whichare usuallyused as decorativepieces, like spherical and biconicals beads and earrings' pendantsin the shape of bird or lion, are mainly granulated filigree-constructedpieces rather than granulated openworkones.7Theseartefactsareusually associatedwith Egypt,Syria,and Iranand are usually
datableto the eleventh centuryon account of the similaritythey sharewith excavatedFatimidjewellery or the findsof Nishapur.8 As far as techniqueis concerned,some otherrings attributedto the Fatimidperiod and decoratedwith granulatedwires, like the ones in the B. Zucker Collection9and in the Metropolitan Museumof Artin New York(Inv.no. 1971.165),1o suggesta close affinity with the discussedfigurine.This becomes especially apparentwhen comparingthe holloweddesign of the rings'bezels,whichprobablyconsistof magicalletters formedby granulatedwires,with the granulatedwires forming the baggy trousers and the shoes of the figurine."But,it shouldbe stressedthatin mostof these pieces of "Fatimid"-attributed jewellery with pierced and granulateddecoration,the granulesare usually mountedon twisted or even braidedwires, and the filigreesettingis visible and dictates,so to speak,the overallpattern. The best examples,however,for comparisonwith this figurineare two gold rings in the L.A. Mayer Institutefor IslamicArtin Jerusalem(Inv.no. J28,Fig. 4) andin the BenakiMuseumin Athens(inv.No. 1888, to Irananddatableto Fig. 5). Bothringsare attributed the twelfth century.12A close examinationof the bezels of these ringsrevealsa gold setting rectangular of consisting tinydiscs solderedto eachother,to which the granulesas well as some furthertwistedwires are mounted;thetwistedwiresoutlinethe silhouettesof the two frontalfigures,most probablyguards,flankinga
Fig. 4. Ring, gold. Iran, tivelfth century (L.A. Mayer Museum, Jerusalem, no. 728, Harari Collection. Photo: After Hason).
A NOTE ON A UNIQUE ISLAMIC GOLDEN FIGURINE
177
Fig. 5. Ring,gold. Iran,twelfthcentury (BenakiMuseum,Athens,no. 1888. Photo: courtesyof the BenakiMuseum).
partof the shouldersof the ring fromthe L.A. Mayer Museum(Fig.6), andon the bezelsof bothrings,small orbsareset aroundthetinydiscs,formingtheopenwork surfaceforthe granulated d6cor;six orbsusuallyappear aroundeach of the discs. This is preciselythe same method of decoration, which covers the entire surfaceof the figurine'sbody.Moreover,the granulated handsof the figurine,whicharemadeoutof smalldiscs attachedto a partiallyperforated sheetsof gold,strongly recallthe decorationof severalgold ornamentsin the shape of lion and birds,which are also attributedto Iran(see e.g. the lion in the L.A.Mayer twelfth-century Museumin Jerusalem,inv.no. J63,Fig. 7).13 As far as mediaevalterminologyis concerned,it seemsthat,at leastaccordingto the abundancematerial gatheredby al-Q~idiIbn al-Zubayr- the putative eleventhcenturyauthorof theKitib al-Dhakhi'irwa '1tuhaf("Bookof Gifts and Rarities")- some specific terms for openworkor filigree might have been in frequentuse in FatimidEgypt.The generalterm the authoruses for any goldsmithor silversmithwork is siyagha,a termwhichis still in use in modemArabic for anygold or silverjewelleryandwhichderivesfrom the verb s~ghameaning"to form,shapeor fashion".14 However,it is likelythat,in somecases,thistermmight Fig. 6. Theshoulderof the gold ringfrom the L.A.Mayer also referto an openworkor filigree.Forexample,Ibn Museumin Jerusalem(see Fig. 4). al-Zubayrdescribesthree Byzantinegolden saddles, stylisedluxuriantobject.Thegranuleson thebezel'sflat whichwerepresentedto theFatimidcaliphal-Mu'izz(r. surface,and especiallyon either sides of the bezel, 953-75) by the Byzantineemperorandrecordedas part shouldersand shank, strongly recall the granulated of theFatimidtreasuryof al-Mustansir in 1069,as being decorationof the figurine.For example,at the upper fashionedwithgold(muSaghabi-dhahab).He alsoadds
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Fig. 7. Earringin theform of a smallgold lion, gold. Iran,twelfthcentury(L.A.MayerMuseum,Jerusalem,no. J63. Photo: afterHason).
thatthey were stuffedwith ambergris,which suggests thatthe surfaceof the goldensaddlesshouldhavebeen perforatedto let the ambergris'scent flow out, and thereforethis term might also refer to pieces with piercedsurface."More interestingly,he uses further terms, mushabbakand shibak,while describinggold and silverjewellery.These termsusuallyconvey the idea of somethinginterlaced,interwovenor intricate, and thus suggest that they might have been more specific termsreferringto latticework,filigreeor any delicate openwork. The use of these terms while describingthe gildedsilvermountingof a rockcrystal flask,16orthe goldennet coveringpiecesof camphorin the formof a watermelon,'7 suggeststhatthe flaskand the camphorpieceswerecagedwithina fine openwork decoration. Moreover,the termmushabbakalso appearsin the Cairo Geniza letters (dated mainly to the Fatimid period,between950-1250). Accordingto Goitein,this term,meaninglatticeworkandfiligree,is usuallyused for describinggold rings and, occasionally,for silver vesselsof a woman'sdressingtable.'sHe also mentions the termShirazi,whichis to be foundin Maimonides' descriptionof filigreegold and silverringsand which mighthintthatfiligreedecorationwas associatedwith Another the style of, or perhapsalso madein, Shiraz.'19 term, namely mukharrama,which is still in use in modem Arabic and means perforatedor pierced, appearsin a documentdescribingpartof the dowryleft
in 1156by the IndiatraderBen Yijiito his daughter.20 The termis associatedwith a pairof open-workedsun disks,probablypendantsof a headornament. Although the termmukharrama appearsonly once in the Cairo Genizaletters,at leastas referringto jewellery,the fact thatan Indiatrader,who spenthis life mainlyin India andYemen,usesit suggeststhatthistermwas probably knownin the easternpartof the Islamicworld. Whatthe functionwas of this figurinecannotbe easilyanswered.Thereareno signsonthefigurine'scap which mightsuggestthata loop for hangingwas once attachedto it, nor markson the soles of the figurine's shoesforfixingit on to a solidbase.Itis possiblethatit was simplyusedfordecorativepurposes.Ibnal-Zubayr describes extraordinarygold figurines of saddled gazelles and lavishly dressed servants,which were givenas a presentto the'Abbasidcaliphal-Mutawakkil (r. 847-61) by his beloved slavegirl Shajar.21"It [consisted of] twenty tamed gazelles with twenty Chinese(Sini) saddles(suriij),and on each of them a smallsaddlebag (khurj)of gold latticeworkcontaining musk,ambergrisandthe finestof scents.Eachgazelle was accompaniedby a slavegirl maid of honour a and (wa.ifa)wearing gold girdle(mintaqa) [holding] in her handa gold rod (qad4b)surmounted by a gem, eitherof a ruby(yi&qitahmar)or an emeraldor some It is thus othergemstone(al-jawahir)of high value."22 work of art that the was of a lavish figurine part possible statues. of different small sculptured consisting Theformalpostureof thisfigurinesuggeststhatit is a statueof a highly official attendantor, perhaps,a guardor keeper.Indeed,the use of small statuesof guardsfor decorativepurposesappearson two Islamic ivory caskets,whichare datableto the eleventhor the twelfthcenturyandareusuallyassignedto SouthItaly thetreasuryof thecathedralof St. or Sicily(Maastricht, Museumof Art, ServatiusandNew York,Metropolitan metalbox witha 17.190.241),andon a twelfth-century combinationlock fromIran(Boston,Museumof Fine Arts.Gift of Mrs.EdwardJacksonHolmes55.1113).23 Small statuettesof beardedguardsdressedwith long outer garmentswearingturbansand holding in their handsshortswords,appearon eachof the cornersof the casketsfromMaastrichtandNew York(Fig. 8). Quite similarcast and engravedmetalfigurinesdecoratethe walls of the metalIraniancasketfromBoston(Fig. 9). Thusthesefew examplesmightofferanotherclue as to the decorativepurposeof the unique figurinefrom Munich,or at least might illustratea twelfth-century
A NOTE ON A UNIQUE ISLAMIC GOLDEN FIGURINE
179
Fig. 8. Casket, ivory Probably South Italy or Sicily twelfth century (Maastricht, St. Servatius, Cathedral Treasury,Photo: A.
Shalem). Nevertheless,the fact thatthe survivingjewellery a masteryof the complicated pieceswhichdemonstrate techniqueof granuleson wiresor on tiny solderedrings are usually datableto the eleventh and the twelfth of specifictermsforwhat centuries,andthe appearance aremostprobablysimilartypesof openworktechniques in literarysourcesdatedaroundthe eleventhcentury, suggestsa plausibledate for this piece. It seems that, until some othersimilarpieces will come to light,the of thisfigurineis Central probableplaceof manufacture Asia or Iran.
See mainlyMarilynJenkinsand ManuelKeene,art. in EF, Supplement; eidem,IslamicJewelryin "Djawhar", Museum Art the Metropolitan (New York,1982);M. of
ItsSubtypes andInfluences", Jenkins, "Fatimid Jewelry: ArsOrientalisXVIII(1988),pp. 39-57; eadem,"Mamluk Fig. 9. Box with Combination Lock, cast metal. Iran, eleventh century? (The Fine Arts Museum, Boston. Gift of Mrs Edward Jackson Holmes 55.1113. Photo: Courtesy of the Fine Arts Museum in Boston).
aesthetictastefor usingfigurinesfordecoratingIslamic artefacts. In sum, the shortage of visual evidence for mediaevalIslamicjewellerywith granules,especially on wires or solderedrings,has left us with relatively materialwhichdisplaysonly a partial poorcomparative similarityto this uniquefigurine.
V (1988),pp. Influences andEchoes", Jewelry: Muqarnas 29-42. 2
The Arts of Islam. Masterpiecesfrom the Metropolitan MuseumofArt New York,exhibitioncatalogue,Museumof
Islamic Art,Berlin(Berlin,1981),p. 320(cat.no.138).On this technique see also Marc Rosenberg, Geschichte der Goldschmiedekunst auf technischer Grundlage:
amMain,1918),pp. 8-20. Granulation (Frankfurt 3
4
Jenkins, "Fatimid Jewelry", p. 40; see alsoJenkinsand in EF, at p. 254. Rosenberg, Keene, "Djawhar", Granulation,pp. 96-103. A pair of gold armletsdecoratedwith granulationand kept in the MetropolitanMuseum of Art in New York (Harris
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BrisbaneDickFund,1957.57.88)andthe FreerGalleryof D.C.(no.58.6),weremostprobablymade Art,Washington in the firsthalf of the eleventhcenturyin easternIran.A coinbearingthenameof the'Abbasidcaliphal-Qidirbillah (991-1031) is mountedon therearsideof eachof thefour whichdecoratethe claspsof the granulated hemispheres, two armlets. Jenkins and Keene have suggested an 'Abbasiddatingfor the armletsbecausethey assumethat newly-mintedgoldencoins were used for decoratingthe artefacts(Er, at p. 253). See also Jenkinsand Keene,
1
IslamicJevelry, p. 40, cat. no. 16.
5 For illustrationsof these excavatedartefacts,see 1000 Jahre Russische Kunst, exhibition catalogue, Schleswig-
6
Holsteinisches Landesmuseum and Hessisches Landesmuseum in Wiesbaden 1988),especially (Hamburg, cat.nos.228, 230, 235-37, 249-52. For a short discussionand some attributedpieces see
12
Hason, Early Islamic Jewellery, p. 49, cat. no. 57. I would
liketo thankMrs.MinaMoraitou fromtheBenakiMuseum in Athens for providing me with photographsand on thegoldringin theircollection. information
Rachel Hason, Ear/v Islamic Jewellery, L.A. Mayer
MemorialInstitutefor IslamicArt(Jerusalem,1987),pp. 7-19; see also, MyriamRosen-Ayalon,"'FourIranian Braceletsseen in the Lightof EarlyIslamicArt",Islamic
13
(New York,1972),pp. 169-86. Ettinghausen It shouldbe mentioned thatsomegoldsculptured figurines decoratedwith an openwork technique are usually attributed to twelfth-century Iran,but it mustbe stressed thatthey lackany granules.Theyaremadeof piercedor partiallypiercedsheetsof gold to whichwiredcirclesare applied,creatinga rathercrude filigreeeffect. See for
and Goldsmithing in the Islamic World, International
Symposium, The Israel Museum, Jerusalem, 1987 (Jerusalem, 1991),pp. 55-61. 14 See forexample,al-Q&di al-Rashidibnal-Zubayr, alKitaib DhakhI'ir wa '1-tuhafed. M. Hamidullah(Kuwait, 1959),
15
example, Hason, Earl),IslamicJewellery, cat. nos. 28, 29.
8 Forexample,the goldenhoardexcavatedin Caesareain Palestinewas foundin 1963in a ceramicvase,whichmost probablywas buriedbeforethe Crusaders'attackon the city in 1101. For this treasury,see Schdtzeder Kalifen: Islamische Kunst zur Fatimidenzeit,exhibition catalogue,
Kunsthistorisches Museum,Vienna(Vienna,1998),cat.no. 88; see also Ayala Lester, "A Fatimid Hoard from Tiberias",Jewvelleryand Goldsmithingin the Islamic World
(Jerusalem,n.d.), especiallypp. 21-27; James Allan, Nishapur Metalwork of the Early Islamic Period, The
Museumof Art(New York,1982). Metropolitan 9 '0
Hason, Early Islamic Jeivellery, cat. nos. 28, 29; see also
note 7. See also R. Hason, "Some Characteristics of MedievalIranianJewellery",in N. Brosh(ed),Jevellery
Art in the Metropolitan Museum of Art, ed. Richard 7
Another example of a similar granulationtechnique appearsaroundthe clasp of a golden braceletin the MetropolitanMuseumof Art in New York (Inv. no. 1979.7.1),whichis datablebetweenthe eleventhandthe twelfthcenturiesand is attributed to Syria.Althoughthe granulesaremountedon the relativelyeven surfaceof the bracelet'stubularshanksandthus differtotallyfromthe openworktechniqueof thefigurine,thepattern, granulated of especially thenarrowbandsrunningfromtheclaspalong theterminals of thebracelet'sshanks,recallsoneof thesixpetalledcircleswhichappearsonthefigurine'ssurface.For thisbraceletsee JenkinsandKeene,IslamicJewvelry, p. 77, cat.no. 44. Forthe ringin the L.A. MayerMuseumin Jerusalem, see
16
BookofGijis p. 81 (caption97);see alsoG. H.al-Qaddumi, andRarities(Cambridge, Mass.,1996),p. 114. Ibn al-Zubayr,op.cit.,pp. 81-82 (caption99); see also Qaddumi,op.cit.,p. 114. Ibn al-Zubayr,op.cit., p. 60 (cap. 72); Qaddumi,op.cit., p.
99. '7 Ibn al-Zubayr, op.cit., p. 260 (caption 405); Qaddumi, op.cit., p. 238. 18 S.D. Goitein, A Mediterranean Society (Berkeley, Los Angeles,London,1983),vol.IV,pp.211-12. 19 Ibid., pp. 424-25, n. 449. 20 Ibid.,pp.203-4, 210, see alson. 436. 21 Ibn Kithbal-Dhakha'ir, al-Zubayr, pp.29-30 (ch. 33). 22 Translationof Book Qaddumi, ofGifis, p. 78. 23
For the two ivory caskets, see Ernst Kiihnel, Die
Islamic Rings and Gems: TheBenjaminZuckerCollection,
islamischen Elfenbeinskulpturen VIII-XIII Jahrhundert
ed. by DerekJ. Content(London,1987),p. 44, cat.no. 13.
(Berlin,1971),cat.nos. 84, 85 (theIranianmetalcasketis alsoillustrated in Kilhnel,see ibid, p. 66, fig. 53).
Jenkinsand Keene, IslamicJerwely, p. 83, cat. no. 49b.
RECONSIDERINGTHE LIFE OF MULLA SADRA SHIRAZI(D. 1641): NOTES TOWARDSAN INTELLECTUALBIOGRAPHY' By SajjadH. Rizvi PembrokeCollege, Cambridge
Sadr al-Din2Muhammadb. Ibrahimb. Yahyaal- his life, but not at the aletheia, the singulartruth achievedthroughnecessaryinferences,abouthim." Qawami al-Shirazi,3the "greatest philosopher of modem times in Persia"4was born into a renowned Most modem Europeanaccountsfollow Corbin's familyof courtofficialsin Shiraz5(hencethe nisbas),in chronologyandthreefolddivisionof his life.12Thefirst 979 or980/1571or 1572.Fewfactsareknownabouthis period constituteshis intellectualformation.Having life;6and even the traditionalbiographicaldictionaries grownup in Shirazand undergonea basic education, reveallittle.In fact,mostaccounts,bothtraditional and Sadraleft in around1000/1590or so for Isfahan,the modern,proffer the same unenlighteningplatitudes citythatwasto epitomisethe culturalrenaissanceof the abouthis life. The biographicalunitythatthey portray SafavidEmpire.13In the secondperiod,he retreatedto exhibitsthe "discursiveformation"7 thatemphasisesan Kahak,14a village near Qum for betweenseven and artificialcoherenceto the life of Sadra.Biographical fifteen years - why this retreatoccurredis, I shall dictionariesimposea narrativeunityuponthe lives of argue,highly debatable.In the thirdperiodstretching their subjects, a unity that perpetuatesimages of from 1023/1612 to his death in 1050/1641, Sadra scholarshipandpietythatthe compilerswishto portray emergedfromhis obscurityandwas allegedlyinvitedto andwhichgive us an insightintothe mentaluniverseof Shirazto teach(andrun)a new madrasadevotedto the these"historians". Thismayinvolvetheuse of narrative intellectual sciences. This was the period of the devicessuchas letters,dreamsandspeechesto fleshout formationof his school, his composition and his and give agencyto theirsubjects,even thoughthereis teaching.Itwasas a resultof thisthathe becameknown no evidencefor the authenticityof such occurrences.8 as Sadr al-Muta'allihin("masterof the theosists").15 Historians and biographersimpose and construct More recent "biographies" follow Corbin'stripartite narrativessince "no one and nothinglives a story."9 periodisationof his life. A centralfeatureof these Such narrativesare thus metaphoricalconstructions.10 "biographies"is the lack of details about his life; Hagiographicalaccounts present him within the instead,theyseekmerelyto locatehimgenerallywithin frameworkof set paradigmsfora saintly,scholarlyand, theSafavidculturalmilieu,andelucidate,attimesrather most importantly,exemplarylife. In Sadrianterms, superficially,some of the major doctrines of his individuals experience a constantly changing and philosophy.One mightalso discussthesethreeperiods renewing"present"thatis a dimensionof theirbeing. as stagesin his intellectualand spiritualformation.In As is often the case, entrieson him in biographical the first period of his education, he studied the dictionariesgrow longer over time as more "lost intellectualsciences and followed the views of his information"and hitherto "unknowncontemporary predecessors. Inthe secondperiodof his withdrawal, he accounts"embellishthe text.The narrativethusbuilds was critical of his own gullibilityand stressedthe up a momentumand widens its topic field to include importanceof an immediateexperienceof reality.He anddiscursivephilosophyper se to be increasingfieldsof signification.Thiscreativenarration founddisputation is facilitatedby the scarcityof basicfactsabouthis life. an inadequatemeans of attainingtruth.It could be Thusmy account,as withanyother,represents a similar arguedthat this was the period of his intellectual "truthof contingency"abouthis life, a trajectorythat awakening.16Inthethirdperiodof his compositionsand joins up variouspointsin his life thatwe do knowin a teaching,he putthistheoryintopracticeandthroughthe speculative and contingent effort to transcribe useof symbolism,allegoresisanddiscursiveexposition, "narrativesof best fit". So we can arrive, in tried to convey his experienceof reality.Indeed,he Parmenidean terms,at doxa,plausiblenarrativesabout makesit clearin his latertexts thattrueknowledgeis
181
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JOURNALOF PERSIAN STUDIES
self-knowledge and is divinely disclosed through one's direct experience, a knowledge that is more certainand verifiable than knowledge dispensedthroughpedagogy. In his al-ghayb ("Keys to the Unseen"), Sadra Maftih. says: Know,mayGodguideyou,thatmanyof thoseinvolved in [the pursuitofJ knowledgedeny thatknowledge, whichcomesfromtheUnseen,uponwhichthemystics andgnosticsrely,yet it is morepowerfulanda better foundationfor judgementthan all other [types of] knowledge.17 Even in one of his early works, al-Mabda' wa' i-ma 'Jid ("The Alpha and the Omega"),he says, Our primarymethodfor acquiringknowledgeis a reconciliation between the method of theosist philosophers(al-hukama'al-muta'allihin)and the of thegnostics."8 mysticinclination In what follows I shall attempt to undermine this biographical Corbinian account because it underlies what I believe is a very erroneous reading of Sadra, a reading that is best corrected by destroying those biographicalmyths upon which it is predicated. Biographical details in traditionalsources on Sadra are vague and unhelpfulin the extreme. He is described as an eminent scholar ('alim fadJi),19 a philosopher (hakim),20 an "expert" and a "pious man".21 One historianof Shiraz describes him as, His eminence,the leaderof Muslims,brilliantepitome of humanperfection,the most excellentof thinkers, source of Prophetictraditionsand trustee of the knowledgeof'All, leaderof theQuranic exegetes,proof of the certainand sea of excellences,the prideof the ancientsandthemodems,theexplicator of thesecretsof thetraditions, enfolderof thetreasures of the secretsof thought, exemplar among scholars, the best of monotheists,and the light of the gardensof the andthemystics.22 wayfarers Some sources stress his non-Aristotelian approach by describing him as a "divine theosist" (h.akm in muta'allih).23Sadrl uses this descriptionfor himself his commentary on Si2rat al-Baqara.24 Given his definition of such a "sage divine",25he clearly locates himself within ishrdqior illuminationistcircles.26In his
Iqaz al-n'imin ("Awakeningof the Sleepers"),he says that the divine theosist is one who practisesphilosophyin the Illuminationist mode, and believes that all incorporealsubstances, whetherdivine,intelligibleor psychicderivefromthe realityof Light.27 Most of the biographical dictionaries give us the bare minimum:his name, a rough date of death, a short description of his teachers and students, and some account of his works, often rather short and uninformative.Many sources28neglect to mention the Asfar, recognised at least since the nineteenthcenturyas his magnum opus. Thus there seems to be little strong evidence to suggest that Sadrd was recognised in his lifetime as an important scholar. The Asfar was transmittedto his students(who mentionit) but we know nothing of the transmission of the text before the late eighteenthand earlynineteenthcenturies.A study of the manuscriptsand extant scholia and marginalia suggest thatit was throughthe effortsof figures such as 'All Nfiri (d. 1830) and Haij Mulld Hddi Sabwavari (d. 1873)29 that the teaching of Sadrianphilosophy became central to the philosophicalcurriculumin Iran.The fact remains that most manuscripts of his works date from the nineteenth century.30His importancein that century is attested by the account of Gobineau, who begins his discussion of philosophy in Iran with him.31 He is eclipsed in seventeenthcenturysources by his teachers, Shaykh BahM'al-Din al-'Amili (d. 1030/1621),32who had served as Shih 'Abbis's Shaykhal-IslaTm in Isfahan, Mir and Sayyid Muhammad Baqir Damad (d. 1040/1631),33 another prominent courtier.34Even his famous student Mulsin Fayd Kdshi~ni(d. 1091/1680), afterwhom the famous Madrasa-yiFaydiyya in Qum is named, merits far greater attention,a result perhaps of the political exigencies and attitudes demonstrativeof the Safavidmoraluniversein these dictionaries.It might also be the case that these individuals were prominent courtierswhose history is far more accessible to both courtchroniclersand dictionarycompilers,and this may explain why contemporary sources, both indigenous ones, such as Iskandar Beg Munshi's 'Alam-arr-yi 'Abbais,35and also Europeanaccounts,36ignorehim. However, there is strong curricularand manuscript tradition evidence to suggest his importance in India from an earlier date, perhaps even from the middle of the reign of the Mughal Emperor Awrangzib (r.
RECONSIDERINGTHE LIFE OF MULLA SADRA SHIRAZI(D. 1641)
1068-1118/1658-1707). His commentary on the in Wisdom"(Hida5yat "Guidance al-hikma)of al-Abhari was an established text known as the (d. 662/1264) the late eleventh/seventeenth Sadraby centuryandwas a critical text in the Lucknow curriculumin the intellectualdisciplinesknown as the Dars-i from the twelfth/eighteenthcenturyonwards.37 Ni.zami The of from Iran into India had early export philosophy with the of Shirazi arguablybegun figure Fathalldh (d. 997/1589) at the courtof Akbar,and the influenceof Indeed, it was Sadra drew upon this foundation.38 probably the former Shirazi's curriculum that the laterDars-iNiz•mi.39 underpinned So what do we know aboutSadra'slife? In what follows I argue for an alternativeto the Corbinian account.Khajavi40 has stated,withoutany evidence, that his father was the governorof Shiraz, while arguesmore convincinglythathis father Kh•manihi41 was a majorcourtofficialandwas probablythevizierat the local courtof Farsprovince,corroborated by some Safavidsources.42Yisuf al-Bahranitells us that his fatherwas also an importanttheologianand scholar R. M. Savory44tells us that his ('lim mutakallim).43 fatherwas the personalvizier of Sult•n Muhammad Sh•h's Queen, Khayr al-Nisa' Begum, known as Mahd-i'Ulya,45the realpowerin the Safavidstatefrom the death of Shah TahmaspI in 984/1576 until the summerof 987/1579.46Thiswouldaccountfor Sadra's controversialentry and presenceat court,given her hostilityto the Qizilbash,who wereresponsiblefor her assassinationin JumaddI 987/July1579.47However,it is clearthat Savoryhas confusedMir Qawamal-Din the financialcontrollerof Farsanda Shirazi,48 .Husayni member of the Queen's entourage,with prominent Sadra'sfather,whosenamewas Ibrahim(a memberof a differentfamily knownas Qawami)and was not a sayyid. No mention of this Shirazi is made in the Hervizierwas actuallyMirza entourageof the Queen.49 SalmanJabiri(d. 991/1583), the father-in-lawof the prince Sultdn Hamza (d. 994/1586).50Khamanihis furtherlocateshis birthdatewithreferenceto a passage in his commentaryon the book of knowledgeof the classical Shi'ite collection of traditions(hadith),al- Usil minal-Kdfl,dated1044A.H.,in whichSadrastatesthat
he was 65 years old.52This yields 979 A.H. or A.D. 1571 as the year of his birth, which is further corroborated of the by a marginalnoteto a manuscript in Asfardated1197/1703andcopiedfromanautograph, which he also gives his age at the time of composition.53
183
He was an only child,andwas given the luxuryof studyin Shiraz(althoughit may well be thatat firsthe shared a common education needed for court officialdomgiven his family background).His birth followsa regularmotifof the miraculousbirth narrative of pious personages.One account narratedby the Zuniizirelates nineteenthcenturyhakim'Ali Mudarris-i that vizierbuthehadno male wasanimportant Hisfather a largepartofhis child.Sohemadea vowtodistribute wealth[inthewayof God]if Godwouldbestowupon male child.God him a righteousand monotheist him and his accepted prayer granted this brilliant, righteousandmonotheistic son..."•
His interestin educationfuelledhis desireto move to Isfahan,theculturalandintellectualcentreof his time andhe may well have takenadvantageof his family's connectionsat courtto gainan entryintoIsfahanlife.55 His desire to furtherhis intellectualformationand pursue his interest in philosophy prompted this migration.IntheAsfar,he commentson his interestand devotionfroman earlyage, for manyyearssincemy I devotedmy capabilities childhoodandyouthto divinephilosophy.56
His migrationto Isfahanmight also have been promptedby the deathof his father,thusremovinghis Al Yasin58says that protectorat the provincialcourt.57 he firstwentto Qazvin,the firstcapitalof Shah'Abbas, as theprocessof andthenon to Isfahanin 1000/1591,59 a new capitalin thatcity had begunand inaugurating was formalisedin 1006/1598.Khamanihi claims,on the basis of some manuscriptsof the workof Mir Ddmad inscribedby Sadra,thathe studiedin Qazvinwith the sayyidfrom 1000/1591to 1006/1597,afterwhichthey movedto the new capital.60 The sourcesunanimouslyinformus thathe studied in Qazvin and Isfahan with the two pre-eminent whowasa pivotal scholarsof thetime:ShaykhBaha'I,61 figure at the court of Shah 'Abbas I, and Mir Damad.62 With the former,he studied the scripturalsciences such as hadith, tafsir andfiqh, andhis influenceon Sadra's
exegeticalworksis clearboth in termsof the style of commentand the authorityof narratingtraditionsthat he drewfromShaykhBaha'i.63Sadramentionshim in his commentaryon U~silal-Khfi as "ourshaykh upon
JOURNAL OF PERSIAN STUDIES
184
whomwe relyin the traditional transmitted sciences".64 Withthe latter,Sadrdstudiedthe intellectualsciences suchas hikmat,andhis greatdevotionto himdisplayed in his correspondence suggeststhathe soughtspiritual from him. It is guidance quitepossiblethathe was also a muridof Mir Dam~id.In his firstletterto him dated around1018/1607fromShiraz,he referredto himas Theapportioner of gracetotheheartsof thewise,the eleventh hewhomasters boththetheoryand intellect, of thesciences,thesayvidandleader,lordof practice thephilosophers andshaykhof thejurists,teacherof teachersandof scholars, themostnobleof scholars andtheciviliserof Islamdom.65 Furthermore, Sadrdsuggeststhat his teacherlaid the true foundationsfor his philosophyand in his second letterdatedaround1021/1610,again from Shiraz,he refersto him as sult•n muta'allihinal-hukama'("lordof
the theosistphilosophers").66 In the sameletterhe says thathe has beendeprivedof the presenceof his teacher for seven years,hence we can surmisethathe would have left Isfahan for Shiraz in 1014/1603. Sadr5i repeatedlyrefers to him in the AsJfr67 which was composed in Daimad'slife (hence the rehearsed invocation"mayGodpreservehim in his highnessand glory").At one pointhe describeshimas such, Ourshaykhandoursayyid,mayGodpreservehis shadow over his alienateddisciples (muridihi)by preservinghis nobleexistenceandhis worthyhonour andthelightof illumination of his lightthatenlightens the hearts of wayfarers(s5/ikin).68
Sincethetextwas completedin 1037/1628,he hadbeen separatedfromhis teacherfor some time, andperhaps in this excerptwe mightextrapolatea concernfor his health. One interestingadjunctquestionis whetherMir Abu 'l-QfisimFindiriski(d. 1051/1641) was also a teacher.69 assertsthis andNasr71concurs,but Corbin70 their views are not corroboratedby any of the biographical dictionaries. Perhaps the association of such a figure with the "School of Isfahan" as they describe it,72 who was also rathersyncretic in his views and a Sufi, must be made with Sadria.Khamlanihi73 says that Sadraknew him but was not his student,and in fact a comparison of their extant texts does not reveal any obvious correlationor signs of influence or reference.74
Al Yasin75actuallyarguesthat it was Findiriskiwho directedhimto MirDamadandShaykhBah'i, andhis court connectionsmight well have been the critical thatSadraneeded.Zanjrnieven suggests introduction thatFindiriskiadvisedhim to studywithShaykhBaha'i in orderto improvehis 'aql and with Mir Diimadto buthe doesnot quotehis perfecthis lisin (language),76 source. Again, the evidence before us cannot thesestatements. corroborate Whatsortsof texts did he studyandhow did they shape his world? We can reconstructhis intellectual textual formationby analysingthose texts that he mentionsin his worksandthose thatwere commonly studiedat the time. This is not to reducethe authorto his texts;there is a world outsideof them,but about which we must be silent, or at least its ineffability demands of us an exacting eloquence. Such a discussionwouldalso helpto illuminateto someextent how we areto readhis textsandwhatthe habitusof his madrasamight have been, works and practicesthat were immediatelycognisableandtakenfor grantedby him and his colleagues.77Much of this could be fromwhatwe knowaboutthecurriculum reconstructed in this period,as well as thetextsusedby ourauthorin his own works. FromIsfahan,he returnedin around1014/1605-06 to his hometownof Shirazandbeganteaching,leading theprayersin a mosqueandenthusiastically expounding his philosophyand his taste for mysticalwayfaring.It was thisthatmayhaveleadto oppositionto himandhis suffering,fromwhichhe fledto Qumin around1023or 1024/1613.This is the earliestdatewhenwe can place him in Qum for certain,becauseit is the date of his on theThroneVerse,in whichhe describes commentary himself as aroundforty-fiveyears old and living in in whichhe says Qum.78Anotherletterto MIrDdmnid, thathe had been away fromIsfahanfor twelve years, placeshim in Qumin 1026/1617.Anotherletterplaces So we canestimatethathe him in Qumin 1028/1619.79 for stayedin Shiraz aroundten yearsandthen,because of problemsin his hometown,leftforQum;thushe fled Shirazandnot Isfahan,as mostsourcesup to now have stated.He complainedin lettersto Mir Dimnadof the ignorance,lackof pietyandworldlinessof the religious scholarsin his hometownandnostalgicallyreminisced of the good timeswithhis teacherin Isfahan.80 Clearly, he was not appreciatedin his hometown, as he complained in his letters and works, and these sentimentsaboutthe intellectualandspiritualpovertyof
RECONSIDERING THE LIFE OF MULLA SADRA SHIRAZI (D. 1641)
the 'ulamaC'of their time was shared by his Abouta half a centuryearlier,Shaykh contemporaries. Bahai's father,Hlusaynb. 'Abd al-Samad(d. 984/1576), had advised him to leave the world and courtbehind and
move to the tranquillityand pious environmentof Bahraynif he wished to seek the rewardsof the afterlife and not this world.81In 1033/1623-24, Ahmad 'Alawi
lamentedin his LatT'if-i fromthe ghaybiyya("Subtleties of infantile thinkers who trade in Unseen") knowledge, while MirDmrnmd, in the introduction to his al-SirTialmustaqim("The StraightPath")warnedhis chosen readersto preserve the text from the ignorantand from those who have pretensionsto philosophy but who lack
himself,inthe mysticalinsightandcommitment.82 Sadra~ homiletic epilogue of his Risilat al-IHashr("Epistle on
the Resurrection"), warnedagainstexposingthe text to the eyes of the ignorant,to soi-disant philosophersand to those who rejected philosophical inquiry.83 In alShawihid al-rubfibi?ya("Witnessing the Divine"), he was even more extreme in his castigation of his
opponents,saying, "thesepeople are the enemies of Allah and the friends of Satan, and the appearanceof their ilk wounds the people of this faith."84 Kahak was a site of retreat and meditation, and, indeed, of visions. We have a valuable account of one of these visions, a spiritualascent, in the Risalat al-Khulsa
("Epistleon the FleetingMoment")transmitted by his son Ibrahim.What emerges from this is a sense of the
highly cerebral, interpreted and philosophicallymediated natureof his mystical experience. On the last night of the fasting month in 1028/1619, he saw the Prophetin his dream. He relates, I hadperformedsome supererogatory prayerswithout to a highplace completeattention,andthenretreated the narrow between two along pass elongatedhills to north south. I rode of some the time and running walkedat others,becausemy steedwas weak andat times slow and unableto act otherwise.So I rodeat times,anddescendedatothersto relieveitsburdenuntil I reachedmy goal.Suddenly, a beautifulmanappeared beforeme andsaid:"Thisanimalis notmadeforthis." UntilthenI hadfailedto noticetheforceof theburden. Itbecameclearto me thatit couldnotdo anymore,so I left it, andtravelledon with completeeagernessand inspiredcapability. I suddenlybecameaware,and it struckme thatthe journeyto thishighplacewas a journeyto the higher
185
and that realmof spiritualbeings('Wilam al-malakfit), whatjourneysis therationalspirit(al-rfilal-nuqti),and of the pathis the difficultyof the thatthe narrowness and to the way Tnruth, thatthe steedis the animalsoul that is the vehicle of the spirit.It is in a form an expressionfor its soundnessand its restraintis the commandof theTruthon thepathof servitude,andits endeavourof the spirit.The path betweenthe two elongatedhills is the path(al-sirLt)betweenguidance andfallingastray,andbetweentwo sidesof opposing things such as healthand disease,joy and sorrow, pleasure, love and bliss, and grief, sorrow and betweenthesoulandthe ortheopposition despondency, virtues and because jointly qualitiesareobtained body, and the the soul body.Justiceand balanceis the by narrowpath. Ridingpartof the way and walkingpartof it are God, expressionsforthe actsof the bodyapproaching and the acts of the heart through thought and contemplationtowards Him. That man with the luminousfaceis theholyspiritthatinspires[knowledge of the of] realitiesuponthepureheartbythepermission MostHighLord. is an expression "Thesteedcouldnotbeartheburden" that of heart the for the realisation throughinspiration actsis duetotheweakness thepaucityof supererogatory of the body and the puissanceof certaintyand the of the act with doubtand displaythat contamination In fact, an abundanceof holy servitude. damage to the heartof him who knows comes contemplations the realitiesof thingsandhas a bodyweakfromeffort. of thesteedandwalkingonwards Finally,thediscarding is an allusionto whatmy stateled me to throughthe andtheascentof the of theheart'swayfaring dominance of to the beingswithouta needof spirit realm spiritual in the the for questfor perfectionand body my spirit alongthejourneytowardsGod,theMostHigh.85 Both of his most famous studentswere also his sonsin-law,86Muhsin Fayd KishSini87and 'Abd al-Razzaq Fayyid Lahiji88 (d. 1072/1661), and they became acquainted with him in Qum. The former, having studiedwith ShaykhBaha'i in Isfahan,Sayyid Mijid alBahranil89 in Shiraz until his death and the grandsonof ShahidII, Muhammadb. Muhammadb. Zayn al-Din al'Amili in Mecca, spent six years studying with Sadrain Kahak and and two more in Shiraz roughly between
186
JOURNAL OF PERSIAN STUDIES
1030/1621and 1037-38/1628-9.90 He describedhimin
Qur'5n,and on the majorShi'i collectionof traditions,
his Sharh-i sadr (composed in 1065/1655) as ImCam-i al-Usfil min al-Kafl("BasicPrinciplesof the Kdfif), both of which featureprominentlyin the chargesof 'asr darfuniin-i film-ibatin ("leader of the age in the
esoteric arts").91The latter remained part of the heresylevied againsthim (in laternineteenthcentury householdin QumandShiraz,andhis poetryatteststo works,retrojecting theirprejudiceson to theirSafavid his love for his teacherandson-in-law;in one versehe forebears).His majorworkswereinitiatedin theperiod describesseparationfrom Sadrdas akin to Adam's of his retreatin KahaknearQumafterhe hadleft Shiraz, beingcastoutof heaven,a populartropeusedin Persian probablyafter 1022/1613.His laterperiodteachingat Khln was alsoprolificin works,lasting poetryto evoke separationfromthe beloved.92He was the Madrasa-yi alsothe oneto referto his teacheras the"mostexcellent fromaround1038/1627untilhis deathin 1050/1641in of theosists (afdal al-muta'allihin)".93Their importance Basraon the returnfrom his seventhpilgrimage(on withinthe AkhbAri traditionalist to Mecca.He was stillin Qumin 1022/1613,102 circlesdominantin the foot)101 latter half of the eleventh/seventeenthcentury is andmovedto Shirazthatsameyearbeforethe deathof mentionedin all sources,whichmightraisethe question the governor.Shirazhad always been an important of Sadra'sown possibleAkhb5riaffiliation. centreof learning,103 andin the late Timuridandearly It is quite possible that he was summonedby Safavid periods was a centre for the study of the ImimquliKhan, who became governorof Shirazin intellectualsciences.Luminaries,such as Jalil al-Din Khin, al-DawAni(d. 908/1502) and the Dashtakifamily,the 1030/1621,to teachphilosophyathis Madrasa-yi whose waqf-ndma required the teaching of mostimportantof whomwas sadr in the time of Shih philosophy.94It is possiblethatthe governorhadbeena TahmaspI, attracted a flow of scholarsto the city.Sadra studentof his, andsomeof the historiesreferto him as took up this mantleand one contemporary European one who reconciledin himself philosophicalwisdom accountof 1628 seems to alludeto his teachingat the and governance.95There, Sadra taught works of Madrasa-yiKhn, philosophy,includinghis own, as well as practical ethics.Since his studentFaydfirstmet him in around [A]ndindeedShyrazhasa colledgewhereinis read andthe 1030-1/1621-22 andspentsix yearsin Qumwith him Astrology, Physick,Chemistry Philosophy, andthentwo in Shiraz,it is likelythathe movedbackto so the more famoused 'tis Mathematicks;as, through Shirazin 1037-8/1628-9,wherehe completedtheAsf-ar Persia.'4 in 1038/1628. Because of the patronage and the What can we glean from the mention of his protectionof the governor,he did not sufferthe same It was this last in that Shiraz opposition. during pilgrimages?We might speculatethat he studiedin period his mature Mecca with Shi'ite scholars(and maybe even Sunni of It is because Sadraexpounded philosophy. this thatit mightbe said,thatinsteadof associatingour scholars,as hadhis teacherShaykhBahd'i)105 andmight philosopherwith the "schoolof Isfahan",we oughtto have met Amin Astardibddi (d. 1033/1624) and the describeit as the "schoolof Shiraz"quitedistinctfrom "nascentAkhbari"106 circlein Meccaaroundhim at the the thoughtof his Isfahaniteachers.96 But we do not knowwhenthese He seemsto have turnof the century.107 beenmorecarefulwithhis ideas,jealouslyguardingand pilgrimagesweremade.Whatwe cansurmiseis thatfor them.In the introduction to al-Shawahid him, as for many other Islamic philosophers,their disseminating he wrote that, personalcommitmentto the faithandtheirpietycannot al-rubfbibya, be questioned,andhis pilgrimagesrevealthis facet of the secretsandmysteriesthatlie in thisworkshallfind his life. It wouldbe fartoo cynicalto concludethathis theirtrueplaceonlyintheheartofthefreeandthepure, frequent pilgrimages were attempts by a person andshallreunitewiththemin heaven.97
assumedto be of a dubious creedto surpassin orthoprax activity in order to assert his orthodoxy by such Sadra was a prolific writer and wrote around 50 dissimulatingperformances. His eldest son, Ibrhim l0os(d. 1071/1661), was bomrn works,98 mainly on philosophy, of which the most importantis the Asf-ar.99 He began this work in Kahakl'oo in 1019/1610 and is mentioned as an eminent scholar and completed it in Shiraz in 1037/1628. His other ('~dimf-adil)and jurist (faqih), who abjuredhis father's of works is his the on important category philosophy and Sufism109and who wrote important exegesis
RECONSIDERING THE LIFE OF MULLA SADRA SHIRAZI (D. 1641)
worksonfiqh,suchas his commentary on the Sharhalof al-Shahid lum'a al-dimashqiyya al-Thanii(d. andal-'Urwnva 965/1558)110 al-wuthqaof ShaykhBaha'i. A commentaryon the famouskalim text, al-Tajrid,of Nasir al-Din al-Tuisi(d. 672/1274), and its cycle of commentaries,is also attributedto him."' Two other sons are briefly mentionedin the sources but not described as "scholars":MuhammadRida'"2 and Qawamal-DinAhmad."13 Sadra'sfirst-bornchildwas a daughter,Umm Kulthfim(b. 1019/1608),"4but we know nothing about her beyond her marriageto Fayyad-i LSihijiin around 1034/1623.115His other daughteris notnamed,butshewas thewife of the other son-in-lawandstudent, Fayd,marriedpossibly around1037 or 1038/1627-29 Mu.sin given thatthe birthof MulhsinFayd's first son Muhammad'Alam al-Hudd came in 1039/1629-30.116 Nor do we know anything aboutSadrd'swife,"7norwhenhe married(thoughone wouldassumehe wasmarriedin Isfahanorearliergiven the dateof his daughter'sbirth),nor any detailsof his family life. It mightbe an interestingquestionfor us, withourcontemporary aboutsocialand preconceptions to consider the relations, psychological learningof the women in the family, and how his wife may have relatedto her philosopherhusbandand son; but such matters were not of interest to the compilers of dictionaries. biographical Thus what emergesfrom this accountis that one might more accuratelydivide Sadra'slife into four phaseswhichquiteneatlymirrorthe fourstagesof his magnumopus.The firstphasecovershis educationin Qazvin and Isfahanwith his two teachersand the beginningof his mysticalquest,whichendedwith his moveto his hometownin 1010/1601-02,his flightfrom "creationto the Truth".The secondtraverseshis first periodof teaching,continuinghis mysticalquest and exposure to conflict and criticism by his This led to his flightto Qumfromthe contemporaries. conflict (fitna) of oppositionto him in Shiraz by 1024/1615 (the date of the composition of his on theThroneVerse,in whichhe describes commentary himselfas livingin Qum),"I8followingtheadviceof the SixthImamJa'faral-Sadiq,"Ifyou feel thedisturbances of the times afflictingyou, thenyou mustflee to Qum becauseit is a havenforthe Shi'a.""9Thethirdphaseof his life washis withdrawal andseclusionin Qum,where he was first acquaintedwith his two studentsons-inlaws. The fourthphase was his returnto Shiraz(in around1039/1629-30given that we know the Asfar
187
was completedin that year in Qum),probablyat the insistenceof ImamquliKhin,to teachphilosophyatthe Madrasa-yi Khan, his return from the "Truthto creation",duringwhich most of his pilgrimageswere probablyundertaken. issues need to However,two criticallyinter-related be addressed about his life that have profound of religiouslife and implicationsfor ourunderstanding the turn of the at policy in the Safavid capital seventeenthcenturyA.D. The firstquestionconcernswhy Sadraleft Isfahan andretreated,Sufi-like,to Kahak.Recentsourcesstate that Sadrawas drivenout of Isfahanbecausehe held heterodoxviews and challengedthe authorityof the andby affirmingaccessto juristsby rejectingtaqlid,120 mystical insight through the practice of Sufism. and K. Babayan'22 Moreover,both S. A. Arjomandl2' have arguedthat an emergingcomplex of factorsin religious policy and a shift in the intellectual environmentin Isfahanled to his expulsion.Sufiswere suppressed,and the juristswere increasinglyvocal in The Shah's of theirclaimsto power.123 the articulation to the Sufi base was from loyalty tariqat shifting power Pir/Shahto a shari'a-"imposed"legitimatestate in which the divine nomosruled.The shar,'a-mindedl24 encodedtheirattackin texts of refutationagainstSufis and in the genre of AbihMuslim-naimas,popular One might arguethat the amongstthe Qizilbash.125 and of Sufism, especiallyof 'irfan,gnosis,at popularity the courtof 'Abbis I is attestedby the attacksin texts of the Shi'a")and suchas theHadiqatal-shi'a("Garden the works of Mir Lawhi.126The defencewas led by Sufis, Akhbarisand philosophers,which raises the questionof whereSadrafits in. Washe an "Akhbari" His before this school's period of domination?127 associationwith whathas been describedas an 'Amill scholarlyandpoliticalelite throughhis teachersmight suggestan Akhbarilink, but this is predicatedupona view thattheywereby definitionso, andthatis not the case.128 Further, there is little evidence of a philosophical and mystical tradition among the Akhbaris,129and unashameduse of reasonand logic would probablydisqualifyhim in the eyes of his Akhbaricontemporary, AmimAstarabadi.The revival of such thoughtwas the dissemination) (or perhaps in factor a probably Iranianscholarlylife laterin the eleventh/seventeenth century.Sadradoes not seem to display any concernwith such conflicts and on the possibleoccasionsin whichhe mighthave mentioned
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them,suchas his discussionof the differencesin legal methodandrulingsin his Iksiral-'aTrifin,130 he ignores the Akhbaris,instead focusing upon the differences between mujtahidsthemselves,these being a more significantfactorat leastuntilthe reignof 'AbbdsII.131 Thefirstmentionof his "excommunication" ortakfir only comes late in the nineteenthcenturyand is not mentionedin early sources.'32The following charge sheet based on the highly unreliableQisas al-'ulanWi' ("Storiesof the ReligiousScholars")of Tunakabuni (d. andthemorereliablebutequallyhostile 1892)133 Mirz,yi HusaynNnri'sMustadrakal-wasa'il("Appendixto Facilities for the Shi'a")134 is provided by the historian'Abd al-RIfi'Haqiqat.'35 contemporary Sadra was excommunicated for holding views which concurred withthoseof the controversial SunniSufiIbn al-'Arabi(d. 638/1240),such as upholdingthe faithof Pharoahat his demise,136 andhe was thereforeaccused of Sunnisympathies'37 andof Sufism,whichhasalways retainedan ambivalentrole in Shi'ism (despite the protestationsof Nasr et al.).'38 A modem history describeshim(withoutanyevidence)as optingfora Sufi life aftermuchcontemplation andas a resultof clashing with jurists.139One rathercritical twelfth/eighteenth centuryA.D. notice describeshim as a philosopher (faylasfif)anda Sufi who wrotean "uglywork"on the unityof being andwas a followerof "thathereticIbn His advocacyof Sufismandpropagation of 'Arabi".140 such "corrupt"ideas were the reasons for his this may well be becausethe persecution.141Ironically, was an biographer Akhbariwith a strongdistastefor bothphilosophyandSufism.142As Coopersays,
punishmentin Hell. Third,he allegedlyassertedthat profanelove was identicalto divine love. Fourth,he "denied"the resurrection of the physicalbody,instead resurrection the of the elementalbody.Finally, asserting he articulated a hierarchical heavenin whichone'srank was definedby one'sknowledgeandactions. Therearevariousproblemswiththesecharges:147 First,he is accusedof statingthese doctrinesin his on the Usudal-KdfiwhichpostTafsirandcommentary date his time in Isfahan!148He could not have been expelledfromIsfahanas a hereticon the basesof texts andideasthat,as faras we know,hadyet to be written. Second,it is clearthattheseviews werewidelyheld by importantscholarsat courtsuchas MirDamadand andyet theywereneverdrivenfromIsfahan.In Fayd,149 fact,his teacherDfmiadhadalso- perhapsdrawingon his grandfather,'Ali al-Karaki(d. 940/1534) -
made
strongclaimsforthe authorityof thejurist:"[The]Just Ruleris the InfallibleImam,or he who is appointedby him, or he who deservesto act as a deputyfor him No Akhbarisympathieshere!Nor does it generally.""50 account for a simple distinctionbetween mystical doctrinesandjuristicauthority.Similarly,it has been suggestedthatFaydandMajlisiI (d. 1071/1661)were affiliatedto actualtariqas'5'such as the DhahabiyyaThe so-called'Amilielite was not a Niirbakhshiyya.152 homogenousbody of scholars,and so includedboth those with strong Sufi inclinationsand interestsin but also (ishraqi)philosophy,'53 mainlyilluminationist thosewhoweretradentsandhostileto metaphysical and The later reaction to Sufism is mysticalspeculation.154 markedby workssuchas 'Ali b. Zaynal-Dinal-Jubba'i al-'Amili's (d. 1691) al-Sihcm al-mtriqa min
al-
An oft-repeatedanecdote(at least since aghrit, zanadiqa.155 'ulemato dilutea person'sShiismand drawhim Qisas)hasSadracomplainingto his teacherMirDdimad towardsSunnisympathiesand the label Sufi is of his persecutionandtakfir.Theteacherrepliedthathe sometimes usedpejoratively inthissense.143 shouldfollow his exampleandwriteobscurelyfor the eliteso thattheignorant him.156 juristscouldunderstand Sufism was it would seem seems with This to associated Furthermore, story problematic.First, increasingly millennialMahdistmovementsandbothwere attacked takeplaceafterthedeathof theteacherandyet thereare (by MirzlTahirQummi,forexample)forupholdingthe no accounts of such a late attack on Sadra. Most accountsstressthatthe takfirtookplacein his periodin potentialdivinityof man.'"1 [Sufism]was,andindeedstillis, seenby somePersian
Five specific charges were made. First, it was alleged that Sadraupheldthe "heretical"doctrineof the unity of being (wahdat al-wujiid) in his short treatise Tarhal-kawnayn.145 This belief expressed by Sufis and some philosopherswas later condemned by Majlisifils as "a most serious heresy and unbelief'.146Second, he was accused of rejectingthe Qur'anicdoctrineof eternal
Isfahan. Second, although Damad's style is quite obscure, one only needs a quick perusal of his Kitab alQabasat ("Book of Glowing Embers")to ascertainthat, such a criticism of jurists qua jurists seems unlikely to come from such a major jurist who may have been Shaykh al-Islim for at least a year at the beginning of the seventeenth century. Similarly, if Sadra was
RECONSIDERING THE LIFE OF MULLA SADRA SHIRAZi (D. 1641)
hounded out of town for Sufi sympathies,then why was not his teacherShaykhBaha'i treatedsimilarly,since we are told in at least one source that he was a practising Sufi of the Nfirbakhshi order and had written works praisingthe Sufis as the true friends of God?157 Third, court factionalism (which Babayan'58 has argued was intense in this period) has been totally ignored on this issue. Could it be that Sadra was associated with one of the Qizilbash factions on the decline and left court with them? Al Y.sin159tells us intriguingly that Sadra lost favour at court and had to leave. But there is much more still to be studied on this issue. A loss of patronagemight well explain his move and would indeed fit into the image we have of the reign of Shah Safi as one of neglect for philosophers, Sufis and jurists.160The lack of opportunitiesat the imperial court might have led him to look elsewhere. The chronology that I have suggested rules out this whole issue anyway but the question of hostility to his thought is important.We do have evidence of Sadra's post-hoc bitterness about his leaving Shiraz, and not Isfahan. In his Persian treatise Sih asl ("Three he complained bitterly about the literalPrinciples"),161 minded 'ulamai'and the very fact that he penned this attack in Persian suggests the important message contained in it for a wider courtly audience. He railed against their ignorance and narrow-mindedness. But more telling is his attack launched (from the safety of I shall quote the Kahak)in the introductionto the AsJZir. translationprovided by Corbin162of this extract from the Asfar,163 constatel'hostilit6quel'ons'attirede nos Lorsquej'eus ' les ignorants et les incultes,en jours vouloirreformer de tour son feu le infernalde la briller voyant 6clat et de l'aberration...et apresm' tre heurte'a stupidit6 de l'incomprehensiongensaveuglesauxlumiresetaux secretsde la sagesse...gensdontle regardn'a jamais dont la d6pass6les limitesdes 6videncesmatdrielles, ne s'est des au-dessus jamais r6flexion 61evees habitaclesde tenebresde leurpoussiere,gensauxquels, enraisonde leurhostilitel'agard a de la connaissance et de la gnose('irfan)et parcequ'ilsrejettent totalement la voie de la philosophie(hikmana) et de la certitude interditesles hautes personellement v&cue,demeurent connaissancestheosophiques[sic.'] et les secrets suprieurs e la gnose, ces connaissancesque les prophbteset les Amis de Dieu(avliyi?')ontindiquees en symboles (rwnumfc) et que les philosophes(al-
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hukam') et les gnostiques(al-'uraff) ontsignaleesia leurtour...alorscet 6touffementde l'intelligenceet cette congelation de la nature s'ensuivant de me contraignirent l'hostilitede notreepoque, iame " retirerdans une contr6e l'ecart,me cachantdans l'obscurit6et la d6tresse,sevr6de mes espdranceset en pratiquel'eneignementde le coeurbris6...Mettant et mon soutien.Le premier maitre mon est celui qui Imamst6moinset amis de saints des Imam,l'afeul " Dieu, je commengai pratiquer"'ladisciplinede l'arcane".164
Of course Corbin's translation does take some liberties and is highly interpretative- for example, translatingtaqiyya as "arcanediscipline". Taqiya as a performative strategy of marginalised and stigmatised communities in Islam has been noted.165 Corbin's interpretationwould correspond to a recognition that philosophers were such a community in Safavid Iran who drew upon the centralityof taqiyya in Shi'ism,166 to articulate their social interaction with the dominant shari'd minded 'ulama'. Kohlberg argues that taqiyya was a practice and a hermeneutic peculiar to the Akhbaris in the Safavid period167 but it is still unclear what relationship our philosopher had with them. But what is clear is that, when Sadri reflectedupon his time in Shiraz, he retrospectively attacked his "opponents" for their stupidityand prejudiceagainst what was most dear to him: philosophy and mystical practice. What is clear from Sih asl is that he was criticising first and foremost other philosophers and theologians who opposed him and notjurists. Indeed,his use of scripture and juristic reasoning in this text suggests that he was portraying himself as a defender of such sciences against wayward 'ulama' and philosophers.168His attack on taqlid is aimed primarilyat philosophers and lazy theologians and not at jurists.169 He attacks vehemently the worldly pursuit of many scholars, and chides them for seeking the patronage of kings and neglecting truth.He cites a (pseudo-) Socratic maxim, Theheartsof thoseplungedin realityarethepulpitsof theangels,andthestomachsof thosewhotakepleasure in carnaldesiresarethepitsof corruptible animals.'7 Indeed, he sees them as "materialist" in their philosophical outlook as well, which suggests an accusation of agnosticism, when he attacks them for thinkingthat "existent"is reducibleto "sensory"and its
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He does criticise resultingdenialof the resurrection.171 worldlyjuristswhenhe says, Thetruemeaning offaqihishewhobeforeallelsefears Godandkeepsthisfearparamount inhimself.172 He attacksthose who considerlegal studiesto be the supremeintellectualachievement;in fact, they only yield superficialknowledge.173True knowledgeis a divine grace and cannot merely be "heard".174 He addressesphilosophystudentsandharshlyattackstheir in conclusionto an argumentin his Asrdr shortcomings al-iyat [Qur'anic]("Secretsof the Verses"): Sounderstand if youcan.Andif youcannot, avertyour from this itandcontemplating book,stopstudying gaze thecomplexities of theknowledge of theQur'in.You mustrehearsestories,andreportsandhadith,andthe sciencesof biographyandgenealogy,andperfectyour Arabic and your grammar,and memorisereports
without discrimination. Whatwillresultfromallthisis thatyou will be leftwithinquiringintosubsidiary and
issues.175 contradictory Fromthis,his sneeringattitudetowardsthe majorityof scholars,andespeciallythoseengagedin philosophyis clear, and yet this is also a warningagainst what happens(i.e. a resultingin poorscholarshipanda lack of understanding) when people practisetaqlid in the intellectualsciences.One cannotfollow or imitatein mattersof doctrine:only thosewho are"weak-minded or lacking in insight" do so and follow superficialities.176 On the other hand, one should also ask why he mighthavebeenpersecuted.Whatsortsof strategiesand politicaljockeyingwere the proponents of thetakfirpursuing?'77 Whatconstituted heresyin this Is it not often periodandwhatfunctiondid it serve?178 the casethegreatthinkersbemoantheignoranceof their time that is partlyreflectedin the lack of recognition thattheyandtheirideassuffer? It is important notto see his hostilityto somejurists as hostilitytofiqh orcriticismof someSufisas criticism of Sufism per se.179Such clear divisions did not occur, and Sadra did write works of fiqh,'s0 even works
Nowheredoeshe attack supporting juristicauthority.'8' of these ijtihador its corollarytaqlid.182Understanding conceptsin ArjomandandBabayanseemsflawed:they assumetaqld was a generalhermeneuticprinciplethat extended to doctrinal and theological issues. But the
Ustli 'ulami' clearly stated that "imitation"only appliedto questionsof law, as any openingchapteron thatissue in a fiqh text, classicalor modem,states.183 Takingtaqlidas sucha principleis directlyopposedby him, since it does not recognise the gradual development and intensification of being that everythingundergoes,both the hermeneutand his objects.184At the same time, it is quitemisleadingto spirit"of mysticismwiththe juxtaposethe "democratic It is fartoo rigidhierarchyof the "shari'a-minded".185 simplisticto try to separatemysticism from jurisand in fact one might arguethat,by the prudence,186 time of Sadrd,they were increasinglyassociatedwith each other.We shouldavoid the articulationof such dichotomies;187 essentialisingand dividing "nomocentrictheology"from "contemplative mysticism"is highly questionable since it fails to register the ambivalencesand ambiguitiesof mediaevalIslamic scholarship.The shari'a does not as such impose in Islamicsociety,sinceit denotesmore nomocentricity than a Law. Sufismwas not pitted againstdogmatic clericalismin "the eternalconflict betweeneros and The scholarly nomos",betweentahqiqand taqlid!188 cultureof Islamrarelymadesuch modemdistinctions betweendisciplinesand their discourses.It is understandablewhy some scholarswould like to perceive him as an oppositionalmystic, Hellenisticin tastes, rationalandhostileto the Shi'itehierocracyofjurists.189 Lewisohnblamesthe nefarious"mujtahid cult"withits obsessive and hostile Shi'ism that would suffer no rivals, especiallythe peacenikSufis!190But to do so falsifieshistory(partlyone would say, using a Sadrian point,becauseit "essentialisesandreduces"its being). therearenotmanycasesof Shi'itemystics Furthermore, (at leastoutsideof the majortariqas,thougheventhere I wouldsuggestmy assertionholdstruein manycases) fromthe inauguration of the Safavidempireuntilthe who have not also been UsWliulam'.c In fact, present a critical role to mysticism. complementary fiqh played It provideda disciplineanda frameworkwithinwhich mystical insights and vision might operatewithout spilling into claims of divinity,and the fervourof messianism. It delimited the boundaries of the possibility of knowledge and prevented one from exceedingthe boundsand falling into antinomianism and excess (ghuluww).A strictdistinctionwas made betweena "HighSufism"andthe speculationof courtly circles and more popular antinomianand socially disruptivepractices.Those who attackedSadrlihad
RECONSIDERING THE LIFE OF MULLA SADRA SHIRAZI (D. 1641)
forgottenthis.Thequestionof authorityis not identical to that of orthodoxy,and indeed the latterterm is whenusedas a binaryoppositeto heresy.I problematic wouldproposethatwe avoidthe use in strictosensuof these terms because they are coterminous and complementary. Heresyis not an alterityfor orthodoxy butratheras one theoristsuggests, itscreed,canon, andtheology around framed Orthodoxy issuesraised terms andconcepts, byheretics.. .[H]eretical ifnotheretical of orthodoxy.'"' ideas,layattheheart In the absenceof the Imam,the authorityto define "correctbeliefandpractice"was not clear.One should not assume that, just because some jurists claimed imamicauthority, thiswas widelyacceptedor even the case. The second issue that I want to consideris the traditionalclaim that he was invited to teach the intellectualsciences in Shirazin a madrasabuilt for him (Madrasa-yiKhanas it was) by the mostpowerful subjectof thattime in the Safavidempireandgovernor of Fars,AllihvirdiKhan(d. 1022/1613).192 Some even statethatthiswas atthebehestof Shah'Abbas.If Sadrai hadindeedbeendrivenoutof Isfahanforhis frankand hereticalviews that underminedconceptsof juristic authority,it seems unlikely that such an invitation wouldhavebeenmade.Inthis context,it is morelikely thatSadrahadfriendsat courtarguinghis case. Indeed, a hithertounstudiedbody of correspondence between SadraandAllihvirdiKhanthatis extantin the Central Libraryof TehranUniversitymay shed light uponthe client-patronrelationshipbetweenthe two.193It may well be thatSadrapetitionedfor thejob and indicated thathe hadbegunto composethe Asfarin Kahakas a school-textfor such a madrasa.194In a letter to his Damdd fromKahak,195he wrotethathis isolationwas conducive to contemplationthat had resulted in illuminationand insights into the truth (ishraqat-i 'ilmiyyava ifadct-iqudsiyya),free fromthe worriesof serviceto a patron.Butthereis also a sensein thisletter of his penuryandhis frustration atthe lackof patronage for an intellectuallike himself in times duringwhich thought and philosophicalspeculationseemed little valued.His contemporaries were in his eyes possessed of diseasedthoughtsandunenlightened minds(khcitiri 'all va dhihn-i kalil) when it came to discussions of
his favouriteintellectualtopics.He was clearlylooking fora patron.Lateron (afterthe deathof Shah'Abbis in
191
1038/1629), his rehabilitationmight have been a consequenceof ShahSafl's and later'AbbasHI'santijurist and pro-Sufi'96policy coupledwith the rise of Akhbaritraditionalismthat facilitatedthis. Or if we (whichI acceptthe storyof Sadri'sexcommunication have castdoubtupon),thenmaybehis returnto favour signalledhis recantationof hereticalviews such as wahdatal-wiujid("theunityof being")?This is notthe case, since the doctrinesfor which the chargeswere allegedlymadeagainsthim were clearlyarticulatedin his later compositions,as I have shown. However, since he began to teach at the Madrasa after 1038/1628-29, probablyat the behest of the son of Allahvirdi Khan, much of these speculations are dashed,especiallysince Shah 'Abbaswas no longer alive in thatyear. Biographicalconcernsare importantfor locatingan individualandhis intellectualtrajectory in his time.But thereis still muchwe need to know in orderto locate Sadra'sphilosophy,notas a historicistexercisebutas an attempt at piecing together his influences and at court.Alienation,rejectionandexile disappointments arestrongthemesinhis work.Forsucha reconstruction, the wealthof materialin courtandlocalrecordsneedsto be examinedalongsidean exhaustivesiftingof Sadra's texts for autobiographicaldetails. One needs to recognise that philosophising is often a deeply autobiographicalactivity and a more philosophical biography is highly desirable. Analysing Sadra's introduction to theAsfaris merelya preliminary. Further in his works need to be passages autobiographical examinedcriticallyandcomparedwiththe dictionaries andchronicles.His intellectual biographyfurthersuffers from the lack of even a simple chronologyof his works.197A thoroughintellectualbiographyof Sadrais still lackingandthis shortpieceis merelyan attemptat raisingsomequestionsthatmightleadto its realisation. I amgrateful Andrew Newman andRobert toJohnGurney, comments onearlier drafts of this Gleavefortheirvaluable paper.
2 Inhis varioustextshe describeshimselfas follows:
knownas Sadr al-Din al-Shiriz"',al(i) "Muhammad al-nmuta'1ivafi' I-Asfaral-'aqli)ya al-arba'a, eds. Hikmna
R. Lutfiet al., 3rdedition.(Beirut.1981),vol. I, p. 1; alShawahid ed. S.J. Ashtiyvni(Mashhad, al-rubilbiiya, ed.H.Corbin(Tehran,1964),p. 2; 1967),p. 4: al-Masha'ir, Risiulat al-Tashakhkhus, in Rasi'il (Tehranlithograph.
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3
JOURNAL OF PERSIAN STUDIES
1885), p. 120; Mutashabihatal-Qur'cn, in RasT'il-ifalsafJ, ed. S.J. Ashtiyaini(Tehran,1362 A.S.H.) p. 75; TafsirSia'at al-Waqi'a,p. 131; 7bfsirSifratal-ptariq, p. 145. known as Sadral-Din",Risalatasalatja 7l (ii) "'Muhammad al-vwujfid,in Majnmi'a-y'iras&d'il-ifalsafl-yi Sadr almuta'allihin,ed. H.N. Isfahini(Tehran,1996), p. 181. (iii) "'Muhammadknown as Sadr al-Din ibn Ibrihim", Tafsir ii'at al-Kursi, in Tafsiral-Qur'an al-karim, ed. M. Khaijavi(Qum, 1987), vol. IV, p. 9; Tafsirayat al-Nfi, in Tafsir,vol. IV,p. 345. (iv) "Muhammad al-Shirizi known as Sadr al-Din'", MaJatii al-gha,'b, ed. M. Khajavi(Tehran,1984), p. 2; alHikmaal- 'arshijya,ed. G. Ah5in(Isfahan,1961), p. 2; Iksir al-'arifin,in Rasi'il, p. 278. (v) "'Muhammadibn Ibrtihimknown as Sadr al-Shiraz'", (Tehranlithograph,1313 A.H.), p. 1. SharhHidLyatal-hikmna (vi) "Muhammad ibn Ibraihimknown as Sadr al-Din", TafsirSfiratal-Zilzal,p. 223. (vii) "Muhammadb. Ibrahimb. Yahya known as Sadr-i Shirazi",Sih asl, ed. S.H. Nasr (Tehran,1961), p. 1. (viii) "Muhammadknown as Sadr al-Din b. IbrahimalQawam"',Risalafi' l-hudfith,in Rasa'il, p. 1. al(ix) "Sadr [al-Din] b. Ibrafhim al-Shirizl-",TafsirSiirat Jum'a, in vol. VII, p. 136. Tafsir, My sketch of Sadrdi's biography is based upon the following sources: Rawdatal-jann&t(Beirut, 1991), vol. IV,pp. (i) Khwdinsfiri, 117-19. (ii) RidciQuli Khiin"Hidayat",Tadhkira-yiRiyjddal-'arifin (Tehran,1937), pp. 375-76. (iii) Afandi, al-'ulama' wa al-fudala',ed. S.A. Riyj). vol. hiyat. 15. V, Husayni(Qum, 1981), p. (iv) Mudarris-i Tabrizi, Rayhanat al-adab (Tehran, 1326-33 A.S.H.), vol. III,pp. 417-20. (v) Yasuf al-Bahrfini,Lulu'at al-Bahrayn, ed. M. Sidiq Bahral-'Ulim (Najaf, 1966), pp. 131-32. (vi) al-Hurral-'Amill,Amal al-'CTnil(Baghdad, 1966), vol. II, p. 233. (vii) Ma'sfim'All Shah Shirazi,Tari'iq al-haqa'iq,ed. M.J. Mahj0b(Tehran,1339 A.S.H.), vol. I, pp. 181-83. (viii) Tihr'iinI,Tabaqat a'/ain al-shi'a (Mashhad, 1372 A.S.H.), vol. VI, pp. 378-81. (ix) Tunaklibuni, Qisas al-'ulama' (Tehran lithograph, 1888), p. 109. (x) Lakhnawi.Nujtimal-sama'(Lucknow 1303 A.H.), p. 82. (xi) Muhsinal-Amin,A 'vanal-shi'a (Beirut, 1986) vol. IX, pp. 321-30. (xii) 'AbdullkhNi'ma, Falisifat al-shi'a (Beirut, 1965), pp. 346-66.
(xiii) Mihrdz, Buzurgan-i Shirdcz(Tehran, 1982), pp. 324-27. (Qum, 1980), pp. (xiv) Qummi, al-Fvca'id al-radawiyya 378-81. (x) Kahhala,Muiam al-mu'allifin (Damascus, 1957-61), vol. VIII, p. 203. 4 E.G. Browne, A History of Persian Literature,vol. IV (Cambridge,1924), p. 408, and yet his entryis very brief! 5 As stated by Ja'far Al YWsin,Sadr al-Din al-Shirazi: mujaddidal-falsafa al-islnmiyya (Baghdad, 1955), p. 25. There is actually no corroborating evidence in local historiesthatwould confirmthe importanceor otherwiseof his family's background. 6 Two encyclopaedia entries are Denis MacEoin, "Mullk Sadri Shiriz"', EF vol. VII, pp. 547-48, and John Cooper, "Mulla Sadra Shirazi", Encyclopaedia of Philosophy (London, 1998), vol. VI, pp. 595-99. Cooper provides a succinct and original approach to reading Sadra's "metaphilosophical"system. An earlierentryis Nasr in the Encyclopaedia of Philosophy (Chicago, 1967), vol. V, pp. 411-13. Even works which claim to be biographies are unhelpful- for example, Sayyid Jalil al-Din Ashtiydini, Sharh-i hNl wa arat'-yifalsafi-yi Mull/aSadra (Mashhad, 1350 A.S.H.). An excellent modem introductionto Sadril's life is provided by Muhsin Bidarfarin his propadeuticto Khajavi's edition of Sadri, Tafsir al-Qur'an al-karim (Tehran,1987), vol. I, pp. 9-21. Michel Foucault,TheArchaeologyof Knowledge,tr. A.M. 7 SheridanSmith (London, 1972), p. 38. 8 For an analysis of the historicaltraditionand such devices, see AlbrechtNoth, The Early Arabic Historical Tradition. A Source Critical Study,,2nd edition in collaborationwith LawrenceConrad(Princeton,1994), pp. 76-104. HaydenWhite,TropicsofDiscourse(Baltimore,1978),p. 111. 10 Frank Ankersmit, History and Tropology(Berkeley and Los Angeles, 1994), pp. 64-68, drawing upon Raoul Ricoeur's Tempset recit. I. L 'intrigueet le recit historique (Paris, 1983), especially the second part on history and narrative. 1 On the opposition and dialectic of these two concepts, see Aryeh Finkelberg, "Being, Truth and Opinion in Parmenides", Archiv far Geschichte der Philosophie
9
LXXXI (1999), pp. 233-48, especially pp. 242-44. 12 Original account in Corbin's introductionto Sadrtiin his Livredes Pnetrations metaphysiques(Tehran,1964), pp. 1-26. Cf. Jambet in his introductionto his edition of Corbin,Le Livrede la sagesse orientale (Paris, 1986), pp. 63-64; Nasr, Sadr al-Din Shirazi and his Transcendent Theosophy(Tehran,1977), ch. II; Morris, The Wisdomof
RECONSIDERING THE LIFE OF MULLA SADRA SHIRAZI (D. 1641)
the Throne (Princeton, 1981); Corbin, En Islam Iranien (Paris, 1972), vol. IV, pp. 54-68; idem, "Laplace de Molla
Sadra Shirazi dans la philosophieiranienne",Studia Islamica XVIII (1962), pp. 85-89. 13
Thereis onlyonemajorstudyof thiscityandits rolein the historyof the earlymodemperiod,RosemarieQuiring-
Tabrizi,Rayhinat al-adab, vol. III, p. 418. 24 TafsIr,vol. II, p. 29. 25 Michot, "L'Avicennisationde la sunna, du sab6isme au leurre de la hanifiyya", Bulletin de la Philosophie MddidvaleXXXV (1993), p. 118. 26 The Ishraqitraditionof Islamic philosophywas foundedby 23
(d. 587/1191),andit insisteduponaphilosophy Suhrawardi based upon mysticalintuitionand experienceand the
Zoche, Isfahan im 15. und 16. Jahrhundert.Ein Beitrag persischen Stadtgeschichte (Freiburg, 1980). Although
14
Isfahanwas to becomethe capitalin 1598 and laterthe renaissance in SafavidIran,thisprocess heartof thecultural of was initiatedin 1590withtheplansforthe construction the Maydan-iShah (Quiring-Zoche, Isfahan,p. 197). I. History"EF vol. IV,pp. Lambtonin herarticle"Isfahan it that was 101-10,argues alreadya significantcitybefore the new as beinginaugurated capital. Kahakis around16 km south-eastof Qumon the roadto Isfahan.It is smallvillagewithanoldmosqueanda resting houseatwhichHaldrat-i Ricdi Ma'silma,the sisterof Im•rm who is buriedin Qum,is supposedto havestopped.Kahak also denotesthe generaldistrictthat includesfoothills, while the village itself is flat and rather dull. His descriptionsof his surroundingssound more like the foothills,or atleastit is possiblethathe livedin thevillage whenhe feltthe to thehillsforcontemplation andretreated see L. Adamec, need.Forbriefgeographical information, Historical Gazetteer of Iran, Volume 1: Tehran and NorthwesternIran (Graz, 1976), p. 280.
15
complementarityof mystical claims and discursivereason. 27 28
29
1290/873).See Bonaud,L'ImamKhomeyni, Sabzavfri(d.
un gnostique meconnu de XYXsiecle (Beirut, 1997), pp. 30 31
32
33 34
35
writtenat a timewhenSadrdhadrecentlybeen"banished" his name,partly fromcourtandhenceavoidedmentioning to preventcastingaspersionson the characterof these of the Shah.Another influentialcourtiersandcompanions eleventh/seventeenth century source for important
278. Muta'allih comes from ta'alluh literallymeaning "to
21
22
R.M. Savory,History of Shah 'Abbasthe Great (Boulder Colo., 1978), vol. I, pp. 234-36, 247-49 on Mir D~nad and their students. Perhaps this is because the chronicle was
become God".This is a directtranslationof the Greek conceptof theasisarticulated by Plato.Theosistis a termI have coined to translate muta'allih. Corbin uses to translatethistermin the editionof Nisir-e "thdosophe"
20
A. de Gobineau,Les religions et les philosophies de l'Asie centrale (Paris, 1933), pp. 79 ff. HenceforthShaykhBaha'i. HenceforthMir Ddimad. Roemer, "The Safavid period", in CHIr, vol. VI, The Timurid and Safavid Periods, eds. L. Lockhart and P.
ShaykhBahi'i does not mentionSadraas being among
17 Mafati• al-ghayb, p. 142. 18 al-Mabda'wa'l-ma •d, ed. S.J.Ashtiydni(Tehran,1976), p.
Khusraw,Kitab-iJ&imi'al-hikmataiy(Tehran1953), p. 55. 19 Afandi, Riy&.d vol. V, p. 15; al-Hurral-'Amill, al-'ulama•,
66-67. See Bonaud,op.cit,p. 63.
Jackson (Cambridge, 1986), p. 279, mentions his of ShahSafiin 1629. atthecoronation prominence
Shawcahidal-rubfibiyyadated 1039 A.H. in a marginalnote
16
Ed.M. Mu'ayyadi(Tehran,1982),p. 60. Forexample,theearliestsource,Amalal-'amil,ignoresthis text. The pedagogicalchain down to the nineteenthcentury readsas follows:MullaSadra(d. 1051/1641)> Husayn Tunakabuni(d. 1105/1694) > Sadiq Ardistati (d. 1134/1722)> Isma'ilKhijti' (d. 1171/1758)> Muhammad > > Bidabddi(d. 1198/1784) 'Ali Nait (d. 1245/1830) Hadi
of his alThistitleis foundforthefirsttimein a manuscript on the issue of the unityof the intellectingsubjectand object;seeMuhaqqiq Drnmd,"Fawi'id-ichanddarmasa'il wa maf-ahim-i SadraV-VI (1997)p. 61. hikmiyya", Sadrd,Asfa;, vol. I, pp.4-6.
193
36
informationon the 'ulama',the ijzat§ion of MajlisiII's al-anwair,has no entryfor Sadra. Bih.iir Sourcessuchas Ant6nioDe Gouvea,Relationdesgrandes guerres et victoiresobtenuespar le Roy de Perse, Frenchtr.
Amal,vol. II,p. 233.
(Rouen, 1646), and Pietro della Valle, I viaggi...Lettere
Amin, A cvynal-shi'a, vol. IX, p. 321. al-Hurral-'Amill,Amal, vol. II, p. 233. Qumml,al-Faw 'id
dellaPersia,ed.Gancia(Brighton,1843),aresilentonhim.
p. 379, stresseshis piety adducinga reason al-ridawiyya, forhis timenearQum.
year, and he mentionsthat he was familiarwith the scholarlycirclearoundthegovernorincludingthelibrarian, of hisMadrasa Mir'Abdal-Hasan, (theMadrasa-yi Khanis vol. see no doubtintended) Viaggi, II,pp. 328--44.I would
ed. M. Fasati (Tehran, 1367 Fast)i, Firsndima-yi Ni.irl, A.S.H.), vol. II, pp. 1144-45.
Della Vallewas in Shirazin 1621 andagainin the following
194
JOURNAL OF PERSIAN STUDIES
liketo thankJohnGurneyforthisreferenceto his "Pietro dellaValle.Thelimitsof perception", BSOASXLIX(1986), with pp.103-16.WealsoknowthatDellaVallewasfamiliar MirD•mn•d, andhe wroteananti-Muslim tractthatthelatter his student,SayyidAhmadal 'Alaw1,to refute,a instructed workcomposedin 1030/1621andentitledKitaib al-Law&mi'
Calmard, "Mar'ashis", El vol. VI,p. 515, andSavory,The 46 47 48
49
al-rabbnnifi raddshubhatal-nasrnti (Gurney,"Pietrodella
Valle",p. 111).Forthis Sayyidandthistext,see Corbin's
50
French section to the Anthologie des philosophes iraniens
(Tehran,1972),vol. II,pp. 7-31, andhis articlein Enc.Ir, deducedthat vol. I, pp.644-46.It couldbe circumstantially he metourphilosopher, buthe nevermentionshim,which mightstrengthen my suspicionthathe only reallybecame recognised posthumouslyas a great thinker.Nevertheless,
thepaucityof extantSafavidsourcesmakestheseEuropean accountsinvaluablesourcesfor the religiouslife of the SafavidEmpire.SeeJeanCalmard, "LesrituelsShiiteset le pouvoir.L'impositiondu shiisme safavide:eulogies et in Etudes Safavides,ed. J. Calmard(Paris, mal6dictions", 1993),pp. 109-50, and "Shi'iritualsand powerII. The consolidationof SafavidShi'ism:Folkloreand popular inSafavidPersia,ed.C.Melville(London,1996), religion", pp. 139-90. 37
38
41
53
54
Jamal Malik, Islamische Gelehrtenkulturin Nordindien. Entwicklungsgeschichteund Tendenzenam Beispeil von
As Corbintestifies, the first one to discover the date of his
birth throughan analysisof manuscriptswas 'All•ma to (d. 1981) in the 1950s. See introduction Tab.taba'i Le livre des 3. PNnitrations mqtaphysiques,p. Sadra, On the openingpage of the nineteenth-century Tehran of Mafatihzal-ghayb,quotedby Bidirfarin his lithograph introduction to Tafsir,vol.I, p. 15.Also seeZunizI'sRisalaM. Kadiwar(Tehran,1378A.S.H.),vol.II, p. 140. Al Ylsin, Sadr al-Din al-Shirdzi,p. 26.
55
Sadrd",Encyclopaedia of Religion (Chicago, 1987), vol.
56
Vol. I, p. 4.
10,p. 152.
57
S.A.A Rizvi, A Socio-IntellectualHistory of Isna'ashari
58
inAsftarvol. I, p.jim. Muzaffar, "Muqaddima", Op cit.,p. 25. Theinternal poeticevidenceof his ownjungplaceshimin Qazvinin 1004/1596,andit is likelythathe remainedin Qazvinwithhisteachersuntil1000/1598whentheymoved withtheroyalentourage tothenewcapital.Wedoknowthat fromQazvininthe ShaykhBahl'iwasabsenton a visitation period999-1003/1591-95,which mightsuggestthathis of our philosopher post-datesthis period.A "instruction" of ShaykhBah'i's Arba'iina hadithan in the manuscript handof a Sadral-DinMuhammad Shir5zidated1006A.H. in Qazvin(Danishpazhtih andAfshar,Fihrist-inuskha-hi-yi
59
Lawinmi'al- 'irifin (Tehran,1988), p. 27. Gohari,Ibn 'Arabi
andShi'ism(unpub.Ph.D.diss.,LeedsUniversity,1996),p. 201, ratherquaintlyarguesthathis fatherwas thevizierto the"King"(sic)of Shiraz. "Nigbhiba zindagi,shakhsiyyat,wa maktab-iSadr alOnelocalhistorytellsus thathis fatherwasthevizierof the govemor,Abi IshlqInjfi.See Mihraz,Buzurgan-iShiraz, p. 325.
Milli-yi Malik (Mashhad, 1361 kha.tti-yiKitaibkh&na-yi
43 LuYu'at,p. 131. 44 Iran underthe Safavids (Cambridge, 1980),p. 218. 45
"Nigahl...I", p. 22.
on no. Tehranlithograph, n.d.,p. 243, commentary .hadith 239.
yi T7rikh-ihukam5',in Majmfi'a-yimusannifat...ZunFizi,ed.
muta'allihin",Sadr5 1 (1995) p. 19. 42
des femmesde la familleroyale Szuppe,"Laparticipation (Partieseconde)",StIr XXIV(1995)pp. 69-70. ' desfemmesde la familleroyale Eadem,"Laparticipation l'exercicedupouvoiren IranSafavideau XVIesiecle",St memberof Ir XXIII(1994),p. 232. Jabirlwas a prominent an old Isfahanfamily that claimed descent from the of theProphet,Jdibir b. 'Abdallihal-Ansdri. See companion Isfahan,pp.237-40. Quiring-Zoche,
Lucknow(Leiden,1997),pp. 153, 527; Rahman,"Mulld
Shi'isin India(NewDelhi,1986),vol. II,pp.216-18. 39 Ibid,vol. II,p. 207. 40
51 52
History of Shah 'Abbas,vol. I, p. 208. Savory,IranundertheSafavids,pp. 70-73. Szuppe, Op cit., p. 347. History of Shah 'Abbas,vol. I, p. 371.
A.S.H.),vol. I,p. 22)maylocatehiminthatcityatthattime, whichwouldfurther delayhis Isfahanperiodas assumedby mostauthors. Thusit is quitelikelythatthefirstperiodof his education was dividedbetweenIsfahanandQazvin.
MariaSzuppe,"The'Jewelsof Wonder'.LearnedLadies andPrincessPoliticiansin the Provincesof earlySafavid Iran",in Womenin the Medieval Islamic World,ed. G.
60 "Nigahi...IV", Sadra IV (1996), p. 7.
Hambly(London,1998),pp. 332-34. The Queenwas a of 'Abdullah II(d.969/1561-62),a Qawamil daughter Khain Mar'ashlsayyid of Mazandar~n, as well as being the motherof the futureShah'Abbas(b. 979/1571).See J.
61
EtanKohlberg's entryin Enc.Ir vol. Il, pp.429-30;Devin Note on Bahb'al-dinal-'Amili"', Stewart,"A Biographical JAOSCXI (1991),pp. 563-71;MfandiRiyv.l,vol. V, pp. 88-97;
vol. IX, pp. Lu'lu'at,pp. 16-22; Amin,A 5vyin, Bahr.ni,
RECONSIDERING THE LIFE OF MULLA SADRA SHIRAZI (D. 1641)
62
234-49; Qummm, al-Fawaiid,pp. 502-20: Tabrizi,Rayhainat, vol. III,pp. 301-20; Khwansari,Rawdmi, vol. VII,pp. 54-81; Ni'ma, Fal/sifat, pp. 398-415; Lakhnawi,Nujimn, pp. 26-34. So-called because his father was the son-in-law of the importantmujtahidof Shah Tahmasp'stime, Shaykh 'Ali al-Karaki. For biographical details, see A.J. Newman's entryin Er vol. VI, pp. 623-26, Ansari'sin Er vol. II, pp. 103-4, andH. Dabashi'sin the RoutledgeEncyclopaediaof
Philosophy vol. VI, pp. 408-11; Afandi, Riy&t,vol. V, pp. 40-44; Bahr5ni, LuYu'at,pp. 132-34; Mujam, Kahh.la, 418-25; vol. VIII, p. 93; Qummi, al-Fawa'id, pp. vol. II, pp. 61-67; Tabrizi,Rayh~nat, Khwinsari, Rawvd', vol. VI, pp. 56-62; Lakhnawi,Nujium,pp. 46-50; Ni'ma, Falasifat, pp. 394-97; S.A. Mfisavi-yi Bihbahni, IHakim-i Mir Diniad (Tehran,1991), especially partI. AstarJabad See Sharh Ussilal-Kaji,ed. M. Khaijavi(Tehran,1988), vol. 63 I, pp. 12, 16, 126, 326, 559; vol. II, pp. 255; and Tafsir,vol. II, p. 148. Vol. I, p. 198. 6 65 Khamanihi,"Nigahi...IV", p. 13. 66 ibid., "Nigdhi...IV",p. 19. 67 Vol. I, pp. 226, 377, 406; vol. II, pp. 50 (quoting from alUfuq al-mubinon the issue of qada'), 95, 169; vol. III, p. 27; vol. V, p. 63; vol. VI, pp. 328, 352, 381, 392; vol. VII, pp. 216, 221. 68 ibid., vol. V, p. 53. 69 S.H. Nasr in EF suppl., fascicle 5-6 (1982), pp. 308-09; Ni'ma, Fal/sifat, p. 101; Tabrizi, Rayhinat, vol. IV, pp. 357-60; Qumml, al-Kun5,vol. IV,pp. 38-39. 70 Penetrationsmetaphysiques,p. 5. 7' "Spiritual movements, philosophy and theology in the Safavid period",in CHIr vol. VI, p. 676. 72 Corbin, En Islam Iranien, vol. IV; Nasr, "The school of Isfahan",in A History of Muslim Philosophy, ed. M.M. Sharif(Wiesbaden, 1966), vol. II, pp. 904-32. 73 "Niglihi...I", p. 31. 74 An editionof Findirski'sRisala-yisani'iyya is providedby Ashtiy~ni in his Anthologie, vol. I. Sadri never refers to him in his works, and his views of the ontologicalprimacy of being is opposed to Findiriski'sessentialism. 75 Sadr al-Din al-Shirdzi,p. 29. 76 al-Faylasza/-fal-risial-kabir(Tehran.1960), p. 8. This tale was no doubt widely known and is mentioned by Gobineau,Les religions et philosophies, p. 81. 77 Bourdieu, The Logic of Practice, tr. R. Nice (Stanford, 1990), p. 58. 78 Tafsir,vol. IV, p. 59. 79 Khinanihi, "Nig•hi...VII", Sadra VIl-IX (1997), pp. 27-28.
195
idem,"Nigahi.. .V", Sadra V-VI (1996), p. 28. Stewart,"The First Shaykhal-Islamof the SafavidCapital Qazwin",JAOS CXVI (1996), p. 339. 82 Khamanihi,"Nigihi...VIII", Sadra X (1998), p. 27. 83 Ed. and tr. M. Khajawi(Tehran,1998), pp. 120-21. 84 Ed. S.J. Ashtiyini (Mashhad, 1360 A.S.H.), p. 109. 85 Majmi'a-yi rasa'il-ifalsafi (Tehran,1996), pp. 265-66. 86 Other students,about whom we know very little, include (fromIsfahani'sintroductionto Majmti'a-yiRas•T'il-ifalsafi80
81
yi Sadr al-Muta'allihin(Tehran,1996), pp. nuh-dah): (1) HusaynTunakabuni,detailsof whose life are sparsebut some shorttreatisesare attributedto him such as Wahdat-i hashr, and Risala-yihudiith.See Ashtiyarni, wujfid,Amvnd'-i Anthologie,vol. II, pp. 77-90. (2) (Aghti) Jani, to whom is attributeda truly Mirzi• immense five-volume commentary on Mir Dimad's alop cit., vol. II, pp. 50-76. Qabasat. See ALshtiyvni, to whom is attributeda short al-Rashid 'Abd K~zarfini, (3) altreatise on the proof of the Necessary Being (Tihr.ni, and Dharl'a il/ tasanifal-shi'a (Najaf, 1936), vol. IV, p. 61, vol. XXV, p. 56). (4) A poet named Fahmi-yi Shirazicited in ibid., vol. IX, p. 853. (5) Tihrdni,op. cit., vol. IX, p. 943, suggests thatRajab'Ali Tabriziwas also a student, but this is almost definitely a mistake. (6) Rizvi suggests (A History of Sufism in India (New Delhi, 1983), vol. II, p. 475) that the famous antinomian Sufi and convertedJew Sarmadwas also a studentbutthere is little corroboratingevidence for this assertion. Sarmad was born in 1000/1590 in Kashan and might have been a student there during Sadra's stay there. Certainly the pseudo-MuhsinFani's Dabistan-i madhchib, trs. D. Shea and A. Troyer(London, 1843), vol. II, p. 293, claims that he studiedwith "thewise men of Iran,such as Mulla Sader [sic] and Mir Abu'l-Kasem[Findiriski]".Since he only left for Indiaaround1042/1632, it is a possibility,but one more likely to be favouredby those wishing to see Sadrain the 87
88
"Sufi camp". W.C. Chittick'sentry in ER-vol. VI, pp. 475-76; Bahrirni, Lu'lu'at,pp. 121-31; Kahha•la,Mujam, vol. VIII, p. 187; Khwnsitri, Ranvdit,vol. VI, pp. 73-97; Lakhnawi,Nujimn, pp. 119-25; Tabrizi,Rayhnat, vol. IV, pp. 361-79. Nasr, "Spiritualmovements", p. 687, describes him as a Sufi akhbir 1. Ni'ma, Falksifat, pp. 295-96; Afandi, Riyvdi,vol. III, pp. 114-15; Kahh~la, Mujiam, vol. V, p. 218; Khwins•ri, Rawdait,vol. IV,pp. 192-94; Lakhnawi,Nujiom,pp. 87-88; Madelung'sentry in Enc. Ir vol. I, pp. 154-57.
196
JOURNAL OF PERSIAN STUDIES
Wasour philosopherfamiliarwith this Akhbiri muhaddith? Sayyid AbN'Ali Maijidb. Hishim b. 'Allial-Sadiqi,a native of Bahrayn,migratedto Shiraz,where he became qciaT[He might also have been a judge in Isfahanfor a shortperiod.] He was an importantpoet and littdrateuras well as the foremostteacherof hadith. He taughtuntil his death there in 1028/1617 and was buried in the shrine complex of Sayyid Ahmad b. Misfi Shah-i Chirtigh,the brother of Imim al-Rida. See BahrdinI,Lu'lu'at, p. 135; Kahhila, Mufiamvol. VIII, p. 163; Majlisi, al-Amvar,k. alBi.lihr ijiaz-it,vol. 109, p. 135; Lakhnawi, Nujfmn,pp. 34-37; Shirdizi,Sulafat al-'asr fi mah[isin al-shu'ar ', Cairo: Sa'idat 'Aziz Bik Zand 1324 Q, pp. 500-1; Tunakfibuni, Qisas, p. 124. The death date of 21 Ramadin 1028/22 Amvir al-badrayn August 1619 is given by 'Allial-Bahraini, fi tarcjim 'ulamni'al-Qatifwvai-Ahsi'iw'al-Bahravn,ed. M. Tabasi,Najaf: Matba'atal-Nu'min 1377 Q, p. 88, which is corroborated by Qumml, Fawu'id, pp. 369-71, and Lakhnawi,Nuj[nm,p. 37. o Fayd's account in his Rislia Sharh-i Sadr in Dah risala-yi ed. R. Ja'fariyan, Muhaqqiq-i buzurg-i Fay?-i KFishFini, Markaz-i Qum: tahqiqgit-i'ilmi wa adabi-yiImamAmir alMu'minin 1992. Bidirfar, Tafsir, vol. I, pp. 13-15. Mu'ayyadi,Iqaz al-ndi'imin,pp. 13-14, suggests thatin fact there were two Kahakphases, one in the beginning of the 17th century and anotherin the 1620s, and given that we have dates that place him in Kahak in this later period, evidence from his second letterto Mir Diminad datedaround 1040/1631, in which he complainsof the ignorantin Shiraz for example, we can furtherdeconstructthe "threephases" of his life and suggest that the last phase was shared between Shiraz and Kahakdependingon the political and intellectualclimate of Shiraz.Thus it might be the case that due to problemsand conflicts and the impendingdownfall of his patron, Khan, who was executed at the Im•mquli order of the Shah in 1632, that he moved to Kahakat the beginningof the 1630s. But it is more likely thattherewere two Shirazperiods and that the Qum period was laterthan firstthoughtbased on textualevidence. ed. 'A. Ghaffari, ~' Fayd Kashrni, al-Mahajja al-bad., Tehran:Maktabatal-Sadiq 1961, vol. IV, p. 5. 92 Divain-iFaTya5,ed. J. Misgamizhad,Tehran:Danishgah-i 'Allkma-yiTabatab'i 1994, p. 463. 93 Lahiji, Gawhar-i murd. ed. S. Muwahhid(Tehran, 1372 A.S.H.), p. 346. On the madrasa, see Nasr, "SpiritualMovements"p. 795, 9 who tells us that it was designed by Husayn Sammn'i;the constructionwhich began in 1024/1615 was completed in 1036/1627. FasV'i(FarsnLama-yi N&siril,vol. II, p. 1221) 89
provides a descriptionof this madrasa. It had 100 living rooms, and four lecture rooms. The location of the school was between the localities of the Baz&r-iMurghand Ishaq Beg. An earthquake damaged the building in 1239/1823-24, which led to repairs completed in 1249/1833-34. For an architecturalappreciation,see H. Khoubnazarand W. Kleiss, "Die Madrasa-yiIjin", AMI VIII (1975), pp. 255-78. Another descriptionis provided by Sayfi, "Madrasa-yiKhan: madrasa-i Mulli Sadrdiva jilwagah-i hikmat-i muta'aliya", Sadrc?XI (1998), pp. 65-72, who says that the complex had one mosque, four eivans, one teaching hall and two minarets. By the twentiethcentury,the school lapsed into decay and was no longer in use. Repairsbegan in the 1970s but were curtailed by the Revolution.Recently,the WorldCongresson Mulla Sadrahas begun to repairthe school and its courtyard,but the state of the building is still very poor, as witnessed by the authoron 30h May 1999. 95 Khiimanihi,"Nigahi...VII", p. 31. 96 As suggested by idem, "Nigiihi...X", Sadr5 XII (1998), p. 35, and Corbin,En Islam iranien, vol. IV,pp. 61-62. 97 Ed. S.J. Ashtiyvni(Mashhad, 1967), p. 3. 9' The most comprehensivebibliographyto date (though it is incomplete in places) is Nahid Baqiri Khurramdashti, Kitabshindsi-yi jcmi'-yi Mull/ Sadrcf (Tehran, 1378 A.S.H.). vol IV,p. 430, famously describedthis work Browne, LHP, as four books on philosophy, mistaking sifi- for safar meaning"journey",an easy mistaketo make, given thatthe work was lithographedin four volumes in 1865, and a mistake that is repeatedly heard in Iran and the Subcontinent.For such a meaning of S-F-R, see Hans A Modern Wehr,Arabic-English Dictionary. Dictionary of WrittenArabic,ed. J. Milton Cowan, 3rd edn. (Wiesbaden:, 1961), p. 412. The anonymous author of the entry in DT'irat al-Ma'irif al-Islmniyya(Cairo), vol. XIV, p. 164, even suggests that he wrote four travelogues, a serious misreadingof the title. too 'AbbNsQummi, Hashiyat Safinat al-bilhir (Najaf, 1936), vol. II, p. 17. One of the manuscriptsof al-mabda' wa' Ima'ad dating from 1015/1606 quotes the which Assr, suggests thatSadri5began the text beforethis date,probably in Shiraz. See Muzaffar,"Muqaddima",in Asfa; vol. I, p. sad. Of course, it is possible thatal-Mabda'was reworked. 1o' Qazvini, "Sharh", in Mulla Sadra Commemoration Volume,ed. S.H. Nasr (Tehran,1961), p. 8. One wonders whetherthe numberseven is literalor symbolic for "many" or a considerablenumbermore than two. On the tropicsof the number seven, see Lawrence Conrad,"Seven and the
99
RECONSIDERING THE LIFE OF MULLA SADRA SHIRAZI (D. 1641)
butratherthathe approvedof and any Sufi brotherhood, carriedoutspiritual practicesassociatedwithSufism.
tasbi'",Journal of the Economic and Social History of the
OrientXXXI,(1988),pp.42-73. 102
He describeshimself as a residentof Qum in Tafsiriyat alkursi,p. 59.
103
Becauseof SayyidMajid,it was alsoa majorcentreforthe studyof hadithin theearlyeleventh/seventeenth century.
110
11
104 Thomas Herbert,Some 105
106
YearsTravelsin Diverse Parts of the and Asia Great Africa (London, 1677), p. 129. Islamic Stewart, Legal Orthodoxy:7TielverShiiteResponse to the SunniLegal System(Salt Lake City, 1998), ch. IV, on
to Sunniconsensus. conforming The term describesa traditionalist, who insiststhatone musthavecertitude in lawandfollowsthereports(akhbir) of theImamsandeschewstheuseof rationallegalmethods such as ijtih&d. On the Akhbaris,see AndrewNewman, "TheNatureof the Akhbiari/UsWl1 Disputein LateSafavid Iran",BSOAS LV (1992), pp. 22-51, 250-61; Etan Enc.Ir vol. 1,pp. 716-18; idem, Kohlberg,"Akhbariya", of Akhbari "Aspects Thoughtin the Seventeenthand
108
'•
p. 175. See also Modarressi, al-h.ujub, andTraditionalism", "Rationalism p. 82. Kantfiri, Kashf
A copyof thistext is supposedto be in the Kitabkhana-yi in Gharb(also called Madrasa-yi Akhfind-iHamadan) HamadannumberedMS shin 335 (Isfah5ni,Majmfi'a,p. of Khafarionthe dah).A setof glossesuponthemarginalia is also attributed to him; see the of Sharhjadid Tajrid on the Tihrdni,al-Dhari'a,vol. VI, p. 113.A commentary famous Du '(' al-nfiris also attributedto him.
112
"Fihrist-inigarish-hi-yiSadra-yiShira~z', Danishpazhuh, in Mulla Sadra Commemorative Volume, p. 120. A on a Prophetichadith, "Fatimais a partof commentary
113
EighteenthCenturies",in EighteenthCenturyRenewaland
114
Reformin Islam,ed. N. LevtzionandJ.O.Voll(Syracuse, EF 1987),pp. 133-60; W. Madelung,"al- Akhba-riyya",
115 116
to him. me..." is attributed Qazvini,"Sharh-ihal-iSadra-yiShirdzf',in Mulla Sadra Commemorative Volume, p. 11. He was his father'sscribe of the Asfarin the and one of the earliestmanuscripts CentralLibraryof TehranUniversityis in his hand. KhimanihT,"Nigd5hl...VII",Sadr5 VITI-IX(1997), p. 23. Idem,"Nigshi...XI", SadrfiXIII (1998), p. 21. Ibid., pp. 21-22. Isfahaini (Majmni'a,p. dah) suggeststhat
anotherstudentof his,MirzAQawimal-DinNayrizi,was a son-in-lawwhichwouldsuggesta thirddaughter. pp. 175-208. Hossein Modarressi, Crisis and Consolidation(Princeton,1993), pp. 19-51, providesa 17 Zanjiini,al-Fcylasfifal-farisi,p. 6, suggests thathe married formuchof thescholarship corrective ontheAkhbiri/Usli a daughterof his teacherMir Ddmaid.But thereis little debate by focusing on an alternative nexus of evidencein the sourcesfor it and no mentionin the betweenthetwo. Another "exagerration/shortcoming" correspondence (ghuluwv/taqpsir). is "Rationalism andtraditionalism 118 Tafsirvol. IV,p. 59. exampleof his argument in Shii'teJurisprudence", StudiaIslamicaLIX(1984),pp. of theroleof Qumas a havenis foundin the "~9An indication 148-58. mythforthe Propheticreportthatprovidesthe foundation We do know fromthe LuYlu'atandothersourcesthatShiraz ed. cityanditsname.SeeSad0q,'Ilalal-sharf'i', H.A'lami was an importantcentrefor the studyof hadithand of (Beirut,1988),p. 295, bab373. At 120 the of the seventeenth sympathies. beginning MOsawi,al-Jadidfifalsafat Sadr al-Din Shirzzi (Baghdad, Akhbiri centuryA.D., the Akhbriimuhaddith SayyidMaijidal1978), p. 9; Corbin, Penetrations metaphysiques, p. 3; a was in Shiraz's (d. 1027/1618) Morris, The Wisdom of the Throne, p. 16. The only pivotalfigure Bahr.ni circles and one of most scholarly Fayd Kqshani's important dissentingview is thatof Abu 'l-HasanQazvini(d. 1975), teachers.See above,n. 89. in Mulla Sadra CommemorativeVolume,p. 8, who argues that in fact he returnedto Shirazhavingcompletedhis Afandi,Riyjd, vol. I, pp. 26-27; Khfimanihi, "Niglhi... IV,"p. 28. education,butleft his hometownbecauseof thejealousy vol. 119. that his learningaroused.Butthequestionthenarises:why IV, al-jannait, p. Lakhnawi, Khwinsfri, Rawd.v via the that did his provincialcourtlyconnectionsand his family's Lulu'at Nujimn,pp. 88-89, reports many scholarsof the secondhalf of the eleventh/seventeenth statusnotprotecthimin his hometown? centurypraisedhim forrejectingtheway of his fatherand 121 TheShadow of God and the HiddenImam(Chicago, 1984), citedhimas a greatexampleof someonegoodcomingfrom especially ch. 4 on the suppressionof Sufis and a bad background, He also mentionsan importantand public millenarians. literally,"theliving comingfromthe dead."Thisis ratherreminiscent andajurist(pp. of Majlis II'swordswith of a clashbetweena philosopher precursor respectto his own fatherMajlisiI (d. 1076/1666).I should 134-35)betweenthephilosopher-sadr MilrGhiyithal-Din clarifythatthisdoesnotmeanthatSadriwas a memberof MansfirDashtaki(d. 948/1541)andthe leadingmujtahid, Suppl., pp. 56-57; and Stewart,Islamic Legal Orthodoxy,
107
197
198
JOURNALOF PERSIAN STUDIES
'All al-Karaki. AlthoughDashtakiwas not a jurist,he had beentrainedin lawandit seemsunlikelythattheirconflict was due to differenceson the issue of juristicauthority. Rather,it is moreprobablethatKaraki'sextreme(for the time) claimsto authoritywere questioned,especiallyfor scholarssuchasDashtaki whomighthaveresentedhisArab arroganceat a Persiancourt.Simpleoppositionsbetween andlawdonotholduponcloseexamination. On philosophy
Newman, "Sufism and Anti-Sufism",Iran XXXVII, (1999),p. 96. withoutrecourseto his 127 Someof the secondary literature, texts, suggeststhatindeedhe was. See Bayat,Mysticism and Dissent(Syracuse,1982),p. 26; AbbasM. Amanat,
126
Resurrectionand Renewval(Ithaca, 1989), pp. 48-49, and Kazemi Moussavi, Religious Authority in Shi'ite Islam
of (KualaLumpur,1996),pp.34, 119-23.Morris,Wisdom 47-48 theThrone, in fact that he was an Akhbari argues pp. becausehe was inclinedtowardsanticlericalism andwas to their"universalist. attracted of philosophicappreciation Thisassessmentdoesnot strike the meaningof scripture." me as being recognisablyAkhbari.More perversely, Amanatargues,op cit., pp. 15-17, that his conceptof substantialmotionand renewalprefiguresand indeedis logicallyconcludedin the cyclicaltheoriesof renewaland perfectionin the thoughtof Bahai'ullih,thoughSadri, to avoid a conservative Shi'ite,trieddesperately remaining thisevidentconclusion!
Dashtaki,see Beeson, The Origins of Conflictin the SafawlReligious Institution, unpubl. Ph.D. diss. (Princeton
University,1982),ch. 1, andNewman'sarticlein Enc.Ir vol. VII,pp. 100-02.Furthermore, in an earliergeneration, b. al-Makkial-Jizzini prominent juristssuchas Muhammad views "'al-Shahid (d. 786/1384)hadarticulated al-Awwal"' of thejurists'authority in hisfqh works,whilepursuingan interestin mysticismandphilosophy, especiallythethought of Suhrawardi.See Stewart,Islamic Legal Orthodox),,pp.
78-83. Winter,"Shamsal-DinMuhammad al-Makki'alShahidal-Awwal"',MamlukStudies Review [II (1999), pp.
to al-Awwalwas sympathetic 162-63,arguesthatal-Shahid and Sufism. But he also his famous work wrote philosophy
128
RulaAbisaab,Migrationand Social Change:the 'Ulamaof
129
OttomanJabal 'Amil,unpubl.Ph.D.diss.(YaleUniversity, 1998),pp.xv, 94. Arjomand, Shadow of God, pp. 145-46, argues that was associatedwithgnosticphilosophy, traditionalism but he has littleevidencefor thisassertion.This correlation is
onfiqh, al-Lum'aal-dimashqi)ya,articulatingconcepts of
forthe Sarbadr ruler,'Ali-yiMu'ayyad(d. juristauthority, 783/1381)of NorthernIran.See Roemer,"TheJalayirids, andSarbadars", in vol. 38. The Muzaffarids, CHIr, VI, p. same confluenceof philosophyand jurisprudence (that againbeliesany faciledichotomybetweenmysticismand occurredin the careerof Zayn al-Dinaljurisprudence) 'Amili"'al-Shahid al-thfni"'(d. 965/1558).See Stewart, 122
123
124
125
repeatedby Abisaab(Migrationand Social Change,p. 255).
The example(oftencited)of FaydKashntiis ambiguous. Hisvariedcareerincludedworksthatadhered rigidityto the aswellas discussions akhb&r of ijtihadandtaqlid.Stewart's
IslamicLegal Orthodoxy,pp. 86-87. The Waningofthe Qizilbash,unpubl.Ph.D. diss. (Princeton
University,1993),especiallypartI. Also, see idem,"Sufis, Dervishesand Mullas",in SafavidPersia,especiallypp. 125-31. pp. 34-40, arguedthat Sadri was Kh5jawi, Lmawmni'. excommunicated forchallenging whichis juristicauthority, problematicto say the least. A good source on the discussionson theissueofjuristicauthority in SafavidIran is Stewart,op cit.,pp.214-17, in particular. Thistermoriginatedin MarshallHodgson,The Ventureof Islam(Chicago,1974),vol. I, pp. 238-39. He juxtaposes this trendin religiousthoughtwith the courtlycultureof adab, the Greekinheritedthoughtof the falisifa andthe populardevotionof the pietistic.Hodgson'sanalysisis sincetheshari'adidplayan important rolein problematic thethoughtandlivesof thethree"trends" whichhe posits againstit. In ibid.,vol. III,p. 35, he refersto theconflictin SafavidIran. Babayan,op cit., pp. 119-21.
unequivocal assertion (Islamic Legal Orthodoxy,p. 181),
wasanAkhbari, mustbetreatedwithcare.I am thatKashani an Akhbarion the also slightlyhesitantto declareSadrdi basis of such flimsy circumstantial evidence,especially see him as a crucial sincethosewho makethe declaration link in an intellectual historythatdevelopsfromhim and theShaykhis to theBlibisandBahfi'sin through Akhbairism the nineteenthcentury.Hence the insistenceon seeing heterodoxyin his views and equatingthem with later heresies,an equationthatcannotreallybe justifiedon the basis of the textualevidence.See Bayat,Mysticismand Dissent, and Morris,Wisdomof the Throne,pp. 49-50. 130 Rasi'il (Tehran, 1885),p. 287.
131Thispointis stressedwithreference to the'Amillscholarsby Abisaab,Migrationand Social Change,chs. 4-6. 132
Thisaccusationis late,andcanbe seenin an anti-Sufiand tractpennedin 1321/1903-04by Sayyid anti-philosophy Muhammad 'AliBihbahani Shirizientitledal-Radd'al'Isifyya wa' l-falsrifa thatincludeslargesectionscriticising vol. X, p. 208. ourauthor.SeeTihrni, al-DharT'a,
RECONSIDERING THE LIFE OF MULLA SADRA SHIRAZI (D. 1641)
133
Tehran 1888,109.Onthisbiographical lithograph dictionary, its anecdotalstyleandits polemicalintentionin the Qajar of the 'ulama',see Robert periodto defendthe institution inTunukabuni's andHagiography Gleave,"Biography Qisas al-'ulama", in Proceedings of the Third European Conference of Iranian Studies. Part 2 Mediaeval and ModernPersianStudies,ed. C. Melville (Wiesbaden,1999), pp. 237-55. See also Zanjani,al-Faylasf~fal-farisi,p. 25.
134
145
146
(Tehran,1993),pp. 767-69. Theissueof theimiinof Fir'awn is a recurrent controversy Muslimthinkers.Massignonsinglesit out as a Hallajian doctrineandsuggeststhatIbn'ArabiandSadraupheldthis view;see his Lapassion d'al-Hallaj (Paris,1975),vol. I, p. 87, vol. II, p. 24, vol. III, p. 376, wherehe quotesthe
condemnationof Sadra. See Rizvi, History of Isna'ashari
shi'asin India,vol. II,pp. 134-35.Again,it suggestsa late in datingforattackson ourauthor.Onthesedevelopments
comments of Sadrafromthelithograph edition approving
Avadh, see JuanI. Cole, TheRoots of North IndianShi'ism
of theAsfarpp.26, 390,454.
in Iran and Iraq (Berkeley,1988), ch. 6, especiallypp. 147-48, on attackson ourphilosopheras a hereticas part of thestrategyof AvadhUsflis to suppressSufiopposition to theirauthority. SayyidDildair'Ali ruledthatsupporters of Ibn'Arabiwho heldthe doctrineof the unityof being were not only hereticsbut also rituallyimpure,in an attemptto ostraciseandexcludethemsocially.See Najit
137 Nhri, Mustadrak vol. III, p. 423, shows how Sadrai
approvingly quotesIbn'Arabion the"infallibility" ('isma) of the Sunnicaliph'Umar,anattribute normallyassociated withthe Imamsalone. 138 A goodsurveyof therelations betweenSufismandShi'ism is providedby MustafaKoumilal-Shaybi,Sufismand Shi'ism(Surrey,1991),especiallypp. 231-50; andal-Fikr al-shi'7 wa 'l-naza'it al-sffiyya hatt5imatla' al-qarn alth5ni 'asharal-hyjri(Baghdad, 1966). One recent doctoral dissertationby Gohari, Ibn 'Arabiand Shi'ism, addresses
al-sa'ilin, MS Nisiriyya (Lucknow)fiqh shf'a 256, ff 4a, 15b, 20a, 21a, 24a, quoted in Cole, North Indian Shi'ism, pp. 155-56. 147For a modem defence, see Muzaffar'sintroductionto the
therelationship andincludesa chapteron Sadrdi. 139 Haqiqat, T7arikh, p. 797. He shares the assumption of
141 142
Babayanand othersthatjuristsand Sufis were not only mutuallyexclusivebutalsoon a collisioncourse. Lu'lu'at, pp. 131-32. But he holds back from Bahr.5ni, pronouncingSadri an unbeliever.Surprisingly,a Sufi sourcequoteshim as an authorityfor his assertionof Sadri'sSufism.See Ma's(im'All Shah,.Tr'iq,vol. I, p. 181.Butthenhe alsoclaimsthathe was a NirbakhshiSufi likehis studentFayd! Niri, Mustadrak,vol. III,p. 422. RobertGleavehas suggestedthatYisuf al-Bahrini is both
editionof theAsfa'r. 148
Khwinsfir,
vol. IV, p. 118, mentions the
Rcawd.t, accusation of kufr but is neutral and praises this as a commentary greatwork. 149
Haqiqat,Tarikh,pp. 779-87.
usalal-fiqhandthejuristictheoryof Yisuf al-Bahri•i",in
to histextKitOab Quotedin the introduction al-Qabasclt,ed. et al (Tehran,1977),p. 39. M. Mohaghegh 151 Arjomand, Shadow of God, p. 149; Chittick,"Muhsin-i Fayd-iK-sarni",Er-vol. VII,pp. 475-76, claimsthathe was a khalifaof the Nirbakhshishaykh Muhammad Mu'minSadiri. 152Ma'sOm'All Shah, vol. I, p. 183.It is an offshoot .Tart'iq, See HamidAlgar,"Kubri",Er-vol. V, of theKubrawiyya. p. 301.
Islamic La•v: Theory and Practice, ed. R. Gleave and E.
153Abisaab,Migrationand Social Change,pp. 31, 94, 187-89,
an akhbarimuhaddithand a faqih. See his "Akhbiri Shi'i
Kermeli(London,1997).pp. 24-47.
143
'Aqi'id al-isliam(Beirut, 1993), p. 48. Perhapsdue to the
popularityof the Sadrd in Indian madrasas in the of century,andto counterthepopularity twelfth/eighteenth Lucknow famous Sufismin Avadh,the mujtahidSayyid Dildar'AlliNasirnbadi(d. 1820) in his Shihab-ithaiqib launcheda virulentattackon the methodof kashfandthe Sufi doctrineof the unityof being that also includeda
Qum:n.d.,vol. IV,pp.422-23.
anda standard forseparating monistsfromotherSufisand
140
entitled Risdlat al-faw5'id al-madaniyyafi'l-radd 'al/'/hukamn'wa -sfiviyya.See Lakhnawl,Nujfon,p. 65. Ni'ma, Falisifat, p. 356. The partisanNi'matull-hiMa'sim
vol. I, p. 183,evengoes so faras 'All Shahin his .Tara'iq, the one of him as to claim order,havingalreadyclaimed him as a N0rbakhshi!There is no historicalor textual evidenceto supportsuchopinion.
135 'Abd al-Rdfi' Haqiqat, 7•Wrikh-i'uliim va falsafa-yi IrJ7n 136
199
"Rumi and hikmat",in Classical Persian Sufism, ed. L.
Lewisohn(London,1993),p. 432. 144Babayan,"'Sufis,DervishesandMullas",p. 130. Qumml wrote an importantattackon philosophyand Sufism
150
to herownevidence,she 217.Yetdespitethis,andcontrary also suggests (p. 268) that on the whole the later eleventh/seventeenthcentury was characterisedby a conflict betweenthe Iranianscholarsinclinedtowards Sufismandphilosophyandthe 'Amilijuristsandtradents.
JOURNALOF PERSIAN STUDIES
200
154
Abisaab,Migrationand Social Change,p. 210, suggests, quitecorrectlyin my opinion,thatmuchof thelaterattacks were a reactionto the ascendancyat courtof philosophy andSufism.
'55 ibid.,p. 362.
Corbin,En Islam iranien, vol. IV,p. 20, quotingQisas, p. 254. 157In one work entitled Risila ji 'l-vwahdaal-wujuidiyya,he
156
describesthemas the truebelieversandrecountshis own mysticalexperiences.See Kohlberg,"Baha'",Enc.Ir vol. to Ma'sm 'Ali Shah, vol. I, p. III,p. 430,referring .Tardc'iq, 183. 158 159 160 161
The Waningof the Qizilbash,partII on courtpolitics. Sadr al-Din, pp. 26-27. Roemer,"TheSafavidperiod",in CHIrvolumeVI,p. 292
ed. S.H.Nasr(Tehran,1960),especiallypp. 5-7.
162Penetrations metaphysiques,p. 8. 163 vol. I, pp. 4-5.
Asfaar 164 Corbin,op. cit., pp. 6-7. 165
PrincetonPapers. Stewart,"Taqiyyahas performance", InterdisciplinaryJournal ofMiddle East StudiesIV (1996),
166
167
168 169
pp.2-3, 20. See the reportsin Kulayni's Usiil al-Kafi, ed. 'A. Ghaffari, (Tehran,1961),vol. II,pp.217-24. JAOSXCV(1975), "SomeImnmiShI'iviewson taqiyya", 397. p. Khamanihi,"Nig5hi...VIII", p. 33. Iksiral- 'arifin,in Rasa'il, p. 138; Sharhal-Hidaya,p. 3; Sih
asl, ed. M. Khajawi(Tehran,1376A.S.H.),pp. 27, 79, 83, 107. 170 171 172 173
174 175 176 177
Ibid.,p. 21. Ibid., p. 23. Ibid.,p. 75.
His cordialrelationswithjuristsarementionedin many insistthat sources,butthosewho see himas anantinomian this was an elaborateruse, a kitman.See Gobineau,Les religions etphilosophies, p. 85. Sadrd,op. cit., pp. 80-83.
Ed.M. Khajavi(Tehran,1984),p. 152. Sadra,Sharh Usid al-Kfji, vol. II, pp. 387-88. For Mamlfk Damascus, M.E. Chamberlain,Knowledge and Social Practice in Medieval Damascus (Cambridge,
was a 1994), pp. 167-75, suggeststhat "heretication" the 'ulama' to or defend exercise strategydeployedby theirpower.For our purposes,one can surmisethatthe of"heretication" jurists"usedtheinstrument against "Usoiili Sufis, philosophersand messianicsto consolidatetheir powerandto hamstringstrategiesfor obtainingpowerby theiropponents.
TalalAsad,"Medievalheresy",SocialHistoryXl, (1986) pp. 354-62. 179 Justas Sihasl waswrittenas a critique of exoteric'ulama' who made gross generalisationsabout the nature of ed. mysticismand philosophy,Kasr asnamal-jiahiliyya, was M.T. Danishpazhiih pennedagainst (Tehran,1962), claimsand ignorantand"falseSufis"whose exaggerated actions"letthe sidedown".Thisneedto make antinomian betweengoodandbadjuristsandgoodandbad distinctions in the apologeticsof the subsequent continued Sufis see Fayd Kash•ani'sMuhakamabayn algeneration; in Nashriyya-yi Danishkadawa-ghayrihim, mutasawwifa TabrizI1(1957). yi Adabiyyat-i worksreveala familiarity with 180 In fact,his philosophical inferences of and a (qiyds mastery legal legalterminology fiqhi). On this mode of inference,see Joe Lameer,AlFarabi and AristotelianSyllogistics.GreekTheoryand IslamicPractice(Leiden,1994),ch. 8. 181 Kantari, Kashfal-hujubwa 'l-astr 'an asmia'al-kutub wa'l-isfar (Calcutta,1330 A.H.), p. 175, mentions a commentarythatSadrawroteon al-Rawdaal-bahiyaft of Zaynal-Dinal-'Amill sharhal-Lum'aal-dimashqiyya al-Shahidal-Thani.Danishpazhiih suggestthatthiswas in fact a workof his son;see MullaSadraCommemorative Volume, p. 120.Qazvini,in ibid.,pp. 8-9, suggeststhathis weresoughtoutby thepeopleof opinionsinjurisprudence sources Shiraz.This is littleattestedin contemporaneous of the andsuggestsa retrojective studyof a legitimisation philosopherat a time (in the twentiethcentury)whenthe of pedagogy is themasternarrative studyof jurisprudence in the madrasa.Evenif he didnot writethe commentary, thefactthathis sonwrotea commentary mightsuggestthat he taughtit andindeedthroughhisteacher,ShaykhBahfi', has a pedagogicallineagetracingbackto the authorof the texthimself. 182 Pace Arjomand,Shadowof God, p. 150. For a good to the conceptof ijtihlr in Shi'ism,see Aron introduction Enc.Ir vol. VIII,pp. 281-86. Zysow,"Ejteh-ad", 183 Fora briefdiscussion of thisconcept,see NormanCalder's EF vol. X, pp. 137-38. article, 184 Christian Jambet,Se rendreimmortel(Paris,2000),p. 12. 185 Babayan, "Sufis,DervishesandMullas",p. 131.Sadriwas norwouldoneexpectanintellectualist clearlyno democrat, likehimto be a populist. 186 This is little evidencethat the (who "sharf'a-minded" exactly?)were implacablyopposedto philosophyand Sufism(notnecessarilyassociated pace Babayan, together), TheWaning of theQizilbash, p. 18.Thelist sheprovidesin of Sufism and the Abii appendixD on the refiutations
178
RECONSIDERING THE LIFE OF MULLA SADRA SHIRAZI (D. 1641)
includestheworksof Sufisandphilosophers Muslim-nmwnas
201
190"Tasawwufand 'irfan in Late Safavid Iran",in The
andraisesthequestionof justhowusefulsuchanapproach Heritage ofSufism, vol. III,p. 78. is. Even the whipping-boyof such analyses,MajlisiII, I"' J.B. Henderson, The Construction of Orthodoxy and includedmysticalmaterialin his summaof theological Heresy(Albany,1998),p. 39. 192 and the Bihar which is a Corbin,Penetrationsmetaphysiques,p. 8, though he gives reports texts, al-anwvar, amongst of MirDun5md entitledal- Risilaalthe wrongdatesfor Sadrd'spatron.Savory,"Allahverdi "confession extatique" Khan",Enc.Ir vol. I, pp. 891-92. He becamegovernorof khal'iyya.Theseinclusionsarenot prefacednorappended with condemnations or criticisms,whichsuggeststhathe Fars,whosecapitalwas Shiraz,in 1004/1595-96.See The of them. See in Louis Corbin, approved Melanges History of Shah 'Abbas,vol. I, p. 690. Allhverdi's son, ed. H. vol. Masse (Damascus,1956) Massignon, I, pp. Im?mquli,continuedto patronisehim at least until his 339-40. Infact,in his magnumopus,he includestheviews executionin 1633.See Savory,"Emamqoli Khan",Enc.Ir of Sadrion a varietyof issues,quotingSharhUsil al-Kfif vol. VIII,p. 394. and Risla fi hudfithal- 'dam. See Bihir, vol. IV,p. 251; vol. to MansurSefatgolof the 193 I owe thispiece of information of of V,pp.245,251,260;vol. LIV,pp. 118,141. Department History,Faculty Arts,TehranUniversity. 187 Jambet,Se rendre, 12, adds a furthercontrastbetweenthe This correspondencemust be studied if we want to p. freedomof ta ~vilandtheservitude of literalism, thenatureof this"invitation". understand statingthat in 1037/1628. ourphilosopherexemplifiedthe formeras he adheredto 194 Thetextwas completed 195 Ed. M.T. Danishpazhfih in Farhang-i-Ircn Zamin XIII "spiritual shi'ism". 188 Lewisohn, "Overview:Iranian Islam and Persianate (1966),p. 92. Sufism",in TheHeritage ofSufism, vol. II, pp. 21, 41.
189A good exampleof thistrendis JulianBaldick,Mystical Islam(London,1989),pp. 125-26.
196
Known as shaih-idarvish-difstin some sources.
in his introduction to 197A partialattemptis madeby Bidarfar Tafsfral-Qur'iinal-Karim,vol. I, pp. 107-11.
LEGATIONSAND GARDENS, SAHIBS AND THEIRSUBALTERNS By JohnGurney Universityof Oxford
Just over 30 years ago, on 9 April 1970, a short celebrationtook place at the BritishEmbassy'sannual wisteriaparty in Tehran.It was a 20-minutetaped programme,compiledto mark the centenaryof the buildingof the Residence.'I was not there;I have only readthe text which providedthe frameworkfor what happened,but some of those who were presenthave given me a sense of the occasion in a way that no historiansimplyreadingthe accountcouldgrasp.In the same way, I have never lived in the buildingsabout whichI wantto talk;I do not understand themas many of you do. But reading this description of the Residence's centenarycelebrationhas prompteda numberof questions.At thatwisteriapartytherewas an entertainingresume of the impressionsof previous residentsandvisitors.Mostof theseweredirectedto the luxurianceof the gardenandthe grandeurof the plane trees. The few comments on the buildings were imprecise,even a littledismissive:one comparedthem to an Englishpublicschoolwithoutthe boys,2another thought them like the detachedhouses in a midVictorianlunaticasylum,3 and a previousambassador saidthatthey hadbeenbuiltby Indianarmyengineers "withoutbenefitof architects".4 SirDenis,in thatshort programmeandin his laterstudyTheEnglishamongst thePersians,rescuedthe namesof the architectandthe builderfrom oblivion,and it is aboutthem and their buildingthat I would like to talk this afternoon:who were they,what did they wantto achieve,why at this location,at this time andin this style,andwhatwas its impact? Beforethesequestionsareexplored,I wantto casta brief glance furtherback, to the earlier19th century, whenthe firstLegation,orMissionHouse,was builtby SirGoreOuseleybetween1812-13.Inthe 1960s,when SirDenis andJohnCloakeexploredthe site of thisfirst Legation,due south from the main Bazar,there was virtuallynothingleft, apartfromthe nameof the area, the Bdgh-iIlchi,andpossiblypartof a high wall, long sincedestroyed.5 Twoold orientalplanetreesmaywell
203
havebeenin the gardenof the Legation,andtheyhave survived,thoughrecentlyone has been severely cut back.Nothingof the originalbuildinghasremained,nor other is thereanydetailedrepresentation, unfortunately than a thumbnailsketch in one of James Morier's letters,6 and a small, though probably accurate, illustrationfroma plan of the 1860s.7Fromthese and travellers'accounts,however,it is possibleto have a general impressionof the main building.From the street, across a courtyardgarden,was the imposing southernfagade,40 feetin width,in the centreof which shallow,wide steps led up to a veranda,paved with colouredtiles. On this portico, four Doric columns supporteda frieze and cornice. At the level of the veranda,therewere five good rooms,built with kilnfiredbricks,two,togetherwithanante-room,facingthe their front,andthreelookingon to the backcourtyard; fittings, doors and windows had been made by an Englishcarpenter,and their fire-placesin an English style. Sir GoreOuseley,8consciousof his statusas the firstEnglishambassadorappointedto Persiasince the 17thcentury,hadwantedto makeanimpression;it was the first time that any foreign mission had been permittedto establishtheirownresidencein Persia. Drawingon his earlierexperiencein India,wherehe haddesigneda palacefortheNawabof Oudh,9Ouseley deliberately chose a classical European style. At Lucknowhe hadmodelledthe Dilkushapalaceloosely on Vanbrugh's classicalmasterpieceat SeatonDelaval, the great country house in Northumberlandbuilt between 1718 and 1729.10 There had been some taste:internalstaircaseswere concessionsto vernacular in placed the octagonalcomerturrets,now cappedby chhatris,gildedconicalroofs, andthe pedimentswere removedfrom the frontand back fagades.Whenthe cameto buildin Tehran,"Ouseleyused a opportunity much simplifiedversion of the same model, even thoughthe settingwas quitedifferent.The constricted, site barely urbancontext of the Zanbtirakchi-khdna allowedmorethana mainfagade,withits five principal
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JOURNALOF PERSIANSTUDIES
rooms,to be constructed.In contrastto the DilkushA Palace,therewas no attemptto incorporate indigenous architectural features.It was meantto be different,to be elegant, even grand in comparisonwith residential housesatthatperiod,a Missionhouseappropriate to the statusof His Majesty'sambassador.CertainlyJames Morier,who was presentat its completionandwas one of its first occupants,thoughtthat it had handsomely achieved this purpose.Approachedup gentle steps, which he claimedwere unknownin Persiauntilthen apart from the famous stairway at Persepolis,the peristylesupportingthe four Doric columnsseemeda miracleto the Persians:
commentedfavourablyin theirfirstimpressions.After the long marchesacrossthe Persianplateau,mostwere surprisedat the elegance of the classical facade, in comparisonwith the architectureof most traditional Tehranhouses. It was familiar,English, or at least European,a reminderof home.CharlesStuart,private secretaryto HenryEllisin 1835,was delightedwhenhe firstsaw it: "Ihadheardso muchto the disadvantage of thisourfuturehabitation, thatI was agreeablysurprised, afterpassinga neatgardenfull of cypressesandshrubs, to see a fine European-built housewitha Doricportico, and a broad flight of steps between two projecting MarySheil,thewife of JustinSheil,writingin wings".14 thelate 1840s,saidthaton firstreachingtheMissionshe Lamaisonavecses colonnesblanchies, was "charmedatthe contrastpresentedwiththe streets. et sa fagade I passed througha pretty English garden,and then propreet soulev'e,brilleau dessusde toutesles deTehran, laGrande enteredan excellentand even stately-lookingEnglish, bhitiments except6 Mosque, quiest - Ellefaitfigureparmiles couverte de tuilesdordes orratherItalian,dwellingof considerable size.""A few maisonsde bouesqui l'entourre de polissonset de Robert on his later, way back from Binning, years in Madras it handsome 12 poissardes. 1851, thought "a building,in comparisonwithTehranhousesin general,constructed And even threequartersof a centurylater,some years principallyin the Englishfashion,butwitha flatroofin afterthe Missionhousehadbeen sold, its architectural Persianstyle,abovewhichfloatsthe UnionJackof Old on a impactcouldstill evoke a response.Curzon,who may England.A fagade,consistingof a porchsupported well have seen what had remainedof the buildingin rangeof pillars,occupiestheentirefront,andbeforethis 1889 and certainlytalkedto those who had knownit lies a neat small garden with paved walks..."16 well, summedup its significancein these terms:"Sir Altogether,with its two gardens,the largerof which Gore Ouseley built ... a commodious house, whose oftenseemedaccessibleto localresidentstoo,thewhole Italianporticoand pillarswere a perpetualrecordof complexwas one of the moreattractiveopenspacesin Europein the heartof Asia".'3It is a phrasewhich the centralsouthernareasof the old town." shouldbe bornein mindwhen the architecture But in the course of four or five decades the of the secondLegationbuildingis discussed. buildingswere in need of majorrenovation.Damage It was this buildingat Bagh-iIlchiwhichremained inflictedin the Tehranearthquakeof 1830 had been the principalresidenceof the Legationforthe nexthalf- patchedup;additionsandimprovements hadbeenmade century.Differentenvoysandtheirretinuemightspend in Sheil's time, but only with strawand mud bricks. onlythewintermonthsin Tehran,sincefromatleastthe Accordingto EdwardEastwick,who as secretaryto the 1830s onwardsQulhakwas used as a summerretreat, Legationlived there,off and on, from October1860 and sometimes they withdrewfor long periods to untilFebruary1863,the centralbuildingwas "a good Tabriz,closerto the Britishmilitarymissionand'Abbas solid brickhouse,with a greatwing or tail of mud,the these bricksforthe envoy,andthe mudforhis tail,thatis, the Mirza'scourt,buta localstaffalwaysmaintained Themudextensions,addedas premisesin the heartof the old town. Additionswere secretaryandattachds".'8 whenthenumber made, adjoiningpropertieswere bought;the smaller thedemandoccurred,thenabandoned garden immediately in front of the central fagade was laid out in an English style, with paved walks and formal flower-beds, the larger garden across the street was in a more traditionalPersianform, a double row of cypresses in the shape of a cross, with fruit trees, pomegranates and plane trees, interspersed with vegetables and melons. New residents and travellers
of staff was reduced,were barely inhabitable.For a time Eastwick moved out of the first secretary's quarters, "thepiece of mud"which had been assigned to him, and he lived in the room that had been the old chancery,the south-facing octagonal room in the protrudingwing on the left of the steps. But even in these rooms, he remarkedon the Spartancomfort:
LEGATIONS AND GARDENS,SAHIBSANDTHEIRSUBALTERNS
to Noonehadanything asforaroomready superfluous; theMinister welcomea friend,from downwards noone Abed,atable,afewchairs, couldboastofsuchaluxury. half-a-dozen andtheinevitable books,a Persian carpet, or Persian such are Penates of the the pipe Kalyin, in Persia.TheFrenchman andthe Englishdiplomate arebettersupplied.'19 Russian By the early1860s,the inadequaciesof the site and its layout were becoming all too evident. Eastwick complainedof the noise and interferencefrom the pryingeyes of neighbours,who now overlookedboth gardens.On one side of the largergarden,"swarmsof muffledfigures"passedup and down on theirterrace, lookedover in to the gardenandmade a commentor nature".20 On the two, "of not the most complimentary otherside were two old women who ran a school, a mulla, and a lfiti who kept bears or monkeys. Contiguousto theMissionHouseitselfon thewest side lived a rich merchant;his haramwas rightup against the dividingwall, "frombeyondwhichcomethevoices of manywomen,the laughterof girls,andthe criesof children".Onthe eastsideof the courtyard gardenthere was a zfirkhana - "whence issued the monotonous sound of the tom-tom ...where the muscular Islam of
the quarteris alwaysbusy with clubs and steel bows, developingits thews and sinews".Anotherirritating disturbance came from the kadkhudai'shouse. Bathroomswere beginningto be builtby the wealthy The kadkhudd withintheirown housesandcourtyards. had one at the backof his house,which of the mafhalla he allowedhis neighboursto use whenhis own family did not need it, and a hornwas regularlysoundedto announceits availability.21 Importantsocial and demographicdevelopments withinTehranitself had also madethe Bagh-iIlchi an increasinglyless attractivelocality.Sincethe accession of Nasiral-DinShah,greaterpoliticalstabilityandthe beginningsof an economicrecoveryhadresultedin an increasein the capital'spopulation.22 Alreadyat the timeof the firstextanthousesurvey,withina few years of the new Shah'saccession,therewas residentialand commercial settlement beyond the old Safavid walls.23 By the 1860s the Persianpolitical elite was beginning to move into new suburbs, especially northwards. The Mission House was now in the midst of a poor workingclass area, one of the unhealthiestdistrictsof all Tehran, low-lying, susceptible to flash floods, densely populated;its narrow streets were choked with camels,
205
mulesanddonkeys.It was impossibleto use carriages, just at the time when they had becomevisible status symbols.24 The reasons for wantingto leave the area were obvious.Whyit tookso long is probablyto be foundin andpersonalityof the Britishminister the temperament at the time, CharlesAlison. Unlike almost all his predecessors,who had had East IndiaCompanyarmy Alison had spenthis entirecareerin the backgrounds, OttomanEmpire,mostly at Istanbulwhere, from the early 1840s, he had been the orientalsecretaryto StratfordCanning,25and occasionallyacting charge d'affaires.Whateverhis reputationmight have once beenas a brilliantlinguistandskilfulnegotiator,by the time he was appointedto Tehranin 1860, he had becomedistinctlyeccentric.A bushybeardcoveredhis face;he woreskirts,receivedvisitorsto the Legationin Turkish dress with prayer beads in hand,26and, accordingto the allegationsmade against him by Edward Eastwick, he surroundedhimself "with He infamous characters,pimps and prostitutes".27 certainlyhad an Armenianmistress,the motherof his illegitimatedaughterVictoria,and he probablywas dissoluteandlazy.But he was also clever,seen in the dexteritywithwhichhe rebuttedEastwick'saccusations and subsequentlydestroyedhim; in letters to the ForeignSecretaryhe revealedthatEastwickwas called "Betsy"by the othermembersof the Legation,andhe described him as suffering from "extremebodily infirmity and morbid excitement ... an amiable book-
worm,butinsanelyjealousof others,with exaggerated notions of his own importance;prying, prosy and plodding ... a prosy gossip, who passed half his day in
collectingtittletattle,andhalfhis nightin recordingit in a book".28Alison's sardonicsense of humouralso seemedto mock his superiorsin Whitehall,with the brevity of his reports and the extravagantlylarge signaturein the shapeof a dog or fox.29 At Istanbul,Alisonhadbeenusedto the impressive new embassy, designed and built by the English architectWilliamJamesSmithin the 1840sand 1850s. It had beenmodelledon CharlesBarry'sReformClub (1837-41), and gave the impressionof an urbanpalazzo in the familiar Italianatestyle, a solid rectangularthree storey block, which left no doubt about the British political presence at the heart of the Ottomanempire.30 There was no comparisonwith the old Mission House at the Bigh-i Ilchi, now so dilapidatedthat even Alison at last was stirredto action. After six years of attempting
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to patchup the collapsingfabric,he beganto complain. Despite his eccentricities, Alison was skilled at presentinghis case, pointingout thatthe Frenchwere comfortablyestablishedin an attractiveQajarhousein one of the betterresidentialareaswithinthe old walls, the Russianswerebuildinga large,new legationin the samearea,andthe Ottomanshadboughta site in what was beginningto be called the northernsuburb,or Mahalla-yi Darvaza-yi Daulat. In comparison,he but objected,"ourMissionis not only uncomfortable unbecoming".31Moreover, Alison had influential contacts- if he hadnot,he mightnothavesurvivedthe accusations made against his public and private behaviourby Eastwick.Thetravellerandarchaeologist, HenryLayard,a close friendsince the early 1840s in Istanbul,was secretaryof state at the ForeignOffice when funds were first requestedfor a new site.32 Alison's argumentswere quickly accepted, and by October 1867 the Treasuryhad sanctionedup to ?32,000 for the landandnew buildings,againstwhich would be deducted?12,000 for the sale of the old Missionandits gardens.33 Withina few weeksof London'sapproval,the Shah had takenthe dramaticdecisionto pull down the old walls and gates, and make a new ditch, or khandaq, much furtherout, therebyincreasingthe area of the capitalfromthreeto seven and a half squaremiles.34 Theresponsibility forthistaskandall the enclosedland - its allocation,divisionand sale - was entrustedto the ministerof finance,MirzdYiisufKhanMustaufialthevazir Mamilik,andhis kinsmanandbrother-in-law, of Tehran, Mirza 'Isa, leading members of the influentialAshtiyani-Tafrishi familyof mustaufis.They were counted amongst the more conservative,less accessiblemembersof the governing61lite,and they were understandably cautiousin the disposal of the of real estate ever to have been made largestpiece availablein Tehran,thenor probablyat anytime since. Over the next few years, both would presentmany difficultiesin the sale of the old MissionHouseandthe purchaseof a new site and its watersupply.But they fully realised that diplomaticmissions and foreign commercialestablishments in this new area,especially in the northernsuburbbetweenthe Maidsn-iTipkhmna and the new Darv~za-yiShimirTn,would inevitably increasethe priceof land.Withina few monthsof the openingceremonyof thenew walls,in December1867, this is exactlywhathappened.35 Alison,accustomedto a gentler,morerelaxedpace of diplomaticlife, had to
exerthimself if he wantedto purchasea suitablesite withinthe amountallocatedby the Treasury. It was at this juncturethat Alison asked for the assistanceof the Telegraphstaff, the thirdgroup of dramatispersonae,in additionto AlisonandthePersian officials,who playeda crucialrole in the relocationof the Legation. Since 1863 a small group of British militaryofficershad been secondedfrom the Indian TelegraphDepartment,in armyto the Indo-European line acrossPersia,linking an alternative orderto create Baghdad,Tehranand Bushire. Within a few years Tehranwould be at the centreof a grid of lines that the countryandconnectedit morequickly criss-crossed andefficientlywithEurope,RussiaandIndia.It was an intothatcomplex importantstagein Persia'sabsorption network of relationships economic, strategic, politicalandcultural- whichcomprisedthe "informal empire".The50 orso NCOsandcivilianengineerswho accomplishedthis, and the officerswho led them Stuart,Champain,MurdochSmith,St. John,Goldsmid It andPierson- wereoftenformidablepersonalities.36 is likely thattheirpresencein Tehranfrom the early 1860sonwardsquickenedthepaceof changeandin part was responsibleforAlison'sgreateractivity. By the summerof 1868,a new sitehadbeenfound, on landthathadbeenpreviouslyoccupiedby the paper It was notthe best andglassfactoriesandthe barracks. in the northernsuburb,in fact it was the firthestaway axis(the on thatparticular fromtheMaidan-iTtipkhaina laterFirdausiAvenue),andthe qanitts thatbroughtits waterhadto be repairedorrebuilt.Butit waspreferable to the otheravailableone to the west, wherea hospital was being built, and it was large, over 16 acres. Murdoch Smith, the director of the Telegraph Departmentin Persia,agreedto measureand enclose the property,and supervisethe constructionof the buildings,buthe insistedon the full-timesupportof a clerkof worksanda NCO fromthe RoyalEngineers.37 Henry Pulman,who had succeededWilliam James Smithas the residentEnglisharchitectin Istanbuland had designed the consular shipping offices in the Europeancommercialdistrictof Galatain much the same style as his predecessor'sclassical European idiom,38was appointed,buthe hadbeenin Tehranonly a shorttimewhenhe diedof typhoid.39Anothersetback had been the disputesandthe delaysin the signingof the contractfor the new site, andby the end of 1868it stillhadnot been enclosed.MurdochSmith,now fully occupiedwith the laying of the thirdtelegraphline,
LEGATIONS AND GARDENS, SAHIBS AND THEIR SUBALTERNS
decided to recommendthat his younger colleague, Lieutenant Pierson, should take over the full responsibilityfor the design and buildingof the new Legation,addingthat he thought"his knowledgeof construction, artistic taste and local experience Piersonwas to be eminentlyqualifyhimforthetask".40 secondedfromthe TelegraphDepartment to the Board of Worksforthispurpose. It was an excellentchoice. WilliamHenryPierson was a trueson of the Empire,madein a heroicmould.41 He seems stereotypicalof his class and profession. Educatedat Cheltenhamwherehe had beenthe senior mathematicalscholarand head boy, he had had an careeratthe EastIndiaCompany'smilitary outstanding academy for Engineersat Addiscombeand then at Chatham,afterwhich he was commissionedinto the Bengal Engineers, had taken part in the Sikkim expeditionof 1861,andthenhadbuiltroadsandbridges in Oudh. He had done whatevermight have been expected from the model subaltern;he had learned Hindustaniwell, he was a sportsman,a rower, a horseman,and - as one contemporary puts it - "a Since his appointmentto the mighty pig-sticker".42 TelegraphDepartmentin 1863, he had overseenthe of the line fromBaghdadto Kangavarand construction carriedout otherdifficultmissionsin the Caucasusand Persia.But there was more to Pierson.He had less conventional interests; he played several musical instruments,he was a brilliant chess-player, an accomplishedwater-colourist,and he had a deep interestin architecture. Evenbeforea sitehaddefinitely beenfound,in collaboration withthe Austrianengineer in the Shah'sservice,GeneralGasteiger,43 he hadmade and for the of kind roughplans designs buildingswhich Alisonwanted- a minister'sresidence,eightdetached or semi-detachedhouses, includinga consulate,and servants'quarters.It was no more than an outline, whichhe couldshow to an architectfor morespecific drawingsandinstructions.44 By the time thatnegotiationsfor the site had been finallyconcludedin June 1869,45Piersonhad already returnedto Londonin searchof an architect.In the late 1860s,the obviousplaceforhimto findadvicewas the South Kensington Museum.46 Since the Great Exhibition,nearly20 yearsearlier,thelinksbetweenthe Museumandthe Royal Engineershad been close. Sir HenryCole,47one of the committeewhichplannedthe GreatExhibitionand subsequentlythe Museum'sfirst director,had appointedseveral Engineerofficers to
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supervisethe new developmentsin the large area of land made availablefor Prince Albert'svision of a culturalcomplexin London.The most interestingand ableof thesehadbeenCaptainFrancisFowke,who died suddenlyin 1865 andwas at once replacedby another Engineerofficer,ColonelHenryScott,as head of the design office.48It was there that Pierson heard of someone who might be interestedin the projectJamesWilliamWild,an architectof strikingoriginality, whose ideasandachievementsareonly now beginning historiansover 100 to be reclaimedby architectural death.49 after his years Wild had had an unusualcareerwhich in several ways uniquelyqualifiedhim for the task. His father, CharlesWild, was a well-knownwater-colouristand andJameswas articledas painterof Gothiccathedrals,50 an apprenticearchitectto GeorgeBasevi, a prominent followerof Pugin.51 Withina few years,by his mid-20s, Wildhad designeda handfulof unexceptionalGothic andthensuddenly, churches,mostlyin the provinces,52 in 1842, he produced a work of breath-taking on BrixtonHill.It ChristChurch,Streatham, originality, was an eclecticamalgamof manyinfluences- early Christian in its plan, Italian Romanesque in composition, and Ottoman in its elevations; its ornamentation was Egyptian, Mamluk and Theoverallimpressionis of anelegance Alhambresque. and simplicity, so different to the style of his The Islamicfeatureswereunusual:the contemporaries. terracottaand brickpolychromy,the ornamentaround the westernrosewindow,cuspedandhorseshoearches, the framedmain west door, the cavetto cornice,the patterned voussoirs, and the decoration on the campanile.53 The sourcefor manyof these ideas came fromthe artisticcirclein Londonwith which Wildhad become intimate.The leadingpersonalityof this loosely knit to the Orientwas OwenJones, groupof artistsattracted one of the most influentialdesignersand architectural theorists of the 19th century.54He had travelled extensivelyin Spain, Egypt and the Levant,and the seminalproductof theseyearswas his monolithicstudy of the Alhambra(1836-45).55It revolutionisedthe historyof ornamentby introducingIslamicgeometric patternsandadvocatingthe use of polychromy.During the time that Wild was working on the church at Streatham,he was in close contactwith Owen Jones, and Wild's brotherCharleswas living at the same London addressas Owen Jones, who in September
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1842marriedtheirsisterIsabellaLucy.OwenJoneswas responsiblefor the later completionof the interior decorationat Streatham, andmostprobablyformuchof the inspiration for its structure and external ornamentation too. A few monthsafterStreathamhad been completed,followingthe exampleof severalin thiscircle,Wildhimselfset off forEgyptin the summer of 1842,joiningLepsius'sarchaeological expeditionas an architectural draughtsman.56 Therehe stayedfor much of the next five years, mostlylivingin Cairo,butalso visitingDamascus,part of an unusualgroupof orientaliststhat includedthe Arabist,EdwardLane,andthe painter,JohnFrederick Wild Lewis.57ButunlikeLewis'sdreamyromanticism, fillednotebookafternotebookwithdetailedsketchesof traditionalIslamicarchitecture, the patternsandspaces of everydaylife, in mosques, madrasas,baths and houses.58 Then, unexpectedly, he was given a commissionto builda churchfor the expatriateBritish communityin Alexandria.The site was at the heartof the new Europeanquarter.The otherstructureson the squarewere neo-classicalconsulatesand hotels, but Wild chose a starklydifferentform: a simple early Christianround-apsedplan, on to which were grafted detailedIslamicornamentation, takenfrom severalof Cairo'slatemedievalmosquesandtombs,togetherwith a bell-tower(in one of the two extant designs) that resembledmore a minaret.In joining early Christian andIslamicformsin St. Mark'schurch,Wildseemedto be suggestinga reconciliationbetweentwo cultures, andthepossibilityof co-existence.It was provocatively unusual.By addingmoreIslamicmotifsto its external he achieveda more coherent,definite ornamentation, eclecticism than he had shown at Streatham.By clothinga Protestantchurchin the formand ornament of two other culturaltraditions,early Christianand especiallyIslamic,he seemed to be makinga daring statementabouthow he saw the relationshipbetween the localandthe expatriatecommunities.59 Afterhis returnto London,Wildquicklyproduced two moredistinctivebuildings,a school in Longacre, CoventGarden,anda water-tower at Grimsby,butthen
SouthKensingtonMuseumin 1853,he was appointed as a "referee",or expert,on Islamicart, but he also worked in the design office, at first under Francis FowkeandthenwithColonelHenryScott.Remarkable polymathsthough they were, neither were trained architects,and they needed the specialistadvice of professionalslike Wild in this heroic period of the Museum'sexpansion.AndthereWildremainedforthe next25 years,workingon a freelancebasis,turninghis handto whateverwas needed.Whathis contribution was to the greatprojectsof these first decadesof the Museum'shistoryis impossibleto determinewithout much more research. Some of his sketches have survived, his name has been linked with the Architectural Courts,the Science Schools,the eastern andwesterngalleriesof the Horticultural Gardens,and the BethnalGreenMuseumamongstothers,butlittleof the creditforthesebuildingswentto Wild.61 Theywere issued from the design office, usually under the signaturesof Fowke or Scott. The ambienceof the Museumwas militaryand hierarchical;Cole himself has been describedas "burly,bustling,dishevelled, withthe lightof commandin his eye".62It overbearing, is not difficultto imagineWild,diffident,withdrawn, unwell,overshadowedby these forcefulpersonalities, andwillingto considerotherfreelanceworkwhenever it was directedtowardshim.63 One commissionthat did interesthim was for the Britishconsulateat Alexandria,in exactly the same compoundwherehe had designedSt. Mark'sover 20 yearsearlier.It is a measureof the extentto whichhe hadfallenout of publicview thatit was not untilwell after severalotherplans from local Alexandrineand London-basedarchitectshad been rejectedthat the ForeignOfficeturnedto Wildin 1867.64It mighthave thatWildwouldwantto harmonisethe beenanticipated Consulatewith his own churchby anotherovertly Islamicisingexterior.But Wild, always unexpected, even contrary,did not do this. Instead,he presenteda classicalcomposition,in an Italianatevilla form,with stepped-backstoreys, projecting outer wings, and Theoverallimpression elaboratestuccoornamentation.
his health collapsed. The usual interpretationof his subsequent career is that ill health prevented him from active practice as an architect, and thereafterhe only provided drawings which others executed.60 His brother-in-law, Owen Jones, was Superintendent of Worksat the GreatExhibition and Wild was employed as decorative architect. With the establishment of the
of the fagade was of a sculpturalquality,a symmetrical grouping of four rectangular units, with an open belvedere on one side, adding asymmetry to the ensemble. It was a western urban palace, a colonial public building, with a carefully staged regulation of space from the square in front, up the projecting platforms, steps and railings, through to the interior
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Englishspaceof the courtyard, passingfromthe public areason thegroundfloorto theprivateoneson the first. On the square,Wild would have established,in Dr Crinson'sapt phrase,"anhonorificpresence"through the visual,physicalandpsychologicalcontrolof space, dominantbutnotdomineering, anappropriate metaphor for controllingthoughnotrulingin the age of "informal It is impossibleto know what its impact empire".65 have been.By the time thathis detaileddesigns might and drawingswere finally submitted,66 long afterthe time they had been expected,the projecthad been abandoned,andno new consulatewas built. Withthisrecentexperienceof designinga consulate building for the Foreign Office, his much earlier backgroundin the Levant,and his long interestin Islamicartandarchitecture, it is hardlysurprisingthat Wildshouldhaveattracted Pierson'sattention.ButWild himselfhadhadno first-handcontactwith Persia.The artandarchitecture of Persiahadnot beencentralto the interestsof OwenJonesandhis circle.InOwenJones's great work, The Grammarof Ornament(London, 1856),therewas a sectionon Persiandesign,67and in 1860 Jonesdid adaptsome Persianmotifsin his book designs.68 Within a few years he had begun to PersianandIslamicdesignsintothe lavish, incorporate eclectic decorationof the ceilingsof the houseat highly 16 Carlton TerraceGardens.69But it was mostly throughthe Frenchtravellersand artistsPascalCoste, EugeneFlandin,CharlesTexier,andJulesLaurensthat Wild would have learned about recent Persian architecture.Both Coste and Texier were loosely connectedto Jones'sfriends.Someyearsearlier,Coste and Flandinhad publishedthe drawingsfrom their journeyto Persia1839-41,andin 1867,anotheredition, Monuments modernesde la Perse,hadcome out under Coste's name.70Texier,anotherFrenchtravellerand artistwho had spentmanyyearsin the Levanton four journeysbetween1833to 1841on behalfof the French government,also movedfurthereastwardsto Persiaon one of his latertravelsand had publishedhis superb illustrationsof Persiandecorationin Descriptionde la Perse et la Mesopotamiein the decade I'Arme'nie, 1842-52. Shortlybeforethe end of his life, in 1867he presented33 large portfoliosof the originalsketches and drawingsof his travelsto the Royal Instituteof BritishArchitects,whereWildhadbeena membersince hisyouthandwouldhavebeenableto see them.71Itwas directlythroughthese Frenchartists,and indirectlyin the comparative studies of James Fergusson,
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exceptional amongst contemporary architectural historiansin his attemptto give a greateremphasisto the study of non-European and non-classical thatWildwouldhave understooda little architecture,72 of the architectural contextof thebuildingwhichhe was askedto design. Forhis knowledgeof the site andthe natureof the Britishcommunityin Tehranhe was largelydependent on whatPiersontoldhim.Piersoncertainlyhadbrought backthe roughplansandthe frontelevationdrawnup two yearsearlierby himselfandthe Austrianengineer, GeneralGasteiger.But there was anothersource of information andsupport.Alisonwasalsoonhomeleave that summerand staying a few streets away from Pierson in centralLondon,and fortunatelyAlison's close friend,HenryLayard,wasnow firstcommissioner of the Boardof Worksandultimatelyresponsibleforthe new site and its buildings.73Underthe pressureof Treasuryfinancialconstraints,they had to paredown theoriginalexpansiveplans,andthenpresenttheBoard of Works with approximatecostings. Significant economiesin scaleweremade,notablyin thenumberof detachedhouses in the compound,74 but it is unlikely that the Residence itself was affected. It was this buildingwhich requiredthe specialistattentionof an experiencedarchitectlike Wild.He was told whatwas as Piersonputit, and wanted,the "generalindications" thenit was left to himwhatthe actualdesignwouldbe. In all his otherbuildingshe had shown a remarkable independenceand individuality.Streathamand St. Mark's, Alexandria, had suggested hybridity and eclecticism;the Britishconsulateat Alexandriahad been the mutedexpressionof Britishpower.But the geographicallocationof the Tehransite andthe history of its residentBritishcommunitywere quitedifferent from what Wild himself had experiencedin Cairo, Alexandriaand Istanbul.The numberof European residentswas still tiny; travellerswere few and far between.Thesite didnotfronton to a square;it wasnot even in an urbancontext.It was a hugearea,in relation to his otherprojects,with no otherbuildingsnear-by; there was no presenceon the street;it was a selfcontained compound, facing inwards, behind high walls."75 On the basis of this fragmentaryinformation and guidance, Wild produced a sketch of what the Residence might look like.76At first sight, it seems no more than a romanticised, slightly unreal artist's impression in Wild's characteristicallypainterly style.
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Fig. 1. Inset of the faade
of the main building.
Fig. 2. Plan of the old Mission House.
Fig. 3. Sketch of the proposed British consulate at Alexandria.
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Fig. 4. Sketch of the new British Legation in Tehran.
Fig. 6. Memorial of Pierson. Fig. 5. Inset of the central portion of Fig 4 above.
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Fig. 7. TheBritishLegation:south facade.
Fig 9. The British Legation: gatehouse.
Fig. 8. The British Legation: northfaqade.
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Fig. 10. The British Legation: clock towver.
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Fig. 11. TheBritishLegation:southmaindoorvay from inside.
Fig. 12. The British Legation: dining room.
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But, in fact, it is very precise.This is the buildingthat was constructed. It was Italianate in form, an asymmetrical planwithcarefullyproportioned principal blockson threesides of an open areaon the northern fagade, a complicatedcompositionof stepped-back levels, but the emphasis was now horizontal,not verticalas at Alexandria,sinceit was unconstrained by neighbouring structures. Unlike the consulate at Alexandriatoo, therewere featuresreminiscentof his other buildings,and earlier phases of his life: the Byzantinechapel,an earlyChristianclocktowerwitha low pyramidalroof, a polychromeentranceportaland as thoughtakendirectlyoutof his shapedfenestrations, Cairo notebooks,brick balustradesand crenellations which were subduedechoes of the more flamboyant externaldecorationof St. Mark's,clerestorywindows77 and a Turkishbathhouse,modelledon an Ottoman turba.Buttherewerenew elements,too, whichhadnot beenseenbeforein Wild'swork,Persianwind-towers,78 as thoughhe wastryingto makesomerecognitionof the Persianmilieuin whichthe buildingwas situated,anda wide-eavedkiosk or talr which drew its inspiration either from a Mughal source or from the elevated viewingandreceptionplatformin the imperialPersian tradition.79 It was allusive,eclectic and controlled,no element dominant, no over-bearing presence, a balancedassimilationof the mainforcesandtensionsof the region.Somearchitectural historianshavecriticised Wild'slaterstyleforbeinglaboured,eveneccentric,and thisbuildingin particular forthe difficultywithwhichit had attempted to combine its different stylistic components,buta strongercasecanbe madeforit as an example of "a new orientaliststyle born out of an eclectic amalgamof largely Islamic and Byzantine elements,which could conjureup an image of exotic newness,even perhapsmodernity".80 Piersontook this outlinesketchback to Tehranin October1869, and detailedworkingdrawingswere to be sentoutby Wildshortly.81 Withhis predictionof the work's completionin less than threeyears,82Pierson began the task with his characteristicenergy and commitment.It was a formidableundertaking, andhe
Persia,at firsthe foundit extremelydifficult.As he put it in the forthright,somewhatstridenttones typicalof his classandprofession:
had very little assistance. A new clerk of works, C.B. Jenner, again with some Turkish experience, was sent out, and he could call on the temporary help of the TelegraphNCOs for shortperiods, but in effect Pierson was responsible for organising, and even training, a Persian workforce. Despite his Indian background in Public Works and six years of Telegraphexperience in
bricks.86The mules were frequentlyimpounded,andthe cost of water for the brick making had also been increased. Mustaufi al-Mamalik, who was in the process of building his own palace at Bihjatabad,just beyond the new encircling khandaq, was accused of seizing the Legation bricks. The Shah's architect prevented stonecuttersfrom procuringthe stone blocks
a building doesnotrequire sucha Incivilised countries butthe asthisimplies, minute andconstant supervision underwhichworkhasto be carried on in conditions In the commencement I found Persiaare different. myselfobligedto workwith my own handsas etc. - the natives, mason,carpenter, bricklayer, careless andinaccurate intheirwork, incurably although attained to a moresatisfactory havegradually styleof butdonotunderstand andrelapse execution, drawings, I findthat intotheiroldwayswhenleftto themselves. to bepulled workdonein my absencehasfrequently andhencetheneedforanintermitting downandrebuilt, andconstant supervision.83 But withina few monthshe did succeedin traininga skilledgroupof workmen,fromwhomhe couldexpect workmanshipof a high standard,and Piersonhimself had gained valuable experience in organisingand Througha small controllingthe whole operation.84 Persianbuilders,he arranged committeeof independent a system of a daily musterof labourers,ratherthan contractingthe work out, and General Buhler, the Frenchengineerofficeremployedby the Shah,helped him check the chargesmade by the builderswhom Piersonemployed.By the time thathe completedhis directinvolvementwiththe project,he couldclaimthat his workmenwerewell trainedandskilled.Muchof the creditfor this was due to the supervisionof the chief labourcontractor,Ustid 'Ali Akbar,who played a betweenPiersonand his crucialrole as intermediary clerkof workson one hand,andthe Persiancontractors, labourersandcraftsmenon the other.85 There were other initial difficulties with the workforce and contractorstoo. Pierson suspected deliberateharassmentfrom governmentofficials in taxingunfairlythe brickmerchantswho hadcontracted to supplythe largequantitiesneededfor the buildings, andtakingthroughthismeansas muchas a thirdof their
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requiredfor the stonecarving,andhe threatenedthose who wantedto workon the new buildingsandbenefit from the relativelygood and regularpaymentgiven there.Piersoncould not understand this "guardedbut persistent discourtesy" on behalf of the Persian officials.87 Milrz,'Is, too, continuedto showwhatwas to thought be his habitualanimusagainstthe Legation by complaining that the compound's wall had encroachedby one foot ontothe new road,eventhough it had been carefullymeasuredout by GeneralBuhler and MurdochSmithin the presenceof the vazir and WilliamTaylourThomson,thecharged'affaires,andhe also objectedto red earthor clay beingtakenfromhis land,even thoughall Tehranbuildersdidthis.88 Despite these obstacles, Pierson made rapid progress.By the end of the springof 1870,mostof the main structuresof the Residence,the four separate houses, the stables and mews, stores, and servants' accommodationhad been completed,apartfrom the iron roof of the main building and the internal woodwork.Therehadbeen delaysin the designof the roof;its specificationshadbeendrawnup by a London civil engineer, W. Dempsey, and its construction contractedout to Hart,Son, Peardand Co. of Wych had created Street, The Strand.The transportation specialproblems.It was not untilearlyin 1871thatit was shippedfromGlasgowin 1,906 smallsections,in all weighing 65 tons. Part of it had fallen into the harbourat Bushireand been damagedor lost, other smalleritems had been stolenby robberson the long journeyof nearlythreemonthsfromthe PersianGulfto Tehran,carriedby almost400 camelsduringthe spring of 1871.A civilianengineer,Jonathan Mustill,hadbeen to and he and it, accompany appointed SergeantHockey of the TelegraphDepartment eventuallyhad it in place by mid-August1871, shortlyafterthe campanilehad beenfinishedandits clock installed.89 But it was then that a major disaster affected Pierson's plans. The later 1860s had seen several successiveyearsof poorrainfall,which culminatedin the widespreaddroughtof 1870 and 1871. Conditions varied from region to region. In Tehranthe impact
the crisislastedfarlonger.91 Piersondidhis bestto keep the workforcetogether,butthepriceof wheathadrisen in the previousweeksthateven skilled so dramatically labourersfoundit difficultto buy morethandrybread for themselvesand their families. He describedthe situationand justified his actionsto his superiorsin theseterms:
began to be felt relatively late, towards the end of the summer of 1871. There had been outbreaksof cholera in the two previous years, particularly severe at the beginning of November 1870, when as many as 100 to 150 people were dying a day in Tehran.90But the numbers dead from starvation the following year, especially from August 1871 onwards, were worse and
step, as he realised the hardshipit would cause for his labourers, but he felt that the situation was so critical that it would be prudentto see what the full implications of the famine might be in the course of the next months.93 There was another more personal reason for Pierson's concern and disappointmentat the impact of
thecompetition Wagesforlabourhavenotincreased, is so greatthatit mightbe possible (foremployment) evento lowerthem,butit wouldbe moreexpedientto
them,asverylittlerealworkcanbegotoutof augment inthe Eventheskilledworkmen, halfstarved labourers. was considered highpay,can receiptof what formerly andtheresulton nowonlyaffordto liveondrybread, It mustbe theirphysicalpowersis appreciable. that[if]thisis thestateof thingsafterthe remembered there reliefafforded by thegettingin of theharvest, seemseveryreasonto expectthatthe approaching autumn andwinterwill bringnothingbutadditional misery and disasterto the country,and increased expenseto us in completingthesebuildings.... Onthe otherhandin the interestsof humanityit cannotbe to reliefis beingafforded thatthatconsiderable regretted the workingpopulationof Tehranby the extensive givento themon theworks.92 employment
Pierson's predictionproved accurate.The price of wheatcontinuedto rise, the cost of transportdoubled and building materials increased by up to 15%. Commercein generalwas paralysed,bills of exchange werebecomingunsaleable,andtherewas a shortageof andlabour.Within cashto payformaterials,contractors a few weeksworkhadpartiallystoppedon theLegation site as materialscouldnot be purchased,and by midOctoberPiersonrecommendedthatall activityshould be suspended throughoutthe winter, when little tookplace.By thistime, worktraditionally construction themainroofwascompleted,thehouseshadbeenmade watertight,ceilinged,plasteredandfinishedapartfrom interiordetails,andthe site couldbe closeddownuntil the followingyear.He was reluctantto take this dire
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the famine on the slow progress of the Legation buildings. Originally he had thought that the constructionof the main buildingsand their interior decorationwouldtakeless thanthreeyears.Beforethe crisis createdby the famine,when there was still a prospectthat the work might be finishedwithinthis time, he had said that he wished to returnto his Telegraphduties well before the end of 1871. As a young army officer, recently marriedand with a potentiallyglitteringcareerahead,he couldnotaffordto ignoreopportunitiesfor promotion.The IndiaOffice had wanted him to take over responsibilityfor the Telegraph Departmentin Persia during Murdoch Smith'shome leave of two full years, and he would haveto leave Tehranin the autumnfor severalmonths on a tour of inspectionthroughoutthe south of the country.He hadhopedthatit wouldhavebeenpossible to handthe buildingsover almostreadyby this time. Instead,he agreedthathe would still retaina general supervisionwheneverhe werein Tehran,butit was not untilthenextspringthathe returned, duringwhichtime all workon the site hadbeenat a standstill. If it had all taken longer than Pierson had anotherreason,in additionto the impactof anticipated, thefamine,wasthedifficultyof bringingso manyof the accessoriesand fittingsfrom England.Fromthe very beginning,Piersonhad insistedthat these should be designedin Londonandorderedthroughthe Boardof Works.Theseincludedmostof theironormetalobjects, suchas the bell,the turretclockandits mechanism,the ironflag pole, the gratesand chimneypieces, the iron entrancegates, iron window casementsfor the main rooms of the Residence,handlesfor the electricbell apparatus,the locks, door handles,bolts, hinges and screwsfor everydoorandwindowin the building,and, of course,the mostexpensiveandtroublesomeitemof all, the massive iron roof.94But this was not only because most of these could not be cast in Tehran. Piersonalsowantedalltheotherinteriorfittings,suchas "decorativepaperhangings",lightingandfireplacesto be sentout. He hada clearvisionof the kindof impact thathe wantedto make.Ithadto be different,essentially
all to be sent even the doors,wainscotandarchitraves, out from Englandas he did not want to use Persian materialsandpatterns. Formostof thesePiersonhadwanteddesignsfrom Wild,andtherelay anotherreasonfor the delay.From the start,Wildhad been askedto supplynot only the working drawings for the buildings but also to supervise,andsometimesdesign,whateverwas ordered from London.These might be quite separate,extra items,likethe ironentrancegates,or majoradditionsto the originaldesign,suchas the gatehouse.Stillworking forthe SouthKensingtonMuseumanddeeplyinvolved in the BethnalGreenMuseumat this time, Wildcould not keep pace with Pierson'sdemands.Withina few weeks, it was clear that it would be a difficult He did not have an office staff;he was relationship.95 Mr Raikes, usuallyhelpedby only one draughtsman, andtheroomhe usuallyworkedin atthe Museumcould be takenoverfor otherpurposes,duringwhichtimehe There retreatedto his own housein St. John'sWood.96 was othercommissionwork to consider;the fees he chargedwere modest, and he quite misjudgedthe amountof time he spent on the differentplans and andat sometimein He was over-committed, designs.97 andhe was unableto work 1872,his illnessre-occurred And therewas anotherproblem for severalmonths.98 thataffectedhis output.It was unclearexactlywhathis his employment.Pierson statuswas andwho authorised had asked him to submitthe originalplans, and had suggestedto the Board of Worksthat they should consult him about all the materialsand subsequent designsthatmightbe needed.But when the Boardof Worksassumedresponsibilityfor the whole projectin the summerof 1871,they refusedto negotiatedirectly with Wild on the groundsthat Piersonhad employed him, and Pierson,for his part,triedfrom then on to communicatewith Wild only throughthe Board of Works in order to minimise possible misunderThis did not make the relationshipany standings.99 was dissatisfied with the Board's Wild easier. interference and fussy supervision, which had contributedto the expense and long delays before
English in style, distinct from the kind of decoration popularwith the Persianelite in their new palaces being built in the same northernsuburb.Pierson realised that he could not compete with these in the magnificence of their interior ornamentation;he could only attempt a different style. As the work progressed, other items were added, such as water-closets, plate-glass, mirrors,
materials were sent out to Tehran,1? and Pierson became increasinglyfrustratedat the complicated chain of command and the consequent delays.1ot As the constructionproceeded in the course of the first years, Pierson had to make immediate decisions. He could not wait for weeks, more usually months, before new plans arrived from London. Almost
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immediatelyhe hadto changethe elevationof the main buildingto take into accountthe considerableslope of the land. This apparentlyhad not been taken into accountin the first drawings.Withoutwaiting for a replyfromWild,he addedthreefeetto theplinthon the gardenfrontof the Residence.Alterationsto the main doorwayentranceand the roof of the corridoron the northside of the mainbuildingweresuggestedearlyon Facedwithpracticaldifficultiesandoftenin by Wild.1'02 the absence of detailed working plans from Wild, Piersonhadto moveaheadandmadehis owndecisions, much as he would have preferredto wait for Wild's specialistadviceaboutthemoretechnicalaspectsof the of the ironrooforthe clockmachinery. construction He altered the shape and stoneworkdecorationof the pyramidalroofof the campanile,makingit steeperthan Wildhadenvisaged;he movedthe flagstaffto a central positionon the kiosk,andforreasonsof economymade it from wood and no longerin iron;he designedthe simplefoliageon thecapitalsof the kiosk'spillarswhen Wild'stracingsarrivedtoo late;he reshapedthevaulting of the bathhouse to his own design,'03andhe had to cladthe Turkishbathandthe kioskwith paintedsheet iron plates,insteadof the originalcopper.'04 In some instances,it was possible to wait for Wild's revised plans,as in the case of the doorwayarchof the main entranceon the northside,whichWildlaterredesigned, but more usuallyPiersonhad to take mattersinto his own hands. Many of these changes were trivial and perhaps inevitablewhenthe architecthadnevervisitedthe site, but there was one area where Wild did object to Pierson'salterations.Insteadof the bricksurroundsfor the windows in Wild's design for the staterooms, comprisingthe two diningrooms,two drawingrooms andthe centralhall,Piersondecidedentirelyon his own initiativeto use stone, "a darkgrey limestonewith a reddishvein".This had slightlyalteredthe dimensions butnot the shape,northe rebatefor the casements.He had also changed the inside of the windows, and introducedflat lintels, as in Wild'sreviseddesign.'lo05 None of thesemateriallyaffectedWild'sconceptionfor theserooms,butWild,partlyin self-defenceagainstthe criticismsthathe had beentoo slow, did protestat the changeswhich he felt had been madeto his carefully preparedplansforthe mainrooms,a chargevigorously refutedby Pierson.1'06 It was these five main receptionrooms which would largely determinethe impact that the new
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himself devised the pattern,what he describedas selectedandadaptedfromlocal designs, "Arabesque", and edged with small segments of mirror set in plaster."0He claimedto be highly satisfiedwith the result,but it standsout in some contrastto the more restrained,classicalEuropeandecorationof the restof the Residence.Perhapsfortunately, with Wildbackat workin theearlypartof 1873,anda promiseof detailed drawingsand plastermodelsto arrivesoon,"' Pierson did not continuehis own attemptsto finish the main receptionrooms.Some of Wild'sdrawingsandmodels did arrivein the next monthsfor the ceilings,"2for the mirrorsand the stainedglass, but not for the walls. Piersonset to workat once butit was too lateforthem to be completedthat summer,the last that he would spendin Tehran. By the autumnof 1873, Piersonhad been recalled. MurdochSmithhad returnedfrom leave to head the TelegraphDepartmentagain, and it was time for Piersonto resumehis militarycareerafter the long periodof nearly10 yearsin Persia,over fourof which hadbeencloselyassociatedwiththe Legationbuildings. Almost all his objectiveshad been achieved.All the differentcomponentsof the largecompoundwerenow in place. The Residence,the threedetachedand two semi-detached housesfor the diplomats,the gatehouse, stores and servants'accommodation had been stables, built;the gardenshadbeenplantedup with over 1,500 trees,"3 ornamentaltanks had been made, carriage drives and footpathslaid down. At the end of the previoussummerof 1872,whenthe Legationstaffhad returned to thetownfromQulhak,theyhadbeenableto move into theirnew accommodation, all thatis except Alison, who had died in the spring.The houses, the chanceryandtheprivateroomsof the Residencehadall beenplasteredandwhitewashed,theirmudandplaster floorscoveredwithcoarsestrawmatting,andtheywere at last fully occupiedfrom October1872.114The two smallerpublic dining and drawingrooms had been fittedup fortemporaryuse, andthe firstChristmashad been celebratedthere at the end of the year. The Legationat last had left the old Bigh-i Ilchi site,
"somevery seasonedand handsomelygrainedwalnut timber" by an English carpenter,Mr Mitcheson, recentlyarrivedin Tehran,as the plaindeal sent from Englandhadbeenfoundto be warpedandtoo soft.Wild hadpositionedthedoorsandfireplaces,indicatedwhere the mirrorsshouldbe placed,whereQueenVictoria's portraitshouldhang,"6andhe hadsketchedthepatterns forthe colouredglass in the roundels,in the fanlightsof the vestibuleand over the entrance.In the two larger staterooms,he wantedtwo mirrorson bothsidesof the fireplacesand one on each side of the folding doors, which would make 12 in all. He suggestedthatthese two roomsandthe vestibuleshouldbe decoratedin the sameway,andso formone largesalonwhenthe folding doors were thrownopen,"'7and he proposedthatthe walls shouldbe finishedin the sameway as the ceiling, which would be more effectivethanpaperand more durable."8Butthe exactdetailsandworkingdrawings of the plasterforthe ceiling,the cornices,dado,andthe panels on the walls, the six ornamentalmarble mantelpieces,the stainedglass for the fanlightsand roundels,andthe lighting,still hadto be finalisedand then installed.Piersonreassuredthe charged'affaires that"thecharacterandextentof these decorationshad been laid down to the smallestdetailby the Office of Works,who aresendingoutallthe requiredmodelsand drawings,so thereis nothingleft for a superintending officerin Tehran,butto see themproperlycarriedout, which the Persianworkmenare now quitecapableof Informallyhe doing,both accuratelyand skilfully.""119 had arrangedfor MurdochSmithto keep a general supervisionoverthe finalstages,andall seemedset for a rapidconclusion. However,as usual,Piersonhadnot fullytakeninto account Wild's other preoccupationsand his slow meticulousness.It was not until Marchof 1874 that some of the promiseddesignsarrived,120 by whichtime theironroofonthe mainLegationbuildinghadsuffered severedamagefromthe extraordinarily heavy falls of snow and rain stormsin the early spring.The India Officerefusedto allowMurdochSmithto continueany supervisoryrole,and so the Boardof Worksagreedto
threatened that summer by outbreaks of typhus in addition to all its other disadvantages, and the long negotiations to dispose of it began."5 But to Pierson's great disappointment, the decoration of the main staterooms had still remained unfinished. The basic components were in situ. A new set of doors had been ordered,finally to be made from
the suggestion to send out a superintendantof works, with the brief to complete the fittings and decorationof the staterooms and to oversee the repair to all their propertiesin Tehran,Qulhakand Tabriz.Fortunatelythe person chosen, Caspar Purdon Clarke,'"• was well known to Wild, so much so indeed that it is likely that it was his suggestion. As a young architecturaldraughts-
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219
man,Clarkehadworkedas an assistantto Puginon the doors,whichcouldbe openedtojointhe mainreception newHouseof Commonsinthemid-1860s,andthenhad roomandvestibuletogether,and a colourschemethat been intermittently employedat the SouthKensington harmonisedthe whole,WildandPiersonhadcreatedan where he had been associatedwith Wildon elegant,distinctiveensembleof publicrooms.Within Museum, Bethnal Green the Museumandthe EastCourts,andhe the mainbuilding,these five stateroomshad the effect may even have done some workon the earlyplansof that Piersonhad always wanted:"a noble suite of the Legationbuildingin Tehran.122 Despitethis close rooms, destined to sustain the dignity of the with atanOriental it took some more months representative of the EnglishGovernment Wild, relationship beforethe necessarydrawingswere sent. Clarkehad court".'25 arrivedin earlyAugust1874,butby the endof the year Whenall theseaspectsof the interiordecorationhad he was still hopingfor moredetaileddrawingsfor the been finished,shortlybefore he left Tehran,Caspar Inthemeantime,the Clarkereportedgenerallyon the site andits buildings. plasterpanellingof the staterooms. Board of Workshad instructedhim to supply new Therestill were shortcomings.Crackswere appearing thekioskon themainroofhadto be in the bathhouse;126 designshimselfwherevertheywereneeded. Overthe next yearanda half, Clarkedid complete changedagain;and the gardeners'accommodationin all the outstanding plasterwork,on the ceilings, the south-east comer of the compound was A significantomissionwas andunhealthy. comices, dado and walls, closely following Wild's overcrowded tracings,modelsanddrawingswhereverhe could.But thatof anorangerieattachedto themainbuilding.Ithad he was also responsiblefor the overallcolourscheme, neverbeen in Wild'sinitialbrief,and its absencewas the furnishings, carpeting and lighting of the felt, particularly since it had alreadybecomea popular Staterooms.OriginallyPierson had wanted to use feature of many 'ayyLinihouses. Another was the buthe had southernentrance,a formalgatewayin the southwallof Englishfittingsandfurnishingsthroughout, hadto compromiseat leaston the doorsandwindows. the compound,127planned from the beginning to Clarke,too, hadbeentoldto avoida Persianstyle, but complement that on the eastern side but never whenhe foundit too difficultandlengthya processto implemented.But the majorcriticismwas reservedfor obtainall the materialsfromLondon,he suggestedthat the inadequacyof the main buildingto withstandthe there were capablelocal craftsmenwho could make intensecoldof a Tehranwinter.CasparClarkeremarked In uncharitably thatit "seemsto havebeendesignedmore good copiesof tables,sofas,andtheirupholstery.123 the end, the diningroomtable,22 feet in length,was as a summerthana winterresidence".128In the severe orderedin Tehran,the darkcrimsonmoroccoleatherfor winterof 1876, measurementshad been taken:on 2 the chairswas sent fromHollandand Sons of Mount February in the maingalleryat 10.30in thetemperature Grosvenor Street, Square, who also supplied the the morning, without fires, was 25.7 degrees crimsonandgold silk for the drawingroom,"thewalls Fahrenheit; the billiardroomat 1 pm.,withoutfiresbut beinggreen".Forthe parquetflooringandthe lighting, with sun shining on the southernwindow, was 36 Clarkealsoturnedto localexamples.124 degrees,and in the evening at 9 pm., with two fires If theexternalfagadeof theResidenceowedmoreto burningfor8 hours,it hadreachedonly38 degrees.And Wild'simaginative,eclecticinspiration,it was Pierson as forthe mainstaterooms,"whenthe dooris opened,a who had dictatedthe general outlines of what he rushof cold air,at a temperature somewhereaboutor forthe internaldecoration underfreezingpoint,is felt inside".129 thoughtwouldbe appropriate Suggestionsfor and arrangements. Apartfrom the arabesquesof the double windows, additionaldoors and porticoswere centralvestibule,he had wantedan English style of rejectedby the Board of Works,always anxious to ornament.When this appearedtoo straightforward, economise. Wildhadbeenencouragedto elaborateandenhancethe It had been an unlikelycollaboration- Pierson of the plasterworkon the ceilings and efficient,energetic,and eminentlypractical,but also ornamentation walls, whilst retainingan essentiallyclassicalpattern, alert to the overall impact and appearanceof the intricatebut restrained,interspersedwith the familiar architecture;Wild meticulous,sensitive, touchy and Britishmotifsof the rose,the shamrock,the thistle,and slow. But togetherthey did createa remarkable main the royal initials VR, between the stained glass building.The designwas certainlydifferentto thatof clerestorybull's-eyeroundels.Withthe foldingdouble anyotherbuildingin Tehran;it was suggestive,allusive
220
JOURNAL OF PERSIAN STUDIES
andsymbolic.Theotherresidentialcomplexesthathad been recently erected in the northernsuburb,the Ottoman Embassy and the Russian Legation, had followed a much more traditionallyPersianstyle of architecture.In contrast,Pierson'soverallconception forthesiteandWild'sdesignfortheResidencemadean immediateimpact.It was a compoundwhichsheltered the discreteelementsof the Legation'sworkandsocial activitieswithinan enclosingperimeterwall, distanced it from local society, but at the same time allowed access to a central building which carried the resonancesof familiararchitectural motifs,a campanile which had similaritieswith a minaret,a vaultedbath house,a pavilionon the roof, andfamiliarfenestration anddoorwayentrance.Theheightof the bell andclock towerechoedthe recentlybuilttowerof the Shamsalless high andset backfromthe road,it 'Imtra;though did create a new spatial relationshipto the other buildingsanddiplomaticenclaveswhichwouldquickly be drawnto the adjacentneighbourhood. At once the Legationbuildingattractedattention. Evenbeforethe roofhad beenput in position,Pierson couldtakepridein the responsethatthe generaloutline of the structurehadcreated:
swellingits expatriatepopulationto nearly500, it was the centreof socialandpoliticalactivity.No longerwas it the last site on the Khiydban-i'Ala' al-Daula,called now it by this time the Boulevarddes Ambassadeurs; was atthe heartof the mostdesirablepartof the capital, the diplomaticenclave,the centreof thosecommercial, political and culturalconfigurationsthat createdthe "informalempire".Its high walls and gatehouse,with flagstaff,wroughtiron gates, marblecrowns and the royalinitialsVR, suggesteda controlledadmission,an aura of aloofness and seclusion. For those able to penetratethese barriers,the melangeof architectural anddecorativemotifsof the Residenceprovidedsome withthe familiarityof manyof its themes. reassurance The largeclockon the bell tower,on the otherhand,as Curzonpointedlyremarked,"tells the time after the English fashion and accordingto the hours of the English day."'34Close to the compoundwere the sportingactivities that the English took with them wherevertheywent;the tenniscourtsa littlefurtherup on Khiyaban-i'AIa'al-Daula,the polo groundnearthe Maiddn-iMashq,andeven a cricketpitchfurtherwest on landthathadbeenboughtby the FrenchLegation.135 A quarterof a mileor so to the south,onthe easternside of the Maidan-iT0pkhana,in a magnificentQajar Thebuildings aresofaradvanced thatsomeideacanbe house, was the ImperialBank,'36a symbolof British formedof theirgeneraleffect,andI havenoticedthat financialinfluence,and close by, next to the Dar aleventhusearlythePersians, theirPrime Funin, a European-stylepolytechnic,were the new (andnotably inapalacenowincourseof construction) are Minister, headquarters of the Indo-European Telegraph The Bagh-i Ilchi, with its wretched ourstyleof building. ThisI thinkmaybe imitating Department.'37 takenas a practical andhumiliatingstateof disrepair, andgratifying accommodation once to our testimony success.130 intendedto be "aperpetualrecordof Europein theheart of Asia",seemeda distantpast,soonall traceof it to be Theroofwasthoughtto be exceptionalfortheingenuity lost. of its construction andits durability, andit was praised By thistime,fatehaddealtunequallywithourmain for "its simplicity of design and finish of protagonists. Pierson, after a short period as an The following year it was being instructorat Chatham,had returnedto Indiaand held workmanship."'31 at an even more copied prestigioussite.TheShah'snew importantpositionsas secretaryof the Indiandefence at built palace 'Ishratabad, in 1874just outsidethe new committeeand militarysecretaryto the Viceroyand khandaq,beyondthe new Darvdza-yiDaulat,had the GovernorGeneral,LordRipon.In 1881 he was given samestyleof roof.132 commandof a field force of Royal Engineerssent Withina generation,behindthe perimeterwall and againstthe ManhsodWaziritribe on the North West gatehouse, the plane trees had matured, and the main building had begun to look more like the palace in Wild's original sketch. That was the impression made on the visitor: it seemed an oasis of calm greenery, a sanctuaryafter many weeks of weary travel.133 For the residents and the scores of speculators who had descended on Tehran from the late 1880s onwards,
frontier and, on his return, died suddenly from dysentery in the Punjab, aged only 41. Apart from the Tehran Legation,'38 nothing else has survived as a tribute to all his energy and initiative.139 Wild, on the otherhand, did find a safer niche, where he could enjoy some respite from the unpredictabilityof commission work, financial anxieties and the recurrentproblem of
LEGATIONS AND GARDENS, SAHIBS AND THEIR SUBALTERNS
his ill health.In 1878 he was appointeddirectorof Sir John Soane's Museum in Lincoln's Inn Fields, in succession to his close friend, Joseph Bonomi, his travellingcompanionto Egyptnearly40 yearsearlier.140 Therehe workedfor the next 14 years,livingwith his family in the crampedaccommodationon the third floor.141From this quiet backwater,he would have watchedthe steadyrise throughthe hierarchyof the SouthKensingtonMuseumof his protdgd,the young architecturaldraughtsmansent out to Tehranafter Pierson had left. Caspar Purdon Clarke, with his fordependability andcompetenceintactafter reputation his success in Tehran,becamearchitectof the Indian sectionat the 1878Parisexhibition,thenKeeperof the IndiaMuseumin 1883,AssistantDirectorin 1893and finallyDirectorat SouthKensingtonin 1896 for nine Museumin years,beforemovingon to theMetropolitan New York.142 But Wildwas contentto spendhis last yearsplanningminoradditionsto his own moremodest museum, includinga small domed room,143whose decoration, typically unfinished at his death in November1892,was completedonly recently.144 A suburbanchurchat Streatham,a watertowerin Grimsby,St. Mark'sat Alexandria- it is not a vast as an architectof legacyon whichto builda reputation a before his time. Yet, vision, genuine modernist this ironically, unassuming, unassertive, elusive architect,neververy successfulin his own lifetime,145 did createone of the enduringarchetypalimagesof the ageof "informal empire".Itwas a buildingthatbecame, in boththe BritishandPersianimagination,a metaphor of theirmutualrelationshipin the firsthalf of the 20th century.Itformedpartof thebackdropto the eventsthat shapedthis relationship,fromthe greatbast of 1906, throughtwo coupd'6tatsandtwo militaryoccupations, and the Tehranconferenceof November1943, when Wild'sstateroomswerethe settingfor Churchill's69th birthdaydinner,celebratedby RooseveltandStalin,the leadersof armiesof nearly20 millionmen.146 In the half-centurysince this periodof "informal empire"was sweptawayandthe relationshipbetween lran and Britainre-establishedon a differentfooting, the Residencehas been much altered.The gatehouse and two of Pierson'soriginalhouses have gone, the minister'sprivateaccommodation,with the kitchens andbath-house,was replacedby a modemwing in the early 1960s, but the clock-tower,the stateroomsand old chanceryhave survivedthe vicissitudesof these decadesintact.In recentyears,they have undergonea
221
renovation.Theexternalbrickworkhas comprehensive been repaired and restored, and the staterooms repaintedand refurbished.The originalcolourshave been used, thoughreversedin the plasterreliefwork; the ceiling cleanedand repainted,the plasterpatterns It once againhasthe pickedout in all theirintricacy.147 and that Wild and Piersononly elegance splendour themselves never an ingenious but saw, imagined of decoration designed by an interweaving English architect deeply affected by Islamic ornament, creatively implementedby Persianmaster-craftsmen, an Indian army engineer, supervisedby unusuallygifted andcompletedby a futuredirectorof the Victoriaand AlbertMuseum.On the exterior,the southernfagade still retainsthat enigmaticqualityof assimilationand reconciliation, a fusion of different architectural traditionsin "a controlledorientaleclecticism",the distinctivequalityof Wild'swork.148 In the grounds,severalof the planetrees,planted in the winterof the greatfamineof 1871-72, Pierson by still survive,moreor less as they were describedby a visitorshortlyafterSirDenis'sfirstperiodof servicein Tehran,whenhe was sentto restorerelationswith Iran at the endof 1953: Andwhatarestrangely andperfectly arethe beautiful trees.Theyareimmensely tall,tallerthananylimesor elms,perhaps eightyorninetyfeethigh,andthesame ageasthehouses.Theyarea kindof treeonehasnot seenbefore. Persian planetreeswithsilverstems,now leaflessbecauseit is the lastweekin March,and in the silverypallorof tracery makinga wonderful cold,cloudless sky.Onewillneverforgetthesilver plane trees which will always remindone of Tehran...149 And the wisteria,still coveringthe southernfagade, as it didon thatAprilevening30 flowersas luxuriantly yearsago, when Sir Denis presidedat his last wisteria party, before beginning another career, equally productiveand distinguished,as a historianof Qajar Persia.
SSince thislecture,givenattheBritishAcademyon 18June
the 2001 in honourof Sir Denis Wright's90th birthday, 1970 celebration the has been found. of I tapedrecording
ammostgrateful to SirDenisforlettingme hearit, for puttingat my disposalhis file fullof excellentnoteson the
222
2
3
4
5
6
7
8
9
JOURNALOF PERSIAN STUDIES
Embassybuildingsin Tehran,and for answeringmy queriesnot only on this themebut also on manyothers concerningthe history of the British in Persia. His generosity,unflaggingenthusiasmand extraordinarily have preciseknowledgeof the historyof thisrelationship beenaninspiration to severalgenerations of scholars. "The Centenaryof the EmbassyCompoundand H.M. Ambassador's Residencein Tehran",compiledby Denis andIonaWright,JohnandMargaret March Cloake,Tehran, 1970,p. 6. SacheverellSitwell,Arabesqueand Honeycomb(London, 1957),p. 18. He thoughtthe portalwas "notunlikethe entrancearchat Hanwell",one of the largestof Victorian asylums,builtin 1831.
like a countryhouse or a hunting-lodge.See Rosie Llewellyn-Jones, A Fatal Friendship: the Nawabs, the British, and the City of Lucknow(London, 1985), pp. 43, 153-54; Neeta Das, IndianArchitecture:a Problem in the Interpretation of Eighteenth and Nineteenth Century Architecture- a Study of Dilkusha Palace, Lucknow
(Delhi, 1998), pp. 24-42. Photographsand plans of Dilkushaarefoundin Das, in JohnPemble,TheRaj,the Indian Mutiny and the Kingdom of Oudh 1801-1859
(Hassocks, 1977) between pp. 148-49, and Rosie "TheCityof Lucknowbefore1856",in Llewellyn-Jones, The City in South Asia (London, 1980), eds. Kenneth 0o
Roger Stevens, The Land of the Great Sophy (London,
severe 1962),pp.87-88. SirRogerStevenswasparticularly aboutwhathe calledthe "architectural ineptitudesof the southfront",thedingycolourof thebrickwork, "evenmore lifelessthantheTehranaverage", and"aseriesof portholes highuponthesouthside... presumed by thevisitoron first to attic bedrooms acquaintance light [but]in facttheylight nothing". Threephotographs,taken by John Cloake in the later 1960s,give a good impressionof how the arealookedat thattime.I ammostgratefulto himfortheloanof these,for muchvaluableadviceaboutthetwoLegationsitesandtheir buildings,and for allowingme to see a copy of "Old anextremelyuseful,unpublished Tehran", studyof Tehran, Cloakein 1972. writtenby JohnandMargaret Morierpapers,BalliolCollege,Oxford:box D 2. I (9), JamesMorierto his mother,14 December1813. PublicRecordOffice,London:WPK1/396.Thescaleis 40 feet to the inch. It was drawnby the Frenchengineer, Bovagnet,whohadbeencommissioned by CharlesAlison, the Britishminister,to surveythe site and reporton its andrepair.His reportwas dated20 possiblereconstruction November1866 (FO 60/395, Alisonto Stanley,26 July 1867). SirGoreOuseley(1770-1844)hadbeena freemerchant in NorthIndia,advisorand aide-de-camp to the Nawabof Oudh,Sa'ddat'Ali Khan(1798-1814), and then acting Britishresidentfrom1802-5.Wellesleywasthengovemrnor generalat Calcuttaand later became foreignsecretary 1809-12. It was throughhis supportthat Ouseleywas ambassador to Persiain 1810. appointed DilkushaPalace was designed by Gore Ouseley and completedin the early1800s.It was set in a largegarden, south-eastof the old town, away from the rest of the Nawab'sbuildingsandpalacecomplexes;it seemedmore
andJohnHarrison, Ballhatchet oppositep. 110. work It is possiblethatelevationsandplansof Vanbrugh's wereavailablein Lucknowin theremarkable libraryof the and architect,ClaudeMartin, Frenchmilitaryadventurer forseveralof thepalacesof Asaf whohadbeenresponsible in al-Daula(1775-97).SeatonDelavalhadbeenillustrated Colen Campbell, VitruviusBritannicus (London, 1731),
vol. III,pp. 20-21, but it is not knownwhetherthis was amongstthefourto fivethousanditemsin Martin'slibrary. However,copieswere certainlyavailablein FortWilliam College, Calcutta,in the early 1800s (Sten Nilsson, EuropeanArchitecturein India, 1750-1850, London, 1968,
of SeatonDelaval pp. 157and159).Oneof theattractions as a modelmighthave been its relativelysmallscale;it measuredonly 75 feet by 75 feet, withoutthe attached towersandturrets.NicholasPevsner,in his TheBuildings of England volume, Northumberland(London, 1957), p.
II
houseis so mature, 286, saidof it that'"nootherVanbrugh so compactandso powerful". to buildan GoreOuseleyhimselfhadaskedforpermission instructions in the detailed and givento him in embassy, obtain to was he "theGrantof an encouraged July 1810, this Ground for of purpose"and erect a eligible Spot shouldnot suitablebuilding,whichtogetherwithfurniture exceed ?8000 (FO 60/4, Wellesleyto Ouseley,10 July 1810). Accordingto JamesMorier,as Ouseley slowly thenextyear,he talked travelledupfromBushireto Tehran aboutbuildinghis "Palazzo"in Tehran,but it was some time afterhis arrivalin the capitalthathe startedto reconstructthe house on the site that he had been given shortlyafterhis arrival.Thispropertyhadbelongedto the of the Muhammad Khin, commander Zanbfirakchi-bashi, whichconsistedof lightmortarsmountedon camelbattery, camels.At sometimein 1812,Ouseleystartedto build;by Decemberit was well underway, anda yearlaterit was completed.The embassymovedin on 9 December1813, anda few dayslater,the firstmajorfunctiontookplace,a
LEGATIONSAND GARDENS, SAHIBS AND THEIR SUBALTERNS
12
celebration of theratification of peacebetweenRussiaand PersiaattheTreatyof Gulisttin. Morierpapers,box D 2.1 (9), JamesMorierto his mother, 14 December1813.Ouseleystressedmorethe interiorof thenewbuilding,ratherthanthefagade,andtheimpactthat it had madeon his firstPersianguests,who includedsix ministers:"my displayof chandeliersand lustreswith them candles,andmy fineplatequiteastonished spermaceti a and a fire seemed to but good Englishgrate rousing claimalmostequaladmiration". Oxford: (BodleianLibrary, Diaryof SirGoreOuseley,Dep.b,p. 262.)
to reachtheMissiondoorin a carriage.Evenin ridingin or out of town at this gate great inconvenience is (Precisof Bovagnet'sreport,enclosedin experienced." Alisonto Stanley,26 July1866,FO60/395.) 25
13 Persia and the Persian Question(London, 1892), vol. I, p.
305. 14 Journal ofa Residencein NorthernPersia and theAdjacent
Provinces of Turkey(London, 1857), p. 169. '5 Glimpsesof Life and Mannersin Persia (London, 1856), p.
120. 16 A Journey of TwvoYears' Travel in Persia, Ceylon, etc. 17
(London,1857),vol. II,p. 212. The relativeextentof the Missiongroundsis clearlyseen onthetwoearliestextantmapsof Tehran: (1) I.N.Berezine, Puteshestviyepo severnoj Persii (Kazan, 1852), pp. xi, 27,
26
347, andplate4, with4 plans,adaptedandrepublished by Jean Calmardin "Le mce'nat des representations de ta'ziye",Le mondeiranienet 'Islam,H (1974), pp. 124-26, and also in Teheran:capitale bicentaire(Paris, 1992) eds.
27
Adle and BernardHourcade,with "carteshors Chahryar texte"; (2) August KIzil, Plan von Tehran(Graz, 1977),
29
whichwas originallypublishedin December1858. '8 Journal of a Diplomates ThreeYears'Residence in Persia (London,1864),vol. I, pp.222-23.
30
19 Ibid., p. 220. Ibid., p. 232.
20
22
23
24
Ibid.,pp.224, 226-27, 231-32. the SocialHistoryof LateQajar JohnGurney,"Rewriting Iran",in Pembroke Papers(Cambridge, 1990),ed. Charles vol. 51-52. Melville, I, pp. Idem, "The Transformationof Tehran in the Later
Sidney Lane-Poole, The Life of Lord Stratford Canning
(London,1888), vol. II, p. 69: "TheOrientalSecretary, was not only a CharlesAlison,with manypeculiarities, marvellouslinguist,but a man of subtleand penetrating tohischief... The mind,andhisservicesprovedinvaluable of his of achievements,and despatchesare full praises howeverlittle sympathyon most great questionsthere might be between the ambassadorand his Voltairean the latterwas a zealousandefficient laissez-aller secretary, instrument of his chief'sdesigns,andCanningneverfailed to give himfullcreditforhis success".A similarcomment came fromHenryLayard,quotedin GordonWaterfield, Layardof Nineveh(London,1963),p. 101:"AlthoughSir Stratfordwas little accustomedto tolerateopposition, whichfurtheronly excitedhis quicktemper,he couldnot but respect and admireAlison's perfect truthfulness, loyalty,andindependence". A sketch of Alison, with beard, skirt and rosary,is reproduced in Denis Wright, The English amongst the
28
21
223
31
Persians(London,1977),oppositep. 61;it is datedto 1865 to CaptainW.H.Pierson. andattributed FO60/280,Eastwickto Russell,5 August1862. FO60/280,Eastwickto Russell,19 January1863. An exampleof this is seen in FO 60/297, Alison to 28 June1866. Clarendon, MarkCrinson,EmpireBuilding:Orientalismand Victorian
Architecture (London,1996),pp. 126-32.I amindebtedto this excellent study for much of the architectural in thisarticle. information andinterpretation FO 60/395,Alisonto Clarendon,8 May 1866. "Houses builtof sun-driedbricksandmud,in a climatewherethe is at one seasonextremelyhot anddryandat temperature anotherextremelycold and damp,cannotbe expectedto last long- andI findthatas fastas one roomis patched
NineteenthCentury",in Teheran:capitale bicentenaire,pp.
up, anothercrumblesdown ... my predecessorsroughedit;
55-56.
they did even more- they lived in tentsduringthe hot months,to the injuryof theirhealth.Mattershavechanged arebuildinga sincethosedays.TheRussianGovernment new largePalacefortheresidenceof themembersof their LegationandthePersianministersandotherhighofficials andlargerscale haveallrebuilttheirhouseson a handsomer thanthatof thosepreviouslyoccupied,while the present but conditionof the Missionis not only uncomfortable were The samecriticisms,andcomparison, unbecoming". made by AugustusMounsey,a young diplomatvisiting
lbid.,p. 59. Bovagnet,in his reportof November1866, stressedthe disadvantagesof the site in these terms:"... it
is dampand low, surrounded partlyby poormussulman habitations,thicklypopulatedand frequentlyvisited by fever.Theneighbouring streetsarenarrow,aboundin wells andholes,andhavegenerallyanopensewerin the centre. Thenearestgate,beingtheonlyoneby whichcaravansare allowed to enter the town, is constantlychoked with camels,mulesandasses.It is thereforealmostimpossible
JOURNAL OF PERSIAN STUDIES
224
TehranfromViennain 1866:"Oneof thebesthousesis that builtby theRussiangovernment forits representation; it is of stoneandkiln-dried bricks.Thepremisesof theEnglish Legationwere, at the time of which I am speaking [February1866], in a half-ruinousstate;but they had attachedto them a largegardenplantedwith huge cypresses and plane-trees, which somewhat compensated for their internal discomfort." (Augustus Mounsey, A Journey throughthe Caucasus and the Interiorof Persia, London, 32
33
1872,p. 130.) Waterfield,op.cit., pp. 294-307. Layardwas underof stateforfiveyears,betweenJuly1861andJune secretary 1866,duringwhichperiodAlisonhadfirstbeganto make his complaintsabouttheLegationbuildings. FO60/395,Treasury to theForeignOffice,4 October1867.
recommended buyinga sitenorthof theDaulatgate.Inthe smallexpatriate of Europeans in Tehran, he had community closerelations withtheBritish,andAlisondescribed himas Alison 60/395, "thebestpracticalEngineeratTehran" (FO to Stanley,26 July1867). 44 FO60/395,Alisonto Stanley,26 July1867.At sometime in this year,Piersonhad made an outlineof what was wantedby Alison,includinga frontelevation,referred to in FO 60/313,TelegramfromTehran,21 November1868.It architectural was alwaysacceptedthatprofessional advice at some needed When Murdoch Smith wouldbe had stage. agreedto supervisethe new building,in additionto a clerk of works, he had asked for Pierson, then on leave in
London, to be consulted about designs, personnel, materials,and "any detaileddrawingsthat are necessary of
ornament etc.madeby anarchitect in London" (FO60/395, 35 FO 60/395,Treasury to IndiaOffice,9 May 1868.Alison MurdochSmithto Alison,12 June1868).Piersonhimself hadtelegraphed thatthepriceof landwas risingrapidly. was always conscious of the inadequacyof these sketches:"Theexistingdesignsandplansfor thesesprovidevaluableinformation aboutthese 36 Tworecent preliminary thebuildingweredrawnby anAustrianengineerin Persia Michael earlyTelegraphofficersand theirachievements: froma roughsketchthatI hadmadesome two yearsago Rubin, "The Formationof Modem Iran, 1858-1909: and arefaultyin architectural andtechnicaldetailsandvery and Yale Communications, Telegraph Society",Ph.D., (FO 249/52,Piersonto University,1999; Soly Shahvar,"TheFormationof the incompleteas workingdrawings" Hamilton,15 June1869). Indo-EuropeanTelegraphLine: Britain,the Ottoman EmpireandPersia,1855-1865",Ph.D.,LondonUniversity, 45 The translationof the title deed, given by the vazir of 1997. Tehranin June1869,is in FO60/395,RonaldThomsonto FO Murdoch Smith to 7 July1869.Beforethesenegotiations 12 hadbeen June 1868. 60/395, Alison, 37 Clarendon, 38 Crinson, Pierson had left Tehran in 130-36. concluded, early Aprilto attend op.cit., pp. an international 1869. telegraphconferencein Vienna,and he 3• FO60/395,MurdochSmithto Alison,10 February 40 FO some weeks laterin 60/395, Murdoch Smith to Alison, 10 February1869. only heardof his new appointment He also addedthat"it was he in fact who designedthe atonceto Londonin June, Fromtherehe returned Istanbul. in orderto consultwith a professionalarchitectaboutthe proposedbuildings". material on Pierson in the can found be 4' Biographical design and the costings.Duringthis short leave from to marryLauraCharlotte National Dictionary of Tehran,he tookthe opportunity Biography (London, 1896), vol. XLV, pp. 276-77; The Cheltonian (July, 1881); Thomas, youngest daughterof Richard Thomas of CheltenhamCollege Register(Cheltenham,1910), p. 166; Eyhorne,Kent,in August1869. 46 Initially, Piersonhadthoughtthathe couldpersonallydirect HenryM. Vibart,Addiscombe:its Heroes and Men of Note and supervisethe workingplans:"I have been making (London, 1894), pp. 185, 227, 299, 304, 643-46; Michael Rubin,op.cit., p. 560. enquiriesat the SouthKensingtonMuseumand in other 42 644. Vibart,op.cit., p. quarters,and find thatthe cost of procuringprofessional 34 Teheran:capitale bicentaire,pp. 51-54.
43 For Albert Joseph Gasteiger's long career in Persia, see
assistance in revising, improving and cutting down what
may be extravagant(in) these crude designs and of undermy personalsupervision to employingdraughtsmen drawout the workingplansI require,wouldnot exceed
ReinhardPohankaand IngridThumer,Der Khan aus Tirol (Vienna, 1988), Helmut Slaby, Bildenschild und Sonnenlove. Die Geschichteder osterreichisch-iranischen Bezeihungen bis zur Gegemvart (Graz, 1982), and Encyclopaedia Iranica (New York, 2000), vol. X, pp. 320-21. Shortlyafterhis returnto Tehranfrom his work on
theMazanderan roadin 1867,Gasteigerhadhelpedto cost theplansfortherenovation of theoldLegation,andfinally
47
?100 ..." (FO249/52, Piersonto Hamilton, 15 June 1869). For Sir HenryCole, see idem,Fifty Yearsof Public Workof
Sir HenryCole (London,1884),eds. Alan andHenrietta Cole, 2 vols.; ElizabethBonython,King Cole: a Picture Portrait of Sir Henry Cole, KCB, 1808-1882 (London,
LEGATIONSAND GARDENS, SAHIBS AND THEIR SUBALTERNS
1982); John Physick, The Victoriaand AlbertMuseum:the History of its Building (Oxford, 1982), passim.; Anthony Burton, Visionand Accident. the Story of the Victoriaand
52
AlbertMuseum(London,1999),passim.A revisionist view of Cole, and "the ascendancy of an unambiguous militaristic ethos"at SouthKensington,is foundin Rafael Denis,"TheBromptonBarracks: War,Peace,andthe Rise and of Victorian Journalof Design Art DesignEducation", History,vol. VIII (1995), pp. 11-25. 48 Burton,op.cit., pp. 81, 83; Physick,op.cit., pp. 26-27,
49
107-8; Bonython,op.cit.,46-47; "Obituaryof General HenryYoungDarracotScott,CB", TheRoyalEngineers Journal(1883),pp. 166-67. A batchof briefobituariesin 1892,publishedin the Art
53
(2000),pp.219-52. Inthecourseof severalchangesin the design,a clerestoryandtympanumwere addedandthen canbe foundin omitted.Somematerialonthesealterations ChurchBuildingSocietyrecords,usedby theIncorporated Jackson,op.cit., and also in Wild's lettersto Joseph AddMSS9389. Bonomi,inCambridge UniversityLibrary,
(1892),p. 664, TheBuilder,LXIII(12 November1892),p. 384, Times,11November1892,p. 10. c. 6; andJournalof the Royal Institute of British Architects, IX (30 March
of National Biography(London, 1900), LXI, pp. 221-22,
butthefirstrealreassessment camefromJohnSummerson, Modernist: James Wild and His Work",The Early "'An LXIX Journal, (9 January1929),pp. 57-62, Architect' wherehe describedWildas a "modemist inthetruestsense of the word"and his buildingsas having "surpassing andeven todaythey significanceas historicallandmarks, standon theirown meritsas examplesof imaginativeand unconventional design"(p. 62). The next stage in his rehabilitationwas in H.S. Goodhart-Rendel, "Rogue Architectsof the VictorianEra",JRIBA,LVI(1949),pp. 251-59. Thereafter there has been an increasing of his work,as in MichaelDarby,TheIslamic appreciation
54 5
56
Perspective: an Aspect of BritishArchitectureand Design in the NineteenthCentury(London, 1983), pp. 24, 27, 55,
62, 65, 104, 112, 143, with illustrationsnos. 42-45, 49-51,untilthe recentextensivereappraisal by Crinson, op.cit., pp. 97-123, 190-95. The fullest attemptto recentresearchon Wildis HelenDorey'sarticle summarise for the New Dictionary of National Biography (to be
publishedin 2004);I ammostgratefulto HelenDoreyfor havinglet me see thisaccount.
IthasrecentlybeensuggestedthatWildmighthavevisited inthelate1830s,beforehisdesign MaltaandtheAlhambra of ChristChurch,Streatham,but the evidence is not conclusive(Jackson,op.cit.,p. 249, n. 85). Duringthe journey to Egypt and his attachmentto the Lepsius expedition,he was accompaniedby JosephBonomi,the Bonomi younger(1796-1878),sculptoranddraughtsman. hadearlierspentaboutnineyears(1824-33) in Egyptand thenPalestine,andwas closelyinvolvedwithmembersof the architectsandartists OwenJones'scircle,particularly andFrancisArundale, Catherwood RobertHay,Frederick with whom he had travelledin Sinai and Gaza(Darby, op.cit.,pp. 30-31, 35-39, 138-39; Crinson,op.cit.,pp. 27-30). He stayedtwo yearson thissecondvisitto Egypt, Wildto his friendsin Cairo,notablyEdward andintroduced Lane.ThePrussianarchaeologist, Lepsius,describedWild as "'ayoung architect,full of genius,(who) seeks with enthusiasmin the Easta new fieldfor the exerciseof the rich and variousgifts with which he is endowed"(Carl Peninsulaof Sinai,London,1853,translated by Leonora and JoannaHomer,p. 35.) Wild'sarchaeological papers, includingnotebooks,drawingsandplansconnectedwith Oxford,as also thisexpedition,arein theGriffithInstitute, andsketches areJosephBonomi'sdrawings,watercolours madein Egypt,NubiaandPalestine.
Society(London,1891),vol. I, pp. 249, 488-90. Charles Wildhadalsobeenat sometimedrawingmasterto Henry Cole. For GeorgeBasevi (1794-1845),see HowardColvin,A Biographical Dictionary of BritishArchitects,1600-1840,.
thirdedn.,(London,1995),pp. 105-8.
Darby,op.cit.,passim.; Crinson,op.cit.,passim. Owen Jones and Jules Goury, Plans, Elevations, Sections and Details of the Alhambra(London, 1836-45).
Richard Lepsius, Lettersfrom Egypt, Ethiopia, and the
o50 John Lewis Roget, A4History of the "Old Water-Colour"
-5'
Thesechurchesweredescribedby Summerson, op.cit.,p. 52, as "some half-dozen cheap churches- (these) unhappyexamplesof earlyVictorianchurcharchitecture, strangemedleysof detail,ill-appliedandpoorlycarriedout, (are)notworthverymuchnotice",thoughPevsnerpraises some of them for being simple,conciseand clear.They All Saints, Botley, were St. Lawrence,Southampton; Coates, Holy Cambridgeshire; Whittlesey, Southampton; of Isle St. Blackheath Paul, Hill; Wight; Newport, Trinity, andSt. MaryMagdalene, Holmwood,Surrey. Darby,op.cit.,p. 65: Crinson,op.cit., pp. 97-101; Neil Jackson,"ChristChurch,Streatham,and the Rise of ConstructionalPolychromy",ArchitecturalHistory, XLIII
LXIII Journal, XCVII (1893), pp. 120-21, BuildingNeiwvs,
1893),pp.275-76, highlightsomeof the less conventional aspectsof hiswork.Thereis a slightentryintheDictionary
225
.7
Darby,op.cit., pp. 55, 58; Crinson,op.cit., pp. 101-7.
226
58
59
JOURNAL OF PERSIAN STUDIES
Wild'ssketchbooksare now in the Victoriaand Albert of PrintsandDrawings,E3705-1938 Museum,Department to E3768-1938. Crinson,op.cit.,pp. 114-23.Crinsonmakesthe interesting suggestion that Wild anticipatedby 30 years the debate of the 1870s over the question of a "Hindu-Saracenic"style for British architecture in India, in which Hindu and Mughal elements were subsumed as a metaphor for the conciliationof those culturesunderthe benevolence of the
60
61
BritishRaj:"Similarly, and Wild'schurchjoinedChristian Islamic forms as a way of epitomisingthe bridging toleranceof Britishpresence.Seen fromthis perspective, Wild'sdesignwas nothingless thana trialrunfor a new formof imperialarchitecture". Summerson, op.cit.,p. 59, statesthe case succinctly:"The remainderof his architecturalactivities consisted in providingdesignswhichwerecarriedout by otherhands, andin theworkof his lateryearsthereis a markedabsence of spontaneity, andhis designsappearratherlabouredand eccentric."Wild certainlyhad periodicbouts of illness which hinderedhis capacityfor sustainedwork under pressure,though exactly what caused his ill health is unclear.Inthefew survivingletterswhichthrowsomelight on his personality,it would seem that thoughhe was describedby oneof his earlypatronsin 1839,whenhe was inhismid-20s,as"ayoungmanof verygreattalentand(is) honourable andagreeable to dealwith,ashe is veryclever" in (cited Jackson,op.cit.,p. 234),it wasnotlongbeforethe moretruculent, individualaspectsof his naturedeveloped. This can be seen in a letterto JosephBonomi,3 March 1845 (AddMSS 9389/2/W/54):"I verymuchregretthat my mothershouldat all regretmy longstayin Egypt,but as I am not losingmy time,beingnow (?) verytolerably I must abideby my own judgementin this industrious, matter,sinceI cannotsee how othersareableto formone. As for the rewardof one's labours,thatis entirelyin the handsof God. The work of the most prudentmay be broughtto nothingin anhourby anaccidentor a person.It is enoughto me to know thatwhat I am doingmay be usefulto theprofession,andthatI can,I amwell assured- earnmy livingand evenundertheworstcircumstances Thisis enough keepoutof debtby my skillin decoration. for security- ambitionis anothermatter." It mighthave been these attitudes,as much as ill health,that could account for Wild's virtual eclipse in the subsequent decades. Goodhart-Rendel, op.cit.,p. 253, firstsuggestedthatWild forsomeof themajordesigns mighthavebeenresponsible associatedwith the SouthKensingtonMuseum.Thereis
62
63
evidencethathe had a role in one of the most important buildingson the site,the ScienceSchools,referredto in n. 63 below,and in Cole, op.cit.,vol.I, pp. 335-36: "'Inthe BethnalGreenMuseum,andalso the NormalSchoolfor Science, he (Scott) was assisted by Mr James Wild. Amongstmy father'spapers,I havefounda sketchby him, dated 1868, for the facadein ExhibitionRoad, of the ScienceSchools,with its upperoverhanging colonnade,a featureuponwhichhe insisted.Thebuildingas ultimately fromhis design."Wild's erectedshowsbutlittledeparture distinctivestylecouldbe seenin the originalplansforthe BethnalGreenMuseum,which,accordingto Summerson, op.cit., p. 59, "shows that Wild still retained his individuality,althoughthe intense vitalityof his early perspectivesketchhas designsis absent".His watercolour a towerand curator'shousewhichwereneverbuilt,and there were other elements which were not realised (Physick,op.cit.,p. 145). TheBuilder(21 January1871), andplans, vol. XXIX,pp. 46-47, has anotherillustration which clearlyshow a veranda,clock tower,steppedand archedentrance,and also curator'sresidenceand library. of He was alsoinvolvedin someof theintemaldecoration bills for window as small two the OrientalCourts, tracery remainedunpaidfor over 11 years(Physick,op.cit.,pp. 82-83) and his sketch for this "Cairene"window has survived(Darby,op.cit.,p. 112). Burton,op.cit.,pp.69-70, 83;Denis,op.cit.,pp. 12-16, 19. of militaryofficers,therewere Inadditionto thedominance also family relationshipsthat helped promotion or to the sensethata smallcliquecontrolledthe contributed Museum.Cole, himselfthe son of an armyofficer,had Philip Cunliffe appointedas his deputysuperintendent of the brother Owen, younger Engineerofficer Henry on the GreatExhibition. him with who had worked Owen, on theMuseum'spayroll, were Severalof hisownrelatives includingtwoof his sons,aswerethoseof someof hisclose colleagues(Denis,op.cit.,pp. 18-19). It was at this time that Wildwas designingthe Science Schools, and therehad been difficultdiscussionswith Cole about the terracottabalustradeand the internal staircase
(Cole, diary,4 December1867). Accordingto Physick, op.cit.,pp. 148-49,"Wildis saidto havebeenresponsible for all the interiorplanningand structural arrangements, Inthishe workon thedecoration. andhadhopedforfurther He seems to have plannedno was largelydisappointed. on the upperfloors andinternalcommunication corridors, abovethe levelof the lecturetheatrewas effectedby three covered galleries which were somewhatprecariously out fromthe walls,buton differentlevelsfrom bracketed
LEGATIONS AND GARDENS, SAHIBS AND THEIR SUBALTERNS
64 65
66 67
the mainfloors.This addedto the confusionof the very oddly planned interior.In fact, one has the distinct impressionaftera rambleroundthatthe designersof the elevations,staircase,andfloorlevelsat no time consulted with one another." Dorey,op.cit.,also suggeststhatWild was dissatisfied withthewayhis designhadbeenchanged, and attributesto him the commentaboutthe Science Schools that they "turnedmy palazzo into a facade corridor". Criticismof Cole andFowke'shighhandedness had been voiced fromthe early 1860s,often by the Art Journal,which describedSouthKensingtonMuseumin 1868as "theprison-house" (p. 38). Crinson,op.cit.,pp. 190-93. Ibid.,p. 193. FO 925/3010.Theseare signedby Wildand datedJune 1869. Pp. 223-46. OwenJones'ssourcefor the Persiansection appears to have been a Persian pattern book in House,and laterin the SouthKensington Marlborough
69
Ibid., pp. 97-98. This building has been recently restored,
haveonceagain andJones'sceilingsandinteriorornament attracted considerable attention: Dan Cruickshank, "Exercisein Ornament",Architects Journal, CLXXXIX (9
March1989),pp. 24-29, andibid.,CXCIII(5 June1991), Nightsin the Mall", pp. 24-27; JohnComforth,"Arabian CountryLife,CLXXXIII(18 May 1989),pp. 246-49. At thistime,in 1861,Jonesalsodesigneda domedpavilionfor ithas theKhediveSa'IdPdsha'spalacecomplexatGazirah; been describedas a "Moorishfantasy",based on the which as werethewall andceilingdecorations Alhambra, he designedforthemainpalaceitself(Crinson,op.cit.,pp. 176-77). 70
Darby,op.cit., pp. 31 and 139; CambridgeUniversity Library, Joseph Bonomi archive, Add MSS 9389/2/C/185-91,seven lettersfrom Coste to Bonomi betweenCosteandOwenJones's illustrate theconnections circle,especiallyCoste'sletterof 20 April1867,wherehe commentedon Bonomi's showing his recent book,
Museum, and unspecified illustrated manuscriptsat the
Monuments modernes de la Perse (Paris, 1867), to the
BritishMuseum.In general,Jones thoughtthat Persian decoration was "amuchless purestyleof omament"than whathe calledArabianor Moresque,as reallife subjects andanimalmotifsweremixedwithpuredecoration, buthe did praisethe patternbook, the pure designsof which "exhibitmuchelegance,andthereis greatsimplicityand
prominentEnglisharchitectsSydneySmirkeandThomas Donaldson,bothof whomhadvisitedthe Parisexhibition andmetCoste.A copyof thisvolumehadalsobeensentto theRIBA. 7' Ibid., pp. 52-55, 142. 72
ingenuity, displayed in the conventional rendering of
naturalflowers"(p. 225). Wild's contributionto this seminalwork was his Cairo drawings,as well as his unrivalled knowledge of the traditionalarchitectureand
decoration of the region. This was handsomely acknowledged by Jonesinhis foreword, p. 2, wherehe said that Wild's "long residence in Cairo having affordedhim
the opportunityof forminga very large collectionof CaireanOrnament, of whichthe portioncontainedin this workcangive butan imperfectidea,andwhichI trusthe may some day be encouragedto publishin a complete form".EdwardStanley Poole in his appendixon "Arabian
in the fifth edition of EdwardLane, An architecture" Account of the Manners and Customs of the Modern
(London,1871),2 vols.,aswell as StanleyLaneEgyptians Poole, TheArt of the Saracens in Egypt(London, 1886), p.
of the Islamic x, also praisedhis expertunderstanding architecture of Cairo. 6
227
Darby, op.cit., pp. 94-95. In The Grammarof Ornament, Jones had acknowledgedthe "considerablegrandeurin the main features" of Persian decoration and it was these "higher qualities of Orientalgorgeousness in colour and design"thathe wantedto reproduce.
73
James Fergusson, A History of Architecture in All Countries,from the Earliest Times to the Present Day (London, 1865), vol. I, pp. 171-85, II, pp. 421-44.
hadworkedin India,visitedit severaltimes,and, Fergusson hadwrittenextensivelyabout his amongst prolificinterests, architectural itsdifferent styles.Heneverwentto Persiaand inhisbookon andtheillustrations reliedforhis information Pascal Coste. For example,it was on Coste and his of theMaidan-iShahin Isfahanthathe basedhis illustration commenton this "sceneof gorgeous,thoughit may be somewhatbarbarous splendouralmostunequalledin the wholeworld"(Crinson,op.cit.,p. 43). At severalpointsin his variedcareer,his concernsoverlappedwith those of OwenJones'scircle. Piersonhad arrivedin Londonby early June and was stayingat 117 JermynStreetand laterat 14 St. James's Square.Alisonhadaddressesin SomersetStreet(Portman Square)and at 15 ConnaughtStreet.Layardhad been of appointedby Gladstonein 1868 as firstcommissioner Public Works,and he had made JamesFergussonhis andlateraninspector, duringthefew monthsthat secretary, he heldthisposition.InMarch1869he married,andlived at 21 GraftonStreetin thatsummerwhenbothAlisonand Piersonwerein London.He hadalreadycomeacrossWild
228
JOURNAL OF PERSIAN STUDIES
in the contextof the designsforthe Alexandria consulate. Early in Octoberhe was suddenlymoved from his
79
Mughaltc1ar,notablyin theworkof WilliamHodgesand the two Daniells,Thomasand William,as well as in Fergusson,op.cit.,vol. II, p. 698, wherethereare kiosks shownon Akbar'spalaceatAllahabad, basedon a drawing William Daniell.Well-knownPersianexampleswere by the 'Ali QdpOiat Isfahanand the Qasr-i Qtaj'r,both in Coste,op.cit.Ontopof thetwo towersof the illustrated
departmentaftera protracteddisputewith the Treasury,and appointedambassadorin Madrid. 74
75
After these reductions,Piersonthoughtthat it was "so modestandunambitious in extent"(FO249/52,Piersonto Works,9 June1871). Thewall,erectedunderMurdochSmith'ssupervision and at a heightof 13 feet duringPierson'sabsencein London builtof duringthe summerof 1869, was "'substantially with a foundation rubble of sundriedbricks, masonry,the plinth,cornice,and pilastersbeingkiln burntbricksand mortar"(FO 249/52, Piersonto Works,7 July 1870). Earlierin his correspondence withWild,he hadbeenmore critical:"Itis quitein the badmodemPersianstyle,built with mud, and faced with white brickniches ..." (ibid., 10 January1870). But it did have attractivedouble interlacing
76
77
Shams al-'Imarathere were also two wide-eaved kiosks. 80
81
archeson the outsidealongthe east front,seen in several in one of whichis reproduced contemporary photographs, Denis Wright,op.cit.,oppositep. 92. On the othersides thereweresinglearches,10 feetwide. RIBA143AZ1/67.Thisis theonlyone of Wild'ssketches for the fagades of the Legation building which has survived.The workingdrawingsand detailed apparently plansof theResidenceweresentoutto Tehranbutit is not knownwhathappenedto themor to thosekeptwith Wild andtheBoardof Works.At sometime,certainlyinthe late 1920s,therewereothersketchesstillkeptat theOffice(or Board)of Works,as Summerson, op.cit.,p. 59, refersto a domedbath-house" drawingof"a charming keptthere,but thenaddsincorrectly thatit was neverbuilt. Manyof the mediaevalmosquesandtombswhich Wild
the Orient: Architectureof Islam at Nineteenth-Century WorldsFairs (Berkeley,etc., 1992), p. 121, and fig. 79). 7"
Windtowershadbeenillustrated by theFrenchartistJules Laurensin XavierHommaire et de Hell,Voyageen Turquie en Perse(Paris,1854-60),atlasvol..pl. 64.
Summerson,op.cit.,p. 59, commentedon the "marked absenceof spontaneity", the lack of the earlierintense vitalityin Wild'slaterwork,and Darby,op.cit.,p. 123, and thoughtthe TehranLegation"muchless picturesque" comparedit to EdwardBlore's Aloupkapalace in the Crimea.ButWild'sstrongestandmostpersuasive advocate hasbeenCrinson,op.cit.,pp.97, 194. Pierson left London around 24 September,but then was
delayed for three weeks on the Caspianroute as his baggage had gone astray. He did not reach Tehranuntil November, and was disappointed to find that no more detailed plans were awaiting him. These eventually came by early January1870. However, the first reactionsto the sketch were very favourable: "The design for the new Legationhas been exceedingly admiredhere"(FO 249/52, Pierson to Wild, 12 January 1870). As none of these working plans appearto have survived, it is impossible to be certainexactly what they comprised,but most probably
had studied in Cairo had circular windows or external
medallions.The latterhe used extensivelyto createan integratedsurfacedecorationat St. Mark's,and now, conversely,in thissecularbuildinghe addeda longrowof smallclerestoryopeningson the southandnorthfacades. These also had a resonancewith contemporary Qajar In the Arg complexin Tehranitselfno more fenestration. thana yearor two earlier,1284/1867-68,the Shamsal'Imirahad been completedand it had a row of extemal medallions,a featurereplicatedin thenextroyalpalaceto be built,'Ishratibad, andalsoseeninthePersianpavilionat theParisexhibitionof 1878(see Zeynep(elik, Displaying
There were several sources for this kind of wide-eaved
82
83
there were sections, plans and elevations for the Residence,its main buildingand the Minister'sprivate the anddrawingsfortheironroof,thecampanile, quarters, kiosk,andtheTurkishbath.Thereis no evidencethatWild was responsiblefor any of the other buildingsin the compound,apartfrom the gatehouse.The secretaries' storesandstablesweredesigned houses,thestaffquarters, by Pierson,who clearlystatedthat the otherEuropean houseshadbeenbuiltin keepingwithWild'sdesignforthe Minister'squarters(FO 249/52, Piersonto Wild,20 July 1870). Ibid., Piersonto Hamilton,15 June 1869. Piersondid. however,realisethat"themerefactof suchextensiveworks (forPersia)beingin progresswilltendno doubtto increase the difficultyof obtaininglabourandthe costof materials in Teheran". Ibid., Piersonto Works, 16 October 1871.
8 Ibid.,Piersonto Works,20 July1870:"Thenativeartizans are rapidly being trained to correct and careful
we aregainingenablesus andtheexperience workmanship, to check more and more the speculations and dishonesty rampantamongst Persiansof every class and trade."
LEGATIONSAND GARDENS, SAHIBS AND THEIR SUBALTERNS
85
229
was estimatedat ?5 for 10%of this amount.Its transport Ustaid'Ali Akbar'srole was describedin laterLegation eachton,makinga totalof ?325. documentsasbeing"thebuilderof theLegationbuildings". 95 FO249/52,Piersonto Wild,14December1869.Inthisfirst 86 Thedetailsof thebrickcontract arefoundinFO 249/52,10 thatthe Piersoncomplained 26 letterafterhisarrivalinTehran, May 1870 and May 1870, where Piersongives the namesof the principalcontractors, the numbersof bricks recent post from London "... to my great disappointment required,andthe muleteersresponsiblefor the transport. broughtme none of the workingplansfromyou - nor from the Boardof 'All I receivedany communication have 'All, Akbar, Muhammad, Sayyid Karbalk'i Karbali'i of the J5ni had and Works undertaken Mihdi, acknowledging receipt the designs and Aqda HajiIsm'ill Karbal5ii to supply500,000 best white bricks(at 40 tumansper specificationsfor the iron roof. I do trustthat you will withoutfurther to havethemdispatched redbricks(at30 tumansper1000), 1000),500,000partially kindlyendeavour and 100,000redbricks(at 17.5 tumansper 1000).There delay."He thoughtthatif he had the necessaryplanshe eventhoughit was were 17 muleteers, with534 mulesor donkeys. wouldbe ableto layallthefoundations, 87 FO winter.He ended with what would become a familiar 249/52,Piersonto Works,10 May 1870. refrain:"Pleasesendme out all thatareready,even if the 88 ~irzZi'Isi Vazirwas often the objectof the Legation's whetherin respectof the watersupplyof the whole set be not quitecomplete.Againhopingthatyou complaints, newsiteorthesaleof theoldLegation.Itis difficulttojudge havenotforgottenme in thismatter." wherethe truthlay in thesecomplexnegotiations. AddMSS 9389, Wildto Bonomi,21 October1871:"Iam On this occasion,Piersonadded:"I feel it my dutyto protest,even workingatpresentat homefortheMuseumandnotin my at the cost, it may be, of ratheroutspokenplainspeaking old room,whichis now invadedby peopleconnectedwith Pierson to 31 the International Exhibitions,so thatI couldnot convenAlison, May1870). (FO249/52, language" 89 Disasterwas narrowlyavertedwhen one of the pulleys ientlymeetyouthereexceptby expressappointment." brokeandthe clockmechanism,weighing5 cwt.,crashed 97 Wild'sfees, as recordedin FO 249/52,were as follows: to thegroundas it was beinghoistedintoposition. ?57.11.6(12 January1870);?101.4.0,afterdeductionof Tehran. in incometax (6 December1870);?110 (April Hasan Muhammad to archives, ?1.14.0 'o Mahdavi Haj Ha-j Abu '1Qasim,6 Sha'ban1287/1November1870(as cited 1871); ?30.19.6 (21 June 1871). It was noted that the 49 dayswork,andso it can be in Shireen Mahdavi, For God, Mammon and Country:a secondentryrepresented Nineteenth Century Persian Merchant, Haj Muhammad deduced that Wild's rate for freelance work was HassanAminal-Zarb(Boulder,1999),p. 64). By 10 days ?2 perdiem. approximately 98 Works10/34,8, Wildto Works,17 September 1872.On later,theepidemichadsubsided. '' FromOctober1871 Amin 1873 andleft well into lasted illness Wild's letters to his this occasion agents al-Zarb's so much "I been have work: of to the situation in Tehran. with a him testify deteriorating By February long backlog arrear business hinderedlatelywithpressing (in 1872,as manyas 300 weredyingeachdayfromstarvation owingto and disease.I am gratefulto Dr. AsgharMahdavifor my long illness)thatI have hardlyknownwhichway to to seetheseregistersfromtheMahdaviarchives turnbutI havenotneglectedtheTehran (ibid.,21 building" permission andforhelpingme to readandinterpret theseletters. March1873). 92- FO 249/52, Piersonto Works,16 August 1871. In fact , FO249/52,Piersonto Works,9 June1871,andPiersonto at this in had been raised an date,wages Wild,21 June1871;Works10/34,4.Piersonto Works,31 already attemptto increasethe workmen'sproductivity(FO 60/396, W.J. May 1872: "... in order to avoid possible confusion and Dicksonto Alison,14 August1871).Piersonthoughtthat mistakesI have ceasedto corresponddirectlywith that the productive workrateof the Englishlabourer was four gentlemanon mattersconnectedwiththebuildings..." timesthatof his Persianequivalent, andsincehe was paid '10 FO249/52,Piersonto Works,8 November1870,in which that"iftheRoofcouldhavebeen he citedWild'scomplaint four times as much, overall labourcosts were comparable. put at once into the handsof any respectablefirm such 93 Ibid.,Piersonto Works,16 October 1871: "... if the famine extrememinutiaewouldnot havebeennecessary,butthe continues,andthe plaguespreads,the existenceof Persia henceeverytrifle Boardof Worksinsiston a competition, itselfas a countrywill be compromised, andthequestionof of storesfortheMissionBuildingswill haveto hasto be drawnandspecified." thecarriage be considered on othergroundsthanits cost." o10'FO 249/52,Piersonto Works,10 December1872:"I may thatmy presentconnectionwith be excusedforremarking 4 FO249/52,Piersonto Works,15June1869.Theroofalone cost over?1,200,not includingDempsey'sfee of exactly thesebuildingsis one thatentailsuponme muchtrouble
230
JOURNALOF PERSIAN STUDIES
andresponsibility withoutanyexpectation of recognition or of my endeavour to be of service..." acknowledgement 102 FO 249/52,Piersonto Wild,12 January1870 103 FO249/52,Piersonto Wild,20 July1870.Confident inhis taste and Pierson was well own ability, generally pleased withthe resultsof his changes:"Thebathis now fmished, and vaulted in, the windows with brick pillars and mouldingsarea grandsuccess..." 10 FO249/52,Piersonto Works,31 May1872.Thekioskand bathhousewere firstpaintedred,butPiersonthoughtthat theeffectwas unsatisfactory, andwantedthemgilded. 105 FO249/52,Pierson to Wild,8 November1870. 106 Ibid.,Piersonto Works,29 January1873: "MrWild is mistakenin supposingthatanyalterations havebeenmade in his designsfortheserooms,thegeneraldimensionsand thepositionsandfireplacesareexactlythoseshownin the originalplans". 107 FO 249/52, Piersonto Wild, 12 January1870, and also Piersonto Alison, 28 February1871, where he again explainedhis decision:"Inrejectingthe Persianmethodof decorationI was chieflyguidedby the consideration that withthe limitedsumof moneyat my disposalI couldnot of theroomsin attemptto rivaltheexquisiteornamentation any Persianpalace,whereasthe novelty of handsome rooms in the Europeanstyle would probablyprove a success at a far less expense.The same consideration shouldI thinkholdgoodwithregardto thecarpets.Persian carpetsareexceedinglyhandsomebutwell chosenEnglish carpetswouldbe farless expensive,andmoreeffective."1 to Works,16October1871:"ThePersiansare 108 Ibid.,Pierson exceedinglyskilfulinworkingplaster- it is theonething they do well. All the cornicesandmouldings,architraves rounddoors,mouldingsdividingthe ceilingsinto panels no difficultyin execution,if working etc.,presenttherefore drawingsbe sentout.I shouldsay indeedthatthe designs for these shouldaim at greaterrichnessin detailthanis shown in the tracings;the increasedcost would be but the following trifling".It was a topicto whichhe returned in his Memorandum of 31 1872: year May "I trustthatI be while on the to may permitted, subject,to call attention the importance thatattachesto the decoration of roomsin theOrientalmind.A certaindegreeof magnificence would no doubt be consideredby the Persians as greatly at Tehran" enhancingthe dignityof HM'sRepresentative 31 May 1872). (ibid.,Pierson'smemorandum, 24 December1872.Wild '09 Works10/34,8, Wildto Works, alsogavea generalindicationforthecolouringandgilding of theceiling,withthefoliagegiltandthebackground plain colours.
FO249/52, Piersonto Works,10 December1872:"This work is comparatively cheap in Persia,and it can be well executed by thenativeartisans.Thevault exceedingly andwalls of the centralhall is now beingdecoratedwith Arabesquework, from designsselectedand adaptedby satisfactory." myself,andtheresultis undoubtedly l Works10/34,8, Wildto Works,29 March1873:"Iamvery sorrythat I am not able to send you the drawingsand estimatespromisedforthesebuildings.I amnow(andhave beenforsometimepast)exclusivelyoccupieduponthem, of the but they require(fromthe peculiarcircumstances case)moretimethanI hadreckonedupon."He hopedto havethemallreadyin a fortnight's time. 112 FO 249/52,Piersonto Thomson,12 August1873:"Ihave everyreasonto be satisfiedwiththe modelsanddrawings sent for the decorationof the ceilings,andthey arenow beingcarriedoutin a veryeffectivemanner." of the Treasury, 3 April 113 FO 249/ 52, Piersonto Secretary of 31 May 1872,Piersonsaid 1871.In his memorandum thatthe majorityof thetreesweresycamore,by whichhe no doubtmeantthe orientalplaneor chenar(FO 249/52, Piersonto Works,31 May1872),andthefollowingyearhe told the Board of Worksthat "a competentGennrman wasengagedanda largenumberof cypresses,firs, gardener vines,etc.havebeenplanted" willows,acacias,evergreens, 29 January1873).The Pierson to 4, Works, 10/34, (Works costwas no morethan?150. 114 The described firstreactionshadbeenhighlyfavourable, by Pierson in these terms: "Mr Thomson, the Charg6 d'affaires,and the othergentlemenof the Mission,have withthe repeatedly expressedto me theirgreatsatisfaction for them accommodation in their new quarters" provided (FO249/52,Piersonto Works,10 December1872). 115 Eventually thesewereconcluded10 yearslater,in January 1882,whenthemainsiteon thenorthernsideof the street was soldto MirzaMihdiKhanfor?3,738,andtheoriental old housewas givento NasrallihKhan,one of secretary's fromwhomthegreater theheirsof theZanbirakchi-bashi, had been confiscated of the by Fath'All Shdh part property in 1811. 116 This portrait of the youngQueenVictoria,paintedby Sir GeorgeHayter,was one of the few items which were fromtheBlgh-iIlchitothenewLegation. Another transferred of Fath'All Shah,paintedby Ahlmadin c. was the portrait byNlsiral-DinShah 1813,andpossiblygiventotheLegation listedin aninventory inthelate1850s.Mostof thefiumiture, as "Indian", of 28 June1871(Works10/34,6),wasdescribed whichPierson madefromtheBombayblackwood probably too. forthenewfurniture hadatfirstrecommended
110
LEGATIONSAND GARDENS, SAHIBS AND THEIR SUBALTERNS
117Works10/34,8, Wildto Works,16 April1873.
the I8 Ibid. At an early stage, Piersonhad recommended in the room to have washable and panels dining paper, the smallerdiningroom and both drawingrooms to have "enrichedpaper"(FO 249/52, Pierson to Works, 16 October1871). A year laterhe thoughtthat the larger drawingroom shouldalso have washablepaperon the panelsbetweenthe mirrors,but eventuallyit was agreed thatpaintandplasterwouldbe moresuitable. 119FO249/52,Piersonto charg6d'affaires,14 August1873. 120 Work 10/34,8, Wildto Thomson,13 March1874.It was aboutthistimethatWildandPierson,nowatChatham, met anddiscussedwaysof double-glazing thenorthern corridor of theResidenceandenrichingtheplasterof its ceiling. 121 CasparClarkewas born in 1846, the son of Edward Marmaduke Clarke,who in the early1850shadfinanced the buildingof the RoyalPanopticonin LeicesterSquare, for scientificexhibitionsandforpromoting "aninstitution discoveriesin arts and manufactures", which in 1856 Itsarchitect, becametheAlhambra. ThomasHayterLewis, had builtit in an "Egypto-Saracenic" style, usingmotifs fromCairomosquesandminarets in itsexternaldecoration. CasparClarkestudiedas an architectat the NationalArt TrainingSchools at South Kensingtonand has been describedas Wild's"immediate assistant" (Burton,op.cit., the p. 119, quoting Magazineof Art, XV (1891-92), p. 105). 122 FO 249/52, Pierson to Secretaryof the Treasury,6 December1870,wherethereis a reference,crossedout,to "Mr Clarke's bill for Draughtsman'stime". In the
threeanda half feet, or a cheaper,thickerwalnut,for 32 shillings.Gas lightinghad recentlybeen installedin the who house of MahmildKhainNasiral-MulkQaraguzlA, hadbeenthe Persianministerin Londonfor two yearsin 1862-64 andwas subsequently deputyministerof war.It wasthoughtto be a greatsuccess.Clarkeat firstsuggested and withchandeliers, thatit mightbe usedin conjunction laterhe recommended Argandlamps. 125 FO249/52,Piersonto Works,16 October1871. 126 FO60/396,Thomson to Clarke,13April1876.Thismight to subsidence,butClarkeblamedit havebeenattributable on poorconstruction. 127 FO60/396,Thomson to Clarke,21 February 1876.Hewas the on a South,the considering"constructing gateway on the the Square, Buildingopening principalfrontof whichby the titledeedsis reservedas an entranceto the MissionPremises,exactlysimilarto the one on the East side". 128 FO60/396,Clarketo Thomson,10 March1876. 129 FO60/396,Thomson to Clarke,21 February1876. 130 FO 249/52,Piersonto Secretaryof Treasury,11 October 1870. Piersonwas alludingto Mustauftal-Mamilik's at Bihjatibad. palace,in theprocessof construction 31 May 1872.The iron 131 Ibid.,Piersonto Boardof Works, severewinterof roofhadstoodupwellto theexceptionally small one with leak,thoughits guttershad 1871-72, only to cope with the suddenthaw.By the provedinadequate spring of 1874 it had shown more serious structural 132
Dictionary of National Biography: Supplement 1901-11
(London,1912),pp. 365-66, it is saidthatClarkehadalso been involved in decorative work on St. Mark's, in 1872,moreparticularly on thewindows,an Alexandria, "Arabstyleof lights,perforated plasterwith stainedglass backing". 123 Works10/34,6, Clarketo Works, 2 October1874.Aftera list of furnitureneeded,he added:"Verygood furniture afterFrenchdesignsis madehereby the principalcabinet makerin Tehran(HyderAli);he was sometimein Parisand has chargeof a completeset of European tools,his prices areveryhighandthesamedesignswouldbe foundin other houses here, this H.Exc. the Minister considers objectionable ... there are in Tehrantwo good working
(fromParis)who couldbe employedto finish upholsterers thework". 124 Works10/34,6, Clarketo Works,2 October1874.There were at least two kindsof parquetflooringavailable,a satinwoodinlay,oneinchthick,whichcost?4 persquareof
231
damage. Thisclaimis madein thedraftof anarticlebasedon a talk of Nasiral-DinShih's Palace entitled"TheArchitecture on The attheconference Bakhtiar Towers", givenby Kaveh Qajar Epoch: Arts and Architecture,held at the Brunei
133
Gallery,SOAS,in September1999. Amongstthe many travellers'descriptionsof their first impressionsin the last two decadesof the 19thcentury, those by Edward Stack, Six Months in Persia (London,
1882)vol. H, p. 161, Curzon,op.cit.,vol. I, pp. 310-11, Isabella Bird, Journeys in Persia and Kurdistan(London,
1891), vol. I, pp. 180-81, 188, and GertrudeBell, The Earlier Letters of GertrudeBell (London, 1937), ed. Elsa
Richmond, pp.266-67, areperhapsthemostevocative. 134
Curzon,op.cit., vol. I, p. 311.
135 AlbertHoutum-Schindler addedthesenamesin Englishon
to his copyofNajmal-Daula'smapofTehran,lithographed in April 1892. It is now keptin the RoyalGeographical Society. 136 The Imperial Banktook overthisbuildingfromthe New in 1888.It was rentedfrom OrientalBankingCorporation
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the ministerof PostandCustoms,Mirz i 'All Khn Amin al-Daula. 137The old EnglishTelegraphOffice,as Houtum-Schindler describedit on his map,was in a smallkfichehbetween L5lazdrand Khiyaban-i'Ala' al-Daula, on property belongingto Aminal-Sultfin,whose latertitle of Atibak has survivedin the presentnameof the kficheh.In 1887it moved to this new site, much closer to the heart of government. 138
In the entry on Pierson in the Dictionary of National
142
An accountof Clarke'slatercareercan be foundin the Dictionary of National Biography: Supplement1901-11,
role in establishing the pp. 365-66, andfor his important SouthKensingtonMuseum'scollectionof Indianart,see RobertSkelton,"The IndianCollections,1798-1978", Burlington Magazine,vol.CXX(May,1978),pp.297-304, Burton,op.cit.,pp. 118-20, 137-38, and SusanStronge, "CollectingMughal Art at the Victoria and Albert Museum",in DiscoveringIslamicArt:Scholars, Collectors and Collections, 1850-1950 (London, 2000), ed. Stephen
Vernoit,pp. 85-95. Biography,op.cit.,writtenby ColonelRobertHamilton Vetch,whoknewPiersonandhiswidowwell, it is claimed 143Wild'splansforthese,whichincludeda students'room,a that"healsodesigned,attheShah'srequest,somebeautiful new gallery,a small groundfloor room, and basement arekeptin the Libraryat the SirJohnSoane's alterations, plans for public offices in Jekran(sic.), sketchingand out detail himself'. Museum. He alsodesigneda pavilionforthesquaregarden is this meant working every Clearlyby a government in in Lincoln Inn's Tehran rare the error Fields;it has been muchchangedin the (a building by DNB butit is not knownto which courseof the subsequentcentury,and is now a popular typesetterandproof-reader), thismightrefer,or indeedwhetherit was everbuilt.From shelterforthehomeless.Itstiledmosaicfloorhasrecently the mid-1860sto the early1870s,the yearswhen Pierson beenuncoveredduringrestoration work.A patternbook, was in Tehran,therewas a majorbuildingprogramme whichbelongedto him,suggeststhathe keptuphis interest initiatedby N.sir al-DinShfih,bothwithin,andoutside,the in Persiandecoration,as he had copied pages from a PersianQur'anof 777 AH andsomeSafavidcalligraphy. Arg. 144 A memorialplaqueis in Cheltenham Itis alsoquitetypicalof Wildthathe is theonlydirectorof '39 Collegechapel,with this descriptionof his qualities:"Giftedwith variedand doesnothang theSirJohnSoane'sMuseumwhoseportrait or sketchof himhas there.Indeed,no portrait, splendidtalents,successfulin works of great national photograph importance,he was most distinguishedby 'soldier-like, yetbeenlocated. devotion to his is implicitin CasparClarke'sobituary, his list Another of self-denying duty'." 145 Thissenseof failure is at in he refersto Wild's"collectingin his when qualities given length Vibart,op.cit.,pp.643-46,and op.cit.,p. 276, thereis anobituaryin the TheCheltonian notebooksa massof delicatelydrawndetailswhichmore (July,1881). '- Afterhis returnfromEgypt,Bonomiremainedclose to properlyreflect the ideal he sought than any of his Wild and Owen Jones'scircle of friends.In 1853, for worksexemplified". subsequent he Jones with 146 TheSecond WorldWar(London, 1951), the the court at Churchill, Winston example, helped Egyptian In Palace. 1861 he became cited in of theEmbassyCompound Sir as director the John and of "TheCentenary Crystal Soane'sMuseum,wherehe remaineduntil his deathin in 5. Two H.E. Ambassador'sResidence Tehran",p. March1878. plaques in the main dining room commemoratethis in theunpublished occasion. '•' A description diaryof LadySchonfield of the Wildmenagein 1886:"Mrs 147 Therestoration was supervised givesa briefimpression by theEstatesGroupof the Wild(thecurator'swife) is a curiouscreature.Mrs(Wild) FCOandthe actualworkwas carriedout by Dr Mostafa andthe two girls in white cambricvery presentableand Itwas decidedto reversewhatwerebelieved Mohammadi. but not the be the of to friendly, quite tip-topthing the collection originalcoloursof maroonandwhite,withthe All verygrimyandoldresultthattheoveralleffectis less sombrethantheoriginal 'friends'wasmostextraordinary... trials. seemedto be in theexperimental combination fashioned, and with a fine drain sense permeating 194. Crinson, everything."I am grateful to Helen Dorey for this p. op.cit., 48 reference. '" Sitwell, op.cit., p. 18.
THE POET-LAUREATEBAHAR IN THE CONSTITUTIONALERA' By HomaKatouzian Faculty of OrientalStudies, Universityof Oxford
Bahrris generallyregardedas the lastdistinguished poet writingwithin the structureof classicalPersian prosody,althoughmuchof his living poetryis freshly modemin content,use of wordsandfiguresof speech. Era, Apartfromthat,he was activein the Constitutional 1905-25,as ajoumalistandMajlisdeputy.Inthispaper it will be arguedthat,in politics,he was distinguished by his habitualmoderation,his open oppositionto chaos, his non-sentimentalist approachto popularand constitutional politics; and his belief in strong governmentso long as it workedwithinthe spiritof the constitution.
twenty,praisedhim in a qasidaat the sametime as he mournedhis death.6And when, shortlyafterwardshis son Muhammad'Ali succeededhim, he wroteanother qasida, lamentingthe departureof the former and greetingthe accessionof the latter.7As is well known, the celebrationsdidnot lastlong, andthe clashof Shah and Majlis,the intransigenceof the radicalsof both sides, andthe inabilityof moderatepoliticiansto forge a lastingcompromise,resultedin the assassinationof Atabakandthe attempton the Shah'slife, followedby the 1908 coup and the restoration of arbitrary Baharwrotethatat thistime: government.8 torevolutionary andI...belonged groups, Mycomrades underthe thenewspaper andwe published Khuriskiin Andmy [foritseditor]of Ra'isal-Tullab. pseudonym firstliteraryworksin the serviceof freedomwere inthatnewspaper." published
THE YOUNGREVOLUTIONARY POET In August1906whenMuzaffaral-DinShahsigned the royal command (farman) for constitutional government,2 Baharwas nineteenyearsold.3The year before,his father,the Poet-Laureate Saburi,had died, and he had been given his post andtitle,which,as he says, was bothan officialpost anda formalpositionin the service of the ImamRirz's shrinein Mashhad.4 Afterthat,he was knownas "thepoet-laureate" (malik al-shu'ara),even though,fromthe very beginning,his takhallusor nom de poesie was Bahar.In lateryears, when he was a Majlis deputy,he was referredto as Malikal-Shu'ara, andforalmostallhis adultlife he was knownin privatecirclesas Malik,5despitehis formal assumption of the surname Bahar, when official surnamesbecamecompulsoryin the nineteen-twenties. Indeed, it is only since his death that he has been generallyknown as Bahtr. The point is worthy of emphasisbecausequite a few othersin his time had literary titles, including his contemporaryfellow Amiral-Shu'ardNddiri.The reasonfor the Khurasani, persistentuse of his title was bothbecausehe excelled in the artof poetryand becausehe quicklybecamea notablepublicfigure. The Shahsignedthe constitutionin December1906 anddied in January1907.The youngpoet,just turned
Khan But it was in 1909, duringa visit by Khurasan branch of that the the .Haydar to Mashhad, AmighlO Democratpartywas foundedandBaharwas electedto its leadershipcommittee.'0 hereneedssome Bahar'suse of the term"freedom" explanation, because modem concepts of liberty, adapted as they were from Europeansocial and intellectual developments, had certain specific meaningsin the ConstitutionalMovement.The term was, at first, invariablyapplied to all izAzdi-khvcah constitutionalists,perhaps especially to the more popularand/oridealistandradicalamongthem.Thus, when AhmadKasraviwrote in 1922, "We all know he meant Mushir al-Dawlato be an .•addi-khvah", as this term "liberal" mean It did not that." precisely in Europeat or beforethattime. was understood The main concern of Iranian reformers and of the 19th and early 20th centuries constitutionalists was the abolitionof arbitraryrule (istibdid) and the establishmentof governmentbasedon law. They saw law, first,as responsibleand orderlygovernment,and later,as freedom.It would makeprivatepropertysafe
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234
and powerful, official positions less insecure and more responsible, and life and limb less in dangerof arbitrary violation. Classical liberalismhad aimed at limiting the law and the extent of state intervention; the constitutionalistswished to abolish arbitrarygovernment and establish the rule of law. The Iranian reformers' concept of liberty was thereforefirst and foremost law itself. Any individual freedoms would not be possible outside a legal framework,whether in Europe or Iran. But the absence of any such framework in Iranian society made it obvious that,withoutlaw, therewould be no freedom at all, except that which might be given and taken away arbitrarily,and as a privilege. Thus by law, the emphasising the importance of Constitutionalistswere demanding a freedom that, in various ways, had existed in Europe since its classical foundations.It was the freedomfrom arbitraryrule (from istibda&),a negative concept in form, but a positive one in substance,since it implied the right to a secure life.12 For it was throughlaw as freedom - i.e. as the rightto a secure and predictable life - that other freedoms, which they also listed and advocated,could be pursued. It was not the removal of existing legal restraints,as in classical Europeanliberalism,but the creationof a legal frameworkthroughwhich it was possible to legislate for personal freedoms.'3 Hence Bahar's first poem in response to the declaration of the constitutional governmentended with the following distich: Hopethekingdomto flourishforever of law.'4 Uponthisauspiciousfoundation Even as late as the early nineteen-twenties,when both law and liberty had lost much of their appeal as panaceas for peace and progress,the poet andjournalist FarrukhiYazdi defined in a quatrainfreedom as law: Sincelawis thecauseof ourliberty, Weshallsurviveas longas thereis law A peoplewill neverbe lost Ina landwhichis ruledby law.'5But, as we shall see below, the concept of liberty as law increasingly gave way to that of liberty as licence, and that was the main reason behind the 1921 coup, a few years after which chaos as well as constitutionalism ended for more than a decade. Back in 1908, when, in the darkdays of"The Lesser ArbitraryRule" (istibdadi saghir), there was fear of the entire Movement being
crushed by forces of reaction, Bahar,like other leading young intellectualsof the Movement, was campaigning largely through his pen for the restoration of constitutional government. His most famous poem of the time is the qasida-yi mustaczd,beginning with: is uniqueto himself. Themazhabof theShihansh~ih Only God could save the country'6
Meanwhile, the long and heroic resistancein Tabrizand the liberation of Azerbaijan by constitutionalistforces heartenedtheir comrades elsewhere in the country,and Bahar greeted the event with a musammat,glorifying the resistance and its leaders, Bejoyful,forSattirKhin'sluckhastumed. SattdrKhin'svictorybecametalkof theworld..." Not long afterwards,Tehranfell to the combined forces of the Bakhtiyliris led by their khans, the forces of Gilan and Mazandaranled by Sipahdar (Muhammad Vali Khan Tunukabuni,shortly to be furtherhonoured by the title of Sipahsalar), and the Mujahidin from Azerbaijanand elsewhere. This great victory prompted Bahar to write celebratory poems, all of which he recited in the festivities in Mashhad to celebrate the historic event. By far the longest and most powerful is the qasida, after one by Farrukhi Si~ttni, which, a thousand years before, the latterhad written in honour of MahmOdof Ghazna's most spectacularcampaign in India, the conquest of Somnath. It is entitled, "The Conquest of Conquests": fornow inthisland Do nottellthestoryof Alexander, "Thestoryof Alexanderis anold,bygone,legend"'8 It was shortly afterwardsthatBahdrbegan to publishthe journal Nawbah&rin line with the Democrat Party.The otherconstitutionalistgroupingwas called the Moderate Party. The parties had acted in concert in defence of constitutionalismduring the Lesser ArbitraryRule. Yet the victory celebrations were barely over when conflicts, which had not yet quite surfaced before the fall of Muhammad'Ali, quickly began to appearamong the victors. They led to the assassination of Sayyid 'Abdullth Bihbahani,the leading Tehranmujtahid,who had consistently supported the constitutionalistcause, an astute politician and the most influential figure associated with the Moderateparty.19
THE POET-LAUREATE BAHAR IN THE CONSTITUTIONAL ERA
CONFRONTATION AND CHAOS Bihbahatn'sassassinationwas the climax of interparty feuding at the time, althoughthe destructive conflictwas to continueandspreadfar,wide anddeep, until constitutionalismlost its appeal for the large majorityof the politicalpublic.Theybeganto attribute the revolutionwhichthey had madeor supportedto a British conspiracy,to describe Nasir al-Din Shah proudlyas the "MartyrShah",and to wish for the emergenceof a "strongman".Thepatternwas familiar frompastIranianhistorywheneverchaoshadfollowed the fall of an arbitrary state.A verse becamea telling to constitutionalism and to prescribe phrase denigrate what was needed to save the countryfrom rift and disintegration:"This land still needs the stick of arbitrary rule".2" Therewas a short-and a long-termbackgroundto this. The basic and persistentantagonismin Iranwas betweenstateandsocietyratherthanbetweenthe lower and upper classes, since, unlike Europe, the state (dawlat)was independentof all the social classes,that is, of the entire society (or millat).Therewere also conflictsbetweensocialclasses,butthesewereseen as partof the state-societyconflict,preciselybecausethe upperclassesdependedon the statefor theireconomic and social power and privilege.The fall of the state resulted in chaos, because there were no firmly establishedrulesof legitimacyfor succession.Thatis, sincealmostanyonecouldbecomerulerif he succeeded in capturingandmaintaining power,the fall of the state would create a power vacuum in which various aspirantsto supremepowerfoughtone anotherfor the succession.Thatis how the basicfunctionof absolute and arbitrary rulefor keepingthe peacewouldbe lost, and the people at large would face lawlessnessand plunder,not just by one, but by many centres of arbitrarypower, each trying to eliminateall of the others.21It was "thepoliticsof elimination".22 This time, too, although the arbitraryregime apparentlyhad been replacedby the rule of law, the resultwas in fact growingchaos, if only becauseold habits die hard. It is importantto note that, contraryto common belief, the chaos was not just nomadic, ethnic and regional; it existed right at the centre, in the Majlis, among the factions and parties, and within the ranks of the competing political magnates. Indeed, had there not been such rift and chaos in the very centre of politics, it is unlikely thatthose centrifugalforces would have been
235
released,or havebeeneffective,in the provinces.Forit is characteristic of the countrythat whoeverhas the centrealso hasthe periphery.23 BAHAR'SREACTIONTO DISCORD Bahdrwas one of the first to sense the dangerof discord,even beforethe onsetof the uncompromising Lesser ArbitraryRule. This was shortly after the accessionof Muhammad 'Ali,whenthe radicalsof both sides (including the Shah) refused to reach a compromisedespitethe effortsof moderatessuch as Bihbahini,Ndsiral-Mulk,Sani'al-Dawla,MukhbiralSaltana, Mustawfi al-Mamalik, etc. The war of eliminationled to the assassinationof Atabak,the attempton the Shah'slife and,finally,the Shah'scoup closedranks The constitutionalists againstthe Majlis.24 atthatpointuntiltheirvictoryof 1909anddepositionof the Shah,butrift,discord,disorderandchaosreturned shortlyafterwards.25 Verysignificantly,Baharhad protestedagainstthe first round of destructive conflict, including the assassinationof Atibak andthe attempton the Shah's life. It is difficultto believe that any otherDemocrat wouldhavefelt the sameabouttheseevents.Certainly, nonemadea publicstatementto thateffect.In a qasida entitledHarjva marj,he wrotein 1906: Shiihwenttodust, InoneeventMuzaffar was Inanother, inblood... Attibak drowned totrickery menresort Stupid thebloodof monarchs Bentonspilling (mulfik).26 Andhe protestedevenmoredesperatelyin a musammat whenriftandschismreturnedin 1910: wenotfromtheoutsetnottosowdivision? Agreed inmaking Werewenotunited unity? thatagreement? Whither thenthatpactandwhereto now have all yourminds? changed Why you a wordthatyourhomeis indanger Noneof youutters O patriotsbeware,thepatrieis in danger! Tryto savethepatrieforGod'ssake, StoptheriftandschismforGod'ssake, Destroytheenemy,instead,forGod'ssake O peopletryto helpforGod'ssake, Becausethissickandtiredlandis in danger O patriotsbeware,thepatrieis in danger!27
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Withina decade,constitutionalism, i.e. lawandfreedom va qdniin),cameto be knownto mostpeoplenot (i.adi as libertybut as licence.Eachtime they wishedto say thatsomeonehadachievedhis selfishandcorruptaims, they would cynicallysay that he had "madeit to his
Revolution.31 The analogyis a fairone in so far as the idealistshada majorsetbackon bothoccasions.But it mustbe furtherobservedthat,in bothcases,theidealists played an importantrole in bringingdisasterupon themselves.It mustalso be emphasisedthat,unlikethe constitutionalism(ba mashrat!a-ashrasid)". They even case in France,the conflict in Iranover the Russian describedincidentsof looting and plunderby saying ultimatumwas not a domestic matter,and so no This is mentionedby a domestic political force had engineered the "therewas constitutionalism". who himself It was Russianoppression,as well as the witnessedlawless "Thermidor". historian, contemporary behaviourfromclose quarters: emotionallychargedresponseto it, whichresultedin an unnecessarydomestic struggle entailing the worst Therewas loss of faithin constitutionalism and possibleoutcomeforthe country. alike.Indeed, The highly arrogantbehaviourof Russia and its the the constitutionalists among people, word"constitutionalism" cameto meankillingand occupyingforces in Iranwas flagrant,and againstall so that whenever of behaviourtowardsan independentcountry. norms and looting, anyonekilledanyone waslooted,theysaid"there was constitutThis, indeed, was the very reason behindthe great anywhere ionalism"(mashrfiia emotionaloutburstof Democrats,Moderatesand the shud).28 urbancrowdin defenceof theircountry's,and,indeed, Fromthistimeonwards,we findBaharin theroleof theirown, dignityand integrity.On the otherhand,it a constitutionalist as well as an opponentof chaos, was clear that every act of Iraniandefiance would neitherwillingto give up constitutionalism, norfanning simplyraisethe stakes,escalatethe crisisandresultin a the fires of chaos in the nameof freedom.One of the muchgreaterIraniandefeat,as in facthappened. earliestpoemsin whichhe openlywishes for a strong Thus the conflictwas far from domestic,and the constitutional is the entitled government qasida(later) governmentof Samsdmal-Saltanawas tryingto make which he best of a badjob vis-ia-vis a muchmorepowerful wrote in the after 1914, PishgOii ("Prophecy") WorldWarI had brokenout.29Therewere one or two foreign foe against whom Britainwould no longer exceptionsto this,the mostimportant beinghis attitude move to contain.Yet the Majlisand the crowdwere towardsthe MorganShustercrisis of 1911, and his facingthe cabinetalmostas if theywereresponsiblefor (muchless important)reactionto the violent deathof the Russianthreatand implyingthatthey or someone else in Iran could possibly put an end to Russian ShaykhMuhammad Khiyabaniin 1920. aggression.Therewas thereforea destructiveconflict, by means of which both they and the countrywould BAHARAND THE 1911 "THERMIDOR" end up as losers. This was anticipatedby no less a radicalDemocrat The conflictandconfrontation in 1911betweenthe leaderthanTaqizada,who hadrecentlybeeneffectively cabinetandthe Majlis,led to its dissolutionfollowing drivenout of the countrybecauseof his radicalviews. the Russian ultimatumfor the removal of Morgan He sent 14telegramsto variousgovernmentandMajils the sentimentalist Shuster,the idealisticAmericanfinancialadviserto leaders,includingSulaymSn Mirz,, Iran.Russianforces in Gilanwould have moved into leaderof the MajlisDemocrats, andMu'taminal-Mulk, Tehranif theultimatum hadnotbeenaccepted.Thepro- theMajlisspeakerwithModeratetendencies,imploring Democratgovernmentof Samsdmal-Saltana,and its them to come to termswith the Russiansin orderto but avoid disastrousdefeat.32His advice, like that of the foreignministerVus0iqal-Dawla,sawno alternative to comply with the Russian demand. Public feelings were running high, and, in the Majlis, most of the Moderates joined radical Democrats in rejecting the government's plea for compliance. The result was disasterfor all of them and for Iran.30 The presentauthorhas comparedthe Iraniandisaster of 1911 with the "Thermidor" in the French
government, was ignored, and this led to the Russian ultimatum, their occupation of Rasht and Tabriz, and their pause ready for occupying the capital. It led to abject surrender:the ultimatum was accepted and the Regent dissolved the Majlis on the cabinet's advice. Sulayman Mirza telegraphed to the Mashhad Democrats, where Russian troops were also stationed,
THE POET-LAUREATE BAHAR IN THE CONSTITUTIONAL ERA
instructingthem to resist. They shut down the shops and took up arms, but no action was taken since, according to Bahdr,the telegraphwire was cut and they could not maintain contact with the centre.33Bahir wrote a long tarkib-band blaming Nasir al-Mulk, the Regent, and this was as scathing and intemperateas it was masterly in its classical form. The Regent is described as the "traitor'sscout": Traitors haveno shameof theirdeed, Maytheygo blindandblindin speed! Slavesandagentsof Russiaarethey Fromtheprogressist to thelumpenindeed... "Theseministers, bigandsmall God curse and damnthemall" May He very masterfully inscribed a suitable couplet from R~imi'sMasnavi at the end of each band or stanza. For example: Someoneaskedthecamel,hey,tellme, Whenceartthoucomingthisminute? I comefromthepublicbath,saidshe, Ah,yes,thatis evidentfromthyknee34 It is not at all surprisingthat Bahdrsided with the Majlis on the Shuster question. For not only Democrat deputies, intellectuals and the urbancrowd, but, willynilly, virtually all the Moderatedeputies also joined the Majlis resistance, with only the cabinet, including its Democrat and pro-Democrat members such as Vusu-q and Samsdm, advising caution and compromise.35 Bahdralso wrote a qasida and a tarkib-bandwhen Russiantroops opened fire on the crowd who had taken sanctuaryin the Imam Rig's shrine, and damaged the dome in the process: of Godmouming? Whyis theProphet Hethinksof hishonourable descendant's tomb! Rif theShah,theMartyr of Khurasan, theForeigner Whosepureheartwassetalightbythegunof Rus.36 ofT.s The Russian consul's pressure on the government led to the banning of his newspapers, Nawbahar and Taza Bahcr, one after the other, and the poet was banishedto Tehranalong with nine other protesters.He was allowed to return to Mashhad a year later, and, shortly before the outbreakof war in 1914, was elected to the third Majlis by a Khurasanconstituency. It took
237
six months for his election to be authenticatedby his fellow deputies because, he says, of the opposition of "pseudo-mullahs"37
BAHAR IN THE GREAT WAR WorldWarI boosted and acceleratedexisting chaotic trends. Foreign interventionand occupation helped the process, but - as we have seen - the pattern was familiarfrom ancienttimes, and domestic forces needed little encouragementto engage in destructive conflict. Iran declared its neutrality,but a Turkishforce invaded Azerbaijanbecause Russian forces were there already. Cabinets rapidly succeeded one another, until the Russians threatenedto occupy Tehran. The Shah and Mustawfi's governmenteventuallynegotiateda way out of this. But in the meantime,the thirdMajlis collapsed, and most of the Democrat and Moderate deputies, almost all of whom supportedthe CentralPowers, left Tehranfor Qum, and thence via Kashanto Isfahan.They eventually participatedin the pro-CentralProvisional Government in Kirmanshah,led by Nizim al-Saltana (Riiaquli Khdn Mdfi). Both Sulaymdn Mirza, the Democratleader,and Sayyid Hasan Mudarris,a leading Moderate, were in this government. The Democrats were generallypro-German,the Moderatespro-Turkish, and this was a cause of continuingfrictionamong them. After the collapse of this government, many of its leaders and activiststook refuge in Turkeytill the end of the war.38Mudarrisreturnedbefore that in 1918, and played an importantrole in helping Vusiuqto form a cabinet in August of that year.39 Inevitably, BahSrwas pro-German,and joined the exodus of the Majlis deputies and political activists to Qum late in 1915. But, while on a mission shortly afterwards, his hand was broken and he returnedto Tehran.40He must have been voicing dissent there, because he was packed off to Khurasan, some time afterwards,but it is significant that he did not rejointhe "migrants"when his hand healed.41However, before all that, he had written a powerful qasida in his usual Khurasani style, celebrating the German conquest of Warsaw.It began: therealmof Warsaw TheKaisercaptured He brokethemightof theSlav... His offensivecuttheTsar'sarmy, shearsdo theweed...42 Justlikethegardener's
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Therefore, while his sentiments were clearly on the CentralPowers' side, he was apparentlynot too keen to join the pro-CentralPowers governmentof Kirmanshah. In 1916, the Russian and British allies negotiated an agreement with Sipahddr's government for raising a local levy in exchange for financial aid, which was effectively negatived by Vus~q's ensuing cabinet.43 Bahdr wrote a qasida against the so-called Sipahddr agreement, with the matla' "He whose flag is down / His help I would disown".44The agreementwas never confirmed and, no furtheraction was thereforetaken. In 1918 almost all Iranianpoliticians thought that the country desperately needed order, stability and reconstruction. But there was disagreement on the means by which it could or should be achieved. Britain also looked towards a stable and pro-British Iran after the end of the war. They regardedVusiiq al-Dawla as a political leaderwho passed both those tests, and actively supported his bid to form a government.45 Some political leaders and intellectuals disliked Vus•q and were suspicious of British aims. But there were others - the most important being Mudarris - who genuinely wished for a strong governmentto deal with the devastating chaos that had visited the country both at the centreand in the provinces. Bahir was also one of them. Both he and Vusiq belonged to the Democrat party,although the situationwas such that belonging to the same partydid not necessarily carrymuch meaning. That is how the so-called "Pro-reorganisation" (Tashkili) and "Anti-reorganisation"(Zidd-i Tashkill) Democrats came into being. It would not be an exaggeration to say that the most important reason behindthe schism was thatthe Pro-reorganisationgroup supportedVus•q and the Anti-reorganisation,opposed him:46 Itwasthen(hewrote25 yearslater)thatI realisedthata is betterthananymovement strongcentralgovernment in the provinces;thatthe centralgovernment mustbe and thatrabble-rousing, weakeningof the supported; government,mud-slingingof the press againstone another and against the government, and encouragementof the people of the provincesto rebellion is fatal to constitutionalismand liberty (virtuallysynonymouswordsat the time)andeven to thecountry's independence. And he goes on to make a very explicit statementabout his attitude towards provincial strife, although he was
if not writing in 1944, when the Jangalisand KhiydbaTni, were with modern political very popular Pisyan, movements and intellectuals: On the same basis, I was opposedto all provincial rebellionandany campaignof vilificationagainstthe state.NeitherdidI agreewiththe Jangalis, nor with Khiydbani,norwiththerevoltof ColonelMuhammad TaqiKhin [Pisy~n]...47 But he stresses that he hoped for "a strong central government established with the support of constitutionalistparties and press..."48
BAHAR, VUSUQ AND THE 1919 AGREEMENT It was, therefore, precisely because Bahar believed not just in a strong, but also in a constitutional government that he could not later come to terms with Rit~ Khan and his subsequentpersona of Rizi Shah. For various reasons, Iranians generally equate constitutionalgovernment with liberal democracy, but Bahdrknew that not all constitutionalgovernments are liberal (some are not even democratic), although all of them are based in law as opposed to arbitrary government. He did try, along with Mudarris,to reach an understandingwith Ri2a Khdinafterhe became Shah, but the latter did not keep his end of the bargain (see below). Years later,when he commented on his attitude in favour of a strong government,he wrote with a clear mind: Thepredictions on whichI hadwrittenandspokenfor of intellectual chaos years- i.e. the ill-consequences and weakeningof the country'sstatesmenand the - provedright,anda strongaswell centralgovernment as powerfulman (i.e. Riz Khan)...gaineddominion the Majlis, and over iTzdi (i.e. constitutionalism), everyone'slife andproperty...49 Bahdr supported Vusiq's government in this vein, and it was not surprising that even in the nineteenforties, when such ideas were not at all popular, he wrote that it was strong and realistic politicians of the type of Vusiq, his brother Qavan, Sipahdar (i.e. Sipahsl~r) and Firiz who were most suitable for runningthe country.By then, these politicians, certainly Vusiq and F-iaz had been condemned, allbeit unjustly,
FHE POET-LAUREATE BAHAR IN THE CONSTITUTIONAL ERA
239
as shamelesstraitorswho had sold out theircountryto British imperialism.Yet even then, Bahar generally praisedVusiq's governmentof 1918-20, althoughhis attitude towards the 1919 agreement was rather ambivalent,althoughstillnot negative.50 Baharhad friendlyrelationswith SayyidZiya,the editorof Ra'dandstaunchdefenderof the Agreement, whose closeness to Britishdiplomatsand officers in Tehranwerewell known.Ziyawasthe leadingfigurein the Committeeof Iron,whichwas alternatively known as the Committeeof Zarganda,after the village in Shamiranwhereits meetingswereheld. Indeed,one or two sources claim that Bahar was also a member, although,after the fall of the cabinetsof Vusiq alDawla andMushiral-Dawla,manypoliticiansused to attendits meetings.The strongcampaignagainstthe Agreement both inside and outside the country, followedby the Bolshevikinvasionof Enzeli,ledto the fall of Vustq'scabinetin June1920.Mushiral-Dawla's ministry which followed it lasted only until late October.51 Khiyibani's,revolt,whichhadbeentolerated by Vusuiq, easilycollapsedin SeptemberwhenMukhbir thenew governorof Azerbaijan sentthereby al-Saltana,
HermanNormanwas Britishministerin something".55 in and Tehran, Ziya's own words,everyoneregarded him as "Norman'sleft ball".56
lovers of the motherland".53 After the fall of Mushir, Sayyid Ziya helped the British Legation in forming the cabinet of Sipahdar(i.e. FathullWhKhan Akbar) early in November 1920, and went on to suggest ways of strengtheningit.54But he told Bahir at the time, referringto Sipahdr, "None of these men are worth much. We ourselves must do
strong govemrnmentto end the chaos, he preferred "patient,cautiousand deliberateplanning"for it.60While in Ziya's jail he wrote a scathingpiece, in the form of a long qasida on Ahmad Shah, apparentlybecause the Shah had recognised the Sayyid Ziya-Riz Khan coup and in that sense acquiesced in the arrestof politicians laterthat the and notables, althoughBahSrwas to leamrn
BAHARAND THECOUP
The coupd'6tatof February1921was the resultof directandindirectco-operationof SayyidZiyaandhis lieutenants,GeneralIronsideand some other British officers,andvirtuallythe wholeof the BritishLegation in Tehran,althoughCurzonandthe ForeignOffice in Londonhadno knowledgeof it at all.57 Baharhadhadmorethanan inklingthatsomekind of dramaticactionwas afoot.A coupleof days before the coupWalterSmart,OrientalSecretaryatthe British Legation,had probinglyquestionedBaharon the type of governmentneededfor Iran.Ziyaalso discussedthe subjectwith him lateron the sameday.Baharhadsaid thathe wouldsupporta stronggovernment"ifyou have a well-thoughtout andsystematicplan".He even says that, immediatelyafter the coup, Ziyd asked him to collaborate"accordingto our verbalagreement",and offeredhimthe editorshipof the semi-officialhrinon a Mushir,took action against it.52Khiyabanihimself was killedin the process,andtherewas an outcryby radical highgovernmentsubsidy.Buthe refused.58 Democratsin Tehran.Bahdrwrote a tarji'band,"The Tendaysafterthe coup,Baharfoundhimselfinjail, blood of Khiyhbani", mourning his death and not to be releaseduntilZiya's dismissaland departure from Iranthreemonthslater.He says thathe did not vehementlyattackingboth Mushirand Mukhbir.As noted above, this was the second occasion,thoughit oppose Ziya's coup and governmentand mentions was much less importantthan the previousone, on variousreasonsforhis ambivalent attitude,butthe most whichhe gave ventto radicalsentimentalist attitudetowardsthe his critical musthavebeen passion: important method"(Bahdr'sown newgovernment's "revolutionary If thebloodof theinnocent on key notablesand its comes to onslaught words), especially Khiyiboini [mazlfmn] such as boil, Mirza, Qavdm al-Saltana,and politicians Firiz Iranwillweara redshroud with themandwith close relations had fromoneendtotheother. Mudarris. Bahar in whom few others a Ziya put jail. This was quite actionby modem Hasanwas the firstname of both Vusuqand Mushir. greetedas appropriate revolutionary BahdrcomparedVusiq's execution of a couple of nationalistintellectualssuch as 'Arif and 'Ishqi.59 But, leadersof the rebel band from Nayib HusaynKishi long before that, Bahar had abandonedhope in withthe deathof Khiyabaniin this verse:"If revolutionary actionof thiskind,which,as he said,"even (Kasha-ni) thatHasankilleda coupleof Kdshisfor the sakeof the if it hadbeenpracticalanduseful,it didnotaccordwith motherland/ This Hasankilled, like beasts,freedom- mypoliticalattitude". Althoughhe wasmuchin favourof
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Shahhadhadverylittlechoicein the matter.61 He wrote at the end of the poem thatwhen the peoplemove to avengethemselveson the Shah:
That is how Mudarris,who normally dictatorship.68 commanded a majorityin thefourthMajlis,lostit by the time the fifth Majlismet in 1923. Popularpoliticians like Mustawfiand the brothersMushiral-Dawlaand NeitherRizils forcewouldbe of muchhelpto you Mu'taminal-Mulktried to avoid involvementin the NorwouldZiyv'slight,of anyuse62 struggle,butit eventuallyaffectedthemtoo. Mudarris tried to use Qavam al-Saltana, the of means conservative constitutionalist andbrotherof Vusiq, as course, Ziya, literally "light". an alternativestrongleaderto RizaKhan.He hopedto Buthe alsowrotea humorousqit'a,pokingfunathis rally the forces of people, parliamentas well as the to matchRii Khan'spopularityin the youngfriendandjailer,it beingmorelike a joke thana establishment, lampoon: army and among nationalistmodernists,among the latterof whomQavamwas unpopular. Butpeoplewere YouandI, O Ziyaal-Din,areboth not organised,the parliamentwas increasinglyled by Twoyoungmenwithlittleturbans. nationalists,Democratsand socialistsin RikaKhan's Thisminuteyou'vegot somemoney was wornout,hadno favour,andthe old establishment FromIndia'sbudget,andlookmighty...63 initiative,and did not have the stomachfor a serious struggle.Qavdmbecameprimeministerimmediately Withina shortperiodRid Khan emergedas the afterZiya's fall in June 1921, but he himself fell in strongman manynationalistmodernistswere looking February1922. Mudarrismanagedto bring him to for, thoughhe was not the type that conservativeor power once again, betweenJune 1922 and February popularconstitutionalists wanted.64It was therefore 1923.Buthe didnot succeedin July1923,thethirdand predictablethat Bahir would follow Mudarris'slead last time he tried,andMushiral-Dawlabecameprime bothin the fourth(1921-23) andin the fifth(1923-25) ministeras the compromisecandidate.By lateOctober Majlis. The period 1921-25 was a period of dual 1923,Riz Khanhadmanagedto chaseboththe Shah sovereigntyandpowerstruggle.Nationalistmodernists andQavamoutof thecountry,to bringdownMushiralwere impatientboth for politicalstabilityand rapid Dawla'scabinet,andto becomeprimeminister. modernisation. The struggle between the two sides became Increasingly, they tendedtowardsRi to bring increasinglybitter,andreachedits firstpeak in March Khan,who displayedabilityanddetermination the chaosto an end. Indeed,for a shortwhile afterthe 1924.Thatis whenthe campaignforthe declarationof coup, very few opposedhim, since he looked like an a republic began. The ranks were closed. The honestbroker,a manwithlittlepolitical(asdistinctfrom republicans wouldhavewonthedayif theyhadplanned military)ambitionwho put the countryabovepolitics. theiractionwell andhadnot beenin a greathurry,and But this beganto change as his power increased.65Bahar, if Mudarris hadnot playedhis handastutely.It is from He also thistimethatBaharcomesintothepoliticallimelightas too, as wasnoted,longedforstronggovernment. wishedfor modernisation andchangeto the extentthat a leadingspokesmanof the shrinkingMajlisopposition. - at leastin one chargedmood- he shoutedthrougha Nevertheless, he maintainedcordial relations with Rik reformor death/ No otherroad Khan.The'ulamdwereanxiouslest the countryshould poem:"Modernisation, is open to the motherland!"66 Nevertheless,he was in followthe sameroadas the emergingKemalistTurkey, favourof moderate,systematicanddeliberateaction. but they did not take any visible action.On the other The Shah, central and provincialmagnatesand hand,menlikeMudarris wereconvincedthat andBahdar notables, and constitutionalistpoliticians became it was the firststageof Riza Khan'sbid for the throne, increasingly alarmedat the prospect of radicalpolitical change. Some of them, notably F-ruz,went over to Ri Khan and his growing number of supporters among nationalist modemrnists such as Davar and Taymirtash, probably because they believed his ascendancy was inevitable.67Within a couple of years, many influential political leaders and activists openly began to lobby for
to be followed by autocratic rule. In a musammat-i muvashshahi,which Bahar published at the time, he wrote: Intheguiseof republicanism He (Riz~Khan)is knockingatthedoorof Shihi Wearenaiveandthegreedyenemyis canny.69
THE POET-LAUREATE BAHAR IN THE CONSTITUTIONAL ERA
He also wrotea longandhumorouspoementitled"The writtenin thewakeof RepublicSaga"(Jumhfiri-nama); the campaign'scollapse,the poemdescribesits various stagesandthoseinvolvedin it withclose accuracy.This was believedto havebeenthe workof 'Ishqi,who was publishingsigned,andverymuchmorescathing,poems and articlesagainstthe proposedrepublic,a policy which quicklyled to his assassinationby two police Baharwrotein "TheRepublicSaga"that,as agents.70 soonas a strongmanappears,he is surrounded by a few "Whowouldtell him to take off the Shah's "tramps", crown/ Andputit uponhis ownhead".Andreferring to a leadingenthusiastandcampaigner for the republic, Whatrepublic[?], I amsurprised athim Whoseemstobeunaware of thebloke'sintention, Thathewishesto succeed theQajars JustlikethatmanoftheAfshars (i.e.NMdir Shah)...71
241
HaI'irisays that his father, ajj Shaykh'Abd al.Hin Qum,invitedthe Karim,who was going to remain othertwo marja'sto his home to discuss and decide whatto tell RizidKhan: Thethreeof us decidedto saythatif you(i.e. Rizi wanttobeadictator, theanswer is,No.Letustell KhLin) fiom the start that we will opposeyouif youtryto you asa dictator andabsolute rulethecountry whether ruler, ina republic ora monarchy. ButifyouwanttobeShah, andonewhoisjustlikeapicture onthewall...that is.to be a Shahwhohasthistitlebuthasnoroleotherthan onthewall,whilethecountry's affairs beinga picture are run by a government basedon the people's thenwewillagree.73 representatives,
In a word,theytoldhim thattheywouldagreewithhis of constitutional bidforthethronewithinthe framework not since all the three This is surprising, monarchy. Bahdrconcludesthis long Sagaby sayingthatRird divines had been constitutionalists,and NW'ini,in Khanbeganto regretthe move,wentto Qumto see the particular,had writtena famous treatise duringthe Revolutionto show that there was no grand'ulama,and "theyenteredinto a pact with him Constitutional (hujajbastandba u 'ahdu paymin)" to stop pursuingthat conflict between Islamic doctrineand constitutional line.Therehasbeena faintoraltraditionthatthe 'ulamr monarchy. Fromthenonwards,thegrand'ulamabeganto had furthertold him that,in thatcase, they would be give public demonstrations of supportto Riza Khdn, to his with bid for of was Shah. for a At the which prepared agree veryhelpfulin his cambecoming couple years timeof writing,evidencehasjustcomeforthwhichsheds paignfortheoverthrow of theQajars,his accessionto the much light on this subject;indeed, it may be describedas of his positionas Shah.74 throne,andthe consolidation an importanthistoricaldiscovery. It is the testimony of The bizarre Saqqa-khanaepisode brought the thelateAyatullihMahdiHd'irm, sonof H-ijjShaykh'Abd struggleto its second climax. In July 1924, it was the famous al-KarimHd'iriYazdi, marja'-itaqlidand suddenly claimed that that the public fountainfor founderof Qum'sHjaw4a-yi'ilmiya.Forthatreason,it is drinking-water in the Aqd Shaykh Hadi districtof well worthgivingthemattersomespacehere. a miracleby blindinga Babigirl Tehranhadperformed This requiresa brief background,which has not who hadspatin it. Muharram-type demonstrations were beenquitedescribedin Ha'iri'saccount.The two other held andthe Americanvice-consulwho hadgonethere marja'-itaqlidsof the time, H~ijjMirzi HusaynNi)'inI to takepictureswas killedbythemob.Eachsideblamed and Aqd Sayyid Abu 'l-Hasan Isfahani,had been the otherfor fomentingit. Thegovernmentdescribedit temporarilyin Qum following their exile from the as organisedriotingby its opponents.The opposition for politicalreasons.Butjust at the time of the accusedthe governmentof the samething,arguingthat 'atab&it collapse of the Rizi Khan-inspiredcampaignfor a it wantedto use it to declaremartiallaw, restrictthe republic,the exile orderhadbeen liftedandthey were press, etc., which in fact it did. Bahardescribesthe Riz Khanhad firstheardthe argumentsof both sides faithfullyand at lengthin his returningto the 'atab&t. news from Sir Percy Loraine,the British Minister,with History, though he tends to hold the government marked satisfaction, because he did not want the responsible.Butit is verylikelythatthe royalcourthad beenbehindtheorganisers, presence of two powerful marja's with political views althoughmenlikeBahirand and influence on his doorstep.72He now hurriedto Qum cannothavebeenprivyto it.75Thedefeatand Mudarris to see them off, because he was not yet too grandto do confinementin Tehranof ShaykhKhaz'albrokethe last line of the opposition'sresistance,76 so, as he had suffered a severe political setback and he althoughBahar needed their good will. playedno visiblerolein thataffair.
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The failureof the republicancampaignleft direct action in order to change the dynasty as the only This remainingoptionforRiz Khinandhis supporters. the move that had time,theyplanned well, given they all themilitaryandsecurityforcesin theirpoweras well as the Majlis majorityand many political leaders and activists.The Majlis vote was taken on 31 October. Therehadbeena breadriotin Tehranin lateSeptember, and once again there were mutual recriminations, althoughhereit is likelythatthe governmenthadbeen behindit.77In the eveningof 29 Octobertherewas a lengthydebatein the Majlisregardingpublicpetitions received for the deposition of the Qajars. Bahar delivereda long, butreasonedandtempered,andeven subtle,speech on behalfof the opposition.His entire emphasiswas on the argumentthat,whateverdecision might be taken,it shouldbe strictlyaccordingto the constitution.78 Agentshadgone thereto kill him, althoughnot for thatreason,andin a caseof mistakenidentitytheykilled a pro-Rir Khanjournalistinstead.The idea was to intimidatethe dozenor so deputieswho wereopposed to the move and,judgingby the numberof those who defectedor were absentfromthe Majlistwo days later when the vote was taken, they seem to have succeeded.79But they would have obtainedthe vote even withoutsuchtactics.Baharwent into hidingand wrotea very movingqasida,reflectingthe mood of a manwho mightwell havedieda violentdeaththatnight and lamentingthe deathof the poor,pro-government journalistwho had travelledfromQazvinto coverthe big event for his newspaper,Ra'd: "Youcame from Qazvin-to preparefor ra'd (-thunder)/ Instead of thunderthey hit you with lightning!"80 Not long after eracameto an end. that,the constitutional
his politicalpoemsof thatperiod,whichhe keptcloseto after Riza Shah's his chest.85In the nineteen-forties, he didnotreturnto activepolitics,thoughhe abdication, cabinetduringthe Azerbaijan servedbrieflyin Qav.m's he crisis.Soon afterwards, contractedtuberculosis,for which he sought treatment both in Iran and in Switzerland,butto no avail.86Shortlybeforehis death he accepted the presidencyof the (Iranian)Peace Thiswas a Tudapartyfront-organisation, Association.87 but it included quite a few establishmentfigures, including'Ali AsgharHikmat,an establishedliteraryas well as politicalfigureandformerministerof education. Bahardiedin April1951aged64.
2
A BRIEFNOTEON BAHAR'SLATERYEARS Bahargave up politics shortlyafter Rita Shah's accession.8'Even so, he spent some time in jail and banishment between 1929 and 1933.82 But in the remaining eight years of Riza Shah's reign, he was allowed to live out a quietlife, mainlyteachingat the Dar al-Funin, at the Teacher Training College, and at the Universityof Tehran.Between 1933 and 1941 he wrote a few panegyricsfor the Shah,83but he laterexplainedthat this was his only way of, first,getting out of trouble,and, out by second, keeping out of harm'sway.4 This is bomrne
4
Thisis a revisedversionof paperpresentedin April2001 to the conferenceorganisedby the Nouvelle Sorbonne Universityin Parison theoccasionof the 50thanniversary Bahar. of thedeathof thePoetLaureate the Constitutional on sources Revolution,suchas Primary those by Nzim al-IslamKirmdni,YahyaDawlat~badi, Mukhbiral-Saltana(MahdiquliHidayat),EdwardG. Browne,etc.(see below),arewell known.A newprimary sourcerecentlypublishedin Tehran,which sheds much lighton detailedevents,is writtenin anunusuallysoberand dispassionateway, and containsbalancedand realistic analyticalinsights. It is the manuscriptof a leading Revolutionandmemberof in theConstitutional participant the firstMajlis,whichhe beganto writebetweenc. 1909 and his death in 1936. See Muhammad'Ali Tihrani Iran,ed. Nasir inqili5b-i mashrfitiyyat-i T7arikh-i Katfiziy5n, are There numerous secondary (Tehran,2000). Katfiziytin sourceson the subject,for example,Ahmad Kasravi, Ir5n(Tehran,1984),which may be Ta7rikh-i mashrfita-yi regardedas a mixtureof primaryand secondarysource; Janet Afary, The Iranian ConstitutionalRevolution, 1906-1911(New York,1996);VanessaMartin,Islamand TheIranianRevolutionof 1906 (Londonand Modernism. New York, 1989); Mangol PhilippBayat, Iran'sFirst Revolutionof Revolution.Shi'ismand the Constitutional Stateand 1905-1909(NewYork,1991);HomaKatouzian, Societyin Iran.TheEclipseof the Qajarsand the Riseof thePahlavis(LondonandNew York,2000). 3 He was bornon 13 Rabi'al-Avval1304/ 1 Day 1265/ 11 December1886. See Divan-i Bahir, ed. Muhammad vol. I, firsted.(Tehran,1956),pp.Z-H. Malikzada, ahzab-i mukhtaiar-i See Malikal-Shu'ara Bahar,Tarikh-i siyasidar iran,inqiri-i qfjfriyya, vol. I, firsted. (Tehran 1944),repr.,Tehran1978.
THE POET-LAUREATEBAHAR IN THE CONSTITUTIONALERA
5 Thisis well knownfromthe oraltraditionof the time.In two Ikhvcniyyapoemsof his friend,the outstanding poet Iraj,he is mentionedas "Malik".Butthe habitwas quite normal,andit is to be foundin manybooks,articles,notes, memoirs and histories of the period. See Humayuln
243
Sharh-i ahval va asai-i Malik al-Shu'ardiBah&r(Tehran,
1954),pp.63-64. 1 See HomaKatouzian, "TheRevoltof ShaykhMuhammad Iran, XXXVII (1999), p. 167, repr. in KhiyabAinr",
Katfiziy5n,"Ikhvdniyydt-i'arif-n•na-yi Iraj",Iranshinasi,
Katouzian,Iranianhistoryandpolitics, ch. 10; and Ahmad ed. and Kasravi, Qiy&n-iShaykh MulhammadKhiyibibinti,
Mahjib (ed.), Divan-i kdimil-iIraj Mirza, first edition
12 Thus the radicalrevolutionary SayyidMuhammadRi)A
Ja'far Muhammad I, no. 11(1999).pp. 59-77. See further,
introd.Katfiziyan (Tehran,1998),p.163.
(Tehran,1963)sixth,revisedandexpanded,edition(USA, 1989).
6
in Shiraziwroteinthefirstissueof hisnewspaper Musavtit, 1907, that "libertyis used in the sense of political The title of this poem is 'Adl-iMu2affar,which is also the freedom...i.e.(freedom)fromarbitrary rule". of the signing of the constitution,since madda-tarikh 13 Thissubjecthas beenextensivelydiscussedin Katouzian, to thenumbersassociatedwithabjadletters,it is LiberalismsandModemConceptsof Liberty according "European in Iran",SeventeenthHamidEnayatLecturedeliveredat equalto 1324,thelunarhijrayearin whichtheconstitution wassigned.Thesamewordswerelaterinscribedabovethe the Middle East Centre,St. Antony'sCollege, Oxford in Baharist?n Majlisgate Tehran's Square.In fact,it is not (May 2000), in Journal of Iranian Research and Analysis, eitherby Bahar unlikelythatthetitlewas an afterthought, XVI/2 (2000), pp. 9-29, repr. in Katouzian,Iranian or by his brotherwho editedhis posthumously-published History and Politics, ch. 5. Divan. Yet the words 'Adl-iShah Muiaffaroccur in the first
twocoupletsof theqasida.SeehisDivan,vol.I,pp.27-31. This is immediatelyprecededby another,much shorter, qasida, greetingthe good news of the signingof the constitution (pp.26-27). 7
Sad shukr va sad hayf with the matla':"A Shah steppedin
anda Shahdeparted / A thousandthanksforthecomingof of this".See that,and a thousandpity for the departure
'4 Divain,pp. 26-27.
5S Ibid.,pp.23-24, quotedfromHusaynMakki(ed.),Divan-i FarrukhiYazdi(Tehran,1978),p. 213. 16 (seconded., 1964),vol.I,p. 146.Heis usingtheterm DTvan mazhabin its two classicalsenses,i.e. both"doctrine" and "religioussect".Theideais likelyto havebeensuggested by RWimi'sverse, millat-i 'cishiqza millat-h&judast...,
wheremillatvirtuallycarriesthesamemeaningas mazhab. vol. 33-35. 17 "TheConquestof Azerbaijan", Divan, I, pp. Divin, vol. I, pp. 182-84. 8 See furtheron the difficultiesof reachinga compromise, 18 "Fathal-Futfih",Divan, first ed., vol. 1, pp. 169-81. boththenandlater,in Iranian Stateand Farrukhl'sancient politics,Katouzian, begins thus: "The story of qas.ida Alexanderis an old, Society, ch. 3, and "Liberty and Licence in the bygone,legend/ Speakof things Constitutional Revolutionof Iran",JRAS(July1998),pp. for has a differentcharm".Bahar'sother novel, novelty on the fall of Tehran andreturnof constitutionalism 159-80, reprintedin Katouzian,Iranian History and poems Politics. State and Society in Perpetual Conflict(London, are:"'Al-hamdu li-Allah",(pp. 146-48),"Fath-iTihrdn", 2002). The assassinationof Atabakwas organisedby (pp. 167-69) and "Kdr-imaibal girift"(p. 181). radicalrevolutionaries of the SecretCommittee, 19 A numberof radicalDemocrats,including Khln thoughthe Shahmusthavewelcomedthenews.Thesamegrouplater .Haydar both of had been involved (who being suspected AmOghli ledtheunsuccessful andthe attempton Muhammad in Attibak'sassassination attempton his own life,whichplayed an important rolein the finalshowdownbetweenthe two 'Ali's life), were arrestedon suspicionbut were quickly sides. See further,TihrainiKat•iziyn, T7rikh-iinqilab; releasedwithoutcharge.In 1910,shortlyaftertheconquest of Tehran,fourmaskedgunmenassassinated YahyaDawlatdbedi, IHayit-iYahyc(Tehran,1983),vol. II; Bihbahaniat Ahmad Kasravi, Tarikh-i mashriita; Ndzim al-Islimn waspubliclyaccusedof beinginvolved hishome.Taqizzda intheplot,andhisyoungadmirer anddistantrelativeMi-rzT Kirmini, Tarikh-i bidait-yi irtniydn, ed. Sa'idi Sirjini was laterkilledinthestreetby an (Tehran,1983);Mukhbiral-Saltana (Hideyat),Khitirdtva 'AliMuhammad Tarbiyat unknownassailant,apparently in revengeforthemurderof khctarat(Tehran,1984), and Guzcrish-i Qajcriryava irmn. (Tehran,1984);'AbdullahMustawfi,Sharh-i Bihbahlni.Taqizldaprobablydidnot knowof the planto Mashrifitiyyat kill Bihbahlni,butis unlikelyto haveregrettedit whenit zindagzni-yiman (Tehran,1981). See his Tarikh-imukhtasar,vol. I, Introduction,p. B. he changedhis viewof Bihbahani Nevertheless, happened. 1o See ibid.,p. H. Fora moreelaborate of Bahar's description himin radicallylaterin his life,endingupby remembering his memoirs with great admiration,and especially meetingwith Haydar,see Khviija'Abdal-Hamid'Irfani,
'
244
JOURNAL OF PERSIAN STUDIES
This view of the event has been extensively discussed in Katouzian, State and Society, ch. 3. Furtherevidence for it has now come forthin Tihr~niKatfiziy~in,Trikh-i inqilab. See further, Mustawfi, Sharh-i zindagani; Mukhbir alSaltana,Khatir5tva khatarat;Kasravi,Tarikh-ihijdahsalayi Azerbaijcn, (Tehran, 1992); Afary, The Iranian ConstitutionalRevolution,1906-1911. 31 See The Political Economy of Modern Iran (London and New York, 1981), p. 68. 32 In his telegramto SulaymnnMirz~, for example, he wrote "I am absolutelyastonishedat the attitudewhich the Majlis has adopted towards the question of the Russian ultimatum...At this moment hostility and stubbornness would resultin eternaldamnation."See Zindagi-yi ti.fani. 33 Bahar,T7rikh-imukhtasar,p. v (Persianletterviv). This has now been confirmedby Tihrini Katfziyin, Tarikh-iinqilcab. 34 Divan, vol. I, pp. 217-20. 35 Thus, 'Arif-i Qazvini, who watched the events from close quartersin Tehran,wrote in a song: "If Shustergoes from Iran,Iranwill go with the wind / O people, do not let Iran disappear".See his Divan, pp. 365-66. 36 See Bahlir's Divan, vol. I, pp. 244-45 for the tarkib-band, and pp. 221-25 for the qas.ida.See also his anti-Russian musammat of the same year, mal-i shumr.st",pp. "Ira•n 243-44. 37 Bahir, Tarikh-imukhtafar,pp. V and Z, and the in Divan, vol. 1,pp. 239-43. qas.ida entitled"Safamrnma",
emphasisingthe divine's political insight and courage. See Iraj Afshir (ed.), Zindagi-yi tiffani-yi Taqiz&da(Tehran, 1989). See also, Tihr'aniKatfziyiin, 7Trikh-iinqilkb. 2() In Persian,Mulk-iIran chfib-iistibdld mikhvihadhanfiz. 21 See Homa Katouzian, "Towards a General Theory of Iranian Revolutions", Jnal. of Iranian Reasearch and Analysis XV/2 (November 1999), pp. 145-62, and "ArbitraryRule. A ComparativeTheory of State, Politics and Society in Iran", British Jnal. of Middle Eastern Studies,XXIV/I (1997), pp. 49-74, repr.in IranianHistory and Politics, chs. 2 and 3. 22 See, in particular,Katouzian,"Problemsof Democracyand the Public Spherein Modem Iran",ComparativeStudies of SouthAsia, Africaand the MiddleEast, XVIII/2(1998), pp. 31-38, "EuropeanLiberalisms",repr. in Iranian History and Politics, ch. 6, and "Firqa-gar~'idar ttrikh-i mu'l~ir-i Iran" in Sa'id Barzin, Jindh-bandi-yi siydsi dar Irin (Tehran,1998), pp. 98-125. 23 See further,Katouzian, "Libertyand Licence";"European Liberalisms";"Arbitraryrule, A Comparative Theory"; "Problemsof Democracy";and "'Problemsof Politics in Iran: Democracy, Dictatorship or Arbitrary Rule?"., BJMES,XXII/4 (1995), pp. 5-20, repr.in Iranian History, and Politics, ch. 7. 24 For a wider discussion of this subject see Katouzian. "'Libertyand Licence",and State and Society, ch. 2. 25 These developments are extensively documented and discussed in ibid., ch. 3. 26 Divain,vol. I, pp. 114-16. 27 Divan, vol. I, pp. 206-8, "Vatan dar khatar ast". This passionate poem in "vataniyyat"is an early example of those which (unlike classical and neo-classical Persian poetry) referto the whole of Iranin the sense of a modem nation-state,a sentimentand a concept which, just like that of the rule of law, had been acquiredfrom recent contacts with Europe. As it happens, Bahir mentions the poetical category of vataniyyat towards the end of the poem: bi dida-yi tar migfiyam... About the same time, vataniyyatiothers such as Ashraf al-Din Husayni, Lihiiti, and 'Arif-i Qazvini were using vatan in theirpoems in the new sense. See, for example, E. G. Browne, ThePress and Poetry,of of ModernPersia, and'Arif-i Qazvini,Divmn-i'Arif-iQazvini,
30
ed. 'Abd al-RahmLin Sayf-i Az~id(Tehran,1968). 28 See MuhammadMardukhKurdistini, Tarikh-iMardfikh, quoteddirectlyin MahdiBimdfid, Sharh-ihal-i rijal-iiran, vol. VI (Tehran, 1992), pp. 135-36. See also p. 293 on another case of "constitutionalising (i.e. looting) the people". 29 Divin, vol. I, p. 269.
4'
See 'Ishqi's long qasida in praise of Nizim al-Saltana, which incidentallyrefersto the flightto OttomanTurkey,in Divan-i musavvar-i 'Ishqi, ed. 'All Akbar Mushir Salimi, first ed. (Tehran,n.d), pp. 325-34. 39 See Bahir, Tarikh-i mukhtasar; 'Irfiani,Sharh-i ahval; Mustawfi,Sharh-izindagtni; Dawlatabadi, Yahya, .Hay&t-i vols. III and IV (Tehran, 1983); Mukhbir al-Saltana (Hidayat), op. cit.; Kasravi, op. cit.; Katouzian,State and Society, ch. 3, Political Economy, ch. 4; Wm. J. Olson, Anglo-Iranian Relations during World War I (London, 1984); ErvandAbrahamian,Iran betweenTivoRevolutions (Princeton,1982). 40 Bahfir, T7rikh-imukhtasar,'Irfani, op. cit.; and Bahdir's qas.idaaboutthe incident,"Dast-i shikasta",in Divan, vol. 38
I, pp. 280-81. Ibid.
42 Divan, vol. I, pp. 267-69. 43 They explainedprivatelyto Sir CharlesMarling,the British Minister in Tehran,that this was an unpopularmeasure. Bahr, in his Tarikh-imukhtasar,believed that this was the reasonwhy Vu~siq'scabinetdid not last long, implyingthat the Anglo-Russian powers brought it down. Marling felt
THE POET-LAUREATE BAHAR IN THE CONSTITUTIONAL ERA
thatit wasa pieceof "truePersiantrickery". SeeMarlingto Grey, 16/9/16, FO/3712736,quoted in Olsen, AngloIranianRelations,p. 150.Incidentally, by "Sipahdir"' they meantSipahsallir-i who hadpreviouslyheld Tunukaibuni, theformertitle. 4 Ibid., 289-90. See also Katouzian,Stateand pp. Society,ch.
3. 45 See HoushangSabahi,BritishPolicy in Persia, 1918-1925
accountof the (London,1990),especiallyfora documented role of Britainin Vusoq'sbid for the premiership.See
'6
further, Bahir, MTrikh-imukhtasar; Kasravi, op. cit.; Mustawfi, op. cit.; Mukhbiral-Saltana,op. cit.; Katouzian, op. cit.; Abrahamian,op. cit. SeeBahir's almostbitteraccountinhis Tarikh-imukhtasar,
Thissubjecthasbeenextensivelystudiedin Katouzian, op. cit.,chs. 8 and9. See also,Ghani,op. cit. 58 Bahdr, Tarikh-imukhtasar,vol. I, p. 92. It is worthnoting when thisvolumewasfirstpublished,SayyidZiyi had that, beenbackin the countryandhadbeenelectedto the 14th Majlis.At the time,boththe coupandZiyahimselfwere Theystillare,thoughto a lesserextent. veryunpopular. 59 Thesetwopopularnationalist poetswereextremelyexcited words and measures,andwenton to praisehim by Ziya's long afterthen, even when he had fallen and left the country.But they werenot alone;they simplyvoicedthe sentiments of manymodernist nationalists likethemselves. 57
60
pp. 27-30. Fora contraryview by an Anti-reorganisation 61 Democrat, see Muhammad Musaddiq, Musaddiq's 62 Memoirs,ed. Homa Katouzian,tr. S. H. Amin and 63 Katouzian (London,1988),BookI. '7 Thrikh-i mukhtasar, pp. H-T. Bahar wrote a qasida
attackingthe JangalisandpraisingVus0qon an occasion when they had had a major setback vis-a-vis the governmentforces.See his Divan,vol. II, pp. 489-92, whichbegins: By the Shiih5nshah's good fortunethe Jangaliswere routed FromTdirum to Khalkhalthejangalwas cleared. 48 49
Ibid., emphasisadded. Tarikh-imukhtasar,p. T.
1o Ibid.,especiallypp.29-33. StateandSociety,ch. 8; CyrusGhani,Iran 51 See Katouzian, See on thefallof Khiyaibdini, Mukhbir al-Saltana, Khctirdit, Guzarish-i Iranand"Nukta-hi'idartarikh-imashritiyyat"
revolt. See his Trikh-i mukhta&ar. Khiyfiboini's 54 See Katouzian,State and Society, ch. 7. 15 Bahair,Trikh-i mukhtasar,p. 46. 56
Muhammad'Ali Jamtilzida,"Taqr-tmit-i Sayyid Ziy~iva 'kitlib-isiyah-i0'",Ayanda,vol. VII(June1981),p. 209.
See, forexample,Katouzian, op.cit.,chs. 8 and9. See his Divan, vol. I, pp. 322-24. Ibid., vol. II,pp.512.Seealsomoreseriousattackson 2iyi,
Mukhbiral-Saltana,Khatirit Dawlatliblidi,H1ayat-iYahsytd; va khatar&t; Katouzian,State and Society. 66 See his Divan,vol. I, pp. 270-71. Thisqasidais an iqtifa' of one by the sixth/twelfthcenturyKhurdisinipoet, Mas'fd67
i Sa'd-iSalman. See the referencesin nn. 58 and59, above,as well as the biographicalessays of IbrahimKhvj*aNOrion Ddivar, Taymfirtish, etc., in BSzigaran-i 'asr-i talM'i (Tehran,
68
in Ayanda (January-March 1993); Kasrdivi, Tarikh-i and Qiyznm-i Khiyabani;Katouzian,"TheRevolt hWjdahsila
of ShaykhMuhammad". 53 See his Divian,vol. I, pp. 313-15; Katouzian,op. cit. this to the fact thatBahir had been a Kasraviattributes of al-Dawla,whosecabinethadfallento supporter Vusuuq thatof Mushiral-Dawla.Theremaybe somethingin that, but there must have been othermotives,includingthe tragedyitself. Morethantwentyyearslater,at any rate, Bahfirchangedhis mind and praisedMushiral-Dawla's ability to deal with such difficultsituations,including
See Divan-i 'Arifand Kulliyyat-imusavvar-i'Ishqi. Bahair,Trikh-i mukhtaSar,p. 92.
likewisewritteninjail (although, nevertheless, theyarenot too scathingfortheirtype),pp.367-68 and(in thesecond, 1964,ed. of his Divain)pp.553-54. "Nationalist Trendsin Iran",IJMES, 64 SeeHomaKatouzian, XI (1979),pp. 533-51. 65 See, for example, Mustawfi, Sharlh-i zindagani;
and the Rise ofReza Shah, (Londonand New York, 1998). 52
245
1942-43). Mard-i5iz&d. Butthe Forexample,in Dilvar'snewspaper, was greaterthanmay be imagined. zeal for dictatorship wroteexplicitly,intheshortprefacetohiswell-known 'Ishqito long poemMaryam,that,by his appealto intellectuals describe their social ideal, FarajulldhKhn Bahrtimi,Rizii Khin's chef-de-cabinet,anticipatedthatthey would write in praise of dictatorship.(See his Kulliyy~t-imusavvar).The issue is clearlydiscussedin Mahmid AfshdirYazdi's V'iaa-
69
70 71 72
ha-yidiistan,ed. IrajAfshar(Tehran,1996). Divan,vol. I, pp. 357-59. Theseandsimilarlineswere,of course,hiddenin themuvashshah partsof thepoem. See his Kulliyyat-imusavvar,Books VI and VIII. Bah.ir'sDivan, vol. I, pp. 359-66.
he himselfhadsaidto Lorainethat Twomonthspreviously, otherwisethey could it wouldbe betterif they returned; Loraine to ForeignOffice, him. See for trouble make 15/11/1923, FO248/1369.
246
JOURNAL OF PERSIAN STUDIES
There is a humorousside to this account. Ni'ini was deaf. In the meeting with Ri)~iKhan,beforethe conversationgot to this particularissue, Ni'ini, assuming that it had in fact reachedit, kept pointingto the wall and saying, "The Shah must be just like a picture on the wall". In the end a bewildered Riz•i Khan asked what this was all about and Mahdi they told him. See Habib Laijvardi(ed.), Kha..ir&t-i tarh-i Markaz-i Yazdi, trrikh-i shaqahi-vi Iran; HT'iri Mutali'it-i Khivar-i Miyana-yi Dainishgih-i Hdrvird. 9 (December2001), pp. 12-16. 17 See further, Katouzian, State and Society, ch. 10, and Political Economy.ch. 5. mukhtasar,vol. II (Tehran. 1984). which 17 See his T7arikh-i was posthumously published after the February 1979 revolution by his son Mihrcid Bahir (Tehran, 1984), and Husayn Makki, bistsirla-vi!irn, vol. HI (Tehran, Tarikh-i ch. 15. Some of the 1995). slogans leave little doubt that Ri?i Khan was the target. In a telegram from the Prince Regent to Ahmad Shah in Paris (parts of which have recently come to light), the impression is given that the
succeeded.For a discussionof the latter event, See
73
Hum5yian Katuziyiin, "Sar va tah yik karbas: Naql-i XI1/4, (Winter 2001), kodaki-yi Jamrlzida", Ir&nshiniasi, 785-94. pp. 76 See further,idem, State and Societv. See Makki,T'rikh-i bist-sala, vol. m; Mustawfi,Sharh-i 77 zindagdni, vol. IV; Mukhbir al-Saltana, Khatirat va Khatarait; Katouzian, State and Society, ch. 10, and Political Economy,chapter5, "NationalistTrends". 78 For the full text of the speech see his Tarikh-imukhtasar,
vol. Hf. Next evening i.e. on the eve of the vote-takingin the Majlis, Dlvar invited the vast majorityof the deputiesto his own
7,
homeandgottheirsignedpledgeto supportthemotionthe following day. Dawlatfibdi was the only deputy present who refusedto give it. See for the details,his HaVyat-i Y'ahd,
8 81
r6gime, after the latter believed that he had reached a
Princehadsomesympathywiththedemonstrators, though not with the killing of the American diplomat (see Katouzian,State and Societ,. ch. 10). The following is largely from received oral traditionon the incident,which is worth recording,thoughthe obscene word will be eliminated. "The main slogan of the crowd was Az mujiz-i Abu l-Fail ktirshuda chashm-i Babi ("by a miracle of Abu 'l-Fazl / the Baibihas been blinded"). When they approachedHasandiblid, and Istakhrstreet,they were shouting saqqd-khana chi karda? / chash[m]-i dukhtarar6 kur karda!; Maga[r] nimidmnichi karda ? / chash[m]-i duktara rd kftr karda! ("What's the Saqqiakhanadone? / It's blindedthe girl!: Don't you know what it's done? / It's blindedthe girl!").A shroud-wearingcrowd marchingthroughthe main bazaarwere waving long sticks and iron bars, and shouting in satfr-i qassgTbi / dar...zan-i Bdbi; in daylam-i tintatbi / dar...zan-i Bdbi. ("This
butchers'cleaver/ be in the ...of the Babi'swife / This bath-keepers'crowbar/ be in the...the Babi's wife". But when they went on to shout the following line, there was
littledoubtwhomtheymeantby "theBabi"': in Babi-yibi-
ghmarat/ Yhghishuda bij millat. ("ThisunprincipledB1ibi/ has rebelled against the people"). This leaves little doubt that the Prince Regent's party had organised the riots against Rii Khan. It looks just like the typical Babi-kushi
"incitments to massacre"for politicalreasonsof the late nineteenthand early twentiethcentury,such as that which they organisedin Isfahanand Yazd in the summerof 1903 in order to topple Ataibak's government: and they
vol. IV. vol. I, pp. 366-68. Divawn, Ledby Mudarris, he triedto entera dialoguewiththenew withthe new Shah.See Katouzian, Stateand compromise Society,ch. 11.ThusBahdrwrotea few poemsin praiseof the Shah, e.g. "Din va dawlat","Jazrva madd-i siyisat", and "Fakhriyya",Divain,vol. I, pp. 371-81, though they also included words of advice on just and constitutional rule. But by May 1927, the compromisecollapsed because
the Shahwas not preparedto allow for any independent influence. Shortly afterwards,Mudarriswas arrested,and many years laterwas murderedin banishment.Bahargave up politics but did not remain immune from persecution.
82
83
zindian" See, forexample,his longpoem,"'Kirnmma-yi (in a masnaviform),whichis inthegenreof classicalhabsijyvi or "prisonpoems",but verymuchin a modem,at times evenhumorous, style.See his Divan,vol. II. See 'Irfani,Sharh-iahvl,]va dasr, andBahir's Divan, vols. I andII. Fora good exampleof this, see the tarjibandwhich,in followed 1933,he wasobligedto writeafterimprisonment by banishment,so thatthe banishmentordermight be lifted
on his behalf.The afterinfluentialfriendshad intervened poem'srefrain(tarji) was: "Pahlavi,GrandLordof the fromTahmuras Realm/ Pahlavi,inheritor andJam",Divan, vol. I, 575-78. SA verygoodexampleof thisis his 1939panegyric,"Today Itbegins:"Todaythecrownandcoronetare andyesterday". / era";see Divan,vol. glorious It is a loftyandenlightened I,pp.652-56.Bahirhimselfpointsoutthathe feltimpelled to writethis to ensurethathis persecutionwouldnot be mukhtasar,vol. 1, pp. yad/i'a. resumed.See Tahrikh-i
THE POET-LAUREATEBAHAR IN THE CONSTITUTIONALERA
85
For example,the long masnavi"Krnmfima-yizinddin", mentioned above, and several poems in Divan, vol. I, pp. 512 et seq.
86 His lofty, and passionatelynationalist,qasida entitled "Lsaniyya",(its title alludingto Leysin,the village in Switzerlandwhere, in 1948, he spent some time in a sanatorium)was the best poeticalconsequenceof his illness.See DivTn,vol. I, pp. 723-29. 87 To inauguratehis presidency,he wrote, in 1950, and personallyrecitedto a selectaudiencehis lastgreatqasida, loftyas well as moving,againstwarandin praiseof peace,
247
of thetitleof this "TheCrowof War".Theliteraltranslation in "The Owl of War" is fact 1, (vol. 740-43),but pp. poem the owl in Englishcultureis not a carrierof bad omen, thoughthe crow is a somewhatnegativesymbolin both Infact,Bahfr'sqasida traditions. EnglishandPerso-Arabic is, in its form,an iqtia' of ManichihriD~mghaini's great qayidawhich opens with the distich,Faghin az in ghurabi bayn u viy-i ii/ Ka dar navafikandimannavf-yi ii "Woe
and its moaning/ For its fromthis Crowof Separation, thrown us into moaninghas moumning".
THE EARLYIRANIANSTONE"WEIGHTS"AND AN UNPUBLISHED SUMERIANFOUNDATIONDEPOSIT By JulianReade London
While archaeologistssensibly look for practical explanationsof what they find, the anthropological literature is crammedwith examplesof types of object andmodesof behaviour whichhaveno intrinsicvalueto outsidersbut have come to be acceptedin theirown culturesas conferringsomethingakin to social or financialcreditin ours (e.g. Cribb1997). We should probablybe looking for objects with this kind of symbolicvalue, especiallybeforethe introductionof silveras a mediumof exchange,in theearlyMiddleEast and,indeed,everywhere.Cowrie-shellsare an obvious candidate,as theyarenot uncommonon Mesopotamian excavations,and they servedmonetarypurposesfrom ancientChinato medievalAfrica.It mightalsobe worth thesmallhand-axesorcelts,oftenbeautifully considering madeof greenstone,whichtendto appearsporadically in theinventories of earlyhistoricalsites,bothcompleteand amulets(e.g. fromTepeGawra: eventuallyas perforated Speiser 1935: 85-86; from Nimrud:BritishMuseum 1994-11-5,218,237).Sincehand-axeshadbeenusefulin prehistory,could have gone on being used, and are attractiveenoughto have beenreusedas ornaments,it will be hardto demonstrate thattheypossessedan early symbolicvalue. Theirdistribution throughtime seems odd, however, and it is remarkablethat the early Sumerianpictographic or cuneiformsign GIN meaning axe,whoseshapeis originallyeitheroblong(likea handaxe)orL-shaped(liketheendof a haftedmetalaxe),was also usedfor the termshekel(Babylonianshiqlu).One might comparethe Mexicanaxes that were used for exchange,the copperbar celts of second-millennium India,and the suggestionthat stone hand-axeshad a socialfunction,to impresstheoppositesex,in manyparts of theprehistoric world(KohnandMithen1999).1 Thereis anotherclassof MiddleEasternobjectsthat to possessedevidenthigh statusandsome resemblance things that were genuinely useful, but whose very elaborate decoration appears to represent the transformation of an everydayobjectinto somethingof rather thanpracticalvalue.Thesearethe stone symbolic
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of the mid-thirdmillennium "weights"or "handbags" B.C.,whichhavebeenfoundmainlyin Iran,Afghanistan and Turkmenistan.They have been collected and anda map,by Winkelmann discussed,withillustrations (1977: especially215-19). They are narrow,rounded piecesof solidstonewithintegralloophandles,andare carvedin the "Intercultural" stylewhichwas familiarin southernIran and surrounding regions,includingthe centralPersianGulf. They are aboutthe size of small modem handbags,and are traditionallydescribedas weightsbecausethey are solid, but few of them have beenweighedandit is doubtfulwhethertheyconformto they bearno recognisedresemblanceto any standard; of standard andwould weightusedsubsequently, types have been inconvenient for this purposesince anyway cannot stand upright. they It is possiblethat these objectswere copied from genuinecontainersmadeof woodor fabric,butit seems more likely thatthey were exceptionalloom-weights. thereare otherstone As pointedout by Winkelmann, less slim and usually plain but broadly objects, in which come from the same comparable shape, generalareaandwhichrangein datefromthe fourthto the earlyfirstmillenniumB.C. Winkelmann proposeda cultic use for them, since some have been found in gravesand in places associatedwith worship.Robert Knox,however,tells me thattherearemanyatthe midfourthmillenniumsite of Sheri Khan Tarakaiin the Bannu province of northwesternPakistan,and this purpose.D. stronglysuggeststhattheyhada utilitarian Collonhas drawnmy attentionto a ceramiclid in the BritishMuseum(1849-6-23,41 = 93028: purchased; see Curtis 1993: 63) belonging to the much later Sasanianperiod,which is decoratedin relief with a scene of acrobatswho appearto be juggling with weightsof a similarshape,butthis can hardlyaccount for the abundanceof earlierexamples(see Fig. 1). A specific hypothesisis that the decoratedstone weightsweremarriagegiftsor symbolicdowries,which would help explainthe appearanceof some isolated
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Fig. 1. Sasanianceramiclid. Photographcourtesyof the Trusteesof the BritishMuseum.
in examplesoutsidetheirprincipalareaof distribution Iran.Thiskindof idealies on theveryedgeof whatcan ever actuallybe tested.The presentpaperconsidersits compatibilitywith what may be deduced from the provenanceof a singleunusualstoneweightfoundatUr in southernIraq.The provenancehas been forgotten, however,andhasto be reconstructed by referenceto the 19th-centuryrecordsof the BritishMuseum(Central Archive, Original Papers and Letters, volumes LIX-LXII for 1858-59).
In 1855, when the main British excavationsin Assyria and Babylonia ended, 3828.13 kerans of OttomancurrencyremainedattheBaghdadconsulateto the creditof the museum.It was eventuallydecidedto spendthe money on excavationsat Ur, and the work was entrustedto JohnGeorgeTaylor,Britishconsulat Basra,an able man who had alreadyexcavatedat Ur and elsewhere. Sollberger(1972) has given a brief accountof Taylor'slife, but was unawareof his last seasonof excavations,whichtookplaceduringJanuary andFebruary1858.On 10 August,Taylorsenthis field notes to MajorA.B. Kemball,then PoliticalAgent in TurkishArabiaandH.M.'sConsulGeneralat Baghdad, who forwardedthemto London.They were boundas item9951 in Vol.LXIof the Trustees'OriginalPapers. In a letterof 7 March1859,TaylorauthorisedAntonio Panizzi,PrincipalLibrarianof the BritishMuseum,to notes"in theJournalofthe Royal publishhis "desultory
Asiatic Society. On 5 February1959, however, Sir HenryRawlinson,whohadsuccessfullypassedhimself off as primedecipherer of the cuneiformscriptandwas the accepted authorityon ancient Babylonia, had writtenanotherletter."MydearPanizzi,Willyouplease let me have Taylor'sMemoir(enclosureto Kemball's last despatch)for a few minutesin orderto insertthe localitieswherethe new brickshave been found,the Inscriptionson which are being now printedon our Chaldaeansheet?Yourssincerely,H.C. Supplementary Rawlinson."Taylor'snotes have been cut out of the volume,andthe provenancesof inscribedbricksfound by him are indeed given in Rawlinson'sCuneiform Asia, vol. I (London1861),but Inscriptionsof Western the notes never returnedto volume LXI, nor do they appearto be among those of the Rawlinsonpapers which are preservedin the Royal Asiatic and Royal GeographicalSocieties. One possibilityis that they were sent to be printedin the Journal of the Royal AsiaticSociety,and thatfor some reasonthis was not done. I have been told that the Society's officers discardedmanyold recordson movinghousein 1947, so maybetheyperishedthen.All thatis left is Taylor's summarypacking list, together with the Museum registerentriesfor the collection(1859-10-14, 1-336) which themselvescontaina little information.It does not seem likely thatthereare any relevantdocuments such as a diaryin privatehands,since AvvocatoJohn Gatttaiof Viareggio,who visitedme in 1987,saidthat his own grandmother hadbeenthe lastmemberof this branchof the Taylors.Therewas a familytraditionthat his forebear had done archaeological work in Mesopotamia, and he was looking for further informationabout it. ApparentlyTaylor's son had emigratedto Italy to become pastorof a Protestant communityin northernPiedmont. Taylorevidentlyrecordedhis last excavationat Ur with characteristic efficiency,reflectedin the packing list. Besidesinscribedbricks,inscribedconesincluding three fixed togetheron an inscribedcircularmount, miscellaneousobjectsof variousdates,an archiveof 20 OldBabyloniantablets,two othertabletfragments,and a terracottagame-board,the bulkof the finds seem to have come from gravesof the early first millennium B.C. The packinglist specifies:"One coffin jar and cover markedM2 which contains two clay dishes containingfragmentsof linen shroudfoundin coffin. Onejar foundin coffincontainingdittoditto. 1 Parcel containingwood found in coffin and severalParcels
THE EARLY IRANIAN STONE "WEIGHTS" AND AN UNPUBLISHED SUMERIAN FOUNDATION DEPOSIT
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containingbeads, copperand iron rings and bangles foundinjarcoffins."Objectslikethesearedulypresent in the 1859-10-14collection,togetherwith weapons, itemswere andthe registrarhas notedwhereparticular Since about six packedtogether. separategroupsconsist of both beads and metalwork,these should be the contentsof individualgraves. It is possible that the groupings,and some of the ungroupedbut associated objectsfromthe samecemetery,stillcontaina littlenew information,sincerethereareno specificgrave-groups recordedin thisway amongthebroadlysimilarmaterial (1856-9-8, 1-405; 1858-1-1, 1-25) from the earlier Ur
excavations(Taylor1855a). Themostunusualgroupof objects from the 1858 season dates from the third millenniumB.C.Thepackinglist entriesareas follows: "Onecopperinstrumentlike a headlessnail obtained with the blackstone instrument[recognisablesketch]. See notes. Smallbricktiles and cones obtainedat the sameplace as above Ditto Ditto [i.e. 'See notes.' The next entryis '2 fragmentsof an elephant'stooth', but these may not have been associated.] ... 1 Paper
containingheadin blue stoneandthe fragmentsof one face of the stone instrumentas above ... 1 Black stone
instrument one sidedefaced,the otherbearingtwo lines of emblemsviz on each2 eyes and2 stars."TheBritish Museumregistrarhas addeda detail,concerningthe blue stonehead,thatmusthave beenwrittenon one of thepackages:"Foundcloseto No. 79,justunderit",i.e. just underthe stoneinstrument. The "blackstoneinstrument", as shownin Taylor's sketch, is a squareweight of solid stone with loop handle,skilfullycarvedall overin low relief,now 185910-14, 79 = 91700 (see Fig. 2). It is made of a black shale-likestone, the carved surfacesof which have becomegrey;one facehas entirelyflakedaway,though a few loose fragmentssurvive(91386).Thetotalheight withhandleis 21 cm.,theheightof thebag 10.4cm.,the width19.5cm. Themaximumextantthicknessis about 3.3. cm.,fromwhichperhapsonly0.1 cm.hasbeenlost, butmorehas beenlost elsewhere,so thatthe minimum survivingthicknessis only 1.8 cm. The weightof the main fragmentis 1610 g., representingat a rough estimate about 85% of the originaltotal. The decoration on the preserved face of the bag consists of four eyes and four stars or rosettes; fragments from the damaged face, showing two starsand at least one eye, could have belonged to an identical design. The handle and the four narrow sides of the bag are decorated with a diamond pattern and with binding, perhaps imitating plaited
Fig. 2. Stoneweightfrom Ur.Photographcourtesyof the Trusteesof the BritishMuseum.
twineor basketry. Thetypeof stonefromwhichthe weight is made probablyoriginatedin the nearby mountainsof Iran.The weightwas firstpublishedby Gadd(1934:43-44, pl. XII.1),who recognisedthatthe choiceandstyleof decorationon the faces,comparable withthaton objectssuchas inlaidgame-boards fromthe Ur royalgraves(Woolley1934:II, pl. 95), requiredan EarlyDynasticdate;it couldhavebeencarvedatUr.He comparedthe weightto the bucketscarriedby magical spiritscarvedon Neo-Assyrianwall-panels.Dussaud (1935: 223) wonderedwhetherit mightnot have been "uninstrument andI.L. portatifa valeurapotropaique", Finkelhas drawnmy attentionto a hymn of the midsecondmillenniumor laterin which Gula,goddessof healing, states, "I gird myself with the leatherbag (Lambert1967: containinghealth-givingincantations" Both are remote 121). very parallels,thoughone could imagine an Early Dynastic stone weight of fine workmanshipbeing discovered subsequently and adoptedfor culticuse. We can now recognisethatthe object is most closely relatedto the Iranianstone style, although weights carved in the "Intercultural" thoseareless angular. The "head in blue stone" found with the stone weightis a plaquecarvedin reliefwitha woman'sface,
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The only objectin the museumcollectionsuitingthis is 90951,whichis 34.1 cm.longwitha head description 3.7 cm. in diameter.Whilethe endnearthe pointis still has lightlycoveredby corrosionproducts,the remainder been cleaned in the past, revealing an inscription the nameof an EarlyDynastic mentioningA'annipada, kingof Ur,c. 2300 B.C.on thechronologyadvocatedby Reade (2001). The text was copied and publishedby Gadd(1928).It seemsthatthe 1856-9-8and 1858-1-1
Fig. 3. Lapis lazuli plaque from Ur. Photograph courtesy of the Trustees of the British Museum.
now 1859-10-14,80 = 122113(see Fig. 3). It is madeof lapislazuli,andis 3.2 cm. high and2.2 cm. wide, with a maximumthickness(atthe nose)of 1.1 cm. Theback is flat,butfor two straightincisionscontinuingthe line of the headbandacrossit. Thetop andbottomedgesare plain. The techniqueand materialof the head are typicallyEarlyDynasticin date.The plainheadband, prominentnose andfaintsmilearepresenton an Early Dynasticstatuetteof a womanfromUr (Woolley1956: 39, pl. 37). The way in whichthe fringeof hairon the foreheadends in loops may also be similaron the statuette;it reappearson the face of a figurewhich is carvedon a stonevessel fromUr (Woolley1934:II, pl. on bothsideedges 182).Loopedhairis alsorepresented of theplaque,fromtheheadbandto thebase,suggesting at first sight that the face was framedby long single locksas on someotherEarlyDynasticstatuesof women (e.g. Frankfort1939:pl. 74), but on those the hair is coiled or plaited.Perhapsthe plaque was originally attachedto one end of an oblong box or cosmetic containerof wood, overlaidwithhairalongthe sides;a simpler box with geometric mosaic overlay was excavatedin an Ur grave(Woolley1934:I, 282-83; II, Pl. 103). Taylor's"copperinstrumentlike a headlessnail" mustbe the peg registeredas 1859-10-14,160(see Fig. 4). Themuseumregisterdescribesthisas a bronzecone 13.5in. long,i.e. 34.3 cm.,andprovidesa roughsketch.
Fig. 4. Copper peg of A 'annipadafrom Ur. Photograph courtesy of the Trustees of the British Museum.
THE EARLY IRANIAN STONE "WEIGHTS" AND AN UNPUBLISHED SUMERIAN FOUNDATION DEPOSIT
collectionsin the BritishMuseumwere the only ones knownto Gaddas comingfromTaylor'sUrexcavations, andhe didnotrealisethattheobjectnumbered 90951was identicalwith thatregisteredas 1859-10-14,160. This accountsforhis mistakenstatementthat,"itis necessary firstto explainthatthe copperpeg has, unhappily,no modemhistory;it belongsto the old collectionsof the Museum,andthereis no recordof whenor how it was acquired,muchless of its placeof origin,thoughit is at leastcertainthatit was not amongMrTaylor'sfindsat Ur." Even the status of the text was questionedby Sollberger(1960:88-89), whichhas led to its omission fromthestandard editionsof Sumerian royalinscriptions and (Sollberger Kupper1971; Steible 1982; Cooper 1986).Nonethelessthe objectis obviouslya memorial peg, as suspectedby Ellis (1968: 57); the materialis probablycopper,which was far more commonthan bronzein thisperiod(Moorey1994:72). I am indebted to I.L. FinkelandP. Steinkellerfor confirmingthatthe scriptis EarlyDynasticin date,andthatthetext,besides naming A'annipadaas king, concerns the goddess Inannaand a shrine whose name, ei-igi-bur,might possiblybe an earlyversionof ei-bur,"Houseof Jars", whichwas a shrinededicatedto InannaNin-kununa and built or restoredby the king Ur-nammuc. 2000 B.C. (George 1993: 83; Frayne 1997: 39; Cavigneauand Krebernik 2000). Little is known about Inanna manifestedasNin-kununa, andtheshrinemayhavebeen partof a largerInannaTemplecomplex;Inannaherself to Ishtar. was goddessof loveandfertility,corresponding AnothershrineofInannaatUrmayhavebeensomehow associatedwiththe Gulf:it borethe name6-tilmun-na, for whichalternative translations "Houseof the Noble"
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and "Tilmun-House" have been suggested (George 1993:150).TilmunorDilmun,whichInannawassaidto visitoccasionally, wasthenameappliedby Sumerians to the Arabianside of the Gulf,throughwhichmuchtrade witheasternIranwas conducted. Theexactlocationof Ur-nammu's shrineforInanna Nin-kununais uncertain,butdoor-socketsinscribedfor this buildingwere laterreusedin the templequarterat Ur. Woolley (1974: 39) found inscribed bricks belongingto several other unlocatedshrinesin this vicinity,andit was probablyanotherof them.Taylor's "smallbricktiles andcones obtainedat the sameplace as above"mustcorrespond to the palegreenishceramic tiles in the British Museum numbered1859-10-14, about12 or 13 cm. long, 54-66, whicharerectangular, 6-7 cm. wide, and 1.5-2 cm. thick,andto the similar ceramicconesnumbered1859-10-14,67-78, whichare about17-19 cm. longwithheads3.5-4 cm.in diameter, suitablefor use in cone-mosaicsbut withoutvisible paint. Taylor(1855b: 410-11 also found many such pieces at nearbyEridu,and noted the way in which tiles madeof stonewerepiercedatthe back rectangular for attachment.It is worth illustratinga tile of this periodfromH.R.Hall'sexcavationsat Eridu,1919-105.7 by 3.9 11,3878 (madeof orangecalciteor alabaster, 1.3 and 1.9 between cm. this cm., thick); acquiredan incisedgraffitorepresenting anequinehead,apparently held on a tightrein(see Fig. 5). Althoughthe original compositepatternscreatedfromsuchtiles andconesare seldomrecoverable,mosaicswere characteristic mural in the early decorationof Sumerianshrinearchitecture thirdmillennium;perhapsthe pieces foundby Taylor shrine. belongedto an earlierversionof A'annipada's
Fig. 5. Inlayincisedwithequinehead,from Eridu. Photographcourtesyof the Trusteesof the British Museum.
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Somethingabouttheway in whichthegroupof three objects- stoneweight,lapislazuliplaqueand copper peg - was depositedin the soil, was sufficiently distinctiveforTaylorto writea specialnote.Althoughthe noteis lost,we haveto concludethathe hadexcavateda shrinefoundationdepositthat was still in its original position.The plaque could have been placed in the withstandard deposit,in accordance practice,as a piece of an exotic and valuablematerial,comingultimately from Afghanistan;perhapsit also representedInanna. Thematerialof the stoneweightwas notso striking,but its skilful workmanshipevidently made it fit for dedicationto a goddess; stars later symbolisedthis goddess, and the eyes, too, probablyhad magical Theweightmayhavehadanadditional role. significance. AnyEarlyDynasticfoundation pegwasnormallypassed throughan aperturein some otherobject,symbolically fasteningdownthe buildingin whichit was placed.The aperture,which in foundationdepositsfor Inannaor Ishtartempleswas sometimesD-shaped,likethe handle of thisweight,sometimeslookswideenoughforthe peg to havedroppedstraightthrough(Ellis1968:46-48, 216, fig. 2). Closeinspectionof thetopof thebag,on theright in Fig. 2, revealsan area,some 3 cm. by 1 cm. in size, wheretheusualcleanandcrisppatternis partlyobscured by a few thin encrustedpatches.This is the only encrustation on the surfaceof the object,andit is brown withwhatin somelightsseemsa veryslightgreentinge, implyingcoppercorrosionnearby.So perhapsthe peg passedthroughthehandle,andpartof thepeg eventually cameto restnearthetopof thebag.Thisis uncertain, but in anyeventthethreeobjectsbelongedtogether,andhad beendedicatedto Inannaby theking. The elephant tooth, 1859-10-14, 335 = 127416, is unique at Ur, and must also have been regarded as special. While thereis no specific evidence thatthe tooth
arrivedatNippurready-made. Althoughthe presumably of the decorated stone is certainly weight concept derived from the east, the distinctive shape and of the Urexamplesetit apartfromtheothers. decoration Itcouldhavebeenmanufactured locally,andA'annipada musthaveknownwhatthe stoneweightswereandwhat he was doing in placingan object of this kind in a foundation depositforhis Inannashrine. The possibleGulfor "Intercultural" associationsof of Inanna would this avatar provide a partial explanation.A fullerand more satisfyingexplanation, however,would requirea directassociationbetween Inannaand the functionof the stone weights,which wouldindeedbe thecaseif theweights,likethegoddess herself,were symbolsof marriage,love and fertility. One might go further,since there are Mesopotamian betweengodsand allusionsto formsof SacredMarriage mortals(Renger1975);this is a difficultareaof study (e.g. Leick 1994:147),butit certainlyinvolvedsex. At Ur itself, a daughterof the king (to judge by slightly later practice)was regularlyhigh priestess of Sin, principalgod of the city. Maybethe king was highpriestof Inannaat Ur, and madelove with herjust as Shulgi,a laterkingof Ur,didwithInannain her roleas goddessof nearbyUruk(Leick 1994:98-99). If so, it wouldhardlybe surprisingif A'annipada'sfoundation depositfor Inannaincludeditemsrelatingto marriage, and the importedNippurweight could have arrived througha diplomaticmarriagewitha statein Iran.None of this actually proves that stone weights had the functionsuggestedfor themabove,butit is the kindof evidencewe mightexpectto findit theydid. is displayed aspartof a Oneof thesmallgreenhand-axes relativelymodemSyrianamuletinthePittRiversMuseum,
was part of the foundationdeposit,it is difficultto Oxford. it other than that of a votive envisage servingany purpose of the British offering.I am gratefulto C. Cartwright Museumfor identifyingit as probablyfossil material. Bibliography Fossil elephantremainscan be found nowadaysin westernAbu Dhabi (UnitedArab Emirates),but the Cavigneau,A. and Krebemik,M. 2000. "Nin-kununa", geology there is not exceptional, so there must be other fossil deposits in the PersianGulf region. The only othercomparablestone weight excavatedin Iraqseems to be one, similarin date but more roundedin shape,which was found at Nippur(Miroschedji1972). It was made from an importedstone, describedas steatite, and is decorated in the "Intercultural" style; it
9 (5-6): 450-51. derAssyriologie Reallexikon and RoyalInscriptions, Cooper,J.S. 1986.Sumerian Akkadian vol. I: PresargonicInscriptions,The AmericanOriental Series,vol. I, New Haven. Society,Translation Cribb,J. 1997. "Africaand Oceania"', pp. 193-217 in J. Williams(ed.),Money:a History,London. Curtis,V.S. 1993. Persian Myths,London.
THE EARLY IRANIAN STONE "WEIGHTS" AND AN UNPUBLISHED SUMERIAN FOUNDATION DEPOSIT
Dussaud, R. 1935. Review of The BritishMuseumQuarterly9 (2). Syria 16: 222-23. Ellis, R.S. 1968. FoundationDeposits in AncientMesopotamia, Yale Near EasternResearches,2, New Haven and London. Frankfort,H. 1939. Sculptureof the ThirdMillenniumB.C.from TellAsmarand Khajajah,OrientalInstitutePublications,44, Chicago. Frayne, D.R. 1997. The Royal Inscriptions of Mesopotamia, Early Periods, vol. 3/2: Ur II Period (2112-2004 B.C.), Toronto. Gadd, C.J. 1928. "AnotherA-anni-paddainscription",JRAS 1928: 626-28. - 1934. "Babylonian stone carvings of the early period", BritishMuseumQuarterly9 (2): 42-45. George, A.R. 1993. House Most High: the Templesof Ancient Mesopotamia,MesopotamianCivilizations,no. 5, Winona Lake, Indiana. Kohn, M. and Mithen,S. 1999. "Hand-axes:productsof sexual selection?",Antiquity73 (231. September1999): 518-26. Lambert, W.G. 1967. "The Gula hymn of Bullutsa-rabi", Orientalia36: 105-32. Leick, G. 1994. Sex and Eroticismin MesopotamianLiterature, Londonand New York. Miroschedji, P. de. 1972. "Un objet cultuel (?) d'origine iranienneprovenantde Nippur",Iran 10: 159-61. Moorey, P.R.S. 1994. Ancient Mesopotamian Materials and Industries:the ArchaeologicalEvidence,Oxford.
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Reade, J.E. 2001. "Assyrianking-lists,the Royal Tombsof Ur, and Indusorigins".JNES 60: 1-29. Renger, J. 1975. "Heilige Hochzeit", Reallexikon der Assyriologie 4 (4-5): 251-59, Berlinand New York. Sollberger,E. 1960. "Notes on the early inscriptionsfrom Ur and el-'Obed",Iraq 22: 69-89. - 1972. "Mr Taylor in Chaldaea",Anatolian Studies 22: 129-39. - and Kupper,J.-R. 1971. Inscriptionsroyalessumerienneset akkadiennes,Paris. Speiser,E.A. 1935. Excavationsat TepeGawra, I, Philadelphia. Steible,H. 1982. Die AltsumerischenBau- und Weihinschrifien, 1, FreiburgerAltorientalischeStudien,5, Freiburg. Taylor,J.G. 1855a. "Notes on the ruinsof Muqeyer",JRAS 15: 260-76. - 1855b."Noteson Abu ShahreinandTel el Lahm",JRAS 15: 404-15. Winkelmann, S. 1997. "Gedanken zur Herkunft und Verbreitungiranischerund mittelasiatischer'Gewichte"', MDOG 129: 187-224. Woolley, C.L. 1934. Ur Excavations,II. The Royal Cemetery, Londonand Philadelphia. - 1956. Ur Excavations,IV- TheEarly Periods, London and -
Philadelphia. 1974. Ur Excavations, VI: The Buildings of the Third Dynasty,Londonand Philadelphia.
SAFAVIDBLUE AND WHITEBOWLS AND THE CHINESE CONNECTION By YolandeCrowe London
ZohrehRuhfarof the Islamic Museum,Tehran, publisheda blue and white object in IRAN XXXIX (2001: 303). It was describedas a platemeasuring21 cm. in width(Fig. 1) withno referenceto the existence of a mark inside the base ring. Accordingto the the straightrimlooksratherthick,andwhat photograph, remainsof a plainwell leadsto a doublecircleenclosing a top-bracketedpanel with slanting sides and a circumflexbase.Thepanelis surrounded by ribbonsat the top, a pairof jewel stringswithtasselson the sides as well as two lateralbandswith pseudo-writing. The is framed with a thick dark band reserve-painted panel which is underlinedby a fine white inner line. The sketchof a robedfigure,paintedwith a medium-size brush,fills the frameand appearsto be movingas the folds of the skirtandthe loose ends of a darksashare swaying:no feet are visible. A roundedcoarsefringe covers the head which leans to the right; folds of materialroundthe neck hang over a verticalrow of whatcouldbe smallbuttonsset on a tightbodice.The
Fig. 1. Blue and white dish, National Museum of Iran. Photograph courtesy of the National Museum of Iran.
righthandholdinga bottleemergesfroma broadsleeve andthe left handsupportsa spottedbowl underarm. A similarcompositioninsidea roundelcan be seen in thecentreof a Safavidbowlin theVictoriaandAlbert Museum(Fig. 2). The accessionnumberis 2911-1876 and it is no. 63 in the recentlypublishedcatalogueof Safavidblue andwhite ceramicsin the Museum.'The outlineof the reserve-painted panelis slightlydifferent with a circumflextop and a lobed base. Both the slantingsides as well as the outermotifsarethe same. The centralfigure,paintedwiththe samebrush,differs in only a few detailssuchas the capon a baldheadand the righthandcarryingan elongatedflatshape.The left handis not holdinganything.The positionof the feet indicatesthatthe figureis walking.The roundelof the Tehranplate is 21 cm. wide, and that of the London bowl is 22.8 cm. The latterbowl is 18.9 cm. high and 40.6 cm. wide with a straightrim, a plainwell and a tassel markinside its base ring. The innerrim band
Fig. 2. Boivl no. 63, central medallion, Victoriaand Albert Museum. Photograph courtesy of the Trustees of the Victoria and Albert Museum.
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Fig. 3. Bowl no. 63, outer panel, Victoria and Albert Museum. Photograph courtesy of the Trustees of the Victoriaand Albert Museum.
consistsof a seriesof hillocks,huts,treesandboats.The eachwith threeoutsidepanelsarealso reserve-painted, two lateralbandsand a pair of jewelled stringswith tassels (Fig. 3). These panels enclose two standing figures:one of them is similarto the figureinsidethe Londonbowl andthe Tehranobject,the othersmaller figureto the left couldbe thatof a servantwitha fringe, bare-leggedandcarryinga parasol. Anotherset of similarpanelsdecoratesa multi-neck vase, accession number 1082-1883, no. 106 in the catalogue(see Fig. 9). It has a squaremarkinside its base ring. A medium-sizedblue and whitejar, which passedthroughthe artmarketin 1982,is paintedwith fourpanelsenclosingpairsof standingfiguresin similar
long robes.2To this day,no Safaviddishis knownwith a singlepanelat the centre.Henceit is possiblethatthe Tehran"plate",similarin size to the centreof bowl no. 63, is the remainingbase of a bowl resemblingthe one in the VictoriaandAlbertMuseum(no. 63). The latter alsohaspaintingbetweentheouterpanels(Fig.4). Here the elementsdo not relateto any Persiandesign.They consistof a pairof lozengeswitha lowerringandlateral ribbonshanging above a stylised flower with four scrollingfinials. In a Chinesecontextthese lozenges representone of the eight PreciousThings.A similar pattern,actingas a dividerbetweenfourreserve-painted panels,canbe seen on the outsideof anotherbowlwith a straightrim in the Victoriaand Albert Museum,
Fig. 4. Bowl no. 63, h. 8.6 cm., w. 40.6 cm., Victoria and Albert Museum. Photograph courtesy of the Trustees of the Victoria and Albert Museum.
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Fig. 5. Bowl no. 64, h. 19.5 cm., w. 32.5 cm., Victoriaand Albert Museum. Photograph courtesy of the Trustees of the Victoriaand Albert Museum.
accessionno. 2904-1876,no. 64 in the catalogue(Fig. 5) with a squaremarkinside its base ring. Here the withbracketedtops and panelsaremoresquare-shaped basesandstraightsides.They containan extraordinary quadrupedwith five animalheads and the busts of a man and a woman. In 1960 Basil Gray publisheda similarblueandwhitebowlfromthe Chinesecollection in the British Museum (Fig. 6).3 In his article the westernemblemreferredto, is a coatof armsprobably belongingto a familyfromthe IberianPeninsula,and a hydrawithsevenheads.The scriptin the representing lateralbandsreadsas a motto:Sapientinihilnovumto the wise nothingis new - with the wordsapienti
lookingvery muchlike septenti!Whena strangescript was copied by the Chinese potter it was often transcribedincorrectly.The Persian copyist painted squiggles ratherthan imitationsof letters, and he reproducedonly one type of divider,but copied the Chineseversionof the differentheadsandthe flowing ribbonsoverthe panels. TheChinesehydrabowlis 34.5 cm.wideand17cm. high,andthe Persiancopy 32.5 cm. wide and 19.5cm. highwithits centralroundel17.5cm. wide.Thewell of the Chinesebowl is dividedintoten panelswith rocks forminga base for leafy branchesandfiuit towardsthe top (Fig. 7). The Persianpainterchose to divide his
Fig. 6. Chinese hydra bowl in the British Museum, 11:63, h. 17 cm., w. 34.5 cm. Photograph courtesy of the Trustees of the British Museum.
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JOURNAL OF PERSIAN STUDIES
Fig. 7. Chinese hydra bowl in the British Museum, central medallion. Photograph courtesy of the Trustees of the British Museum.
slightlysmallerwell intoeightrectangular panels,each decoratedwith a leafy branchand two flowersrising from a groundof rocks. A white band surroundsthe centralmedallionand its inner lining of segmented waves andspraywhichcontainsa bald-headed rideron
Fig. 8. Bowvlno. 64, central medallion, Victoria and Albert Museum. Photograph courtesy of the Trustees of the Victoria and Albert Museum.
Fig. 9. Multi-neck vase no. 106, h. 28.8 cm., iv. 22.2 cm., Victoriaand Albert Museum. Photograph courtesy of the Trustees of the Victoriaand Albert Museum.
a muleamidstflames(Fig. 8). The sceneis unexpected in a Persiancontext,althoughfiguresridingquadrupeds areoftenseen crossinga bridgein lakesceneson fairly largeChinesedishesfromthe Jiajingperiod(1522-66) and are later used as a single feature on Wanli (1573-1620)smallbowls.4Yetthe riderwithbeardand moustachecouldnot possiblybe Chinese. As mentionedearlier,the thirdand last piece with figureson separatepanels in the Victoriaand Albert Museum is a multi-neckvase no. 106, accession number1082-1883(Fig.9). Fourreserve-painted panels belowthe mainneckandits five satellitesareseparated by fancifullozengesandringhangingovera lotuswith fourscrolledfinials,similarto thosepaintedon bowlno. 64. A fine brushhasbeenusedto outlineall fourfigures althoughone standsout by its poise withone handand one foot visible, the othershiddenin the folds of the robe.A mopof blackhaircoverstheheadturnedto the left. Althoughdressedin robesthe otherthreefigures mightbe servants,two of themstridingto the right,one
SAFAVID BLUE AND WHITE BOWLS AND THE CHINESE CONNECTION
Fig. 10. Vaseno. 106, outer panel, Victoria and Albert Museum. Photograph courtesy of the Trustees of the Victoria and Albert Museum.
eatinga slice of melon andthe othercarryinga bottle (Figs. 10, 11). The thirdservantis paintedin a frontal position althoughhis feet are turnedtogetherto the right!He carriesa long stickandhis handsarecovered by long sleeves.Thetip of the stickendsin thepossible shapeof a parasol(Fig. 12). A greatsense of humour emanatesfromthesethreesketches. The paintingof the figureson all threevessels is consistentsince the painteror paintersuse the same repertoireof motifs. The only differencesoccur in detailssuch as hats, parasols,bottlesand otherlesser features.Whenfine lines are requireda blackbrushis usedas on bowl no. 64 andvase no. 106.On bowl no. 63, whichhasno fineblackoutlinesbutonlytwo shades of blue,it is obviousthatthe paintinghas been carried out with a thickerbrushin a bolder,if less elegant, manner.Recentstudiesin the use of chromitefor black outlines on Safavid ceramics have shown that its purposeis not necessarilyto preventthe cobalt-blue areasfromdispersionbutratherto obtaina contrasting
261
Fig. 11. Vase no. 106, outer panel, Victoriaand Albert Museum. Photograph courtesy of the Trustees of the Victoria and Albert Museum.
fine line.5It could well be that a more sophisticated painterwould try to use his brushin a more precise manner.The paintingof the mule and its riderinside bowlno. 64 almostachievesthe delicacyof a miniature painting(Fig. 8). A furtherparallelmay also be drawn on Kraakwares6 betweenexamplesof banalbrushwork andthe exceptionalpanelpaintingin differentshadesof blue on a Chinesebowl, no. 47, in the Rijksmuseum, Amsterdam(Fig. 13).7Herethe use of a veryfine brush enhancesthe featuresof the female figuresin the six panelson the outsideof the bowl. to suchChinese Althoughthe historicalbackground influences on Persian ceramics is graduallybeing appreciated,it is worth searchinga little furtherinto commercial exchangesin orderto datemorepreciselythe ChineseandlaterPersianwares.Itis well-knownthatthe Oostindische VOC(Vereenigde Compagnie),the Dutch foundedin 1602,increaseditstrade EastIndiaCompany, with Persiafrom 1623 afterthe Portugueseislandof to thePersianswiththehelpof the Hormuzwasreturned
262
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homewasforthepurchaseof silkfromanothersourcein additionto the Levant.It was the invaluableresearchof Volkerwhich showedthatthe VOC, althoughmostly involvedin the commerceof spices,also includedthe purchaseof FarEasternceramicswhichwasof profitable coursea verysuitableballast.8 Thecrazeforblueandwhiteporcelainwhichstarted in westernAsia in the late 14thcentury,had reached Europeaftera slow startunderthe Portugueseearlyin the 16thcentury.It took the organisational skill of the Dutch tradersto develop an efficient system for the orderinganddispatchingof largesuppliesof porcelain, oftenmadeto suitthe customsof the Dutchtablesince woodenmouldswere sent out to be faithfullycopied. Earlyin the 17thcenturyDutchstilllife paintingsstarted to includeblue andwhiteKraakwareswhichactedas marvellousfoilsforredlobsters,strawberries orcherries. In one suchpaintingwitha varietyof glassandceramic containers,a largeblueandwhiteChinesebowl, rather thantheusualdish,hasbeenplacedon a whitetablecloth withpewterplattersof fish,breadanda peeledlemonin frontof it. A close lookatthe bowlshowsthatit is none otherthana verygoodcopyof thehydrabowl.Oneneed notgo as faras to suggestthatit couldbe Persian,butthe factthatthe paintingby WillemClaeszHeda,a rivalof Peter Claesz,is dated 1638, indicatesthatexactlythis Fig. 12. Vaseno. 106, outerpanel, VictorianandAlbert of type bowl,besidesreachingPersia,hadalsobeensold Museum.Photographcourtesyof the Trusteesof the on the Dutchmarket.9 VictoriaandAlbertMuseum. Therearefew datedSafavidceramics,butthe year Britishfleetin 1622.Gombroon/Bandar Abbaswasto be 1638 providesa precisedatebeforewhichsuchKraak the harbourwhereshipswouldcall on theirway back bowls musthave reachedPersia,providinga splendid, fromBataviaafterfurtherpurchasesat Suratin Gujarat. if strange,decorationto be copied.The Chinesehydra ThemainreasonforincludingBandarAbbason theway bowl may well have been made to orderin the first
Fig. 13. Chinesebowl no. 47, Amsterdam.Photograph Rijksmuseum the RUksmuseum, courtesyof Amsterdam.
SAFAVIDBLUE AND WHITEBOWLS AND THE CHINESECONNECTION
placeforthePortuguesemarketbutit musthaveproved so popularthatit becamepartof theinternational scene. It is now acceptedthatthereis only a shorttime lag betweenthe arrivalof a new modelandthe production of a copy.Theexampleof the Hamaplatein Damascus is a case in point.10Beforethe destructionof Hamaby Timurin 1400,earlyMingblue andwhitedisheswere andwere instantly alreadyreachingthe Mediterranean and thus popular copiedimmediately.Consequentlya whole seriesof Safavidbowls" echoingKraakshapes anddesignscanbe safelyplacedwell beforethe middle of the 17thcentury,thatis duringthe latterpartof Shah AbbasI's ruleandunderShahSafiI.
5
263
SchweizerF.andDegliAgostiM., "Technical in analyses", Crowe, Persia and China, 302-3.
6
7
The wordKraakrefersto the Portuguesenamefor ships carryinggoods back from the far east. The cargoload would includeChineseporcelain.Carrackwould be the of Kraak. Englishtranslation Jirg C., Chinese Ceramics in the Collection of the
London,1997. Amsterdam, Rjksmuseum 8
Matthee R., The Politics of Tradein Safavid Iran. Silkfor
Silver1600-1730,Cambridge1999.VolkerT., Porcelain and the Dutch East India Company as recorded in the Dagh-Registers of Batavia Castle, those of Hirado and Deshima and other ContemporaryPapers 1602-1682,
Leiden,1954,reprint1971. 9 Harrison-Hall, MingCeramics,11:63fig. 1.
2 3
4
CroweY., Persia and China:SafavidBlue and White Ceramicsin the VictoriaandAlbertMuseum1501-1738, London,2002. International CeramicsFair,London1982,Spinks. GrayB., "A Chineseblue andwhitebowl with Western emblems",BritishMuseumQuarterly XXII,1960,86-91. Harrisson-Hall J., MingCeramicsin the BritishMuseum,
10
Pope J.A., Chinese Porcelain from the Ardebil Shrine,
DC, 1956,figs. 31, 131c. Washington 11 For a detailedstudyof Safavidbowls of this periodsee CroweY., "Transformations des motifs chinoisdans la du XVIIe Taoci1, 2000,59-65. siecle", persane c6ramique
London, 2002,300-1.
Photographs
chinoisesdupalais D., "Lesporcelaines Lyon-Goldschmidt de Santos",ArtsAsiatiquesXXXIX,1984,3-72, figs. 55, 57. Harrison-Hall, MingCeramics,11:88.
Museumcatalogue,photographed by the author.
The numbers refer to the Victoria and Albert
British Institute of Persian Studies
The Williamson Collection Project: Sasanian and Islamic Pottery from Southern Iran Author(s): Seth M. N. Priestman and Derek Kennet Source: Iran, Vol. 40 (2002), pp. 265-267 Published by: British Institute of Persian Studies Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/4300629 Accessed: 01/02/2009 15:09 Your use of the JSTOR archive indicates your acceptance of JSTOR's Terms and Conditions of Use, available at http://www.jstor.org/page/info/about/policies/terms.jsp. JSTOR's Terms and Conditions of Use provides, in part, that unless you have obtained prior permission, you may not download an entire issue of a journal or multiple copies of articles, and you may use content in the JSTOR archive only for your personal, non-commercial use. Please contact the publisher regarding any further use of this work. Publisher contact information may be obtained at http://www.jstor.org/action/showPublisher?publisherCode=bips. Each copy of any part of a JSTOR transmission must contain the same copyright notice that appears on the screen or printed page of such transmission. JSTOR is a not-for-profit organization founded in 1995 to build trusted digital archives for scholarship. We work with the scholarly community to preserve their work and the materials they rely upon, and to build a common research platform that promotes the discovery and use of these resources. For more information about JSTOR, please contact [email protected].
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SHORTERNOTICES THE WILLIAMSONCOLLECTIONPROJECT:SASANIAN AND ISLAMICPOTTERYFROM SOUTHERNIRAN By Seth M.N. Priestmanand Derek Kennet Departmentof Archaeolog)yUniversityof Durham
TheWilliamsonCollectionProjectbeganin October 2001,it involvesthe studyof 19,445sherdsof Sasanian and Islamic pottery collected in Fars and Kirman provinces during field surveys and small-scale excavationsby the late AndrewGeorge Williamson between 1968 and 1971. The studyof the materialis being carriedout at the Departmentof Archaeology, Universityof Durhamwith fundingfrom the British Instituteof PersianStudies. Theaimsof theprojectarethreefold:1)to providea completecatalogueof the sherds,includinga basic andclassification; 2) to createa listandmap description
of all sitesfromwhichWilliamsoncollectedpottery;3) to analysethe resultingdatasetwitha view to extracting settlementlocation, on potterydistribution, information andthe developmentof trade. The material included in the collection was assembledduringan extensive programof research involvingsurfacesurveysof about900 archae-ological sites in Southernand Southeastern Iran,concentrated, for the most part,alongthe coasttraderoutes(Fig. 1). Williamsonadoptedtwo survey techniquesthat he called "intensive"and "non-intensive", althoughit is terms.The these meant what he not preciselyclear by Kirman
IRAN
Basra
Istahkr Shiraz
Sirjan
KUWAIT Dasht-TDeb
Siraf
Horm
SAUDIARABIA
BAHRAIN GULF OF
OMAN Areaof'intensive' survey
M
Areaof 'non-intensive'
A surey
Areaof projected survey
_-ED 0
50
' _. 100 150
!
Fig. 1. Williamson survey areas (from'the Williamson archive,
Ashmolean Museum).
200km
265
266
JOURNAL OF PERSIAN STUDIES
surveyswere carriedout in phasesbetweenSeptember 1968andApril1971.Thefirst,coveringinlandFarsand Kirmanwith a reconnaissanceof Sistan,were "nonintensive",exceptin the KurValleyandaroundSirjan, which were given moreconcertedcoverage.The later andproducedthe greatest surveywas more"intensive" bulkof the Collectionfromsites on the coastbetween Jaskand Bushir.This work was backedup by smallscale excavationsat Sirjanover one season, with a furthertwo seasonsat TepeDasht-iDeh as partof the HarvardExpeditionto TepeYahya.Of theceramicsthat Williamsoncollected,those from Sirjanhave already been published.'All of the surveymaterial,including most of thatfromthe SirjanSurveyandthe excavated material from Tepe Dasht-i Deh remains to be catalogued. Eachof the sherdsis markedwitha sitecoderelating it to the site where it was found. Unfortunately the documentation accompanying the Collection note books, record consistingmostly of hand-written and cards, photographs appearsto lackmapsshowing the locationsof Williamson'ssites. In manycases the only linkbetweenthe sitenumberandan actuallocation is the toponymrecordedon a seriesof numbered"site cards".Manyof the sites Williamsonvisitedare very smallandthetoponymsaredifficultto locate,evenonthe largest-scale mapsavailable.Partof the project'staskis thereforeto try to piece togetherinformationfrom Williamson's notebooksandjournalsin orderto establish the connectionbetweenthe sherdsand an actualsite location. This informationwill be combinedin an electronicdatabasewith the catalogueof the sherdsto allowanalysisof site andpotterydistributions, enabling this uniquecollectionof Persianceramicsto becomea moreaccessibleresourceforfuturestudy. The 19,445sherdspresentlyin Durhamare almost entirelySasanianand Islamicin date. It is not clear whetherWilliamsoncollectedpre-Sasanian material,or, if he did,whathappenedto it, althoughsomematerialis saidto be in Tehranandhasnotyet beenexamined.The Collection as it now stands was placed in the Ashmolean Museum shortly after Williamson's prematuredeath in 1975. Had Williamson survived, the results of this "pioneer application of archaeo-logical surface techniques to specific problems of medieval history"'2would have provided the core of his doctoral thesis entitled Archaeological and documentary material for the history and mechanisms of commerce
in SouthernIranfromthe seventhcenturyA.D. to the end of the PortuguesePeriod,of which two chapters werecompleted. Inadditionto Williamson'sownpublications, which are listed below, some aspectsof the Collectionhave alreadybeen publishedand demonstrateits scientific andhistoricalpotential.Forexample,the Sirjanmaterial mentionedabove,Morgan'sstudyof the materialfrom Old Hormuz,3and, more recently, Rougeulle has incorporatedthe Far Eastern material from the of Far Collectioninto a widerstudyof the distribution Easternceramicsin the IndianOcean.4 It is now possible to compare pottery in the Collectionto excavatedsequencesfromothersites in the regionsuch as Kushand Julfarthatwill allow the materialto be morepreciselydated.5Theclassificatory schemeusedforthesesiteswill thereforebe adoptedas the primaryframeof referencein the sub-divisionof this collection.Oncethe Collectionis cataloguedit will offer a uniqueopportunityto investigatepatternsof settlementand tradeduringthe Sasanianand Islamic periodsin SouthernIranandbeyond. I
MorganandLeatherby1987. Williamson,A. G. 1971. "Statementof Research"', report:AshmoleanArchives. Unpublished 3 Morgan1991. 1991.Rougeulle 1996. 4 Rougeulle Kennet,D. 1997. "Kush:a Sasanianand Islamic-period tell in Ras al-Khaimah (U.A.E.)",Arabian archaeological 284-302. 8: and Hansman,J. Archaeology Epigraphy Its Settlement and Far Port. Arabian an 1985. Julfar, the14thto the18thCenturies, EasternCeramicTradefrom The Royal AsiaticSocietyof GreatBritainand Ireland, London.
2
Bibliography of Williamson'spublished articles related to the region A.G.1970."Islamictraderoutesin Southern Iran", Williamson, Iran8: 206-7. - 1971."Excavation Iran9: 177. at Sirjan", - A.G. 1971. "Excavationat Tepe Dasht-iDeh", Iran 9: 182-83. - 1972. "TheYahyaproject:TepeDasht-iDeh",Iran 10: 177-78.
SHORTER NOTICES
-
1972. "Sirjan-i-Khunaand Tepe Dasht-i-Deh".Excavation in Iran, the Britishcontribution.OrganizingCommitteeof the VIth International Congress of Iranian Art and Archaeology,Oxford,26-28. - 1972. "PersianGulf commerce in the Sasanianperiod and the firsttwo centuriesof Islam",Bastan Shenasi va Honare Iran 9-10, 97-122. - 1973. "Hormuzand the trade of the Gulf in the 14th and 15th Centuries A.D", Proceedings of the Seminar for ArabianStudies Sixth: 52-68. - 1973. Sohar and Omani Seafaring in the Indian Ocean, Muscat. - 1974. "Harvardarchaeologicalsurvey in Oman, 1973; IIISoharand the sea tradeof Oman in the tenth centuryAD", Proceedings of the Fourth Seminarfor Arabian Studies: 78-96. - 1987. "Regionaldistributionof mediaevalPersianpotteryin the light of recent investigations",in J.W. Allen and C. Roberts(eds.), Syria and Iran. ThreeStudies in Medieval Ceramics.OxfordStudies in IslamicArt 4: 11-22. Whitehouse, D. and Williamson, A.G. 1973. "Sasanian maritimetrade",Iran 11: 29-49.
267
Bibliography of works based on the Williamson Collection Morgan,P. and Leatherby,J. 1987: "Excavatedceramics from Sirjan",in J.W.Allen and C. Roberts(eds.), Syria and Iran. Three Studies in Medieval Ceramics. Oxford Studies in Islamic Art 4. 23-172. Morgan, P. 1991. "New thoughts on Old Hormuz: Chinese ceramics in the Hormuz region in the thirteenth and fourteenthcenturies'",Iran 29: 67-83. Rougeulle,A. 1991. "Les importationsde c&amiqueschinoises dans le golfe arabo-persique (VIIIle-Xe siecles)". Archeologie Islamique2: 5-46. Rougeulle, A. 1996. "Medievaltradenetworks in the western Indian Ocean (8th-14th cent.): some reflections from the distribution pattern of Chinese imports in the Islamic world", pp. 159-80 in H.P. Ray and J.-F. Salles (eds.), Traditionand early MaritimeContacts in the Archaeologsy Ocean. Indian Proceedings of the InternationalSeminar Perspectives of Seafaring in the Techno-A4rchaeological Indian Ocean 4th cent. B.C.-15th cent. A.D. New Delhi. Feb. 28-March 4, 1994. New Delhi.
269
SHORTER NOTICES
AGAIN ABOUT APPANAGERULERS OF NASRABAD By MichaelFedorov Ilmenau,Germany
Inthe museumof localhistoryandloreat Oshin the Kyrgyz Republic there is an interestinghoard of Samanidcoppercoins,whichwas foundin Osh on the rightbankof the Aq Burariverin a house, when the ownerswere excavatinga cellar.Partof the hoardwas dispersed,andthe Museumonly acquired30 coins and two fragments. Theyprovedto be uniform,all of thembelongingto a rare type of Samanidfulfis minted at Nasrrb•d betweenAH 337 and 341 (948-53), as follows:year 337, one coin; year 339, six coins; year 340, eleven coins;year341, twelvecoinsandtwo fragmentsof one andthe samecoin.
ayyadahuAllaihmay be sometimesomitted.The mint name NasrrbiJdmay be writtenNasrabid. Also, on threecoinsmintedin 341/952-3thehonorifictitleof the rather AmirNih (I) b. Nasr(II)is al-Malikal-Mu'ayyad the most of The than al-Amiral-Sayyid. description commontype is accordinglygiven. 339-41/950-3. 2. NasrEbMd. Obverse.Withina border: OJc l/eg en4/d1 L/ Outercircularlegend: Innercircularlegend:
1. Nasr•Mbd. 337/948-9. Diameter28 mm. Obverse.Withina circle: 4A. al/•I a. //oAD.• Circularlegend:
2
i2
4JI o0;
Reverse.Withina border: Circularlegend:
I Au*i& I j?.l?jod & u%^%
Reverse.Withina doublecircle(one withsolidline,the otherbeaded): Circularlegend: ~ I j" la VJ,"
1
?o j!
juL?21Aja I L&^
In 1956E.A.Davidovichusedthecoinsof Nasrdbad as a sourceforherarticleon the appanagerulersof that place and on appanagesin the Samanidempire.'The townwas, in Samanidtimes,situatedin thenortheastof The coins of Nasrabadmintedin 339-41 are all of Farghana ("betweentwo in a regioncalledMiyan-rliddn the Qara the same type, with only insignificantdifferencesin rivers")formedby the Narynandits tributary minordetails.The borderin the field may be a single Su or QaraDarya.Todayit formsthe northeastern part solidline or a beadedcircle,or may be a doublecircle, of Jangidjol rayon and the southwesternpart of one being solid and the otherbeaded.The name al- Toqtogulrayon of the Osh oblast in the Kyrghyz Yamanmay be writtenal-Y.m.nandthe pious formula Republic.A.N. BemshtamlocalisedKhaylam,themain
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JOURNAL OF PERSIAN STUDIES
town of Miydn-ridan,as being in the KetmenTiube depression;it was the birthplaceof the Samanidprince Abu'l-HasanNasr,a brotherof thecelebratedIsma'ilb. Ahmad(r. 279-95/892-907).2Nasrdbadhadbeenbuilt by the Samanidsand came within their empire,but Davidovichnotedthatin 336-43/947-55 the townwas an appanageof a high-bornTurkof Farghana, one AbOi Bakr b. Malik of a al-Farghani, Sa'id grandson Turkish she that princeSh.k.rtegin; thought the town had been thusgrantedto Bakrb. Malikforservicerendered to the Samanids,butwho thenpassedit on to his fatherMalik b. Sh.k.rtegin.3 The hierarchyreflectedon the coins of Nasrabad was, she suggested,thus: (1) in the reversefield the b. Nasr was mentioned; supremeSamanidAmir Nth. (2) in the obversecircular legend the granteeof the appanage,Bakrb. Malik,anda mintofficialHusaynb. al-Yaman,who actuallyproducedor supervisedthe productionof the coins,werementioned;and(3) in the reversecircularlegendthe immediatelordof the place, thefatherof Bakr,Malikb. Sh.k.rtegin, who orderedthe mintingof the coins,was mentioned. So, Davidovich'sconclusionsare acceptable,with the minorreservationthat it is not clear whetherthe fatheror the son was the realgranteeof the place.Less substantiated arethe followingof herconclusions. A Samanidfals of 344 exists with the mint name butshe attributes it with absolutecertainty obliterated,4 to the Nasrabddminton the basisof a mentionon it of Malik b. Sh.k.rtegin, and makes far reaching suggestionson the historyof the placeandthe relations of its rulerandthe Samanidcentralgovernment;5 butit is possible that this coin was minted elsewhere. However,let us considerher conclusionsas based on the Nasr5badcoin of 344 froman unnamedmint. She wrotethatthe 343 coin does not havethe name of Bakrb. Malikbut those of his fatherandthe mint official Husayn.In type, the coin is close to those of 336-41 and has on the obversetwo circularlegends, althoughthese differfromthose on the 336-41 coins. The344 coin is alreadyquitedifferentfromthecoinsof Nasrabadandbelongsto the commontype of Samanid
legitimate,as she deemed it, grantee of Nasrabad (absentat this time as governorof Khorasan),along withthe retentionof the nameof the lateAmirNaihb. Nasr'sname,to be a reflectionof Malikb. Sh.k.rtegin's policyto refuseto acknowledgethe new Amir'AbdalMalik(I) b. Nih (I) as his suzerain,andin tryingto turn Nasrabadinto an independentprincipality"having erased...thevery reminderof how it (sc. NasribadM.F.)was obtained."6 But first,contraryto herassertion,it looks as if the real granteewas Malikb. Sh.k.rteginor that,at least, bothweregranteesandsharedrightsin Nasrabad,since, judgingby the coin legends,Malikheld a higherrank. He had the lofty title of Mawl~iAmir al-Mu'minin,a title
only held by the Samanidamirsor the rulersof vast provinceswho werenominalvassalsof the Samanids.7 Bakrb. Malikappears,fromthe lackof mentionof such a titleon his coins,lowerin rank,althoughif he hadin factbeengrantedthe appanagein returnfor servicesto the Samanidsandthenhadpassedit on to his father,the latterwouldbe lowerin the scaleof ranks,as sub-vassal of his son, himselfthe vassalof the Samanids;whereas Malik,fromhishightitle,wasthehigherrankof thetwo. Second, Davidovich'sattributionof the 344 coin withthe effacedmintnameto the Nasrabddmint,even if correct,does not offersufficientgroundsforjudging whetherMalikb. Sh.k.rtegintriedto coverup how the town was obtainedor whetherhe was promptedby someotherconsiderations. the presentwriternow cites here the Furthermore, real 344 Nasrabad fals, andthis differsradicallyfrom the coins of thatyear attributedby Davidovichto the Nasrabadmint 3. (Na)sr(ibi)d. 344/955-56. Diameter26.5 mm Obverse.Withina circle: J 42/ 1/ 1J 4 o/oa5
I
Outer circular legend: .iI .y.
I.jI
-
-...
J.JI
1 a. •
aaADl
Inner circular legend:
fuliis with one circularlegend (ratherthan two) on the
obverse, which has no names but only the mint name and date. Mentioned on both the coin of 343 and that of 344 is the Amir Nuh b. Nasr, d. 343/954. Davidovich considered that the omission on the 343-44 coins of the name of Bakr b. Malik, the
Reverse. Withina double circle (one line solid, the other beaded): Circularlegend:
?
I P}y .1 M #$1.-- L
SHORTER NOTICES
271
(3) it is not beyondthe boundsof possibilitythatan old die withthe nameof Ntih anda new one withthe date used. of 344 wereinadvertently A die was a costlypieceof work.In termsof prices in the ninthandtenthcenturiesA.D., themanufacturing of a pairof dies wouldcost 29 and 1/3 of a dirham,the averagemonthlyearningof a craftsmanor the standard pricefor a two to three-yearold sheep.8Hencethe die This Nasrabadfals of 344 may be consideredas withthe lateAmir'snamemightsimplyhavebeenused evidence that the 344 one with effaced mint name, for considerationsof economy. Nor are there any broughtforwardby Davidovich,was mintedelsewhere. groundsfor supposingthatthe 344 coinnot mentioning Even if coin no.3 publishedabovehad its mint name Bakr b. Malik was struckby his fatherafter Bakr's two outof thethreenamesinvolved,Bakrb. death. Whilst occupying the very high office of obliterated, MalikandHusaynb. al-Y.m.n,wouldspeakin favourof governorof Khurasan, Bakrwastreacherously killedby its beingmintedat Nasrabad,whereasin favourof the the commanderof the palaceguards(probablywiththe coinadducedby Davidovich,onlyonenameappears,sc. Amir 'Abd al Malik'sconnivance)in December956, Malikb. Sh.k.rtegin. Oncoinno. 3 above,notonlyis the i.e. the lastquarterof AH 345.9 nameof Malikb. Sh.k.rtegin absentbutthenameof his sonBakris transferred to theplaceformerlyoccupiedby Malik,i.e. the placeof the immediatepossessorof the I "Vladeteli Nasrabada",in Kratkie soobshcheniyao place, by whose order(mimmaamara bihi) the coin was
Instituta Material i polevikhissledovaniyakh dokhladakh 'noi Kulturi;vip.61 (1956),pp. 107-13.
minted.Also, forthe firsttimeon Nasribadcoins,Bakr b. Malik is given the high title Mawla Amiral-Mu'minini
which formerlybelongedto his father.Fromthis, one may surmisethat Malik b. Sh.k.rteginwas in 344 granted,or himselfseized, some othertown wherehe mintedcoinsacknowledging the lateAmirNih b. Nasr as his overlord(unlessthiswas an error?). Davidovich'sassertionthatthementionon the coins of 343-44 of the deceasedAmirNuih'sname (he had died in 343/954) shows that Malik refused to acknowledgethe successionof 'Abd al Malikas the new amirand thathe was attemptingto founda new principalityfor himself,needs examination.Thereare variouspossibilitieshere:(1) thatthe 343 coinwas most probablymintedwhile Nih was still alive anyway;(2) the die of the 344 coins couldhave been madebefore the news of AmirNthh'sdeathreachedNasrabad;and
2
Istoriko-arkheologicheskie ocherki Tsentral'nogo Tian-
1952. p.119,Moscow-Leningrad, Shanyai Pamiro-Alaya, 112-13. Op.cit.,pp. 4 A.K.Markov,Inventarnikatalog musulmanskikh monet Ermitazha, p. 149 no. 868, St Petersburg, Imperatorskogo 3
1896. 5 Loc.cit.,p.113. 6 Op.cit.,p.113. instituta 7 "MonetiFerganikakistokhnikdlyakharakteristiki za sluzhbuv SredneiAzii X v.", feodal'nikhpozhalovanii in Pis 'mennye pamyatnikiVostoka1969,p. 132,Moscow, 1972. 8 M.N. Fedorov,"O pokupatel'noi sposobnostidirkhemai dinarav SredneiAzii i sopredel'nikhs nei stranakhv IX-XIIvv.",in SovArkhHI(1972),pp. 74-75, 77. 9 Davidovich,"VladeteliNasrabada", pp. 112-13.
SHORTER NOTICES
273
THE SECOND HELMETEDHEAD FROM OLD NISA By V.N.Pilipko* Moscow
Paintedclay sculptureshold an importantplace amongst the finds from Nisa. The sizeable and stylistically homogenous sculptureswere probably madeby one artist,or one artisticschool,anddecorated the mainbuildingsof the centralcomplexof OldNisa: the squarehall,the roundhall andthe firstfloorof the tower-shaped structure.The highly representative collectionof sculpturesderivesfromthe buildingwith the squarehall, wherethe largestand most important fragmentswerefound(Pilipko1988;1996).Duringthe last and final phase of excavationof this building, interesting new finds of sculptures were made, including a number of heads which were hardly identifiedbefore1995. The presentreportdealswiththe "secondhelmeted head".It was foundtogetherwith the remainsof other sculptures in the so-called "white room" which occupiesthe northernpart of the building.Based on archaeologicalobservations,we may assumethat the heavily damagedhead was broughthere from the squarehall whereoriginallyall the pieces of sculpture were housed. The head then broke into many small fragments.As the statuesdecoratingthe squarehall are homogeneousin style, manufacturing techniqueand the search for size, fragmentsbelongingto one andthe same statueor even one head,froma heap containing the remainsof no less than five statues,proved a difficult task. In addition,some fragmentswere so brokenthat they could not be mended.These head fragments were restored by the conservatorN.A. Kovalevaof the StateResearchInstituteof Restoration, Moscow,andthe authorof this report. the Threelargepiecesmadeup of smallerfragments: frontpartof thehead,the left earflapof thehelmetanda therightandlowerpartsof the largesectionrepresenting face.Thealmostcomplete"firsthelmetedhead"(Pilipko 1989)servedas a model(Figs. 1, 2). Theheadcouldnot be fullyreconstructed, as thebackwas badlydamaged. Due to the poor state of preservationthe exact of the headremainunknown.Its height measurements
Fig. 1. Headwith the depictionof a fantasticcreatureon the earflaps.
30 cm., its width16 cm. may havebeenapproximately The statuewas roughlyone anda halftimeslife size. The headwas hollowaroundthe mouthanda large dentis visiblefromtheinside(Fig.3). Thissuggeststhat the headwas madein a mould.Two differenttypes of lightbrownclayforthe clay wereused:a well prepared outside,reinforcedfrom the inside with a coatingof grey-greenclay.Aroundthe throatthe clayis 2-2.5 cm. thick. The differencein thicknesssuggeststhat these thejoint was thencovered partsweremadeseparately; on the outsideby the curlsof the beard.Detailssuchas
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Fig. 2. Head with the depiction of a fantastic creature on the earflaps.
the brimof the helmet,the ears,etc., were addedlater. Finally,the headwas painted.All the facialpartswere coveredwitha reddish-brown colour,buttheskincolour was madelighterwith a whitefoundation.The helmet waspaintedwhiteandthe"leather" strapsof theearflaps brightred. This head is clearlyof the same type as the "first helmetedhead"althougha largepartis missing.It has a similarhair-do,identicalmoustacheandbeard,as well as thesametypeof helmet.Theshapeof theearflapsandthe rimframingtheforeheadareidentical.Tracesof redpaint appearon the base of the helmet. Each earflapis decoratedwitha fantasticwingedcreaturearmedwitha shortswordanda shield.(Figs.4, 5). The shorthaircut Theheadis andbellicoselooksuggestsa malecharacter. in profile,theshouldersarealmosten face.Fainttracesof cuton thechest,are clothing,in the shapeof a triangular noticeable.Behind the shoulderstwo wings pointing upwardsare shown. The legs of the figures end in volutes.Frombetweenthe volutesrise two vegetable shootswhich fill the remainingspaceon the earflaps. This figure represents one of the polymorphous
Fig. 3. Fragment of the lower part of the head in the process of restoration. Viewfrom above. Notice, the wide interior space.
and"snake-legged" creatures,characteristic "sprouting" of Greek mythology. They reflect a mixture of mythologicalthemes,the idea of the treeof life and,in thiscontext,theconceptof worldunityanditscontinuous transformation. It is difficultto identifythe characterdepictedhere. It couldperhapsrepresentone of thepeoplegrownfrom the teethof the dragonkilledby Kadmos(Graves1992, 153-55), or it could also be the depictionof a snakelegged giant or a Triton, who in Greek art was sometimesshown with weapons.The piece is most probablyof Hellenisticdate. Unfired clay sculpturesdecoratedmost official roomsof thecentralcomplexin OldNisa.An attemptto the sculpturesfromNisa is difficultandwould interpret go beyondtheobjectivesof thisshortreport.Instead,we Parthian shall try to examine any characteristically as would be of features, expected locally produced staturesfoundat a Parthianreligiouscentre. A suggestionthatthe helmetedheadrepresented the headof a Parthian kingseemsfarfromcertain;the same would apply to any sculpturefrom the squarehall
275
SHORTER NOTICES
Fig. 4. The right earflap.
1958,92-93; 1978,21). buildingatNisa(Pugachenkova For example,the diadem,the Parthianroyal emblem, and its long ties, are missingfromthis head and also from the otherheads foundat Nisa. Furthermore, the absence of earrings, characteristic for Parthian noblemen,mustbe noted.Weshouldalsoconsidera link betweenthe malehelmetedheadsfromNisa andtorsos dressedin Greekarmourwithbarelegs. A Parthian king wouldnotbe depictedin sucha manner. The helmetedhead seems entirelyGreekand if it hadbeenfoundat a Hellenisticsite in the NearEastor the Mediterranean, therewouldbe no reasonto assume a Parthianorigin for it (Bieber 1955, Richter1965, Smith 1991). Depictionsof "sprouting"and "snakelegged"deitiesareknownin Greekartandmythology (Boardman1994, 269-70, fig. 7.47). At Nisa, such a helmet. depictionappearson theearflapof a Greek-type Such fantasticcreatureswere fairlywidespreadin the NearEastin the Hellenisticandpost-Hellenistic period.
Fig. 5. The left earflap.
A Tritonis seen on a bronzecoin of the Greco-Indian rulerHippostrates 1991,pl. 66, serie 12, (Bopearachchi no. 10); a similarimage decoratesgoldenplatesfrom the cemeteryof Tillya-Tepe(Sarianidi1985, 147, ill. 86) andthe beltbucklesof the statueof the Sakasatrap Chastana(Rosenfield1967, 181-83). A gem with the depictionof a Tritonshowingstylisticsimilaritieswith the emblemon the earflapwas publishedby P. Callieri (1995, 304, fig. 19). Tritons appear also in the decorationof India(Ingholt1957,fig. 390; architectural Czuma1986,N 8, 43); and at Butkara,the relief of a Tritonwas found on the pedimentof a monumental building(Faccenna1964,pl. CDXCV).Finally,similar charactersappear on the so-called palettes from Gandharaalongsidescenes,which obviouslyillustrate Greeklegends,such as Apollo and Daphne,Parisand
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Aphrodite,ArtemisandActaeon,etc. (Francfort1979). WemayconcludethatGreekmythswerewell knownin Gandhara,Bactriaand, probably,in the whole of the Middle East. The motifs on the earflapsfrom Nisa appearto be the earliestexamplesfrom CentralAsia. The clay sculpturefromthe squarehall datesfromthe secondto the beginningof the firstcenturyB.C. In conclusion, the helmeted head from Nisa followedGreekartistictraditions andshouldnotbe seen as a depictionof a Parthian in general; kingora Parthian it is probablya representation of a divinefigure.
Favaro,A. 1997. "The ubiquitousbarber",The Magazinefor People who Travelthe World,31, Ligabue,Venice. Francfort,H.-P. 1979. Les palettes de Gandhara,Paris. Graves, R. 1992. The Greek Myths (Russian translation),
Moscow. Ingholt,H. 1957. GandharanArt in Pakistan,New York. Jacobson,E. 1995. The art of the Scythians:the interpretation of culturesat the edge of the Hellenic world, Leiden/New
York. Pilipko, V.N. 1988. Osnovnye itogi izucheniya Zdaniya s KvadratnymZalom na gorodishche Staraya Nica. Tretii
* Translated fromRussianby GabrielePuschnigg.
Acknowledgements
The authoris gratefulto E.A. Savostinafor the opportunityto read her unpublishedarticle"On the problem of provincial culture: the 'non-classical' antiquityof theBosporus".
-
-
Bibliography
Bieber, M. 1955. The Sculpture of the Hellenistic Age, New York. Boardman,J. 1994. TheDifusion of Classical Art in Antiquity, Washington. Bopearachchi,0. 1991. Monnaies greco-bactriennes et indogreques, Paris. Callieri,P. 1995. "TheNorth-Westof the Indiansubcontinentin the Indo-Greekperiod.The archaeologicalevidence",in A. Invemizzi (ed.), In the Land of the Gryphons, Florence, 293-308. Czuma, S.J. 1986. KushanSculpture:Imagesfrom early India, Cleveland, Ohio. D'yakonova, N.V. 1967. "'Skaskie'pechatiiz Serindii",Vestnik Drevnei Istorii. No. 2, 175-81. Faccenna,D. 1964, Sculpturefrom the SacredArea of Butkara I, Vol. HI,3, Rome.
Vsesoyuznyi simpozium po problemam ellinisticheskoi kulkuryna Vostoke.Tezisydokladov,Erevan,66-68. (The principalresults of the study of the buildingwith the Square Hall at the site of Old Nisa. Third all-union symposium on the problem of Hellenistic culture in the East. Conferencepapers) 1989. "Golova v shleme iz Staroi Nisy", VestnikDrevnei Istorii, NS, Moscow, 167-77. (A helmeted head from Old Nisa). 1991. "Una testa con elmo de Nisa vecchia", Mesopotamia,26, Florence, 155-64, figs. 77-84. 1995. "Clay sculpturesfrom Nisa", in A. Invernizzi(ed.), In the Land of the Gryphons,Florence, 13-21, pls. 3-6.
of StaraiaNisa",Bulletinof the Asia 1996."Excavations
Institute,New Series, vol. 8, Michigan, 101-16. Pugachenkova, G.A. 1958. Puti razvitiya arkhitektury pory rabovladeniyaifeodalizma, YuzhnogoTurkmenistana Moskva. (The ways of developmentof the architectureof Southern Turkmenistanin the periods of slavery and feudalism) - 1978. "K interpretatsii i tipologii nekotorykh arkhitekturnykh pamyatnikov Merva i Nisy", Trudy
16-30. 16,Ashkhabad, YuTAKE, (On the interpretationand typology of some architectural monumentsat Merv and Nisa) Richter,G.M.A. 1965. The Portraits of the Greeks,London. Rosenfield, J.M. 1967. The Dynastic Arts of the Kushans, Berkeley. Sarianidi,V.I. 1985. Bactrian Gold, Leningrad. Smith, R.R.R. 1991. HellenisticSculpture,London.
ARCHAEOLOGICALREPORTS RECENTPOST-ACHAEMENIDFINDS FROM SOUTHERNFARS, IRAN By Ali-RezaAsgariChaverdi Iranian CulturalHeritage Organisation,Shira:
Theprovinceof Farsin southernIran,knownasParsa by classicalauthors,was home to two majorIranian andtheSasanids.The empires,thoseof theAchaemenids Macedonianinvasionand the fall of the Achaemenid PersianEmpirebroughtmajor,butlittle-known, changes to Fars. Apart from art historicaland numismatic evidence,therearefew sourceson Farsfromthe fall of theAchaemenids andtheriseof the Sasanids. With this gap in mind, the authordesigned an archaeological field project specifically aimed at exploringthe evidenceforthis little-knownperiod.The first stage of fieldworkwas carriedout in the Lamerd districtin southernFarsin the Spring-Summer of 2000 (AsgariChaverdi2001). Earlyin the first season we recordedan importantsite, locally known as Tomb-e Bot, in thenorthwestpartof oursurveyarea,nextto the villageof Shaldon. The site consistsof at leastthreetellsto the eastand southwestof a field in which recent ploughinghas revealedsome interestingarchitectural elements(Fig. 1). The most importantfinds includeseveralcolumn capitals with double volutes, zoomorphic column capitals,a bust of a man, and a head of a bird.These findsareall carvedfromlocalwhitishlimestone. The column capitalswith volutes (Figs. 1-2) are cubicalin shape, 100-110 cm. in height.Each side is
Fig 3. Columncapital,in theformofdoublebull protomes;whitishlimestone.
witheightflutes,terminating in doublevolutes decorated on eachend.Thezoomorphic columncapital,70-90 cm. in height consistsof doublebull/oxenprotomeswith brokenheads(Fig. 3). A frontalhumanbust,27 cm. in height,showsa malefigurewithlong curlyhair,beard, anda necklace(Fig.4). Hisfaceis damaged,but earrings, tracesof a ribbonholdingthe hairanda diademarestill visible.Thereis alsoa badlydamagedheadof a bird,16 cm.inheight.Itis probablya bird-of-prey, an presumably with a wide beak and eagle penetrating eyes.
Figs. 1-2. Columncapitals,withfluteswithdoublevolutes;whitishlimestone.
277
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Some features,especiallythe generalform of the columncapitals,pointto AchaemenidPersianart,but lack the high standardof Achaemenidcourt style We knownfromsites suchas Persepolisor Pasargadae. canthereforesuggestthatthesefindswereimitationsof the Persianstyleby localrulersin thepost-Achaemenid period,who used royal Achaemenidiconographyto legitimisetheirrule. A thoroughstudyof the finds fromTomb-eBot is underwayandwe areplanningfurtherfield researchat the site andits environs. Acknowledgements Archaeologicalresearchin the Lamerddistrictwas carriedout as partof the author'sM.A. thesis at the of Archaeologyat TehranUniversityunder Department the auspices of the University's Institute of Archaeology, and with support from the Iranian CulturalHeritageOrganisation.This note has been translatedintoEnglishby KamyarAbdi.
Fig. 4. Bust of a malefigure,perhapsa kingor a noble; whitishlimestone.
A.-R.2001. "FarsafterDariusII: New AsgariChaverdi, evidencefromLamerdDistrict",IranianJournalof andHistory,26-27,pp.66-72 (in Persian Archaeology withanEnglishabstract).
ARCHAEOLOGICAL REPORTS
279
PASARGADAE By Remy Boucharlat Maison de I'Orient, Universite Lyon 2
A second season of surface archaeological took placein autumn2001. investigationat Pasargadae Thisis a jointprojectundertaken by the IranianCultural of Researchand (the Department HeritageOrganisation the Department of Preservation of Sites and Monuments)and a team fromthe Maisonde l'Orient (Universityof Lyon2) andCNRS(Fig. 1). Plandu site de Pasargades(Iran)
i
Om....0----4m
Fig. 1. Map of the northernpart of Pasargadae produced in 1996 for the Iranian Cultural Heritage Organisation (by courtesy'of ICHO). The location of the areas investigated 1b geophysical are surve' added to the map.
Since 1999theaimshavebeentwofold:to determine thelimitsof theoccupiedareainthePasargadae plainboth withinand beyondthe presentday fencedarea,which mainly encloses the visible monuments of the Achaemenid period.TheICHOseeksto protectthewhole archaeologicalarea beyond the fenced site and to completethe file concerningthe site, andto understand betterthe layoutof the Achaemenidcapitalwhich is research carriedoutin poorlyknowndespitetheimportant teamledby thepastby ErnstHerzfeld,thenby anIranian the British and Ali Samiin 1949-55, finallyby expedition of David Stronachin 1961-63. The resultshave been (Pasargadae,1978). publishedby Stronach magnificently whichare monuments visible the concern Theyprimarily ha. 300 over some distributed loosely By variousmethodsand techniques,which were hardlyavailablein the 1960s, the presentexpedition intends to survey the "empty areas" between the monuments and beyond them. Amongst these techniques, geophysical survey and taking aerial photographs from a kite have been particularly rewarding.Besides these operations,a traditional surveyhave surveyanda topographical archaeological beencarriedout on the groundover an areaextending some 12 x 6 km. The basic question underlyingthe project is as follows: what did Pasargadae,the first capitalof the Achaemenidempire, look like during the time of Cyrus?For the time being, nothingis known of the correspondingcity and little is visible which would correspondto the royalquarter,apartfromthe central partwith its gardenanda seriesof columnedbuildings aroundit. None of theseprestigebuildingsaresuitable as a residence or for sheltering the court, the andthe army. administration Some scholars, including Herzfeld and John Hansman, have put forward the hypothesis that Pasargadaewas a huge camp in the time of Cyrus, mainly becauseof his previousway of life and his
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frequent absences while he was conquering new territories.It was only with Dariusthatthe GreatKing soughtto have a permanentpurpose-builtcapital;for this he chose Persepolis, while at the same time maintainingSusa, Ecbatanaand Babylonas imperial his powerto the capitals,so thathe coulddemonstrate main"peoples"of his empire. The othercapitalsarementionedherebecausethey also lackmanyfeatureswhichwoulddefinea city and a capital.Letus rememberthatonlythe royalquarteris knownin Persepolis,while the city is still to be found somewherebeyond the terrace.In Susa, apartfrom Darius'palaceand a smallerone outsidethe city, we know hardlyanythingof the city which was enclosed withinthe 100ha city wall. as a case study,the expeditionis TakingPasargadae attemptingto recordall kindsof remainsfrom simple canalsor ditches,fences,pathsor roads,waterdevices, whateverthey mighthave been, etc., to constructions such as barracks,tents, mudbrickhouses for administrativeandeconomicpurposes,anddwellingplaces. Theresultspresentedherefocuson thedataobtained fromthe geomagneticsurveywhich coveredsome 20 also providedinteresting ha, but otherreconnaissances data about the surroundingsof Pasargadae:water resources,possibleminorsettlementslinkedto the city, and worksin the narrowgorge calledTang-iBulaghi whichlies on the directrouteto Persepolis. The fourareasinvestigatedby geomagneticsurvey were chosen because they were close to known of structureswhich would help with the interpretation the magneticimages.The areasare distributedinside andoutsidethe fencedareato give a broaderpicture.
the royalgarden In the centralpartof Pasargadae, was previouslyidentifiedthroughseverallinesof stonelined water channels, describing two contiguous gardens(Fig. 2). Fromthese remainsandthe possible locationof the king'sthroneon the perpendicular axis, Stronachwas able to reconstructa chahar bagh, a fourfold Persian garden measuring 145 x 112.5 m.; this
centralpartis surrounded by a secondseriesof channels leadingalongthe shortsidesof PalaceP to thenorthand towardsthe smallpavilionsto the south. The pictureemergingfrom the magneticsurvey, whichcoveredsome 12 ha on the eastandsouthof the royalgarden,indicatesthe extentto whichthe areawas remarkable towardsGate landscaped.It is particularly R: sections of additionalchannel are visible near Pavilion B, not on the same line as the channel enclosingthe chaharbagh;the banksof the river,or possiblythe canal,whichonceflowedtowardsPalaceS werenot left in theirnaturalstate.Theyarestonebuilt and they restrictthe river where it flows underthe bridge; between the left side of the river and the southernmost channelof the garden,a seriesof features areobviouslyset on the shortaxisof PalaceS. It is now clear that the whole area was landscapedby the Thesurveyalsoattempted to "architects" of Pasargadae. aboutthe hypotheticalrampart obtainmoreinformation suggested by Herzfeld and cautiously drawn by Stronachbetweenthe riverandGateR. Topographical featuresand some magneticanomaliespoint to the existenceof a long,low feature,butforthe momentone cannotconsiderit as a wall. South of the garden,amongstseveral anomalies, only some long lines following the Achaemenid
Fig. 2. Geomagnetic image recorded in the
royalgardenarea. Note the orientationof the numerousfeaturesin the southernpart betweenthegardenand the river (C. Benech,Missionarcheologiquede Pasargades).
ARCHAEOLOGICAL REPORTS
281
seemto lacksuchan organisation; becauseof theirsize (over 10 m.) they are probablyopen areas.All these features appearin white on a darkerbackground, to a low magneticmaterialsuchas stone. corresponding Fromthe southerncomersof the buildingthe pictureis unclear:two longparallellinesextendover60 m.;in the middle,somefeaturesareon theaxisof thebuildingand some areon the axis of the Zendan(Fig.4). From this image, one can cautiouslysuggesttwo for the squarebuilding:1) The internal interpretations organisationobviouslyrecallsthe seriesof magazines thatoccurin theZagros.Urartian buildingsandtheforts at Nush-iJanandGodinTepeshouldbe mentionedfor Fig. 3. The Zendan-i Solaiman tower and the low square mound behind it which was shown to contain a stone built the pre-Achaemenid periods.The survivinglowerlevel structure (Photo from a kite by B.-N. Chagny, Mission of thesebuildingsmighthave supportedan upperstory archdologique de Pasargades). of a quitedifferentplan.2) Anotherhypothesiswould see in this layoutstonefoundations,suchas the lonians orientationshouldbe consideredbutthey do not offera builtfortheirtemplesin thesixthcenturyforsupporting clearpictureyet.As a result,we canonlyconcludethere walls and rows of columns.Some otherexamplesare at Susa,in the foundin laterAchaemenidarchitecture in thatarea. is no importantsurvivingconstruction in Darius and the smaller Artaxerxes On the rear side of the "isolated"tower called palace palace Zendan-iSolaiman,a low mound is clearly visible whichwas erectedon a terrace.In thatcase,the layout becauseof its rectangular shapeandits flatsummit(Fig. would indicatethe positionof the walls and possible 3). Themagneticsurveysurprisingly producedevidence rows of pillarsor columns,with a unit of about3 m. for a quadrangularfigure, probably a stone-built definingroomsof 3 m., 6 m. or 9 m. wide. Whatever the plan of this structure,it brings buttressedbuildingsome45 m. long on one side which evidence for a new stone building at Pasargadae. to the size of the mound. It has a corresponds very it distinctiveinternalorganisation. Partof coveringover Moreover,sinceit is veryclose to the Zendan,the latter 30 m. in widthevidencesa seriesof long narrowcells. can no longerbe viewed as an isolatedfree-standing Thelengthof thesevariesfromsome5 m. to 12m.,with tower.Hopefully,this freshdatawill helpin suggesting forthis enigmatictower. some dividingwalls. The comers near the buttresses new interpretations
/.,./<.
.X
4::.t:.
. . - .... ...,..."..."...::.....
Om
0m
25.m
50.•.m
75m•.
............. 7::::: 25 m:::::::::::::: 50::: m :5-m
Fig. 4. Geomagnetic image of the mound behind Zendan-i Solaiman (C. Benech, Mission archdologique de Pasargades).
JOURNAL OF PERSIAN STUDIES
282
Fig. 5. A view of the Outer Fortification and structures north of the Tall-i Takht.
North of the Tall-i Takht,the polygonal Outer Fortificationis a thick mudbrickwall, as recognised Theenclosedareaof about20 hawas by DavidStronach. left apparently empty. The geomagneticsurvey was carriedouton the slopeswhichgo downfromthewallto a centralflatdepression (Fig.6). Inseveralplaces,a series of smallsquarecellswas evidenced.In manyplacesthey in linesof fourto six cellsandsomeof them arearranged in a U-shapeextendingover30 m. Although arearranged the geophysicalsurveyis unableto provideanydate,it is worthrecallingthat the sherdspickedup in this area clearlybelongto PeriodII of Pasargadae, coveringthe Achaemenid and the decadesof first period(afterCyrus) the Seleucidperiod.Inconclusion,theOuterFortification is not an emptyareaand this observationis of some forthewhole"empty" consequence capitalof Pasargadae.
d~
Finally,onceagainbeyondthefencedarea,theSacred Precinct was surveyed. The two stone plinths are consideredalmostas twin fire altars,or the one which possesesa stairwas usedby the kingin orderto worship in fronton the secondplinthwhichborethe fire.Some 120 m. furtherwest the TerracedMoundconsistsof a series of five low terracesbuilt of undressedstones, mudbricksandearth.Thismound,whichwas probably erectedforsomereligiouspurpose,seemsto be of a later datethantheplinths(lateorpost-Achaemenid according FromtheTerraced Moundtwo stone to DavidStronach). alignments,visibleon the surface,extendto the plinths which were apparentlyenclosedby them,formingthe SacredPrecinct. It shouldbe stressedthatthe geophysicalsurveydid not produceevidencefor these two "walls"protecting the altars.It probablymeans these stone alignments have no foundationsand their existencein antiquity shouldbe seriouslyquestioned.Needlessto say, sucha conclusiondoes not lead to any new interpretation for the two plinthsandthe Terraced Mound. Altogether,the surveyis beginningto answerthe a camp questionwe addressedabove- is Pasargadae or a city? In showing new stone buildings,several houses of unknownpurpose (domestic,military or administrative),and above all many featureswhich he clearlyshow thatwhen CyrusfoundedPasargadae, had an ambitious programme. He planned to extensivelymodifyandbuildon the naturallandscape in order to make Pasargadaethe prestigious and efficientcapitalof his newlyfoundedempire.
4
... ... ........
Om :0:
,iO.m:i ? .•i
051
50 m
.mm
100 m5 m
150 m:.::
Fig. 6. Geomagnetic image of the NW area in the Outer Fortification. It shows the rampart protecting a series of square structures (C. Benech, Mission archdologique de Pasargades).
NOTES ON TRANSLITERATION FOR CONTRIBUTORS TO IRAN I.
OLD AND MIDDLE PERSIAN
It is recognised that no rigid lines can be laid down here, but it is suggested that the Old Persian syllabaryshould be transliterated according to the table in Kent, Old Persian.Grammar,Texts,Lexicon, p. 12; that for Manichaean Middle Persian and Parthian, the transliteration system given in AndreasHenning, MitteliranischeManichaica,vol. III, p. 66, should be used; whilst for Pahlavi, the table of alphabets given in Nyberg, A Manual of Pahlavi, new edition, p. 129, may be used as a reference for transcription. II.
ISLAMICAND MODERN PERSIAN
The system used for the Cambridge Historyof Islamshould be used here as far as possible. Consonants
(a) Arabic ik
Ss
t
J Sm
Ssh
th
t
Jq
z
J
Sb
kh d
/
Ss
d
1
Sn * h
St
L g S gh
>
w
,
y
dh ; -a (in constructstate: f -at) Sr (b) Persian additional and variant forms. The variant forms should generally be used for Iranian names and for Arabicwords used in Persian. z cp s
ch
zh ,.a? 2
iv
(c) The Persian "silenth" should be transliterated a, e.g. nama. Vowels
Arabic or Persian Short: a
Long: I or s a
u
i
'
i
Doubled ' iyy (final form i) Dipthongs ", au ai .5
NOTES
1. The iidfa should be represented by -i, or after long vowels, by -yi,e.g. umard-yijdnki. 2. The Arabic definite article should be written as al- or 1-,even before the so-called "sun letters" e.g. 'Abd al-Malik,Abu 'l-Nasr. 3. The macrons of Abfi and Dhti (Zii) should be omitted before the definite article, e.g. Abt 'l-Abbas(but Abfi 'Ubaida). It is obvious that for the rendering of linguistic and dialectical material, and possibly also foi contemporary literary and spoken Persian, this rigorous system of transliteration is inappropriate contributors should use their discretion here. III.
GENERALPOINTS
1. Names of persons should be rigorously transliterated. 2. Conventional English equivalents (without macrons or diacritics) should be used for the name: of countries, provinces or large towns, e.g. Khurasan, Shiraz. Otherwise, all place-names should b( rigorously transliterated.Archaeologists are asked to be especially careful in representing the names o: little-knownplaces at or near sites. 3. Modern Turkish names and words should be written in the current romanized Turkist orthography. 4. Where classical Greek and Latin renderings of Old and Middle Persian names exist, thest familiar forms should be used for preference. 283
ABBREVIATIONS AARP AASOR AfO Air AJA AJSL AK AMI ANET AO ArchAnz ArO AS BA Besch BaM BASOR Belleten BGA Bib Or BMMA BSA BSOAS CAH CDAFI CHIr CIA CII El' El' EIr EW IA IllJ IJMES ILN Isl JA JAOS JCS JFA JHS JNES JRAI JRAS JRCAS JSS KF LAAA MAOG MDAFA MDAI MDOG MDP MJ MMJ NC OIC OIP PZ RA REI SAA SAOC Sov Arkh SS St Ir Survey WdO WVDOG ZA ZDMG
Art andArchaeologyResearchPapers Annualof AmericanSchoolsof OrientalResearch ArchivfiirOrientforschung Acta Iranica AmericanJournalof Archaeology AmericanJournalof SemiticLanguagesandLiteratures AntikeKunst ArchaeologischeMitteilungenaus Iran Pritchard,AncientNearEasternTexts Ars Orientalis Anzeiger Archiiologischer ArchivOrientalni AnatolianStudies Bulletinvan de Vereeniging... de AntiekeBeschaving,The Hague BaghdaderMitteilungen Bulletinof AmericanSchoolsof OrientalResearch TiirkTarihKurumu:Belleten BibliothecaGeographorum Arabicorum BibliothecaOrientalis Bulletinof the MetropolitanMuseumof Art Annualof the BritishSchoolat Athens Bulletinof the Schoolof OrientalandAfricanStudies CambridgeAncientHistory Cahiersde la DelegationArcheologiqueFrangaiseen Iran CambridgeHistoryof Iran Arabicarum CorpusInscriptionum Iranicarum CorpusInscriptionum Encyclopaediaof Islam,Ist Edition Encyclopaediaof Islam,2nd Edition EncyclopaediaIranica EastandWest,New Series IranicaAntiqua Indo-Iranian Journal Journalof MiddleEastStudies International IllustratedLondonNews Der Islam JournalAsiatique Journalof the AmericanOrientalSociety Journalof the CuneiformStudies Journalof Field Archaeology Journalof HellenisticStudies Journalof NearEasternStudies Journalof the RoyalAnthropologicalInstitute Journalof the RoyalAsiaticSociety Journalof the RoyalCentralAsian Society Journalof SemiticStudies KleinasiatischeForschungen Annalsof ArchaeologyandAnthropology,Liverpool Gesellschaft MitteilungenderAltorientalischen M6moiresde la DeldgationArch6ologiqueFranqaiseen Afghanistan Memoiresde la DelegationArcheologiqueFrangaiseen Iran Mitteilungender DeutschenOrientgesellschaft Memoiresde la MissionArcheologiquede Perse MuseumJournal,Philadelphia MetropolitanMuseumJournal NumismaticChronicle OrientalInstitute,Chicago,Communications OrientalInstitute,Chicago,Publications Zeitschrift Praehistorische Revued'Assyriologie Revuedes EtudesIslamiques SovietAnthropologyandArchaeology OrientalInstitute,Studiesin AncientOrientalCivilisation SovietskayaArkheologiya Schmidt,H., HeinrichSchliemmannsSammlungtrojanischer Altertiimer StudiaIranica A Surveyof PersianArtfromPrehistoricTimesto the Present,ed. A.U. Pope,Oxford,1938 Die Weltdes Orients der DeutschenOrientgesellschaft Wissenschaftliche Veriffentlichungen Zeitschriftfir Assyriologie Gesellschaft Zeitschriftder DeutschenMorgenliindischen
284
NOTES FOR CONTRIBUTORS Iran is a refereedjournalwith a boardof editorialadvisers.The editorsare ProfessorC.E. Bosworthand Dr VestaCurtisand the editorialadvisersare Dr P.R.S.Moorey,ProfessorJ.M. Rogersand ProfessorDavid Stronach.In addition,articlesare sent to otherscholarsas appropriate. ArticlesforIran shouldbe submittedon disk togetherwith a hardcopy. The hardcopy shouldbe on one side of A4 paperor the nearestNorth Americanequivalentsize with double spacingand generousmargins. Carboncopies or photocopiesof typescriptare not acceptable.Notes shouldbe numberedconsecutivelyand placedat the end of the article.Photographsfor reproductionshouldbe, as faras possible,in the formof bright and sharpglossy black and white prints,and should be originalphotographs.In the case of reproductions, permissionfromthe authoror publishermustbe obtainedbeforehand.Wheneverpossible,contributorsshould submitoriginalline drawingsratherthanphotographicor otherreproductions. Authorsof articleswill receive 25 offprintsfree and may orderadditionalones, at reasonableprices, in multiplesof 25. The Editorsshouldbe informedof any extraoffprintorderswhen the firstproofsof articlesare returned.
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